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4o.

ACHEEN,

AND

THE PORTS ON THE NORTH AND EAST

COASTS OF SUMATRA,

Slc. &c.

A C H E E N,

AND

THE PORTS ON THE NORTH AND EAST

COASTS OF SUMATRA;

WITH

INCIDENTAL NOTICES

OF THE

TRADE IN THE EASTERN SEAS,

AND THE

AGGRESSIONS OF THE DUTCH.

JOHN ANDERSON, ESQ.,

I.ATK OF THK HON. KABT-INDTA COMPANY'S CIVIL 8BRVICK AT PINANQ,

SINGAPORE, AND MALACCA.

LONDON:
Wm. H. ALLEN and CO., LEADENHALL STREET.

1840.

£/vT.

Printed by J. L. Cox and Sons, 7S. Great Queen Street,

- - • V;

PREFACE.

The prime object of this work is to draw the
attention of her Majesty's Government, and of
the British Public, to some of our possessions in
a remote part of Asia, and to the native states in
the same quarter, which are really objects of
great national importance, and might be of mate-
rial benefit to the interests of British commerce,
if steps were taken-, to arrest (he progress of in-
terference on the part of another European power,
which is evidently bent upon engrossing the lu-
crative trade of the Eastern Archipelago.

As political questions of vital moment are fre-
quently undervalued, and sometimes entirely
overlooked, merely because the scene of action is
remote and little known, it becomes the duty of
those who, from their local opportunities, have
been enabled to give their attention to such mat-
ters, to communicate the result of their personal
knowledge and experience. With this view, the
Author is anxious to point out the probable con-
sequences of leaving a foreign nation to acquire

VI PREFACE.

the command of the most valuable islands in the
Eastern seas, and to control the trade and in-
dustry of the natives.

A further object of the Author is, to invite the
consideration of Government to the present cir-
cumstances of our ultra- Gangetic possessions
generally, which are under the immediate manage-
ment of the Honourable East- India Company, al-
though that body has ceased all commercial inter-
course with China, so that the settlements in the
Straits of Malacca, — which are a source of con-
siderable national wealth, as an outlet to the
manufactures of Great Britain, and as depots for
the collection of valuable produce for this country,
— are a burthen to the rulers of India. In the
suppression of piracy, which still prevails to a
great extent, the ships of war of her Majesty are
almost exclusively employed, as well as in the
enforcement of political engagements with neigh-
bouring native states ; and the designs of the
contiguous European power, which has very ex-
tensive possessions in that direction, as well as
the maintenance of our national rights, seem to
dictate the necessity of having a well qualified
representative of our Sovereign on the spot, clothed
with full powers, to adopt at once such measures
as may be expedient, not only to support the
commercial interests of Britain, but to check any
attempt at aggression on the part of the Dutch

PREFACE. Vii

local authorities. The East- India Company has
now no interest in making commercial treaties,
but our political relations in the Archipelago re-
quire constant attention, in order to protect the
national commerce, and to keep open all channels
of communication and access to native ports. It
should, therefore* perhaps, be a subject for deli-
beration by her Majesty's Government, whether,
under all the circumstances, and the state of our
present and probable future relations with China,
it may not be expedient to relieve the East-India
Company of these to them burdensome posses-
sions, and to establish there an efficient Queen's
Government, upon the same principles as the
local administrations in our colonies of the Cape
of Good Hope, the Mauritius, and Ceylon. A
Crown colony farther east seems, indeed, to be
advisable, with reference to many political and
commercial interests; and the Straits settlements,
if so transferred, might be conducted upon an
economical scale, and be even made to yield a
considerable revenue to the state, provided judi-
cious measures were taken for encouraging the
resort and settlement there of a certain class of
agriculturists, for which purpose the islands, as
well as parts of the contiguous continental terri-
tory, are well adapted. It is understood that some
Americans lately projected a plan for sending out a
party from the States, to engage in certain species

Vlil PREFACE.

of cultivation, &c. on the peninsula, in the vicinity
of one of the British stations.

The detailed account of our connexion with,
and proceedings in the case of, Acheen is given
in order to exhibit the policy and advantage of
supporting legitimacy, and discouraging disaffec-
tion amongst the people of the native states with
whom we come in contact— a principle which has
been honourably, and it is to be hoped benefi-
cially, exemplified in the late extensive operations
on the continent of India, and a departure from
which, in the case of an ancient ally, has involved
the East-India Company in transactions which
have been condemned by the most experienced
observers, and by writers of all shades of political
opinions : a subject to which the Author proposes
to draw particular attention in a separate work.

The Report of the Glasgow East-India Asso-
ciation for 1840 came under the Author's notice
on the eve of the publication of this work, and
he has inserted in the Appendix an extract,
showing the importance which that Association
attaches to the topics of which it treats.

April 1840.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

Page

The Treaty with Holland in 1824, relative to the cession
of certain possessions in the East-Indies and the trade
there. — Probable consequences of the Treaty to British
commerce. — Infraction of the Treaty ... ... 1

CHAPTER II.

Name, extent, situation of the Capital.— Character of In-
habitants. — Language. — Traders. — Vegetable and Ani-
mal Productions. — Fishing. — Navigation. — Manufac-
tures. — Government — State of the Country.— Former
Importance ... ... ... ... ... 22

CHAPTER III.

Distracted state of the kingdom of Acheen. — Anxiety of
the East-India Company for a Settlement there. — Ne-
gotiation during administration at Pinang of Lieutenant-
governor Farquhar, Governors Dundas and Macalister.
— Usurpation of the throne by King's uncle. —King
applies to British Government for assistance. — Friendly

CONTENTS.

Page

disposition towards British traders. — Seizure and con-
fiscation of his brig Hydroos. — Remonstrance. — Com-
mercial regulations. — Evasion of by British subjects. —
Piratical acts of the chiefs unjustly ascribed to the
King. — Seizure of a French spy by the Pinang go-
vtnmr ••• ■•• • • » • » • , « . & i

CHAPTER IV.

Connexion with Acheen during Governors Bruce's and
Seton's short Administrations. — Anxiety of the King
to suppress Piracy. — Conditions on which British Ves-
sels would be permitted to trade at Acheen. — Con-
ciliatory conduct of Governor Bruce. — Infractions of
Regulations by British Subjects. — Governor-general
requires Supplies for the Expedition to Java. — Admi-
nistration of Governor Petrie. — Objections of Pinang
Government to King's employing Mr. Fenwick. —
Seizure and release of ship Annapoorney. — Ancient
Regulations of the Kingdom ... ... ... 40

CHAPTER V.

Proceedings at Acheen during Governor Petrie's admi-
nistration. — Mission of Captain Canning from Bengal.
— Revolt of Tuanku Packie, Chief of Pedir, and Appre-
hensions of the King. — Causes of Rejection of the
Mission. — Captain Canning's opinion of King's Autho-
rity. — Detention of Commander of ship Hyder Ally —
Letter of Sagis, deposing King.— Reply of Governor to
the Sagis. — Declaration of Government respecting Syud
Hussain's proceeding to Acheen. — Duplicity and Eva-
sion of the Syud. — King of Acheen applies for a
Subsidiary Force. — Syud Hussain finds a temporary
Supporter in Chief of Pedir — Tuanku Packies com-

CONTENTS. XI

Page
plaints against the King.— Friendly conduct of Johor

Alum. — Evils resulting from not affording him timely
Support. — Chiefs of Acheen had no Right to depose
the King. — Constitution and Government of the Coun-
try. — Opinions concerning the Rights of the Sagis or
Chiefs ... ... ... ... ... 48

CHAPTER VI.

Arrival of Johor Alum, King of Acheen, at Pinang.—
Reasons assigned by the Governor for not permitting
him to land. — Remonstrance against his entering the
harbour — The King entitled to protection. — Syud
Hussain's vessels return from Acheen. — Old King re-
quests an examination of them. — King enters the har-
bour by an accident. — Syud Hussain's Son announces
his having become King of Acheen. — Johor Alum
complains of Syf-ul-Alum having plundered his Pro-
perty, and attacked him under English colours. — King
attributes his misfortunes to Fenwick. — Old King in-
vited to return by the Chief who was instrumental in
his expulsion. — Preparations for his return to his own
country. — Governor objects to his fitting out and arm-
ing vessels. — Johor Alum returns to Acheen and wages
war with the Usurper. — The plea of non-interference
proved to be nugatory in this case. — Chiefs commence
the election of Syud Hussain's son. — Supreme Govern-
ment direct strict neutrality to be observed ... 64

CHAPTER VII.

Xll CONTENTS.

Page

Syud Hussain committed to gaol. — Governor's Reply
to the Syud's Appeal. — Johor Alum remonstrates to
Governor against Syud Hussain' s proceedings. — Go-
vernor refuses passes to trading Vessels to Acheen. —
Proposed negotiation with Acheen. — Reports in favour
of the King having recovered his authority. — Instruc-
tions of Supreme Government. — Contradictory Reports.
The Chief of Pedir again changes sides ; Complains of
the Usurper. — Tuanku Packie detains Syud Hussain's
Nephew for a debt. — Syud Hussain proceeds to Acheen
to release his Nephew. — Packie's complaints. — Praise-
worthy conduct of late King. — Commencement of Go-
vernor Phillips's acting administration. — Syud Hussain
in difficulty — supported by a party ... ... 77

CHAPTER VIII.

The acting Governor's Proceedings on Acheen affairs. —
Different opinions upon the Pretensions and Authority
of the Rival Chiefs. — The legitimate Sovereign had a
right to Support — Inconsistency of the Officer who
was principally instrumental in the first Proceedings
against the old King, who negotiated first a Treaty
with one King, and afterwards with the other, whose
authority he had predicted there was not the most dis-
tant prospect of being recovered. — Altered sentiments
and more correct views of the Governor ... ... 88

CHAPTER IX.

Proceedings with Acheen during Governor Bannerman's
Administration. — Captain Coombs deputed on a Mis-
sion to Acheen, to ascertain which of the rival Kings
was in power. — Narrative of the Commissioner's Pro-
ceedings, and Remarks upon his Reports. — He settles

CONTENTS. xiii

Page
the preliminary Articles of a Treaty with Syf-ul- Alum,

the new King. — Does not wait on the old King at all.
— The Commissioner proceeds to Bengal. — Numerous
Complaints by the principal Chiefs on the west coast of
Sumatra, of the new King's piratical acts in seizing a
Junk belonging to Pinang. — Appeal of the Owners. —
Syf-ul- Alum attempts to justify his plundering a small
Brig under English colours. — The old King again re-
monstrates against the Usurper. — Promises protection
to all Vessels proceeding to the Pedir coast ... 106

CHAPTER X.

Continuation of Negotiations at Acheen during Governor
Bannerman's administration. — Reports of the Dutch
having offered aid to the old King. — Supreme Govern-
ment had received reports at variance with the Envoy's
information. — Another Mission, therefore, to be sent
under Sir S. Raffles and Captain Coombs. — Instruc-
tions. — Syud Hussain still endeavours to support his
cause. — The Acheen proceedings discussed in the Cal-
cutta papers. — Observations on the interference with
the duties of Pinang Government. — Dissensions. — Fur-
ther instructions from Supreme Government.— Repre-
sentations of Chiefs against the proceedings of the
Commissioners.— Old King supplicates forgiveness for
past offences. — Syud Hussain assents to decision of
Commissioners. — Treaty with the old King, Johor
Alum ... ... ... ... ... lot

CHAPTER XI.

Objections to Military Force at Acheen 5th Article of

the Treaty. — The Usurper reluctant to quit Acheen. —
Johor Alum well-disposed to the British. — The ex-King

xiv CONTENTS.

Page

prohibited from Disturbing the Country. — Old King's
Authority established. — Usurper proceeds to Calcutta.
— Atrocities committed by him. — Ratification of Treaty.
— Death of Johor Alum, and Succession. — Reflections
and concluding Remarks ... ... ... 146

CHAPTER XII.

Coasts of Sumatra. — Trade of Acheen. — Ports on the West
and North ... ... ... ... ... 159

CHAPTER XIII.

Descriptive Sketch of the Ports and Places on the North
and East Coast of Sumatra. — Products. — Animals. —
Races ... ••• ... ... ... 168

CHAPTER XIV.

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA.

The Commercial Relations of the British Government in
the Straits of Malacca, with the States on the East Coast
of Sumatra, from Diamond Point to Siack, containing
a brief Account of the several Missions to these States,
the nature of the Trade carried on between them and
the British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca ; the
Produce of these Countries and the Duties and Port
Charges levied at the several places ... ... 177

APPENDIX ... ... ... ... ... 209

ERRATA.

Page 9, sixth line from bottom, for port read post.

16, seventh line from top, for tendering read tending.

25, seventeenth line from top, /or relabalangs read ulabalangs.

48, second line and else where, for Tuanka read Tuanku.

51, second line,/or Kivala read Kwala.

51, ninth line, /or Samu Dun read Sama Dua.

87, fourth line, /or resident read president.

A C H E E N,

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

The Treaty with Holland in 1824, relative to the cession of certain
possessions in the East-Indies and the trade there. — Probable con-
sequences of the Treaty to British commerce. — Infraction of the
Treaty.

The object of the present work is to introduce to the
notice of the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain,
connected with the trade to the East-Indies and China,
certain places of great commercial importance, which are
very little known in this country, although they have long
been marts for the sale of a great variety of British manu-
factures, and have afforded produce of great value not only
to Europe, but to China and America. It is also proposed
to take a brief review of the treaty with Holland of 1824,
its actual consequences and probable evil effects to British
commerce generally to the eastward, which recent proceed-
ings on the part of the Dutch Government seem to render
necessary, in the confidence that the authorities in England
will take the subject into immediate consideration, and place
the trade in that quarter upon a more secure and equitable
footing.

2 ACHEEN.

By the treaty between Great Britain and Holland, con-
cluded at London, March 17th, 1824, all English settle-
ments on Sumatra were ceded to Holland from the 1st
March, 1825, in lieu of the Dutch establishments on the
continent of India, and the city of Malacca on the Malay
peninsula. It was at the same time stipulated that no
British settlement should be formed in future on the island
of Sumatra ; nor any treaty concluded by British authority
with any native prince, chief, or state therein; that no
establishment should be made on the Carimon islands, or
on the islands of Battam, Bintang, Lingin, or any of the
other islands south of the Straits of Singapore ; and that no
treaty should be entered into by British authority with the
chiefs of those islands. His Britannic Majesty also with-
drew the objections which had been made to the occupation
of the island of Billiton and its dependencies, by the agents
of the Netherlands Government. The King of Holland, on
his part, agreed to withdraw the objections which had been
made to the occupation of the island of Singapore by the
subjects of his Britannic Majesty ; and engaged for himself
and his subjects never to form any establishment on any
part of the peninsula of Malacca, or to conclude any treaty
with any native prince, chief, or state therein. The officers
and agents in the East, of both governments, were forbidden
to form any new settlements on any of the islands in the
Eastern seas, without previous authority from their respec-
tive governments in Europe.

With regard to commerce, the old Dutch system of
stipulated and exclusive deliveries was partly abolished, and
trade on equal terms guaranteed with all the native powers
in the Eastern seas, excepting the Molucca islands, of whose
valuable produce and traffic in spices the Dutch still retain
the monopoly.

ACHEEN. 3

The treaty annuls all former treaties, and with respect to
that concluded in 1819 with Acheen, the British plenipo-
tentiaries undertook that it should be modified as soon as
possible into a simple arrangement for the hospitable recep-
tion of British vessels and subjects in the port of Acheen.
As, however, some provisions of the treaty, communicated
to the Netherlands plenipotentiaries, were judged to be con-
ducive to the genera] interests of Europeans established in
the Eastern seas, it was presumed that the Netherlands
Government would take measures for securing the benefit of
those provisions; and the British plenipotentiaries contented
themselves with expressing their confidence that no proceed-
ings hostile to the King of Acheen would be attempted by
the new proprietors of Fort Marlborough.

On glancing the eye over the map of the Indian Archipe-
lago, it will at once be perceived that the comprehensive little
sentence, " Islands south of the Straits of Singapore," poli-
tically shuts us out from the richest part of Borneo, the
tin mines of Banca, the islands of Billiton, Madura, Bali,
Bombah, Sumbawa, Flores, and nearly the whole of the
Celebes, in addition to the loss of Acheen and the rest of
Sumatra ; leaving us only Singapore, Malacca, and a few
decayed factories on the continent of India. The Dutch
still retain Java (the revenue of which Sir S. Raffles raised
to nearly four millions sterling), and the Spice islands ; and
until the odious monopoly of the very valuable produce of
these islands be abolished, free trade can scarcely be ex-
pected to exist in the Archipelago. A gross infringement,
indeed, of the principles of free trade laid down in the
treaty, was committed by the Dutch in 1837.

At the time of entering upon this treaty with the Dutch,
Singapore was already established and in our possession.
To this valuable settlement, therefore, the Dutch had no

4 ACHEEN.

ground of claim whatever ; although the concession of what
was never theirs, is ostentatiously pointed at in the treaty,
as a set-off against the abandonment of our claims in respect
to Billiton. In the exchange of Malacca for Bencoolen,
nothing probably was gained by either nation ; though both
these settlements, under proper management, might at least
be made to pay their expenses. In the political transfer of
the Malayan peninsula for Banca and Sumatra (an island
the superficial area of which is computed at 130,000 square
miles, with a population of nearly 3,000,000 souls), the
Dutch were great gainers. The island of Banca ceded to
them, with an area of about 46,000 square miles, and a po-
pulation of 370,000 souls, alone produces more tin than the
aggregate of all the mines of the peninsula. The produce
of Banca in tin is estimated at from 35,000 to 40,000
piculs* annually ; and that of Sumatra in gold dust, at
double the value. Borneo annually exports gold dust to
the estimated value of half a million sterling ; while, on the
other hand, half the population of the Malay peninsula is
dependent on Sumatra and Java for rice; both of which
islands, after supplying the wants of their own population,
export a considerable surplus of this necessary staple of life.
The superiority also of Sumatra over the peninsula in the
produce of spices, betelnut, coffee, camphor, &c, is univer-
sally acknowledged. The only advantages, in fine, obtained
by England from this impolitic treaty, are the greater con-
solidation of her possessions in India, and more complete
command of a Strait which forms a direct passage to China. +
In the latter part of the year 1824, upon the receipt of

* Thepicul is equal to 133 J lbs. avoirdupois.

t The author is indebted for the foregoing concise abstract of the
treaty, to an interesting work lately published, viz, Lieut. Newbold's
" Account of the British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca.''

ACHEEN. 5

the treaty at Pinang, the writer submitted to the local go-
vernment of that place some observations thereon, as to the
manner in which it was likely to affect the interests of that
settlement in particular, and they are now transcribed.

The town of Malacca itself, with an extent of territory
along the coast about twenty miles in length, was the only
part of the Malayan peninsula to which the Dutch Govern-
nment had the smallest pretensions. The British Govern-
ment had long maintained friendly relations with all the
states on both sides of the peninsula, and treaties had been
concluded with all the chiefs on the west coast thereof, prior
to the restoration of Malacca, according to the convention of
1814 ; but the Dutch paid little attention to these, and
forced some of the chiefs to renew obsolete treaties of
twenty and thirty years back, which they have not failed to
advance as claims. On the eastern side of the peninsula,
they had no settlement nor any treaties existing with the
native princes ; but this was less their fault, perhaps, than
that of the chiefs of the country, who were disinclined to
make any concessions to them, and who have ever evinced
the most anxious desire to cultivate the good-will of the
British Government of Pinang, and have made repeated ap-
plications for British residents at their respective courts.
Rhio,* on the island of Bintang, has been considered a
dependency of Malacca, under the Dutch administration,
and will consequently, it is presumed, be vacated by that
power ; but the 12th article of the treaty provides against
any establishment being formed at that place by the En-
glish. The Dutch policy evidently has been to form as
many treaties as possible with all the chiefs and states

* This station is still occupied by the Dutch, and, being at no great
distance from it, in part supplies the loss of Singapore, as far as their
trade is concerned.

6 ACHEEN.

throughout the eastern Archipelago, and to establish a foot-
ing wherever they could, in order to cramp the English
trade and extend their own, with very little regard to exist-
ing treaties or claims on the part of the British Govern-
ment.

A very short time will afford a practical demonstration of
the extent and value of the sacrifices which have been made
by England, to obtain objects of comparatively trifling im-
portance. Next to the restoration of Java, the cession of
all the British ports on the island of Sumatra, and the relin-
quishment of our rights farther to the eastward, and the
privileges acquired by treaties with many of the indepen-
dent chiefs, after much trouble, expense, and hazard, may
be considered the greatest sacrifice that history affords an
example of in India. It is true, Bencoolen had long ceased
to be of any advantage to us, and was for many years, being
conducted upon a most extravagant system, a source of
great expense. The cession of that port, with its immediate
actual dependencies in its vicinity, would certainly have
been a full equivalent for Malacca and its immediate de-
pendencies, instead of giving them a preponderating influ-
ence over the great islands of Sumatra, Borneo, Celebes, and
many others. The advantage and policy of the British
government possessing a commanding influence at Acheen
have been frequently discussed, and it is difficult to conceive
upon what grounds we have relinquished all claims to exer-
cising that control which we had long possessed, and which
has always appeared to be, in the judgment of the best in-
formed men, so essential to the prosperity of the British
settlements in the Straits of Malacca, and so indispensable
a port in the event of a war with any European power or
America.

The Dutch, until they shall think fit to abandon the

ACHEEN. 7

monopoly of spices at Amboyna, Banda, &c. (of which they
reserve the option, according to the treaty), will thus be
masters of the principal and almost the only valuable islands
in the Archipelago, and will, in fact, possess nearly a mo-
nopoly of the pepper, coffee, tin, spices, rattans, camphor,
gold, and benjamin, of Java, Sumatra, Banca, and the Mo-
luccas, — the chief exchangeable commodities for our British
manufactures and the produce of our territories in Western
India, or they will derive a revenue from them at our
expense, and the trade be fettered with various vexatious
restrictions.

In an historical sketch of the states on the east coast of
Sumatra, which was submitted in 1823 to the Pinang
government, on the author's return from a mission to that
coast, it is stated that it was but a few years since the
chiefs of Delli, Sirdang, Langkat, and other ports on the
east coast of Sumatra, opened a correspondence with the
governor of Pinang. Encouragement was given, and the
result has been, that the produce from that quarter has
increased fifteen-fold, while the sale of our manufactures
has been extended in the same proportion. It cannot be
denied that the Dutch have evinced a spirit of aggran-
dizement, and a desire to extend their colonial possessions,
which have already had a very injurious tendency upon
our commerce in the more distant islands of the Archipe-
lago, and they seem now to be turning their attention to
this quarter : that rigid system of monopoly which is gene-
rally introduced into their possessions, renders it the more
imperative in us to prevent any unreasonable encroach-
ment.

Whether it be the mines of gold, reported to be so rich
and abundant in the kingdom of Menangkabau, or what
other motive may stimulate them, I know not, but certain

8 ACHEEN.

it is, the Dutch are endeavouring by every means to pos-
sess themselves of Siack, opposite Malacca.* The Nether-
lands Government, notwithstanding its knowledge that the
king of Siack had entered into a solemn treaty with Colo-
nel Farquhar, in the year 1818, on the part of the British
government, has, a few months ago, partly by promises and
partly by intimidation, persuaded the king of that country
to make a treaty with them, the object of which (the exclu-
sion of the British) is too manifest by their anxiety to
establish a factory. The violation of a treaty is not more
an act of injustice on the part of the power which breaks
it, than on the part of the government which induces it to
do so*

Timely interference, and an exposition of our relative
connexions to the higher authorities, might prevent the
further progress of measures which are assuredly calculated
to kindle feelings of jealousy and hostility between the two
European governments, and which would be obviated by a
fair recognition of their separate and respective rights.
The chief aim of the British government of Pinang has
been to secure a fair and equitable participation in the
trade of the surrounding countries, while no obstacles have
been thrown in the way of the Dutch enjoying the same
privileges in their fullest extent. The rapid conquests of
the Dutch in the interior of Padang, as represented by the
chief of Siack, and their simultaneous operations at the lat-
ter place, indicate but too clearly a desire to secure the
whole of the coast from Diamond Point to Campar.

In reference to Acheen, the writer observed, in the year
1826, that if the Netherlands Government act in the spirit of
the treaty, and observe the same forbearing system we have

* This was penned by the writer of the present work in 1823, prior
to the treaty with Holland.

ACHEEN. 9

done, no alteration will take place unfavourable to our
trade. From the proximity of the native states on the east
coast of Sumatra, constant communication takes place be-
tween us, and commercial intercourse and connexion is com-
pletely established. But the question is, will the Nether-
lands government be equally forbearing ? If we answer
this question by reference to all their past practice, to their
apparently inveterate habits, the answer must be in the
decided negative, and we may easily foresee the course they
will pursue. The succession to the kingdom of Acheen,
it will be seen, has not, if rumour be correct, been con-
ferred on the legitimate heir, and may therefore be said to
be still in a disputed state. The right of succession goes
by inheritance to the young lawful son of Johor Alum,
but the right to the regency was disputed by the queens
dowager and consort, the mother and the widow of the late
king ; Panglima Polim, however, retains his authority, and
took the part of the queen dowager.

We have seen that the Dutch on a former occasion me-
ditated direct interference in the affairs of Acheen; that
they offered assistance to the King Johor Alum to the
extent of two thousand men. By article 3d, they can make
no treaty having for its object the exclusion of the British,
or the establishment of higher duties on the general trade
with the state they treat with ; but they may do the thing
more completely by using their political influence and mili-
tary power in establishing a port or commercial station at
the principal ports, hoisting Dutch colours, and imposing
the duty provided by article 2d, and thereby put an end to
the trade.

Against such a result, the treaty affords only one, and
that an uncertain, means of counteraction. By article 6th,
it is agreed that orders shall be sent to the respective local

10 ACHEEN.

governments of the contracting parties to form no new set-
tlements without authority from their own government ;
and by the 3d article, it is provided that all treaties here-
after concluded shall be reciprocally communicated to each
other by the contracting parties. If, construing these two
articles together, their spirit and intention be to afford to
the one, who considers its interests prejudiced by a treaty
made by the other, the means of fairly remonstrating
thereon, and if such remonstrance be attended to, the evil
anticipated in respect to the trade with the northern coast
of Sumatra may be prevented ; but it is obvious that it
must be the duties of those entrusted with the charge of
British interests in this part of the world, to keep their
principals well informed of the views and objects of the
opposite party. It may, indeed, be doubted whether either
of the Home or European governments could be prepared
to decide on the propriety of a new establishment, without
hearing the sentiments and opinions of their officers near
the spot, and acquainted with all the interests involved.
The treaty seems, therefore, to contemplate mutual expla-
nation hereafter, which will certainly be required in respect
to our trade with Sumatra, and for which we should be
duly prepared.

The same reasoning applies to the petty states of Delli
and Langkat, and the more important one of Siack. They
are unable to resist any powerful interference from the
Dutch, and the trade we now carry on with them is liable
to the same risk as that of Acheen. The right of making
treaties carries with it the right of forming settlements and
establishments along this coast ; the right of levying duties
follows of course, and even the lowest rate which the
treaty of 17th March contemplates would embarrass, if not
put an end to, the trade with all those states.

ACHEEN. 11

The foregoing observations were made, as before noticed,
about fourteen years ago. Some parts of the predictions
have been fulfilled, as far as regards the operations of the
Dutch in certain parts of Sumatra, and the restraints im-
posed upon the trade of British vessels in various parts of
the Archipelago; and it must farther appear, by late
accounts received from the East, that that grasping govern-
ment is still proceeding in farther accomplishment of the
course which the author believed they would pursue in res-
pect to the east coast of Sumatra. A letter from Finang,
dated 7th May 1839, states that a report had reached that
place that "our Delli and Langkat pepper ports, with others,
may soon be lost to us. Another, in the immediate neigh-
bourhood of these, has been taken possession of by the
Dutch, and these will fall very soon, unless a check is put
to their encroachments. In that case, Pinang will be com-
pletely done for. We shall in our next give you as full
particulars as we can learn respecting this, to us most serious
affair, in order that you may, in conjunction with others,
make some representation to government on this subject ;"
and in another communication, dated 1st September 1889,
it is observed : " The Dutch are still encroaching ; a pub-
lic document will be sent to the Governor-general, the
Admiral, and the Home government, soon, on this subject,
by our Chamber of Commerce, and copies to the London
and Glasgow East-India Associations."

In a Pinang paper of a late date, are the following ob-
servations, which are extracted at length, in order that the
cause of complaint may be fully understood : —

" Progress of the Dutch in Sumatra. — There seems little
doubt that the Dutch are now hastening with rapid strides to the sub-
jugation of the whole island of Sumatra. While they are obtaining
easy possession of the ports on the west coast, to the northward of

12 ACHEEN.

Tapanooly, the resistance of the native tribes in the interior, whose
opposition was formerly so fierce, appears to have ceased. On the east
coast, in the course of last year, they formed an establishment at
Indragiri, on the large river of that name. Delli is also menaced with
a visit from them, the raja of that territory having recently given no-
tice to the Straits government of their expected approach across the
country from Singkel, and having represented that, without the inter-
position of the English, he would be compelled to submit to whatever
terms they might think fit to impose. Once established at Delli, it
only remains for them to take post on the large rivers which lie be-
tween that and Indragiri, in order to give them the command of all the
eastern side below Delli, which doe3 not already own their supremacy,
while they are already in possession of the opposite coast as far north
as Singkel. The latter place, as well as Delli, was formerly a de-
pendency of Acheen, and there seems little doubt that the remainder
of the country, on both coasts, to the northward, comprising the dis-
encumbered fragments of the Acheen monarchy, is destined to share
the same fate as the rest of the island — notwithstanding that the Dutch
pledged themselves, in 1824, that they would regulate their relations
with Acheen in such a manner that, while the exercise of their in-
fluence should contribute to commercial security, the state should ' lose
nothing of its independence.' In the arrangements which they are
making for the administration of those portions of the island which
they have mastered by force of arms, the Dutch shew that they con-
sider themselves established on a footing of permanency and security.
Padang is to be annexed to Palembang, to form one presidency, and
the communication is to be opened through the interior so as to connect
Padang and Bencoolen with the large navigable rivers of Palembang
and Gambie. These fine streams and that of Indragiri are thus, we
suppose, intended to be the outlets for all the valuable produce of that
portion of the island, so that commerce would flow through the chan-
nels pointed out by nature, while Padang and Bencoolen would be-
come merely military stations to preserve the command of these rivers.
But whether this be the intention or not, there seems every prospect
of our seeing Dutch supremacy established within a very short period
throughout the whole island from Acheen Head to the Straits of
Sunda, comprising a country which, according to the best accounts,
possesses a population of about four millions, which is more than

ACHEEN. 13

twice the size of Java, is in many places of equal fertility, and infi-
nitely superior to it in the number and extent of its navigable rivers ;
and which, according to Raffles, might have been more valuable to
England than even Java itself, and rendered capable of affording in a
few years employment to as much British tonnage as were engaged in
the West-India trade in its best and brightest days!

" Such is the country which, after a long struggle with some of its
tribes, we now see likely to pass quietly under the dominion of the
Dutch — gold being found to do in some places what nothing but arms
could effect in others. This consummation has been looked forward
to with a great deal of anxiety and apprehension by all those who
possess an interest in the commerce of this port (Pinang), to which,
under a continuance of the illiberal and exclusive system still in too
many respects persevered in by the Dutch in these seas, such an event
cannot fail to prove highly prejudicial. We do not say that, while we
consented by treaty to exclude ourselves from forming any settlements
on that island, or establishing any political or commercial relations
with the native chiefs, the Dutch are on that account bound to refrain
from assuming that supremacy which, under the same circumstances,
we should not have failed to secure for ourselves. It is not to be
denied, indeed, that in various parts of the coast, where European
shipping is exposed to the frequent outrages of a barbarous and fla-
gitious population, at which the native authorities too often connive,
commerce would derive effectual security from the establishment of
any civilized government. But we have in our hands the power of
checking these aggressions on life and property, and which experi-
ence might besides very soon teach foreign traders to guard against or
prevent. But any trade of this nature that we might derive from the
ascendancy of Dutch authority in Sumatra is likely enough to be
dearly bought, and would be but small compensation for the injury
which would result to the trade of this port, and British trade gene-
rally in this quarter, were the same restrictive regulations to continue
in force which at present exist there and elsewhere throughout their
possessions in the Archipelago. The trade of this port with the east
coast of Sumatra has already experienced the effect of those illiberal
regulations in force at Palembang aud other places, which totally pro-
hibit the direct importation from Singapore of British manufactures;
and if this is the case while their supremacy is still partial, and in

14 ACHEEN.

many localities recent, the effect of such a system of exclusion must
come to be much more sensibly felt when their rule is extended over
the whole island, and their hands are strengthened by length of pos-
session. It is on this account that we deprecate the predominance
which the Dutch must shortly attain throughout this valuable island,
and not merely through any jealous feelings regarding their further
acquisition of territory, and the extension of their power and influ-
ence in this neighbourhood. It appears that we gave them Java only
to put it in their power more effectually to injure the interests of Bri-
tish trade in the East ; and if that act of generosity has proved insuf-
ficient to prevent their acting on a principle of illiberal restriction as
regards our commerce with that island, it can scarcely be expected
that more recent acquisitions, obtained principally by their own means,
will be exempted from the influence of a similar system. We have
thus nothing to expect from the progress of more liberal views and
opinions among them, and it is easy to foresee that further and mate-
rial injury must result, as well to the trade of this port as to that of
Singapore, from the introduction of the prohibition complained of on
a still more extended scale. In 1828-29, before the Dutch had ob-
tained a secure footing in the interior of Sumatra, the average monthly
import of coffee from Campar into Singapore alone amounted to
nearly 1,000 piculs; whereas, according to the official statement of
the trade for 1836-37, the imports of coffee from all parts, for the
whole year, fell short of 8,000 piculs. As for Pinang, it exists as a
port of trade, almost entirely by the intercourse carried on with the
coasts of Sumatra ; and what must be its fate when the betel nut and
pepper ports come to be shut against the direct importation from it of
British manufactures ? which, without a repeal of the existing regu-
lations at all the Dutch outports in the Archipelago, they would cer-
tainly be. From Delli itself, which seems to be the next port on the
east coast they are expected at, there are fully 20,000 piculs of pepper
exported annually to Pinang, to be exchanged for British and British-
Indian manufactures. The pepper might continue to go to Pinang
after Delli became a Dutch possession ; but no British cottons or
woollens could go back in return, as they would be placed under total
prohibition, in the same way as they are now, from any port in the
Straits direct to any Dutch outport.

" It must be confessed that these prospects, and we wish there

ACHEEN. 15

were good cause to consider them unfounded, are alarming enough
to the mercantile community in the Straits ; more particularly when
it is remembered with how little avail the home authorities have
hitherto been appealed to against infringements of the treaty of 1824,
by the Dutch, to the manifest prejudice of British interests. We are
informed, however, that the Supreme Government of Bengal has
called the attention of ministers to the operations of the Dutch in
Sumatra, and to the too probable consequences to our trade, in the
event of their final success ; and it is to be hoped that this, coming in
aid of the representations that have been sent in from the merchants
in this settlement (Singapore), and by mercantile bodies at home, may
be attended with some beneficial effect. It is certainly time that
something should be done to place British trade with Dutch posses-
sions in these seas upon the same footing which every one believed
was secured to it by treaty fifteen years ago."

That part of the treaty, which provides for the cession of
British possessions in Sumatra, may possibly bear a con-
struction different from what has been supposed. The ninth
article stipulates that " the factory of Fort Marlborough,
and all the English possessions on the island of Sumatra,
are hereby ceded to his Netherlands Majesty, and his Bri-
tannic Majesty further engages that no British settlement
shall be formed on that island, nor any treaty concluded by
British authority with any native prince, chief, or state
therein " Now this provides only for giving up British
possessions ; but it does not bind us to abandon any treaties
with independent states already formed (unless there be any
stipulation excluding Dutch commerce, which is not the
case), nor does it expressly authorize the Dutch to take
possession of any of those states, and either exclude the
British from participation in the trade, or levy a duty
thereon. The treaty does not force us to abandon treaties
with independent states, some of which provide that no
other nation shall be permitted to establish settlements, as
in the case of Acheen and Siack. It only obliges us not

16 ACHEEN.

to enter into any more ; and it is certain that Acheen and
the ports on the east coast of Sumatra could not be termed
" British possessions," as we never had possession of any of
them. The third article is, " the high contracting parties
engage that no treaty hereafter to be made by either with
any native prince in the Eastern seas, shall contain any
article, tendering, either expressly or by the imposition of
unequal duties, to exclude the trade of the other from the
ports of such native powers ; and that, if in any treaty now
existing on either part any article to that effect has been
admitted, such article shall be abrogated upon the conclu-
sion of the present treaty." Here it may again be observed,
that there is nothing in the treaty which calls upon the
British Government to surrender any rights acquired by
treaty with independent chiefs in Sumatra. The operation
of the treaty is to be prospective ; that is, no further en-
gagements are to be entered into. The late interference of
the Dutch with independent states on the east coast of
Sumatra, is clearly unjustifiable, and a breach, if not of the
third article of the treaty, certainly of the good faith and
understanding in which it was entered into on the part of
England.

As it is desirable that the whole subject of Dutch aggres-
sion should be submitted to the public, the following notices
on this head are abstracted for general information. Newbold
observes, —

" Early in the year 1837, the attention of the Committee of the
Chamber of Commerce at Singapore was drawn to an infringement of
the treaty with Holland by a prohibition of the introduction of Bri-
tish piece goods into certain dependencies of the Dutch, contained in
a resolution of the Netherlands Government, dated 14th November
1834, which virtually forbids the importation of British cottons and
woollens from Singapore into any of the possessions or dependencies
of the Netherlands Government in the Eastern Archipelago, saving

ACHEEN. 17

only the three principal ports of Batavia, Samarang, and Surabaya, in
the island of Java. This, it will be seen by reference, is a direct viola-
tion of Art. I. of the said Treaty, by which it is provided that the sub-
jects of the two nations, England and Holland, shall be admitted to
trade with their respective possessions in the eastern Archipelago, and
on the continent of India, and in Ceylon, and upon the footing of the
most favoured nation. It is likewise provided, by the second article,
that the subjects and vessels of the one nation shall not pay upon impor-
tation and exportation, at the ports of the other in the eastern seas, any
duty at a rate beyond double of that at which the subjects and vessels
of the nation to which the port belongs are charged ; and that, in re-
gard to any article upon which no duty is imposed, when imported or
exported by the subjects, or in the vessels, of the nation to which the
port belongs, the duty charged upon the subjects or vessels of the
other shall in no case exceed six per cent. So far the treaty. Now, in
the commencement of 1834, the Batavian government took upon it-
self to increase the duty of 35 per cent, (also illegal), imposed since
February 1824, upon all imported cotton and woollen goods of Bri-
tish manufacture from Singapore, to the exorbitant height of ^0 per
cent. : and, not satisfied with this, towards the close of the same year,
it actually passed a resolution, dated 14th November, prohibiting, in
effect, the importation from Singapore of those articles into any of the
Dutch possessions and dependencies in the eastern Archipelago, saving
only the three principal ports of Batavia, Samarang, and Surabaya, as
before said, by enacting that importation should not take place into
any other than the said three ports, unless the goods were accompa-
nied with a certificate from the Comptroller of Customs at Batavia,
Samarang, or Surabaya, that they had been first imported into and re-
exported from one of these ports. This act has not only blighted the
profitable commerce of Singapore, in these articles, with all the ports of
Sumatra, Banca, and the vast islands of Borneo and Celebes, which
are under the control of the Dutch, but has driven away much of the
native craft that used to frequent the harbour of Singapore into Dutch
ports ; thus infringing also the fourth article of the same treaty, which
stipulates that nothing shall be done to impede a free communication
of the natives of the eastern Archipelago with the ports of the two
governments respectively, or of the subjects of the two governments
with the ports belonging to native powers. Both the duties of 35 an,d

18 ACHEEN.

70. per cent, are unjustifiable. A petition* to Council, setting forth the
grounds of complaint, and praying that measures may be taken by
ministers to secure foil effect being given by his Netherlands Majesty
to the commercial stipulations of the treaty, has already been for-
warded.

" The Dutch government, one would suppose, might rest content
with adhering to the strict letter and spirit of the treaty ; the provi-
sions of which were evidently so advantageous to their interests. I am
convinced that her Majesty's Ministers, on being put in full possession
of the facts, will make such arrangements with the Netherlands go-
vernment as will satisfy the mercantile community of this flourishing
emporium of the East, that their rights and interests, and the liberal
principles of international free trade, are very far from being neglected
or regarded with an apathetic eye."

The editor of the Singapore paper notices the fraudulent
breach of treaty with England, under which our merchants
are suffering. The Dutch engaged to charge us no more
than double duties. He says, that " though, to obviate our
complaints, they have raised the duties on their own manu-
factures to l&J per cent., yet they in reality pay nothing ;
and that it is a juggle such as the most paltry of the native
governments, which they come in contact with in this part
of the world, would be ashamed of. If this be the fact,
the British government ought to compel the Dutch to
comply with the treaty, which it is clearly in their power to
enforce. It is, however, necessary to distinguish between
the Dutch public and the Maatschappy. If the latter pays
12 £ per cent, duty, it does not appear to be an evasion of
the treaty, unless the public treasury receives the profits of
the trade. If the Company is clearly a branch of the
government, and its profits form part of the public revenue,
then the duty is a subterfuge, and an evasion of the treaty.
The payment would be merely a transfer of account. It

* Vide Appendix.

ACHEEN. 19>

would be the same thing as if the East-India Company
again became traders, and put a hundred per cent, duty on
any article of Bengal produce — grain for instance. It is
obvious that they would soon become the sole exporters,
and take the real profits of the trade, the revenue account
balancing the apparent loss on exportation. If, however,
they had agreed to allow the Dutch to export grain on the
same terms as themselves, it is clear that such a duty would
amount to a fraudulent evasion. This is just what our
merchants complain of with regard to the Dutch. They
have raised the duty on English goods to 25 per cent.,
pretending to charge their own 1&£, according to the treaty,
whilst they merely transfer the money from one of their
eleven pair of breeches-pockets to another. It would serve
them right, in such case, to strip them of their superfluous
wardrobe, and reduce them to the sans-culottes state in
which they were before British money and British arms
relieved them from their French masters." It is to be
hoped, indeed, that the British ministers will lose no time
in settling these matters, which now interest so large a body
of the mercantile community both in Great Britain and the
East, and that our ultra-Gangetic commerce may be speedily
placed upon a secure footing, and on principles of fair re-
ciprocity, as far as the Dutch are concerned.

This chapter shall be concluded by an appropriate ex-
tract or two from an able pamphlet (by Mr. Assey, secretary
to the government of Java, under Sir S. Raffles),* which
appeared in 1819 :

" It is evident," he observes, " that the commercial relations between

• By the death of these two distinguished individuals, the merchants
and manufacturers connected with the East- India trade have lost the
most powerful advocates of their rights and opponents of Dutch ag-
gression.

c 2

20 ACHEEN.

Great Britain and Holland, in the eastern seas, are not the same now
as they were when the Dutch were in the plenitude of their commercial
monopoly in that quarter of the world. Of late years, the British have
acquired a direct and frequent intercourse with the native states in the
Indian Archipelago, and from that intercourse have established new
relations, which have assisted in augmenting the amount of capital
employed in the British trade to China. The Dutch, therefore, can no
longer exercise the same restrictive policy and nominal control among
the Eastern states, without committing positive injury on the trade
which has been legitimately acquired by Great Britain ; nor can they
extend their control over Borneo and the Straits of Malacca without
encroaching beyond the bounds which the Convention of 1814 has re-
stored to them ; consequently, much depends on the system of policy
pursued by the present government of Java. Now the whole course
of proceedings adopted by that government tends to revive the former
system of monopoly and exclusion." . . . ." The vexatious difficulties to
which this state of things would lead, and the eventual insecurity of the
British trade under such circumstances, must be too obvious to require
comment." . ..." In whatever point of view, therefore, the question is
considered, it seems essential to interpose for the purpose of preventing
the revival of this injurious and pernicious system ; injurious as regards
the legitimate pretensions of other nations, and pernicious as it presents
a barrier against that improvement of the native population, which, in
the present enlightened state of Europe, ought to be a subject of ge-
neral anxiety. It might not, indeed, be so immediately destructive to
the commercial interests of Great Britain, if the government of the
Netherlands were satisfied with what the Convention of 1814 has re-
stored, and would not seek to establish their control over countries
which were not in contemplation when that Convention was conclud-
ed ; but every act of that government is of a different tendency; and
the very great exertions which have been made and are still making,
shew the importance attached to the object.".. .." Surely, then, it
would be injudicious to delay until these plans have become matured,
and have acquired that plea which a continued possession and a lapse
of time would give them."

And again —

" The custom of the Dutch government has been to establish a single
public agent as director of the local trade of a port, obtain a treaty

ACHEEN. 21

or contract with the native chief, to the exclusion of other nations ;
but it can hardly be sufficient, in the present state of the Indian com-
merce, that the residence of a harbour-master and a few individual
merchants should constitute an exclusive right of possession ; nor can
it be admitted that a treaty concluded with a native chief or prince, in
which the sovereignty of his country is ceded to the Netherlands
government, should convey to that government a dominion over
territories not actually held or administered by the prince who thus
cedes them. Yet it is in history, that the power of the Dutch go-
vernment in the Indian Archipelago was raised by their treaties with
the native states having been made to comprehend the cession of all
islands which have at any former period acknowledged the supremacy
of that state, but were not actually in subjection or tributary to it at the
time of the treaty being concluded."

And it is upon this system the Dutch are continuing to
extend their possessions, and seizing upon every port or
place they possibly can.

22 ACHEEN.

CHAPTER II.

Name, extent, situation of the Capital. — Character of Inhabitants.
Language. — Traders. — Vegetable and Animal productions. — Fish-
ing. — Navigation. — Manufactures. — Government — State of the
Country. — Former Importance.

The kingdom of Acheen, called Achi by the natives,
extended, in former times, from the north-west promontory
of the island of Sumatra (called Acheen Head, a well-known
and bold landfall for ships) to beyond Batu Bara river,* on
the north side of the island. On the south-west coast, it
extended to Baroos. Inland, the kingdom extends not so
far as either side of the island, and terminates at Singkel,
where the Batta dominions begin. It contains altogether
an area of about 26,000 square miles, lying in a triangular
shape, and is sheltered by a range of hills, that runs from
the head, or promontory, to the south-east, and another to
the E.N.E., the lands being very fertile, and much better
inhabited than any other equal portion of the island. The
capital of the kingdom is Acheen, in lat. 5° 9$,' N. long.,
95° 46' E., and the population was estimated many years
ago at 36,000, but of the present number we have no
account. The town stands on a river, which empties itself,
by several channels, near the north-west point of the island,
or Acheen Head, about a league from the sea, where the
shipping lies in a road rendered secure by the shelter of

• The territory of Acheen (in modern times), on the north coast,
may be said to commence from Diamond Point, as it has ceased to
exercise authority over Langhat, Delli, &c.

ACHEEN. 23

several islands. The depth of water in the bar being no
more than four feet at low water spring-tides, only the vessels
of the country can venture to pass it ; and in the dry mon-
soon, not even those of the larger class. The town is
situated on a plain, in a wide valley, formed like an amphi-
theatre by lofty ranges of hills. The houses are built of
bamboos and rough timbers, standing distinct from each
other, and mostly raised on piles some feet above the
ground, in order to guard against the effects of inundation.
The country above the town is highly cultivated, and
abounds with small villages, and groups of three or four
houses, with white mosques interspersed.

The Acheenese differ much in their persons from the
other Sumatrans, being in general rather shorter and of a
darker complexion. They are by no means, in their pre-
sent state, a genuine people, but are supposed to be a
mixture of fiattas and Malays, with Chuliahs, as they term
the natives of the west of India, by whom their ports have
in all ages been frequented. In their dispositions they are
more active and industrious than some of their neighbours;
they possess more sagacity, have more knowledge of other
countries, and, as merchants, deal upon a more liberal and
extensive footing. Their character comes nearest the
Buggese, inhabitants of Celebes, for address and dexterity
in business, but is far inferior in true honour and bravery.
Their language is one of the general dialects of the eastern
islands, and they make use of the Malayan (Arabic) cha-
racter. In religion they are Mahomedans, and have many
priests, and having much intercourse with foreigners of the
same faith, its forms and ceremonies are observed with some
strictness.

The trade and commerce of the country will be fully
noticed in a separate chapter ; but it may here be observed,

24 ACHEEN.

that English ships, at Acheen itself, trade generally with
the shabundar, or minister. The Chuliahs and Chinese
trade with the natives. English vessels have often been cut
off at Pedir and other ports on the coast, on both sides of
Acheen, and it is essential that traders should never be off
their guard, and should be most vigilant when great civility
is shewn them.

The soil, being light and fertile, produces abundance of
rice, of which numerous cargoes are exported, cotton and
the finest tropical fruits, such as the mangustin, mango,
jack, dorian, lance, pineapple, lime, orange, and an inferior
kind of bread fruit. Of esculent vegetables, they have the
bredy, a kind of spinach ; lobuck (the Spanish radish),
large purple brinjall, yams, both red and white, and the
Saint Helena yam, called calladi ; and many different sorts
of beans, similar to what we call French beans; also a small
kind of onion. Cattle and articles of provision are plentiful,
and reasonable in price. They have an excellent breed of
horses, much valued at the British settlements, horned
cattle, and goats, but few or no sheep. The plough there is
drawn by oxen, and the general style of cultivation shews
a skill in agriculture superior to what is seen in other parts
of the island,

They have at Acheen many fishing-boats, which are em-
ployed principally in catching with nets, several miles out
at sea, a kind of mackerel, or small bonnetta, weighing from
two to three pounds. The Acheenese are expert and bold
navigators, and employ a variety of vessels, according to
the voyages they have occasion to undertake, and the pur-
poses either of commerce or war for which they design
them.

They manufacture from cotton of their own growth a
species of cloth, chequered blue and white, which the better

ACHEEN. 25

sort wear for drawers, whilst the common people use coarse
Madras long cloth, and all classes now wear cotton manu-
factures of Great Britain. English woollens are also used,
and lutestring from China. They make a species of silk,
very handsome and very dear, compared with the slighter
taffetas of Bengal, of which they used to buy large quanti-
ties from the country ships that imported that article, prior
to the extensive importations of British manufactures. They
used also to cast brass guns, but they now import English
guns, and warlike stores of all sorts, in large quantities.
They are curious in fillagree work, both in gold and
silver.

The monarchy is hereditary, and is more or less absolute,
according to the talents of the reigning prince. The Grand
Council of the nation consists of the king, or sultan, the
maharaja, laksamana, padukatuan, and bandhara. Inferior
to these are the relabalangs, or military champions. All
matters relating to trade or commerce and the customs of
the port come under the jurisdiction of the shabundar, who
gives the chop or license to trade.

The present condition of Acheen is widely different from
what it was, when by its power the Portuguese were pre-
vented from gaining a footing in the island, and its princes
received embassies from all the great potentates of Europe.
That the kingdom was very powerful in ancient times is
shewn by the details which are given of their various ex-
peditions, undertaken by the monarchs of that country.
In 1575, the king of Acheen appeared off Malacca, to
attack the Portuguese, with a fleet that is described as
covering the straits. He ordered an attack upon three
Portuguese frigates that were in the roads, protecting some
provision vessels, which was executed with such a furious
discharge of artillery, that they were presently destroyed,

26 ACHEEN.

with all their crews. The king, elated with his success,
landed his troops, and laid siege to the fort, which he bat-
tered at intervals during seventeen days. In 1582, we find
the king of Acheen appearing again before Malacca, with
a hundred and fifty sail of vessels. The operations of these
campaigns, and particularly the valour of the commander,
named Raja Mahuta, are alluded to in Queen Elizabeth's
letter to the king, delivered in 1602 by Sir James Lancaster.
About three or four years after the last expedition, which
was unsuccessful, the king prepared a fleet of no less than
three hundred sail of vessels, and was ready once more to
embark upon his favourite enterprize, when he was mur-
dered, together with his queen and many of the principal
nobility, by the general of the forces, who had long formed
designs upon the crown. This was in 1585, at which time
the consequence of Acheen is represented to have arrived at
a considerable height, and its friendship to have been courted
by the most powerful states. It is not proposed to trace
the decline of Acheen. In a commercial point of view it is
still a place of great importance, and may, under a more
settled government, become still more so. The foregoing
description is extracted principally from the works of the
late Mr. Marsden, and Captain Forrest, the commander of
a country ship, who visited Acheen repeatedly. We shall
now proceed to submit a concise narrative of the several
missions of the British government to Acheen, from the
year 1805 to 1820, when a treaty was finally concluded by
Sir Stamford Raffles and Major Coombs, in which will be
interspersed various notices of the state of the country
during that time ; and conclude with a brief view of the
trade and commerce of the country, as far as it has been
ascertained.

ACHKEN. 27

CHAPTER III.

Distracted state of the kingdom of Acheen. — Anxiety of the East-India
Company for a settlement there. — Negotiations during administra-
tion at Pinang of Lieutenant-governor Farquhar, Governors Dundas
and Macalister. — Usurpation of the throne by King's uncle. — King
applies to British Government for assistance.— Friendly disposition
towards British traders. — Seizure and confiscation of his brig Hy-
droos. — Remonstrance. — Commercial regulations. — Evasion of by
British subjects. — Piratical acts of the chiefs unjustly ascribed to
the King. — Seizure of a French spy by the Pinang governor.

The distracted state of the once-powerful kingdom of
Acheen for many years, and the probable advantages of
establishing a fixed political connexion between that state
and the British government, were a subject of consideration
for the successive superintendents, lieutenant-governors, and
governors of Pinang, since the year 1786, up to the time
when a treaty was finally concluded by Sir Stamford Baf-
fles in 1820. The subject was frequently brought to the
notice of the Court of Directors and the Supreme Govern-
ment of India. Both these authorities repeatedly recognized
the importance, and indeed urged the policy, of the Pinang
government forming a close and intimate connexion with
that state, after having deliberately considered its favour-
able geographical position, its great resources and popula-
tion, and being impressed with the conviction that the
extensive trade formerly carried on there would speedily
revive, after the restoration of tranquillity, which could only
be effected by the interposition of British counsels.

The establishment of a station at Acheen, and of a com-

28 ACHEEN.

manding influence over that country, was, in fact, one of
the principal objects pointed out by the Court of Directors,
in sending out a regular government to Pinang in 1805. It
does not appear that any decided measures were taken for
that purpose up to the year 1814. The affairs of that
country seem, indeed, to have been in a state of great con-
fusion from the time of the accession of Johor Alum, in
1802 ; and the deputations of Major Campbell, in 1810, of
Mr. Lawrence from Pinang, in 1811, and of Captain Can-
ning from Bengal, in 1814, had for their objects principally
the discovery of the actual causes, with a view to the inter-
position of British influence to compose differences and dis-
putes extremely injurious to our trade. A doubt as to the
possibility of establishing a factory there seems, indeed, to
have been all along entertained ; for we find that Captain
Light, in 1784, then looking out for a settlement in the
Straits of Malacca, observes that, in order to establish a
factory at Acheen, it would be necessary to conquer the
kingdom.

It will be unnecessary for our present purpose to carry
back the detail of our connexion with this state, and of the
internal discord and divisions which have so long prevailed,
much beyond the period when Pinang became a presidency,
in 1805, up to which time the able historian of Sumatra*
has furnished a clear and succinct account of that kingdom.
It appears that the queen dowager had always been inimical
to Johor Alum, and had always leagued with the rebellious
sagis or chiefs against him. The young prince (the late
Paduka Sri Sultan Ala-eddin Johor Alum Shah), shortly
before his father's death, and during the regency of his
uncle Tuanku Raja (during which latter interval, the state

• Mr. Marsden.

ACHEEN. 29

became a prey to anarchy and misrule, from which it has
never entirely recovered), was sometime on board the Hon.
Company's cruizer Nonsuch* where, it is said, he per-
formed the duty of midshipman, and acquired a considerable
knowledge of the English manners and language, in which
he could converse with considerable fluency. It must be
admitted, however, that he acquired some bad habits. He
seems to have formed a strong predilection for a seafaring
life and European society ; and very soon after his succes-
sion, it appears, he gave disgust to his subjects by assuming
the dress and customs of Europeans, drinking strong liquors
to intoxication, eating pork in public, and neglecting every
ceremony of the Mahomedan religion. He had always
Europeans about him. In the early part of his govern-
ment, a Frenchman, named L'Etoile, and a low-born half-
cast Portuguese, named De Silva, were his prime ministers.
There is much reason, however, for concluding that his
vices were exaggerated by those interested in opposing his
authority, and disposed to throw off their allegiance to their
rightful sovereign, strengthening thereby that independence
which they had acquired under the regency of the weak
uncle.

Johor Alum succeeded as King of Acheen in 1802, and,
like his predecessors, enjoyed the revenue from that por-
tion of the kingdom in his own principality ; the other
chiefs appear to have derived their revenue from a share,
supposed one-third, of the king's duties on the trade
of their respective chiefships. The queen dowager and
Tuanku Raja continued to manifest their animosity to the
king, and at last proceeded to open rebellion against him.
Under such circumstances, and opposed not only by his
chiefs, but nearest relatives, by whom he was driven from
his fort, it was natural that the king should endeavour

30 ACHEEN.

to procure the aid of the British government at Pinang,
with the chief of which he had previously maintained a
friendly correspondence ; and we accordingly find, that in
the month of May 1805, he addressed a letter to the
Lieutenant-governor (the late Sir R. T. Farquhar), in
which he stated that he was residing at the mouth of Acheen
river, that his uncle had seized his fort, together with all
his money, guns, ammunition, &c. ; that in fact he was
left nearly destitute. He accordingly requested the aid of
two ships of war, men and arms, to retake his fort, for
which he promised to be very grateful and to repay all
expenses. He also offered a place for a fort and settle-
ment to the East-India Company, where, he said, an ex-
tensive trade might be carried on. Shortly afterwards, came
another letter* to Mr. Farquhar, to a nearly similar effect,

• The letter is as follows : " Johor Alum Shah, King of Acheen,
whose ancestors for these six hundred years have possessed in full and
undisputed sovereignty the whole kingdom of Acheen, fully impressed
with the idea of the justice of the English nation, whose kings in former
times frequently favoured his Majesty's ancestors with letters and pre-
sents in proof of their friendship and regard, soliciting the kings of
Acheen to permit their subjects of England to trade to the countries
belonging to his Majesty's predecessors, considering and relying on
those marks of friendship, he is induced to apply to you, as the imme-
diate representative of the British Government in these parts, for suc-
cour to restore him to the possessions of his forefathers.

"Tuanku Raja, his Majesty's maternal uncle, availing himself of the
long minority that took place from his father's premature death, so
strengthened his interest, that when his Majesty attained the age that
by the laws from time immemorial he ought to have taken the powers
of his government into his own hands, most traitorously seized the
fort of Acheen, the throne and treasures of his Majesty, and compelled
him to fly for shelter to his faithful subjects at Pedir.

"Tuanku Raja is supported in his usurpation by the rebellious chief
Lebby Dappa, who, since the death of his Majesty's father, has carried

ACHEEN. 31

giving a comprehensive detail of his distresses. This letter
was replied to on the 27th June 1805. The Lieutenant-
governor expressed his regret that it was not in his power
to take active measures to assist the king in recovering
his possessions, but promised to submit his letters to the
Governor-general, who, he hoped, would pay every atten-
tion to his majesty's proposals. Two months after the date
of this letter, the change in the government of Pinang took
place ; and it seems the Court of Directors, although igno-
rant of the advantageous offers so recently made by the

on a trade at Soosoo with the American ships, contrary to the orders
repeatedly given him to send the produce of those countries to Acheen,
so that the commerce between his Majesty's subjects and the English
might be carried on as formerly, to their mutual advantage, and to the
total exclusion of all other foreign ships.

" Lebby Dappa, wishing to continue his illegal trade with the Ameri-
cans, and to defraud his Majesty's revenues of the accustomed duties,
and fearing, that as soon as his Majesty should attain the age of ma-
turity and assume the reins of government, he would be compelled to
abandon his unjust conduct and restore the trade to its regular channel,
has joined the usurper Tuanku Raja, so that, from the influence of
Lebby Dappa' s great wealth, many of his Majesty's subjects are led
to join the usurper's standard ; consequently, it will be an arduous
attempt to attack the fort of Acheen without the aid of three or four
hundred disciplined sepoys.

" Should the English render his Majesty the neeessary aid to restore
him to his possessions, he is willing, in return, to enter into an equit-
able treaty of commerce with the Company, so that his duties at Soo-
soo should be secured to him in future, and an end be put to the clan-
destine trade with the Americans, by which he has been defrauded of
his just rights, and the trade of the English, both to Europe and in
India, has been much injured. The quantity of pepper sold at Soosoo
and its vicinity to the Americans, has not, foi these last six years, been
less than two hundred and forty thousand dollars each year, to the
great prejudice of his Majesty's revenue, and the commerce of the
British nation."

32 ACHEEN.

king, had directed the most pointed attention of the new
government to the expediency of establishing a footing at
Acheen. The government, adverting to the state of affairs
in the country, and the proposals made to the late Lieute-
nant-governor, in a despatch dated two months afterwards,
stated its opinion that matters appeared favourable for
effecting the object contemplated by the Court.

During two or three years subsequent to this, there were
many references to and from the supreme government, but
nothing decisive was done, although the Court of Directors
had signified their assent to affording the required aid to
the king to recover his legitimate authority, and were ex-
tremely desirous that matters should be definitively settled-
The king, after suffering much persecution and encoun-
tering many difficulties, shortly after this, succeeded in
regaining the support of some of the principal chiefs, who
had deserted his cause for a time, and his authority became
gradually established. During six years, however, after
bis majesty made application for assistance, nothing was
done by the British government in the way of support,
although he was buoyed up with expectations of succour ;
and frequent and liberal assurances of regard and anxiety
for his interests were given by the several governors of
Pinang.

In reviewing the conduct of the late king, during the
last twenty years of his life, we should not overlook the
proceedings adopted towards him by some of the British
governors, which it must be admitted were, in some cases,
not entirely blameless, and evinced a certain degree of bias
for an opposite party. It may have been convenient for
some persons, who were interested in the discussion, and
in supporting a system too hastily adopted and pursued
with a seeming degree of eagerness, to take but a partial

ACHEEN. 33

view of the question, and to look at the dark side of the
picture only ; but it would not be a difficult task to show
that much of the misconduct ascribed to Johor Alum was
provoked by the treatment he received from certain British
subjects, ignorant of the customs of the country and regard-
less of the regulations peculiar to the state. Johor Alum
manifested, from the moment he assumed the reins of
government, the most becoming desire to cultivate the good
will of the British nation, to make large concessions in
return for aid, and appeared anxious to form a close and
intimate connexion. It should not be forgotten that these
offers were made by him not only when he was in difficulty,
but afterwards also, when he had recovered much of his
authority, and had a respectable marine force at his com-
mand, by which he had rendered all, or nearly all, the
refractory chiefs on the coast to subjection, and possessed
little short of a monopoly of the trade.

The late Johor Alum was accused of seizing and detain-
ing vessels trading to the ports of his kingdom, without
any just pretext ; but we may, perhaps, be able to find a
parallel case on the part of the Pinang government. It
appears from the recorded correspondence, that, as late as
January 1808, or during the first five or six years of Johor
Alum's reign, there had been no complaints against him per-
sonally by British subjects for aggressions on trading ves-
sels ; but a circumstance took place about this time, which
drew forth a remonstrance from him. Colonel Macalister,
the then Governor of Pinang, appeared to have been upon
terms of friendly correspondence with the king, and so far
reposed confidence in his majesty, that he requested him to
afford protection to an English merchant during his stay
in his dominions; a proof that Johor Alum's power was
not so limited at that period, or his influence considered

34 ACHEEN.

as having so entirely declined, as has since been represented
by some diplomatists. In July 1808, Colonel Macalister
wrote to inform the king, that he had seized the brig Hy-
droos, which arrived at Pinang under his majesty's flag, and
commanded by Mr. Thomas Williamson. The reason as-
signed for the seizure was, that, on an investigation of her
papers, it appeared the vessel had recently been the property
of the subjects of the King of Denmark, a prince at war
with the King of England, and that she had been sold to
Johor Alum by a person named G. String. The governor
transmitted, for his information, a translation of an order
issued by the King of Great Britain, declaring a sale under
such circumstances to be illegal and incapable of neutraliz-
ing the property of an enemy, and also shewing the period
when the order was to take effect in the ports and countries
of India. In consequence of that order, the Hydroos was
detained, and was subsequently condemned and sold. The
governor acquainted the king that, although, according to
the strict letter of the law, the cargo should have been
confiscated also, yet as it was probable his Acheenese ma-
jesty was unacquainted with the order, he had caused the
whole of the goods to be delivered over to his agent, Mr,
Francis L'Etoile, a person who figured for some time as
the king's prime minister, and who appears to have gained
a bad name, and excited much dislike, by the earnestness
of his remonstrances against the seizure of his master's
property. This man was supposed to have influenced
Johor Alum, after this affair, in several proceedings deemed
offensive by the Pinang government.

The communication of the above proceeding drew from
the king a spirited remonstrance, and an appeal to the Go-
vernor-general. In July 1809, he again complained that a
whole year had elapsed without his receiving any reply.

ACHEEN. 35

The substance of his letter to the Governor-general was,—
that his ancestors had always been on terms of strict friend-
ship with the King of England, that he had always been
studious to prolong the good understanding, and he pro-
fessed his desire to comply with the wishes of his Britannic
Majesty in any way that might be pointed out. He observed,
" the Governor of Pinang has used me ill ; perhaps he was
ignorant of the strict friendship which subsists between my
House and the King of England, and is unacquainted with
decorum. He issues his orders to neighbouring rajahs, be-
cause he is not acquainted with their customs : he acts with
harshness, without previous consideration* The Rajah of
Bengal is supreme over all the King of England's posses-
sions in India, and I therefore apply to him in all cases."
He then begs the Governor- general will give credit to his
statement, and reminds him that he has incurred much dis-
grace and loss. He represented that he had purchased the
brig Hydroos at Teluksamoy, according to the usual cus-
tom of buying and selling; that he loaded her, &c; the
Governor of Pinang had seized and sold her — he was igno-
rant that the vessel belonged to the King of England's
enemies— she was for sale and he bought her — he therefore
required her restoration, complaining at the same time that
his agent, L'Etoile, had been treated with great severity, his
papers seized, &c. ; and that all these slights were viewed
as indignities towards his majesty. L'Etoile, he said, was
born at Tranquebar, where his family resided and possessed
his confidence. He concludes ; "Ido not believe that the
orders were really from the King of England. If life is
prolonged, my friendship will increase, and be lengthened
with the King and Rajah of Bengal." It was by no means
probable that the King of Acheen was acquainted with the
orders referred to, or who were his Britannic Majesty *s ene-

36 ACHEEN.

mies, and who not ; and if he were, it is doubtful whether
such orders were at all binding upon him as an independent
prince, with whom no treaty of alliance offensive or defensive
existed. Thus we seized a vessel of his majesty, and con-
fiscated her, for a breach of our laws and regulations, long
before he ever presumed even to detain a British ship ; and
although the right of the king to seize the native ship An-
napoorney, and detain the commander of the British ship
Hyder Ally, the former for a glaring breach of the regula-
tions of his country, and the latter for a large debt and
breach of contract on the part of those concerned in the
vessel that voyage, has been questioned, it will, perhaps, be
acknowledged by impartial judges, that he was as fully
justified in both these acts (which were made matter of seri-
ous accusation against Johor Alum) as Governor Macalister
was in seizing the Hydroos.

Yet, notwithstanding the king considered himself harshly
treated, he still continued to evince a conciliatory disposi-
tion ; for a few months after making the unsuccessful appeal,
he addressed the governor — that, being lately on his way
to Soosoo and touching at Pedir, he received information of
an English vessel being plundered at Passangan. He caused
search to be made after the offenders, and seized two of
them. He mentions the property found on board, and
requests some person to be sent to take charge of the vessel.
He concludes by saying : " In regard to my friend, the
King of England's trading vessels, let my friend direct
them to come to me, wherever I may be, to request a pass ;
when a pass is given, if my people do them injury, my
friend will hold me responsible. Should they not receive
a pass from me, whatever shall happen to them, I shall not
interfere in any case ; but if a pass has been obtained from
me, whatever may occur to the English, my friend will

ACHEEN. 37

hold me accountable for all." Nothing could be more can-
did and honourable, or more satisfactorily testify a dispo-
sition to act fairly and consistently with his own rights as a
sovereign. He explicitly states the conditions on which
British vessels would be admitted to trade, and he even
offers to guarantee the safety of all vessels conforming to
his regulations.* Have the Chinese, Cochin-Chinese, the
Siamese, or Burmahs ever made such liberal professions,
and have we ever denied the right of these nations to admit
our traders only upon their own terms ? Yet, if reference
is made to the proceedings in former times, with respect to
the complaints against Johor Alum, it will be seen that it
was argued he had no right to insist on the collection of his
own duties in his own way, or to compel ships to trade at
particular ports only of his dominions ; his regulations have
been termed unjust and oppressive, because they were some-
what more strict than our traders could have wished them
to be, and a regular and formal condemnation of a vessel
seized in the act of trading contrary to long established
regulations, is termed a mockery and an act of piracy. As
reasonable would it have been for Johor Alum to have pro-
nounced our custom-house regulation at Pinang an impo-

♦ The following note was made by the late Governor Fullerton,
on perusing this narrative, which the author prepared chiefly at his
request : — " Here, indeed, we have one of the leading causes of
the after dissensions between the king and his chiefs at the subordi-
nate ports. The right of the king to the duties there, excepting the
share allowed by custom to the chiefs, was clear. If traders went to
other ports of the kingdom, the king's duties were embezzled by the
chiefs. The king at last interdicted trade with every port but Acheen.
The chiefs of course encouraged traders to come to their own ports.
The king had a right to make his own regulations. The vessels of
traders breaking those regulations were liable to seizure. All the acts
called piracies were committed by the king on vessels breaking these
rules."

38 ACHEEN.

sition. We had no right whatever to dictate to him in
such matters. The fact is, that traders resorting to Acheen
found the state of affairs very convenient for practising
successful smuggling ; and men who would not scruple to
evade the payment of established duties at a British custom-
house, would not be very reluctant to avail themselves of
a tempting opportunity for evading them in the dominions
of a foreign prince. Many of the chiefs, having thrown off
their allegiance, were ready to make concessions to encou-
rage these traders in the evasion of established duties. Ex-
perience fully confirms the assertion, that there is a great
propensity to smuggling amongst the native traders in this
quarter, particularly the Chinese and the natives of the
Coromandel coast, and even among the lower order of
Europeans, who sometimes attain the command of small
vessels. Detection sometimes happened and complaints of
piracy and unjust seizure, with a long catalogue of oppres-
sions, were poured in upon the local British government.

Many of the chiefs of the country having, as before
observed, thrown off their allegiance and committed aggres-
sions upon British vessels and property, all these acts were
imputed to the king, who had neither the power of pre-
venting them nor of inflicting punishment upon the perpe-
trators ; and thus, in taking a cursory review of the corres-
pondence which passed, his majesty appears to some disad-
vantage from the complaints of piratical acts on the coast
of Acheen, and the frequency of the references upon these
disagreeable subjects. A little timely aid would have ena-
bled him to regain his authority, and have effectually put
a stop to such violence and disorders.

Syud Hussain, the father of the ex-sultan, had long been
permitted to carry on an extensive commerce with the
several ports of the Acheen kingdom, without the exaction

ACHEEN. 39

of duties by the king, as a special indulgence from his
majesty, who occasionally received complimentary presents
from him ; but it appears Johor Alum withdrew this indul-
gence, about the middle of the year 1809, in consequence
of a complaint preferred against him by the Syud to the
governor of Pinang. The king assured the governor he
had never refused to pay the small debt due to Syud Hus-
sain; that he had formerly sailed in company with the
Syud's ship for Annalaboo, where the debt was to have
been paid ; bad weather, however, compelled them to return
to Acheen. It was then settled that the debt was to be
paid at Teluksamoy ; but the Syud's ship afterwards went
to Samalangan, loaded rice, and sailed direct for Pinang.
The king sent the full amount immediately to Pinang,
and as he felt insulted by such a frivolous complaint being
preferred against him, he notified his determination to levy
duties in future on all vessels belonging to the Syud. He
had accordingly commenced by paying himself the amount
of his just duties in pepper from two of the Syud's prows,
and he concludes : " I did not take his property, but levied
my duties, having heard of his (the Syud's) intention to
complain to my friend." About the same time, the king
wrote to Colonel Macalister, that he had been informed bv
Captain Ross a French colonel had been seized as a spy,
and that it was asserted papers had been found in the
Frenchman's box, containing information that the king of
Acheen had engaged to deliver his country to the French.
He emphatically adds : " We have not lost our understand-
ing, and are much hurt at the report, that we intend giving
our country to the French ; and also it is said, we have
united with the French for the purpose of injuring the
English ; the people who heard this I can send to my
friend."

40 ACHEEN.

CHAPTER IV.

Connexion with Acheen during Governors Brace's and Seton's short
Administrations. — Anxiety of the King to suppress Piracy.— Condi-
tions on which British Vessels would be permitted to trade at
Acheen.-— Conciliatory conduct of Governor Bruce. — Infraction of
Regulations by British Subjects.— Governor-general requires Sup-
plies for the Expedition to Java. — Administration of GovernorPetrie.
—Objections of Pinang Government to King's employing Mr. Fen-
wick. — Seizure and release of ship Annapoorney. — Ancient Regu-
lations of the Kingdom.

1 Shortly after the arrival of governor Bruce, in 1810, he
wrote to the king, requesting his assistance to Captain Reid
■in recovering such part of the cargo and stores of the brig
Margaret (before alluded to), as might be found ; and the
king's condnct on that occasion shews how anxious he was
to punish the offenders, and discourage piracy. He pro-
ceeded himself in search of the pirates, seized two men who
had been concerned in the transaction, shot one with a
musket, and the other was blown from a cannon's mouth.
He recovered the vessel and some property, which was de-
livered up to the captain. He sent orders to the head men
at Acheen to seize the other persons concerned in this
affair, and stationed cruizers, under charge of Europeans,
to guard the coast in future.

A few months after this, the king again wrote to Governor
Bruce, stating, that his dominions being in a very unsettled
state and exposed daily to disorder from quarrelling amongst
the chiefs, he had determined to take the opium trade into
his own hands, for the safety of the country, and the due

ACHEEN. 41

restraint and regulation of the people. He accordingly in-
timated that no English vessels or prows should be per-
mitted to import opium at any other port than Teluksamoy,
and any opium elsewhere imported would be confiscated,
which he begs the governor to make known, and he di-
rected his agents at Pinang to publish generally this regu-
lation, which took effect on the 13th of the month Dulkaida,
or 11th January 1811. He also requested the governor to
discourage, as much as possible, the export of arms and
warlike stores, which were not permitted to be imported at
any of the Acheen ports, except Teluksamoy, on pain of
seizure and confiscation. The conduct pursued by Governor
Bruce towards the king appears to have been extremely
mild and conciliatory, and to have been met, on his majesty's
part, by a reciprocal feeling of good will and attachment
towards the British Government. In the latter part of 1810,
Major Campbell was deputed by the Bengal government to
deliver letters and a present of one hundred muskets and
bayonets, with a proportion of ammunition, to the king ;
but not having met with his majesty, these articles were
forwarded, with complimentary letters from Governor Bruce,
in May of the next year, in charge of Mr. Lawrence, a civil
servant on the Pinang establishment. Mr. Bruce professed
a great desire to cultivate and extend the relations of mu-
tual friendship which ought to subsist betwixt their respec-
tive governments ; " I avail myself," said he, " of this
opportunity of assuring your highness of my sincere desire
to cement and increase the mutual good understanding so
happily subsisting between the British Government and that
of Acheen, and it will afford me personal satisfaction to be
the channel of friendly communication between your ma-
jesty and the British supreme government in India, or to
meet your wishes in any way that is consistent with my

42 ACHEEN.

public duty and the powers vested in this government. I
request your majesty to make application to this govern-
ment when its assistance may be required, and you will find
on my part every wish to comply with all reasonable de-
mands made by your majesty."

The king, about this time, complained of an infraction
of his regulations by a vessel, loadecLwith arms and warlike
stores from Pihang, having imported large supplies of these
articles into the revolted districts of Acheen. The governor
assured him of his anxiety to uphold his just authority, and
promised that measures should be taken to prohibit, as much
as possible, the export of warlike stores, asserting at the
same time, that his inquiries did not satisfy him that the
vessel referred to did contain such warlike stores as had been
represented.

The despatches from the Governor-general, relative to
supplies which might possibly be required for the use of
the vessels and troops proceeding on the expedition for the
conquest of Java, were cordially received and acknowledged.
The king replied, that he was desirous of maintaining un-
impaired the relations of friendship which subsisted with
his excellency, and of preserving the closest connexion and
alliance with all the governments and establishments of the
British nation. He had received with gratitude the present
of military stores ; it would have afforded him great satis-
faction if Major Campbell had visited him for the purpose
of requesting aid, according to the intention of the Governor-
general, and he would have given every assistance in his
power. His intentions in regard to his own ^country were
not, as had been represented by some evil-disposed parties,
to ravage his dominions, but merely to make such arrange-
ments with the people as might be necessary to effect the
tranquillity of the country, — an event which would encou-

ACHEEN. 43

rage the resort of British subjects to Acheen. Unlike some
other Malay princes, he wished solely to employ methods of
conciliation. He had learnt that some Acheenese had made
complaints to the governor, that he intended to oppress and
ruin them ; but he begged him not to give credit to such
false representations. If there should be occasion for any
supplies, his dominions could furnish all descriptions of
cattle, rice, and various other provisions. Should ships of
war arrive in want of provisions, he should cause them to be
supplied.

After the death of Governor Bruce, Mr. Phillips main*
tained a friendly correspondence with the king, during the
interval that elapsed prior to Governor Seton's arrival. The
administration of the latter was so short, that he does not
appear to have taken the Acheen politics into consideration;
but shortly after the arrival of Governor Petrie, a corres-
pondence commenced on the subject of the seizure of a
native ship from the Coromandel coast, called the Anna-
poorney. The king had previously written to Mr. Petrie,
representing the difficulty he had in collecting his duties and
preserving his authority, in consequence of the disposition
of the traders resorting to Acheen, to carry on an illegal and
a smuggling traffic. The governor acknowledged the letter
in which his Majesty complains of the state of anarchy in
which his kingdom was. He reminded him that the king
had received unequivocal testimonies of the anxiety and de-
sire of the British Government to promote his interests, and
to assist him, as far as it was consistent with the security of
our possessions; that he had received presents of arms from
the Governor-general, and that every obstacle had been
placed in the way of his enemies being supplied with the
means of acting offensively, by the prohibitory decrees in
force at Pinang against the exportation of gunpowder and
warlike stores. With such principles, which had invariably

44 ACHEEN.

been acted upon by the British Government, on the faith of
an expected reciprocal return, it was matter of regret and
concern, that the governor felt himself called upon to notice
the reports which had been made to him of the line of con-
duct pursued by the king and his minister against the ships
and property of British subjects trading to the territories
of Acheen with friendly and commercial views solely. The
governor then adverted to the employment in his service of
a Mr. Fenwick, as admiral, who had long been resident at
Pinang, and whose general conduct, while residing there,
had proved him to be a most mischievous and evil-principled
individual, and as such, not a proper adviser or minister for
his majesty. It had come to the governor's knowledge,
that a Lge ship, from the coast of Coromandel, trading
under English colours, had been seized on that coast by the
king's people, and that other British vessels, trading to
Acheen, were under similar apprehensions.

It behoved the governor, he told him, to apprize the
king, that the protection which the British Government
had been accustomed to extend towards the property of in-
dividuals trading under its flag, would not allow of the
Pinang authorities observing with silence such a departure
from the rules of neutrality, and the governor was bound,
therefore, to caution the king against the continuance of
such a system, which would inevitably bring down upon
him the severe displeasure of the British Government, and
be calculated to remove from him those sentiments of regard
which it had been accustomed to show towards his majesty's
family. The governor, accordingly, strongly recommended
him, in the first instance, to restore to the rightful owner
the ship which had been seized, and that he would abstain
from further interference with the British trade on the Pedir
coast. He concluded by acquainting the king, that it
would afford him considerable satisfaction to observe a more

ACHEEN. 45

peaceable demeanour characterizing his majesty, — which
would (more than a state of warfare) be calculated to restore
to his kingdom the blessings of tranquillity, and to himself
the inestimable advantage of being regarded with affection
and respect by his subjects, then stated to be estranged from
his service — and with the consequences of a contrary line of
conduct. The recommendation to deliver up the Annapoor-
ney was backed by a very forcible argument, in the shape of
his majesty's ship Africaine. Captain Rodney proceeded to
Acheen, and without troubling himself or the king with
particularly investigating the merits of the case, he brought
the ship over to Pinang. The owners of the ship, no doubt,
regret till this day, that they ever made a complaint on the
subject, for the expenses of repairs to the old worm-eaten
vessel at Pinang, amounted to more than twice her actual
value, or Spanish dollars 11,720. 39 pice.

The king had previously, viz. in July 1813, very can-
didly explained to the governor his reasons for seizing the
Annapoorney. His majesty sent a report of the commis-
sioners who were directed to investigate the case, with a copy
of the regulations, of ancient date, relative to the trade with
Acheen. * He alluded to his having, in the month of Rabee-

* The following is a translation of regulations, of ancient date, to
be observed in trading with the territory of Acheen, republished by the
king for general information and guidance :

1st. That, without a special licence, no vessel of whatever descrip-
tion shall be permitted to trade at any of the ports of his majesty's do-
minions, saving that of Acheen, and during the continuance of the
westerly monsoon, at Teluksamoy ; but at the latter they are permitted
only to deal inbetelnut, rice, and paddy; any person offending against
this regulation will incur such fine as his Majesty may be pleased to
impose.

2d. The master of any vessel, the property of an European or
Christian, visiting the port of Acheen, is required to present to his

majesty

46 ACHEEN.

al-awal, near Pulo Dua, seized a ship belonging to a Hin-
doo of Nagore, for trading with his ports to the westward,
viz. Tapoos and Singkel. He immediately thereafter ap-
pointed a commission, consisting of twelve of his principal
officers, to ascertain the case from the nakoda and lascars
of the vessel. The result of this investigation was, that

majesty an offering of one piece of broad cloth, and a barrel of gun-
powder. If such person reside on shore, he will be provided with
meat, ghee, and rice.

3d. Any person landing goods at the port of Acheen, and haying
them marked with the seal of his majesty, in token of the royal dues
arising from them having been levied, may dispose of such goods
wheresoever he may please, having a house for that purpose, except-
ing the article of opium, which is permitted to be sold by his majesty
alone.

4th. That goods shall yield a duty of six dollars and a quarter, viz.
goods imported in prows from Pinang or Malacca, shall pay three dol-
lars and a half per cent. 2d. The duty charged on tobacco is three
mayains on each bahar.

5th. Any person importing gunpowder, saltpetre, or fire-arms, with-
out giving notice thereof to the proper officer appointed by his majesty
to take cognizance of the same, shall forfeit the articles thus clandes-
tinely imported, and of which his majesty in all cases reserves to him-
self the exclusive monopoly.

6th. The duties of anchorage are as follows, viz. for a ship, sixty
dollars ; for a brig, forty dollars ; and a sloop, or one-masted vessel,
twenty dollars.

7th. No vessel touching for water, or to supply any such want, shall
be subjected to any charge.

8th, His majesty reserves to himself the exclusive monopoly of
salt.

9th. The duty on betelnut is established at ten per cent.

10th. It is further ordered by his majesty, that all vessels, laden
with pepper or any other merchandize coming to Acheen, shall pay a
duty to his majesty of six and a quarter per cent. ; and in like manner,
any goods sold on board of vessels in harbour, shall bear a duty to his
majesty at the same rate.

ACHEEN. 47

the ship in question was found to have transgressed the laws
of his kingdom, subsisting in full force since the time of his
forefathers for many generations back, by which the Kling
or Chuliah vessels were prohibited from resorting to the
west coast, and the breach of which law* was esteemed a
capital offence. The commission represented to the king
that the nakoda (or commander) was guilty. He was the
less excusable from his having had a house and land at
Acheen, and having resided there occasionally during the
space of twelve years, whence he himself acknowledged that
he was well acquainted with all the commercial regulations
of his majesty's dominions. They also stated, that in the
time of the king s royal ancestors, the resort of vessels to
any of the ports on the west coast was strictly prohibited
(on account of the great injury thereby caused to the royal
revenues), under pain of death to all nakodas transgressing
this law, and of the sale and forfeiture of their ships and
cargoes. The commissioners accordingly decreed, that the
nakoda should be detained and placed in irons for the space
of twelve years, and that his ship and cargo should be sold.

* Note by Governor Fullerton on the author's manuscript:
" The king employed Europeans in his service ; with their assis-
tance he arranged his custom regulations on European principles. He
limited the import of certain articles to certain ports ; he monopolized
certain articles for the government, such as we do ; he published his
port regulations ; he sent them to Pinang, the nearest English port ; he
declared the breach of those revenue laws to subject to seizure and
confiscation, such as we do." An English vessel wilfully broke those
laws, was seized and sold. The Pinang government called it piracy ;
a king's ship forcibly carried away the offending ship; the whole
affording the complete demonstration of our own arrogance. We make
laws for the protection of our revenue, we enforce them unrelentingly,
understood or not understood by those that suffer — (see the case of the
brig Hydroos) — but when the same laws are enforced against ourselves,
who so loud in complaint ?

48 ACHEEN.

CHAPTER V.

Proceedings at Acheen during Governor Petrie's administration. —
Mission of Captain Canning from Bengal.— Revolt of Tuanka
Packie, Chief of Pedir, and Apprehensions of the King.— Causes
of Rejection of the Mission.— Captain Canning's opinion of King's-
Authority. — Detention of Commander of ship Hyder Ally,— Letter
of Sagis, deposing King.— Reply of Governor to the Sagis— Decla-
ration of Government respecting Syud Hussain's proceeding to
Acheen.— Duplicity and Evasion of the Syud. — King of Acheen
applies for a Subsidiary Force — Syud Hussain finds a temporary
Supporter in Chief of Pedir.— Tuanka Packie's complaints against
the King. — Friendly conduct of Johor Alum-— Evils resulting from
not affording him timely Support.— Chiefs of Acheen had no Right
to depose the King. — Constitution and Government of the Country.
— Opinions concerning the Rights of the Sagis or Chiefs.

In consequence of the representations which had been
made to the Bengal government, respecting the seizure of
the ship Annapoorney, Captain Canning was deputed, as
agent from that authority, to proceed to Acheen and inves-
tigate that affair, and at the same time to ascertain the state
of the country, the extent of the king's authority, &c.
Captain Canning touched at Pinang, and, after receiving a
variety of information from the government, he proceeded,
in the latter part of 1814, to fulfil the objects of his mis-
sion. It happened that, at this particular juncture, the
chief of Pedir, Tuanka Packie, a notorious pirate and
most worthless character in every respect, was in open rebel-
lion against the king, and several of the chiefs on that
part of the north-east coast had followed his example.

ACHEEN. 49

Great offence seems to have been taken by the king and his
minister Fenwick, at the conduct of the envoy, who, under
the general instructions from Bengal, happened in the first
instance to visit the chiefships on the west coast, and lat-
terly of Pedir on the north-east coast, of Sumatra, before
he waited on the king at Teluksamoy. Some of these
states were under considerable irritation, produced by the
king and Mr. Fenwick, and were meditating opposition to
all royal authority. The visit paid to them by the British
envoy was construed into encouragement of rebellion. The
king, alarmed perhaps at the determined manner in which
the ship he had seized had been carried out of Acheen
roads without his consent, by a British frigate, and anti-
cipating possibly some hostile intentions in the deputa-
tion, such as that of Captain Canning, of which the am-
bassador's proceedings were certainly calculated to encou-
rage the belief, his majesty indignantly refused to receive
or acknowledge the envoy on his arrival at Teluksamoy,
in which proceeding he was actuated, no doubt, by feel-
ings of apprehension rather than by any disrespect to the
Bengal Government. The letters addressed to Captain Can-
ning were assuredly gross and insulting, and evidently
written by the minister Fenwick. The king subsequently
acknowledged that that person was the sole cause of his
acting in such a manner, calculated to increase the dislike
of the British Government, and to confirm the unfavourable
opinion entertained of him; and he did not fail to express
his most sincere regret and contrition for having permitted
himself to be betrayed into the commission of such an un-
gracious act.

The reception Captain Canning met with was not likely
to induce him to become a supporter of the king, or to say
much in his favour; he represented, therefore, and truly,

50 ACHEEN.

that great discontents prevailed, and a letter,* purporting
to be from the sagis or chiefs, to Tuanku Packie, announc-
ing the deposition of the king, was shewn to the envoy.
It may be questioned, whether it was politic or just in the
envoy to hold communication with the rebel chiefs on the
coast before visiting the king at all, and collecting com-
plaints against him. As these communications appear to
have been acceptable to the ambassador, and so received by
Tuanku Packie, we find that chief pouring in complaints
against his sovereign to the Pinang government, and in-
ducing the other chiefs to do the same.

Captain Canning ascertained that the king's authority
continued to be fully acknowledged at the period of his
visit at the following rich and populous districts and ports
on the west coast, viz. Tapoos, Sebadi, Pulo Dua, Reloobt,
Telapow, North and South Muckie, Labuan Haji, Senan-
ghan, Annalaboo, and Pulo Ryoh. These are the rich dis-
tricts which produce such large quantities of pepper, ben-
jamin, and camphor. The population under the king's
authority in these districts was estimated by Captain Can-
ning, in 1814, at 65,750 souls. The districts of Singkel,

• The letter runs thus : " This is to inform you, my friend, that
the king of Acheen is deposed. This has been determined upon in
an assembly of the chiefs of the three tribes, and also the other chiefs
and priests at Acheen. His authority is no longer acknowledged
here, and it is requested that none of you will in future consider him
as your king or obey any of his orders ; but that you will oppose him
to the utmost of your power. Should any or all of you mil in this
contest, your sins will be forgiven, and you will hereafter be wor-
shipped as saints. The reason of this determination is, that the
conduct of the king has been contrary to the laws of both God and
man, and in violation of the rules and customs of all former sove-
reigns of Acheen. Therefore God and his prophet will not hold you
guilty of any sins in resisting him."

ACHEEN. 51

Ayam Dammah, Terooman, Rhambong, Seluchat, Soosoo,
and Kivala Batu, were nominally under the authority of
Lebby Dappa, the refractory chief alluded to in the king's
early correspondence with Lieutenant-governor Farquhar.
He had established a considerable independence during the
king's minority and the regency of the uncle, Tuanku Raja.
The population of these fertile districts, under Lebby
Dappa, was estimated at 27,750. Bahroos, Tampattuan,
and Samu Dun were under the authority of independent
chiefs ; but the population was reckoned at little more than
2,000. The king had not given up his claims to duties at .
many of these places, for it is mentioned by the envoy that,
as late as 1813 (the year before), his majesty had made a
demand for duties from the districts under the nominal
authority of Lebby Dappa ; but although the chiefs did
not choose to pay him duties, yet the chief of Singkel made
him presents in camphor and benjamin to the amount of
about 3,000 dollars, and at Bahroos, Tampattuan, Lim-
gen, and several other ports, he received various presents,
either directly, as acknowledged duties, or in lieu thereof.
On the north-east coast, the ports of Teluksamoy, Murdoo,
Burong, Samalangan, Curtoy, Passy, and the capital,
Acheen, were under the king's immediate control. The
chief of Pedir rebelled against him ; but the chiefs who
gave him most trouble and most successfully opposed his
authority, were the three sagis, or principal governors, in
the interior of Acheen.

In June 1815, Governor Petrie addressed a letter to
the king of Acheen, relative to the ship Hyder Ally and
the detention of her commander, Captain Stirling. He in-
forms him that Captain Fen wick's residence in India had
long been prohibited, and cautions his majesty against
allowing such a worthless individual to gain his confidence.

e 2

52 ACHEEN.

The cause assigned for the detention of the commander of
the Hyder Jlly, was a debt of 36,000 dollars, said to be
due by several mercantile houses in Pinang, upon a con-
tract for betelnut the year before, in which part of the owners
of the ship had been concerned. The ship sailed, under
charge of the chief mate, for Pinang, and the captain was
soon after released. This act was done also at the instiga-
tion of Fen wick. No idea of military interference seems to
have occurred to the Pinang government, the only measure
which could at that time have produced any serious impres-
sion or settlement of differences in such a government.

A strong party having then been formed against the king,
the further result soon appeared in an embassy from the
three sagis, viz. Tukoo Panglima Polim, Paduka Sri Setia
Olema, and Tukoo Imam Mooda, setting forth that Johor
Alum had disqualified himself for reigning, that he was de-
posed, and besides, that he was of spurious origin, and that
Syud Hussain, represented as the nearest relation of the
family, had been elected king, and requesting that the go-
vernment of Pinang would remove Mr. Fenwick, the cause
of the present commotions. If the governor could not re-
move him, they requested he would sanction their putting
him to death, which they say would be attended with little
difficulty, and be equally agreeable to them.

It may not, perhaps, be out of place to make a remark or
two upon the above letter. The sagis residing in the inte-
rior of Acheen, having had no previous correspondence with
the Pinang governor, state that the fact of Johor Alum
being a bad man, was well known to the governor. How
did they know his sentiments ? The fact is, Johor Alum
had rendered himsejf unpopular amongst a certain class at
Pinang ; the governor had also shown an aversion to him
from the first, and Syud Hussain, not liking to pay duties

ACHEEN. 53

on his trade at Acheen, thought it would be very convenient
and profitable to get his son made king, by which he would
monopolize the trade, which he, in fact, afterwards strove to
do. The sagis, or chiefs, also were in want of a little
money and opium, and naturally considered the syud, a
man of immense wealth, would pay liberally for the honour
intended to be conferred upon him. A mutual understand-
ing then existed amongst the parties, and the time was con-
sidered favourable for getting Johor Alum out of the way.
It would have had too much the appearance, however, of a
settled plan (as it really was) to have introduced the suc-
cessor's name in the first letter. It was necessary to feel
their way, as an elephant cautiously examines any soft
ground he may be passing over, before he trusts the whole
weight of his cumbrous body, which might be overwhelmed
by one false step ; and the good of the country, and the
gratification of the governor, were to be assigned as the pri-
mary motives which impel these sagis and the law doctors
to depose the king, who had reigned over them more than
thirteen years, and whose father and ancestors had long held
the sovereignty of the country.

Syud Hussain, the rich merchant, it subsequently ap-
peared, owed his election to the principal of the sagis, Pang-
lima Polim, who had contrived to usurp the whole power
into his hands. This Panglima Polim was represented by
Captain Canning as the person likely to succeed, but it is
to be presumed, that the laws of the kingdom precluding
his elevation to the sovereignty, he accordingly selected the
one under whom his influence was most likely to be main-
tained, and from whose wealth some personal gain might be
drawn.

Mr. Petrie expressed great regret, in his reply, to hear of
the distractions at Acheen, but the instructions of the Com-

54 ACHEEN.

pany prevented his interference ; he did not feel justified in
offering an opinion even ; he assured them of his good-will,
and expressed a hope that a beneficial intercourse might be
established hereafter. A postscript was added, to guard
against this letter being construed into an approbation of any
design against the life of Mr. Fenwick.

Shortly after, followed another letter from the three chiefs,
mentioning the elevation of Syud Hussain, requesting the
support and assistance of the Pinang government in favour of
the said Syud Hussain, accompanied by a letter to that per-
son, setting forth that, if he considered himself too old to
reign, he might send over his son to be the king.

On the arrival of the embassy and letters above stated,
and the intimation of their object, the government of Pinang
seem to have acted on the strict principle of non-interfer-
ence. The governor replied that he had no right or inten-
tion to take any part in the dispute ; that he sympathized
in their distresses, and, however much he esteemed Syud
Hussain, and however anxious he was to serve him, it did
not consist with his duty to interfere in the internal affairs
of Acheen. He assured them of his continued friendship,
and hoped the sufferings they had so long endured might
have an early termination ; but he did not give tbem one
word of advice about paying due submission and obedience
to their lawful sovereign, and endeavouring to conciliate his
good-will by fidelity and zeal for his service ; nor did he
show any disinclination to permit Syud Hussain to usurp
the throne of a chief with whom he was still maintaining a
correspondence ; on the contrary, he stated he would not
prevent Syud Hussain from proceeding to Acheen, in com-
pliance with the invitation of the chiefs, though he would
give him no support or assistance whatever. The sagis had
also, at the same time, as before mentioned, addressed the

ACHEEN. 55

syud to a similar effect. The old man professed great hu-
mility and indifference at first, as he always did when he
was anxious about anything, and wished to make a good
bargain ; but recollecting that Johor Alum had imposed
duties on his vessels, with the feelings of animosity and
wounded pride which the Malays are so well known to che-
rish when a slight has been offered to them, he seemed to
have no disinclination to avail himself of the offer of the
sagis, which he made appear was quite spontaneous and
voluntary on their part.

In conformity to the governor's professed policy, the
Malay translator was directed to inform the syud, that
government would not take an active part in the business,
and he was told that he would not be allowed to equip and
fit out any vessel for warlike purposes at Pinang. The
syud replied that he had received the governor's commands
not to equip a force, or make any preparations for hostility
against the king of Acheen, and with all the apparent in-
nocence and inoffensiveness possible, he says, " nothing can
be more distant from my mind than any such design. I
have no vessels of war, nor any implements of war ; for I
am a mere merchant." He then expressed his intention of
arming his trading vessels in such a way, that if they
chanced to meet pirates, they might be capable of defending
themselves, and of proceeding to Acheen to see a sister and
perform rites at the tombs of his ancestors. He also states,
that, as the chiefs were extremely anxious to see him, he
had resolved to take his son with him, intending, if he
found matters as represented by them, to make him king.
If afterwards they and the king of Acheen should go to
war, and depose him, that would be a matter not dependent
on him. He concludes, " I shall in no respect deviate from
the orders of the government. My reasons for undertaking

56 ACHEEN.

this Acheen business is to further the prosperity of Pinang,
of which I am myself an inhabitant." Of course, the welfare
of Pinang was the main object, and the bait held out ; the
minor ones, to see a sister and perform rites ; and five ships
were required to be fitted out to carry him and his at-
tendants over ! What a proud example of public spirit, of
affection for kindred and devotion ! No intention of hos-
tility against the king of Acheen ; no implements of war ;
and yet the ships must be fitted, and were fitting, to defend
him against pirates ; and his son might perhaps remain as
king, if matters were found as represented by the sagis!
Was there ever, in so small a space, so great a number of
contradictions? and will it be believed that a governor,
professing neutrality and considering himself bound by his
duty to admonish the syud against fitting out vessels at a
British port, should have permitted himself to be deceived
by such a letter? The result was what might naturally
have been expected from such extraordinary and inconsistent
policy.

About this time, came an application from the king for
an armed vessel and one hundred sepoys, asserted to be for
the purpose of recovering ten thousand dollars plundered
out of a Chinese junk belonging to Pinang, which was re-
fused. Complaints were at the same time made against the
king and Mr. Fenwick for various acts of plunder committed
against the rajah of Pedir. In the end of September 1815,
Fenwick himself arrived at Pinang, authorized by the king
to request that a British resident and a military force might
be sent to assist in composing the disturbances in the country,
and with authority to settle the terms of subsidy to pay
their expenses. Fenwick was ordered not to land ; but on
the representation of medical men, as to his age and infir-
mities, the order was withdrawn.

ACHEEN. 57

Although the syud had been officially cautioned against
fitting out vessels to proceed to Acheen, he was busily
employed in arming five or six vessels. A letter was re-
ceived from Captain Woolcombe, of his Majesty's ship
Revolutionaire, intimating, on the authority of a person of
the name of Hamm, a commander of one of Johor Alum's
vessels, that the syud was disobeying the orders of govern-
ment, and making very hostile preparations; that the arma-
ment was fitting out with the consent, or at least connivance,
of government. A letter was at the same time received from
Hamm himself, stating* however, that the consent of the
governor had only been asserted by Syud Hussain. The
governor seems to have viewed the conduct of Hamm with
great indignation. He ordered a committee, consisting of
the superintendent of police and master attendant, to exa-
mine and report upon the nature of the equipment, and the
number of vessels, with the arms on board. The vessels
were five in number; and although the syud had a timely
hint of the intended scrutiny, no less than between thirty
and forty cannon were found mounted on board the vessels,
with muskets, pistols, pikes, swords, ammunition, &c. in
due proportion. The committee took upon itself the. re-
sponsibility of giving its opinion, that such a supply of
warlike stores was only adequate for the protection of the
vessels against pirates. . The syud was permitted to go on
with his preparations, and to take his departure without
any further molestation in the way of committees of inquiry.
His fleet sailed accordingly.*

* The government of Pinang was not authorized to allow any
person to collect and export military stores for the purpose of sub-
verting a government with which it was on a friendly footing. The
governor, however, ordered an examination of the vessels which were

said

58 ACHEEN.

Could there be a doubt as to the syucPs intention ? could
there be any question that the fleet was destined solely to
take the part of the refractory chiefs, and to attack and
dethrone the unfortunate king? Such, in truth, was the
result; the fleet commencing and conducting hostilities
under English colours, some of the vessels of both parties
being commanded by Europeans of the lowest and most
worthless character, in whose eyes the murder of the poor
natives, subjects of the opposite party, was often regarded
as a source of savage amusement or with utter indifference;
hence the most revolting barbarities were committed. An-
other application for a subsidiary force was received from
the king of Acheen about the time the syud's fleet quitted
Finang harbour. The syud, on his arrival at Pedir, found
a willing co-operator in the rebellious chief of Pedir, Tuanku
Packie, who subsequently abandoned the cause he had
espoused; a chief of notoriously bad character, who had
committed numberless piracies on British vessels, and who
was the cause of the massacre of the men belonging to the
Hon. Company's ship Elphinstone.

Tuanku Packie had failed in some engagement to deliver
a quantity of betelnut to Captain Gribble, of the Hon.
Company's ship Royal George^ and imputed the failure to
the seizure by the king of some of his prahus. The king, in
reply to a very angry letter of Mr. Petrie, who appears to
have been very much displeased with him, thus excuses his
conduct. " This Tuanku Packie is an enemy of mine,
because he would not pay my revenues, amounting to one
thousand dollars ; and also the duties on import and export,

said to be fitted with stores, but the committee stated the arms on board
were no more than required for defence. Were they so ? Here re-
mains the question to be determined.

ACHEEN. 59

and my land revenues, amounting to three hundred prahus,
he failed to pay. Moreover, Tuanku Packie seized and
plundered my boat, and killed my officer who had charge
of her. As rajah of Acheen, I conceive myself the liege
lord of the inhabitants of that country. In virtue of the
right thus inherent in me, I demanded the revenues of
Packie, and hence bis animosity towards me. Were an
English subject thus to behave to bis sovereign, what would
his sentence be ? I, in the case of Packie, declared Pedir
in a state of blockade, and seized his prahus. As to Captain
Gribble, how could he, as a British subject, grant passes in
my country, any more than I, who am a mere sojourner in
my friend's country [this letter was written upon Johor
Alum's arrival at Pinang], could grant such ? Moreover, I
never saw Captain Gribble. Tt was Tuanku Packie's prahu
that I seized. It is on account of such unwarrantable pro-
ceedings as these that I am proceeding to Bengal, to wait
on the Governor-general, Lord Moira, by whose order I
shall be guided." He then mentions that Tuanku Packie
had plundered an English vessel.

His late majesty of Acheen was naturally of a placid
disposition, generous even to a fault, and so impressed with
* high notion of the power and honour of the British
nation, that he might easily have been guided by our direc-
tions. Had we taken him under our protection at the time
he solicited it, we might have moulded and shaped his
character in our own way ; instead of which, different views
of the subject, interested party feelings, a want of energy
on the part of those entrusted with the negotiations, a re-
luctance on the part of the chiefs of the Pinang government
to assume a proper degree of responsibility (although they
had authority from the Court of Directors), and particu-
larly an unfortunate discordance of opinions of late years

60 ACHEEN.

and intermeddling with the local authorities, who were at
length aroused to a just sense of the importance of adjusting
the differences and forming a closer connexion with Acheen
— have all combined to prevent a satisfactory settlement,
have involved the Hon. Company in a very heavy expense,*
burthened the state for some time with a pensioner of six
thousand dollars a year, have protracted the accomplishment
of measures which, if well understood and timely effected,
would have prevented the dissolution of all political con-
nexion in Sumatra, and the transfer to another power of so
commanding a station and so rich a country as Acheen in-
disputably is. The evil effects of delay have been manifested
in this case to a lamentable degree, and it must ever be a
source of regret that the wise and liberal arrangements con-
templated by the East-India Company were not carried into
effect as they designed, at a time which would have wholly
precluded the chance of Dutch interference, and have pre-
vented that power from offering the smallest opposition to
the prior established claims and rights of the British Govern-
ment. Had the justice and propriety of the sentiments

• The following is a rough sketch of the expenses incurred at
Pinang alone, on account of Acheen, merely for. the short period from
1818 to 1824, and not including the large sums disbursed on the same
account at Bengal :

Sp. Dre.
Expenses of Acheen mission up to April 1824 112,916 71
Envoy's salary from Dec. 1817 to Nov. 1818 13,750

Do. do. in 1819 5,000

Allowance to Syf-ul-Alum from June 1820 to
Dec.1824 26,666

Total Sp. Drs. 158,332 71

The ex-sultan, or pretender, died at Pinang about eleven years
ago.

ACHEEN. 61

expressed by the late governor, Mr. Phillips, been earlier
recognized, we should not have had occasion to lament the
sacrifices which have been made. The governor observes,
in regard to Johor Alum, and the policy of supporting the
legitimate sovereign of Acheen against the machinations of
the turbulent and rebellious chiefs — " surely, then, true
philanthropy, as well as the certain prospect of extensive
commercial and political advantages, calls ujxm us, as the
representatives of a great nation, and her ancient ally, to
restore and to excite and foster the renovation of her valuable
internal resources. When a proper stimulus to industry
and enterprise is given by an established government, and
by a more free intercourse with us, the crime of treachery
and other vices, now so prevalent, must soon disappear
amongst the Acheenese."

Had the Pinang government on the receipt of the first
intimation from the sagis, or principal chiefs, of their deter-
mination to depose the king, and when they requested the
governor to send over Syud Hussain,the old merchant, to be
their king, either refrained from noticing their letter at all,
or replied to these rebellious chiefs that it would not consent
to the usurpation of the throne of Acheen by one of its
own subjects, or hold correspondence with traitors, we
should have heard no more of the syud's pretensions, and
the old king would soon have re-established his authority to
a great extent. These refractory chiefs had no more right
to depose their king than the Lord Chancellor and the Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland have to request some foreign potentate
to send over another personage to fill the throne of this
kingdom. The sagis had no right to depose and elect a
sovereign at pleasure, and certainly not Syf-ul-Alum, upon
the plea of his being a legitimate descendant of a former
king of Acheen, the said Syf-ul-Alum being a younger and

62 ACHEEN.

natural son of Syud Hussain by a slave girl ; and the said
syud, instead of being a legitimate descendant of the famous
Jemal-ul-Alum, king of Acheen, — as so repeatedly stated
by Captain Coombs, — was the son of a Nias slave girl.
The government is monarchical, and the succession he-
reditary; and Johor Alum, being the legal heir to the
throne, and having succeeded by the suffrages of the people,
and reigned upwards of thirteen years, had a right to retain
it. Considering also, the respectful disposition he had lat-
terly manifested, he should have been supported. Every
thing was greedily seized upon to detract from the merits
and the rights of Johor Alum. The expense of supporting
him effectually would not have amounted to one-half the
sum which has been expended on frivolous missions, and
the public would have been spared the evil example of the
intrigues, factions, and discord, which have pervaded the
whole of the Acheen transactions.

Some observations on the nature of the government* are

• Marsden says, — " The monarchy is hereditary, and is more or less
absolute in proportion to the talents of the reigning prince ; no other
bounds being set to his authority than the counterbalance or check it
meets with from the power of the great vassals, and the disaffection of
the commonalty. But this resistance is excited in so irregular a man-
ner, and with so little view to the public good, that nothing like liberty
results from it. They experience only an alternative of tyranny and
anarchy, or the former under different shapes. The grand council of
the nation consists of the king or sultan, the maharaja, laksamana,
paduka tuam, and bandhara. Inferior in rank to these are the ula-
balangs or military champions, among whom are several gradations of
ranks. The whole kingdom is divided into certain small districts or
communities, called mukim, which seem to be equivalent to our pa-
rishes, and their number is reckoned at one hundred and ninety, of
which seventy- three are situated in the valley of Acheen. Of these
last are formed three larger districts, named Duo pulah duo (twenty-
two),

ACHEEN. 63

here required. Captain Coombs states that it is monarchical;
but there are three powerful chiefs who have long controlled
the king — from having established an extensive influence in
the country. They have sometimes assumed the power of
deposition and election, and have, in consequence, been
termed by some, electors also. They are said to superin-
tend the three great divisions of the kingdom, and are sup-
posed often to intercept a great portion of the king's proper
revenues. They are described as follows : Panglima Polim,
of the 22— Perba Uleema, of the 25 — and Tukoo Imam
Mooda, of the 26 mukims. The kingdom is, moreover, divided
into petty rajaships or principalities, which have long ac-
knowledged little more than the nominal superiority of the
king, and pay little obedience to his commands.*

two), Duo pulah limo (twenty-five), and Duo pulah anam (twenty-six),
from the number of mukims they respectively contain, each of which
is governed by a panglima or provincial governor, with an imam and
four pangichis for the service of each mosque."

* Marsden says, — "The history of Acheen presents a continual
struggle between the monarch and the aristocracy of the country, which
generally made the royal monopoly of trade the ground of crimination
and pretext for their rebellions. About the year 1 588, the orang kayas,
or chiefs, met in order to choose a king, on the extinction of the an-
cient royal line ; but each wishing the crown for himself, they resolved
to decide the matter by force. At the suggestion of the cadi, or chief
judge, the crown was offered to another noble, and the first step after
his accession was to invite the orang kayas to a feast, when, as they
were separately introduced, he caused them to be seized and murdered
in a court behind the palace."

64 ACHEEN;

CHAPTER VI.

Arrival of Johor Alum, King of Acheen, at Pinang. — Reasons assign-
ed by the Governor for not permitting him to land. — Remonstrance
against his entering the harbour. — The King entitled to protection.
— Syud Hussain's vessels return from Acheen. — Old King requests
an examination of them. — King enters the harbour by an accident.
—Syud Hussain's Son announces his having become King of Acheen.
— Johor Alum complains of Syf-ul-Alum having plundered his Pro-
perty, and attacked him under English colours. — King attributes
his misfortunes to Fenwick. — Old King invited to return by the
Chief who was instrumental in his expulsion. — Preparations for his
return to his own country. — Governor objects to his fitting out and
arming vessels. — Johor Alum returns to Acheen and wages war with
the Usurper. — The plea of non-interference proved to be nugatory
in this case. — Chiefs commence the election of Syud Hussain's son.
— Supreme Government direct strict neutrality to be observed.

On the 6th December 1815, Johor Alum, king of Acheen,
arrived with several vessels at the entrance of Pinang har-
bour, and sent a short note to the governor, announcing his
having left the last port of his kingdom, Passy, four days
before, and requesting an interview on business. The go-
vernor immediately despatched the Malay translator to his
majesty, who was still in the offing, and desired him to
communicate his directions that the king's wishes should be
made through him, in preference to a personal interview, to
prevent his being exposed to embarrassment, which might
arise from the claims of individuals arising here, who had
suffered losses under his authority, and who might be ex-
pected to avail themselves of the opportunity of his pre-
sence to enforce their claims in court ; in which case, the

ACHEEN. 65

governor would be precluded from the exercise of any in-
terference. Of all incomprehensible pretexts for declining
a meeting with Johor Alum, this was the most extraordinary
to urge, and a groundless expectation to express, as there
was no Admiralty jurisdiction. This evinced a very great
regard for his majesty's personal interests, somewhat at
variance, however, with former and subsequent practice. In
the case of the usurper even (a natural son of Syud Hussain,
and a British-born subject), it was fully determined subse-
quently, that no action could be brought against him.
When Louis XVIII. sought an asylum in England, would
British subjects have thought of bringing him into a
court of law, for acts done while king during the short in-
terval of his exercising sovereign authority on Bonaparte's
abdication ; or if General Jackson had happened to visit
England, after he caused two unfortunate British subjects to
be executed, would the friends of these men have thought
of bringing the general before a legal tribunal on a charge
of murder?

Constituted as the Court of Pinang besides is, there
could be no good ground for such an unnecessary apprehen-
sion, as the governor is President of the Court, and is by
no means precluded from interference on a political emer-
gency, if there were need for it. The poor fugitive king was ,
alarmed, however, by a message of such threatening import,
and, as the translator reported, he assented to the propriety ,
of the advice, and promised to remain at his then anchor-
age until he had procured a supply of provisions, when he
intended to proceed to Bengal. During the conference, the
king conversed entirely in English, with great fluency, and
on the departure of the translator, said " give my compli-
ments to the governor."

On the following day, the king's vessels dropped a little

66 ACHEEN.

farther into the harbour, and the governor instantly des-
patched the translator to intimate his surprise that his high-
ness should have entered the harbour, and to inform him
that it was not usual for one sovereign to come to the do-
minions of another, without giving previous intimation of
his intention to do so, and obtaining the permission of
government. With all due deference, it was, on the con-
trary, very natural that the king should come to Pinang
without prior notice, and solicit protection, particularly as
he had been compelled to quit his country for a time on the
approach of a large force fitted out at a British settlement,
which he was not immediately prepared to oppose, and as
he knew the other party had been permitted to equip a
hostile fleet, he thought he might be allowed the indulgence
at least of sheltering himself for a time under the flag of a
power which professed neutrality. He recollected, also,
how many letters he had received from Lieutenant-governor
Farquhar, Colonel Macalister, Mr. Bruce, and Mr. Phillips,
and even the Governor-general, all repeatedly stating, "tell
us how we can assist you ; and when in difficulty and dis-
tress, appeal to us." Why, therefore, insult an independent
chief, and endeavour to obtain commercial privileges from
him, by making professions and promises which were not to
be fulfilled ?

We find, however, that the governor, perceiving the king
had not much apprehension on the score of legal proceedings
being instituted against him, addressed a letter, assigning
another motive for his not granting an interview, namely,
his refusal to see Captain Canning — the envoy sometime
before deputed by the Supreme Government, and acquainting
his highness that it did not consist with his duty to admit
of his landing at Pinang ; but that, according to the laws
of hospitality, he should be at liberty to procure supplies.

ACHEEN. 67

It might be proper, in the event of an European sovereign
coming over and suddenly presenting himself at Deptford,
shortly after having declined to receive a British ambas-
sador from the Queen, to stand upon some ceremony in re-
ceiving his majesty ; but surely no punctilio of this kind
was necessary in the governor of a small British settlement,
which existed chiefly by the trade of Acheen, receiving
Johor Alum. Granting that he was as worthless as his
enemies represented him ; that he had committed acts of
oppression upon British subjects, the mere circumstance of
his refusing on one occasion to receive an ambassador, by
whom he thought he had been slighted, should not have been
Viewed in so serious a light as to justify the governor in
permitting such preparations for his overthrow ; in holding
correspondence with traitorous chiefs, and in refusing him
permission even to land, when he came to throw himself upon
our generosity, and to profess regret for any acts he com-
mitted offensive to the English Government.

Would not the generality of governors, in such a case, if
men of experience either in political affairs or knowledge of
human nature and human failings in general, have adopted
a different course? How far more consonant with that
liberal and enlightened policy observed by experienced
statesmen would it have been ; how much more conformable
to the benevolent and philanthropic practice of a Cornwallis,
a Wellesley, or a Hastings, to have thus received the exile
monarch ! — " Your highness has now come to throw yourself
upon the generosity of the British Government ; you pro-
fess your regret and contrition for having given offence, and
you faithfully promise to be more circumspect in future.
We admit your plea of ignorance of diplomatic forms, and
the evil counsel of your majesty's ministers, as an excuse for
the rejection of Captain Canning's mission, and we expect

68 ACHEEN.

you will regulate your conduct in future so as to avoid a
further occasion of offence to the British Government, and
you may thence calculate upon the good-will and support
(in the event of your recovering your power) of this govern-
ment." The governor might have given him some advice,
both in regard to the policy to be observed towards his
chiefs, and the management of the affairs of state, as well as
for conducting the commerce of the country upon terms
mutually beneficial. The affection of the king would have
been secured by such noble generosity ; his chiefs would
not have dared to rebel, and a bad example would not have
been held up for the imitation of other characters aspiring
(like Syud Hussain) to sovereign power ; nor would the'
impression have gone abroad amongst the surrounding
Malayan countries, that the English Government supported
Syud Hussain in his proceedings to an extent much beyond
what it really did.

While the king remained in the harbour of Pinang, three
or four vessels belonging to Syud Hussain returned from
Acheen under English colours ; and his majesty requested
the governor would cause the police people to swear the
commanders what they had been doing ; and he suggested
that, in order to substantiate the fact of their improper con-
duct, no previous notice of an intended investigation should
be given. The governor replied, he was not aware of any
sufficient reason for the investigation, or for any interference
on his part in whatever proceedings might have taken place
at Acheen. He also said that he was informed an account of
these proceedings had been transmitted to the Governor-
general of Bengal from Acheen, which was an additional
reason why he should decline taking any steps of that nature
without the previous orders of his lordship. The vessels
would of course remain in statu quo till an answer could be

ACHEEN. 69

received from the Governor-general ! This reminds us of
an observation made by Lord Hastings, when the Governor
of Madras applied for instructions how to act against the
Pindarees, who even threatened the metropolis : " If," said
he, " the government-house was on fire, would you wait for
orders to extinguish the flames ?"

In consequence of the former warning, the king had
dropped his vessels further out ; but on the 27th December,
the governor, again observing that he had removed from his
anchorage, desired the translator to express his surprise and
displeasure, and demand an explanation of a proceeding so
little according with the respect due to the British Govern-
ment, of which the governor was the immediate representa-
tive ; to state also that the government would not suffer any
compromise with its authority, nor permit any act of dis-
respect ; and in the event of the cause of his majesty's re-
moval not being satisfactory, the translator was bound to
signify the desire of the governor, that he should return to
his former position. The poor king was a good deal alarmed
by such a message, and the apparently angry feelings of the
governor ; but fortunately he was prepared with a very rea-
sonable excuse, for he stated, that his Britannic majesty's ship
Acorn had, that morning, on entering the harbour, taken
such a position as to place his own vessel in a foul berth, and,
in his apprehension, to render a change necessary ; and he
promised to drop down again with the tide, which he did
not fail to do.

A letter, dated 22d November 1815, addressed to the
governor, was received from the son of Syud Hussain (who
had before figured in the humble capacity of nakoda of one
of his father's vessels, trading to and from Java and other
places), who assumed the title of Sultan Syf-ul-alum, who
is seated on the royal throne of Acheen. " I write this let-

70 ACHEEN.

ter," says he, "to acquaint my friend with my having
become king of Acheen, together with all its dependencies,
on the 13th of this month (Dulhaja), with the approbation
of all the chiefs, civil and military, and other inhabitants of
the whole country, who have with all their hearts sworn
allegiance to me. I have thought it right to acquaint my
friend herewith, and trust a lasting friendship may be esta-
blished between us."

On the 15th January 1816, the king wrote to the gover-
nor, to inform him that his stay had been protracted in order
that Mr. Fenwick might accompany him to Bengal, and
there make known the state of his country, which he was
better qualified than himself to do. On that account he was
attached to him. He adds, " I have further to observe, that
Syud Hussain has proceeded to Acheen, under the English
flag, by which my credit has been hurt in the eyes of great
and small in the country :" and he complained of Syf-ul-
Alum having plundered his property.

A few days thereafter, the king addressed another letter to
the governor, attributing all his misfortunes to the evil coun-
sel of Fenwick ; stating that he had persuaded him not to see
Captain Canning, and to detain Captain Stirling ; that Fen-
wick had quitted Acheen, with much of his majesty's pro-
perty, under the pretence of procuring aid at Pinang. The
king determined to discard him accordingly, and applied
for permission to take with him some European of good
character to assist him with his advice. The governor ex-
pressed satisfaction that his majesty had discovered his evil
counsellor, but objected to his taking any other European
with him, or purchasing any warlike stores ; and informed
him that he was precluded from affording any other aid
than what he tendered on his arrival here, w*. such articles
of supply as might be requisite to enable him to prosecute

ACHEEN. 71

his voyage whithersoever he might be disposed to go. The
king had all along expressed his intention of proceeding to
Bengal, and asked only for supplies of provisions for the
voyage ; he seems, however, to have received some encourage-
ment about this time to return to Teluksamoy, from the
very chief who drove him out, the rajah of Pedir. On the
13th March 1816, Johor Alum applied for permission to
re-embark his mother, and the females of his family who
had been permitted to land, it being his intention to sail in
a few days for Acheen, which was of course complied with.
He also requested the governor's interference about a large
sum of money belonging to him, which had been placed by
the court in the treasury, in consequence of a suit against
his agent Fen wick. He was informed, the governor could
not interfere, and was recommended to apply to the court.

Johor Alum was now hastening his departure for Acheen,
and collecting his vessels nearly opposite the government-
house. The governor, observing the assemblage on the 31st
of March, directed the translator to communicate to the
king the surprise of government that a number of vessels
had been collected, and the preparations he was understood
to be making ; that he had come with the avowed object of
refreshing and procuring supplies, to enable him to proceed
to Calcutta, and therefore it became necessary to inquire
what his majesty's present object was in making such pre-
parations. The translator reported that his majesty said,
he had not relinquished the intention he intimated on his
arrival, but intended first to return to " his own country,"
for the purpose of restoring order and tranquillity there ;
after which, war., about October next, he proposed either to
proceed to Bengal, or to send an ambassador on his part to
communicate with the Supreme Government, as existing
circumstances might render advisable. The vessels were

72 ACHEEN.

examined, and reported to be in a more inefficient state than
when they arrived.

The reply from the king did not pacify the governor,
who caused another letter to be written to him, expressing
the surprise with which the governor had beheld the devia-
tion made by the king from his avowed purpose in visiting
this port ; that, instead of confining himself to procuring
supplies of provisions, he had availed himself of the re-
sources of the port, and, without the governor's knowledge
or sanction, purchased vessels and equipped them for hos-
tile purposes, which, being contrary to his professions, the
governor considered to be derogatory to his dignity. He
also refused to allow the king to embark some cannon, pur-
chased from a mercantile house, and concluded with the
following grave caution :— " It is necessary to inform you,
in clear and distinct terms, that if you, or any person acting
under your authority, are guilty of any aggression towards
any vessel carrying the British flag, you must expect very
severe and serious consequences will ensue." As Syud Hus-
sain's vessels all bore the English flag, and fought under it,
this was in fact equivalent to granting his vessels a pass to at-
tack Johor Alum, and not to be liable to be attacked in turn.

It may be instructive to take a cursory glance, en pas-
sant, of the policy adopted by the governor, about the same
time, relative to the neighbouring Malayan state of Perak,
which forms a complete contrast with the line of procedure
adopted towards the king of Acheen. In July 1815, the
governor wrote to the rajah of Perak, recommending him
strongly to comply with the demand of Siam for the token
of homage, a gold and silver flower. In January 1816, it
was reported the king of Siack was about to make war upon
Perak, and the governor wrote to the king of Quedah, " It
is true," as my friend observes, "Quedah and Pinangare but

ACHEEN. 73

one country, and I trust this amicable footing will endure
as long as the sun and moon continue to revolve* I am
very sorry to hear of the design entertained by the Siack
chiefs against Perak ; for although not so intimately con-
nected with that country as with Quedah, I feel interested
in all our neighbours, and I should desire by all means in
my power to promote their prosperity. This, I have no
doubt, is the disposition of my friend also, and I beg that,
in writing to Tuanku Long and Syud Zein, my friend will
acquaint them, that though not bound by treaty to protect
Perak from invasion by sea, as in the case with Quedah,*
I shall treat as pirates any whom I find waging hostility so
near to this island as any part of the Perak territory. Be-
fore then they embark in this lawless and unprovoked en-
terprize, my friend will do well to advise them to beware
of the displeasure of the British Government." The go-
vernor wrote at the same time to the king of Siack, that he
should consider all abettors of such proceedings as enemies
to the British Government, and that they should be dealt
with as such. Here is a direct deviation from the system of
non-interference, so often professed to the king of Acheen : a
pob'cy directly opposed to the proceedings adopted against
that unfortunate prince.

Had this policy been consistently pursued, and had a
steady adherence to it been evinced, it would have been
more satisfactory. Had the government of Pinang told the
Siamese, when they threatened to compel the Quedah chief
to attack Perak himself, — " Do so at your peril ; we shall
treat you as enemies of the British Government, as we

* How completely this obligation has since been overlooked, is but
too well known, by our abandonment of the interests of our ally, and
not only permitting but assisting the Siamese to take possession of
Quedah.

74 ACHEEN.

threatened to treat the Siack chiefs ;" the caution would,
doubtless, have had the same salutary effect, and it would
have shown some degree of consistency, which we in vain
look for in these proceedings. The wavering policy prevails
again ; for we find, the king of Perak having objected to
acknowledge submission to Siam, so determined was the
governor that he should comply with the demand, that he
permitted the rajah of Quedah to attack him, and informed
him, " It only remains for me to add, that if my friend com-
pel the rajah of Quedah, acting under the orders of the king
of Siam, to declare war against Perak,* I shall not permit
any intercourse between Perak and this island during the
prevalence of hostilities :" and such was the case ; all export
of provisions to Perak was stopped ; they were not allowed
to purchase arms ; the Quedah forces were assisted with
every thing, and in short we were aiding the Siamese in sub-
duing Perak. Was this again neutrality and non-inter-
ference ? and this too at a time when we were making such
vehement professions of being guided solely by these prin-
ciples. Can the insolence and audacity of the Siamese, in
attacking Quedah afterwards, be wondered at ? Such have
been the fatal results springing from so short-sighted and
temporizing a policy in both cases.

To return from this digression. The king of Acheen
repaired thither, and finding Syf-ul-Alum set up in opposi-
tion to him, with a considerable number of vessels, various
engagements took place, with partial and occasional suc-
cess on both sides ; and the whole coast soon became in a
state of warfare of the most deplorable and barbarous

* The Author had the satisfaction of being in part instrumental in
preventing the Siamese taking possession, of Perak in 1825, and that
state is now independent, and in close and friendly alliance with the
British Government.

ACHEEN. 75

nature, which continued for several years; — a state of
things as destructive to the progress of that trade which had
formerly been conducted, as discreditable to those who, in-
stead of affording protection to our old ally, when he sub-
mitted himself to our mercy and consideration, permitted
one of our own subjects to usurp his authority, and to fit
out a very large hostile equipment in our port ; and, more-
over, to allow him, without remonstrance, to shield himself
and fight under British colours. Such a procedure is dif-
ficult to be justified, and in this case cannot be palliated by
the old and hackneyed plea of non-interference and neutra-
lity ; for the preceding details too clearly demonstrate, that,
if such were professed, they were not adhered to. There
was a party behind the curtain all the while, giving full
support to the syud and the usurper, and some of that
party were on terms of confidence with the governor, whom
they certainly misled. The Writer watched the progress of
these extraordinary proceedings at the time, although he had
no concern whatever with them in any way, being then very
young in the service.

In May 1816, the sagis or chiefs of Acheen " formally
announced" the deposition of Johor Alum, and their having
raised to the throne Paduka Sri Sultan Syf-ul- Alum, son of
Syud Hussain, the Pinang merchant. " Should, therefore,
the deposed king," they say, u go to our friend, and repre-
sent that we have not deposed him, let him not give credit,
for he is deposed by the laws of God ! Our friend, we know,
takes no pleasure in an unjust cause." At the time the above
was written, Johor Alum was waging a very successful war
against the usurper, who, no doubt, either induced the
foregoing letter to be written by the sagis, or wrote it him-
self. The governor, at this period, seems to have been ex-
tremely hostile to the old king, recapitulating all the charges

76 ACttEEN.

against him. At length came a long communication from
the Supreme Government on Acheen affairs, directing strict
neutrality and non-interference ; in plain words, to allow
the parties to fight it out ; to make with the one that got
the better the best terms they could for securing the Bri-
tish interests in Acheen. Captain Canning's report of pro-
ceedings were shortly after received.

ACHEEN. 77

CHAPTER VII.

New King disappointed in expected support from several Chiefs of
Acheen. — Complaints of Syud Hussain of the successes of the old
King against himself and Son. — Interruption of Trade, and excesses
oftheUsurper. — Syud Hussain committed to gaol. — Governor's Reply
to the Syud's Appeal. — JohorAlum remonstrates to Governor against
Syud Hussain'8 proceedings. — Governor refuses passes to trading
Vessels to Acheen. — Proposed negotiation with Acheen. — Reports
in favour of the King having recovered his authority. — Instructions
of Supreme Government. — Contradictory Reports. — The Chief of
Pedir again changes sides ; Complains of the Usurper. — Tuanku
Packie detains Syud Hussain '9 Nephew for a debt. — Syud Hussain
proceeds to Acheen to release his Nephew. — Packie's complaints. —
Praiseworthy conduct of late King. — Commencement of Governor
Phillips's acting administration. — Syud Hussain in difficulty — sup-
ported by a party.

Syf-ul-Alum found that he had not such support as he
had expected, and discovered that it was not so easy a
matter to usurp the kingdom from Johor Alum as he had
anticipated. The latter had collected a considerable marine
force, and captured some of the syud's vessels, as he was
fully justified in doing. Even before the letter referred to
in the last chapter was written by the sagis, Syud Hussain
sent a whining letter or petition to the governor, regarding
the capture of a small vessel named Jan de Bareas by Johor
Alum. He stated that there was property, in merchandize,
gold, and money, to the value of eight thousand dollars,
belonging to his son, the usurper ; and five thousand dollars
belonging to chiefs of Pedir. The syud concludes — " I have,

78 ACHEEN.

moreover, to acquaint the governor, that by a letter from
Mr. Palmer, a merchant of Bengal, it appears the Governor-
general has authorized him to procure and load in my ship,
the JVam, which had sailed for Acheen, fifty stand of arms,
with their appurtenances, and also ten casks of gunpowder."
(Non interference again !) Mr. Palmer was the syud's agent
for some time before, and was very instrumental in getting
the usurper a pension afterwards. He also had influence
enough with a subsequent governor of Pinang, to induce
him to send a merchant of Singapore as agent to the govern-
ment to Siam, instead of sending a covenanted servant, by
which the Hon. Company were put to a large expense ; and
the only object attained was, turning the accidental influence
of the said merchant to his own private account, and enter-
ing into a contract for supplying the emperor of Siam with an
immense quantity of muskets and other warlike stores ; and
many vessels have since that period brought out from
Europe cargoes of these articles, by which means the mer-
cantile house conducted a very lucrative trade with Siam
several years. It has been well ascertained that many of
these arms were supplied to our enemies, the Burmese,
during the war, and enabled the Siamese themselves to
attack and take possession of the territories of our old ally,
the king of Quedah.

The poor syud's ambition for sovereign power led him
into much difficulty, and the Writer has often seen him
weep with mortification and chagrin when he found himself
obliged to expend large sums of money and little was coming
in. His son was not over-scrupulous about what vessels he
attacked, provided he could make sure of overcoming them ;
whether British or native, they were attacked and plun-
dered ; and the act was always justified, by supposing them
the deposed king's property. Trade was interrupted, and

ACHEEN. 79

many innocent and unoffending traders fell victims to these
disorders and this struggle for sovereign power.

We have now reached an interesting stage of the Acheen
affair. In consequence of some proceedings in the court of
judicature, and an action which was brought against the
syud connected with the Acheen question, the recorder
committed the syud to gaol on a charge of piracy. The
syud petitioned the governor, stating, " that he had resided
twenty-six years at Pinang, and never committed any crime ;
that the recorder had heard only one side of the question,
and that the judge had entered into the business because his
son had become king of the country at the request of the
Acheenese chiefs, not by war nor violence by any means ;
that when he went to Acheen, he made the governor and
council acquainted therewith, and they knew the whole,
and sent to examine the five vessels through the channel of
the police magistrate, who found no fault with him. He
accordingly went, and returned in two months, having seen
his son made king. He gave his son four vessels, and he
proceeded to Teluksamoy, to look after the deposed mo-
narch, to take him to Acheen, and allot him a place of
residence, that he might not cause disturbances at sea; but
they did not meet with him, he having gone to Pinang. v>
The syud went on to say he made the governor fully ac-
quainted with his own and his son's proceedings, and he
entreated the governor's interference to get him out of
prison.

The Mahomedan inhabitants of the island also petitioned
in his favour, and sorely bewailed the syud's condition;
they represented that he could neither eat nor sleep, and
apprehended nothing less than his speedy dissolution. The
syud was committed to prison on the Thursday ; on Sunday
morning, at the early hour of five o'clock, the recorder

80 ACHEEN.

himself went out and released him from gaol, giving the
syud his own carriage to bring him into town ! The syud
again addressed the governor, acquainting him with the cir-
cumstances attending his release, setting forth the great dis-
grace he had suffered, and lamenting his unfortunate fate.
The governor made a short and general reply, that the
syud knew the sincere friendship he entertained towards
him, but all he could do was to refer the matter to the
Governor-general.

A few months after, Johor Alum had returned to his
own capital, viz. on the 21st November 1816, he addressed
a letter* to the Court, detailing the circumstances attending

• " Whereas I, Sultan Ala-eddeen Johor Alum Shah, represent to
the Court, that a merchant from Pinang, by name Syud Hussain, and
his son, named Syud Abdullah, came with a whole fleet to my country,
under English colours, saying that they came to perform rites at the
tombs of their ancestors at Acheen. When they arrived there, they
laid schemes with base men, such as Haji Abdulrahman and Tuanku
Packie of Pedir, and agreed, in conjunction with these persons, to
take my country from me. They hoisted English colours, and I was
restrained from fighting with them, because all their ships were under
the British flag. On this I sailed to Pinang, and arrived there, and
made known to Governor Petrie and all the chief men the whole of
the syud's conduct. When I had been about a month at Pinang, a
letter came from Acheen, sent by all the chiefs, requesting that I
would return. Having been absent about four or five months at
Pinang, I sailed for Acheen, and arrived at Passy, where I anchored ;
but I did not remain long there, and soon made sail for Acheen.
When I arrived at Sambalangan, I met Syud Hussain's son, named
Syud Abdullah, who fired his guns at me seven times, which I could
not bear. I then returned his fire until evening, and night put an
end to the contest. In the night, a gale and heavy sea came on, and
all my fleet was dispersed here and there, I know not whither, and
my ship remained alone. I then sailed back to Kevala Passy, and he
followed me thither, to fight me at sea, but he could not land. He
then consulted with Haji Abdulrahman, and sent letters: to all the

chiefs

ACHEEN. 81

the attempted usurpation of his government by Syud Hus-
sain. The letter contains a clear and temperate statement.
No reply appears to have been sent to it, and, in fact, no cor-
respondence whatever passed for many months after this be-
tween the government and either of the contending chiefs,
who were left for a time to fight out their own battles.
Trade with Acheen was now nearly at a stand ; and it was
considered so unsafe for trading vessels to go there, that the
Pinang government absolutely refused to grant port-clear-
ances for that coast. So much for the policy of the govern-
ment, in permitting one of its own subjects to usurp the
government of a neighbouring state, to plunder and oppress
other traders resorting from Pinang, and, in fact, to put a
temporary stop to the commerce of the two countries. It

chiefs and warriors, giving them directions to kill me. All these letters
are in my possession. Moreover, he took all my guns which were at
Acheen, forty- eight in number, or put them on board ships ; half he
placed in the fort where he resided. Further, Syud Hussain's son has
utterly destroyed all my houses at Acheen. When I came to Pinang,
I observed three vessels of Syud Hussain sail from thence under
English colours: one, named the ship Futta Salim; one, the brig
Kalantany in which was his (the syud's) son Abdullah; and one,
named the Kota Jawa. These having sailed from Pinang, and arrived
at Acheen, hauled down the English colours and hoisted a red flag,
and attacked and fought with me. Moreover, I made known to the
court, that Syud Hussain has set up his son to be rajah in my country
these three months. On account of this conduct of Syud Hussain
towards me, I have been subjected to a great loss in the revenues of
my country, and in my commerce, which brought me in 400,000
dollars a year by the duties and the commerce of the countries which
surrounded my dominions. But now Syud Hussain has got all that
formerly appertained to me; and the business of this representa-
tion of mine is, to request justice from the head of the consultation,
to decide correctly and uprightly, according to the Company's laws,
which I will hear and abide by."

82 ACHEEN.

was thought by some, that Syud Hassain's gaining the
ascendancy would eventually have been beneficial to. the
genera] trade of Pinang. This was certainly a delusive
expectation ; all the syud aimed at, was to secure a mono-
poly of the Acheen trade in the hands of himself and his
immediate dependants. The commerce would, in such case,
have been fettered with the most vexatious restrictions, and
the syud's grinding system would have prevailed.

In February 1817, Governor Phillips proposed a few
simple provisions of a contemplated arrangement with the
government of Acheen, vix. equality of duties between the
two governments, double duty on foreigners, non-residence
of Europeans or Americans at Acheen, and prevention of
individual monopoly of goods. He alluded to the yet pre-
vailing contention between the rival parties, adding the
rumours at the time, that Syf-ul-Alum had withdrawn
from the contest, and the old king, Johor Alum, had been
invited to re-assume the government. Great doubts, how-
ever, were entertained as to the authenticity of this intelli-
gence. The singular absence of correct information is here
conspicuous, and becomes the theme of animadversion by
another member of government, who proposes to depute a
civil servant to obtain information on certain points, then
resting on vague, inconsistent, and unsatisfactory reports of
misinformed natives, &c.

A letter from the supreme government was received in
July 1817, the substance of which may be stated as fol-
lows: they conceive that Johor Alum will probably re-
establish himself on the throne ; that, if he does, reparation
should be demanded of him for the injuries done to British
subjects, and the insult offered to Captain Canning ; that,
provided he acquiesced in the proposed commercial conven-
tion, projected by the governor as above stated, the repara-

ACHEEN. * 83

tion may be confined to a formal apology by a constituted
envoy sent to the island ; that if he refused, ulterior mea-
sures must be taken ; the imposition of double duties on
foreigners is objected to ; the suggestion of appointing an
agent to reside at Acheen is approved of, but to look after
trade only ; that information may then be obtained so as to
lead to a political connexion calculated to support and
maintain the peace of Acheen, and the influence of the
British ; but a reference to the Court of Directors must
first be made ; requires information in the meantime as to
the nature of the connexion to be adopted, whether troops
were necessary and what number.

There is next a document, in August 1817, acknowledg-
ing the most complete ignorance as to the real state of
Acheen, and to which of the reports, directly at variance
with each other, faith is to be attached ; proposes employing
a Mr. Hutton to get intelligence. A member of govern-
ment thought no advantage would result from his employ-
ment, and he proved to be right, as no good effect followed.
A communication from Tuanku Packie of Pedir is the next
in order. This worthy was one of those who invited over
the syud, and whose former letter was termed intelligent.
He had extracted all he could from the penurious syud,
and, finding he could get no more, changed sides again.
The old syud, it seems, had calculated much upon the sup-
port and influence of this chief in establishing his son in
the government, and had given him a carte blanche to
make war, murder, pillage, and destroy, all who were in
favour of the old king, promising to repay all expenses to
which Packie might be subjected in this glorious and
honourable service. Besides the advantage of immediate
profit derived from the plunder of all vessels indiscrimi-
nately which came in his way, Packie had the prospect of

84 * ACHEEN.

ultimate reward also from the syud, and he went to work
with all possible zeal and alacrity. Tuanku Packie, having
succeeded in waging good war against some of the old
friends and adherents of Johor Alum, now claimed from
the syud the promised reward for his meritorious services ;
the syud, however, felt rather reluctant to part with the
money, and Tuanku Packie very unceremoniously seized
his nephew, Syud Alloway, as an hostage for the payment.
The nephew submitted a very humble letter to the gover-
nor, soliciting his intercession. The parts which bear
most heavily upon the syud are omitted in the translation,
and the expression " here follows a long and uninteresting
detail 11 substituted. The syud repaired to Acheen, with
the intention of releasing Syud Alloway; but he found this
could not be accomplished by force, and he grudged the
disbursement of so large a sum as Tuanku Packie de-
manded by way of ransom.

The letter from the chief of Pedir, before alluded to, is
as follows : " I have to address the governor respecting the
arrival of Syud Hussain from Pinang, with all his vessels,
not to benefit the country, but to liberate his nephew, Syud
Alloway, whom I have detained on account of his debt to
me. His object is to destroy the country of Acheen. He
wages war by land, and seizes the vessels of all the poor
people who seek their livelihood at sea. I have been de-
terred from seizing his vessels, from their being under the
Company's colours; for I hear the Company is just, nor
does it ever oppress any of us, the chiefs of Acheen, nor
any other country ; but, on the contrary, shows favour.
Tuanku Syud Hussain, however, had a vessel which was
not under Company's colours, and her I adzed, because of
his conduct aforesaid, in seizing and plundering poor peo-
ple's prahus, which was not warrantable. The reason of my

ACHEEN. 85

seizing his nephew, Syud Alloway, was, that when Syud
Hussain formerly came to Acheen, for the purpose of
placing his son upon the throne, he ordered me to pursue
the deposed king, and to bring the respective districts under
subjugation to the new monarch. He engaged, in writing,
to pay the amount of my charges. I accordingly pursued
the deposed king to Teluksamoy, and effected all the other
objects of my commission ; after which I demanded the ful-
filment of his part of the agreement, viz. the payment of
my expenses of 26,195 dollars, but he refused to pay. I
therefore seized and detained his nephew, Syud Alloway, he
being also deputed by him to settle with me, and I shall
detain him till the debt is liquidated. I now beg of my
friend to answer this letter, and also to favour me with some
gunpowder and cannon, shot for twelve, nine, and seven
pounders, also about a dozen muskets, as my friend pleases. v
At the same time, Johor Alum addressed a letter to the
governor, to the following effect : " I have caused this
writing to be prepared and given to Nakoda Taun. The
said nakoda, having come from Pinang, fell in with one
of Syud Hussain's guard vessels at Kevala Curtoy ; the
name of his chief was Passgran ; he was then plundered of
all his property and his prahu, after which he came to me
at Kevala Passy. I now send him to Pinang, in the
schooner, commanded by Lebby Serang." The translator,
at that time, who seldom appeared to let an opportunity
slip of saying something to the prejudice of Johor Alum
about the style of the letters, adds : " The original of this
document is too loose and incoherent to be any further fol-
lowed in such a way as would justify me in calling any
version of it a translation, and I can therefore only guess
his highness to signify that although he has the inclination,
he is deprived of the power of punishing the conduct

88 ACHEEN.

CHAPTER VIII.

The acting Governor's Proceedings on Acheen affairs. — Different
opinions upon the Pretensions and Authority of the Rival Chiefs. —
The legitimate Sovereign had a right to Support. — Inconsistency of
the Officer who was principally instrumental in the first Proceedings
against the Old King, who negotiated first a Treaty with one King,
and afterwards with the other, whose authority he had predicted
there was not the most distant prospect of being recovered. — Altered
Sentiments and more correct views of the Governor.

We find a voluminous and comprehensive paper in Octo-
ber 1817, detailing all the reports and transactions that have
passed with Acheen from the year 1797, the state of the
country, as described by Marsden, and all the respective
deputations there. The paper, which was prepared by an
officer, afterwards sent as envoy to Acheen, concluded by
a recapitulation of all the mischiefs that have attended the
disputed rule, pointing out the necessity of the British Go*
vernment putting an end to them, by taking determined
measures for the support of one side or the other ; and de-
ciding, for reasons assigned, in favour of the new king,
Syf-ul-Alum. The latter opinion is stated to be given under
the conviction, that the great bulk of the people are with him,
and that Johor Alum never could recover his lost autho-
rity. The document in question refers to the letter before-
mentioned, authorizing the appointment of an agent ; but,
as Colonel Bannerman was expected as governor, proposes,
in deference to him, that nothing should be done till he
arrives.

But, as usual, we find different opinions urged as to the

ACHEEN. 89

respective claims of parties, though all agree on the necessity
of more decided interference. The cause of Johor Alum is
urged on the ground of his being the legitimate king, of
his having long been misled by evil counsel, to which a very
just remark is added, that if the king, when he cast off
Fenwick, had been supported by the government, and re*
ceived wise counsel, he must soon have re-acquired the
confidence of his people. The majority of those called upon
to decide, seem, therefore, to have given the preference to
Johor Alum, the old king. No actual measures appear,
however, to have arisen out of these proceedings ; they
stand not as acts, but as opinions only.

It seems clear, indeed, that if support was to be given to
either party, the legitimate prince, on common principles,
had the best right to it It may be admitted, the case
must have been strong which could warrant the British
Government in taking a decided part in displacing the
hereditary monarch ; but, on the other hand, it must be
remembered, that Johor Alum had been acknowledged by
the Pinang government to have been ostensibly deposed,
and that his compulsory restoration, being against the wishes
of the chiefs, might have been attended with no very bene-
ficial consequences to him, and have excited much jealousy
on their part* It is obvious, however, that the real object of
most of the chiefs must have been the establishment of their
own independence, and that, as both counted on the assistance
of the British, such assistance would have decided the dis-
pute. There can be little doubt that the Pinang merchant
expended vast sums of money in the pursuit of royalty, and
that the zeal of his friends abated as the weight of his purse
diminished. The prospect of a settlement of the country
was at this period as distant as ever.

It is necessary to revert more particularly to the paper

90 ACHEEN.

under consideration. The return of the syud, before
alluded to, after his unsuccessful attempt to release his
nephew, is made the occasion for a grand display by the
governor's adviser, in whom he seems to have placed more
credit than subsequent experience warranted. The syud is
stated to have reported, that his son's authority was esta-
blished. I know he felt otherwise, and surely the preceding
details prove the contrary. The weepings and lamentations
of the old merchant, at this time, to some of the respectable
English merchants of Pinang, were really pitiable. His
supporters, however, felt, that a bold push must be made
to give the usurper support at once, otherwise all their
schemes and fine theories would soon be overturned ; for he
was tottering.

A person, who had a ready command of his pen, sat down
and drew up a paper, which, in point of inconsistency, sur-
passes any thing of which my study of the annals of oriental
history furnishes me with an example. It being the object
of the present discussion to present matters in a clear light,
I shall be excused for remarking upon such parts of that
paper, as seem to require particular notice. It is full of
invective against the late king, and the contradictions in it
are too evident to escape remark. It begins in the following
strain : — " The return to this settlement of Tuanku Syud
Hussain from Acheen, to which capital he had proceeded
on a visit to his son, the lately elected monarch," &c. ; and
it goes on to state the necessity of the interference of the
British Government. It proceeds — " upwards of two years
have now elapsed since the attention of the British Govern-
ment was formally invited, by the ruling chiefs at Acheen,
to the distracted state of their government ;" and the revolu-
tion which was brought about, was " officially announced ;"
and it enters into a long detail about former wrongs, insults

ACHEEN. 91

and affronts of Johor Alum against the British Govern-
ment. Paragraph 4 begins : " It is, therefore, willing to
see in the late aggressions the misguided councils of a weak,
foolish, and infatuated individual, rather than the deliberate
acts of the government of the country ;" and enlarges upon
not wishing to injure the poor people of Acheen ; the bad
chance they would have in fighting with the English, &c.
Paragraphs 5 to 8 contain general observations concerning
the advantage of having a settled government at Acheen,
and the former importance of the country. Paragraphs 9 to
21 relate to the several missions which have been sent to
Acheen, in former years, the desire of the Court of Directors
to establish a footing, and to the distracted state of the
country ; and contain many severe insinuations against
Johor Alum ; nothing, however, tangible or specific — all
general.

Paragraph 23, however, specifies a case, that of the Jnna-
poorney (not a word throughout about Colonel Macalister
and the Hydroos brig) : " reiterated complaints continued
to be received of acts of oppression and injustice committed
by the king " (I cannot trace them), " who, under pretext of
enforcing the duties upon a commerce carried on in a country
nominally only subject to his rule " (he was the best judge
whether it was real or nominal ; he was, at all events, the
sovereign ostensibly) ; " but which, in fact, disclaimed and
despised his authority " (so did the mutinous officers at
Madras despise the orders of government in Sir George
Barlow's time), " seized, detained, and plundered the ves-
sels returning to the coast ; till at length, in 1813, his pi-
ratical seizure of the ship Annapoorney, and plunder of her
cargo, on the false and flimsy pretence of her trading con-
trary to the laws of the kingdom " (have our Custom-house
officers not seized the Acheenese people's cloths, &c, upon

92 ACHEEN.

theySmsy pretence of smuggling ?), " brought the proceed-
ings of the Acheen government, or rather the nominal*
sovereign, more immediately under the notice of the govern-
ment of British India ;" and this and the two following
paragraphs refer to Capt. Canning's mission, and Fenwick,
the king's minister, and wind up with some severe animad-
versions, as usual, upon Johor Alum, " the hopelessness of
his ever regaining the attachment, respect, or obedience of
the people of the country."

In paragraph 25, much fault is found with the king,
because he chose to assert his independence, in former letters,
to promulgate his commercial regulations, as we do those of
our ports, and because he used to sail along the coast, and
visit his several ports, collect his duties, &c. " We shall
see " (states the manifesto), " that the king, an outcast, and
a wanderer from port to port along his coast, is made to
hold a high, insulting, and haughty language to the local
authorities here, loftily asserting his sovereign rights, arro-
gantly prohibiting commerce with his country, and, as far as
a bold, daring, and inflated style could evince it, bidding
defiance to the British Government." It is true, some very
intemperate letters were received from the king, written in
English, and well understood by the government to have
been written by Fenwick, sometimes without the knowledge
or consent of his master ; but as the king had, long before
this manifesto was written, expressed his contrition, sup-
plicated forgiveness, and attributed all his bad policy to
this man, whom he had discarded from his service, at the
instance of the Pinang government, it was surely unkind
and impolitic to regard these letters as communicating the
real sentiments of the king. We should have given him

* The sepoys at Vellore were only nominally subject to their officer's
rule;

ACHEEN. 93

credit for his assertion, that he had been misled by bad
advisers, and not harped upon offences fully atoned for.

Does the Governor-general not bid defiance to neigh-
bouring states who misbehave ? and why was not his lord-
ship punished when he took a trip up the country to look
after the revenues of the Company, and settle the country,
which was disturbed by internal and opposing factions, as
Acheen was ? Why does not the King of France get very
wroth because our cruizers seize some of the smuggling
French luggers in the British Channel? If we profess
justice and the law of nations to be our guides, in our inter-
course with Asiatic nations even, let us at least preserve the
appearance of consistency.

In paragraph 26, all the intemperance and contumacy of
the king was ascribed to Fenwick. This is the only candid
admission in the paper, and all this had been admitted by
the king two years before. When a man commits a fault,
and is sensible of it, all he can do is to express his sorrow,
and unless he is very incorrigible indeed, such apology is
usually accepted by persons whose minds are free from any
undue bias, and who wish to act uprightly.

Paragraph 27 is merely a repetition of what was before
asserted, relative to the seizure of the vessels transgressing
the regulations of Acheen, which are stated to be acts
" little short of piracy," and which the king justified (" in-
solently attempted to justify by the laws of his kingdom.")
Paragraph 28 informs us* that " the character of this weak
and incompetent prince was at last placed in the most con-
spicuous view by his worthless minister himself, who, when
he found his unfortunate master driven from his country as
an exile, and compelled to seek refuge from the very govern-
ment he had for two years past been insulting, had opened
his eyes too late to the ruin in which his misplaced confi-

94 ACHEEN.

dence had involved him, and avowed Mr. Fenwick had ad-
vised and directed all his measures; no sooner did this
virtuous minister discover this, than, basely deserting his
master, he unblushingly throws off the mask, accusing the
king of every species of misconduct, tyranny, and oppres-
sion." What does this prove against the unfortunate king,
but that he was deceived in the character of his adviser ;
that he was betrayed by his quondam confidential minister,
and misled, as we have often seen men in authority misled
by their advisers ? The "true character of the king' 1 exposed
by a person who has been stigmatized before as every thing
that was worthless and undeserving of credit ! Fine rea-
soning this !

We are informed in paragraph 29, " that we cannot be
surprised that the chiefs and people should throw off their
obedience to such a king." Paragraph 30 adverts to the
mission of Captain Canning, and we should pay a little
attention to this. The writer says, " no sooner had Captain
Canning reached the first port, than he was immediately
made acquainted with the misconduct of the king, and the
general disaffection to his government." Any person ar-
riving at one of the out-ports of Bengal might, in like
manner, be informed, by some disaffected and turbulent
people, that the highly-respected Governor-general was un-
popular. Assertion is not proof. Here let us pause a
moment, and look back to the last letter which had been
received from Acheen (from Tuanku Packie himself, the
very author of the slanders against Johor Alum alluded to
by Captain Canning), dated July 1817, and accusing the
new king, Syf-ul-Alum, of every species of villainy and
oppression. After this letter, will it be credited that, in
this manifesto, such a paragraph as the following should
have been inserted ? " Tuanku Packie, one of the most

ACHEEN. 95

powerful of the chiefs of the country (whose sister is mar-
ried to the king), addressed a letter to Captain Canning,
explanatory of the cause of his hostility to his -sovereign,
viz. the disgrace brought upon his house by the profligate
and debauched life led by the king, associating chiefly with
the lowest European and native Portuguese and Caffres,
publicly drinking spirits and eating pork, setting at defiance
all the established customs of the country." So this worthless
pirate, Tuanku Packie, who had first taken the part of
Syf-ul-Alum against his own brother-in-law and sovereign,
and afterwards deserted him, and only a few months before
this paper was written, notified his desertion from the cause
he had before espoused, undisguisedly expressed his senti-
ments of dislike and abhorrence of Syud Hussain and his
son, and had invited the old king back, is to be set up as a
pattern of morality; and his assertion, two years before,
that the old king was worthless, is to be received and
adopted as a justifiable reason for the British Government
supporting an usurper, and taking an active part in dis-
placing a legitimate and hereditary sovereign, who was fast
regaining his authority, even under a powerful opposition
from a rich Pinang merchant, and his host of European and
native supporters !

Paragraph 31 contains the substance of the information
received by Captain Canning on the coast from the lax-
samana and shabundar, two inferior officers and immediate
dependants of the king, who were tired of their master (the
latter afterwards a murderer, hired by Syf-ul-Alum to as-
sassinate Tuanku Packie, which he accomplished by stra-
tagem, and fell a victim in turn to his treachery) ; all
tending to criminate the king, and a great deal of nonsense
about the crown being taken from Johor Alum's head.

Paragraph 32 again reverts to Tuanku Packie. " Scarcely

96 ACHEEN.

had the persons " (the worthies before alluded to) " quitted
the ship, when Captain Canning received another despatch
from Tuanku Packie, the chief of Pedir, inclosing to him
a copy of a letter just received from the three principal
chiefs of Acheen" (made for the purpose, no doubt), " no-
tifying to him that they had proceeded to the measure of
solemnly deposing the king in an assembly of all the chiefs; 1 '
still no allusion to the letter of recantation, so recently
received from Tuanku Packie. Pars. 33 to 36 repeat that
Captain Canning had been informed by Tuanku Packie
that the king was deposed, that he had been requested
by the chiefs " to encourage the rebellion ;" that Johor
Alum would certainly lose his head if he attempted to resist,
and that Captain Canning was very much offended by the
king not seeing him. Par. 37 states, that we have now
arrived at the last act of aggression committed by " the
sovereign of Acheen, viz. the rejection of the mission," and
proceeds in a very high strain about the deposition of his
majesty by the chiefs. Par. 38 contains an extract from the
letter of the sagis, dated nearly three years before, viz.
18th April 1815, purporting to be the solemn deposition.
Par. 39 adverts to the reply sent, " that government would
not interfere in the dispute." Par. 40 alludes to the second
letter, requesting Syud Hussain (here called a " highly
respectable merchant of thi3 settlement") might be allowed
to go over. Par. 41 mentions, that " Syud Hussain was
distinctly informed that, although government could not
oppose or prevent his repairing with his family to Acheen,
to avail himself of the invitation of the chiefs, yet he would
clearly understand, the enterprise was not to be considered as
possessing the sanction of the British Government, and
that all hostile equipments for its prosecution were posi-
tively prohibited. Under this explanation, the syud quitted

ACHEEN. 97

this presidency and repaired to Acheen." The writer goes
on to say, that a letter had been received from Tuanku
Packie, stigmatizing Johor Alum, the old king, " as an
unjust and oppressive tyrant, and very intelligently pointing
out the consequences of such misrule," &c. A very intelli-
gent man, indeed ! This is still alluding to the letter dated
nearly four years prior to this paper, and not referring in
the most remote degree to his subsequent communications.

Far. 42 states, that advice was received that Syud Hus-
sain's son was welcomed ; that the new sovereign communi-
cated the same himself in a despatch to the governor, dated
22d November 1817, and that the old king fled to seek
safety at Finang. " It cannot," says the writer, " be neces-
sary to say, that in his distress and need he experienced
mare than the shelter he sought. He was permitted to enter
our port, and to refresh and refit his vessels. It might, per-
haps, have been expected that the flight of the late king from
his country, and the solemn inauguration of a new sove-
reign, a sovereign called to the throne by the free choice of
the chiefs and people " (when did all this solemnity take
place ?), " would have caused all existing differences to sub-
side, and peace and order to take the place of anarchy and
misrule ; but this happy state of things could not suddenly
be brought about in a country subject, as Acheen had so
long been, to disorder and confusion, and among chiefs re-
luctant to part with the power which the weakness of the
government had enabled them to assume." And yet, in the
same breath, we are told, this Syf-ul-Alum was called to the
throne by the "free will of the chiefs and people" who are
now " reluctant to part with their power? even to him, as
they had been reluctant to pay obedience to their legitimate
king ! Par. 44 adverts to Johor Alum's having " taken
advantage of the means attainable at a British port for refit-*

98 ACHEEN.

ting his vessels, and that he was now carrying on a struggle
to recover his authority.* If he did take advantage of the
means attainable at Pinang, it must have been very stealthily,
for we have before shown that remonstrance upon remon-
strance was made against his so doing, or even entering the
harbour; and that those appointed to examine his vessels, re-
ported they were more inefficient on his departure than they
had been on his arrival at Pinang. Par. 44, however, flatly
asserts, " that the deposed king, without a shadow of power
or authority " (this assertion, made in direct opposition to
the expectations expressed by the Governor-general, and for-
warded to the Pinang government a few months before, viz.
that Johor Alum was rapidly regaining his authority), " is
still found residing at one of the smallest ports, while the
new king, Syf-ul-Alum, is yet but insecurely seated on the
throne, or rather has not yet been able to bring under sub-
jection" (after a struggle of two years' duration) " some of
the chiefs of the country, who have profited, as it might be
expected they would, by the long existence of anarchy and
misrule, to consolidate and establish their own indepen-
dence free of any superior:" and yet this is the chief called
to be a king by the general voice of the nation ! Poor Johor
Alum had found just the same difficulty in keeping the re-
bellious chiefs in order.

Par. 46 returns to Tuanku Packie, the " intelligent chief,"
who had always been regarded with great consideration, when
he wrote abusive letters of his old king. " Of this descrip-
tion " (observes the writer of the paper) " is Tuanku Packie,
the most powerful chief on the coast, who, under pretence of
security for the payment of a large sum of money, alleged to
have been advanced in raising troops for the service of the
new king, Syf-ul-Alum, has lately seized upon one of the
king's brothers-in-law, and detained him as an hostage."

ACHEEN. 99

Packie held a written engagement from Syud Hussain, pro-
mising to reimburse all expenses. " Such/' continues the
writer, " is the unsettled state of things in which the king-
dom of Acheen at present exists, after a period of three
years since the solemn deposition of their former sovereign ;"
and the paper goes on to say, that nothing but the inter-
ference of the British Government will be effectual for esta-
blishing a proper government.

Par. 46 commences : " Although Syf-ul-Alum, from the
want of resources and his inability hitherto to collect his
revenues," (why did he go there, if deficient in resources ?
and why not able to collect his revenues, if called by the
voice of the nation to the throne ?) u has not been able to
establish his authority over the chiefs, who have profited by
the unsettled state of things to pursue their own aggrandize-
ment, we are not left in any doubt whatever as to the disposi-
tion of the chiefs of the state in regard to the old king; for,
apprehensive that the revived struggles for power, which the
old king's return to the coast, in the month of March last
year, might possibly have given rise to on the part of the
British Government, and the probability of his restoration,
these chiefs addressed another letter to this government,
declaring their umhaken resolution never again to receive
their deposed monarch, and solemnly renouncing his rule
for ever, adding that they had chosen Syf-ul-Alum to be
their king." This is the old story; the chiefs had tried Syf-
ul-Alum two years and upwards, and they were as tired of
him as they had been of Johor Alum. The fact is, that they
wanted no king at all, and merely made the election of Syf-
ul-Alum a pretence for deposing their king. Why should
the writer of the paper have suppressed this intelligence?

The winding-up of this extraordinary paper is in the
same masterly style as the foregoing. The conclusions were

100 ACIIEEN.

ready formed beforehand, but it was necessary to embellish
and suppress a little in the narrative to make these conclu-
sions the more palpable. We were for a time dazzled and
misled by the plausibility of the remarks of the writer, and
it was not until we attentively perused all the proceedings,
and minutely investigated all the causes of complaint against
the late, and the pretensions of the new, king, with the flimsy
and unsubstantial arguments of his zealous supporters, that
the delusion vanished, and our eyes were opened to the real
merits of the case. We shall proceed, however, to analyze
the manifesto, and bring the remarks which naturally arise
from it to a close as soon as possible.

Par. 47 takes a summary view of Acheen affairs, and the
writer arrives at seven different conclusions : First, that " the
trade heretofore has been beneficial, and would be more so, if
put upon a proper footing ; that the conducting it had been
attended with vexation, oppression, and injustice on the part
of the Acheen government." Second, that " these evils having
been owing to the misconduct of the king, and resigning his
power into the hands of low Europeans, no security can exist
till an accredited agent of the British Government is esta-
blished at the capital of Acheen." Third, that " if a treaty
were entered into, there was every prospect of an approved
commerce for British subjects, and of increased prosperity to
the Acheen kingdom." Fourth, that " the old king, Johor
Alum, has virtually ceased to reign, and having been for-
mally and solemnly deposed by the chiefs and council of the
nation, as distinctly and formally announced in the procla-
mations and letters of the chiefs, can no longer be considered
as possessing or invested with any character which gives him
a right to the acknowledgment of the British Government."
This deposition ceremony must have been attended with
much formality and solemnity, for we find the favourite

ACHEEN. 101

words frequently repeated in the manifesto. This fourth
conclusion is rather a singular one, when we consider the
latest accounts received from the chief of Pedir, and the
accounts of the old king's successes, received some months
before. Fifth, that " Syf-ul-Alum has been formally in-
vited and elected to the throne of Acheen, and solemnly
settled upon it, and recognized as the sovereign, and is
accordingly the ostensible ruler of the kingdom, although
his resources 'have proved insufficient and inadequate to es*
tablish his authority ." Yet there is proof positive that, at
this very time, the old king had pretty well established his
authority, not only in opposition to several of the chiefs,
but the resources of Syud Hussain and his son, aided by
their powerful friends at Pinang. Sixth, precisely the same
as the second, viz. that " a fixed and settled government
never will or can be established over the country, until the
British Government shall take a decided part in support of
a legitimate government, and afford its open countenance
and protection." Seventh, that " no opportunity has ever
existed more favourable to such an introduction of British
councils and influence than the present, and that the early
interposition of them is essential to the restoration of the
monarch of Acheen, and to the tranquillity and prosperity
of the kingdom ; and that there now exists every well-
founded belief that such an arrangement may be effected
as will secure to the British Government a permanent in-
fluence in the council of the state, and due security for its
subjects in their commerce with Acheen :" — the early inter-
position of British councils, so essential to the restoration
of the monarch of Acheen, is not meant to aid the old and
legitimate king, but the usurper, of whose failure and imbe-
cility this is a clear confession, and the conclusions are too

102 ACHEEN.

inconsistent, the one with the other, to escape the notice of
the most superficial observer.

Pars. 48 and 49 state again the necessity of interfering
effectually in Acheen affairs, and assert, that " every re-
flection strengthens the belief, that neither the new mo-
narch, Syf-ul-Alum, nor any ruler that may be called to
govern that kingdom, ever will be able to establish a fixed
and steady rule, unless his authority is countenanced by the
aid and support of the British Government.* Here is an
admission and a contradiction to many preceding assertions.
The writer has before admitted the right of the chiefs to
depose and elect a sovereign at pleasure ; has attributed all
the distractions to the misrule of the late king ; has pro-
nounced Syf-ul-Alum to be called to the throne by the
general voice of the country, " by the grand council of the
nation," who had " solemnly sworn allegiance;' 1 ' and yet he
finds precisely the same difficulty in preserving his autho-
rity, or rather in gaining any authority at all, as Johor
Alum did. Par. 50 states, that the long misrule of the king
had produced " the frequent rebellions that have taken
place and the downfal of their authority ," as asserted by
Marsden, and " produced the natural consequence of dis-
gust and disaffection to their rule, and endeavours on the
part of the chiefs of the provinces of the kingdom to make
themselves independent." Why then did they elect a new
sovereign ? Pars. 51 and 52 are a repetition of what has
been asserted more than once before in the paper, that
Acheen is in a distracted state ; that trade is much inter-
rupted, &c, and now, in the next par., we have another
remarkable instance of inconsistency and contradiction to
what has before been asserted of the " new monarch, who
was elected to the throne, and solemnly seated upon it and

ACHEEN. 103

recognized as the sovereign." Par. 53 proceeds thus:
" We have in turn had proclamations from each of the
rival sovereigns, prohibiting the resort of vessels to other
ports than those at which each has respectively taken up
his residence, or happens for the moment to be able to ex-
ercise a doubtful authority over, and cargoes freighted at
some of the ports, and consigned to British vessels or British
merchants, have been seized, plundered, and confiscated, by
the armed vessels of one or the other party, on pretence of
the duties not having been paid, or the port being in a state
of rebellion against whichever of the two rivals has been able
to intercept the vessels!" This is strictly correct in regard
to the usurper, but not so in respect to the legitimate king,
against whom the records did not shew a single complaint
since his return to his own country, except by the new king
and his father !

Far. 54 mentions that " such has been the true state of
affairs," and again repeats the necessity of recognizing the
new king, and taking him under British protection. Par.
55 commences by again mentioning the advantages of the
king's being under British counsel, abandoning monopoly,
&c. ; and concludes " that his authority would become con-
solidated and fixed on the firmest basis of all authority — the
willing obedience and affection of his people" This by no
means follows. The people were disaffected, it would seem ;
the British Government takes a decided part, and the " will-
ing obedience of his people " follows as a natural result !
Par. 56 repeats that the distractions at Acheen are a "most
undesirable and unwished-for state of things, and it would
seem to be but consistent with the spirit of the instructions
of the supreme government to enter at once upon the ques-
tion, and endeavour, without further delay, to come to an
understanding with the government of Acheen." The last

104 ACHEEN,

despatch from the supreme government had communicated
the expectation of that authority, that the old king had re-
covered his influence considerably, and expressly pointed
out the course to be pursued by the Finang government in
negotiating with Johor Alum, the legitimate sovereign, to
accept a simple apology from him for the rejection of Captain
Canning's mission, and to enter into a treaty with him.
In this precious document, now under discussion, not the
most distant allusion is made to that part of the orders*
Nothing but empty declamation and general and unfounded
assertions about the new king being in power ; vain attempts-
at demonstrating it, and many paragraphs, in short, contra-
dicting others.

To prove, however, what a prophet the writer was, who
subsequently signed a formal and solemn treaty with the
late king, alluded to in the following paragraph, I shall
give his own words : — " It can hardly be doubted that the
new monarch Syf-ul-Alum (and from the test information
we possess, as well as the solemn acts of renunciation already
quoted, there is no ground whatever for supposing that the
deposed monarch, Johor Alum, has the most remote prospect .
of recovering his authority) will be heartily disposed to
enter into the views of the British Government, and to form
a treaty with us upon the most favourable terms ; indeed,
when the fact is adverted to, that each of the rival princes
has in his turn applied to the British Government for aid
towards the establishment of his authority ; justly sensible,
that without it he can never etrect it," &c ; and goes on
concerning the advantageous opportunity which then pre*
sented itself for effecting the desired object of a settlement
at Acheen, the inclination of the government to send an
ambassador there at once, &c. The government would have
been disposed to open a negotiation with the new king Syf-

ACHEEN. 105

ul-Alum, by acknowledging a letter lately received from that
prince, expressing a " hope that his majesty's authority was
now sufficiently established, as is necessarily implied from
the repeated communications from the cliiefs at Acheen, and
from himself,' and expressing his wish to adjust matters
in an amicable manner, and " desiring his majesty to name
the earliest date at which our agent could be received at his
majesty's capital, it being inconsistent with the dignity of
either party that such a mission should be received elsewhere
than at the ancient seat of the Acheenese government."
How was Syf-ul-Alum to get there ? He was then residing
at an outport, and possessed no authority at the capital.

The daily expected presence of a new governor from
England, seemed to dictate the propriety of such measures
being postponed till he arrived, and it was not proposed,
therefore, to take any steps at the moment. The fact of
this paper having been written by a person who had been
the confidential adviser of the preceding governor, and was
materially concerned in the Acheen proceedings ; who was
desirous of being charged with a mission, and who was de-
termined to support the side he had so long espoused ; who
first made a treaty with his favourite, and subsequently with
the other, whose authority he had predicted there was not
the smallest chance of being re-established — is well known,
and the subject was long the topic of general conversation.
The Honourable Company have, been made to spend an
enormous sum, most uselessly, while the usurper was the
cause of much bloodshed and disorder during several years.
In justice to the acting governor, it should be observed, he
saw his error afterwards, and his subsequent sentiments
prove it We shall now proceed to detail the farther pro-
ceedings in this interesting affair.

106 ACHEEN.

CHAPTER IX.

Proceedings with Acheen during Governor Bannerman's administra-
tion. — Captain Coombs deputed on a Mission to Acheen, to ascer-
tain which of the rival Kings was in power. — Narrative of the Com-
missioner's Proceedings, and Remarks upon his Reports. — He settles
the preliminary Articles of a Treaty with Syf-ul- Alum, the new King.
•—Does not wait on the old King at all. — The Commissioner proceeds
to Bengal. — Numerous Complaints by the principal Chiefs on the
west coast of Sumatra, of the new King's piratical acts in seizing a
Junk belonging to Pinang. — Appeal of the Owners.— Syf ul-Alum
attempts to justify his plundering a small Brig under English co-
lours. — The old King again remonstrates against the Usurper.—
Promises protection to all Vessels proceeding to the Pedir coast.

Colonel Bannerman, a few weeks after his arrival, in the
latter part of 1817, submitted a paper on Acheen affairs, in
which he animadverted on the utter impossibility of framing
measures on the mere rumour of the day, strongly remarking
on the necessity of more direct interference in the affairs of
Acheen ; stating that any treaty or agreement must be made
with the king actually in power, and, conformably to the views
of the Supreme Government, proposed sending Capt. Coombs
to Acheen as an agent, first, to satisfy himself who is really
king, to make the arrangement with that one, and proceed
to Bengal, to lay before the Governor-general the result
of his inquiries. For this decision, the paper directs the
best course that, under all circumstances, could be pursued,
and had the person about to be deputed been quite un-
biassed and unprejudiced, and not well known to be very
hostile to the late king and favourable to the usurper, no

ACHEEN. 107

better plan could have been devised by the new governor ;
but he had just arrived from England, and he was misled,
as he afterwards avowed.

On the 27th December 1817, instructions were conveyed
to Captain C, in conformity to the above plan, the princi-
pal point being to discover which of the rivals had the most
general support. If he found that either had acquired de-
cided ascendancy and established himself 9 with that one he
was to treat, proceeding to Bengal with the result ; but no
instructions seem to have been given in the other case,
viz. if neither had acquired the ascendancy. Amongst
other acts of violence consequent on the distracted state of
Acheen, is mentioned the massacre of some persons belong-
ing to the Honourable Company's ship Elphinstone, on the
coast of Pedir, into which he was directed to inquire. The
fact was well known, that Tuanku Packie, the chief of Pe-
dir, was the cause of the massacre, and yet we find a civil
and complimentary letter addressed to him, announcing the
intended mission of the agent, and also the draft of an-
other in Captain C.'s hand to the chiefs from the governor,
in which the agent's intended deputation is mentioned, and
the governor says, " finding some letters from my friends,
in which they inform me of their welfare, and of the changes
that have taken place in the government of the country, I
intend to answer their communication by sending a person
to the capital, who will convey my sentiments to my friends."
This was a singular mode of commencing the unbiassed in-
quiries intended, to allude to the " changes that had taken
place in the government."

The captain proceeded to Acheen on the 13th January,
and arrived there on the 17th, after a very quick and plea-
sant passage of only four days. His first report, dated 1st,
was received on the 26th February. I shall proceed to give

108 ACHEEN.

an abstract of the ambassador's report, which, it must be
owned, is very consistent with the paper of the 17th October
preceding. Captain C, for reasons stated, proceeded direct
to the capital, and it appeared to him, he states, " on the
principle of neutrality our government has observed in re-
gard to the struggle for the sovereignty, to be politically
expedient to avoid an interview with either of the rival
princes, until the result of inquiry should justify the recog-
nition of the title of one of them. 1 ' He therefore did not
think it proper to touch at any of the first ports ; but he
had another motive for this, which was, that he had reason
to believe his holding communication with any of the subor-
dinate chiefs u would have excited the jealousy of the great
ruling chiefs at the capital, who (as far as the information
of those best acquainted with the history of the country can
be relied on) constitutionally possess, or, at least, by long
unquestioned usage,* exercise, the right and privilege of too
generally controlling their sovereign."

The principal negotiator at Acheen, on behalf of the
Acheenese government, was the shabundar (the hired mur-
derer of the Pedir chief before alluded to), a most aban-
doned character, and one of the props of the usurper. The
shabundar did not wait upon the agent so soon as the latter
expected he should have done, and assigned afterwards as
his reason that he was afraid of " being seized and delivered
up to the old king, a report having found its way from
Finang and been propagated, that the Company had deter-
mined to support the old king, and that we had come for

* This is a usage that has often been questioned by the kings of
Acheen, never admitted by them ; and the historian of Sumatra
alludes to the " rebellions of the turbulent sagis or chiefs," which
proves they are not considered to be vested with any such right con-
stitutional! v.

ACHEEN. 109

the purpose of effecting it, or at least preparing for his
restoration;" and the agent adds, that the shabundar ac-
knowledged he was so alarmed, that " he hesitated long be-
fore he mustered resolution enough the next day to come off,
and that he actually made his will before leaving the town."
This interesting little anecdote is introduced as an antidote
against any supposition that the shabundar had previously
received very good intelligence through the channel of Syf-
ul- Alum's father, before the mission left Pinang, of the des-
tination of the agent, and the bias and feeling in favour of
his son. The syud had many consultations with his friends
shortly before the mission sailed.

The envoy next informs us who this shabundar was ; —
that he was " the only executive officer and minister of the
government, and is the organ through which foreign agents
can alone communicate with it." Now the agent tells us after-
wards there was no government at all. It is true, this per-
son was the organ of Syf-ul-Alum, the usurper at that time.
iC Although my further acquaintance with his character did
not tend to excite much respect, I have every reason to be-
lieve he is a man whose services may be rendered very
useful in any arrangements that may be made hereafter " —
in favour of the usurper, of course. The agent remarked
that the shabundar betrayed great hesitation at replying to
his first question, " Where was the king ?" being then under
the influence of the alarm excited by the reports above ad-
verted to. The agent says, he " soon discovered there was
no intermediate order between the great chiefs, whose will
may be said to be the law, and the lower classes, their vassals
and dependents," who appeared to be very barbarous, and
to be indifferent about their government. He then pro-
ceeds to enumerate various piracies committed by Tuanku
Packie of Pedir, who was the first to throw off his allegiance

110 ACHEEN.

to the old king, and was styled " intelligent and powerful"
for so doing. The envoy says, these late acts demonstrate
the total absence of any efficient government or authority to
control the subordinate chiefs,* and to restrain their
" licentious conduct," and he felt assured our longer for-
bearance would be misconstrued, and that we should punish
these chiefs. The ambassador had to wait some days before
the chiefs assembled, and was not honoured with a private
conference with the great chief, Panglima Polim, though he
repeatedly requested to see him. The two other sagis paid
him a visit, however, but, he adds, " they avoided all subject
of business." The agent says, " I had cause to complain of
having been deceived by the shabundar, in regard to the
meeting with the panglimas, but judged it advisable to meet
them, as proposed, in " an assembly of all the chiefs."

The great day of meeting arrived, and the grand council
of the nation assembled. The great chief Polim proved to
be a very savage-looking personage, much resembling a par*
ticularly ugly Chooliah cooly, and had no jacket at all upon
him, and the ceremony was altogether ridiculous. I am
not indebted to the agent for this information. The agent
was very cautious, he says, to avoid manifesting a feeling or
inclination towards either of the competitors. Unfortu-
nately, however, neither the envoy nor his official interpreter
understood the Acheenese language. He, however, thought
he made a very favourable impression upon them.

The envoy observed, that, prior to his conference with
the chiefs, there was an evident distrust and disinclination,
on the part of the people, to communicate with the embassy;
but his explanation had the effect of magic, and that shy-

• The writer had previously informed us there " was no intermediate
order between the great chiefs and the lower classes, their vassals and
dependents !"

ACHEEN. Ill

ness on their part seemed to vanish. The agent next pro-
ceeds to give his opinion of the government, which is in
strict accordance with the manifesto discussed in the pre-
ceding chapter. He proceeds thus : " originating, most
probably, at a period long remote, in the personal incompe-
tence and incapacity of some imbecile monarch, the sovereign
authority and kingly power has, for a long course of years
past, been gradually usurped by the great feudal lords, who
have exercised the right of deposing and electing their sove-
reign at their pleasure, leaving, in fact, little beyond the
name of a sovereign, but without any real power or means
of supporting his authority.* Of these three panglimas
or sagis, the lords of the three great divisions of Acheen,
viz. the 22, 25, and 26 Mukims, who claim and exercise this
right of electing their sovereign, who compose the council
of the state, to which the inferior chiefs are also summoned "
(it was before asserted that there was no intermediate order
between these great chiefs and the people), " Panglima Polim
is, beyond comparison, the most powerful in regard to
wealth, the extent of his territories and the number of his
followers, and his will appears, at present, to be exercised as
law, and to direct in all public matters, the two other chiefs
or sagis finding it their interest and policy to concur in
whatever he directs or proposes, their respective resources
being, in every view, greatly inferior to this chief."

The envoy goes on to say, that Polim has long been very
powerful, and alludes to Captain Canning's opinion, that
he (Polim) would have been disposed to put the crown
upon his own head, but was deterred for a time by politic

* And yet he attributed all the late disorders at Acheen to the late
king's bad rule, and greedily seized the opportunity of a complaint
from these rebellious chiefs, to pronounce Johor Alum unfit to remain
as king.

112 ACHEEN.

considerations ; but the envoy asserts his belief, that he sub-
stantially exercised its prerogatives, and that the power he
held in his own hands enabled him at all times to control
the councils and measures of the reigning sovereign, and
must continue to do so, so long as the sovereign is not pos-
sessed of a foreign and efficient aid to support his autho-
rity.

All these observations are preliminary to the main
conclusion, introduced somewhat abruptly in the 87th
paragraph, which is as follows : " That the chiefs of the
country (I mean the three panglimas), who form, with their
subordinate chiefs, the great national council, have «©-
lemnly renounced the old king, and resolved never again to
receive him, and that they are determined to adhere to their
allegiance to the object of their late choice, Syf-ul-Alum,
I think must appear to be fully established.* The agent
states that the mass of the people were quite indifferent to
the fate of their late king, although he had but little Oppor-
tunity of ascertaining their sentiments, for he htod 'tJttfy
visited one port at this time, and, as he subsequently? 4ft-
forms us, the whole body of attendants collected with the
chiefs did not exceed four hundred ! In paragraph 28,
he says, that " the habits and conduct of the late king
so completely violated the prejudices of the people and
estranged him from their affections, that, in truth, they are
wholly indifferent to his fate ;" and in the next paragraph he
informs us, that the people are in such a state of barbarism,
that " whether they have or have not a king, and whatso-
ever he be, they appear really indifferent, although they
might, I have little doubt, be easily stirred up, at the insti-
gation of the chiefs, to support any particular cause."
These two paragraphs surely require no comment. He
proceeds to say, that total anarchy prevailed ; there was no

ACHEEN.' 113

aort of administration of revenue or justice, no compact or
acknowledged bond between the government and the sub-
ject. Individual will appeared to be the sole rule of con-
duct—life and property to be held upon the will of the
chiefs ; every one went armed, and personal violence was
unrestrained.

Par. 81 begins: "From the few of the better class residing
st Acheen, with whom we held intercourse," &c. (we were
before told there was no intermediate order), " the com-
missioner formed a bad opinion of the Acheenese character,
but the people expressed a belief that the interference of the
English Government would be beneficial. The 9SA para-
graph and part of the 33d of this report, must be given
entire, as they form such an extraordinary contrast with the
.sentiments of the commissioner, submitted in a letter to the
governor thirteen months subsequently. u It will serve to
. illustrate the opinion I have formed of the apathy and in-
difference of the people regarding their rulers, and their
senae of their men feebleness, when I state the serious belief
entertained, that we had now come to take possession of the
country, and that we had actually done so, and accomplished
it, when they saw us encamped. I had only twenty sepoys
with me on shore, yet they regarded this comparatively in-
significant force as having actually taken possession of their
capital, and stared at us in crowds from morning to night
with stupid astonishment. The opinion that this was in
.reality our object, was not confined to the lowest class ; for
I afterwards learnt, that persons much more intelligent had
grounded the opposition to our encamping on the beach,
near the river's mouth (which was what had originally oc-
curred to me to desire), upon the opinion, that if we had
taken up that position, the place was effectually seized, as
there we commanded the navigation of the river." The

llfl ACHEEN.

commissioner, however, says he quieted their fears, and
adds, that " I cannot but think that the impression upon
the public mind, created by the presence of so very small
a party of our troops, affords a very useful illustration of
the benefit that would be conferred upon the country by
the introduction of such an establishment as would secure
the king's power.*

Although it may be breaking a little the thread of our
narrative, yet I find it necessary to quote a few sentences
from the same person's report of the 2d of March 1819- It
tja necessary, however, to premise, that Sir Stamford Raffles .
„ha4, been associated with Captain Coombs, upon a second
.mission to Acheen. Sir S. Raffles was of opinion, that one
Iwndred men, or five times the number of the escort which
•had made such an impression before, and excited such alarm,
was sufficient to reside for a time with the resident. The
^gpvemor was of opinion, that a battalion was necessary.
rCaptaiu Coombs signed a protest, in conjunction with Sir
J& n Raffles, against taking a larger force than one hundred
(f men ; and in order to remove from the governor's mind the
(l jmpression that ^he " had fallen into the error of no slight
, inconsistency, by joining his signature to a letter expressing
sentiments so adverse to his own," which he declared ver-
bally to the governor, it seems, he entered into a long ex-
planation upon the subject. He says, "before I quitted
Calcutta," (to which place he had proceeded direct after iris
Hussion, and making such an impression with twenty men),
" I was called upon, under the directions of the Governor-
general, to submit the ideas I had formed upon the question
of the nature and amount of force requisite to nraigfrnn our
; interests* and uphold the government at Acheen; and in
; the ; pe^norandum I gave in I stated, that a military force of
s} #pt lest thsLpjwe hundred men, including all descriptions,

ACHEEN. 116

would, in my judgment, be necessary, together with a small
armed vessel, to be for a time at the disposal of the British
representative. ,w He therefore asserted that, as he was to
take charge of the residency, he should feel it necessary to
require a force not less than above-mentioned, although he
had signed his name to the protest against sending more
than a hundred men. Such are the benefits arising from
associating men of discordant opinions upon such an im-
portant commission.

In proof of the prevailing bias in favour of Syf-ul-Alum,
I quote from the 34th to the 38th paragraphs. " But
to return from this digression. Notwithstanding the pains
we took to invite confidence, and which I really believe our
conduct inspired, and to lead to unreserved disclosure,
I could not learn that the deposed king had any par-
tizans at the capital, except one or two inferior chiefs,
connected with his family ; and the sincerity of Politics
determination, never again to admit of Johor Alum
Shah's return to the throne, was marked by an act of bis,
aboiit a month before our arrival, when he caused a person
to be put to death whom he detected to be an emissary sent
with a letter from the old king to one of the chiefs. There
are two or three chiefs on the coast of Pedir, who are stated
to have remained faithful to Johor Alum Shah, but I could
not ascertain that their support extended to anything more
than giving him an asylum, and allowing him to remain in
their districts undisturbed. I understand they do not pay
hfen any revenue, and most probably they avail themselves
of the pretext of their adherence to him to withhold pay-
ment of any duties to the state.

" It was mentioned to me, that Polim's cupidity and
avarice, which were represented as very great, had had a
considerable influence in determining his first election and

\IQ ACHEEN.

support .of Syf-ul-Alum, hoping to derive profit from the
father, Syud Hussain's wealth. However this may be, or
whatever private motives might have influenced this chief*
tain, it appears to me incontrovertible that his adherence and
suppoftj are, firm towards Syf-ul-Alum ; and the fact of the
shabundar having been recently deputed to Teluksamov to
invite bis return to Acheen, must, I think, be held conclusive,
and set at rest all doubts of the ruling chiefs having adhered
to his cause. Combining, therefore, the facts stated at large
in my diary, the formal, distinct, and solemn avowal by the
three Panglimas or sagis, in a public assembly of ail the
chiefs of the country (eighty-two in all having been, I was
informed, assembled), before an accredited agent of the
British Government specially deputed to ascertain their
sentiments, that they acknowledged Syf-ul-Alum as their
king, and no other ; the absence of one dissentient voice,
and the same avowal renewed to me afterwards in private
conference by both Setia Oleima and Panglima Polim, with
ttye remarkable and emphatic declaration of the latter at my
conference with him, the afternoon of my departure ; I feel
amply supported in expressing, as the result of my inquiry,
th^ Syf-ul-Alum Shah is really the acknowledged king, an4 ;
that in his name the authority of the government, such a$ ( ,
it, is, is administered, and the duties levied at Acheen. .But
the most substantial and valid proof of unchanged allegi-
ance and acknowledgment is, the actual remittance to t)imot (
a portion of the revenue ; a fact not merely stated to me by.
the shabundar, but confirmed by persons wholly disinterest-; ;
ec|, and who could have no motive to mislead me, and the
actual receipt of which was acknowledged by Syf-ul-Alum,
in the letter produced to me, and read by the shabundaiv n
I could not ascertain with sufficient precision, to satisfy my-f j
self, to what extent Syf-ul- Alum's authority, is recogni?ed,9f

ACHEEN. 1T7

a&ttitted on the north-west coast ; but one important fafct
whs assured to me, which warrants a belief that on that coast
his title is acknowledged, and his authority admitted, by
these chiefs, who long ago had renounced decidedly all alle-
giance to the old king : I was assured that Lebbee Dappa,
thte well-known and powerful chief of Singkel, whose rule
extends also over Soosoo and four other ports, had not only
remitted ten thousand dollars on account of duties to the?
treasury, but had within the last two months come up to
the capital. Lebbee Dappa is mentioned in Captain
Canning's report to have resisted the old king s claims ib
duties, and to have spurned at his authority. On the east
coast, Tuanku Packie of Pedir, who was dne of the most
forward in his hostility to the late king, and aided in depbs^
ing him, who actually accompanied Syf-ul-Alum to the ca-
pital, and swore, in the presence of all the chiefs, allegiance
to him, has again changed sides, and now professes t6 sup- ;
port the exiled king; but in truth, this chieftain, endUec?
with an active enterprising disposition, has long since thrown' '
off all but nominal submission to any sovereign, and has
profited by the weakness and decay of the supreme autbo-"
rity, to establish his own independence, which he has com-
pletely succeeded in effecting." lit

The commissioner was, on the whole, of opinion, that
while Syf-ul-Alum was acknowledged as king, all the real
power was with Panglima Polim, and that he (Polim) wafc
not very anxious that the present course should be changed. '
He stated also, that Johor Alum's restoration was hopeless 9
and that the inferior chiefs were much of the same way of
thinking as Polim. In what, then, consisted Syf-ul- Alum's
acknowledgment? The commissioner mentions that Syud J
Hussain's father was one of the greatest kings of Acheen in '
direct descent j while the ancestor of Johor Alum was only

118 ACHEEN.

the shabundar under the former, whose authority he usurp-
ed. This could give the syud no claim if the envoy's argu-
ment is admitted, that the sagis possessed the constitutional
power of deposition and election. The commissioner, how-
ever, declared it his opinion, that if Syf-ul-Alum were re-
cognized, however anxious he might be to support the
views of the British Government, neither his authority, nor
that of any other king, could be maintained without a suffi-
cient military force to protect his person, otherwise at the
mercy of his turbulent chiefs: — "That a better order of
things cannot be hoped for, till the British Government
interposes, not only with the aid of its councils, but
the protection of its arms; in which event, reduced and
wretched as the country now appears to be, there is, I
think, in its population and resources abundant cause to
look for an improved change of condition." He admits that
** the hands of the sovereign have for some time been tied,
and his discretion fettered, by the jealous control of his
nobles." Yet he had no scruple to support the cause of an
.usurper, who only tended to fetter the discretion of the
sovereign still more. The commissioner asserts, that the
, new king would be heartily disposed to conform to the
. wishes of the British Government. So had the old king
often professed, under happier circumstances ; and he again
states, that " the sovereign has been entirely at the .mercy
of his too powerful nobles : there is no organised power
in the state at his disposal by which he could control
them."

The commissioner re-embarked on the 30th January, and
congratulates himself upon having accomplished the primary
object of his mission, viz. ascertaining " in whose favour the
voice and adherence of the three great chiefs and the people
at the capital turned ; and he therefore asserted that; Syf-

ACHEEN. 116

itt~Alum, the new king, carried the general voice of the molt
powerful and respectable of the nation. He therefore
thought it desirable to proceed to Syf-uUAlum, " whose
absence from the capital put it out of my power to learn,
without going to meet him," how he would be disposed
to act if he were acknowledged by the British Government
as sovereign of Acheen. The report enlarges upon other
objects of returning to the Pedir coast, t?i$* to demand ex-
planation from Tuanku Packie, of the cause of his attack
and plunder of the Chuliah brig, and to remonstrate con-
cerning the massacre of the Elphinstone's crew, and the
detention of Syud Hussain's nephew, Syud Alio way. Two
of these points, the two last, were in fact principal objects
of the envoy's mission ; but though Packie was very civil,
and sent off a buffalo as a present, &c, as I have been In-
formed, the commissioner did not choose to land among suth
mkvages. However, we shall presently take a review of Ms
proceedings on these matters. The first report to the Pinang
; government closes with the intimation of the commissioner's
intention to proceed direct to Syf-ul-Alum, at Teluksamoy.
His next letter is dated 12th February, by which it appeir-

- ed the ex-king lived at Burong, under the protection of the

- Rajah of Pedir ; that the plunders committed on the native
shipping were done in his, the king's, name (so says the
commissioner), on the plea of their trading to Acheen against
his orders. Thus, the contention of rival kings produces
the plunder of neutral ships. It is stated, also, that the
chiefs of Pedir generally adhered to Johor Alum, the old
king.

Prior to noticing the further proceedings of the comittis-
sioner with Syf-ukAlum and Tuanku Packie, which are
detailed at length in the report to the Governor-general,
dated off Saugor the 18th March, we shall pause to 'ma It e a

190 ACHEEN-.

reflection or two upon the report, and the one forwarded t»
the Crovernor-general, previously noticed. Thecoarnnidsbneay
instead of submitting a copy of this report to the Pinang
government on his arrival, chooses to make out another,
professing to detail the same circumstances ; but during the
passage he had time to enlarge and curtail a little. He
states, that the government of Pinang had long been puz-
zled by the contradictory opinions and reports which pre-
vailed relative to the authority of the rival kings, and that
he bad been deputed to ascertain, by careful observation*
and inquiry on the spot, the actual state of the government
and country of Acheen ; that, to avoid manifesting a feeling-
more for one interest than another, he had proceeded to the
capital direct, and if he " should find either party sufficiently
established, and a government sufficiently organized to
justify a recognition of it," then he was authorized to enter
upon preliminary discussions with it, &c. In paragraph
44 of his first report to the Pinang government, he asserts,
that "'there is no organized power in the state at his (the
kitig^i)' disposal, by which he could control them (the
chiefs). Inhere exists no public establishments, no publx*
oflteeiVAhd? ** I have before mentioned, no internal re-f'
vetiu&r'a&d should the king return to his capital to-morrowy i
Iain persuaded he will be little distinguished above his
subjects, unless he comes with an escort that will command
respect, and afford protection to his person." And yet th&>
is the chief to whom the grand council of the nation
solemnly swore allegiance before the ambassador at the
great assembly of eighty-two chiefs; and he afterwards
asserts, that he has found a government sufficiently organ-
ized to justify his proceeding to recognize the usurper, and
make a secret treaty with him.
We have an important fact introduced in the eleventh

ACHEEN. l$l

paragraph of the report to the Governor-general* which
(toes act appear in the report to the Pinang government.
It is as follows :— u We had on entering Acheen roods met/
a ship working out, bearing the Acheenese flag and a pea*,
daut, the commander of which, a Dane, reported to ^he^
ohlcer sent on board her, that she belonged » to his majesty}
Syf-ulrAlum Shah, king of Acheen ; a large brig was ajso^ak
anchor, bearing the same colours. These circumstances pwk
paced me to expect the declaration, given me by the shafcuifcv
dar, that Syf-ul- Alum Shah was recognized and acknow^dgedj
a* the king at the capital; and that, he, the shabufldwv,
levied the duties in his name, although the impression und#r^
which he came on board, of our having come to restore J&fh
ex-king, led him to hesitate at first in making the avowal^?,
The commissioner might have seen half-a-dozen of the old t
king's vessels in the neighbourhood of Acheen too* Xbfc,
shabundar's alarms were soon appeased after he went on,,
board. How they were appeased, if they existed at all} mayi
easily be guessed. "We do not come by any means : tft)
support the old king," was most probably the declaration, j
He* of course, lost no time in making preparations for getting >
up,thfc farce of the grand assembly , calculating fully ijpo%
the cQmmissioner , s ignorance of the Acheenese language ft* ,
interpret ■, yes as no, or no yes, and to make as many fine \
professions in favour of the new king from the chiefs as he ,
pleased* »

In the 23rd and 24th paragraphs of the commissioner's
report to the Governor-general, he enlarges much beyond
what he had done in the report to the Pinang government,
about the solemn declaration of. the chiefs, and that they
would concur in any treaty that he chose to make witfr r the , .
new king ; " it may, therefore (he says), I think be fairjy ;..,
assumed, that the path is completely cleared of those d#fi-

122 ACHEEN.

culties and obstacles in the way of negotiation, which it was
too generally feared would be found to arise from the
jealousy of these powerful and often factious nobles, and
which, in fact, would, I have little doubt, still be evinced if
they were not satisfied that circumstances, and the condition
of their country, now urgently required a change, and the
introduction of a better order of things? The 40th pa-
ragraph of the report to Pinang contradicts the above
assertion, that the chiefs were satisfied a change was neces-
sary, or would be desirable by them,—" so long as they
continue left to themselves, my belief is, that the chief
power will continue in the hands of Polim, who is perhaps
secretly not inimical to the existing state of things, and the
continuance of a feeble and insufficient reign, because has
power is strengthened, and his interests better served by it ;
while it is equally clear 9 that the petty chiefs along the
coast are also well satisfied with a state of things which
> leaves them their own uncontrolled masters, and enables them
to appropriate the duties they can levy in their own districts
ito themselves." This writer has a most unhappy habit of
i contradicting himself in almost every succeeding paragraph.
:j To the 23rd paragraph of the report to the Pinaftg
government, the commissioner has made the following im-
portant addition, in his report to Bengal : — " The history
, of Acheen is fruitful in examples of this kind ; but at no
period does the authority of the monarch appear to have
been so completely weakened as at the present; for although
. it is upwards of three years since the chiefs of the country
proceeded to the solemn deposition and expulsion of the then
reigning monarch, Johor Alum Shah, and the inauguration
of the elected king, Syf-ul-Alum Shah, the latter has> in
fact, been permitted to exercise but little kingly power? and
though at Acheen and some other ports the duties are levied

ACHEEN. 123

in his name, and a portion of them remitted to him ; yet he
possesses no real authority" The commissioner quotas
the declaration of Panglima Polim in die 27th paragraph
of the Bengal report ; " when repeating his (Polim's) un-
qualified adherence to Syf-ul-Alum Shah, he said, < WehaVe
deposed Johor Alum Shah, and turned him out of the
country; he shall never again reign over us; not he, nor
even his grand-children.' " And yet the late Johor Alum's
son was actually installed by the influence of Polim, and the
consent of the other chiefs. In the 28th paragraph the
commissioner adds very materially to his former report, and
informs us, that the chiefs on the Pedir coast professed to
support the old king, though in the other report he states
that he could not ascertain this point satisfactorily.

We shall now proceed to remark upon the commissioners
further proceedings. He entered into a long detail of his
intended proceedings with Tuanku Packie, about demanding
explanations and reparations ; but we And that his ardotir
coded as he approached the abode of that chief. On the
8th February he arrived off Pedir, and contented himself
by addressing a letter to him. He states, that Tuanku
Packie did not attempt to deny the detention of the Chuliah
brig, but endeavoured to justify it upon the pretext of the
vessel having traded contrary to the laws of the kingdoms—
the very remark the same writer made in the case of the
Jnnapoorney. The commissioner proceeds—" As I had
not sufficient means to enforce my demand for the liberation
of the Malim and property, and was convinced, both from
Tuanku Packie's reply to my letter and his declaration to
my interpreter, that he would only release the boat and
cargo when the duties should be paid to him, that this
chieftain would not restore them, I judged it useless to
hold at this time further communication with him ; nor did

124 ACHEEN.

it appear to me, on consideration of the result of my in^
quiries at Acheen, to be desirable to seek any personal
interview with' Johor Alum Shah, who was residing on that
part of the coast, within a few miles of Pedir, under Tuankii
PaclrieV protection ; more especially after the allegation, of
Tubnku Packie, that the seizure of the CaMmana Sundara
was under his authority."

- The agent mentions, that he sent a boat on shore at
Burong, to invite off a person by the name of Nutter Saibj
who had been known to Captain Canning; that the king
Jfohor Alum, who resided on the opposite side of the river;
prevented that person from going on board ; informing the
officer in charge of the boat, however, that he would be
happy to see the commissioner on shore. The commissioner's
tfxctasVftir' not waiting upon, or communicating with, the
oM king' at all, is as follows: — " It was late in the evening
wheftl received his message ; and, in addition to the reasons
I4iave;already stated, appearing to render an interview with 1
Johttr'Alttiii Shah not necessary, or expedient, time hai
Jtowtocdtne so very precious, in reference to the remaining
stock'df provisions on board for the sepoys and followers,
lwrfc especially for the Hindoos, for the remainder of my
voya*ge to Bengal, which the commander did not encourage
me to hope would be at this season an expeditious one, that
ifc'became important to make the best of our way to Tfcluk*
sainoy [where the usurper resided]. In passing Samaf*
larigan, another port on the coast of Pedir, I profited, how-
ever^ by the prevalence of a calm, during whkh the vessel
could make no way, for communicating with that placed
Theimessenger I sent waited on the chief, and was civilly
received, and charged with a polite message to me, express
si ve of the pleasure he would have had in coming off to see
me had my stay admitted it. This chief is in the interest;

ACHEEN. J2£

of Johor Alum Shah; as all the chiefs on the Pedir coast
profess to be, following the policy of their immediate leader*
Tuanku Packie." It must be remembered, Tuanku Packie
was the chief who first communicated the deposition , of
Johor Alum ; and why should he and the other chiefs not
have the privilege also of recalling him at pleasure ? The
following is a satisfactory admission on the part of the
commissioner: — " Tuanku Packie appears to abstain from
molesting such vessels as come direct to his coast without
going to Acheen, and those vessels having come direct frokR
Pinang or Malacca," he had no occasion to molest such
persons as did not interfere or endeavour to thwart hiq
authority. '

On the 10th February, the commissioner arrived at Te*
luksamoy ; and although he had previously complained that
a scarcity of provisions and other causes prevented him frofa
waiting upon the old king, we find he had still no appite*
bensions about passing two days with the new king* At
Teluksamoy, he found the ship and brig he had seen at
Acheen. The commissioner states that he judged it vmfe
advisable, " notwithstanding the formal avowal of Syfruk
Al^m Shah's sovereignty at Acheen, to abstain from <m&
act of public or official recognition of his title, until his
excellency the Governor-general should decide upon itft

acknowledgment :" he sent Mr. C on shore to acquaint

him that he would pay him a private and unofficial vitiU?

Mr. C , of course, returned with a message, that hirf

majesty was most eager to see the envoy. I apprehend the*
ignorant savages at Acheen did not understand the distino
tion between a private and unofficial visit, and an official
recognition. The commissioner, however, enters into a long
discussion with the king upon business, purely of a public
and political nature ; and mentions, that the new king re*

126 ACHE EN.

presented his situation to be " most embarrassing, and tin T
comfortable"— that the country could never be tranquillized
without the interposition of the British Government; in
reply to which, the commissioner makes a very neat and
appropriate speech, which, if well interpreted, must have
impressed his highness with a very high opinion of the
commissioner's eloquence. Neutrality was the watchword*
. The commissioner inquired, how the new king would be
disposed to act, if acknowledged and supported by the
British Government P His reply was, of course, that he
would do any thing they pleased. The commissioner then
idtimated his intention of waiting upon his highness the
following morning, and laying before him " certain propo-
sitions which he had been authorized to discuss with any
established government ,*" but he did not pledge himself to
acknowledge his title to the throne. His highness had
before acknowledged that his government was far from
being . established ; and the commissioner had before, de-
clared that, for the three years Syf-ul-Alum had been at
Acheen, he had merely enjoyed the name of sovereign.
However, something must be done — the treaty must b§
discussed and formed with some person or other.
«Tbe propositions of the treaty were severally read and
explained most distinctly, article by article ; and there was
&, long discussion concerning the independence of the ports
<on -the west coast, and the imposition of double duties Upon
foreign vessels, &c. After the treaty was duly signed by both
^parties, Syf-ul-Alum again adverted to the inefficacy of it,
.unless he obtained military aid, and the decided protection
trf .the British Government; and yet we have been befoite
informed, that the chiefs had declared their determination
to ratify any engagements he might enter into— they were
represented as the rulers of the nation ! ; •-.

ACHEEN. 12?

For a man in power, acknowledged by the chiefs of the.
country, and altering into a treaty with the British Govern^
ment, the following was rather a singular proposition:—*
* Syf-ul-Alum repeatedly observed that he should be more
happy if the Company would undertake the government of
his country, and relieve him from the cares of sovereignty,
allowing him a suitable pension and establishment" He
has since had the object of his wishes realized, the Hon.
Company having paid him many years five hundred dollars
per month; and he again returned, with that handsome
provision and addition to his own trading capital, to his
former profession of a Pinang merchant This is certainly
an inducement for other aspiring and ambitious subjects of
the British Government to try their luck in die same way.

The 68th paragraph, a very long one, begins in the fob
lowing exalted strain: — " In allusion to the conduct and
misrule of the late king, Johor Alum Shah, and adverting
to what were the duties of a sovereign who felt an interest
in the welfare of his kingdom and the happiness of hib sub-
jects, Syf-ul-Alum Shah said that, if he becmtoe established
cm the throne, he would renounce all mercantile pursuit^ V
and do many other useful things for the benefit of com*
merce. The commissioner then obtains a corroboration from
the king of the shabundar*s report of duties having 1 been
remitted to his " treasury" &c. A favourable charactery as
might be expected, is given of him. The potentate-si resi-
dence was " a small artap house, surrounded by amiserabfe
fence,, dignified with the name of a fort. He had a guard
of; about fifty wretched-looking sepoys, half-dressed and
half-accoutred, and two or three old guns near the gate of
his fortv from which a salute was fired." And this is the
great king called to the throne by the voice of the nation,
that so much fuss has been made about, and concerning

128 ACHEEN.

whom the envoy has resorted to so many fine words — the
monarch formally elected, the sovereign whom all the chiefs
had sworn allegiance to! All this important service was
executed in less than a month, and the commissioner arrived
at Saugor roads after a very tedious passage of one month
and six days from Acheen, within two months and five
days of his quitting Pinang harbour, viz. on the 18th of
March 1818 ; and he remained in Calcutta for some time,
drawing, meanwhile, the full allowances as ambassador, viz.
1,500 rupees per month pay, and 1,000 rupees per month
table-money, although he had no public duty to perform,
the Governor-general unfortunately being up the country at
the time of his arrival.

In July 1818, numerous complaints arrived of the con-
duct of Syf-ul-Alum, who, after seeing the part taken by
the envoy in his favour, grew bold, and commenced plun-
dering any vessels he met with. A letter, dated 1st July,
from Punjat Binta, accusing Syf-ul-Alum of seizing a junk
belonging to Nakoda Atei, with a cargo of 5,000 dollars'
worth of goods, is also noticed. The head man of Magong,
Datu Kulak, Tuanku Loh, and others, addressed the
governor to the same effect, and bear testimony to the good
character of Nakoda Atei, who had long traded at Muckie
and Magong. They say, u We are of opinion that this
new king should not be permitted to act in this manner
against poor people; and, besides, he dwells in the Com-
pany's territories, and the junk also comes from the Com-
pany's settlement ; therefore, it is very improper seizing
people in this way. He, without any cause or reason,
plunders the property of poor people." The chiefs of Teluk
Pawa, Tuanku Him and Tuanku Lobo, also addressed
the governor, confirming the report. The chiefs of Muckie,
Datu Muda, Tuanku Kachikak Puchat, and Tuanku

ACHEEN. 129

Bendar Jawa, wrote to a similar purport, and say, " We
know this Nakoda Atei to be an upright man ;" and, u as
to Syud Hussain's son, who has lately become king, his
vessel comes from the Company's dominions aft tfell as the
other ; and we must, therefore, refer to you and beg your
assistance, as he is guilty of very wicked proceedings, and
traders are now afraid to come to this place." The chiefs
of Labooan Hadji also made a similar representation. They
are Tuanku Lam Ara, Tuanku Syud Sala, Datu Nakoda
Beudang, and all the chiefs. They say, u We have been
acquainted with Nakoda Atei many years, during which
time he has been trading to this place, and we have always
considered him a good man. Now this is a vefy wicked act
of the new rajah, without the least provocation from Na-
koda Atei ; and, in consequence of which, people Who Used
to resort to this place to trade are afraid now to come,
which is extremely vexatious, and we find it difficult to
support ourselves. Moreover, the hew rajah : fivfes : in' tKe
Company's territories, and resides also at A!cMeed, afed that
vessel also came from Pinang. Now, how could he deijfce
poor people's property without any reason or fault of theirs ?
Such is the conduct of the new king. Further, hi conse-
quefice of Syud Hussain's son using the Company's colours
in all his vessels, we were afraid to meddle with any of
them when he arrived at Acheen, or to trade with hixxi."
These are the chiefs of the principal ports on the west
coast, whom Captain Coombs had represented a few months
before to be favourable to the new king.

The owners of the junk, the principal Chinese merchants
of Pinang, Che Soah and Che Seong, appealed to Govern-
ment. They stated, that the vessel was worth 2,000 dollars,
the cargo was valued at 5,700 dollars, and freight was on board
to the amount of 5,000 dollars more. They also stated, that

130 ACHEEN.

the vessel belonging to Syud Hussain, which had made the
seizure, arrived in Pinang harbour three or four days before
they submitted their petition. A few days thereafter, they
again represented to the Government that their junk had
been bound with a cargo of rice, shipped by Syf-ul-Alum,
for Malacca, but was forced by bad weather to enter Pinang
harbour. They recognized the vessel to be the same seized
by Syf-ul-Alum, and requested she might be detained until
inquiries could be made.

A letter, dated 11th July, was received from Johor Alum,
complaining that the affairs of his kingdom had been in a dis-
ordered state some time, and that he had suffered great losses
by Syud Hussain's going there three years before and ruin-
ing the country. He said he was unable to collect his duties,
as formerly, which used to be sixty thousand dollars a year,
and that he was remaining quietly at Pedir. He promised
every assistance in his power to trading vessels that might
be sent there. He added, that Syud Hassain's son forced
all vessels passing over from the west coast to stop at
Teluksamoy ; and he fined such as refused, plundering
them, although under English colours. He said, also, he
was often fearful of punishing Syud Hussain's son, and
refrained from attacking his vessels, because he had En-
glish colours. He requested the governor would favour
him with his advice how to act. The new king, anxious
to have the first word, wrote a letter, dated 11th September
1818, endeavouring to explain the cause of the unjust
detention and plunder of part of the property on board a
small brig under English colours belonging to Pinang.

ACHEEN. 131

CHAPTER X.

Continuation of Negotiations at Acheen during Governor Bannerman's
administration. — 'Reports of the Dutch having offered aid to the old
king. — Supreme Government had received reports at variance with
the Envoy's information. — Another Mission, therefore, to be sent
Under Sir S. Raffles and Captain Coombs. — Instructions.— - Syud
Hussain still endeavours to support his cause. — The Acheen pro-
ceedings discussed in the Calcutta papers. — Observations on the
interference with the duties of Pinang Government. — Dissensions.
—Further instructions from Supreme Government. — Representa-
tions of Chiefs against the proceedings of the Commissioners. — Old
King supplicates forgiveness for past offences. — Syud Hussain
assents to decision of Commissioners. — Treaty with the old King,
Johor Alum.

Information was received from the superintendent of
police and from a merchant, that a Dutch brig had arrived
at Teluksamoy, offering to the old king the assistance of
the Dutch to restore his authority, sending him a present
of three guns. It was also stated that the king (Johor
Alum) had declined the proffered aid, in consequence of a
letter received by him from Sir S. Raffles, lieutenant-gover-
nor of Bencoolen, saying he was going to Calcutta, and
that he would then procure an order of the British Govern-
ment to restore him to the throne ; but that Johor Alum
had stated, that if the English Government did not assist
him, he would accept of assistance from the Dutch at Mar
lacca. At this time, there came a despatch from the Bengal
government, referring to the mission of Captain Coombs; stat-
ing that it had been their intention to have directed his return
to Pinang, giving authority to the local government to act on

132 ACHEEN.

their instructions, founded on his official report, or to await
further orders. But, in the mean time, contradictory intel-
ligence had been received respecting the alteration of things
which had taken place since the envoy's report was written,
viz. the re-establishment of the ascendancy of Johor Alum.
The arrival of Sir S. Raffles, and the announcement of the
views of the Dutch in the Eastern seas, Acheen included,
had intervened.

Sir S. Raffles and Captain Coombs were, therefore, ap-
pointed a commission to act under instructions inclosed, in
substance as follows : — the object in view, as pointed out,
being the prevention of further misunderstanding, and the
establishment of an influence over the king, calculated to
secure the free navigation of the Straits of Malacca. The
past instructions and opinions given to the government of
Pinang are repeated, and the settlement, as directed, is to
be made with the king actually in power ; but it seems
evident that Johor Alum is the person contemplated. When
the supreme government obtained the information of the
growing popularity of the old king does not appear: it may
from circumstances be inferred, that Sir S. Raffles was the
authority. The commercial arrangement suggested by Cap-
tain Coombs is pointed out as the proper one — the residence
of a British agent ; a political connexion calculated to
secure the stability of the government, even of a defensive
nature, is calculated on as ultimately advisable. The active
support of the king's authority, to the limits and extent ex-
isting when the troubles commenced, even by supplying
arms, troops, and stores, is also contemplated ; supposing,
however, there really existed a reasonable expectation of the
re-establishment of his power by such means. But every ob-
jection to the most direct interference in the affairs of the
kingdom was to be considered as removed, if application

ACHEEN. 133

to the Dutch and the interference of that grasping power
were likely to ensue, so as to give them a footing in the
country; in any other case, caution was enjoined.

In case Johor Alum should be the person treated with,
atonement was to be required for past injuries, and stipula-
tions to be made, in the name of the Governor-general ; but
if conformable to the above instructions, they might be acted
upon immediately. The instructions then refer to the
conduct to be pursued in respect to Tuanku Packie, chief
of Pedir : the most ample compensation must be made for
the plunder of the Rahana, and all prisoners must be re-
leased, and inquiry be instituted into the attack on the crew
of the Hon. Company's ship Elphinstone. Instructions
were also given as to the manner of proceeding in case Syf-
ul-Alum should be found in full power. Negotiations were
to proceed on the same principle, but divested of the preli-
minary atonement required in the other case. In the event of
its being found that neither of the rival parties had attained
superiority, then no decided measures were to be taken, but
reference was to be made ; unless, however, negotiation had
been opened likely to let in the Dutch. If it should be found
that they had actually been admitted, care must be taken that
we did not embroil ourselves with them; but merely attempt
to secure to ourselves free trade and communication bv
negotiation with the Acheenese. If the mission was success-
ful, Captain Coombs was to remain as agent; Sir S. Raffles
to prosecute the other measures mentioned in his ulterior in-
structions. In case of necessity of having recourse to arms,
the relieved regiment was to be in readiness, and guns, stores,
artillery, officers, &c. were to be sent.

In the month of December 1818, a letter was received
from Syud Hussain, giving cover to one from the sagis,
professing, of course, as before, that " as the birds long for

134 ACHEEN.

the moon, on the 15th day of the month, because it is dis-
tant, such is the case of all your slaves day and night. Let
your majesty pardon the wish of all your slaves that
you would return to Acheen." It is very probable that
this letter was fabricated by the syud or some of his friends;
as it was afterwards ascertained that he or his adherents had
forged chops of some of the chiefs, and even the Pinang
seal. Numerous complaints had been made against Syf-ul-
Alum for piracy ; and the old plan of sending a letter from
the sagis, to make the government believe his popularity in
the country continued, was resorted to in order to prop a
tottering cause.

The papers of Calcutta now began to take up the sub-
ject of Acheen affairs very warmly, and the friends and
supporters of both parties had an opportunity of conveying
their opinions in the shape of extracts of private letters from
Pinang.* Some of the letters addressed to the Calcutta

• In the Calcutta Journal of the 26th January 1819, we find the
following information: — "The usurpation of the authority of the
king of Acheen by a son of Syud Hussain, an opulent half-Arabian
merchant of Pinang, has been before noticed in the Indian journals.
The usurper has since been expelled to Teluksamoy, and open war has
been declared between them. The contest between these chiefs is stated
to have been productive of acts of the most atrocious and sanguinary
nature ; amongst others, it is stated, that the rajah of Pedir, Tuanku
Packie, a brother-in-law of the king of Acheen, was killed at Pedir,
by Haji Abdul- Rahim, the usurper's right-hand man, who was in re-
turn immediately despatched by the rajah's guards, and all his officers
cut to pieces. The Haji is said to have been instigated to this murder by
his master, who sent him on a friendly visit to Pedir, in order to com-
mit his atrocious villainy, for a promised reward of 10,000 dollars. It
is now nearly forty years that this fine country has been the prey of
intestine broils, fomented on all occasions, we have reason to believe,
by the Chuliahs and Arabs who reside amongst them. The re-esta-
blishing of order in this distracted country is, however, we think, not

far

ACHEEN. 136

Journal bear the stamp of having been written by the dif-
ferent organs of each party, if not by the commissioners
themselves. The style of the first so much resembles that
of the paper of October 1817, and the reports of the envoy,
that if he did not write it himself, he must have entrusted
it to a head and hand fully capable of catching at his pre-
cise ideas, and conveying them in his own peculiar and
happy manner. It is a long letter* of nearly four columns ;

far distant. Whether we view it with the eyes of a politician or a phi-
losopher, the call is imperious, and we do not hesitate to say, that the
acquisition of Acheen would soon be one of the brightest gems of our
Indian empire, and the only oue that can repay us for the loss of
Java." In a subsequent paper, viz. 9th March 1819, it is asserted
that the "general belief was, that Shah Alum {i.e. Johor Alum), the
deposed king, will be re- instated, and we find the wish expressed, in
addition, that he may be replaced on such a footing, that neither Syud
Hussain's wealth, nor his treachery, may again be able to shake his
authority."

• There are one or two paragraphs of that letter which seem to re-
quire notice. The Bengal government had learnt that the old king's
power was much restored. The report was currently believed, both
in Calcutta and at Pinang. Sir S. Raffles professed a partiality for the
old king and the cause of legitimacy, and the object of this letter,
therefore, was to contradict the assertion that Johor Alum had regained
his authority. " It is quite an error to suppose that a counter-revolu-
tion had again been brought about, and that the ex-king had been
successful in any attempt to recover his throne, or overthrow what he
and his friends designate the usurper. Such an impression had been
industriously disseminated in Bengal and Pinang, and has found par-
tizans of no inconsiderable weight to support it; but it has been
grounded upon a misconception of the transaction which took place at
Pedir, which has also been misrepresented. It was asserted, on the
authority of some persons who had touched at Pedir, that a deputa-
tion had been received from Acheen, sent by the great chiefs of the
kingdom, to tender their submission to Johor Alum, to solicit pardon,
and to invite him to return to the capital and resume his authority,

and

136 ACHEEN.

and contains, in fact, a condensed account of Capt. Coombs' s
proceedings, and alludes very frequently to the formal and
solemn deposition, and the allegiance of the chiefs of the
new king.

We have next a correspondence between the Acheen
commissioners and the government of Pinang, on various
points, preparatory to their proceeding to Acheen, and it
would appear the Acheen discord had extended itself to the
authorities employed. The governor conceived that Sir S.
Raffles had acted prematurely in offering assistance to Johor
Alum, before it had been ascertained which of the rival
chiefs really was in power, and he objected also to Sir S. R.
having taken so active a part in the affairs of Acheen, which

and at the head of this mission was the shabundar of Acheen, the
principal executive officer of the state." The main facts were true;
such a deputation was sent, " and was confided to the shabundar, who
was sent to accomplish by stratagem a purpose the chiefs feared they
could not otherwise effect. Under pretext of a respectful embassy, to
entreat forgiveness and invite the king to return to his throne, the sha-
bundar was employed to get possession of his person as a prisoner to
the sagis. Finding himself unable to effect his object, the shabundar
determined on getting rid of the new king's most powerful adversary,
Tuanku Packie, and, accordingly, seizing his opportunity, he stabbed
the Pedir chieftain to the heart. He soon afterwards fell himself by
the hands of the Tuanku's adherents." This is a new version of the
story of this catastrophe. The aim of the letter is to show that matters
continued much the same in which Captain Coombs represented he
found them in February 1818, and the conclusion is natural enough
for such a writer : — " On the one hand, the party of Syf ul-Alum ap-
pears to have gained strength rather than lost it, by the removal of his
powerful adversary, the Pedir chief; while, on the other, the hopes of
the ol4 king have been recently revived by his professed expectation of
support from a powerful friend, whom he has interested in his cause:"
-—alluding to the new commissioner, Sir S. Raffles — a delicate way of
giving him a hint.

ACHEEN. 137

had been entrusted to the management of the Pinang go-
vernment. The governor further animadverted on the
intended mode of opening the commission, by proceeding
direct to the old king, instead of going to Acheen to meet
the sagis, or great council of the nation, as directed by the
supreme government. The reason intended to be given for
this deviation from the orders of the Bengal government,
is stated to be the necessity of obtaining correct informa-
tion as to the real offer made by the Dutch ; but, as the
governor observed, the previous offer of the Dutch, of a
force of 2,000 men to the king, could not affect the question
which the commissioners were then called upon to decide.

Here a reflection unavoidably presents itself. The super-
intendence of political relations over Acheen, belonged, by
the highest authority, to the government of Pinang. The
transfer of political power to another person, independent
of them, could not fail to excite dissatisfaction in the mind
of the governor of Pinang; the more so, as there seems rea-
son to believe, and the governor acted under that belief, that
it was brought about by the representations of the person so
entrusted. If those representations were the means of excit-
ing the supreme government to take a more active and
decided part in the affairs of Acheen, from the fear of Dutch
interference, a great good resulted ; but this establishes for
Sir S. Raffles no greater credit than belonged to the Pinang
government, for, as far as we can judge of intended actions
by their records, that government, if left to itself, would
long before have interfered. The credit of the utmost de-
gree of obedience, respect, and deference for the directions of
their superiors, is due to the Pinang administration. The
superior merit of Sir S. Raffles consisted in acting for him-
self; as his enemies would express it, " in utter contempt
of orders from his superiors :" as his friends would say,

138 ACHEEN.

from " that decision of character, confidence in his own local
knowledge and opinion that would lead him to decide and
act, instead of asking for orders, or even against them, if he
thought them wrong " — which, in our Indian policy, is the
greatest merit of the two. I leave those to decide, who,
after reading attentively the history of India, have made up
their minds from which of the two, local decision or super-
intending direction, emanated those measures which have
established our Indian empire. The dissensions that pre-
vailed must still be lamented ; for their effects continued to
be felt for some time. The differences of the men extended
themselves to the settlements, and, ultimately, the dissensions
of Scipio and Hannibal made a Rome and a Carthage of
Pinang and Singapore ; the latter, indeed, formed from
a laudable motive of excluding the Dutch, but certainly not
without hopes, on the part of its projector, that the dimi-
nution of the importance of Pinang would be in part the
result. Happily, these are now under one government, and,
with Malacca, are triajuncta in uno.

Sir Stamford Raffles proceeded down the Straits, to take
possession of Singapore, carrying with him the artillery and
stores intended for Acheen. He returned to Pinang on the
16th February, after having accomplished what has proved
to be, after twenty years' experience, a most important na-
tional service. The governor requested him to delay the
mission until orders were received from Bengal, and pointed
out the course which he thought should be pursued, namely,
to proceed directly to Acheen, carrying with them the whole
of the 2nd battalion of the 20th regiment Bengal native in-
fantry, to meet the chiefs, and having settled with them who
was to be their sovereign, to detach a ship or ships for that
person, place him on the throne, and conclude the treaty.
,. *J?his course is stated to be in exact conformity to the in-

ACHEEN. 139

structions of the supreme government. The commissioners
objected to the plan of carrying so many troops, and applied
for only one company to proceed with them to Acheen.

The government of Pinang then intimated an intention of
sending the troops to Acheen fifteen days after the com-
missioners shall have left the island ; to this strong objec-
tions are urged by them. Here the long expected reply of
the Bengal government is received; it adheres to former
resolutions ; states that the cause of Syf-ul-Alum, having ac-
quired the ascendancy, was one pointed out in the original
instructions, and even the ulterior one, of there being no
king at all, and the power being in the hands of the sagis ;
that there can be no reason for delaying the commission or
giving new instructions. The political arrangements at
Acheen, as well as to the eastward, had long been under
the Pinang government. The governor of the day, Colonel
fiannerman, from his first arrival, showed that he was per-
fectly equal to the conduct of every arrangement. The
supreme government had interposed another in two main
branches of his government, and it is not surprising the un-
usual, and it may be said unexampled, interference was
deeply felt. The powers of the Pinang government were
paralyzed, at the very time they might have been best em-
ployed ; and here we have another forcible example of the
evil effects of a subdivided authority.

Captain Coombs had been directed to assume, at the
close of the mission, the office of resident at Acheen, with
Mr. Sartorius as his assistant. He explained that, in sign-
ing the remonstrance against the despatch of the troops to
Acheen, he did so under the casting vote of Sir S. Raffles,
whose voice, in case of difference, was to be paramount ; and
he adhered, nevertheless, to former opinions on the subject
generally.

140 ACHEEN.

On the 16th April 1819, a letter was received from
Bengal, enclosing copy of one addressed to the commission,
written under the impression that they meant first to visit
Johor Alum, reprobating that course, and pointing out its
effects, expressing hopes that they had not actually taken
it. The next document that appears, is a most extraordi-
nary one. It purports to be a representation from the sagis
to Syf-ul-Alum. It contained gross abuse of Sir S. Raffles.
They say the Honourable, of Bencoolen, had arrived at
Acheen, and held much lying consultation, and paid much
money to the Acheenese hypocrites. They sent to the com-
missioners, advising them not to land until they came down
to Acheen; but the Honourable allowed many of his attend-
ants to land, and shoot birds. These persons were seized,
and their guns taken from them ; but though they were in-
tended to be put to death, their lives were spared; their guns,
however, were retained. The sagis state, that Sir S. Raf-
fles acknowledged his followers had committed a fault ; but
said, M let Panglima Polim come hither, because we wish
to inquire of him whom he will have for rajah ; whether
Johor Alum or Syf-ul-Alum." The chiefs then mention,
that they told Captain Coombs, a year before, they would
only have Syf-ul-Alum as king, and that there was no use
making further inquiries on the subject ; that they had told
them so before; what was the use of telling them so again?
As the ambassadors came from the Company, and the chiefs
were desirous of paying respect to the Governor of Bengal,
they had assembled a large force, and come down to meet
the ambassadors. They would not land, and put them off
with frivolous excuses. At last, the sagis became tired, and
sent to say, " If you mean to land, land to-morrow, for if
you delay, we will positively not see you ; and we ordered
them to be kitted wherever they were met with, even their

ACHEEN. 141

klashies, and proclaimed this in Acheen publicly." Upon
this, Mr. C, assistant to Captain Coombs, and one of the ser-
vants of the Company in Bengal, landed. Sir S. Raffles
sent a letter, saying he was sick, and that he had not broken
off his friendship ; but the sagis said they had broken off
with the commissioner, and that they would represent all
his faults to the Company. They also sent messengers on
board the Indiana, to communicate their determination,
and they gave a letter in charge of Mr. Sartoriua. They
then express their disappointment that Syf-ul-Alum had
not returned to Acheen, and conclude, "your servants have
now done with these infidel kafirs, and we now send our
gooroo to go himself, and bring back your majesty." This
letter is sent to Bengal, as containing important information,
written as it is by natives to one another, and not intended for
the eye of Europeans in power. The language is not per-
haps surprising, as the chiefs had been invited down, and
were put off for many days, which, no doubt, wounded their
pride ; but considering the channel through which it came,
from Syf-ul-Alum to his father at Pinang, the intelligence
hardly deserved the name of important, or even authentic ;
but irritation and party spirit had become intimately blended
with public discussion, and disturbed the calm deliberations
which ought to attend public proceedings. The old king
now writes to say, he had formerly been guilty of offence
towards the English Company, and begs their pardon, hop-
ing the government will forgive it, and not retain anger.
44 Now," says he, "lam on terms of friendship with the
English, which is to be prolonged, without end, to my chil-
dren's children."

We have next translations of the correspondence which
passed between the Acheenese rivals and the commissioners.
Syf-ul-Alum says, " as to Saladin, if there is any litigation

142 ACHEEN.

respecting him, I will order him to be sent to Pinang." He
promised to be answerable that the offender should be sent
there. A letter is also sent by the commissioner to Syud
Hussain, with copy of the second article of the treaty with
Johor Alum, desiring him to take measures to consult with
his son, that he might quit the Acheenese territories shortly,
as the best plan whereby his son might obtain the kindness
of the Governor-general. They also intimated to Syf-ul-
Alum that they had concluded a treaty with Johor Alum,
whose country had been in a disturbed state from there
being two chiefs, and that tranquillity could only be restored
by acknowledging one head of government. They, therefore*
in conformity to the terms of the treaty, desired Syf-ul- Alum
to quit Acheen ; and they informed him, that the old king
had agreed to allow him a pension, upon his quitting the
country, returning to Pinang, and giving up all claims to
royal authority. It was further intimated, that the treaty
bound the English government to prohibit him from all
further interference in any way. They therefore hope he
will see the propriety of their proceedings, and immediately
fulfil their expectations. Syf-ul-Alum replied, that he re-
posed confidence in their honours, and the two agents of the
King of England; that whatever appeared to be proper in
their judgment for him to do, would be right. He requested
them not to suspect him of evil, and expressed his intention
of doing what might be proper in the judgment of the
Governor-general, referring them, at the same time, to his
father, Syud Hussain, at Pinang. The prospect of a pen-
sion, which he had before professed a desire to obtain, ap-
peared now about to be realized ; and the usurper, tired of the
cares of government, was, in fact, glad of the excuse to resign
his assumed authority and empty claim to sovereignty.
We find the Calcutta papers again taking up the subject

ACHEEN. 143

of Acheen affairs. In the Journal of 23rd April 1819,
there are some remarks upon the proceedings of the com-
missioners, derived from private letters. They state, that
the general feeling was sufficiently favourable to the old
king, to leave no doubt that, should the English Govern-
ment be as determined to uphold the principle of legitimacy
as the governments of Europe, they must, if they assist the
cause of either, adopt that of the ancient and acknowledged
monarch, Johor Alum. The Acheenese were represented to
be very treacherous.

A communication was received from the sagis, in which
they represented to the governor, that Captain Coombs had
gone to Acheen a year before, and that they told him Syf-
ul-Alum was the king of their choice; that Johor Alum
was deposed, and that the envoy returned with this answer.
Afterwards came Sir S. Raffles, and requested an interview.
The commissioners were told to remain eight days. The
sagis entered into a long detail as before, and concluded by
requesting the governor will give no credence to any state-
ments at variance with what they submit, and requested to
know how the guns seized from the commissioners 9 people
are id be disposed of.

The governor comments upon the treaty with Johor
Alum, on the 18th April. The first commissioner appeared
to have made up his mind before he left Calcutta. The
governor had found, on his arrival, that local impressions,
interests, and feelings, were mixed up with this nationally
and politically important subject ; and the political bearings
of the question, the views and sentiments of policy of the
members of government, and the supreme government, were
intimately known, and were topics of familiar conversation
to the settlement in general. His first bias, as he hoped

144 ACHEEN.

that of every Briton (and there never was a better-hearted
or loyal one than the worthy Colonel), was in favour of
legitimacy, and hereditary and prescriptive right ; and he
therefore had attempted to clear the field of negotiation of
the new competitor. The commissioner, having broken off
negotiations with the sagis and chiefs of Acheen, landed
immediately, and, being joyfully received by the old king,
made a treaty* with him, the propriety of which, under all
the circumstances, and the instructions by the Bengal
government, might be questioned. Here, however, we have
the triumph of legitimacy, asserted at all hazards by Sir S.
Raffles, and although the state of parties at the time ren-
dered it a matter of considerable doubt whether the conclu-
sion of the treaty would prove effectual in restoring the
power and influence of Johor Alum ; subsequent events
proved that they were so, in preventing any further attempts
of the usurper, and that the commerce of the country and
the neighbouring British settlements was much benefited
by a cessation of hostilities.

Sy ud Hussain addressed a letter to the governor, in which
he mentioned the receipt of a communication from his son,
respecting the proceedings of the commissioners, and ap-
pointing him his agent to settle every thing on his behalf.
He professed a desire to follow the orders of the governor,
for he was a subject of the British Government. He says
the agents had promised his son a stipend to quit the
country, and he offered to go himself and bring him, if
the governor wished it, not certain, however, whether his
son would come or not. He is anxious to know how much
his son would be allowed for life ; and he requests that, if
Syf-ul-Alum does return to Pinang, he may be enabled to

• Vide Appendix.

ACHEEN. 145

do so with a good name, and not fall under any legal pro-
ceedings for acts done while king. The syud adds, that if
the government will confirm the secret treaty, made between
his son and Captain Coombs, and proclaim him king, he
would himself undertake to adjust the jnatter satisfactorily;
for, he said, the chiefs were still in favour of his son.

146 ACHEEN.

CHAPTER XL

Objections to Military Force at Acheen. — 5th Article of the Treaty. —
The Usurper reluctant to quit Acheen, — Johor Alum well-disposed
to the British. — The ex- King prohibited from Disturbing the Coun-
try. — Old King's Authority established. — Usurper proceeds to
Calcutta. — Atrocities committed by him. — Ratification of Treaty. —
Death of Johor Alum, and Succession. — Reflections and concluding
Remarks.

It will be observed that, by the 5th article of the treaty
concluded with Johor Alum, " his majesty engages, when-
ever the British Government may desire it, to receive and
protect an accredited agent of the British Government, with
a suitable establishment, who shall be permitted to reside at
his highnesses court, for the purpose of conducting the affairs
of the Honourable Company ." The supreme government of
India approved of the commissioners' having abstained from
measures which would then have involved the introduction
of a military force to support Johor Alum's power, and no
British resident or military force was ever sent to Acheen ;
and fortunately so, as subsequent events have proved, since,
doubtless, if a settlement had been formed there, it would
have been given up to the Dutch, in the same reckless way
as the British commissioners in England relinquished the
other important national rights, in 1824. The treaty was,
therefore, to be ratified by the Governor-general ; but no
measures of interference were to be prosecuted further than
,tjie terms required.
• Although Syf-ul-Alum had been warned by the commis-

ACHEEN. 147

sioners to quit the country, and had signified his assent in
reply, we find him still, as late as July 1819, in bis sove-
reign capacity, addressing the Governor of Pinang. He re-
quested assistance to all his nakodas going to Pinang,
particularly in their discussions in court ; for he was aware
that slanderous reports had been circulated to bis prejudice,
and he says, " it is known to the governor, I am rajah of the
country of Acheen, and am engaged in war with my ene-
mies, viz. the rajah who was formerly deposed ; and I have
been in the habit of capturing the property of the deposed
rajah, and the deposed rajah of making captures of those
belonging to me, for this long time past, because we are at
war." He reminded the governor, that an order had been
issued, that no vessels or prahus, bearing the English flag
and pass, should go and trade at Acheen. " Now," he ob-
serves, " for all this time, vessels and prahus have come and
have never ceased coming with the English flag, to trade
about Acheen, and they will not pay me my duties." The
old syud, his father, and the usurper, his son, found that
they had been woefully disappointed in their expectations •
of making a monopoly of the trade of Acheen. The legi-
timate king, to testify his desire to please the British Go-
vernment, about this time, sent two of the crew who had
cut off a small brig belonging to Pinang, agreeably to the
promise made to the commissioners, that he would search
for and seize them. The local government of Pinang had
now the entire charge of conducting all future negotiations
with Acheen (Sir S. Raffles having been interdicted from
all further interference), and, upon favourable reports being
received of the old king's reinstatement in power, a congra-
tulatory letter was written to him, expressing great satisfac-
tion that his highness had proceeded to the capital of his
kingdom, and expected at length to regain the allegiance of

i 2

148 ACHEEN.

his chiefs, and recover the whole of the territories of Acheen
from his enemies.

At the close of the year 1819 (viz. 11th December),
accounts were received that Syf-ul-Alum and Panglima
Polim were concerting means to cut off Johor Alum by a
simultaneous attack from land and sea. The new governor,
Mr. Phillips, speedily stopped Syf-ul- Alum's proceedings,
by informing his father, Syud Hussain, that if he dared to
adopt any measures tending to disturb the kingdom of an
ally of the British Government, Johor Alum, he would ren-
der himself liable to the severest denunciation of the British
Government; and if the syud, or any of his friends at
Pinang, presumed to convey to Syf-ul-Alum any aid in men,
arms, money, or any other means, he or they should forfeit
the protection of the British Government, and become liable
to the most serious consequences. The governor told him
to dissuade his son, as he wished for a favourable consider-
ation from the British Government, from taking any steps hos-
tile to the person and authority of Johor Alum, and to advise
him earnestly to break off all connexion with the turbulent
chiefs and enemies of the king of Acheen, and to withdraw
himself from the dominions of our ally. This was the only
style of address suitable on the occasion, and it had the
effect desired ; and if something to a similar purpose had
been stated to the old Pinang merchant, when he first shewed
an ambition to make his son a king, Johor Alum would
long before have regained his authority ; the British settle-
ments would not have suffered, as they did to a serious ex-
tent, for several years ; much bloodshed would have been
spared, and the Hon. East-India Company would have
saved upwards of one hundred thousand pounds,

Johor Alum, in a letter of 18th December 1819, 'thanked
the governor for all his kindness ; stated that he was then

ACHEEN. 149

settled quietly at Acheen ; that all the people of that place
were now on good terms with him ; that they had been like
birds, which for a time had wandered from their nests, but
were now reconciled, as though they had found their nests
again, with great joy of heart. He promised to adhere to
the treaty, and required that all ships visiting his kingdom
should first go to him at the capital, and receive a written
document, authorizing them to visit such places as they
might choose. He declared that, if any accident befel them
afterwards, he would be answerable for it, on account of his
being connected by treaty with the English, and that he
might not get a bad name. Here we have another proof of
the importance attached to the establishment of Acheen, as
the principal port. It is not improbable that the infringe-
ment of this rule, whereby the king's duties were transferred
to the petty ports, materially aided the resistance to the
king's authority. It must be recollected, that this practice
was pointed out by Fenwick, as a breach of the laws of the
kingdom, and it was on this ground that the seizure of the
ships frequenting these ports was made.

Further reports having been received of the usurpers
meditated hostilities against Johor Alum, the governor des-
patched, in the early part of 1820, H. M. ship Dauntless
to Acheen, to afford our ally protection in case of need ;
but, meantime, Syf-ul-Alum had prudently betaken himself
to flight, and arrived at Calcutta on the £2d April, having,
on the eve of his departure (according Jto the representa-
tions of the chief of Passy), committed an act of piracy on
a Chinese junk, which he plundered of every thing on
board. He also piratically seized twelve Acheenese prahus
before be left the coast, and the outrage was committed by
the captain of the ship in which Syf-ul-Alum proceeded to
Calcutta ! Complaints now continued to be made to the

160 ACHEEN.

court against Syud Hussain and his son ; but, there being
no Admiralty jurisdiction, the parties (British subjects as
well as others) obtained no redress. The supreme govern-
ment intimated that Syf-ul-Alum was to be allowed a pen-
sion for life of five hundred Spanish dollars per month,
chargeable to the king of Acheen, whenever in a state to
repay it. On the 21st July 1820, Syf-ul-Alum, who had
caused so much trouble and expense, arrived at Pinang
from Calcutta, and soon afterwards applied for his pension,
which he continued to enjoy till his death.

Mr. Sartorius, of the civil service, was sent to Acheeti
with the ratified treaty,* with a letter containing much

* In reference to the Acheen treaty, we find the following obser-
rations in the Memoirs of Sir Stamford Raffles (pp. 396-97) '•

" For the last four years, the country of Acheen had been a prey
to disorder and anarchy. A rich merchant of Pinang, Syud Hussain,
patronized by the late Mr. Petrie, taking advantage of the unsettled
state of the capital, set up claims to the sovereignty, and having ex-
pended an immense sum in briberies and corruption, continued, by
means of his superior naval force, and the advantage of equipping
his vessels from Pinang, to command the trade of the Acheenese
ports, and to invest one of his sons with the title of Sultan. The
Pinang government, taking part with his side of the question,
strongly recommended the support of it to the supreme government,
and a force of a thousand men was actually applied for, with proper
equipments, in order to establish the newly- created king thoroughly
on his throne. Captain Coombs, a protigi of Mr. Petrie's, and who
had been employed as the agent of the Pinang government, was in
Bengal at the time of my arrival, and Lord Hastings asked my
opinion. I had no hesitation in giving it as far as it was then formed,
and the supreme government was induced to pause. I was subse-
quently joined in a commission with Captain Coombs, for the purpose
of finally adjusting the question. After my arrival at Pinang, I was
informed that Colonel Bannerman had protested against my inter-
ference at Acheen, and had written in such terms to the supreme

government,

ACHEEN. 151

good advice to the king, to conciliate the chiefs of the
country. He was also directed to visit as many of the
chiefs as possible, to persuade them to offer their allegiance
to Johor Alum, and receive into their hearts their lawful
and hereditary sovereign. The king informed him that all
the elders, learned men, ministers, and warriors, of Acheen
had, at the festival of the last fast, come and entreated his
pardon.

There came now a representation from some of the chiefs
of Acheen, respecting an act of piracy committed by Syfi-
ul-Alum upon a vessel belonging to them. They repre-
sented that the son of Tuanku Lumbawa, named Lebby
Yusuf, a nakoda, sailed to Pinang to buy opium. He in
his way met a ship of Syud Abdullah, son of Syud Hus-
sain, the people of which captured the prahu, killed him'

government, that it was incumbent on me to wait the answer. I
complied with this request, and while this question was pending, I ;
proceeded to this place (Singapore), effected my object, and returned to
Pinang, in time to receive the further instructions of the supreme
government. These only tended to confirm what I had formerly
received, and Captain Coombs and myself accordingly proceeded to
Acheen. We remained there nearly seven weeks, during the early
portion of which we were directly opposed in our politics ; but, at
length, after a paper war, which actually occupied above a thousand
pages of the Company's largest-sized paper, he came round to my
opinion, and was satisfied that, in justice and honour, there was but one
course to pursue, namely, supporting the cause of the legitimate sove-
reign. The spurious claims set up by Syud Hussain were proved to
be unfounded, and it was clear he had grossly deceived our Govern-
ment. We therefore concluded a treaty and effected all the objects
we required, namely, the right of having a resident and establishment
at Acheen, and to exclude all foreign European nations from having
a fixed habitation. All that we had then to do was, to require the
governor of Pinang to restrict Syud Hussain from further inter-
ference, and troops and equipments of course became unnecessary."' 1

162 ACHEEN.

and the people in the prahu, in number eighteen, and plun-
dered all the property, the estimated value of which (the
merchandize, cloths and apparatus of the prahu), was
30,352 Spanish dollars. This was done on the return of
the ex-king from Bengal. The chiefs said they did not
care for their money, but they entreated judgment in reta-
liation on account of their eighteen brethren and children,
who had been so cruelly massacred.

Johor Alum continued to manifest an anxious desire to
give satisfaction to the British Government, and exerted
himself on many occasions to recover the property of British
subjects plundered by the crew of their own vessel. He
seized the offenders and sent them to Pinang, as well as
runaway convicts. He died at Acheen in the early part of
1824, leaving a will, of which a translation will be found
in the Appendix. The queen consort wrote a letter to the
governor, requesting his assistance in support of her legi-
timate son, a youth of seven or eight years of age, who
had been destined by the late king to succeed him ; but it
appears that Tuanku Darid, an illegitimate son, was called to
the throne, and the British Government did not disturb the
arrangement, which took place with the concurrence and
support of the great chief Panglima Polim, the principal
sagi; and it is a fact worthy of notice, that, since the death
of the late king, the chiefs never hinted a wish to get back
the former rival, Syf-ul-Alum, who, after residing some
time at Pinang, proceeded on a pilgrimage to Mecca, from
whence he returned. The successor to Johor Alum, it is
understood, died some years ago. Tuanku Ibrahim, a
natural son of Johor Alum, is the present king. The legi-
timate son, Abdul Mahomed (who, if alive, must now
be about twenty-two years of age, and who was destined
by his father's will to succeed), has not been elected. It

ACHEEN. 163

seems, from late accounts, that the present king and the
sagis, by whom he was elected, are desirous of preventing
the importation of opium into the country.

Having now brought to a close the narrative of our trans-
actions with the Acheen state, it is impossible to abstain
from the expression of those remarks and reflections which
so strongly present themselves on all that has passed. Let
us keep in mind, in the first place, the important object,
pointed out to the government of Pinang by the Court of
Directors, of forming a settlement there, or at least of esta-
blishing, with the king and chiefs of that state, such a de-
gree of influence as would have excluded every other nation,
though not from its trade, at all events from political inter-
ference, and thereby preventing its ports from becoming
places of rendezvous, refitment, and supply of foreign armed
ships, effectually commanding the north-western entrance of
the Straits of Malacca. The French and Americans did
much mischief to our trade off the coasts of Acheen during
the war. To those who attentively examine the history of
our proceedings, no doubt can be entertained that the esta-
blishment of such influence, and even of a British settle-
ment, if required, might easily have been brought about
at any stage of our early relations with Acheen. It is
evident that the contending parties courted the alliance, the
aid, or interference of the government of Pinang ; nay,
more, it is evident that both parties considered the counte-
nance of that government a sine qua non of success. When
the British Government interferes in such cases, unless for
very cogent reasons, it should be in favour of the legiti-
mate, the hereditary sovereign. It seems clear, the old king
was favourable to the English; he was partial to Euro-
peans, and, had a respectable person been sent to his court,
as far back as the year 1809, when he succeeded in full

154 ACHEEN.

power, he might have avoided all the evils and miseries
which ensued, for it is evident, that all had their source in
the bad advice and mischievous influence acquired over him
by low-born and unprincipled Europeans.

The presence of a British resident at his court, pro-
tected even by a small escort, and the certainty resulting
thereby of due support from the British power, would, on
the one side, have ensured the obedience of his subjects to all
just and reasonable commands, as far as the established cus-
toms of the country required ; and, on the other, would
have served as a barrier against any acts of violence, tyran-
ny, or oppression on his part ; for, as he must have known
the value of British support, so he would have been prepared
to pay due attention to the counsels of a British officer,
whose main duty it would have been to advise him, — to guard
him against the mischief of unauthorized disobedience on
the part of his own subjects, and undue oppression on his
own. There could not have existed the objections urged
against such political relations in other places, — the danger
of their degenerating into views of conquest and extension
of territory ; — for such no temptation whatever could have
arisen at Acheen : the original object must, in the nature
of things, always have continued to be the paramount con-
sideration.

These observations are meant to apply to the period pre.
ceding the rebellion of the chiefs, and the deposition of the
king. After that event had taken place, and been quietly
allowed to pass by the British authorities, the case became
more difficult ; that is, it required a much stronger exertion
of our influence, and even of our military power, to restore
matters to their proper state.

Whether a better result would have attended our acknow-
ledging Syf-ul-Alum, the newly-elected king, must be a

ACHEEN. 156

mere conjecture. It may be observed, however, that if an
inference may be drawn from the conduct of Syf-ul-Alum
and his father, and their iniquitous proceedings, he was not
a fit person for the British Government to recognize, and
imbecile as Johor Alum was, he had certainly less avarice
and cunning in his composition than the other party. His
sins may, perhaps, be termed more offences of omission than
commission.

Instead of the proper course which should have been pur-
sued by the government of Pinang, the one so decidedly
dictated by the supreme government was strictly followed,
even to the very letter (that of absolute forbearance and
non-interference), till interference was too late to be of much
use, and it was extremely difficult to interpose with any ad-
vantage. Parties were certainly allowed to fight their
battles out their own way ; neither got the advantage, and
contention, with all its baneful effects, was allowed to pre-
vail for years. When internal dissension rages in any state,
when peaceable habits are once interrupted, and opposing
factions armed against each other, it is vain to expect that
those in its immediate vicinity will entirely escape. If a
man sets his own house on fire, the sparks will endanger his
neighbour's dwelling, and when (as in the case before us)
the disturbed nation is maritime, lying along a coast, and
carrying on its warfare at sea, by disputing about port-
duties, it is obvious that our own vessels, navigating the same
seas, are unlikely entirely to escape plunder.

To the connexion formed by the king with Fenwick, the
opposition of his chiefs, and the setting up of another king,
seem principally to be ascribed; and the piracies (as they
were termed), so much complained of by us, and at least
tolerated, to the quiet course of policy we pursued, by nei-
ther decidedly calling the king and chiefs to account, nor

156 ACHEEN.

giving the feeble sovereign our support, when so urgently
required. If the peace of a country becomes disturbed by
hostile aggressions, foreign conquest, or domestic dissension,
no fleets or armies, which a neighbouring state can keep up,
will entirely secure its own inhabitants from mischief; the
only effectual remedy must be found in the settlement of
the country where they arise, in the removal of the prime
cause, and the situation described affords the best and most
legitimate ground on which one state is authorized to inter-
fere in the concerns of another, for they rest on the inherent
and undisputable principles of self-defence and protec-
tion.

Free action has been allowed to, or at least has been gene-
rally assumed by, our other Indian governments, and that
degree of confidence reposed in them which enabled them to
act for themselves. The Company's governments at Madras
and Bombay, as well as her Majesty's of Ceylon, have all
proved progressive, the best informed on their own localities,
and the best judges of the course which time and circum-
stances required : they have acted for themselves, and have
succeeded. Had the Indian governments halted at every
step for orders from higher authorities, our Indian terri-
tories would not now extend much beyond the bound-
hedge of Fort Saint David, the Mahratta ditch of Calcutta,
and the Island of Bombay.

Such a degree of confidence has never been conceded ra-
the government of Pinang ; the orders under which it acted
were peremptory, and beyond the power of evasion ; — to
form no political relation, to commit no political act what-
ever, to move not a step, without the previous sanction of the
supreme government. Orders given by a distant autho-
rity, ignorant of localities and ever-changing circumstances,
which those only on the spot can see in time for sight to be

ACHEEN. 157

of any use, must often be over-cautious, timid, and tem-
porizing.

The political observations made to, and the instructions
solicited from, the Honourable Court of Directors,, were,
perhaps, from the difficulty of communication, sometimes not
answered to the local government, and if replied to, it was at
such distant and irregular intervals, as to be of little or no
service: circumstances might have changed, and delay might
have rendered other measures expedient. Reference was
made to the supreme government, and that authority some*
times might omit to communicate the contents of the court's
paragraphs, of which it was intended to be the channel of
communication.

The fact is, that the internal as well as political relations
of the eastern establishments are so different from those of
continental India, that the supreme government must be less
qualified to dictate for them an undeviating course, than
the other presidencies. Occupied in the vast duties of ruling
our continental dominions of India, the concerns of a little
island can hardly be expected to attract that attention, or
command that deliberate study and investigation, necessary
for the due execution of desirable measures. The necessity
of sea-conveyance retards communication, and makes free
action more indispensable, in that detached government,
than in other cases, where orders always arrive in a given
number of days. Two months seem to be the shortest
period of receiving an answer from Bengal at Pinang ; but
as the government is now constituted, there is the advantage
that only one authority has to be referred to direct, instead
of two, as formerly, the chiefs of the Straits settlements re-
ceiving their orders from the supreme government in India,
and not, as formerly, from the Court of Directors also.
The important objects, which might have been attained by

168 ACHEEN.

the government, have all along been undervalued. Pinang
has been looked upon as a place of little consequence, and
neglect has made that insignificant which might have been
of importance. Much, indeed, must the course pursued
now be lamented ; for if another had been followed, and
our political relations with neighbouring states more at-
tended to, due notice would have been paid to them, higher
interests would have arisen, and the total abandonment of
all our political connexion with Sumatra would probably
have been prevented.

ACHEEN. 159

CHAPTER XII.

Coasts of Sumatra. — Trade of Acheen. — Porta on the West and

North.

The names of the ports on the west coast of Sumatra,
belonging to Acheen, are — Tapoos, Sebadi, Pulo Dua, Ka-
lavat, Telapow, North and South Mucki, Labuan Haji,
Manghin, Scimeyon, Tareepuli, Taddow, Tarang, Senang-
kan, Annalaboo, Pulo Ryah. These are the rich districts
which produce large quantities of pepper, benjamin, and
camphor. Then Singkel, Ayam Dammah, Terooman,
Rambong, Saluhat, Soosoo, Kevala Batu, Bahroos, Tam-
pattuan, Sama Dua. The ports and places on the north
coast, beginning from the westward, are — Acheen, Pedada,
Lawang, Pedir or Betel-nut coast, Pakan, Selu, Burong,
Sarong, Murdoo, Samalangan, Passangan, Junka, Teluk-
samoy, Chunda, Passy, and Curtoy.

The extent of the commerce carried on at Acheen and
its dependencies on the west coast, and some of the more
northerly parts on the east coast, of Sumatra, will now be
shewn. Besides that portion of the general trade of the
west coast, which Pinang has enjoyed for many years, there
has long been a direct commercial intercourse between the
several ports and Bengal, Madras, and Bombay, and latterly
with Singapore and Malacca. Some free-traders have also
taken in cargoes on that coast, during some years past ;
but the direct American trade was, about twelve or fifteen
years ago, the most important branch.

160 ACHEEN.

In the pepper season of 1823, it has been stated that
twenty-seven American ships, six country traders, and four
French ships, besides the vessels belonging to the East-
India Company, and many large junks and native vessels
from Pinang, obtained cargoes on the west coast of Su-
matra.

Of the very extensive nature of this trade, the following
estimates of exports, during the official year 1821-22,
framed partly from authentic records in the custom-house
at Pinang, and partly from other sources of information,
namely, the missions of Captain Canning, Captain Coombs,
and Mr. Sartorius, may tend to convey a tolerably accurate
conception.

The Americans exported produce, in exchange for Tur-
key opium and Spanish dollars chiefly, to the value of
about a million of dollars. The exports from Calcutta to
the west coast, to procure investments, appear to have been
421,645 dollars : this, I suppose, was chiefly to Bencoolen.
The exports from Pinang, in merchandize, to Acheen and
the Pedir coast, was 454,875 dollars ; exports from Pinang,
in merchandize and bullion, for produce, principally pepper,
imported from the east and west coasts, 400,000 dollars.
The exports of cloths and cottons from the Coromandel
coast were estimated by a late writer at twenty-five lacs of
rupees, but this must be an exaggeration. Besides this,
there were exports by free-traders, French ships, Arab
vessels from Mocha and Judda, Parsee vessels from Surat
and Bombay, from the Maldive islands, Rangoon, the Straits
of Malacca, and English ships loading betel-nut for China;
Portuguese from Macao and Goa, Sec, the exact amount of
which it is impossible to calculate.

A very considerable portion of the produce exported was

ACHEEN. 161

paid for in opium of Bengal and Malwa, and the manufac-
tures of Western India and 6r3at Britain, principally cotton
goods, together with various commodities from China, pre-
viously imported in Pinang. The supply of pepper had
an astonishing increase about fifteen years ago, on that part
of Sumatra. In 1814, Captain Canning, the envoy from
the supreme government of Bengal, estimated the total
produce of the west coast at only 47,000 piculs ; of ben-
jamin at 23,000 piculs, and camphor 16£ piculs. Captain
(late Colonel) Coombs, who visited Acheen in the early
part of the year 1818, estimated the imports and exports as
follows : —

Sp. Dollars.
2,500 bales of cotton, at 80 Sp. dollars per bale . . 200,000
500 chests of opium, at the then price 1 ,300 dollars

per chest 780,000

Stick-lac, in value 40,000

150 coyans of salt, at 25 drs. per eoyan . . . . 3,750
Coast earthenware . • . . . . . . . • 500

Salt fish from the Maldives 1 0,000

China goods 200,000

The piece-goods from Coromandel and Malabar,

he thought might be about 1,000,000

Total 2,234,250

The value of the last may, perhaps, have been overstated,
and it is believed a great reduction in these articles, as well
as in cotton, has taken place since the extensive introduction,
of late years, of British piece-goods and cotton-yarn. Be-
sides the articles above enumerated, there were tobacco, and
British goods of a vast variety, the demand for which could
not be estimated with precision. These may be stated to
consist of broadcloth, chintzes, white cloth, carpeting, iron,
steel, cutlery, brass- wire, arms, and ammunition.

162 ACHEEN.

Captain Coomb3 gives a hasty sketch of the exports, viz.

100,000 laxsas, or 125,000 piculs, of betel-nut, at 1J dollar

per laxsa.
100,000 piculs of pepper.

3,000 „ benjamin.
30 „ camphor.

1,000 „ Kayu sappan.

1,500 „ Kayu salloch.
Gold dost to the amount of a hundred thousand dollars.
Rattans to the value of fifteen thousand dollars.

1,500 coyans of rice.
700 ditto of paddy;

and numerous other articles of considerable value.

The produce of the territory of Acheen, and the ports on
the several coasts, including Langkat, Delli, &c 9 on the east
coast, was estimated, in the year 1826, to be —

Piculs.

Pepper of the S.W. coast 150,000

Ditto of the N.E. coast -i

Ditto of the East coast J 40 > 000

Betel-nut, Pedir coast 200,000

Camphor •• . . •• . . .. .. 70

Benjamin 3,000

Gold dust from all the places mentioned •• .. 15

Rattans, any quantity, say yearly 30,000

also ivory, dammar, pulses of several sorts, silk and cotton
cloths, sago, ejoo rope, dragon's blood, gambier, ghee, oil,
wax, timber, and a variety of other articles, of which it would
be vain to attempt an estimate of the quantity procurable if
a greater demand existed.

The principal trade of Pinang is drawn from the northern
part of the island of Sumatra, chiefly though not entirely
the east side of it. Pepper is exported from Delli, Langkat,
and the ports on the north-east coast as far as Acheen, to
the extent of 700 tons annually. Betel-nut may be procured

ACHEEN. 163

to any extent from Acheen and dependencies, and very large
quantities have been imported into Pinang, for the China
market ; besides extensive shipments every year, direct to
the Malabar and Coromandel coasts, Bengal, and the Burmah
country : we can hardly reckon the annual export of betel-
nut at less than from 15,000 to 16,000 tons. The vessels
from the Coromandel coast, about ten or twelve in number,
still continue to touch there every year in their progress to
and return from the British settlements in the Straits of
Malacca; they bring piece-goods of all kinds, white and
blue longcloth chiefly, and chintzes, salt, Sec. During the
nutting season, in June, July, and August, there are seldom
less than twelve or fifteen ships and brigs, which proceed to
the Pedir coast for cargoes, and many Acheenese prahus
arrive, during these months, at Pinang. By these vessels
the country is supplied with a variety of Europe, China,
and India manufactures. Opium is an article of great con-
sumption ; sticklac for dying is imported from Ava and
Siam, and forms another principal article of export for the
Acheen coast from Pinang. The observations which follow
were made by the Author in the year 1825.

The very high and unprecedented price of Bengal opium,
of late years, seems to have had the effect of reducing the
consumption of that article at Acheen. It must be observed,
however, that the Acheenese have been largely supplied with
Turkey opium by the Americans, and with Malwa by the
native vessels from Bombay. During the present year,
however, in consequence of fewer Americans having come to
trade on the coast, than in the former years, the export of
Bengal opium to Acheen has been much increased, and the
trade of this year (1825) may, perhaps, bear a comparison
in extent with the best of the preceding.

m 2

164 ACHEEN.

The Chinese, in their junks, from Pinang, carry on a
pretty extensive trade with Acheen, and are the principal
importers of grain (rice and paddy) from the coast. Four
or five large Arab vessels, from Judda, Surat, and other
ports, touch annually at Acheen, landing pilgrims on their
return, and conveying others, to the number of one thou-
sand a year, to Mecca. These vessels also import salt, dates,
and Surat piece-goods.

During the few years that Syf-ul-Alum attempted to
usurp the government of Acheen, the general commerce of
the country decreased very much, as compared with what it
was prior to his engaging in hostilities with Johor Alum,
and since his removal. The value of exports from Acheen
to Pinang, which were in

1810-11 .. .. Sp.Drs. 461,117

1811-12 388,676

1812-13 355,355

declined in

1813-14 to .. .. 165-579

In 1814, the old king, Johor Alum, was deposed by the
chiefs of the country, and in the end of the year 1815, Syf-
ul-Alum began to contend for the sovereignty ; he conti-
nued till the latter part of 1819. We find the trade re-
mained very inconsiderable during that time ; the exports
to Acheen in

1814-15 being . . Sp. Drs. 154,801

1815-16 245,471

1816-17 147,924

1817-18 84,568

1818-19 .. .. . 142,973
1819-20 171-884

Since the ex-king, or pretender, Syf-ul-Alum, quitted the

ACHEEN. 165

country, the trade has annually augmented ; the value of
English exports from Pinang to Acheen being, in

1820-21 .. .. Sp. Drs. 200,381

1821-22 454,875

182223 317,444

1823-24 445,053

The imports were in the same ratio. The statement in the
Appendix exhibits the particulars of the exports and imports
to and from Acheen during the time comprehended in the
foregoing abstract. Independent of that portion of the Acheen
trade now possessed by Malacca and Singapore, Pinang
still commands a large share, which has of late years been
greatly increasing. In the year 1823-24, the imports
amounted in value to about 420,000 rupees, besides specie
to a considerable amount not ascertained, which was more
than during several preceding years. The following state-
ment, for the years 1836-36 to 1837-88, exhibits a very
large and satisfactory augmentation in this branch ; the
gross value of imports, including specie, amounting, in
1837-88, to the large sum of 18,29,263 rupees. The exports,
of course, being in the same proportion.

Statement

|rig ■*•' S* -"-"=1153 **•*£

Pf.- 3 ;*

,4| gS |S" S

& ^ a ~ 2 - 5 v '^ "l ?

■i

\i *

ACHEEN. 167

It would be superfluous to offer any further observations
upon the value of Acheen, and the independent ports on the
east and west coasts of Sumatra. The preceding details,
imperfect and incomplete as they unavoidably must be,
satisfactorily testify their importance. If this great branch
of trade is withdrawn or materially interrupted by any in-
terference on the part of the Dutch, the Straits' settlements
will suffer to an enormous extent by the abstraction of a
valuable portion of their legitimate commerce, which has
hitherto proved so beneficial to the manufacturing interests
of Great Britain.

There will be found in the Appendix copies of the im-
port and export cargoes of one of the numerous small
Acheenese prahus trading to Pinang ; also the export cargo
of a small Chinese junk, taken indiscriminately from the
custom-house books of Prince of Wales' Island. These
will exhibit the miscellaneous nature of their articles of
traffic.

168 ACHEF.N.

CHAPTER XIII.

Descriptive Sketch of the Ports and Places on the North and East
Coast of Sumatra. — Products — Animals. — Races.

Reckoning from Acheen Head to the eastern entrance
of the Straits of Banca, the northern coast of Sumatra
extends in length at least nine hundred miles. This long
line of coast is naturally divided into three portions ; that
which extends from the Straits of Banca to the river Rakan,
a distance of about five hundred miles, is low and flat, with-
out a mountain in view, and abounds in large rivers, while
its coast is covered with considerable islands or sand-banks.
This is the country of sago, of the rattan, dragon Vblood,
and benzoin. The second division, extending from the river
Rakan to Diamond Point, occupies a distance of about 240
miles. The coast here is also low, but less swampy than
that of the last division. There are no large rivers, and no
considerable islands along the coast. This is the country of
black pepper. The third division extends from Diamond
Point to Acheen Point. This is a distance of about 150 miles.
The coast here, exposed to the waves of the Bay of Bengal,
is comparatively bold and mountainous. This is properly
the most abundant country in the world in the areca-palm,
and hence the immense quantities of betel-nut which it fur-
nishes to Western India and China.

The north coast of Sumatra is nominally under five sove-
reigns, viz. those of Palembang, Jambie, Indragiri, Siack,
and Acheen ; but is, in fact, under a great number of petty
chiefs, who are virtually independent. The most fertile and

■*

ACHEEN. 1G9

populous state is unquestionably Palembang. Near four
hundred years ago, a Javanese colony settled in Palembang,
conquered the country, and mixed with the Malayan race,
imparting to them the arts and industry of Java. The
dialect of that island has mixed itself with the vernacular
tongue, and the language of the court is still nearly pure
Javanese. Owing to this commixture with a superior race,
the population of Palembang is distinguished beyond the
other tribes of Sumatra for its industry, its knowledge of
agriculture, and its attachment to the soil. Under its native
sovereigns it afforded an extensive produce in rice, tobacco,
pepper, and, above all, in tin ; for Banca formed a portion
of its territory, and it conducted an active and large trade
with the neighbouring Malayan countries, with Siam, China,
Arabia, and European nations, as far as the jealousy of the
latter towards each other, and their short-sightedness in
regard to their own interests, would permit. This pros-
perity was impeded, but not altogether interrupted, by the
Dutch monopolies in pepper and tin, established during
the eighteenth century. To avenge a quarrel of the Dutch,
the British attacked Palembang, in 1812, and wrested from
the sultan the sovereignty of Banca. The recent insurrec-
tions of the people of Palembang against the Netherlands
authorities are well known; they have terminated in the
virtual seizure of the sovereignty by the European govern-
ment, and in the annihilation of the foreign trade of the
kingdom — a consequence which ought not to have fol-
lowed.

Jambie is but a poor and inconsiderable state. The
principal inhabitants are Malays ; but in the interior there
is an unconverted race denominated Kubu, who exhibit
considerable industry, which is employed in the collection
of benzoin, dragon's-blood, rattans, &c The river Jambie

170 ACHEEN.

has four embouchures, two of which are navigable for ves-
sels of small burthen, but even in these the navigation is
intricate and dangerous, though there is no bore, as in many
other rivers of this coast. The present capital is called
Sanahpileh (' chosen land '), and is situated a day's voyage
above old Jambie itself, sixty miles from the sea. Its popu-
lation is four thousand, among whom there are fifty Arab
families, but no Chinese or natives of the Coromandel coast.
The produce of the country is dragon's-blood, benzoin, and
rattans. The larger description of the latter, under the
name of Jambie canes , were of celebrity in the time of the
Spectator, where they are mentioned. Jambie, it is probable,
was at one time subject to Palembang, for a few genuine
Javanese words, not known to the Malayan language else-
where, are to be found in their speech ; and the ruins of a
Hindu-Javanese temple are still to be found about four
days' journey inland from the old settlement. The Dutch
and English East-India Companies had factories in Jambie
in the beginning of the seventeenth century, for the pur-
pose of collecting the pepper and gold which it then afforded.
Almost all the disposable produce of Jambie is at present
brought to Singapore, which in return supplies it with
Chinese and European coarse ware, as well as opium and
Siamese salt, which is carried into the interior of Sumatra.
Indragiri is a state still smaller and less considerable than
Jambie, but its territory is said to be fertile and capable of
producing abundant crops of rice, of which grain consider-
able quantities have within the last two years been imported
into Singapore. The river is large, but incommoded by a
dangerous bore. The inhabitants of Indragiri are mostly
genuine Malays, but on the coast are found some piratical
establishments of the Lanuns of Magindanao, especially at
Bitteh, where they settled about thirty years ago. The

ACHEEN. 171

sultans of Johor also lay claim to some establishments on
the coast, such as Gaong ; and they are sovereigns of all
the great islands which lie off the coast, and between this
and the peninsula. Indragiri, which means, in Sanscrit,
' the Mountain of Indra,' is one of the few Hindu names
found on the north coast of Sumatra. The frequency or
paucity of such terms may be considered, throughout the
whole Indian Archipelago, as a very good index of the rela-
tive degree of civilization among the inhabitants of its dif-
ferent countries, and of their respective states of improve-
ment. Java, incomparably the most cultivated country,
abounds with them ; they are frequent in the best parts of
Sumatra, and occur once or twice only in the Malayan
peninsula.

The state of Siaek is the largest principality on the north
coast of Sumatra, but its parts hang very loosely together.
It extends from Campar to Delli inclusive ; being bounded
by the territories of Indragiri to the south, by Menangka-
bau to the west, and by the Battaks and Acheen to the
north. Beginning from the south, the first place of any
consequence is Campar, of which mention is made by the
earliest Portuguese writers. The river of Campar is large,
but infested by a bore. The town of Pulo Lawang is situated
a voyage of four tides up the stream. The export products
of this place consist of coffee, rice, gambler, bees*-wax, &c.
This is at present one of the most flourishing Malayan esta-
blishments in the Straits of Malacca, and seems to owe its pros-
perity to the formation of the British settlement of Singapore;
since, prior to that event, it was scarcely known even by
name. The quantity of coffee which the people of Campar im-
port in Singapore increases yearly, and is at present very
considerable. Some part of it is grown in the country itself)
but the greatest share is brought down from the mountains of

1 72 ACHEEN.

Menangkabau, where it was cultivated for the first time
twelve years ago. In return for their coffee, the people of
Campar supply the Menangkabaus with Siamese salt, Bengal
cottons, and coarse China ware, all obtained at Singapore.

The next places deserving notice are the islands Rankao,
Papan, Saratas, and Bancalis, partly inhabited by Malays,
but chiefly by another race not yet converted to Maho-
medanism. Rankao, a low marshy island, produces by far
the larger quantity of raw sago which is imported into
Malacca and Singapore, for the manufacture of pearl sago,
become, within the last few years, so large and important
an article of export to Europe. The unconverted race now
mentioned, and not the Malays, are the sole cultivators and
preparers of the sago.

The town of Siack is situated upon the largest river of
Sumatra, about sixty-five miles up, and on its right bank.
The place is small, containing no more than three hundred
houses, and the government is bad and oppressive. In
better times, it conducted a respectable trade with Java,
the Buggese, and Chuliahs of the Coromandel coast ; ex-
porting, among other articles, gold to the value of from
130,000 to 140,000 Spanish dollars. The population of
all Malayan states, it may be observed, is at most not worse
than stationary ; but their history is made up of wonderful
alternations of prosperity and misery, all to be ascribed to
the wretched and despotic character of their governments.
Every thing depends upon the reigning prince or dynasty.
An arbitrary ruler destroys the industry aud commerce of
the country, and reduces it to a state of anarchy, in a very
few years ; and one of fair character, moderation, and intel-
ligence, can restore it to prosperity in a period equally short :
bo favourable are the circumstances and capabilities of these
regions.

ACHEEN. 173

At Bukit Batu, a place on the main of Sumatra, within
the straits formed by the island of Bancalis, exists an ex-
tensive fishery, well known in this part of the world. The
fish, which is the object of it, is called, in the Malayan
language, trubu. The fish itself is sufficiently known in
all the neighbouring seas, but found with a roe only here,
which makes it certain that it repairs to this favoured place
for the purpose of spawning. The trubu, which is about a
cubit long, is taken in three and four fathoms water, on a
mud-bank. About three hundred boats are engaged at all
seasons in the fishery, with the exception of three days,
during neap-tides. The roes are an article of trade seawise,
and the dried fish are sent into the interior of Sumatra.
The rajah of Siack draws a revenue from this fishery of
72,000 guilders yearly, receiving a certain duty upon the
quantity taken. From the rate and amount of this duty,
it is ascertained that the quantity of fish caught yearly
amounts to between fourteen and fifteen millions. It seems
a little remarkable that the spirit of European monopoly
never should have fastened upon so promising an object of
gain. The fishery, from its peculiar nature, is probably
quite inexhaustible, and might unquestionably be prodi-
giously improved by European skill and industry ; and this,
too, not only without detriment, but probably to the great
improvement, of the revenue of the native prince, as well as
the essential benefit of the surrounding population.

The great river of Rakan, the embouchure of which is in
latitude 8° 15' north, is rather an arm of the sea, than a
river properly so called, being several miles wide at its
entrance. It contains many small places of trade, such as
Sanahputeh, on the right bank, and Kubu and Rakan, on
the left. Passing from the Rakan river along the coast,
we have the settlements of Bila and Panai, with Kwalor,

174 ACHEKN.

Assahan, Batubara, Sardang, Delli, Balu China, and
Langkat. The four last-named places are the ports at
which pepper is exported. We have heard the produce
of the whole estimated at between 1 7,000 and 18,000 piculs.
It is probably greater. The cultivators are, as usual, not
the Malays, but the people of the interior, the Battaks. A
similar observation may be every where made. At Jambie
and Siack, it is not the Malays of the coast who collect or
cultivate the export products of those countries. Through-
out Borneo, the same observations apply. The maritime
Malays are, in short, neither an useful nor industrious peo-
ple, and, upon the whole, contribute more to harass and
obstruct commerce, than to facilitate its operations. The
production and consumption of the interior of the great
islands would, no doubt, be greatly augmented, were the
sea-coasts in tbe occupation of any race less barbarous.
The river of Delli is considerable, and admits brigs of mo-
derate size, having two fathoms depth on its bar at low
water. The town is about one tide's sail up. The chief is
merely a nominal dependent of Siack.

The territory of Acheen, on the north coast, may be said
to commence from Diamond Point, where the land suddenly
trends to the westward. This, as already mentioned, is
the coast so remarkable for its production of betel-nut. The
principal places of trade are the bay of Teluksamoy,
and the town of Pedir, in lat. 5° 22', which last gives name,
among European traders, to the whole coast.

The north coast of Sumatra is much more remarkable
for the variety and value of its vegetable, than its animal
or mineral products. Few of the useful domestic animals
are reared in abundance, a circumstance which may be as-
cribed at once to the semi-barbarism of the inhabitants, and
tbe physical unsuitableness of the country. The sheep, a

ACHEEN. 175

stranger, is confined to Acheen. Small horses are reared in
abundance in the same country, and among the Battaks, of
which a considerable number are exported ; but this quad-
ruped is generally unknown in all parts of the northern
coast. The elephant, found every where in the northern
coast of Sumatra, and of the same species which has been
rendered so useful in domestic state in Hindustan, and in
the countries lying to the eastward of it, is valuable only
for its ivory, having never been tamed, except at Acheen,
a country which has borrowed more from Western India
than any other of the Eastern Archipelago. This apathy
towards what is so obviously useful and convenient, is an
unequivocal indication of barbarism. Gold is the only
metal which is found in abundance in Sumatra, and is con-
fined to the mountains in the interior or the vallies at their
feet. The gold of Jambie and Indragiri is brought from
the mountains of Menangkabau, and the little exported
from Siack and Delli, from the hilly countries of the Bat-
taks. The greater part of this finds its way to the western
coast, to Padang, Bencoolen, Nattal, and other places. Tin
has been found in small quantities in Jambie and Campar,
far in the interior also.

We subjoin a few remarks on the distribution of the dif-
ferent races of inhabitants along the north side of the island
of Sumatra. At Palembang, the Malayan race extends to
the south-east, until they meet the Sampangs on the western
coast. In a north-westerly direction from Palembang, the
Malays occupy the whole centre of Sumatra, including Me-
nangkabau, and the whole northern coast down to the river
Rakan. Instead of supposing, with some writers, the emi-
gration of the Malayan race from the centre table-land of
Sumatra, — a romantic and difficult enterprize,— on the erro-
neous belief that the intermediate low lands were occupied

176 ACHEEN.

by different and hostile races, we can perceive that nothing
could be more natural or easy than their extension from the
coast of Sumatra to the islands in the Straits and across to
the peninsula itself. Their distant emigration to Borneo
proper, over a space of seven degrees of latitude and twelve
of longitude, cannot so readily be accounted for, without
ascribing to this people a spirit and an enterprize which
they do not at present possess. Here the breadth of the
island is little less than three degrees : from the river of
Rakan to its northern extremity, the breadth is, at least,
one-third less. Here the Malay nation is found only as
scattered settlers on the sea-coast. The prevailing race, in
the interior, is the Battaks, a singular people, who, to a
considerable knowledge of letters and useful arts, and a
tolerable share of industry, add, rather whimsically, a taste
far human flesh, being well ascertained to indulge in occa-
sional anthropophagy.

The promontory, extending to the N.W. of Diamond
Point on one side, and Cape Felix on the other, is the true
country of the Achi or Acheenese race, the most civilized
people of Sumatra, and through whom Mahomedanism,
with such arts and civilization as accompanied it, was,
directly or indirectly, communicated to the other tribes of
the Archipelago. They are, at present, through long mis-
rule and anarchy, in a state of much degradation ; but, were
destiny to favour them again with a native government of
tolerable skill and energy, they would soon make a figure
in the commerce of the Archipelago.*

* The substance of this chapter appeared in a well-conducted paper,
the Singapore Chronicle, in the year 1 826, and may be relied upon as
substantially correct.

ACHEEN. 1?7

CHAPTER XIV.*

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA.

The Commercial Relations of the British Government in the Straits
of Malacca, with the States on the East Coast of Sumatra, from
Diamond Point to Siack, containing a brief Account of the several
Missions to these States, the nature of the Trade carried on between
them and the British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca ; the
Produce of these Countries and the Duties and Port Charges levied
at the several places.

The establishment of a direct intercourse with the more
northerly states on the east coast of Sumatra is an event of
recent occurrence. The more southerly and most important
state on that coast, however, Siack, which exercises a para-
mount authority over the whole as far as Timian, has been
known to us for some time past as a place of considerable
trade.

About a year after Pinang was elevated to the rank of
a presidency, Mr. John Scott was deputed to Siack, for the
purpose of entering into a contract for the supply of tim-
ber; Mr. F. Garling was also sent in 1807, and Mr. Lynch
in 1808. The report of the latter gentleman tended much
to extend our geographical knowledge of that coast ; but
he represented the moral condition of the chiefs in very
unfavourable colours, and the people as so hostile to friendly
relations, from their universal attachment to piracy, that
the government was deterred from establishing a close and

• This chapter was drawn up in 1824, and a few copies were printed,
under the authority and for the use of government, at Pinang.

178 ACHEEN.

more intimate commercial intercourse between this island
and the numerous ports which line the eastern coast. A
very considerable supply of excellent timber was procured
for the construction of his Majesty's frigate Malacca, and
the Hon. Company's ship Inglis of 1,200 tons, both built
at this island.

When the intelligence of the expected transfer of Ma-
lacca to the Dutch reached Pinang, it became necessary to
make such arrangements with some of the principal chiefs
in this neighbourhood, as would prevent the Netherlands
government from entering into monopolies, as there was but
too just ground for apprehending they would endeavour to
da The resident of Malacca, Major (the late General)
Farquhar, was deputed as agent by the Pinang govern-
ment to Siack, among other places, in 1818, with this view,
and made a treaty with the king.* The ambassador was
received with every demonstration of respect, and matters
appeared more inviting for establishing a beneficial com-
mercial intercourse. The rajah expressed the utmost
desire to improve his connexion with the British Govern-
ment. The Supreme Government subsequently gave au-
thority to the Pinang government to form a British set-
tlement at Siack, should such a measure appear to be ex-
pedient.

In 1819, the chiefs of Delli, Sirdang, and Assahan
opened a correspondence with the governor, which indicated
a desire of improving their relations with this government,
and the Netherlands government having occupied Rhio,
Malacca, and Padang, and used their utmost efforts to
divert to these ports the greatest portion of the trade of
Snmatra, it was considered necessary to remind the native

* Vide Appendix.

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. 179

ohiefs of the more reciprocally beneficial and liberal course
of measures pursued by the British Government.

It was deemed, therefore, that, without the danger of
embarrassment by the disputes of any of the native chiefs,
the time had arrived when the government of Pinang might
endeavour to procure a more extensive and intimate know,
ledge of the ports and people in this neighbourhood, and
even to derive, by a judicious course of measures, some
permanent commercial advantages for this establishment.
For this purpose, Mr. Ibbetson,* of the civil service, wa*
selected to proceed as commissioner, and he sailed from
Pinang in June 1820, accompanied by the late Captain
(then Lieutenant) Crooke, of the 20th regiment Bengal
Native Infantry, as his assistant and surveyor, and the
Reverend Mr. Hutchings, chaplain of Pinang, as a volun-
teer.

The commissioner was directed to visit the whole of the
eastern coast of Sumatra from Timian to Jambie, in order,
tp execute the following objects :

1st. To coast the shores, and ascertain, as far as possible,
their character and navigation, commencing at the river
Jambie, the southernmost place and port.

2d. To visit every port or place of any consequence on the
coast; to collect the best information on the spot concern-
ing its natural commercial advantages ; the extent and na-
ture of its resources, productions, imports and exports; the
precise nature of the revenue and authority of government ;
the number, character, and principal occupations of its in-
habitants; the principal articles forming its staples, as well as
those of foreign commerce in demand there; the nature and
extent of its intercourse with the countries iu the interior

* Lately governor of Pinang, Singapore, and Malacca.

n : 2

180 ACIIEEN.

(especially Menangkabau), and every attainable information
respecting the character, pursuits, and wants of the inhabi-
tants of the interior countries.

3d. To wait on every respectable chief on that coast, and
ascertain, as far as possible, his character and habits, and
the nature and extent of his jurisdiction ; to apprize him of
the sincere desire of the Pinang government to establish a
friendly and mutually beneficial commercial intercourse
between Pinang and his state ; and of the anxious wish of
the government to suppress and discourage the scandalous
system of piracy ; and, further, invite him, by every consis-
tent inducement, to join the British Government in accom-
plishing these desirable objects.

4th. To endeavour to persuade each chief on that coast
of the advantage and policy of fixing a regular and mode-
rate rate of duties to be levied on the commerce of his port,
instead of the existing mischievous system of arbitrary
duties and presents in kind, exacted from traders and com-
manders of vessels ; with this view, to obtain, if possible,
a document, under the hand and seal of each chief and those
of his principal nobles, stipulating that the subjects of the
British Government who resort to his port shall in future
pay customs, duties, and all other charges, according to a
fixed and settled rate, in the same manner as his own sub-
jects and all other persons visiting his port are required to
pay them ; and that they shall be permitted to go to whatever
part of his dominions they think proper, either to buy or
sell, in person or by their agents, at any time, and that they
are on no account to be stopped, molested, or oppressed,
while so engaged and demeaning themselves peaceably.
The chiefs might also be apprized that similar immunities
hafl .always been afforded at Pinang to the merchants and
mariners belonging to their respective dominions.

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. 181

5th. To visit every river on that coast; ascend and ascer-
tain, as far as possible, its course and navigation, the extent
and nature of the trade it conveys from and to the interior,
and the situation and character of the places to which it is
carried.

The commissioner was cautioned not to involve himself
in any disputes which might subsist between the different
native chiefs, and not to pursue any measures calculated
to interfere with the Netherlands authorities at Palembang.
The principal objects of his mission were, in fact, stated
to be —

First and chiefly, to obtain, by means of a responsible
and accredited agent, an authentic, exact, and unbiassed ac-
count of the resources and condition of the different states
on that coast

Secondly, to prevent Malacca and Rhio from engrossing
the trade hitherto flowing from Siack and the eastern coast
to Pinang.

Thirdly, to ascertain if it were practicable (as supposed
by many), to bring down again to the eastern side of Su-
matra the trade from Menangkabau, and the reported flou-
rishing countries in the interior ; it being certain that the'
course of that trade flowed through the large rivers of
Siack, Indragiri, &c. before it was diverted to the Dutch
settlement of Padang and the west coast ; and lastly, to col-
lect every information respecting the productions of the
interior countries, said to abound with gold mines, and
also respecting the extent and nature of the navigation of
the three large rivers of Siack, Indragiri, and Jambie, said
by natives to communicate with each other in the centre of
Sumatra.

To enable him to convey in return to the native chiefs
and people every useful information regarding Pinang, the

182 ACHEEN.

commissioner was furnished with copies of a price-current,
in a simple and compendious form, in the Malay language,
exhibiting the duties levied at Pinang, the time and nature
of the demand for Malay produce, and a description of the
principal European and Indian manufactures procurable
at Prince of Wales' Island.

The commissioner was apprized that the dominions of
Siack were reported to extend from Timian to Rantow, a
place opposite the island of Lingin, but that the authority
of Siack was much divided by the independent power of
numerous petty chiefs, with most of whom it would be
expedient for him to commowfeate. The country between
Rantow and Jambie was said to be subject to the rajah of
Lingin. The government stated that it would have been
reluctant to depute an agent to any part of the dominions
of that chief, had it not felt assured that, the objects of such
a mission being purely commercial, its friendly visit could
not by any means clash with the political relations of
any neighbouring European government. The commis-
sioner was, therefore, directed to keep that feeling in view
in executing such objects as his mission might call for in
that quarter.

In addition to the objects before enumerated, Mr. Ibbet-
son was directed to collect every information with respect
to the natural history and antiquities of the countries he
might visit, the state of their soil and the nature and extent
of their cultivation, the customs or taxes levied, and the
principal arts practised by the inhabitants; he was also
ordered to procure, by purchase or otherwise, specimens of
every manufacture or work of art which might be worthy of
remark on account of the skill of the natives and the rareness
or excellence of the materials. A variety of drugs and me-
dicinal herbs had been imported from these countries, and a

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. 183

knowledge of their qualities, as well as a collection of any
that were particularly useful or rare, were stated to be
objects deserving of his particular attention.

The portion of duty allotted to Lieutenant Crooke was
to keep a meteorological and topographical diary, and col-
lect information on the climate, geography, and military
establishments, if any, as well as to ascertain the military
advantages in point of situation and defence of the dif-
ferent harbours and maritime ports, and the best means
of securing the navigation of the larger rivers. Lieutenant
Crooke was directed also to define the latitude and longi-
tude of all the places the mission might touch at, and, if
possible, to construct a map of the country, and a chart of
the coast.

An ample supply of presents, chiefly consisting of British
manufactures, such as broad-cloth, chintzes, «nd muslins,
was provided, for the purpose of exciting a taste for these
articles amongst the chiefs and people. Scientific and mar-
thematical instruments were also furnished; books with
plates, Horsburgh's and Dalrymple's charts of the Straits
of Malacca, together with Testaments and religious tracts,
in the Malayan language, and other books calculated to
promote useful knowledge and diffuse geographical infor-
mation amongst the natives, were also ordered to be car-
ried with the commissioner. A pilot and competent esta-
blishment, with a guard of nineteen soldiers, accompanied
the mission, and nothing was omitted likely to secure the
full success of the enterprize.

The mission quitted Pinang on the 5th June, and ar-
rived at Jambie on the 5th July, leaving that place on the
13th, without seeing the sultan. The commissioner was
attacked with fever and ague, and on his arrival at the
mouth of the Jambie river, his illness became so serious

184 A CHE EN.

that he was forced to proceed to Singapore for medical
assistance. He remained there twenty days, and having par-
tially recovered, he sailed in prosecuticn of his duty, but,
two days after quitting Singapore, he had a relapse. He
persevered, however, and touched at Assahan and Delli,
and delivered the letters he had in charge. At the former
place he arrived on the 23rd August, and at the latter on
the 29th, when, finding his health again getting worse, he
sailed for Finang, and arrived on the 4th September,
having been absent exactly three months.

Two years elapsed after the unfortunate termination of
this mission before the Government, anxious to obtain some
more precise knowledge of the navigation of a coast so
little explored by Europeans, despatched the H. C. cruizer
Nautilus, in April 1822. The survey from Diamond
Point to Siack, which was but partial in some places, from
the limited time allowed (only three months), was satisfac-
torily performed by Lieutenants Rose and Moresby of the
Honourable Company's Bombay marine, who executed three
charts, and drew up sailing directions for that coast. The
surveyors touched at two or three places only, vi%. Batu-
bara, Delli, and Bubon, for the purpose of procuring sup-
plies. '

From the year 1817-18, the trade from the east coast
continued much upon the increase; the imports of pepper
alone had risen from 1,800 piculs, in 1817-18, to 80,000
piculs, in 1822-23. Several small vessels belonging to
Pinang had proceeded to the northerly ports for cargoes ;
the commanders were well treated, and the government felt
anxious to make another attempt to establish a better
acquaintance with the chiefs, and obtain, if possible, some
more precise information respecting the several states on
that coast. The natives had evinced an increasing predikc-

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. 186

tion for, and exported annually large quantities of, our
woollens and other manufactures.

The governor had for some time meditated the adoption
of some measures for improving and consolidating these
advantageous results, but having heard, from unquestion-
able authority, that these places had excited the jealousy
and activity of the neighbouring Dutch government of
Malacca, which was reported to be about to depute agents
to the different states on the east coast of Sumatra, with a
view of offering allurements to the traders of that country to
direct their valuable and increasing commerce from Pinang
to the settlement of Malacca, the government resolved at
once on deputing an agent to visit all the countries between
Diamond Point and Siack inclusive, for the purpose of
anticipating the Netherlander, and keeping the chiefs of
that coast faithful to their relations with Pinang. Advert-*
ing to the Author's commercial and general information, as
well as other attainments, the governor was not aware of
any gentleman whom he could select better qualified to
accomplish that important service. He was accordingly
directed to purchase a small vessel for the service (the brig
Jessy), and make preparations for his immediate departure.
In regard to instructions, much was left to his own discre-
tion ; but the governor desired that he would keep in view
the following as the principal objects of the mission :—

To assure the chiefs of all the states, between Diamond
Point and Siack inclusive, of the anxious and sincere dis-
position of the Pinang government to cultivate the most
cordial relations with them ; to point out to them fairly the
different course of action which has always been pursued
towards them by the British and Netherlands authorities ;
to promise them and their commerce, on all occasions, every
consistent protection, encouragement, and facility, at Pi-

186 ACHEEN.

ftang;< to instruct them as to the precise nature and demands
of the market at this port ; to hold out to them every in-
ducement to increase their industry and extend their agri-
culture, ' as well as their exports to the British settlements ;
to obtain, if possible, the same privileges and easy access
in their states to our manufactures and objects of trade, as
we had always given to them, and with this view to inform
them that it would be deemed highly beneficial if they
could be prevailed upon to forego their strong prejudice in
favour of the Spanish dollar and receive our sicca rupees
and smaller coins ; lastly, to employ every argument and
persuasion to prevent them from entering into any mono-
polies or exclusive contracts, or into any political engage-
ments with the Dutch.

Whilst executing the above-mentioned objects, the envoy
was directed to endeavour to collect, for the information of
government, an authentic account of the state of each
country which he might visit, of its agriculture, manufac-
tures, and commerce, and particularly a description of the
habits and tastes of its inhabitants ; in furtherance of which
objects, he was furnished with a copy of the instructions
given to Mr. Ibbetson and of the charts executed by the
officers of the Hon. Company's cruizer Nautilus. He was
directed also, on his return, to visit the ports of Salengore,
Burnam, and Perak, on the peninsula of Malacca, and he
was enjoined not to interfere in any political discussions
existing between the native chiefs, or undertake any mea-
sure calculated -to produce collision between the Pinaog
government and the Netherlanders.

The envoy quitted Pinang on the 9th January 1883,
and on the 4th arrived on the coast of Sumatra, near
Timian, and $he first place he visited was DellL Here he
found the sultan engaged in hostilities with some refractory

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. $87

chiefs hi the interior. There was a temporary stoppage of
trade, and the enemy had felled a great number of trees on
the banks of the smaller streams, which prevented the Battas
bringing the pepper and other produce from the interior.
The importance of the Delli state to Pinang, from the
large quantity of pepper obtainable there, rendered it highly
expedient, in the envoy's estimation, to endeavour by all
possible means to effect an amicable adjustment of the dif-
ferences. He felt satisfied that his interposition could be
viewed in no other light than as evincing a desire to restore
the commerce of the country to its former prosperous' con-
dition.

Under that impression, he set out upon a journey to the
encampment of the Sultan of Delli, at Rota Java. The
enemy was posted on the opposite side of the river within
musket-shot They consented to an interview with him,
and hostilities were suspended during the three days that
the envoy was endeavouring, by every conciliatory argu-
ment and persuasion, to reconcile them to each other. Both
parties seemed satisfied with the part he took, and each
conceded a little. The river was shortly after this freed
from interruptions, and peace and harmony were restored.

The Sultan of Delli expressed, as he had frequently done
before, his anxious desire to cultivate a close connexion
with Pinang and to conciliate the good-will of the British
Government. He had already reaped extensive benefits
from the trade with Pinang, and was so fully sensible of its
advantages to himself and his country, that it required no
arguments to convince him of the policy of giving encou-
ragement Xo commerce and the extension * of agriculture.
The rapid increase of produce, which had been nearly fif-
teen-fold during the last four years, proved the sincerity of
his intentions, and the prudence and policy of his rule. He

188 ACHEEN.

was too sensible of the liberality and generous disposition of
the British Government, to be induced to form political
connexions, voluntarily, with the Dutch or any other
powers, or to make any engagements having the most indi-
rect tendency to prejudice the interests of the settlement of
Pinang. The commissioner remarked, that, in his opinion,
the close vicinity of Delli to Pinang was the best guarantee
that the chief commerce would subsist between the two
ports, and that Pinang would always be the principal depot
for the valuable produce of that state. The long and
tedious voyage down the Straits, at certain seasons of the
year, and the apprehension of pirates, rendered it impro-
bable that the pepper produce of Delli would be materially
diverted from Pinang, unless there was active interference
on the part of the Dutch.

The greatest difficulty and discouragement to which the
pepper trade had been subject, had arisen from the extreme
aversion of the Batta cultivators to receive in payment any
other than dollars of Carolus the 3rd and 4th, which have
a remarkably large and full bust ; the Ferdinands the 7th
being all small and spare. This may appear a prejudice
almost incredible ; but such was the case, and the conse-
quence was, that the favourite dollars seldom bore a less pre-
mium than & and 3 per cent, and their scarcity had fre-
quently been so great, as to render it impossible to purchase
the cargoes of boats, which arrived from places where the
objection existed to the receipt of small dollars, as the Fer-
dinands were called. The scarcity, of course, daily in-
creased, for the Battas hoard up all the money they receive,
either concealing the dollars or melting them and making
them into ornaments, and not a dollar left the country
again.

The envoy, after considerable trouble and long confer-

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. 189

ences with the Battas themselves, using every argument to
persuade them of the advantages which would result from
the superior facilities of disposing of cargoes at Pinang, and
by convincing them that the dollars were all of equal in-
trinsic value, succeeded in inducing the Batta chief, Rajah
Sebahija Linga, of the tribe Karau Karau, and the head of
the pepper planters in the interior of Delli, to consent that
all dollars should pass indiscriminately in his dominions*
and he gave the agent a written engagement, in conjunction
with the Sultan of Delli, to that effect.* The sultan had
frequently attempted to overcome their foolish prejudices!
but could never succeed. These chiefs also promised that*
so soon as the people in the interior had become reconciled
to this change, they would use their best efforts to introduce
the currency of rupees and other small coins, as an addi«
tional encouragement to trade. »

As a more convincing proof of the Sultan of Delli »&<te-j
sire to maintain a friendly relation with Pinang, he tendered
to the agent an engagement,-)* that he would not permit the
Dutch or any other power to settle in his country, or in any
of the minor states dependant upon his authority, vix. Balu'
China and Perchoot ; that he would make no exclusive
contracts or engagements relating to trade ; that he would
continue the same friendly relations with Pinang ; that he
would not alter or vary the duties, as formerly fixed by $
schedule sent to the Pinang government ; that traders from?
Pinang should be at liberty to buy and sell in any part off
his dominions and be free and unmolested, so that all de*
scriptions of goods might be imported into the country,
and that he would endeavour to introduce the currency of
the island.

At Delli, as well as every port or place visited by the*.

• Vide Appendix. f Vide Appendix.

190 ACHEEN.

commissioner, he was received with the most unbounded
confidence and that marked respect which any agent from
the British Government would doubtless experience from all
the chiefs of that coast, a feeling proceeding from a real
attachment to the English Government, which, in all its in-
tercourse and correspondence with them, has ever shown
the greatest consideration,—- a readiness also to attend to
their little wants, and to assist their subjects in their in-
tercourse with Pinang.

The agent proceeded from Delli to Balu China, from
whence large quantities of pepper have, for some years past,
been imported into Finang. The young chief, Sultan
Ahmed, wan a considerable distance up the river, at his
pepper-gardens, at a place called Eallumpang, whence the
agent afterwards travelled, through a rich and luxuriant
country, along the banks of a fine clear river, to Soon*
ghal, the residence of the Orang Eaya, whose plantations of
pepper are very extensive. There was an appearance of a
very abundant crop both of grain and pepper; the former
they were reaping, and the latter just beginning to pluck
Many prahus were loading and waiting for cargoes. This
is a beautiful country.

The Orang Eaya and the chief of Balu China gave the
agent similar assurances as the Sultan of Delli, except
that they would not positively engage to introduce the cur*
rency, although they would endeavour to do so. The
agent established so good an understanding with these chiefs,
that they came down the river, with a large party of Batt&s,
to pay a visit to the brig lying in Kwala Kapala Anjing,
and afterwards accompanied the agent to take a look at the
sea, which they had never before seen. The agent stated
it as his opinion, from his own observations and the inform-
ation of the natives, that the produce of that country would,

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. 191.

in the course of a few years, be prodigious, and soon equal*
if not exceed, that of the west coast: to such an extent
were the inhabitants carrying on the cultivation of pepper.; {

Sirdang, a few leagues to the southward of Delli, waft
the next place visited by the envoy. He waited some days
for the arrival of the Sultan Besar (as the chief is styled),
and eventually ascended the river to meet him at Kampong
Besar. The letter from the governor was received with
every demonstration of respect, and* the reply* fully evinces
the disposition of the chief. The same anxious manifesta-
tion of a wish to conciliate, and the same feelings of respects
and attachment to the English, particularly to Pinai^, with
which a lucrative and advantageous trade had been fot
several years carried on, marked his reception of the mis*,
sion. The country possesses many ad vantages,, and there*
was an appearance of quiet content, peaceful industry v and
a numerous population, extremely pleasing, while the nuron
ber of small vessels, lying loaded in the river, denoted ffy* ;
flourishing condition and prosperity of the placa At this*
place, the agent met many chiefs from the neighbouring
small states and from the interior. \r

After returning to the brig, lying in the Bain China:
river, the agent proceeded to Langkat, a celebrated pepper
port, about SO miles to the northward of Delli. Tbi*
country was involved in a civil war ; but the agent delivered \
the letter to the rajah and received from him an engage*
ment,f which he forwarded with a very civil and complin
mentary letter both to the agent and the Governor of? Fin
ngng, to an effect nearly similar to the othere, evincing the
same disposition to encourage the resort of traders from*
Pinang, and a desire to increase the commerce between the ;
two countries.

•* Fide Appendix. t Vide Appendix.

' . :M

192 ACHEEN.

The chiefs at Bubon and Batang-Sarangan, near the
mouth of the Langkat river, expressed the same wish to
improve the connexion with Pinang. Indeed, but one feel-
ing seemed to pervade the whole of the chiefs with whom
the agent negotiated. They have long enjoyed a beneficial
commerce with Pinang, and have but little inclination to
try a change. It may, perhaps, be a subject of wonder,
that this large and populous country of Langkat, the pro-
duce of which has long been found and esteemed in Europe,
America, and China, as of a superior quality, had never
been visited by any European during the long period that
has elapsed since Pinang was taken possession of, and lying,
as it does, on the opposite coast, almost directly parallel.
Here too the agent endeavoured to reconcile the hostile
parties ; but he was not quite so successful as on a former
occasion, although each seemed duly to appreciate the mo-
tives for his interference, and both lent a willing ear to his
suggestions, which, although not immediately adopted, he
observed, made a considerable impression, and the expecta-
tions he expressed to the government of an adjustment soon
following, have since been happily realized.

The agent took the opportunity of removing an erroneous
impression, which was understood to be entertained by the
Rajah of Langkat, regarding the part the Pinang govern-
ment had taken in his dispute with the Sultan of Delli
There is little doubt the sultan endeavoured to impress a
belief that he had the support of the government, or, at
least, its assent to displacing the Rajah of Langkat. The
agent not only pointed out to the Sultan of Delli the ex-
treme impropriety of permitting such an idle and pre-
posterous report to be circulated, but explicitly stated to
the chiefs of Langkat the impartial and independent part
the British Government took in such differences ; that it did

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. 193

not interfere, except so far as endeavouring, by friendly
persuasion and shewing them the advantages of peace, to
reconcile the contending parties. It was not difficult to re-
move the impression from the minds of those people, who
had never experienced any thing but indulgence in their
intercourse with Pinang.

There is a place well calculated for a settlement at the
mouth of the Langkat River, called Ujong Dammar, a
fine high projecting point, forming a prominent land-mark,
which is uncommon in this quarter. The Dutch applied
for this spot to establish a factory upon several years ago.

Batu-Bara was the next principal port visited by the
mission. After waiting two days, the chiefs from the
several districts assembled, and the letter from the governor
of Pinang was received, as the first from that govern-
ment, with great ceremony and an appearance of uncommon
satisfaction, by the following chiefs (in the absence of the
Rajah Bindahara), viz. Sri Maharajah Lela, Datu Sri
Maharajah, Datu Samoawangsa, Datu Pesisir and Tamun-
gong. These chiefs also tendered engagements that they
would not permit any European nation to settle in any part
of Batu-Bara, or its dependencies of Bedagai, Pegoorawan,
Separi-pari or Tanjong, and they expressed their intention
of encouraging the resort to Pinang of their trading prahus
from Delli and other places. They gave the agent also an
assurance (under their hands and seals) of their protection
and assistance to any vessels that might be in distress on their
coasts, and of affording every facility to enable them to
return to their own ports. They also promised a free admis-
sion of any merchandize into their country by merchants
or traders from the British settlements, free of all duties
or exactions whatever, their aim being to encourage traders
to frequent their country ; and, lastly, they proclaimed

194 ACHEEN.

throughout the state, during the agent's stay, that the
currency of rupees, sulcus, and talis, was established, and
requested the government would notify the same to the
native mercantile community at Pinang.

The inhabitants of Batu-Bara are very numerous, and
possess a degree of intelligence and energy not common
amongst the generality of the natives of that coast. They
are all much addicted to trade and manufactures of silk
cloth, and may be said to be the carriers of the produce
from the several fertile states along these shores. They
obtain their trading funds, principally in advance, from the
Chinese and other merchants of Pinang and Singapore, and,
consequently, have every inclination to listen to any pro-
posals calculated to strengthen their connexion with these
settlements. The country itself exports but little except
rattans, and fine silk cloths, for which it has long been
famous ; also salt fish, and a few horses and slaves. The
natives of the interior are a peculiarly untractable and fero-
cious race of Battas (cannibals). The prahus of Batu-Bara
flock in numbers to Delli, Sirdang, Langkat, and the other
pepper ports, and to Assahan, from whence they bring large
quantities of produce to Pinang.

Several suggestions were made by the chiefs of Batu-Bara
for the improvement of the commerce between these states
and the British settlements, and for the purpose of checking
that extensive system of piracy which prevails at present.
There are annually fleets of pirate prahus, which come up
from Rhio and Lingin, and lie in wait for the defenceless
prahus, plundering them of all they possess, and murdering
or carrying away as slaves all on board. The principal
object, so much desired by them, is the establishment of a
small force at the island of Pankour, near the Dindings,
the favourite resort of pirates in these straits. The chiefs

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. 195

of Batu-Bara, as well as all the rajahs along the coast,
particularly requested the agent to solicit the protection of
the Pinang government to their prahus in that quarter.
Immense numbers of human lives are annually sacrificed*
and valuable property is lost, by the attacks of these merci-
less marauders, who lie in wait in the creeks and rivers, and
issue out when they observe a favourable opportunity for
attack. During the prevalence of the strong north-west
winds, in October and November, the prahus from Delli,
Langkat, and other ports to the northward, are generally
driven down to the Sambilang islands, and are obliged to
coast along the Perak shore to this place. A small military
post, therefore, would afford protection to their trading
prahus, which are frequently in want of repairs and water*
and dare not venture near these islands, unless compelled by
stress of weather; and it would give great encouragement
and stimulus to others, who are often deterred from embark-
ing in commercial speculations and such hazardous enters-
prizes, from the dread of losing their lives, and the hard
earnings perhaps of many years.

From Batu-Bara the agent proceeded direct to Assahan,
the king of which place was four days' journey up the river,
which afforded him an opportunity of seeing that very rich
and populous country, of which less has hitherto been
Known than of most of the other settlements in that quarter*
The agent met with a very hospitable reception, and obtain-
ed from the chiefs written assurances of their desire to for-
ward the objects of the mission. The currency was also
introduced into this country, by the engagement of the chief,
and into its minor dependencies of Silo w Lidong, and K walor.

The agent having learnt at Assahan that the chiefs of
Bila, Panai, and Tana Putih, in the Rakan river, the only
•three principal ports between that place and Siack, were at

196 ACHEEN.

the time at the latter place, — there being a dangerous bore in
all their rivers, which renders the navigation extremely
hazardous for any other than small vessels constructed for
the purpose, and managed by people accustomed to such a
difficult navigation ; and these places being tributary to,
and immediately dependent on, Siack, — he determined to
proceed direct to that place. On quitting Assahan, a fever
broke out on board the brig, and twenty-five out of sixty-
two men were unfit for duty. The mission accordingly pro-
ceeded to Malacca, for medical aid and refreshments ; the
sick recovering speedily during the passage to that place
across the straits.

After a very short stay at Malacca, the agent proceeded
to Siack. After four days' sail up the river, the mission
reached the city of Siack. Here there was a marked differ-
ence in the style of the agent's reception, compared with the
other places he had visited. No pains were spared to evince
the cordial welcome with which his arrival was greeted.
The Dutch had sent a mission there a few months before.
The king would not permit them to proceed up the river,
and, as he informed the agent, had made preparations to
resist any attempt to force its way up, having equipped
about fifty war-boats. A young gentleman in the Dutch
Civil Service from Malacca (Mr. Anglebeck), and the
captain of the Dutch brig of war, Syrene, were the com-
missioners. The king descended the river to Bukit Batu,
eighty miles below Siack, to meet the Dutch mission.

Partly by intimidation and partly by promises, the Dutch
prevailed upon the king to make a treaty, containing twelve
articles ; the exact nature of that treaty the agent could not
ascertain, though the king assured him that he had conced-
ed nothing calculated to infringe upon that entered into
with Colonel Farquhar, as agent to the Pinang government.

EAST COAST OP SUMATRA, 19t

Some of the datus or chiefs, however, attempted to impress
a belief that, having restored Malacca to the Dutch, the
treaty with Colonel Farquhar must, as a matter of course,
be null and void. The agent expostulated, and soon con-
vinced them of the fallacy of such reasoning, by reminding
them that Colonel Farquhar, although he was, at the time,
Governor of Malacca, was, on that particular occasion, not
acting in his official capacity, as the head of that settlement,
but as an agent of the Pinang government, specially de-
puted for the express purpose of forming a commercial
treaty with the British Government. The agent received a
letter from his majesty to the governor.* On the part of
the British Government, no concessions or promises were
made, the objects of the mission being entirely of a commer-
cial nature.

Considerable apprehensions were entertained from the
Dutch at Siack, which were more particularly increased by
daily reports of the success of their arms in conquering some
provinces in the interior of Padang, not far from Menang-
kabau; and they were apprehensive the Dutch had some
sinister designs upon them, and wished to possess a direct
communication across from Siack to Padang.

There was a Dutch settlement at Pulo Gantang, near the
entrance of Siack river, which was cut off about eighty years
ago, since which period, during a long succession of kings,
and various changes and revolutions, there has not been any
attempt made to renew the intercourse till recently. The
agent was informed, the Netherlands government claimed
some privileges and rights from ancient treaties, which must
long since have become obsolete, and cannot be binding
upon the fifth or sixth generation, or give them any just
pretensions whatever.

* Vide Appendix.

198 ACHEEN.

The Rajah of Siack particularly inquired, whether die
English would give him assistance and protection in case
the Dutch should attempt to settle in his country by force
(for he expressed his determination to resist them as long
as he had the power) ; the agent informed him, that be had
no authority to interfere in political matters, or to give any
such assurance at all, the mission being purely of a commer-
cial nature, and designed to improve the trade between the
two countries.

There was, at the time the mission visited Siack, a divi-
sion in the government, and two parties in the kingdom.
The pangeran, Syud Zeen, was at the head of one of theln,
and there was a likelihood of a revolution. The pangeran
is one of the four chiefs who usurped the government from
the former king, and placed Syud Ally, his prime minister,
and father of the present chief, upon the throne. He had
many adherents, and was well supplied with arms. This
chief expressed himself displeased with the conduct of the
other nobles of the country, in entering into a treaty with
the Dutch* The agent fully explained to the pangeran,
that the British Government wished for no extension of
territory, but merely desired a fair and equitable participa-
tion in the trade of the surrounding countries; and avowed
its decided objection to interfere in any of their internal
disputes. The pangeran gave the agent sixteen specimens
of different sorts of timber, for ship-building and other
useful purposes, which, he assured him, could be supplied
to any extent ; and he expressed a great anxiety to renew
the trade in that article. '

The envoy remarked, that the Siack river possesses great
advantages in point of facility of navigation, from the even
soundings and deep channel, there not being a sand-bank
or dangerous shoal in the river, except a bar at the en-

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. 199

trance, on one side of which there is a fine deep channel,
though narrow.

The report of the agent's proceedings was such as to de-
monstrate the value and importance of the states of the
east coast of Sumatra, in a commercial point of view, to
the British settlements in the Straits of Malacca. During
the last two years, the trade with the pepper ports has
continued to flourish, and increased quantities have been
imported into Pinang and Singapore. The depreciated
value of that article of late, however, has tended in some
degree to damp the energies, and check the industry, of the
cultivators ; and it is to be feared, the quantity of produce
is gradually exceeding the demand. However, the natives
now purchase their opium and their cloths in the same
ratio. All these articles, and most European manufactures^
have fallen in price, proportionably more than the pepper,
in the markets of Pinang and Singapore. .m

Much will depend upon the construction the Dutch may
put upon the late treaty; whether they will interfere at all
with several independent states on the east coast of Sii*
matra ; whether the British settlements in these straits will
be allowed a continuation of the advantageous commerce
which has been for some years past carried on with these
states ; and whether the Netherlands government will ob*
serve a just and liberal policy or not, agreeably to the
intentions and expectation of the home authorities. i

The quantity of pepper imported from the east coast of
Sumatra into Pinang, Malacca, and Singapore, during, the
present year (1824), has not been much short of 60,000*
piculs, and, unless the price .continues to decrease very mate-
rially, the produce will soon be much more. Langkat, Balu

■ i

* The statement in the Appendix exhibits the progress of the pepper
trade from the ports on the east coast of Sumatra.

000 ACHEEN.

China, Delli, and Sirdang, are the principal pepper ports ;
but small quantities have been also exported lately from
Perchoot, Padang, Tanjong, Silow, and Assahan.

It may be useful to give a hasty sketch of the nature of
the trade conducted at these principal ports, and to subjoin
a schedule of the duties, &c, beginning with

Langkat. — Pepper is the grand staple of Langkat, but
there are many other valuable articles of produce exported
from thence, vix. rattans of different sorts, bees'-wax,
pulses, gambier, gold, ivory, tobacco, and paddy. Bala-
chang forms another article of export. The principal im-
ports consist of salt, opium, coarse blue cloths, Buggese
sarongs, European chintzes, and white cloths, scarlet broad-
cloth and handherchiefs, for all of which the natives have
lately evinced a strong predilection ; Surat and Bengal
rugs, iron, principally hoop and thin square; ironmongery
manufactured at Pinang, vix. hoes, spades, bill-hooks, &c*
for the pepper-planters; steel, braziery, consisting of talams,
or large platters, pigdannies, seree-stands, and lamps; swi-
vels, muskets, and gunpowder; silk cloths from Batu-Bara;
also a variety of Acheenese and cotton cloths. There are
many other minor articles always saleable here. The im-
ports must be very considerable, to supply the wants of the
large population in the interior and the traders from the
other side of the island.

The duties are very moderate, and the king seems dis-
posed to promote commerce and agriculture. The following

are the trifling duties levied at Langkat :

Imports. Exports.

Salt, 4 dr9. per coyan Rice, 8 drs. per coyan.

Pepper, 2 do. 100 gantons or

behar.
Rattans, i do. 100 bundles.
All other articles free of duty.

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. 201

Balu China. — The pepper cultivation in the interior is
very extensive. The price at Soonghal is 15 dollars per
behar, or 3 large piculs; duty 3 dollars, and transport
down the river to Kampong Bendar, bring the price to
20 dollars per 100 gantons, or the behar. The Orang Eaya
is the principal planter. He advances to each Batta culti-
vator, on his arrival from the mountains, 160 gantons of
paddy and a sufficiency of salt for the year, and the neces-
sary implements of husbandry, viz. a large hoe, a spade,
a parang, and a basket. This continues to be repeated an-
nually for three years, when the Orang Eaya obtains two-
thirds of the pepper at the low price of 9 dollars per behar,
and the other third at the selling price of the day to traders.
The pangulus, or superintendents, get the profit of one-
third, being the difference between 9 dollars and 15. The
vines bear after three years ; the average produce of each
tree is reckoned at a ganton measure, or equal to 4J catties.
After sixteen years, the vines generally die. Dry poles are
mostly used for their support, contrary to the custom at
Pinang and the west coast, where the mangkudu tree is
chiefly planted for propping the vines. The gardens are
kept beautifully clean. Sometimes the natives plant paddy,
tobacco, pulse, and maize amongst the vines.

The exports from Balu China consist of gambier, of a
peculiarly excellent quality, which is much prized by the
Malays in the adjoining countries. It usually sells for
more than double the price of the Rhio gambier. The fol-
lowing is a price-current of the principal articles of com-
merce at Balu China, viz.

Gambier • • . . 30 drs. per laxsa, or ten thousand cakes.

Bees'-wax .. ..27 — picul.

Slaves • • . . .. 30 to 40 each.

Tobacco .. •• 15 per picul.

Salt .. •• .. 6 — 100 gantons.

202 ACHEEN.

Opium . . . . 76 drs. per cake.

Elephants' teeth, large 60 to 70 do. per picul.

Ditto small . • • . 40 to 55 do.

xij ce mt e Igantons per dollar, when scarce,

( and 10 when abundant

Horses . . .. 15 to 20 drs. each.

Green peas . . . . 10 drs. per 100 gantons.

Bijan •• .. .. 5 do. 100 do.

There is an endless variety of goods and manufactures,
of different descriptions, imported into this country, and the
taste for Europe cottons is daily increasing. The under-
mentioned articles are most commonly imported, viz. China-
ware, coarse, consisting of plates, cups, and basins ; seree-
stands, kincobs, gold-thread, opium, white cotton cloths,
coarse country cloths, broad-cloth, salt, ironmongery,
tin, sabres, blunderbusses, swivels, gunpowder, looking-
glasses, brass plates; besides these, they import Pulicat
cloths with handsome borders, palempores, and silk and
gold-wrought cloths from Tringano, Palembang, Siack and
Batu-Bara.

The internal commerce of the country is very consider-
able. Traders, from Alas, Gaion, and Singkel, and other
places on the opposite side of the island, come over with
various commodities, and carry back a variety of the ma-
nufactures enumerated above, and traders from Soonghal
carry up supplies to the numerous Batta states inland six
or seven days' journey.

The duties at Soonghal are as follow, viz.

Imports : Exports :

8alt 1 dr. per coy an. Pepper .... 2 drs. per 100 gantons.

Opium ..1 — balL Gambier ..1 — laxsa.

Saltfish.. 2 — 1000. Wax 1 — picul.

Slaves .... 1 each. ' i

Tobacco *. 1 per picul. i w\

tNo. other Article* of import are chargeable wijtb< fhj tia& . >, « >

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. 20#

Delli. — The import and export trade of Delli is almost
precisely the same as that of Langkat and Balu China, and
it will, therefore, be unnecessary to repeat the various ar-
ticles of produce and consumption.

The following is a table of the duties and port charges at
Delli.

Imports:

All sorts of white and blue cloth, chintzes, 1 A
and carpets ./ 2 *»* P er cor & e '

Opium 1 — ball*

Salt • • . . 4 — coy an.

N.B. The duty on cloths was discontinued for a time,

when the agent visited Delli.

Exports :

Pepper 8 drs. per coyan.

Wax 1 — picul.

Gambier 10 laxsa, or ten thousand cakes.

Horses

Slaves

Brimstone

Tobacco

Elephants' teeth ....

The port charges are — for a ship, 12 dollars ; a brig, 8
dollars ; and a sloop, 6 dollars. Half-a-dollar is also charged
for the use of the ganton measure, upon every coyan of
pepper. This is a perquisite of the shabundar and his
assistant, Nakoda Usool.

The currency consists of Spanish dollars, and duets or
pice, principally Dutch pice of 1742 and subsequent years ;
also half-pice of the English East-India Company, 240 to
the dollar, or 20 copongs, each copong (an imaginary coin)
12 pice.

The weights and measures are nearly the same as in all
the Malayan countries in these straits. The weights are
the catty, picul, and behar, the catty ampat likur, or £4

dr. each.
— per picul.

204 ACHEEN.

dollars' weight. The measures are the chupah, ganton, and
coyan.

Sirdang. — The commerce carried on at this place re-
sembles that of Delli, Balu China, and Langkat, though
not to such an extent. The trade, however, is rapidly
increasing. The Battas, from a place called Dolok, come
down in large parties to trade, and the Alas people come
across the mountains, bringing camphor, benjamin, gold,
&c. which they barter for cloth and other useful articles.
Very little opium is consumed by the Malayan population
at Sirdang, but considerable quantities are imported to
supply the Battas in the interior.

The prices of the principal staples are are follow, viz.

Pepper 20 dollars per behar or 100 gantons.

Bijan 10 — — 100 —

Tobacco 10 — — picul.

White peas .... 8 — — 100 gantons.

It is difficult to form any correct estimate of the reve-
nues of the rajah. The duties are very inconsiderable,

viz. on

f\ Pepper 1 dr. per 100 gantons.

Slaves 1 — eacb.

But it was in contemplation to charge duties at Kampong
Besar, Dorian and Kallambir, on pepper, rice and salt

Batu-Baea.— The productions of Batu-Bara are very
trifling. Salt fish and silk cloths are the principal exports.
Opium, about seventy chests of China raw silk, and a large
quantity of salt, cloths of various descriptions, and manu-
factures similar to those previously detailed as imported
into Balu China, form the imports. The Batu-Bara people,
however, are the principal owners of the prahus, which
bring the valuable produce of the other states to Pinang,

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA.

206

Malacca, and Singapore. Many of the inhabitants have
accumulated considerable wealth, and are the owners of seve-
ral large vessels. Slaves and horses are brought down from
the interior in considerable numbers.

The shabundar informed the agent to the Pinang govern-
ment, that there are not less than 600 trading prahus be-
longing to the port of Batu-Bara.

Batu-Bara is a free port, and the coins, weights, and mea-
sures are the same as at the other ports. By a late regu-
lation, however, sicca rupees, half and quarter rupees, are
also to pass current.

Assahan. — The commerce of Assahan has very much
decreased compared with what it formerly was, but there
are still about eighty prahus, of different sizes, belonging to
the country, engaged in conveying the produce of the coun-
try to the British settlements, Malacca and the adjoining
Malay states. Many prahus from Batu-Bara frequent Assa-
han, to procure rice and paddy. The chief imports consist
of salt, opium and coarse blue and white cloths, for the
consumption of the Battas in the interior ; but many other
articles, such as have been described to be imported into
Delli and other places, are also carried to Assahan. The
exports are,

Average price.

Kayu laka, or dye wood

1 J drs. per picuL

Rattans

• 10 — laxsa.

Pulse

. 10 — 100 gantons.

Paddy

1 __ 25 to 30.

Rice • • • . . . •

. 1 — 12 to 15.

Wax .

• 32 — picul.

Mats (Bidei) large

. 12 — corge.

Horses

. 10 to 20 each.

Slaves (women)

. 40 each.

Do. (children) . .

. 20 —

Do. (men, old)

. 12 to 15.

206 ACI1EEN.

The duties are as under :
Imports.

Salt . . . . . • • . 2 drs. per coyan.

. " " " f do duty, but the purchase mono-

M \ '" " i polized by the rajah.

Gunpowder J

All other articles imported free of duty.

Exports.
Paddy • • . • . . 2 drs. per coyan.

Rice 16 — —

Slaves . . .. ..2 — each.

Wax . • « . . . . . 4 — per picul.

Rattans 10— 1,000 bundles.

Mats •• .. .. ..1 — corge.

White peas . . • . • . 8 — coyan.
Onions . . .. ..J — picul.

Rattans (Semambu) .. ..10 — 1,000.

Manow or white . . . • do. — ■ —

Do. whip . . . . . . do. — —

Fishing-lines and fishing-net
lines . . . . . . J dr. per 100 rolls.

Lakawood .. . . ..J — picul.

Dragon's blood .. • • £ — —

Horses 2 drs. each.

Trowsers . • . . . . 2 J per cent, ad valorem.
Batta tobacco . . . • 8 per picul.

Siack. — In former times, when thirty or forty large Bug-
gese prahus, richly laden, and many ships and brigs from
Java, Coromandel, and other places, used to frequent Siack
every year, the commerce was very considerable. The quan-
tity of salt annually imported, at that time, was estimated
by the pangeran at 1,000 coyans, or 2,500 tons, 600 or 700
chests of raw silk, and upwards of 100 chests of opium.
The export of gold seldom fell short of three piculs' weight
in a year. The country still possesses the same resources
as formerly; but the internal disturbances have caused a

EAST COAST OF SUMATRA. S!07

temporary suspension of the trade, which mi^ht, wider
proper management and political interference, soon be re-
stored again to its wonted activity and prosperity, and
thousands of people, who are now suffering the most dreadful
persecutions from an infatuated religious sect called Rinchi,
or the Padres, be relieved from intolerable oppression. There
is no doubt the trade of the interior might be drawn down
to Siack again. The Dutch appeared to have some deep
scheme in attacking the Rinchis from Padang, and applying
for a settlement at Siack. If they were to carry this into
effect, the whole country would be under their control. It
is to be hoped, however, the British Government will not
be so utterly inattentive to its own true interests, and will
support its just and reasonable pretensions, founded upon
the treaty of Colonel Farquhar of 1818, which entirely pre-
cludes the Dutch from forming any settlement, or inter-
fering in the internal administration of the country, though
they are at perfect liberty to trade upon the same fair and
equitable terms that we now do.

Although the trade of Siack has been so materially cir-
cumscribed within the last fifteen years, there is still a very
considerable commerce; their vessels proceeding with the
produce of the country, in great numbers, to Malacca and
Singapore, and a few occasionally visiting Pinang. The
principal exports of the state are rattans, viz. jernang, batu
and semambu, dammar, dye-wood, ebony, Agila wood, wax,
ivory, silk cloths, camphor, fish-roes, and gold ; coffee has
lately become an article of export.

The imports of Siack may be enumerated as follows : —
Coast cloths, consisting of blue murehs, chelopans, shecur-
tams, kain gajah or coarse brown cloth, kalamkaries, cha-
wals, Surat and coast chintzes, Europe chintzes and white
cloths, Chindies, silk and cotton, taffetas, gold thread, raw

208 ACHEEN.

silk, gum lac, coarse plates and dishes, salt, quallies or cook-
ing-pots of Siam, iron, steel in bars and tubs, Java tobacco,
precious stones from Ceylon and other places for rings and
ornaments, gunpowder, tin, muskets, swivels, and opium.
The duties of Siack are, on

Im ports :

Opium 20 dro. per chest.

Salt 8 — coyan.

Do. Java .... 10 — do.

Raw silk .... 5 — cent.

Europe and coast cloths 5 dollars Salt fish

per cent.
Merchandize imported in junks

of all sorts 5 dollars per cent

All other articles are free of export or import duty.

Siack produces a great quantity and variety of excellent
and durable timber, in which article there was a consider-
able trade with Prince of Wales' Island about thirteen or
fourteen years ago.

Exports :

Gahru ....

25 dra. per picul.

Wax ....

2 —

do.

Gambier • .

i -

do.

Fish-roes

2| -

1,000.

Salt fish ..

2 —

1,000.

Sag'o • • • .

8 —

coyan.

APPENDIX.

No. I.
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty in

Council.

The Humble Petition of the undersigned Merchants and

Inhabitants of Singapore,

Humbly sheweth, — That a treaty between the kingdoms
of Great Britain and the Netherlands, respecting territory
and commerce in the East-Indies, was signed at London on
the 17th of March, 1824.—

That by article 1st of the said treaty, it is provided and
agreed, that the subjects of the two nations shall be admitted
to trade with their respective possessions in the Eastern
Archipelago, and on the continent of India and in Ceylon,
upon the footing of the most favoured nation.

That by the second article it is also stipulated, that the
subjects and vessels of one nation shall not pay upon im-
portation or exportation, at the ports of the other in the
Eastern seas, any duty at a rate beyond double of that at
which the subjects and vessels of the nation to which the
port belongs are charged; and that in regard to any article
upon which no duty is imposed when imported or exported
by the subjects or on the vessels of the nation to which the
port belongs, the duty charged upon the subjects or vessels
of the other shall in no case exceed 6 per cent.

That by article 4th of the same treaty, it is further pro-
vided and agreed, that nothing shall be done to impede a

210 ACHEEN.

free communication of the natives of the Eastern Archi-
pelago with the ports of the two governments respectively.

That by a proclamation of the government of Nether-
lands India, bearing date the 14th February 1824, it was,
among other things, resolved, that all cotton and woollen
goods, manufactured in foreign countries to the westward
of the Cape of Good Hope, whether imported on foreign
or Netherlands bottoms, should thereafter pay a duty of 35
per cent, when imported from any of the foreign settlements
to the eastward of the Cape.

That in pursuance of such proclamation, the said duty
of 85 per cent, was levied upon all cottons and woollens of
British manufacture, imported from Singapore into all or
any of the Netherlands possessions in the Eastern Archi-
pelago, until the beginning of the year 1834, at which time
the duty upon the same goods so imported as aforesaid was
increased to one of 70 per cent.

That by a resolution of the government of Netherlands
India, dated the 14th November 1834, the importation of
British cottons and woollens from Singapore into any of the
possessions or dependencies of the Netherlands government
in the Eastern Archipelago, saving only the three principal
ports of Batavia, Samarang, and Sourabaya, in the island of
Java, is totally and effectually prohibited, inasmuch as by
the said resolution it is declared and ordained, that the im-
portation of cotton and woollen goods, manufactured in
countries to the westward of the Cape of Good Hope, into
any other than the said three ports, shall not be allowed to
take place, unless accompanied with a certificate from the
comptroller of customs at Batavia, Samarang, or Soura-
baya, that the same goods have been imported into and
again exported from one of those ports.

Thajt by the last-mentioned act of the government of

APPENDIX. 211

Netherlands India, British cotton and woollen manufactures
are excluded from all the ports in the islands of Sumatra,
Banca, Borneo, and Celebes, subject to the Dutch govern-
ment, that their consumption is thus to a very great extent
checked and limited throughout these extensive territories,
and the trade of this place thereby most materially injured.

That the aforesaid duties, of 85 and 70 per cent., thus
successively imposed on the importation of British cottons
and woollens from this settlement into all the Netherlands
possessions in the Eastern Archipelago, are directly opposed
to the provisions of the aforesaid treaty, and that the said
resolution of the government of Netherlands India, of date
14th November 1834, is, if possible, still more so, inasmuch
as it raises the greatest obstacles to native intercourse with
this settlement, and thus, in the strongest possible manner,
militates against that free communication of the natives
of the Archipelago with the British settlements, provided
for in the fourth article, as well as against the declared
general spirit and intention of the said treaty.

That the undersigned beg respectfully to refer to the an-
nexed extracts from the correspondence of the British and
Netherlands plenipotentiaries, before proceeding to the sig-
nature of the treaty, as declaratory of the principles and
intentions recognized and admitted on both sides, and as
calculated to place, in a still stronger point of view, the
aggressions complained of by the undersigned;

Who therefore humbly pray, that your Majesty in Coun-
cil, will be graciously pleased to adopt such measures as
may be requisite to secure full effect being given by his
Netherlands majesty to the commercial stipulations of the
treaty, the violation of which is above complained of, as also
to its general spirit and intention in the premises.

And your petitioners shall ever pray.

212 ACHEEN.

No. II.

In ancient times of former rajahs, all the subjects of
Acheen paid duties to them; a nalee (about eight gantons)
of paddy for every nalee which they sowed. For a large
house was paid two mace;* for a small house, one mace;
and one mace each year for each coco-nut tree. This tribute
was paid annually, at the time of the queens Taj-ul-Alum
Safiet ud-deen, Noor ul-Alum, Nakeat ud-deen, and Pasao
Gomala Shah; but from their time there was no more
tribute paid, on account of the weakness of the government ;
from whence arose first the sagis, on which account Acheen
became three sagees. This is our account. 80th Dzulkaida,
1285 (9 September 1820).

The 30th Dzulkaida, 1285 (9 September 1820). An ac-
count of the merchandize exported from Acheen.

1 . Betelnut, husked Duty 2 laxas of it on every quantity

of the value of 1 bunkal, or 24
Spanish dollars.

2. Do. cut in flakes . . . . Doty, 6} per cent, ad valorem.

3. Do. of split Duty, 2 laxas of it on every quan-

tity of the value of 1 bunkal or 24
Sp. drs.

4. Do. red . . . . . . Duty, do.

5. Sugar . • • . • • Do. 6} per cent.

6. Sapan wood . . • . . . Do. 2± do.
7* Sala wood Do. 2} do*

8. Sandal wood Do. 2} do.

9. Dilam leaf .. •• .. Do. lj do.
10. Birds' nests . . . . . . Do. 6± do.

* The mace of Acheen may be reckoned at four copong*, thirteen of
which go to a dollar; the value, therefore, will be thirty pice, -}-$ of
our Indian money.

APPENDIX. 213

11. Brimstone Duty, 6 J per cent.

12. Earth oil Do, do.

13. Wax •• •• • • -». Do. do.

14. Sago • • • • . • . • Do. 4 dollars per coyan.

15. Ejoo rope Do. 2\ dollars per behar.

16. Black pepper • • • • This has been recently produced,

not more in quantity than 200
piculs. -
17* Coir rope • • • . • • Duty, 2} dollars per behar.

1 8. Iron I have tried to get it, but not yet

succeeded.

19. Tin .. .. •• .. 1 8 there, and Cap t. Fen wick tried

to get it, but did not -accomplish
it.

20. Sea slug Duty, 6J per cent.

21. Acheen cloths . . •• Do. do.

22. Do. trowsers • • . . Do. do.

23. Murbow wood • • • • Is in plenty, but people have not

yet taken any.

24. Acheen sculLcaps . . • • Duty, 6£ per cent.

This is an account of Exports from the Coast of Pedir.

1. Betelnut, husked .. •• Duty, 2 laxas of it for every quan-

tity of the value of 1 bunkal, or
24 dollars.

2. Do. cut in flakes • • . . Duty, 6J per cent.

3. Do. split . . . % • • Do 2 laxas of it for every quantity

worth 1 bunkal, or 24 dollars.

4. Do. red Duty, do.

5. Trowsers • . . * . . Do. 6} per cent.

6. Silk do. • * . . . . Do. do.

7. Gold

8. Horses • • . . • . 3 dollars each.

9. Sago • • • . . . • . 4 dollars per coyan.

10. Elephants In great numbers, but no people

have taken them.

11. Buffalos and kine .. .. In plenty.

12. Coir rope Duty, 2 J drs. per behar.

214 ACHEEN.

This is an account of Exports from Samalangan, Murdoo,

and Passangan.

1. Betelnut, husked . . . ♦ Duty, 2 lasas of it for erery quan-

tity worth 1 bunkal, or 24 dollars*

2. Do. red Duty. do.

3. Do. split. • • • • • • Do. do.

4. Do. in flakes • • • • 6 J per cent

5. Rice, of sorts • • • • 4 dollars per coyan.

6. Paddy 1 dollar do, if exported to another

country*
7 Silk trowsers of Passangan Duty, 6} per cent.

8. Silk •• •• .. .. Do. do.

9. Horses Do. 3 dollars each.

10. Ghee •• .. •• Do. 2\ per cent.

11. Coconut oil •• .. .. Do. 2J do*

12. Gold Is at Samalangan, Capt Che Wan

saw it.

13. Tin Is also there, Capt Che Wan saw

14. Do. • •• Is also at Murdoo, and in the Pe-

dada country, which is subject to
Samalangan.

15. Rattans . . . . . . Duty, one bundle out of ten.

16. Planks Do. do.

17. Prahus .. •• •• Do. do.

18. Elephants Are in plenty, but no people have

taken them.

19. Bufialos In plenty.

20. Kine Do.

21. Salt fish Do.

22. Pepper Is to be had at Passangan, duty, 1

dollar per picul.

This is an account of Exports from Teluksamoy and Passy,

as far as Passier Putih.

1. Betelnut, husked .. .. Duty as before.

2. Do. in flakes Do.

APPENDIX. 21§

3. Betelnut split . . • • Duty as before.

4. Do. red Do.

5. Rice, of sorts • . • . Duty, 4 dollars per coyan.

6. Paddy . . . . • . Do. 1 dr. if exported to another

country.

7. Horses . • • . • • Do. 3 drs. each.

8. Rattans • • • • • • Do. 1 bundle out of ten.

9. Dammer . . . . . • Do. 3 per cent.

10. Planks Do. 1 out of ten.

11. Earth oil Do. 6^ per cent.

12. Sago • • Do. 4 drs. per coyan.

13. Hill copper I saw myself, with Capt L'Etoile,

in the Ghanda country, near Te*
luksamoy.

14. Salt fish Duty, 10 bundles out of 100.

15. Pepper • • • • • • Can be had in the Bubon country.

16. Wax Duty, 6J per cent.

17. Rattan mats • • • . Can be got at Bubon and Timian.

18. Slaves • . .. . . Can also be got at those places.

1 9. Buffalos In plenty,

20. Kine Do.

21. Elephants Do. but people have not yet taken

any.

22. Roebucks • • • . • • Can be got at Bubon.

23. Sesame . . •• •• Do.

24. Gold Do.

25. Wood for making Prahus . • Can be got at Bubon, Timian, and

Jambu Azer.

Furthermore, I have got teak wood from a forest at
Pantie Rajah, between Murdoo and Pedir; and people
have told me that teak wood is to be got near Acheen, to
the eastward of the Point.

Relative to what is to be exported from the west coast, from

Pulo Rayah to Trumon.

Black Pepper • . . • Duty, 1 dollar per picul.
Rattans Do. 1 bundle out of 10.

216 ACHEEN.

Planks Duty, 1 bundle oat of 10.

Dammer . . Do. 3 per cent.

From Tapoos, Bahroos, and SingkeL

Benjamin
Camphor
Gold, which is also at Annalaboo.

Relative to ships hoisting the English flag, and haying
an English captain, bringing merchandize to Acheen, the
duties thereon are 6± per cent, except on opium, cotton,
and tobacco. On the first, the duty is 40 dollars a chest ;
the second, 1£ dollar a bundle ; the third, 6 dollars a behar.

If a Chooliah, Arab, Malabar, Chundradewa, or Surat
vessel, the duty is 8£ per cent. ; if kumbal mas (a sort of
fish from the Maldives) constitutes the cargo, the duty is
6 dollars per chest.

If the ships of Chooliah nakodas trade, not having their
nakodas, &c. living on shore, as is the general custom with
them, the duties are no more than on Europeans.

(Signed) Joho*-ul-Axom Shah.

No. III.
Translation of the Will of Johor Alum Shah, the King of

(After a lengthened exordium in poise of the Almighty,
and die Prophet, his ancestors, &c^ he proceeds) —

I hereby appoint my son, Sultan Abdul Mahomed, in
■ry stead; but while I am afire, I shall continue to exercise
the functions of royalty • When by the will of the Almighty
I die, he shall be die king, and execute the duties attached
to the lugh trust Should he die, his sister, the Princess

APPENDIX. 217

Semania, will succeed. If any other person, or any of my
natural children, assume the government, he or they shall
be accursed ; blood shall flow from his mouth and ears, and
he shall die ; his body will be reversed, with his feet in the
air, and he shall be utterly ruined.

All my goods and slaves, large and small, and every thing
belonging to me, even to a broken nail, I bequeath of my
own free will and accord to my wife, and none of my chil-
dren shall be entitled to any thing. To my son, Abdul
Mahomed, even, I do not leave any property. If he should
possess himself of any part of the property, he too shall be
cursed. Of this arrangement I desire that the three sagis
may be informed, viz. the sagi of the 26 mukims, named
Sri Imam Mooda ; of the 22 mukims, Sri Mooda Ferkasa ;
of the 25 mukims, Sri Setia Ulama ; and all the elders of
the 26 mukims, viz. Tukoo Attak, the elder of the 22
mukims, Tukoo Imam Gundrong, the elder of the mukim
Baid Tukoo Imam Baid, and of the 25 mukims Tukoo
Naik Parba Wangsa, and Tuan Nanta, that they may fully
know who is to succeed me, — that it is Sultan Abdul Ma-
homed ; it is he, and he alone, who is to succeed me, and he
is the rightful person.

If these chiefs appoint any other, they shall be accursed,
their bodies shall be reversed, and the Almighty shall afflict
them. Whoever acts contrary to this will, shall be afflicted
even to the latest posterity. I swear by all that is holy,
that Senia Chee, whose mother is Selopok, is not a child of
mine ; in this world or in the next will I never acknowledge
her. If Sultan Abdul Mahomed should ever acknowledge
her as a relative, he shall be accursed ; and if any of my
natural children, viz. Senia Dana, Senia Mahomed, Senia
Abas, Senia Ibrahim, acknowledge Senia, the child of Selo-

218 ACHEEN.

pok, as a relative, they shall be afflicted and totally ruined,
and may they not prosper !

I have given this will to Tukoo Lam Guguh, to show to
the three sagis, after my death, before seven witnesses, viz.
Tukoo Syud Aidroos, Rajah Fakih, Tukoo Haji Kamal-
udin, Tuan Sheek Salim, and Tuanku Menangkabau,
Haji Mahomed Zein, and Tukoo Malim Pochoot Kaya.
Such is the will of Sultan Johor Alum Shah, whose trust is
as firm as a mountain.

Dated the 20th of the month (blank).

(Translated the 21 st February 1824.)

No. IV.

Treaty of friendship and alliance between the Honourable
English East-India Company and the kingdom of Acheen,
concluded by the Hon. Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, Knt.,
and Captain John Monckton Coombs, agents to the
Governor-general, in the name and on the behalf of the
most noble Francis Marquess of Hastings, Knight of the
most noble Order of the Garter, one of his Britannic Ma-
jesty's most honourable Privy Council, Governor-general
in Council of all the British possessions in India, on the
one part ; and his highness Sri Sultan Alia ud-deen Johor
Alum Shah, King of Acheen, for himself, his heirs and suc-
cessors, on the other.

In consideration of the long and uninterrupted peace,
amity, and good understanding, which has subsisted be-
tween the Honourable English East-India Company and his
highness's ancestors, the kings of Acheen, and in order to

APPENDIX. 219

perpetuate and improve their friendship, to the advantage
and prosperity of their mutual states and subjects, it is
hereby agreed and determined—

1. There shall be a perpetual peace, friendship, and d&»
fensive alliance between the states, dominions, and subjects
of the high contracting parties ; neither of whom shall give
any aid or assistance to the enemies of the other.

2. At the request of his highness, the British Govern-
ment engages to require, and to use its influence to effect,
the removal of Syf-ul-Alum from his highness's territories ;
and the British Government further engages to prohibit
him, or any of his family, as far as they may be subject to
their authority, from doing or committing, in future, any
act or acts, tending to prevent or impede the full establish-
ment of his highness's authority. His highness the king
engages himself to place at the disposal of the Supreme go-
vernment of British-India, such pension or annuity, as it
may in its wisdom deem meet to recommend, for the said
Syf-ul-Alum, on the condition of his retiring to Pmang,
and engaging to relinquish all claims to the sovereignty of
Acheen, within three months from the date hereof.

3. His highness the king grants to the British Govern-
ment the free trade of all his ports, and engages that the
duties on merchandize, levied at those ports, shall be fixed
and declared, and shall also be payable by the resident mer-
chant. His highness likewise engaged not to grant or autho-
rize a monopoly of the produce of his states by any person
whatever.

4. His highness engages, whenever the British Govern-
ment may desire it, to receive and protect an accredited
agent of the British. Government, with a suitable establish-
ment, who shall be permitted to reside at his highness's

220 ACHEEN.

court, for the purpose of conducting the affairs of the Hon.
Company.

5. In consideration of the injury which might result to
the British trade from its exclusion from the ports of his
highness's state, not at present subject to his authority, his
highness agrees and consents, that the ships and vessels of
Great Britain shall continue their commercial intercourse
with the ports of Acheen and Teluksamoy in the same
manner as heretofore, unless a temporary blockade of these
ports, or either of them, shall at any time be established by
and with the consent of the British Government, or resident
authority. It is clearly understood, however, by the con-
tracting parties, that no warlike stores, or arms of any kind,
shall be furnished, given, or sold by the vessels so trading
to the aforesaid ports, under penalty of confiscation of ship
and cargo.

6. His highness Sri Sultan Alia ud-deen Johor Alum
Shah agrees, promises, and engages himself, his heirs and
successors, to exclude the subjects of every other European
power, and likewise all Americans, from a fixed habitation
or residence in his dominions : he also engages not to enter
into any negotiation, or to conclude any treaty, with any
power, prince, or potentate whatsoever, unless with the
knowledge and consent of the British Government.

7. His highness engages not to permit the residence in
his dominions of any British subject to whom the resident
agent shall offer any objection.

8. The British Government agrees to give and furnish
to his highness, without delay, all the arms and military
stores which are detailed in the paper appended to this
treaty, and signed by his highness. The British Govern-
ment likewise agrees to advance to his highness the sum of

APPENDIX.

221

money therein mentioned, as a temporary loan, to be paid
by his highness at his earliest convenience.

9* This treaty, consisting of nine articles, has this day
been concluded, subject to the ratification of the Governor-
general within six months from the date hereof; but it
is to be understood, that the several provisions herein
contained may be carried into immediate effect, without
awaiting the said ratification.

Done at Sreduli, near Pedir, in the country of Acheen,
the 22d day of April, in the year of our Lord 1819, cor-
responding with the year of the Hegira, 1234, and the 26th
day of Jemadil Aker.

Seal

of the

East- India Company.

Seal
of His Highness
the King of Acheen.

(Signed) T. S. Raffles, (L. S.)
J. M. Coombs, (L. S.)

No.V.

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APPENDIX.

223

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APPENDIX.

225

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APPENDIX.

227

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228

ACHEEN.

No.
Statement of the Quantity of Betelnut Exported from Prince

Season.

Madras.

Calcutta.

Bombay.

Picuk.

Sp. Dollars.

Pieuk.

S p. Dollars.

Picuk.

Sp. Dollars.

1819-20..

5,221

9,136

8,793

15,387

3,211

5,619

1820-21..

13,239

19,858

13,067

19,600

3,894

5,841

1821-22..

17,769

5,376

14,366

1822-23..

6,730*

11,313

21,538

32,717

7,813

11,719

1823-24..

8,420

12,630

10,155

15,232

454

682

No. VII.
List of the Import Cargo of an Acheenese Frahu.

Articles.

Sp.drs. cents.

30 Piculs benjamin

Value 1,200

25 Piculs pepper

.. 250

20 Catties birds'-nests .

400

1 Corge of cloth

3 Corges of trowsers .

} Picul cotton

2 50

10 Catties camphor

150

Sp.drs. 2,066 50

No. VII.—

APPENDIX.

229

VI.

of Wales' Island from 1819-20 to 1823-24 inclusive.

China.

SlAM.

Pegue.

Total
Qu ntity.

Total
Value.

Piculs.

Sp. Dollars.

Piculs.

Sp. Dollars.

Piculs.

Sp. Dollars.

Piculs. *

Sp. Dollars.

56,743

99,300

1,782

3,024

198

1,188

75,948

133,854

65,539

98,308

• •

504

756

96,243

144,363

16,433

32,866

• •

• .

53,944

70,377

60,892

106,058

132

619

928

97,680J

162,867

35,677

53,515

• •

842

1,263

55,548

83,322

• •

Value 3,672 30

160

290

83 46

No. VII. — continued.
List of the Export Cargo of an Acheenese Prahu.

Sp. drs. cents.
152 Corges and 2 pieces piece goods

32 Pieces Europe handkerchiefs

29 Boxes China gold thread

12 Piculs 48 catties of saltpetre

2 Tubs steel

80 Catties iron nails

4 Carpets
2\ Piculs alum

5 Piculs sticklac
95 Piculs brass ware . .

2 1 Catties and 2 drs. weight of Europe gold thread

£ Catty China ditto . .

2 Reams Europe paper

1 Chest opium

Sundries

20
248 75

1,300

479

Sp. drs. 6,400 51

230

ACHEEN.

List of the Cargo of a Chinese Junk belonging to Pinang,
proceeding to the Coast of Acheen.

Sp.dr8. cts.
10 Corges and 9 pieces of piece goods .. Value 418
35 do. and 5 do. do.
57 Pieces lutestring

7 do. camblets
20 Muskets
55 Hoes • •

222 China locks
170 Iron betel-boxes

13 Fowling-pieces

10 Cannisters gunpowder
2 Catties silk thread . .

16 Dozen knives

1 Picul iron nails

2 Piculs lead
25,000 China needles

260 Bundles China crackers
47 Pieces tin-ware
29 Piculs, 65 catties of dates

8 Catties quicksilver • .
18 Pieces China cups • .

105 Catties sugar-candy
2 Chests crackers
7 Boxes gold thread • •
6 Catties tea
10 Balls cotton
1 5 Cakes of opium
12 Baskets tobacco
15 Piculs gambier
28,186 Pieces of coarse China ware
1 Piece broad-cloth . .
160 Pieces brass dishes . .
335 Bundles China burning paper
700 Sets Siam quallies or frying pans

Total Sp. drs

• •

.1,410

. 855

. 105

. 240

. 13 75

. 22 20

. 25 50

. 156

. 14

. 32

. 12

. 16

. 750

7 80

. 47

. 88 95

. 18

. 14 70

. 44

. 175

3 60

. 330

. 375

. 360

. 150

. 845

. 50

. 254

. 134

. 700

. 7,686 50

APPENDIX. 231

No. VIII.

Treaty of Commercial Alliance between the Honour-
able English East-India Company and his Majesty Pa-
duka Sri Sultan Abdul Jallil Haliludin Henul Sultan
Abdul Jallil Syphudin, King of Siack Sri Endrapoora,
and dependencies, settled by Major William Farquhar,
Resident of Malacca, in virtue of powers delegated to him
by the Honourable John Alexander Bannerman, Gover-
nor of Prince of Wales' Island and its dependencies.

1. The peace and friendship, now happily subsisting be-
tween the Honourable English East-India Company and
his Majesty the Sultan of Siack Sri Endrapoora, shall be
perpetual.

% The vessels and merchandize belonging to British
subjects, or persons being under the protection of the Ho-
nourable East-India Company, shall always enjoy in the
ports or dominions subject to his Majesty the Sultan of
Siack Sri Endrapoora all the privileges and advantages,
which are now, or may at any time hereafter be, granted to
the subjects of the most favoured nations.

3. The vessels and merchandize belonging to the sub-
jects of his Majesty the Sultan of Siack Sri Endrapoora
shall always receive similar advantages and privileges in the
harbour of Fort Cornwallis, and in all other places depen-
dant on the British government of Prince of Wales' Island.

4. His Majesty the Sultan of Siack Sri Endrapoora shall
not renew any obsolete and interrupted treaties with other
nations, public bodies, or individuals, the provisions of which
may, in any degree, tend to exclude or obstruct the trade of
British subjects, who farther shall not be burthened with
any impositions or duties, not levied on the subjects of
other states.

232 ACHEEN.

5. His Majesty the Sultan of Siack Sri Endrapoora far-
ther engages that he will, upon no pretence whatever, grant
a monopoly of any articles of trade or commodities, the pro-
duce of his territories to any person or persons, European,
American, or native.

6. It is finally declared, that this treaty, which, according
to the foregoing articles, is meant for promoting the peace
and friendship of the two states, and securing the liberty
of commerce and navigation between their respective sub-
jects, to the mutual advantage of both, shall last for ever.

In token of truth, and for the satisfaction of both parties,
we have hereunto affixed our signatures and seals at Bukit
Batu, in the kingdom of Siack, this thirty-first day of the
month of August, in the year of our Lord 1818, answering
to the twenty-seventh day of the month Sawal, in the year
of the Hegira 1283

SEAL

CHOP

Major Farquhar.

the King of Siack.

(Signed) Wm. Farquhar, Major of Engineers,
Resident of Malacca and Commissioner on the
part of the British Government.

Chop of the

Tuanku Sultan Panglima

of Delli.

No. IX.

Signature

of the

Rajah Sebaya Linga.

Translation of an Engagement respecting the Currency

of Delli and the Batta country.

We, the Tuanku Sultan Panglima, who govern the king-
dom of Delli, and the great Batta Raj all Sebaya Linga,
give this engagement to Mr. John Anderson, agent to the

APPENDIX. 233

governor of Pulo Pinang: With respect to the desire of the
governor of Pinang, that small dollars shall pass current
in Delli and its dependencies ; We have determined that
they shall pass in future ; and we request that Mr. John
Anderson will acquaint the governor with the same, on his
return to Pinang, and give notice to the merchants of that
place, that they may bring or send small dollars to Delli
and Balu China, for the purchase of pepper ; for the cur-
rency is established. Dated in the year Jim 1238 of the
Hegira, Monday, 7th of Jemadil-Akhir. (a.d. 1823.)

No. X.

Chop of the

Sultan Panglima

of Delli.

Translation of an Engagement from the Sultan Pan-
glima of Delli.

Adverting to the letter from the governor of Pulo Pinang,
brought by Mr. Anderson, I, Tuanku Sultan Panglima,
who govern the kingdom of Delli and its dependencies of
Langkat, Balu China, Perchoot, and other states, being
extremely desirous to improve the commerce with Pulo
Pinang, and to preserve a friendly relation with the gover-
nor of that place, make this engagement with the governor
of Pulo Pinang.

1st. If the Dutch or any other power should request a
settlement at Delli, or any of the places subject to my au-
thority, I will not grant it, nor will I make any exclusive
contracts with them respecting trade ; I wish to trade as
formerly with the merchants of Pulo Pinang.

2d. No other or greater duties shall be charged than spe-

234 ACHEEN.

cified in the list given to the former agent of the governor
of Pinang.

8d. Traders of all descriptions from Pinang shall be at
perfect liberty to import any goods they please, and buy
and sell in any part of my dominions, free of all interrup-
tion, and I will render them every aid in difficulty, in order
there may be an extensive trade, and that merchants may
flock in numbers to Delli.

4th. I shall introduce the currency of small dollars into
this country. Dated 1238 of the Hegira, in the year Jim,
7th Jemadil-Akhir. (a.d. 1823.)

Signature of the

Sultan Besar

of Sirdang.

No. XI.

Translation of a Letter from the Sultan Besar of Sir-
dang to the Honourable W. E. Phillips, Governor of
Pulo Pinang.

(After the usual compliments.)

I have received my friend's letter by his agent, Mr. John
Anderson, with the highest satisfaction. My friend adverts,
in that letter, to the commerce between Sirdang and Pulo
Pinang, and expresses a wish for its prosperity, and an
increased communication between the two countries. It
will afford me infinite gratification to be on terms of amity
with my friend, and to see an extensive trade between my
country and Pulo Pinang, and I will not enter into any
commercial contracts or exclusive engagements with any
other country. I wish to make arrangements with the
merchants of Pulo Pinang, and whatever merchandize
passes out of this kingdom I intend to send to Pulo Pinang.

APPENDIX. 235

On the subject of commerce generally, I have communi-
cated at length and freely with my friend's agent, Mr. John
Anderson, and acquainted him with all the articles of mer-
chandize suitable for the demand in this country and with
regard to my revenues and duties. Dated 18th of Jemad-
ul-awal, 1238 of the Hegira, Friday. (a.d. 1823.)

Chop of

Kejuman Muda,

Rajah of Langkat

No. XII.

Translation of an Engagement transmitted by the Rajah

of Langkat.

With respect to the letter from my friend, the governor
of Pinang, brought by his agent, Mr. Anderson, I have
taken the subject of it into consideration and have had a
full explanation, regarding the commerce of Langkat, with
that gentleman. Being extremely desirous to cultivate a
more intimate correspondence with the governor of Pulo
Pinang, and to encourage traders from that place to come
to Langkat, I am induced to send the governor of Pulo
Pinang the following engagement, for the purpose of
strengthening and perpetuating the friendship and mercan-
tile communication with Pulo Pinang.

1st. I will make no exclusive contracts with the Dutch or
any other government ; my intention and wish is to trade
as hitherto with Pinang.

2d. Any traders from Pinang shall experience every as-
sistance from me, that they may have no difficulties, and
that merchandize may be imported into and exported from
Langkat and Pinang without interruption.

3d. The duties of Langkat are fixed as follows, t?t#*

236 ACHEEiV.

pepper, 2 dollars, per lOOgantons; rattans, 50 pice, or
half-a-dollar, per 100 bundles ; salt, 4 dollars per coyan ;
rice, 8 dollars per coyan; and no more shall be charged
upon these or any other articles of trade. On Europe
cloths, opium, &c. no duty will be charged, and whosoever
pleases may bring and sell them in Langkat, as it is my de-
sire to encourage an extensive demand.

4th. I will endeavour to introduce the currency of dollars
and rupees to facilitate the trade, but this is not settled yet.

Dated in the year Jim 1238, of the Hegira, 4th day of
Jemadil- Akhir (a.d. 1823).

Chop of

the

King of Siack.

No. XIII

Translation of a Letter from Paduka Sri Sultan Abdul
Jallil Khal-il-udin, King of Siack, to the Hon. W. E.
Phillips, Governor of Pulo Pinang.

(After a very complimentary introduction.)

May my friend be informed that, with regard to his
favour or friendly communication, brought by his agent,
Mr. John Anderson, it has come to my hands in safety, and
I received it with that ceremony due and usual amongst
Malay kings. I opened its envelope and perused with care
its contents, which I perfectly comprehend. Moreover, my
friend has deputed to me an agent, Mr. John Anderson, to
communicate with me, and devise plans for encouraging the
trade between the countries of Siack and Pulo Pinang. I
feel extremely gratified by this proof of my friend's atten-
tion and good-will, and I rely upon his assistance to me in
case of difficulties coming upon me. Further, in regard to

APPENDIX. 237

all the countries and states that are tributary to Siack, I
will give orders to them and all the nakodas, or comman-
ders of vessels, who are in the habit of trading, to continue
their avocations as heretofore, nor will I interrupt or hinder
them from going where they please, to Pinang or any other
place ; and I shall be happy to see my friend's country be-
come prosperous and frequented by traders of mine. I trust,
also, the intercourse will be mutual and to the protec-
tion of my friend, and that there may be no cessation of
communication between Pulo Pinang and Siack, that my
heart may be at ease. I shall never be careless or forgetful
of my friend ; and, further, with regard to my present cir-
cumstances, it is possible the Dutch may attack me ; for
Malacca is very near Siack, and that government is power-
ful and I am weak (literally, hard and soft), and I, there-
fore, place my firm reliance upon my friend and the English
Government. I have particularly to request my friend to
reply to this letter forthwith, to show his intentions and dis-
position towards me, in order that my mind may be at ease*
I have given Mr. John Anderson an engagement relative to
trade, which he will show to my friend. A small present
in return for those presented to him.

Bated 11th of Rajap, Monday, at 10 o'clock in the fore-
noon, in the year 1238, of the Hegira (a.d. 1823).

Statement

238

ACHEEN.

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APPENDIX. 239

No. XV.

Extract of the Annual Report of the Committee of the
Glasgow East-India Association, 1840.

" THE JAVA QUESTION.

" Your Committee have, from year to year, reported their
fruitless attempts to get our treaty with Holland, of 1824,
acted on by the British Government. They have again
and again represented to the foreign minister, that if the
fulfilment of that treaty were suffered to be evaded, the
Dutch would proceed to greater acts of aggression. This
has been but too well verified. The coffee of Sumatra in-
terfered directly with that of Java : the former had hitherto
been carried to the British settlements in the Straits of M«u
lacca (Pinang and Singapore), from whence the natives
took back British manufactures in payment; but the Dutch,
by intriguing with the native rajahs, and even by sending
out their chassemarees to intercept the native vessels, have
so destroyed the coffee trade, that it now amounts to a very
small part of what it did. This passing unchecked, they
have attacked the pepper trade in the same quarter. One
independent port has been seized, others are threatened, and,
with them, the whole of the trade of our Straits' ports is
placed in the most imminent jeopardy. The treaty forbids
interference with the independent native states by either
party; but the Dutch, possessing Macassar in Celebes,
have used it as a means of extending their influence, by
force and intrigue, to prevent the Bugis from carrying on
their trade with Singapore, to the great injury of our com-
merce.

" Lord Palmerston, as your Committee reported years
ago, did at one time fully admit the infraction of this treaty,

240 ACHEEN.

and the consequent injury to Lutish trade; yet still is that
infraction continued and extended ; still is that trade injured
(unless, indeed, it be counted an exception that the Dutch
now levy a duty of 12£ per cent, on their own manufac"
tures, when imported into Java, and thereby justify, as they
assert, the heavy charge of 25 per cent, which they still
exact on British manufactures) ; but his Lordship, to whom
are intrusted the foreign interests of Great Britain, remains
perfectly quiescent. Warned, as he repeatedly was, of what
has since actually taken place on both of the above subjects
(China and Java), your Committee cannot refrain from ex-
pressing their astonishment that such important interests
should be disregarded, while the foreign minister affords
neither reason nor apology sufficient for such neglect,
although repeatedly urged respecting them, both in and
out of Parliament."

At a meeting of the Chamber of Commerce at Pinang,
on the 10th August 1839, the Chairman alluded to the
measures that had been proposed and were in progress in the
Chamber, for calling the attention of the Indian and Home
authorities to the recent aggressions of the Dutch upon the
native trading ports on the east and west coasts of Suma-
tra, which, if not checked in time, must be found pregnant
with mischief towards the most valuable portion of our com-
merce, and he strenuously urged the unceasing efforts of his
successor and the Chamber to a point of such vital impor-
tance to this and the neighbouring mercantile stations, and
trusted an unanimity of conduct would govern them all, in
opposing to the utmost the threatened monopoly.

THE END.

Printed by J. L. Cox and Sons* 75, Great Queen Street,
Linooln's-Inn Fields.