THE Punjab Oriental (Sanskrit) Series OR A COLLECTION OF RARE & UNPUBLISHED BOOKS RELATING TO ANCIENT INDIA EDITED BY THE WELL-KNOWN &EMINENTSCHOLARS OF INDIA, EUROPE and AMERICA No, 1 6. LAHORE (INDIA) THE PUNJAB SANSKRIT BOOK DEPOT 1927. ANCIENT INDIAN COLONIES In the FAR EAST. Vol. I. CHAMPA. BY Dr. R. C. Majumdar M. A. 9 Ph. D. Professor, Dacca University. Member of the Academic Cou- ncil Greater India'Society. Author of "Corporate Life in Ancient India," "Outline of Ancient Indian History and Civilisation," "Gurjara-Pratlh&ras," "Early His- tory of Bengal/, etc. etc. Premchand Roychand Scholar, Griffith Prizeman, Mouat Gold Medallist etc. etc. Greater India Society Publication, No. I. The Punjab Sanskrit Book Depot LAHORE 1927. LAL BA.NAESI DAS, Punjab Sanskrit Book Depot 8AID1OTHA STREST, LAHORE. (All Right* Reserved). 1927. FEINTED BT DUBGADASS Manager, The Bombay Sanskrit Press, AXDMJTHA 8TBMT, LAHORE. To The French Savants whose labours have opened a new and glorious chapter Of the ancient history and civilisation of India this volume is dedicated in token of respect, admiration and gratitude of the author. ABB.BE.m-TIQ.N3; B E. F. Bulletin Da I/ Boole Francaise D 9 Extreme- Orient. Corpus Collection of Sanskrit Inscriptions of Champa by A. Bergaigne published as " Notices E$ E^traite dea Manuf-cripts de la Bibliot^que Nationale etc. Tom 3 Vingt-Septierae (1-cr partie 2-e Fafcicula) J. A. Journal Aelatiqe, J. A. S. B. (N, S.). Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal ( New series ) Farm. Parmentier. Farm. I. C. Inventaire Descriptif des Monu^nts Cams de L* Annam Par. H. Parmeotier. The system followed in ib* Journal ol the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland has been adopted in this volume, with the exception, that the nama of the kingdom has been written as "Champa" instead of 4 M3anip&" As the press does not contain accents types for the nates, the notes ara printed without them. Some diacritical wgna IQT writing French words are also wanting in UK press. Table of Contents. BOOK L Page Chapter L The Land 3 II. The Chains and the foundation of the kingdom of Champ* 11 III. Early Hindu Dynasties 21 IV, The Dynasty of Gabgftrftja 35 V. The Dynasty of P&ndurang* 49 VI The Bhrgu Dynasty 56 VIL The Annamite Invasions 68 VIIL Decline of Champ4 77 IX. Dynasty of Harivarman 84 X. War with Cambodge 93 XL The Cambodian, Mongol and Annamite Invasions. 106 XIL The Annamite Conquest of Champ& 127 M XIIL Administrative System 1*8 XIV. The King 155 BOOK II Chapter L Religions Evolution in Champ* 167 , II The Conception of &va 170 IIL Th Worship of &va 177 IV. ^aivagods 187 V Vaiahuavism VI Bmhmi and the Hindu Trinity VIL The Minor Deities of the Hindu Pantheon 200 VIIL Buddhism IX. Society X. Architecture and Sculptor* Preface. The story of Greater India is bouixl to b3 of absorbing interest, not only to every student of history, bat also to all educated people in this country. The Indian colonies in the Far East must ever remain as the high- water mark of mari* time and colonial enterprise of the ancient Indians. But al- though an extensive literature in French has grown up on thia subject, hardly anything has yet been written in English. This alone accounts for the comparative apathy and ignorance in this matter which is generally noticed in this country. No apology is therefore needed for bringing out this volu- me dealing with one of the many colonial kingdoms which the Indians had established in the Far East. It is intended to be the first of a series of volumes dealing with the whole sub- ject. But when, if at all, the other volumes will see the light of day is more than I can tell. The present volume was taken in hand more than four years ago, but a variety of diffictilties- the space of 1300 miles between the author and the printing press being by no means the least of them have considerably delayed its publication. As at present planned, the second volume, dealing with Cambodge, will be published before the end of 1929, and the remaining two or three volumes, dealing with Siam, Sumatra, Java, Bali and other colonial kingdoms will not probably be delayed beyond 1931. Champa has been selected as the sub ject of the first volume, partly because it is the remotest colony in the East, and partly because it is less known than Cambodge and Java on which general attention has been focuesed on account ol the famous monuments of Angkor Vat and Boro-budur. The authorities on which this volume is based have teen fully discuss**! in the Introduction. I have derived the great- est help from Maspero*s (< Le Eoyaumedu Champa 1 '. This book must always remain the chief source and constant guide to anyone torho tries to write a history of Champa. But the discovery of a number of new inscriptions since the publication of that book has made it obsolete and incomplete in many places. While, therefore, Maspero's work has been accepted as the chief guide, considerable deviations from it will be noticed in the present volume. Besides, Maspero deals mainly with the political history of Champa, though in the early portion of hi book he has given a brief resume of religion, administrative system, social and economic conditions, and art and architecture of Champa. An attempt has been made in the present volume to discuss all these branches of history and civilisation of Champa as adequa- tely as is possible under the present conditions. Similarly, Par men tier's monumental work on the art and architecture of Champa has been my chief guide in writing Chapter X of Book II. But while I have taken the data from that book, I have interpreted them in my own way, and ventu- red to express a different opinion on the all-important question of the origin of Cham art. I take this opportunity of expressing my deep obligations to the authorities of "Ecole Francaise D' Extreme-Orient" for kind permission to reproduce illustrations contained in this volume. A special feature of this volume is the collection of inscriptions discovered in Cham pft. Although all these inscriptions have been separately published before, this is the first complete collection of all the known inscriptions, arranged in chronological order. Although I have accepted the published readings, I have made an independent translation of all the inscriptions and have not ( w ) as a rule referred to thtold FmnA renderings save in a very few instances. lam indebted to my Jriwda aad colleagues Dr. S. K. Be and Pandit Nan&ppal Ifo^i, fa some suggestions in this matter. No one is more OQj*80u*is thaa Imytelf of t comuigs of the work. My imperfect acquamt&oc* with Sans- krit and French ha% made the task of writing this volume a painful and laborious oae, and I dare not hope that I have been able to avoid serious mistakes and errors. But I do hope that my indulgent readers will look kindly on this pioneer work. If this humble production arouses a general interest in this country towards this fascinating field of artudy, and in- ducea others, better equipped for the task, to take up the work, I shall consider my labours amply rewarded. > M*jttindar. 3rd March, 1927. r ' INTRODUCTION. Although the study of Ancient Indian history has made a great deal of progress in recent years, there is one aspect of the subject which has not yet received the attention it deser- ves. This is the expansion of the Aryans beyond Indian fron- tiers towards the east and * south-east. The history of Indo- Aryans usually begins with their settlement in the Punjab and ends with their expansion over the whole of India as far as Assam in the east and cape Comorin in the south. This is, how- ever, an arbitrary line of distinction for which there does not seem to be any great justification. For the Aryans never re- garded the hills or the sea by which India proper is bounded as tho natural limits of their advance, and they boldly crossed over these to new regions on the other side. Their achieve- ments in these regions are but vaguely known, but the more one thinks on this subject the more is one forced to realise that the Indianisation of these countries was probably as complete in the ancient period as we find in the Dravidiau countries within the frontier of India. The study of Indian civilisation must therefore be regarded as imperfect so long as we do not take into proper account the achievements of Indians in these regions. Until recently, however, our knowledge of this subject was limited in the extreme. Indian literature, no doubt, clear- ly shows that there was an intimate intercourse between India and the Far East 1 in ancient times, but it does not tell us much 1. Among important passages bearing upon this subject the following may be mentioned as specimens. (A) A passage in Eainayana referring to Yavadvipa and Suvarnadvipa, meaning the islands of Sumatra and Java. (B) The well-known passage in Mahavamsa referring to regarding the activity of Indian colonists settled there. The writings of Ptolemy and Fa-Hien, also, while bearing ample testimony to the firm hold of Indian civilisation in those coun- tries, have not preserved any detailed account of the colonial history of India. Such an account has been rendered possible jnly in comparatively recent times, when the colonies them- selves have been made to yield up their rich antiquarian treasures, th&nks to the untiring efforts of the savants of France. The first serious attempt to study the geography, history and civilisation of the Far East was made by Christian mis- sionaries of Europe as far back as the early seventeenth cen- tury. The most memorable scholarly work of this period was the "Dictionnaireannamite-latii)-portugai8"by P. Alexan- dre de Rhodes, published in 1651. This monumental work has served as the basis of all future research and placed it on a secure foundation. The same author published in the fol- lowing year a history of Tonkin in Latin. Similar works continued to appear from time to time but it was not till two centuries later that a beginning was made of an archaeologi- cal investigation in Indo-Ohina. In 1858 Henri Mouhot ex- plored the valley of the Mekhong as far as the country of Laos between Korat and Luang- prabang. Although a natur- tilist, Mouhot was attracted by the beauties of Angkor Vat and other monuments of antiquity and his rapturous description made them known for the first time to the outside world. the conquest of Ceylon by prince Vijaya, (C) The following sentence in Milindapauha (English Translation II 269). "As a shipowner will be. ..able to traverte the high seas and go to Vanga or Takkola, or China, or Sovira, or Surat or Alexandria or the Koromandel coast or Further India ,." ^ resulted in of e^ptoaUoa in 1885 ander Doadart felogree, flkTchaeologiat The raisaioa included *nfth rd*Bt Francis G*roier and DdJaporte, This miseion reooguiaad for the first time the importance ol inscriptions *ud jQopisd some of them. The work of this mission was continued by individual ttshoiara like Garniar, Delaporteand Dr. Harmand. Then came Aymonier, who began in 1882 his memorable exploration of Garabodge, Laos and Annam. and collected a vast store of materials for the history of these countries. The last impor- tant mission was that of M. Pavie, with 40 collaborators, which worked for 15 years from 1879 to 1895. One of the notable results of this mission was the preparation of a relia- ble map of Indo- China. After a general knowledge of Indo-China had thus been secured, the task of special studies was taken up by special Departments. There originated in this way special Depart- ments for the study of geography, geology and natural his- tory of the couofcry. The historical studies devolved upon a permanent archaeological society which soon took the name of 1 Ecole Francaise d Extreme Orient*. With the foundation of this society in 1898 the historical studies and archaeological explorations have been placed on a firm foundation, and the results of these stulies, regularly published in the form of Bulletins, have made accessible to the outside world avast store of information on the history and civilisation of Indo-China, Prom this very rapid and brief survey of the scholarly work in Indo-China we may now turn to a more detailed reference to the important and authoritative works with regard to the history of the ancient kingdom of Champa on which the present volume is based. ( vii ) The chief sourees of information t^egardmg the history and civilisation of ancient Champa may be classified under three heads. I Inscriptions. II Monuments. Ill Chinese texts and other foreign sources. I. INSCRIPTIONS. 1 The first important collection of Sanskrit inscriptions of Champft was prepared by Abel Bergaigne in 1888, and publi- shed, after his death, by Earth in 1893.* A large number of inscriptions written in Cham were edited by M. Aymonier in J. A. 1891 ( pp 5 ff. ). Since the foundation of the Eoole Fran- caise de Extreme Orient, a large number of new inscriptions have been published in its Bulletins, the most important being: (1). (A) Myson, (B) P&nduranga and (C) Quang Nam Inscriptions by L. Finot. (A) B. E. F., Vol. II, pp. 185 ff ; Vol. Ill, 206 ff; Vol. IV, pp. 917 ff. (B) Vol. Ill pp. 630 ff. (C) Vol. IV. pp. 83 ff. (2). A collection of miscellaneous inscriptions by M. Hu- ber ( B. E. F. Vol. XI, pp. 5 ff, pp. 260 ff ) and L. Finot ( B. E. F. Vol. IX, pp. 205 ff ; Vol. XV. No. 2 pp. 1 ff. ). 1. For a detailed bibliography of the epigraphic studies in Indo-China cf. B. E. F. Vol. XV. No. 2 pp 113 ff ; also Toungf Pao 1910, pp. 126 ff. 2. Notices et Extraita des Manuscripts de la Bibliotheque Na- tionale et autres Bibliotheques pub lie par L f Institut natio- nal de France, Tome Vingt Scptieme (1-er Partie), 2- fascicule. Paris 1893. ( viii ) Ifefltioa must be made in this connection to the very va- list of inaoriptions prepared by M. George Coedes (B. E. R Vol VIII pp. 40 ff ; Vol. XV. No. 2 pp. 173 if). All the inscriptions of Champa hitherto known 1 have been collected at the end of this volume, with full bibliographical notes, and hance it is not necessary to dwell on this topic any further. II. As regards the study of archaeological monuments all pre- vious works on this subject have been superseded by the monu- mental work of M. Parmentier, viz. Inveutaire Descriptif des Monuments Cams vols. I and IL 1 In this book M. Parmentier has made a systsmatic study of all the existing monuments in Champa and fully illustrated them by pictures and plates. The descriptive catalogue of sculptures in the Touranne Museum (B. E. F. Vol. XIX. No. 3 , pp. 1-114) and the archaeo- logical notes (B. E. F. Vol. XXIII, pp 267 ff) published by the same author, may be regarded as supplements to this famous work. Reference may also be made in this connection to Ars Asiatica Vol. IV which contains a set of good illustra- tions of sculptures. III. As to the Chinese texts bearing upon the history of Cha- mpa, they were first discussed by P. Gaubil 3 and Deguignes 4 . 1. A few inscriptions have been excluded, e.g. those which are very modern and fall beyond the scope of this study, those whieh are too fragmentary to yield any sense and those which have been casually referred to, but the text or even a purport of which has not been pu ishod. 2. Vol. I. appeared in 1909 and volume II in 1918. Both these are publications of Bcole Francaise d' Extreme orient, 3. Gaubil's 'Notice historique sur la Cocaine hizte' was origi- nally published in the 18th century and later on included in "L* Histoire generate de la Chine" by Pde Mailla. 4 4 'L* Histoire generate des Buns" Tome 1, 1-er par tie p. 172-173. The mora important workers in this line are Pelliot, Maspero and L. Atirousseau. Pelliot collected valuable data in his learned article "Deux Itineraires de Chine en Inde 1 " and drew up a list of Cham kings mentioned in Chinese sources,* Mas- pero made for the first time an elaborate and systematic study of all the Chinese texts bearing upon the history of Champfi,. 1 Last of all L. Aurousseau has considerably extended our know- ledge by his learned contributions on this subject. 4 Some valuable informations on the history of Champa are furnished by Annamite documents. In this field, again, Mas- pero has collected very valuable data although he was prece- ded by a number of writers on this subject. 5 References to Champa are also contained in Cambodge inscriptions. Bibliographical referenc38 to them will be found in the body of the text. 1. B. E. F. Vol. IV. pp. 131-413. 2. Ibid pp. 382 ff. 3. The data he collected were utilised in his History of Champa (see f. n. 2 p. 7 below). 4. B. E. F. Vol. XIV. No. 9. pp. 8-43 , Vol. XXllI pp 137-204. 5. (1) Bouillevanx L' Annam et le Cambodge . (2) Bonillesraux Lo Ciampa (Annales de Extreme Orient 1880, 1881). (3) P. J. B. Trn'ong VinhKy-Cours d Histoire Annainite; 2 vols. Saigon 1875 (4) E. Luro-Le Pays d' Annam ; Paris 1878. (5) L Abbe Adr. Laiinay. Histoire Ancienne et Moderne de 1' Annam etc. (Paris 1884). (6) Abel des Michels-Les Annales Imperiales de 1' Annam; Paris 1889. (7) Camille Sainson-Memoires stir 1' Annam, Peking 1896. (8) Legrande l a Liraye-Notices Historiqnes sur la Nation Anuamite, Saigon, 1860. * So far about the original sources of information, and we may now turn to the modern texts dealing with the history of Champa. As early as 1888 Bergaigns published a short account of the political history of Champa, mainly on the basis of Inscriptions. 1 Five years later Aymoniar read his " His- tory of Tchampa" before the Ninth International Congress of Orientalistes held in London. Both these were superseded by the monumental work of Maspero " Le Royaume de Champa" 2 which must remain as the standard authority on this subject for somefcimo to come. Some contributions on the study of religion, manners and customs of Champa may b-3 mentioned in this connection. The earliest publication on this subject seems to ba an article by Ayrnonior. 3 Finot also contributed an important article on this subject. 4 A very short account of the political, social and religious history of Champa as well as a brief review of Cham art are contained in Joanne L^uba's "Les Chams et leur art" Paris (1923) which reached my hands after the present volume had been sent to ths Press. The chief interest of this book as well as of Antoine Cabaton'a "Nouvelles Recherches Sur lesi Chams (Paris, 1901 )" and Ayraonier's article referred to above, sterna to lie in the light which thry throw on tli3 social customs and religious practices of the modern Chains. By a proper utilisation of all th \S3 s mrc^s, both primary and secondary, I hava tried to build up a picture of th? ancient 1. L' aneinfc royaume de Champa uruis 1' Indo-Cliine d' apres les inscriptions J. A 1833 [pp OS -70]. 2. This wns originally puLlishod in T'onnjj Pao [10:0-1913] and later on as a separate book at Loyden in 1914 3. "Les Tchumes et lears religions" in "Rovucs do T histoiro d^s religions, 18131," 4 La Religion doB Chams (V apres lor, monuments etc. B. E. F. Vol. I, p 12. history and civilieatipn oi ClMimpA, one of tha m*ny. kingdoms founded by the Hindus in that far-off region. I propoe$ to write the history of the other colonial kingdoms as weU, in, or4er to complete the stpry of Greater ludia. But tm these might yet take a long time, I propo|e : to disease Ue$e ( briefly two important questions of a general nature affect the study of Indian colonisation in the Far East, These are: (I) the part or parts of India from which Indian colonist* proceeded to the Far East an4 the route which they followed; and (II) an approximate idea of the time when these colonial enterprises were first undertaken, I. As to the routes, the Aryans seem to have proceeded both by land and sea. Regarding the sea-route t ther,e seems to h^ye been emigration both from eastern as well as the western, coast. From a very early period there was a regular trade intercourse between the coast of Bengal and the Far East. In the Mahajanaka Jataka reference is made to voyages between Champa and Suvanuabhumi. Similarly passengers from dis- tant inland cities like Patna and Benares travelled to the coast of Bengal by land or by water, and then sailed in open sea for eastern islands, Tamralipti ( modern Tamluk ) being the most important sea-port. 1 There was a similar trade-route between the Kalinga-toast and the Far East. This is referred to by Ptolemy. The ships started from Gopalpur, just a little below the mouth of the Gaiijam river, and crossed the Bay of Bengal. 1 We learn from the Periplus that there was another trade- route from three harbours on the Eastern coast near Masali- patam across the Bay of Bengal to the Eastern Peninsula.* 1. Cf. Mafcuyanak* JaUka, No. 5319, VI, Jataka, No. 46& IV, 158 ff. Buddhaghoaa's Introduction to Samanta-Pusadika, Via*ya Tsxts, Vol. Ill 2. Gerini-Researclias on Ptblemy'f G-$ogr$piiy* p* 3. Schoffs edition, p. 46. We learn from the Sussondl-Jfttaka that there was also a trade-route from Broach along the western coast to the East* era Peninsula. 1 The existence of ancient trade-routes between the eastern islands and the coasts of Bengal, Orissa, Madras and Gujarat, is thus established on good authority. It is interesting to find that it is precisely in these directions that the ancient tradi- tions of Indian colonists in the Far East and South-East lead us to look for their original homes. To mention briefly only a few of the many traditions, there is first the story of a Ben- gali prince Vijaya,* colonising the island of Ceylon. Second- ly the foundation of Ligor is ascribed by tradition to a descend- ant of ASoka who fled from Magadha, embarked a vessel at Dantapura and was wrecked on the coast of the Malaya Penin- sula. 3 There is also the story preserved in the chronicles of Java, that the Hindus from Kaliiiga-coast colonised the island. Similar traditions of colonists from Kling or Kalinga country are preserved in many other islands. Thirdly, according to traditions current among the people of Pegu, Indian colonists from the country of the lower courses of the rivers Krishna and Godavari had, at a remote time, crossed the sea, and form- ed settlements in the delta of the Irawadi and on the adjoin- ing coast 4 Lastly there is the story preserved in the chronic- les of Java that the island was first colonised by a Gujar&t prince who landed there in 75 A. D. 1. Jatakallf, 187 ff. 2. The authenticity of this story has been doubted but cf. Mr. E. Chanda in Sir Asntosh Mukherji's Silver Jubilee Volumes, Vol. Ill, p. 113. Also of. J. A. S. B., 1922, p. 435. 3. Gerini, op. oit, p. 107-8. l)antapnra has been identified with modern Dantan on the Ka&ai [Cunningham' a Geography-Ed, S. N. Majnmdar p. 735]. 4. Phayre-History of Burma, p. 24. The exact correspondence of colonial traditions with the evidence derived from Indian source leads to the hypothesis that generally the Indian colonists proceeding by sea to the East and South, started from the four centres mentioned above, viz Tamralipti in the coast of Bengal, Gap&lpur and ancient Kalinga, the three unidentified harbours near Masulipatam, and Broach. In addition to the sea-route described above the Indian colonists also proceeded to the East and South-East by land- route through Eastern Bengal, Manipur and Assam. This fact, although noted long ago, has never been clearly recog- nised. Sir Arthur Phayre observed as early as 1883 that 'the traditions of the Burmese and the present remains and names of ancient cities, render it probable that early commu- nication between Gangetic India and Tagaung existed, and was carried on through Eastern Bengal and Manipur, rather than through Thahtun or Pegu generally. 1 This view has received additional confirmation by the researches of Pelliot and Gerini. Pelliot has shown 1 that from early times, at least as early as the second century B. C., there was a regular trade-route by land between Eastern India and China through Upper Burma and Yunnan. Through this route came the twenty Chinese Buddhist monks for whom Sri Gupta built a temple, as I-tsing informs us. Later, the route was obstructed by barbarous tribes but it was re-opened again in the eighth century A. D. Through this route the Indians came and established their colonies not only in Upper Burma but also in the mountain* 1. Ibid, p 15. 2. Bulletin de 1' Eoole Fraucaiie d' Extreme Orient 1904, p. 142 ff. out regions of tho upper valleys of thelrawaddy^theSalween, the Mekong and the Red River as far as Yunuau. It is a well-known practice for colonists to name the new country after famous places in their mother land. We get a number of instances in Burma and Indo^China too well known tata repeated here. But the same spirit is also observable in the north-western regions. Yunnan was called Gandh&ra, ad even *a late as the 13th century A. D. Rasiduddin referred to this province by its Indian name. It may be observed that Yunnan, roughly speaking, occupied the same position in respect of Indo- China as Gandhara did in respect of India. The Hindus established in Yunnan the kingdom of Nan- Chao or Tali in the upper valleys of the Mekong and the Red- River. According to local traditions, the third son of king Aoka had nine grandsons who became the progenitors not only of the people of Nan-chao, but also of the Tibetans, the Chinese, the Annamites, the Singhalese etc. Whatever we may think of this story there cannot be any doubt about a strong Indian element in the population. Rasiduddin, writing as late as the 13th century, has remarked that the population of Yunnan originated from the Indian and the Chinese. Pelliot, too, has brought together a number of facts bearing upon the question of Hindu influence in tha country. The king had the title Maharaja and the people probably used an alphabet of Hindu origin. It was a great centre of Buddhism. According to local traditions, AvalokiteSvara came directly from Central India to convert it There is a tradition that towards the close of the 8th century A. D. when the king of the country was inclined to wards the Chinese civilisation he was abused by seven religious person of India. Buddhism had a strong hold in this region and we find the Pippala cave, the Bodhi tree, the Grdhrakuta, tho Ktikkuta- padagiri, tin stone mansion of Upagupta and the stupa con- taining the relics of Ananda all appearing again in the neighbourhood of Nan-Ohao. In the first half of the gth century A. D. a Hindu Bhiksu of Magadha named Chandra- gupta led a brilliant carear of Thaumaturgist in Yunnan. There were two other Hindu kingdoms between Nan- Chao and the Indian frontier. To the east of the mountain rangas that border Manipur and Assam there was the Brah- niana kingdom of Ta-tsin. About 150 miles further east, beyond the Chi nd win river, was another Brahmaiia kingdom just to the north of the town of Ngan-si. Thus we find Hindu settl'^nents all along the hilly tracts between the i'rontiors of India and China, in the upper valleys of the Chin- dween, Irawaddy, Sal ween, Mekong and Red Risers. That the Indians proceeded towards the south along these rivers is also fairly certain. The kingdoms thoy established in Burma at Prome, Tngaung, Lower Pngan and other places iu\j too well-known to b'3 described in detail. There are indi- cations that similar Hindu kingdoms existed in the Laos country. It was formerly known as Malava-d6.wntaamblwaador to India about 240*845 A. Dt tod that the - emWssy reached the rnooth of tiw&*bg* At the end of a year. In the fifth century A. D. a king of Champa caHed GadgA^aja abdicated the- throde and wtmt orerto Ifadia in owier to spend hia- last days on the banks of the Oangtss. It^ appears from the writings of Fa-Hien and I-Taing that thare was ^regular maritime intercourse between of Bengal and trh^ Far East , indudiag eastern' fifth and seventh centuries A. D. In the ninth century we find an intimate relation eii6tltig between 'the 'king of 'Sumatra - Java and'Dev^la^'^W^UCan'aiidahi^eeiriDiB 5 tfiat "during Nayapaia's rei^n iBhdiihtst' 'Bhll^btis^rode^ea'to'SuVttrua- dvlpa for education. In the 'thirteenth century A. D. we find a queen of Champa called Gautfendralaksnu (probably a princess of Qau^a). All these 'evidences certainly show a far more intimate connection between Bengal anil tndEan coioai^a than has yet been ^recC?gtii*rd. Father, most of the imditionm preserved in thre different olonies refer to their original home *9 situated in NdrtheVn India. It is true that the 'traditions have very little value as historical facts. But ib is impossible to ignore altogfetf&r the general view-poirrt of iill these stories regarding the ori- ginal home of the ooloniete and the methoda of Some of these stories are given below. 1. Nalanda copperplate of Devupala-Ep. Ind. VoL p. 310. ( xviii ) According to Burmese tradition, a gftkya chief of Kapi- Iftvattu came with an army to the country of the middle Ira* waddy, long before Buddha was born. The dynasty he foun- ded ruled for 31 generations in Burma when they were over- thrown by an invasion of an eastern tribe coming apparently from China. About this time there came a second band of immigrant Ksatriyas from Gangetic India. Their chief mar- ried the widowed queen of the last king of the previous dynas- ty and established a new kingdom. This was the origin of the ruling dynasty of Upper Burma. 1 According to the traditions of Arakan the first king of the province was the son of a king of Benares who settled at B&- m&vati a name which still exists in a corrupted form Bambyi or Ramri. 1 The Cambodian annals explain the origin of the kingdom of Cambodia in the following way : " XdityavamSa, king of Indraprastha, was displeased with one of his sons and banished him from the state. He came to the country of Kok Thlok and made himself master of it by defeating the native king. One evening he was walking on a sand bank when suddenly the tide arose and obliged him to pass the night there. A NagI of marvellous beauty came to play on the sand and the king, overpowered by her charm, agreed to marry her. Then the N&gar&ja, the father of the betrothed girl, extended the dominions of his would be son* in-law by drinking the water which covered the country, built a capital for him and changed the name of the kingdom into that of K&mboja." The same tradition, in a changed form, occurs in an ins- cription of Champa dated 657 A. D. (No. 12). Speaking of the origin of Cambodge it says. 1, Phayre-History of Burma, pp. 7 ft. 2. Ibid p f 12. "It WM therfe ttett KauMinya, 'lias, planted the sperar ^hkih he had obtained f ram Drona's don A^ vafcthtomfc the best of 'Brfthmattas. Kauiid i nya married tiie daughter of the N&ga king naired So*n& and from this union sprang up the royal race." A still earlier version of the story, current ad e&ifly as tfce first half of the third century A. D , dcfcurs in a CHih^se his- tory compiled at the beginning of the - sixth tentury. T&fer- ring to Fou-Nan, a kingdom comprising modern Cochin China, Cambodia and part of Siam and Laos, it says. "Formerly the country was ruled by a qtteen iialled Lieou*ye. Then there was a man of the country of Ki called Houen-t'ien who i *saW in a dream that a spirit pave Him 1 a boSv arid asked him to take to sea in a junk. Hbttett-Vl^n wfent in the mdrtting to the temple of the D^ity aiid found the bow at the foot of a tree. Then he got into 'a junk arid sarled to Fbu-Nan. The queen Lieou-ye saw the jtiik and collected her soldiers to resist him. But Houeu t'ien rawed his be>w ftttd shot irom ifaY ari ai*row si vlrhidh f)4aed through the side of a ship and struck adrafebtidy in ltie : lhte- rior. Lieou-ye was struck with terror and submitted and Houen-t'ien married her/' 1 Now Houen-t'ien is an exact Chinese transcription of Kaun tfce ma- had, t}u*>wa away their tools and the chisel* had dropped otthefarv^ra Rwn $hat time ,Jfor**rd no in J*va ,%iid-.iv> : image carved, that is worth erea a pawing .notice." 1 What is true of art ia abo .other elements, of ^iyiUsation. Ffom the ISth/cestttry the barbarian tribes occupied Further India^ and des- troyed the civilisation which their Hindu predecessors had built up with BO much toil. But some vestiges of the old civilisation still remain to this day. The island of Bali still follows the Hindu religion and only a few years ago a great Hindu sacrifice was performed there with due pomp and cere- mony. In Cambodian palace the sword of Indra is still guar- ded with veneration and brought out on occasions of royal consecration when a handful of Hindu priests, the last remnant pfa dignified body, pour holy waters over the head of the king. The stories of Ramayaiia and Mahabharata still form U^ themes of t^eir literary works and are regularly staged to the accompaniment of dances and songs. A handful of Br&hmagias still maintain a precarious existence in the Far East. ' But while all these serve as gratifying reminiceno^ >f a furious past, there is no longer any living connection bet- ween India and her forgotten colonial empire. Stranga a* it may seem, the d^candauts of, men who founded that empire abfrndoped sea- voyage as something unholy and thus an im pa- ssable barrier WM created tatween the Hindus apd th^ir bre- thren of the Far East. But whatever the modern Hindus plight think of it, the historian now realise, that one of th iiiOHt^plandid, .though y^-t unwritten, Qhaptew of Indian bis* ry ia the utory ol th$ growth of a pew India in the FAT Ferffuason-HUtory of Indian and and Eastern Arcnjtecture BOOK I THE POLITICAL HISTORY Of CHAMPA Chapter I. THE LAND. 1. PHYSICAL FEATURES. The ancient kingdom of Champa occupied the eastern portion of the Indo-Chinese peninsula, and roughly corresponded to the present province of Armani (excluding Tonkin and French Cochin China) with the exception of the three northern districts, Than Hoa, NgheAn and HaTinh. It was situated bat- ween 18 and 10 of N. Latitude. The almost uninhabited dunes which now separate Annam from French Cochin China formed its southern boundary. The eastern boundary was formed by th sea of China, while 0:1 the west a chain of hills shut it off from thp valley ot tho Mekhong river. This chain of hills, covered with rich forests, runs across the whole length of the country, gradually descending from north to south. Its height in the northern part is about 2750 yards, and in the southern part about 2200 yards. This moun- tain range has three passes which offer easy route across it to the* valley of the Mekhong. Of those the southernmost one at Quinori alone sterns to have been used for purposes of western expansion by the people of ancient Champa. Champa was thus mainly a long narrow strip of territory confined between the mountains and the sea. The coast line was a bow-shaped curve, convex towards the sea. From Song Giang in Quang Binh, the northernmost district, the coast '.line runs due south-east up to cape Batangan. Thence it runs nearly south to Cape Padaran. From Capo Padaran it abruptly takes a south-western direction till it reaches tho French Co- chin China. The narrow habitable zone between the moun- tains and the sea varies in breadth and is intersected by innu- m Table spurs of hills running in various directions. Some- 4 THE LAND times the spurs of hills extend as far as the sea coast, and the habitable zone is reduced to nothing; but nowhere does it exceed a breadth of sixty to seventy miles. A large number of rivers issuing from the mountains falls to the sea. The whole country is thus divided into a number of valleys separated by chains of hills. In consequence of the rapid declivity of land towards the east, and the short course of these rivers, large quantities of Bands and gravels are carried along with their swift currents. This has resulted in the formation of dunes and lagunes all along the coast line. These no doubt prevent the large ships from approaching near the coast, but serve as an excellent means of communication for small boats all along the coast- line. This was particularly valuable in ancient times, as jour- ney by land was exceedingly difficult on account of the rugged mountains that traverse the country, and tho savage inhabitants that lived in the interior. The Jarge number of river valleys in which th? country abounded were rich in fertile lands, and consequently formed the centres of civilisation. But as these were practical!}' un- connected by any land route, and could only communicate with one another by means of sea, it looks as though the whole kingdom consisted of a number of independent isolated settle- ments. That this was indeed the case to a very large extent is shown by the grouping of ancient monuments in different valleys without any connecting link between one another, and the constant tendency of tho different parts of the kingdom to set up as independent states. 2. NATURAL DIVISIONS OF THE LAND. In view of what has just been said it is necessar}' to deal with the natural divisions of land in mora details. The ancient kingdom of Champa may, from this point of view, b3 divided ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 5 into five parts. Starting from the south, we may enumerate them as follows : I. The southernmost section comprises the dis- trict of Binh Thuan, between Cape Ba-ke, which separates Annam from French Cochin China, and Cape Padaran. The spurs of hills reach the sea at Cape Kega dominated by mount Ta-cu, about 550 yards high. The country, full of sands and dunes, is thinly peopled, the only exception being the three ports of Phantiet, Phanri and Duong, at the mouths of small rivers, and settlements in their immediate neighbour- hood. The plain in the interior is now almost deserted but appears to have been rich and prosperous in the past. II. The second section, extending from Cape Padaran to Cape Varolla, comprises the district of Khan Hoa. It consists of three valleys easily accessible from one another. It is separated from the preceding section by hill ranges which abruptly descend to the sea, but the valley of Ca Na offers a passable route between the two. The country is full of mountains but there are five valleys and bays. Three of th^se valleys are most important, those of Phanrang, immediately after Cape Padaran, Nha Trang. a little to th^ north, and lastly Ninh Hoa. Phanrang, the ancient P,n,duran(ja in still full of old monuments. Nha Trang, the ancient Kauthara was famous for the Temple of Po Nayar which contains a large numbar of inscriptions of ancient times. III. The third section extends from Cape Varella to Sahoi Point. It contains two distinct mountain ranges with two val- leys watered by the rivers Song Ba or Song Da Rang and Song Lai Giang, and the rich extensive plain of Binh Dinh b3tweeii the two. Long chains of mountains separate this section from th'} preceding. Th^re are only two routes, one across th^ peak of Da Bia (770 Yds high), and the othor through an unheal- 6 THE LAND thy marshy valley, both leading to ihe valley of Song Da Rang. The plain of Binh Dinh is the most extensive in Annam and contains many ruins of ancient times. Not far from the present fort of Bin Dinh which was built in the 18th. century are to be found the ruins of the old fort of Caban the old capital city of Vijaya, for a long time the capital of the ancient kingdom. This section corresponds to the modern districts of Phu Yen and Binh Dinh. IV. The fourth section comprises the modern districts of Quang Ngai and Quatig Nam, extending from Point Sahoi to the spur of hill called ' Col des Nuages ' ( The cloudy Peak ) on the coast. All along the coast line there are interminable dunes and equally interminable lagunes. Quang Ngai con- tains a rich plain watered by two rivers Soug Tra Kuc and Song Tra Bong. The Song, the Great River, which takes vari- ous names, with a number of affluents water the plain of Quang Nam and fall in several chan.iels to the sea forming a large but shallow estuary. The important port of Faifo on thin estuary was once the principal port of ths ancient kingdom of Champa. On one of the arms of this Great River is the Marble rock con- taining Buddhist caves. Th3 province contains innumerable vestiges of antiquity. It was the ancient kingdom of Amaravatl. There are ruins of many famous towns of old, tho most notable bsing Tra Kieu, the ancient Champa- nagari, the capital of Champa, and Dong Duong, the ancient Lidrapura. There are besides ruins of a group of fine temples at My son which have yielded quite a larg? number of epigraphic records. V. Tlio fifth section extending from " Col des Nuagos " to Hoan Sonh Mountains comprises the three districts of Thua Thien, Quang Tri and Quang Binh. The dunes and ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 7 the lagunes along the sea-coast form its characteristic feature. Each of the three districts is watered by a large river. The river Song Gianh in Quang Binh is one of the largest in Annam, and a few miles further north is the Cape Bung Chua, the northernmost point of the ancient kingdom of Champa, the Hoaii Sonh Mountains forming the frontier between it and the Annamite provinces to the north. This region was thoroughly devastated by the long-drawn struggles between the Chains and the Annamites and by the systematic pillage of the latter when they conquered it. As a result only a few vestiges of antiquity remain on the ground. It contains the modern capital of the province viz., Hue, and near it the ruins of Kiu-Siou the old stronghold of Champa. 1 3. MODERN GEOGRAPHICAL DIVISIONS. Annam is now divided into twelve districts. Starting from the north immediately south of Tonkin, these may bs enumerated as follows : (1) Than Hoa (2) Nghe An (3) Ha Tinh (4) Quang Binh (5) Quang Tri (6) Thua Thien (Quong Du'c) (7) Quang Nam (8) Quang Ngai (9) Binh Dinh (Qui-nhom) (10) Phu Yen (11) Khan Hoa (Nha Trang) (12) Binh Thuan 1. g 1 and g 2 are mainly based on 4 * inventaire Descriptif des Monuments Cams de 1' Annam" by H. Parmentier, V 1, I Chapter I. 8 THE LAND 4. THE CLIMATE AND POPULATION. The climate varies according to Latitude and altitude, the heat ranging between 50 and 100 F. There are only two seasons, Summer and Monsoon. Summer com- mences in February or March and ends in August. The monsoon breaks out in September and continues till February. The climate is, generally speaking, unhealthy and favours diseases like fever and dysentery. The population of the country was never very largo. Judg- ing on the basis of the present population, the kingdom of Champa, at its largest extent, may be regarded as having contained about two and a half millions of people. 5. THE SOIL AND ITS PRODUCTS. 1 Nearly throughout the country the territory between the mountains and the sea contains rich alluvial plains with clayey subsoil. On the high plateau the soil is sandy. The mountains, covered with rich forests, contain large layers of clayey, sometimes also ferrugineous, soil which is very fertile. The most important product is rice which not only grows on low or marshy plains, but also on high grounds and even on mountains. Among other products of the soil may be mentioned the sugarcane, mulberry, pepper, betel, cotton, tobacco, maize, millet, sesame, caster-oil plant, indigo, saffron, lac, turmeric, different kinds of potatoes, sago, beans, pea, egg-plant, cucumber, hemp, fan-palm. Among the fruit-trees, the most important are banana, eocoanut, mango, betel-nut, date-palms, jack tree and apple. Among other fruits may be mentioned mangosteen, guava, tamarind, orange, lemon, pomegranate, papaw, pine-apple and Lichi. 1. 4 G are mainly based on "Bouillevaux L'Annam ek le Cambodge " PP. 449 ff. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 9 Among watery plants may be mentioned lotus, water- lily and a kind of palms whose leaves were used in making straw hats. The forest contained a rich variety of important and valuable trees of perfume such as sandal, camphor, clove, frankincense and others. Cardarnum was found with great difficulty, but valued at its weight in gold. Ther? were ebony and other trees producing good timber, and bamboo was found in great abundanc? The mountains are generally composed of granite rocks. They contain numerous minerals. The hills in Quang Nam and Thua Thieu contain abundant zinc and copper, the latter being also found in Phu Yen. Silver exists in Thua Thien and Phu Yen while gold dust is found in Quang Nam and oth'^r places. Mineral oils ara found nearly ail over the country. Gold was obtained in larg^ quantities and the Chinese texts of old refer to ' Mountains of gold '. The soil abounded in precious stones of various kinds and we hear frequently of lapLs-la/xuli and amber being sent as presents or tributes by the king of Champa. 6. THE FAUNA. The more important domesticated animals are the elephants, the buffalo, the horse, the ox, the boar, and tha goat. Among the birds may h* mentioned the duck, the pigeon, and fowls of various kinds. The goose and the rabbit are rarely 1 tound. The mountains and forests of Annam also abound in wild animals, such as the elephants, buffalo, wild boar, ferocious bull, and another animal called Jin (midway between buffalo and bull) which is very ferocious. There are also tiger, rhinoceros, wild goats, and deer in large numbers. there are monkeys and hares. 10 THE LAND The more important aquatic birds were rose-coloured flamingo, stork, pelican, heron, crane, ibis, teal, and water- fowls. Among other birds may be mentioned peacock, pheasant, swallow, parrots, quail, crow, small eagles, vulture, and wild- fowls. The rivers and sea abounded in fish of various kinds and tortoises. There were besides muther-of-pearl and sea- otter. 11 Chapter II. THE CHAMS AND THE FOUNDATION OF THE KINGDOM OF CHAMPA. The country which developed later into th* kingdom of Champa was originally inhabited by two class?s of people, (l)the Chains, and (2) the savages. The distinction was mainly a cultural one, for ethnographically they both belonged to the sam^ Austronesiaiirac \ l The Chains looked down upon ih" savages and called them by the general names of the MlecchaH and the Kiratas, in addition to various local names, such as th" Vrlas of Phanrang, Randaiy of Nlia Trang, and the Mada of Binh Dinh. The Chinese historians have left very interesting accounts of tli? physical features ami the manners and customs of tin Chains. ' They had black skin, deep sunken eyes, snub-nos a s, and woolly hair. Their dress consisted of a piece of cotton cloth which covered tlHr body from \vaisb to the feet. Neither m a n nor women put on any oth?r cloth save that in winter th a y usxl a kind of thick rob*. The, ordinary people wjnt bar j- footed, but tli a nobles used shoes mad^ of skin. Both tli3 male and the female tied th hair into various forms of knots and p/rforatud the ears for putting on rings or oth'*r ornaments. The people loved cleanliness. Th-y bathed and washed several js eveiy day and rubbed their body with camphor and muse. (1) As usual there is a wide divergence of views in this respect, but the general consensus of opinion is in favour of the view mentioned above. The old language of the Chams, as preserved in ancient inscriptions, which by the way does not materially differ from the modern, as well as their phy- sical features, described by the Chinese, lend support to this view. Their manners and customs also point in the same direction. 12 THE CHAMS Their clothes werj perfumed with the vapour of a largo num- ber of fragrant woods.' * Lin-yi-ki, a Chinso text composed about the close of the 5th century A. D., describes the people of Tan-eul as follows : " Th^ people love to walk bare-footed and wear large ear-rings. Although the boys and girls havo untidy naked bodies, th^y do not consider it a shame. In summer th^y cover their body with earth and expose it to the sun. Naturally their skin becomes black. For a long time this practice has been a general one and black is regarded as elegant." 5 * It appears that the population consisted of some Chinese elements, though th'^se wer? ultimately absorbed by th a Chains or rather the Indianis?d Chains. For, in th ri same Chines -> text, Lin-yi-ki, wo mid the following d ascription of the people of Km-sou, a fortified stronghold of Champa, about 70 miles from the capital. "The inhabitants cbsc^iided from the Chinese exiles (255- 20G B. C. ) have been corrupted by coming into contact with the indigenous elements, and the ancient manners and customs of Je-nan have been completely transformed." 3 Very little is known of th.> early history of tin Chains. The Annamites have preserved, in their Annals some legends about it, but they are of little historical value. One of thm runs as follows : (1) This description is collected by Maspero from tho accou- nts of several Chinese authors, belonging: to different pe- riods (Touug Pao. 1910 p. 174). But as all these Chi- nese writers belonged to a period when the Chams had come under the influence of the Indian colonists, it is difficult to decide how for the manners and customs des- cribed by them were original or due to the Indian influ- ence. (2) B. E. F. vol. IV, No. 9, p. 15. (3) Ibid, p. 13. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 13 " In ancient times there was a kingdom, beyond th^ frontiers of Annam, called Dieu-nghiem. The king of this country was called the king of demons or Daanana (having ten face*). To the north of this kingdom was the country of Ho Ton Tinh whose king was Da^aratha. The son of Dafiaratlia called Chung-tu had a beautiful wife. King Das.lnana, being enamoured of hr beauty, conquered the country of Ho Ton Tinh and brought away the princess. Prince Chung-tu, however, gathered a troop of Monkeys who bridged the oc j an with mountains, and brought back his wife after defeating and killing Das&nana. " After describing the above story the Annainite Annals conclud * : " The Chams are the descendants of the nation called Ho Ton Tinh. " The story is, on the face of it, simply a localisation of the events of Ramayuna in Champa, and no historical conclusion can bj drawn from it. Tin earliest reliable information about the Chams is obtained from the Chinese sources. But in order to under- stand properly the relations between the two nations we must go back a little to the past history. In tlr- middle of the third century before Christ China was divid -d into a large number of small kingdoms. To the south and south-east of it, beyond the Nanling mountains, lived a large number of independent tribes who were generally d'vsignat"d as Yue, and who occupied not only Tonkin and the northern portion of Annam as far as Quang Nam, but also th a present Chinese districts named Kouang-Si, Kouang- Tong, Fou-kien and Tcho-kiang (only the southern half). In 221 B.C. Che-houang-ti, of the Tain Dynasty (225 B. C.-206 B.C.) brought the whole of China under his control and established a united empire. After having properly orga- nised the administration of his vast territories he turned his 14 THE CHAMS attention to the conquest of the Yue tribes. By 214 B.C. 1 the vast territories were conquered and divided for the purpose of administration into several provinces. The whole of Tonkin and northern Anriani was included in the province of Siang, while the rest was divided into three other provinces. After the death of Che-houang-ti in 210 B.C. anarchy arid con- fusion prevailed in China, taking advantage of which the governor of on? of these three provinces established an inde- pendent kingdom called Nan-yue. It had its caj vital at Canton and comprised the modern Chinese districts of Kouang-si and Kouang-Tong. The province of Siang was soon conquered by the king of Nan-yue and was divided for administrative purposes into two provinces of Kiao-tche (Tonkin) and Kieou- tchen (the region of Than Hoa and the Chinese territory in Annam) with capitals respectively at Hanoi and Than-hoa. In the meantime the Han Dynasty was established in China. In ths year 196 B.C. the Han Emperors officially recognised the kingdom of Nan-yue and its king agreed to rule as a vassal king. In the y^ar 183 B.C., however, ID revolted and assumed the title of the Emperor of Nan-yne. He died in 137 B. C. and was succeeded by feeble rulers. The Han Emperor s^iit a military expedition against tlvj kingdom in 112 B. C. and it was wholly conquered in a y^ar. The Han Emperors made a nnw arrangnnent of adminis- trative units. Th territories comprising To:ikin and all the southern conquests in Annam which were included in the? province of Siang under the Tsin Emperors, and out of which two provinces (Kiao-tche, and Kieou-tchen) were mad.3 by the king oi Nan-yue, were now divided into three pro- (1) Maspero wrongly puts the events at 3 B. C t [T'oung Pao 1910, p. 322] probably a mistake for II I B.C., but even this dato is not that of the original conquest but of the later conquest by the Hans. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 15, vinces viz., Kiao-tehe, Kieou-tchen and Je-nan. In other words, Je-nan corresponded to the southern districts of Siang 1 . Je-nan was divided into five districts, the two southern- most of which had their head-quarters at Siang-lin and Si- Kuan. The question of the exact limits of Je-Nan has long perplexed the scholars. But it may now be regarded as having b^en fixed with a fair degree of certainty. Pelliot has shown from a passage in Tsin Chou that the northern boundary of Je-nau was the Heng-Chan, now called Hoan- Sonh mountain, a chain which advaricjs towards the sea b,3tween Ha Tinh and Quang Binli. 2 As to the southern boundary, M. Aurouaseau lias draw:i attention to a passage in Heou Haa Chou according to which the two provinces of Kieou-tchen and Je-nan were situated respectively at a dis- tance of 11,580 and 13,400 U from Lo Yang. It would follow, therefore, that Je-nau was nearly 1820 li to the south of Kieou-tchen. As this latter has been definitey identified with Tha-i-hoa, it follows that Je-nan extended at least 250 miles further south ; i:i oth?r words it must have extended beyond the province of BInh Dinh in the south. This is corroborated by an Annamite Geographical text which fixes the southern boundary of Je-Nan at the mountain chain which terminates in cape Varella. Thus the ancient Je-Nan may be regarded as that part of modern Annain which lies between the Porte d' Annam and Cape Varella. 8 (1.) This rapid survey of the relations between China and An- nam is based on the admirable article of L. Aurousseau (B. E. F. Vol. XXIIf, pp. 137 ff., cf. specially pp. 152 ff, 216 ff, 223 ff. 232 ff. and 2G3 ff ) (2 ) B. E. P. Vol. IV, p. 190 (3.) Ibid Vol. XIV, No 9, p, 24. 16 THE CHAMS We thus find that since 214 B. C., the whole of Tonkin, and Annam as far as Cape Varella, passed under the supre- macy of the Chinesa. The people who lived in Tonkin and northern Annam were undoubtedly the Annamites who were destined to rise to great power in a later period and give their name to the southern part of the Chinese posse- ssions. They b3longed ethnographically to the vast Yue race that occupied the territory south of Nan-ling which was first conquered by the Tsin Emperor Che-houang-ti between 221 and 214 B.C. A large part of this Yuo race was ultimately absorbed by the Chines^, but those of Tonkin and northern Annam retained their individuality, and, after canturies of Chinese subjugation, ultimately formed themselves into a powerful nation, as we shall S3e later on. The Annamites, however, did not as yet extend beyond the "Col d? Nuages" in the district of Quang Nam. To the south of it lived the indigenous savage population. But already in the first century A. D. we find a new element, the Chams, firmly established in sufficiently large numbor as far north as Quang Nam. At what date th > Chains pushed so far north as Quang Nam wo are unabl to say, but wi* shall not probably be far wrong, if we hold that at tlv* timo when the Han Emperor had divided th:-* vast territories between the frontier of Kouang-Si and capo* Varella into th^ thrae pro- vinces of Kiao-tche, Kieou-tch r m and Jo-Nan, tin first two were peopled by the Annamites and the third by the Chams. The primitive savages of Tonkin a:id Annam, pushed by the Aunamites from the north and the Chams from the south, were gradually moving towards the high mountains as th3ir last refuge. To the south of cape Varalla, in the districts of Khan Hoa and Binh Thuan, livid a small group of ind3p3ml3nt ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 17 Chains who constantly harassed the southern frontier of the Chinese possessions. They must have been encouraged in their incursions by the tacit sympathy of the population their own kinsmen who were placed under the yoke of the Chinese. As we shall see later on, the headquarters of the southernmost Chinese district were placed in Quang Nam. The Chinese control over the districts of Quang Ngai, Binh D'mh and Phu Yen were probably moro nominal than real, and the country, being full of narrow valleys and thick impenetrable jungles, tempted the Chains to plunder and devastate the Chinese possessions. The Chines3 historians have described those Chains as savages who were ignorant of the art of cultivation and lived upon hunting alone. They frequently invaded the residences of the Chinese officials and plunder, murder and devastation accompanied these raids. As soon, however, as th? Chinas troops carne to chastise them they fled and took shelter in the impenetrable for3sts. The Cham incursions sometimes took a fairly serious turn. We learn from the Chinese history that in the year 137 A. D., about 10,000 Kin-lien, a barbarous trib3 from b?yonl the frontier of their territories, attacked their southernmost districts, d^stroy^d the Chines ; forts and ravaged tho whob country. Th? governor Fan- Yen raised ton thousand soldiers, but th\y were unwilling to und ^rtake such a distant expedition and broke into revolt. Taking advantage of this respite, the Kiu-lien pushed their conquests further north, defeat 3d tli3 Chinese troops that opposed tli a m, and occupied Rom rt < of the Chinese districts. The Chinos3 emperor was inclined to ssnd a military expedition against th3 intruders, but on3 of his ministers pointed out tho futility of such a distant expedition, and advised his royal master to rely upon diplomacy. Accord- 18 THE CHAMS ingly Tchou Leang was sent to treat with them and the Kiu-lien were induced to evacuate the conquered territory in 138 A. D. There is no doubt that the Kiu-lien denoted the Chams 1 who thus seem to have possessed great military skill and organisation, as early as the second century A. D. But the death-blow to the Chinese authority came from within. The Cham inhabitants of Siang-lin were particularly turbulent and now and then broke into open rebellion. In 100 A. D. nearly 2000 of them revolted and attacked the Chi- nese possessions in the north. They killed many officials and destroyed many villages, but retraced th'Mr stops as soon as the Chinese forces arrived. In course of time they grew bolder, and, about 192 A. D., taking advantage of the troubles of the Han dynasty, a native of Siang-lin, nam-d Lion, son of Kong tsa'o, and belonging to the family called Kiu, killed the officer in-charge of the city and proclaimed himself king in Lin-yi. As the term Lin-yi has been used by the Chinese throughout in later periods to denote the kingdom of Champa, we may trace in the successful revolt of Kiu Lien the foundation of that kingdom, at first in Siang-lin but ultimately cbstined to cover nearly the whole of Annam, south of Tonkin. 3 1. Jbid p. 28. 2. Maspero doubtfully accepted the hypothesis tli.it the king- dom of Kiu Lien is that of Champa, but M. Aurousseau has quoted definite evidence on this point from Chinese text* [B. E. F. vol. XIV, No 9, pp. 26-27]. As to the origin of the name Liii-yi, M. Aurousseau sug- gests that the Cham kingdom having been originally esta- blished in Siang-lin, the Chinese called it Lin-yi ie. capi- tal Lin [of Siang]. "Lin-yi" which was thus the first Chi- nese name of the first Cham capital was ultimately extend- ed by a natural process to denote the whole of the ancient kingdom of 'Jkarnpa [Ibid], ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 19 The identification of the city of Lin-yi (Siang-lin) has long baffled the scholars. But M. Auroussean seems to have successfully demonstrated that Siang-lin is now represented by Tra-kieu, a little to the south of Quang Nam. 1 It would thus appear that the first Cham kingdom was established in Qnang- Nam and this explains the presence of two such magnificent groups of temples at Myson and Dong-Duong in the neigh- bourhood. We find a beautiful description of the topography of Cha- mpa in a Chinese text called Chouei King Tchou composed in 527 A. ]). ' Th i city was about 40 li (about GJ miles) from th" sea-co- ast a;id was at a distance of 2,500 li (about 400 miles) from tin tcJieou of Kouang. At the south-west angle of th" ramparts of th.* city Wfiv high mountains and a long chain of hills which served as a natural embankment. Quite close to th-% north o? th i hills flowed a river. To the south of the hills, at a little distance was another river which joined the former to the east of the, city. ' Tin? city was surrounded by a wall about a mile and a half in circumference. On a brick wall about 20 feet hiirh was raised a second brick wall of half that height, pierced by square loop-hoi \s. On the walls were placed wooden boards supporting many-storied pavillions, on tho roof of which again arose towers varying in height from 40 to 70 feet. The first impression that these structures gave was that of an owl, which, with its tail turned towards the wind and touching the mountains and the clouds, was looking towards the water, but would soon, by a leisurely flight, asc md to the highest peak of the mountains. The architecture was admiral)!-.' but showed lack of skill. 1. B. E. F. vol. XIV. No. 9, p. '23 ff. 20 THE CHAMS ' There were four gates in the walls. The main gate was on the east. It opened near two islands in the river Houai. The western gate opened on a double ditch which turned to the north and reached a hill The southern gate like- wise opened on a double ditch. The northern gate opened on the river Houai but the route was closed. 'Within the walls were a small enclosure, assembly rooms and brick palaces the walls of which had no opening to the south. 4 There was a palac^, opening to the east, of which the loose pieces supporting the rafter looked like the tail of an owl. The gates were sculptured in open-work and painted in blue, the passages were coated with red varnish and the rafters were adorned with stone. There were other rafters, rectangular or round, all being carved in old style. On the pavillions and the palaces were columns rising to a height of 15 feet above the ramparts. The walls were besmeared with cowdung which gave them a green and brilliant look. There were eight temples of varying degrees of importance, and also temples for worshipping the spirits. The storey ed terraces and the belvederes looked like Buddhist monuments. 1 M. Aurousseau has tried to trac^ from the existing ruins at Tra Kieu som 3 features of the city as described in the above extract. 8 1. Ibid pp. 21-23. Chapter III. EARLY HINDU DYNASTIES. The successful raids into the Chinese territory and the establishment of a powerful kingdom testify to the growth of a new spirit in the Chams towards the second century A. D. This is easily explained byepigraphic records. The Vo-Chanh Bock Inscription ( No. 1 ) refers to the royal family of ri Mara, and its royal author is styled as the " delight of the family of $rl Mara ". The inscription is not dated, but may be referred, on palaeographic grounds, to the second or third century A. D. Thus a Hindu or Hinduised dynasty was foun- ded by Sri Mara in the second century A. D., and it was ruling over the region, later known as Kauthara, about the second or third century A. D. The coincidence in date makes it almost certain that the regeneration of the Cham power in the second century A. D. was due to the introduction of anew element in her politics, Viz. the Indian colonists. From this time forward until the conquest of the country by the Annamites in the 15th. century A. D. the Chams, as such, never played any distinctive part in the political history of the country. They cheerfully submitted to their foreign masters and adopted their manners, customs, language and religion. They were politically merged in the Indian elements and there was a complete cultural fusion between the two races. The Indians must have been acquaint3d with Champa by way of trade and commerce, long before they established thoir political supremacy in that region. The general ques- tion about the nature and antiquity of Indian colonisation in the Far East will be fully discussed elsewhere. Hare we may confine ourselves to the traditions which the later Hindu kings of Champa preserved about their origin. Th? Dong 22 THE HINDU DYNASTY Duong (No. 31) Stelae Inscription of Indravarman II., dated 797 fSaka, describes how Uroja, apparently the first king, was sent to the earth by &va himself. Three other inscriptions (Nos. 22, 29 A, and 71) refer to a king Vicitra-Sagara who flouri- shed in the year 5911 of the Dvapara age or about 1,779,357 B. C. Uroja is evidently a mythical conception and Vicitra- Sagara, too, belongs to the same category. The first historical Hindu King, so far known, is, how- ever, rl Mara who, as we have seen above, established a dynasty about the second C3ntury A.D. Maspero has proposed to identify this Sri-Mara with the Kiu Lien of the Chinese his- tory referred to above. This is probable, but thero is as yet no evidence in support of it. Nothing is known about th? early Hindu kings of Champa, but the troublesome events in China which brought about the downfall of the imperial Han dynasty in 220 A. D. must have offered them a splendid opportunity to extend and consolidate their kingdom. The dismemberment of the Chinese empire into three parts ( 220-265 A.D. ) emboldened them to cross the frontier and carry their raids far into the Chinese territory. Some time between 220 and 230 A.D. the king of Champa sent a diplomatic mission to the Gover- nor of Kiac-Tche on th3 invitation of the latter; neverthe- less, in 248 A.D. the Cham army made a naval attack, ravaged even the provincial capital, Kiao-tche ( Hanoi ) with several other towns, and defeated the fleet that was sent against them. At last a treaty was concluded by which the district of K'iu- Sou corresponding to Modern Thua-Thien was ceded to Champa 1 . 1- According to M. Aurousseau the whole of Ciieou-ling was ceded to Champa (Ibid p. 27), but Muspero is of opinion that only the the |r>uthern part of the district, including the capital K'iu-sou was ceded to the Charas, the northern ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 23 The Chinese history has preserved the names of several kings of this period. Each of these names begins with Fan, probably corresponding to ' Varman ', which was the epithet of every Cham king in later times. 1 King Fan Hiong who succeeded to the throne of Champa sometime between 270 and 280 A.D. was probably a descendant of rl Mara by the female line. He continued the policy of extending the Cham territory to the north at the cost of the Chinese. He allied himself with the king of Fou-Nan ( in Cambodia ) for this purpose, and continually ravaged the Chinese possessions in Tonkin. For ten years th^ struggle went on, and the Chines3 were reduced to great straits. At last peace was established in 280 A.D., probably on terms unfavourable to the Chinese. Faa-Yi, the son of Fan Hiong, succeeded him on the throne. He had a long and peaceful reign and devoted hia energies to increasing the military power and strengthening the defensive works of the kingdom. He was the first Cham king to send an embassy to the Imperial court of China ( 284 A.D. ). Fan-Yi died in 336 A.D.. 2 On his death the throne was usurped by his commander-in-chief Fan Wen. Wen is said to have been originally a Chinese slave and owed his fortune to miracles. 3 It appears that he enjoyed the complete confi- dence of his royal master, and taking advantage of his old age part still remaining: in the hands of the Chinese; this por- tion of Cheou-ling together with Wou-lao were conquered by Champa in the time of Fan Wen. B. E. F. vol. XVHL No. 3, pp. 24-25. 1. B. E. F. vol. IV, p. 194. 2. According to some authorities, in 331 A. D., (B. E. F. vol. IV p. 382, fn (5). ) 3. cf. the story as given in B. E. F. vol. XIV, No. 9, p 17. 24 THE HINDU DYNASTY induced him to exile one of his two sons. The other, too, fore- stalled his fate, and left the kingdom. Thus when the king died, the legitimate heirs were far away. But Wen found them out and had them poisoned. After thus removing all possible claimants, he ascended the throne and proclaimed himself king of Champa. Wen was a capable ruler and soon made himself the undisputed master of the whole kingdom by defeating the savage tribes who formed independent states within the kingdom. In 340 he sent an envoy to the Chinese emperor with a request that the Hoan Sonh mountains should be recog- nized as the frontier between the two states. 1 This would have meant the cession of the fertile province of Nhu't-Nam (corresponding to Thua Thien, Quang Tri and QuangBinh) to Champa and naturally the Chinese emperor refused the request. But Wen decided to take by fores what he could not gain by diplomacy. The people of Nhu't-Nam were muti- nous on account of the exactions of the Chinese governor. Taking advantage of this situation Fan Wen led an expedi- tion in 347 A.D., and conquered Nhu't-Nam. H 3 killed the governor of the district and made an offering of his body in an expiatory sacrifice. The Chinese governor made great preparations against Wen, but the latter took the offensive and captured Cu'n Due, putting to death a large number of Chinese soldiers who garrisoned it (348 A.D.). In 349 he again defeated a vast Chinese army ; but he was himself wounded in the fight, and died the same year. Fan Wen thus carried his conquests to the " Porto de Annam ", and the kingdom of Champa now exactly corresponded to the old Chinese provinc3 of Je-Nan, and reached its furthest limit to the north. 1. Either on this or on another occasion Fan Wen wrote a letter to the Chinese emperor in Indian characters. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 25 Wen was succeeded by his son Fan Fo ( 349-80 A, D. ). He wanted to emulate his father's exploits and laid siege to the chief town of the Chinese district of Cu'u-Chon. He was, however, defeated and had to accept a disgraceful treaty in 351. But within a short time he again renewed hostilities. In 353 the Chinese sent another expedition against him and reconquered Nhut-Nam. But the struggle did not end there. As soon as the Chinese returned to thoir country the Chains renewed their excursions. At last the Chinese inflicted a seve- re defeat upon Fan Fo in 358 and advanced upto the very walls of the city of Champa. In 359 a treaty was concluded by which tli3 district of Nhut Nam, as far as the Bay of On Gang, was ceded to the Chinese. Fan Fo faithfully observed the treaty till his death in 380, and sent his ambassadors with tribute to the Chinese Emperor in 37*2 and again in 377. Fan-Hou-ta, the son of Fan Fo, was very young when he ascended the throne on the death of his father n 380. But aa soon as he came to ag3 he revived the ambitious project of his father. The whole of his reign was an almost unceasing struggle against the Chinese. The times were favourable to him. The imperial Tsin dynasty was in a decadent condi- tion, and revolts broke out throughout the Chinese empire. So Fan-Hou-ta scored some successes at first. He not only recovered Nhut Nam but carried his arms even further to ths north, as far as Than Hoa. But in 413 A. D., Tou Houei-tou, the Chinese governor of Kiao-tche ( Hanoi ), arrived at Kieou- tchen (Than-hoa) and defeated Fan-Hou-ta in a pitched battle. Two (or one according to some version) sons of the latter fell into his hands and wore beheaded. Tou-Houei-tou then laid siege to Than-hoa. He occupied the top of the hills overlook- ing the city and barricaded the course of the river by means of hedges of trees. Exciting attacks and counter-attacks took place almost under the ramparts of the city, and the Chinese 26 THE HINDU DYNASTY governor retreated, after killing and wounding lots of enemies, but without apparently being able to take the city. 1 The end of Fan-Hou-ta is not known with certainty. There is no doubt that he was a great general and increased the power and prestige of his kingdom to a very great extant, after the late reverses. One of the most important works done by him was the fortification of the city of Kiu-sou which the Chams had conquered in 248 A. D. The identification of the city of Kiu-sou had long been a difficult problem. But M. Aurousseau is probably right in his hypothesis that it occupied the site which is now covered by ruins immediately to the south-east of Hue. This city occupied a very important posi- tion from the point of view of military strategy. It was situa- ted between two rivers which mat at the foot of its ramparts, and was surrounded by high hills on three sides. Situated 400 li (about 70 miles) to the north of th^ capital, it command 3d ths routs which every Chines3 army had to follow in an expedi- tion against Champa. Fan-Hou-ta fully raalis3d ths impor- tance of the city and converted it into one of the strongest cit- adols in his kingdom. For obvious reasons the citadol of Kiu- sou, which was renamed by the Chams as Si-Kiuan, figures largely in the Chinese historical texts. These give a very graphic description of the fortified city. The ramparts round the city, we are told, measured more than a mile, and liad thirteen gates. The plinth of these remparts was made of a brick course, 20 feet deep. Upon this was raised a brick wall 10 feet high, pierced by square loopholes. Upon the bricks rested five-storeyed wooden structures supporting high towers 1. This interesting information is famished by Lia-yi-k if a text composed probably towards the close of the fifth century A. D. (B E. F. vol. XIV No.9, p. 14). ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 27 on their roofs. The height of these towers varied botween 50 and 80 feet. The outer walls of the fortified city nearly touched the mountains which were covered with thick impene- trable forest. On account of its military strength the war- materials of the kingdom of Champa were stored in this city. Mappero has suggested the identification of Fan-Hou-ta with king Bhadravarman. This is probable but not certain. Bhadravarman is the author of two inscriptions ( Nos. 2 and 4 ) and three other inscriptions ( noa 3, 5 and 6 ) also probably belong io his reign. On pal geographical grounds these inscrip- tions have been referred to the 5th century A.D. and this agrees well with the reign-period of Fan-Hou-ta. That the latter set the fashion of engraving records on stone clearly follows from the Chi neso accounts. For we are told that close to the eastern gate of his capital there was a Stelse containing a record of his glory in barbarous character (i.e., the Indian alphabet as modified in Champa). Whatever we might think of this identification, Bhadra- varman must be regarded as one of the most important kings in ancient Champa. His full name was Dharma-maharaja fcSrl Bhadravarman. The fmdspots of his inscriptions show that he ruled over at least the northern and central portion of the kingdom, the provinces of Attiaravati and Vijaya. There are, however, reasons to suppose that his kingdom also included the southern province of Pauduraiiga. But the famous work, by which he was destined to be immortal, was the erection of a temple to Siva, under the name of BhadreSvarasvamI, at Myson. This temple became the national sanctuary of the Chams, and the practice he thus set on foot of calling the tutelary deity by the name of the reigning king, came to be almost universally adopted in later timss. We shall have occasion to refer to this temple of Bhadrejvarasvami again and again in* course of the history 38 THE HINDU DYNASTY of ChampS. Bhadravarman made an endowment of lands to this temple and their boundaries are given in 3 inscriptions (Nos. 4, 5 and 7 ) as follows : " To the east, the Sulaha moun- tain, to the south the Great mountain, to the west, the Kucoka mountain, and to the north, the Great River". The great river is of course the " Song-Thu-bon " and this shows that the boundaries described are not of the temple and its surroundings, as was formerly supposad, but of the lands granted to it. 1 King Bhadravarman seems to have been a scholar and it is expressly laid down in the inscription no. 4 that he was versed in the four Vedas. According to the Chinese accounts. 2 Fan-Hou-ta was succeeded in 413 by his son Ti-Tchen. We are told that Ti-Kai, the brother of this king, fled with his mother, and the king could not induce them to come back. Grieved at heart, he abdicated the throne in favour of his nephew and him- self went to India. The departure of the king was followed by anarchy and civil war in Champa. Ti Kai thereupon came back and claimed the throne from his nephew who was designated as his successor by Ti-Tchen. Wen-Ti, a brother of Ti-Kai by the same mother but a different father, and the minister Tsang Yin joined the combat. Civil war followed and led to murders and rapid successions to the throne till the dynasty was dispossessed of the kingdom of Champa after a reign of about 80 years ( 336-420 A.D. ). 1. The northern boundary, leading to the important conclu- sion noted in the text, is given only in the inscription No. 5 (cf. B. E. F. vol XVJH, No. 10, p. 14 \ For the detail- ed regulations of the endowment cf. Ins. No. 4. 2. The Chinese accounts regarding the period that followed the death of Fan-Hou-ta are very conflicting cf. B. E. J\ TO!. Iv, p. 382. fn (9). ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 29 Maapero has suggested the identification of Ti-Tchen with the king Qaugaraja who is mentioned in inscription No. 12 as having abdicated the throne in order to spend his last days on the Ganges. The abdication of the throne and retirement to India are certainly very striking coincidences, and the identification, although by no means certain, is undoubtedly very probable. The civil war was brought to an end by the accession of Fan Yang Mai (420 ? A D. ). His origin is unknown but he is said to have been a son of Fan-Hou-ta, probably by a mother of inferior rank. The relations between China and Champa were not interrupted by the civil war. The Chains carried on their usual raids into the Chinese terri- tory, attended by pillage, masecre and horrible cruelties. In the year 420 the Chinese inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Charns, and the following year Yang Mai sent an ambassador to the Imperial Court with a request that his title of king of Champa be recognised by the Chinese Emperor. Yang Mai no doubt took this step to ensure his position in the newly gained kingdom, and his example was followed by many of his successors. Yang Mai died within a few years and was succeeded by his son Tou who assumed the name of his father. The usual frontier raids against the Chinese territory continued, and in 431 he sent more than 100 vessels to pillage the coast of Nhu't Nam and Cu'u Cho'n. This provoked the Chinese governor who sent a strong expedition both by land and sea against Champa. The Chinese army besieged K'iu-sou. Yang Mai II had gone to marry. He hurried back by way of sea and fell in with the Chinese fleet. His chief pilot was struck down by an arrow and his fleet dispersed, pur- sued by the Chinese. The Chinese fleet, however, could not follow up the victory on account of bad weather, and 30 THE HINDU DYNASTY retreated. Consequently their army bad also to raise the siege and fall back (431 A.D. ). ' Yang Mai was, however, elated with the result of the battle and his ambition knew no bounds. In 433 A. D. he sent an envoy to the Chinese emperor asking to be appointed the governor of Kiao Tcheou. This would have virtually meant the cession of the province of Tonkin and was of course refu- sed. Irritated at the refusal, Yang Mai redoubled his efforts against Kiao Tcheou and hardly a year passed without an invasion of the district by his troops. All the while, however, he continued to pay his tribute regularly to the Chinese emperor, The Chinese emperor now decided to bring his turbulent vassal to sente by another military expedition. The pre- parations took three years, and in 446 A. D. the Chinese army under T'an Ho-Tche invaded Champa. Terror now seized Yang Mai II and he proposed a humiliating peace to the Chinese emperor. The emperor accepted his offer and sent instructions to his commander to conclude a treaty, if he found Yang Mai sincere in his desire for peace. The com- mander accordingly sent some of his officers to Yang Mai to traat with him. In the meantime the war-party in the court, which had lost its influence on the approach of the Chinese army, regained its power and prevailed upon the king to reject the proposals of peace. Yang Mai accordingly put the Chinese envoys to prison and sent back one of them to carry the news to their commander. The Chinese general &t once advanced and laid seige to Kiu-sou 1 the principal stronghold of Champa. Yang Mai sent an army in aid of Fan Fou Long who defended the place, but although the Chams scored some successes at 1. For a description of Kiu-sou see above, pp. 26-27. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 31 first, the Chinese ultimately captured the stronghold. The general Fan Fou Long was beheaded and all the inhabitants above the age of 15 were put to the sword. The palace halls were inundated with blood and heaps of dead bodies covered the court-yarJ. An immense booty of gold, silver and various other precious objects was gained by the victors. The Chinese continued their advance and were at last met by Yang Mai himself at the head of au immense host. Yang Mai placed a large number of elephants in front of his army. This terrified the Chinese soldiers. But the ingenuity of a Chinese general saved the situation. He prepared numerous figures of lions by means of bamboos and papers, and these were thrown before the elephants. The latter took fright and fled, and in so doing threw into con- fusion and disorder the very army they were intended to pro- tect. Yang Mai suffered a most terrible defeat and fled from the battlefield with his son. The victorious Chinese general T'an Ho Tche then entered the capital Champapura in triumph and obtained a rich booty of very precious objects. The whole country was occupied, all the temples were sacked, and their statues were melted for the metals contained in them. About 100,000 pounds of pure gold were obtained from this source. The Chinese victory was complete. After the retreat of the Chinese army Yang Mai came back to his capital. But the city was in ruins and Yang Mai died in a broken heart in 446 A.D. 1 Fan Yang Mai II was succeeded by his son and grand- son. The latter, named Fan Chen Tch'eng, 1 pursued a policy of peace and sent tributes to the Chinese emperor 1. G. Maspero pats the date wrongly as 443. (T'oung Pao 1910, p. 499). 2. cf. T'oung Pao, 1910, p. 499 fn. (4). 32 THE HINDU DYNASTY on at least three different occasions, in 455, 45S and 472 A,D. The tributes were very rich and the emperor was pleased to confer high honours and titles on the ambassa- dor. The death of Fan Chen Tch'eng was followed by a troublesome period. Taking advantage of this a man called Fan Tan^-Ken-Tch'ouen or Kieou Tch'eou Lo usur- ped the kingdom. He was the son of Jayavarman king of Fou-Nan. He had committed some crime in his country, and, fleeing from the wrath of his royal father, took refuge in Champa. King Jayavarman could ill brook the suc- cess of his son in the foreign land. He sent the Bhiksu Si5akya Nftgasena to the Chinese Emperor in order to complain against the usurper and ask the aid of imperial troops to punish him. The long letter which Jayavarman addressed to the Chinese emperor on this occasion, explain- ing the measures he proposed to adopt for driving his son out of Champa, is a very interesting reading. 1 It shows that the Chinese emperor was tacitly looked upon as the sovereign authority by all the states in the Far East, and whatever the amount of actual control possessed by him, he never ceased to exercise a political influence upon them all. Jayavarman's endeavour, however, bore no fruit. The Chinese emperor received the embassy cordially and gave a very courteous reply, but he did not agree to meddle in the affairs of Champa. On the other hand the emperor recognised the usurper as the king of Champa and gave him high sounding honorary titles 2 by an 1. The letter has been translated in full in Pelliot's "Le Fou- Nan" B. E. F., vol. Ill, pp. 257 ff. 2. These titles are : "General, Pacifier of the South, Com- mander-in-chief in all the military transactions on the Sea- coast, Kins of Champa. ANCIENT HJSTOEY OF CHAMPA 33 Imperial Decree in 4.91 A.D. But the usurper was defeat- ed and dethroned immediately after by Fan Tchou-Nong, great-grandson of Fan Yan Mai II. Fan Tchou-Nong was recognised by the Chinese emperor in 492 A.D., and received honorary titles like his predecessor 1 , but his reign was short, and he died in 498 A.D., being drowned in the sea during a pleasure trip, or, according to some authorities, in course of a voyage to China, He sent ambassadors to the Chinese court in 492 and 495 A.D. Tchou-Nong was succeeded by his son, grandson and great-grandson, named respectively Fan Wen K'ouan or Fan Wen Ts'an, Fan T'ien K'ai (Devnvarman ?), and Vijayavarman. We do not know anything about them except that they sent embassies to China and received the same honorary titles from the emperor as their prede- cessors. The embassy of 502 A. D. was probably sent by Fan Wen K'ouan. Devavarman's embassies were dated 510, 512 and 514 A.D. Vijayavarman sent two embassies in 526 and 527 A.D. KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER III. 1. rl Mara or ) /,/-, T^ v KiuLien } (wlO.A.D.) 2. Fan Hiong (c. 270-280 A.D. ) 3. Fan-yi (c. 280 A.D.-336 A.D. ) ( Son of No. 2 ) 4. Fan Wen( 336 A.D.-349 A.D. ) (Commander-in-Chief of No. 3 ) 1. The first portion of the title was slightly changed in his case. It was "The Marshal, who maintains orders in the South". 34 THE HINDU DYNASTY 5. Fan Po( 349-380 A.D.) (Son of No. 4) 6. Fan-Hou-Ta ( Bhadravarman ? ) ( 380*413 A. D.) (Son of No. 5) 7. Ti-Tchen ( Gangftraja ) ( 413-c. 415 A.D. ) (Son of No. 6) ( Civil War 415-420 A.D. ) 8. Fan Yang Mai (420-c. 425 A.D. ?) ( Son of No. 6 ? ) 9. Fan Yang Mai II (c. 425-446 A.D. ) (Son of No. 8) 10. Son of No. 9, name unknown (446-454 ?) 11. Fan Chen Tch'eng (c. 454-c. 480 A.D. ) (Son of No. 10) 12. Kieou Tch'eou Lo ( c. 480-491 AD.) ( Usurper ) 13. Fan Tchou-Nong-( 491-498 A.D. ) ( Great-grandson of No. 9 ) 14. Fan Wen K'ouan ( c. 500-c. 508 A.D. ) (Son of No. 13) 15. Fan Tien K'ai (Devavarman ?) (c. 508-c. 520 A.D.) (Son of No. 14) 16. Vijayavarman (c. 520 A.D.-c. 529 A.D.) (Son of No. 15 ) Chapter IV. THE DYNASTY OF QANQARAJA. Vijayavarman was succeeded by ^ri Rudravarman whose genealogy is given in the Myson stelae Inscription (No. 12). The genealogy begins with a king Gangftrflja who abdicated the throne and retired to the banks of the Ganges. The breakage in the stone does not enable us to determine his relationship with the next king Manoratha- varman. Rudravarman was the son of a Brahmana, and his mother's mother was a daughter of Manorathavarman. Rudravarman was not, therefore, a direct descendant of Vijayavarman. But, as has been suggested above, if Garigarfija is identified with Ti-Tchen, Rudravarman would belong to a collateral branch of the same family. Now Gangaraja is placed at the head of the long genealogical list in No. 12, implying thereby that he was the head of a new family. This is made explicit in No. 20 wherein PrakaSadharma (or Vikrantavarman ) is said to b el mg to the ' family of GangeSvara,' 1 which may be taken as an- other form of the name Gaugaraja. It would then fol- low that the kings of this family could lay claim to the kingdom of Champa only by virtue of their relationship with Gangaraja. In other words, they could not establish any legitimate claim to the throne by their relationship with any succeeding king. The identification of Gangaraja and Ti-Tchen would supply a plausible explanation of the rise of this family. As has been narrated above, the abdication of Ti-Tchen 1. We have probably another reference to Gangaraja as the founder of the family in the inscription no 7., where the isolated word '* Gangesasya occurs in line 1., the rest having been effaced. 36 THE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA was followed by a civil war between his nephew, whom he designated as his successor, and various other claimants to the throne. Manorathavarman may be regarded as the nephew, or at any rate, as deriving his claim to the throne from his nephew. But all this is at present pure conjec- ture. Some important information about Rudravarman is obtained from inscription No. 7. We are told that Rudra- varman belonged to the Brahma-Ksatriya family and that during his reign the famous temple of Mah&deva, called Bhadre^varasvami after its builder the king Bhadravarman, was burnt by tire. The date of this calamity is given in aka year, but unfortunately this portion of the inscription is badly mutilated and we can simply read " in the year four hundred and ". Rudravarman thus ruled sometime between 401 and 499 Saka i.e., 479 and 577 A.D. There cannot ba any doubt, therefore, that he is to be identified with Kao Che lu T'o Lo Pa Mo, mentioned in the Chinese annals ( the Chinese name being equivalent to Ku Sri Rudravarman) who sought for his investiture from the Chinese Emperor in 529 by payment of tribute, and renewed the tribute again in 534 A. D. About this time the Chinese province of Kiao Tcheou had revolted and thrown off the imperial yoke under the leadership of Ly Bon. Rudravarman, probably incited by the Chinese Emperor, took advantage of the situation to conquer the province. His army was, however, defeated by the general of Ly Bon and he had to beat retreat (541 A. D. ). Rudravnrman was succeeded by his son Pra^astadharma who took the name Sambhuvarman at the time of his coronation. He is the author of the inscription No. 7. He temole of Bhadravarman which was ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 37 burnt at the time of his father, and re-named the image as ambhu-Bhadregvara, thus adding his own name to that of the original founder. He also confirmed the endow- ments made to the temple by Bhadravarman. The two embassies sent to China in 568 and 572 A.D. probably belonged to his time. ^ambhuvarman took advantage of the weakness of the Imperial Tch'en dynasty to stop the customary tribute, but renewed it in 595 A. D. after the Souei dynasty was established on the Imperial throne. But this did not save him from a Chinese invasion. The immense booty taken from Champa by T'an Ho Tche impressed the Chinese with an idea of the fabulous wealth of the kingdom, and so when the Chinese general Lieou Fang came to quell the insurrection in Kiao Tcheou, he was ordered to advance against Champa. The Chinese advanced both by land and sea, and reached the estuary of Linh Giang (modern Song Giang) in 605. ^ambhuvarman stationed his soldiers to guard the passes which separate the valley of Linh Giang from that of the Do Le (Tou Li). Liaou Fang defeated them and pitched his camp on the Do Le. He then crossed the river without difficulty and overtook the enemy a few miles to the south. A sanguinary battle ensued. The elephants on which the Chains mainly relied were dispersed by the Chinese archers, and they trampled under foot the very army they were engaged to protect, ^ambhuvar- man fled from the battle-field and the Chinese took about 10,000 prisoners and cut off their left ears. 1 Lieou Fang pursued his victory and occupied K'iu Sou. Near about 1. It was customary in those days to cut off the left e;irs of prisoners of war and send them as trOpbies to the Emperor. The total number of captives could also be determined thereby. 38 THE DYNASTY OF GANGAEAJA this place he inflicted several more defeats upon Sambhu- varman and reached the capital of Champa ( 605 A. D. ). ^ambhuvarman fled by sea. Lieou Fang thereupon sacked the capital city, and put into captivity all the inhabitants he could lay hands on. He further took the golden tablets of eighteen kings who had ruled over Champa before Sambhuvarman, and 1350 Buddhist works. Among his captives were included some musicians from Fou-Nan who carried to the Imperial court the musical arts of India. Lieou Fang and his army suffered much on their return journey from a disease Beri Beri or Elephantisis to which the general himself fell a victim. The conquered country was divided into three divisions, each subdivided again into four 'prefectures', but owing to the distance and difficulty of communication they were never effectively occupied, and remained as part of the kingdom of Champa. As soon as the invader had left, Sambhuvarman came back to his capital, and to avoid further difficulties, sent an ambassador to the Imperial Court for asking pardon. Later on, however, taking advantage of the dynastic quar- rels in China, he stopped the payment of tribute ; but when Li Yuan established the T'ang dynasty (618 A. D. ) he resumed regular payment. He sent three embassies in 623,625 and 628. Sambhuvarman was also on friendly terms with the Khmer King Mahendra-Varman who sent one of his ministers, Simhadeva as ambassador to the court of Champa, Sambhuvarman was succeeded in 629 A. D. by his son Kandarpadharma (Fan T'eou Li of the Chinese). The king had a peaceful reign. He kept peace with China by regu- lar payment of tribute. On one occasion the disrespect- ful conduct of his ambassador to the Chinese Emperor nearly brought the two countries on the verge of war, but ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 39 the emperor pardoned the fault which was ' due to igno- rance of etiquette rather than to any bad intention '. The rich tributes of Kandarpadharma so pleased the emperor that he wished to have a stone statue of the king close to his tomb. The virtues of the king are referred to in eloquent terms in verses 7 and 8 of the inscription No. 12. He is described as "Virtue Incarnate" and Kali is said to have fled away from his kingdom, knowing that he had nothing to expect from a king, who was free from passions and protected his subjects like his own sons by means of his virtues. Kandarpadharma's son and successor Prabh&sadharma, Fan Tchen-Long of the Chinese history, had a tragic end. The events are thus summarised in the Chinese history. " In 630, 631 A D. and the following years the king Fan T'eou Li regularly paid tributes. On his death the throne passed on to his son Fan Tchen-Long. In 645 Fan Tchen-Long was killed with all his family by his subject Mo-ho-man-to-kia-tou and the male descendants of the Fan family were extinguished with him. Then the people raised a Brahmaua, a son-in-law of king Fan T'eou Li, on the throne. But he was deposed by the nobles who put the daughter of Fan T'eou Li on the throne. As she was unable to restore order, they summoned Tchou-ko Ti, son of the paternal aunt of Fan-T'eou Li. Tchou-ko Ti came back from Cambodge, where his father had fled after committing a crime, married the daughter of Fan T'eou Li and was proclaimed king. The ambassadors were sent to the Imperial court by Tchou-ko Ti in 653, by Po-kia-cho-pa-mo in 669, by Kien-to-ta-mo in 713, and by Lou-to-lo in 749." l This circumstantial narrative is of great help in wad- ing our way through the tangles of civil war and anarchy 1. B. E. F vol. IV, pp. 901-902. 40 tfHE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA that followed the assassination of the son of Kandafpa- dharma. In the first place it is quite clear that the son of Kandarpadhattna was killed by his minister, for the Chinese Mo-ho-man-to-kia-tou seems to correspond exactly to Mahamantradhikrta. That the murder was the result of a deliberate and well-laid plot to usher in a dynastic changd is clearly proved by the fact that not only the king but also his whole family was removed. The events that fol- low would also make it quite clear that it was the daughter of Fan T'eou Li on whose behalf the conspiracy was laid, nor is it difficult to conclude that the kings of Cambodge were the wire-pullers from behind. But the whole situa- tion is made quite clear by the My son inscription of PrakaSadharma (No, 12). Here the genealogy is first of all carried down to Prabhasadharma. Then it refers to his sister ' who was the source of welfare and prosperity of the whole world '. We are next introduced to her hus- band, SatyakauSikasvami, and their sons BhadreSvara- varman, and his two younger brothers Anarigartipa and YiSvarupa. Next we hear of Jgaddharma,-apparently a son of Bhadresvaravarman, though the breakage in stone does not make this point absolutely certain who had gene to Cambodge (and here a long digression gives us a hifctbry of Cambodge from its foundation) owing to certain cirdum- stances, and there mftfrled the daughter of king Ianavarman. The issue of this marriage was Pr&k&Sa- dharma- Vikrfi,ntavarman, king of Champft who issued the inscription in 579 aka (657 A. D.). Now the scholars have found it impossible to reconcile the Chinese annals with the data furnished by the inscriptions. Maspero's suggested emendation has proved ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 41 hopeleisly wrong, while Finot has to admit that the Chinese accounts are inaccurate in at least three essential elements. But there ought not to be any great difficulty in reconcil- ing the two if the essential points are borne in mind. This may be illustrated by putting the events recorded in the two different sources in two parallel columns. Chinese Annals. 1. Murder of Prabhasadharma 1. 645 A. D. 2. Son-in-law of Kandarpadh- 2. arma, a Brahmana, put on the throne, but depos- ed by the nobles. 3. Daughter of Kandarpa- 3. dharma reigning alone. 4. Tchou-ko Ti returns from 4. Cambodge, marries the daughter of Kandar- padharma and becomes king. He sends embassy in 653 A. D. 5. King Po-kia-cho-pa-mo 5. sends embassy in 669 A. D. Inscriptions. Prabhasadharma, king. Satyakauika8va - ml, son-in-law of Kandarpadharma. Daughter of Kan- darpadharma,sou - rce of prosperity of the whole world. Bhadre$vara Var- man (son of2 and 3.) Jagaddharma (son of 4) who had been to Cambodge and married the daughter of the king there. Prak&gadharma (eon of 5) king in 657 A. D. 42 THE DYNASTY OF GANGAEAJA The arrangement is confirmed by one important piece of external evidence. The Tra' Kieu Inscription (No. 9) tells us that the wife of Praka^adharma's great-grand- father (Prapit&mahl) was the daughter of Kandarpadharma. The above arrangement entirely agrees with this fact. The only point, not a very essential one, in which the Chinese annals are mistaken is their belief that the daugh- ter of Kandarpadharma was married a second time to Tchou- ko Ti, a different husband, whereas the fact seems to be that Tchou-ko Ti (Satyakau^ikasvami) was her first husband who had sought shelter in Cambodge after being deposed by the nobles. It appears that Tchou-ko Ti's family had some influence in the court of Cambodge, for his father had taken shelter there after committing some fault in Champfl, and his grandson was married to the daughter of the king of Cambodge. That the daughter and son-in-law of Kandarpadharma were very old when they came to the throne is established by the following genealogy of PrakftSadharma drawn up on the authority of Tra'-kieu Inscription (No. 9). Kandarpadharma (630-640 A. D.) Daughter Son Jagaddharma Prakfi/adharraa (657 A. D.) Now the way in which Prakft^adharma's prowess has been extolled in the Myson Ins. dated 657 A. D. shows that he must have then attained at least 20 years of age. Pra- ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 43 kft^adharraa'fl birth therefore conld not have taken place later than 657 A. D, If we hold that a male must be at least twenty and a female at least sixteen before he or she can possibly have 'an issue, the birth of the predecessors oi Prakafodharma could not have taken place later than the dates mentioned in the following table. Kandarpadharma (561 A. D.) Daughter (581 A. D.) Son (597 A. DJ Jagaddharma (617 A. DJ. Kandarpadharma then mast have been at least aboiit 70 years at the time of his accession, and probably much more than that, as we have taken only ths minimum number of years in the above calculation. Now, bearing the above points in mind, we may offer the following general outline of the course of events in the light of the Chinese and epigraphic data that we possess. In the first place the relation ot the different actors in the scene may be illustrated by the following table. Rudravarman (Lu-to-lo-pa-mo) . c ' , Sambliuvarman (Fan Fan Tclie) , Daughter Kandarpadharma (Fan Teou Li) Prabhasadharma Daughter = SatyakauSika- (Fau Tchen Long). svami (Tchou-ko Ti) c BhaclreSvaravarman, Anahgarupa. ViSvarupa. Jagaddharma = Sarvvftiu (daughter of Pana- varman, king of Cambodge. PrakaSadharma-Yikrantavarman. 44 THE DYNASTY OF OANGARAJA The disastrous defeat inflicted by the Chinese upon am- bhuvarman must have considerably weakened the authority of the government. As usually happens, the national cala- mity served as an opportunity to adventurers, and in this particular instance the female line seems to have coveted the throne as against the male line. During the long reign of $ambhuvarman the interests of two such female Hues were cemented by the marriage of the daughter of Kandarpadhar- ma with the grandson ( daughter's son ) of Rudravarman. It is probable that an attempt was already made by this party after the death of Kandarpadharma to secure the throne, but it proved unsuccessful, and its authors had to fly to the court of Cambodge. But a few years later, the attempt was renewed, and Prabhasadharma was killed with all the male members of the family (645 A. D. ). Satyakausikasvaml at first occupied the throne, but was driven away by the nobles, and his wife alone ruled the state. But a female ruler was hardly likely to cope with the difficulties of the time and SatyakauSikasvami returned to Champa. It is extremely likely that the king of Cambodge was really pulling the wire from behind in all the successive events. Tiie new party had all along been intimately associated with that court, for the father of SatyakauSikasvami had taken refuge in the. cor.rt of Cambodge 'after committing some fault in Champa, as the Chinese historians put it, and Jagaddharma, the grand- son of Satyakausikasvftmi, was married to a Cambodge princess. Satyakausikasvami ruled for at least eight years from 645 to 653 A. D., with an interval. Whether his son and grandson ruled after him cannot be finally decided, but the answer is probably in the negative, for no royal title is atta- ched to any of them in the Myson Stone Inscription. Eveu ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 45 if they did, they must have very short reigns. For by 657 A. D. Praka^adharma had already ascended the throne under the title of Vikrftntavarman. Prakasadharma-Vikrantavarman is the author of at least eight inscriptions, Nos. 9-16. We learn from No. 12 that in the year 657 A. D. he established $ri-Prabhase$vara and granted lands to the gods I^anesvara, Jrl Sambhubhadre- svara and Sri Prabhasesvara. No. 14. records the erection of a temple to Kuvera, while no. 16. records the donation of a koffa to Tsftne^vara and a diadem to BhadreSvara in 687, A. D. The attribution of three inscriptions nos. 17-19 is doubtful. They refer to king Vikrantavarman, who may be either PrakaSadharma Vikrantavarman I, or Vikrantavar- man II. It is interesting to note that he was not only devo- ted to Siva (cf. Ins No. 10 and others noted above) but alt*o to Visnu to whom he erected a temple (No. 11 ). Prakasadharrna seems te have been at peace with the Imperial court of China. He first sent tributes during the period 650-656 A. D., and at least four more embassies were sent in 657, 669, 670 and 686 A. D. He must have had a long reign extending over more than 31 years (656-687 ). We have no precise knowledge about the successor of Praka$acHiarma Vikrantavarman I. The inscription No. 21 records that Praka^adharma intended to build a vedl of stone, but this was actually constructed by Naravahanavar- man. The inscription then proceeds to record the glories of Vikrantavarman. It would thus appear that Praka^adhar- mn was succeeded by NaravAhanavarmauand the latter again by Vikrantavarman. This conclusion is, however, not certain, as Naravahanavanaan might be another name of Vikranta- varman, bat it may be taken as a working hypothesis. The Chinese evidence in a way confirms this. We learn from the Chinese history that in the years 713 and 731 Kien Ta To 46 THE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA Mo, king of Champa sent tributes to the Chinese Emperor. Kien Ta To Mo may be regarded as a fairly good transcrip- tion of Vikrantavarman. Now this Vikrantavarman can hardly be regarded as identical with PrakaSadharma Vik- rantavarman who sent tribute to China sometime before 656 A. D., as the interval is more than 75 years. Thus we are to presume two kings bearing the same name Vikrantavar- man. It is less likely, however, that the father and the son should bear the same name, whereas it is usual for a king to adopt the name of his grandfather. We may thus provision- ally accept the following line of succession. Praka^adharma- Vikrantavarman I. Naravahanavarman Vikrantavarman II. The latest known date of Praka'adharma is 687 A.D. and the earliest known date of Vikrantavarman II is 713 A.D. Naravahauavarrna's reign, therefore, falls betwe<5n these dates. We hardly know anything about his reign. Vikrantavarman II established an image of Laksmi in the year 731 A.D. His conventional glory is sung in lines 8-9 of the inscription No. 21. The fragmentary inscription No. 20 which belongs to his reign and is dated s >metime between 708 and 717 A. D., records various donations to a number of gods. The inscriptions Nos. 17-19 may belong to his reign, but as already remarked above, this is by no means certain. Vikrantavarman II regularly sent tributes to China. As a matter of fact at least 12 embassies 1 X.. Maspero says that Vikrantavarman sent tributes to the Chinese emperor no less than fifteen times (T'oung Pao XI, p. 524). But in the footnote he gives detailed record of only 13 sneh embassies. Of these the first, sent in 686, must be attributed to Prakasadharma whose last kuowu date is G87 A. I). Of the rest, those before 713 must have been sent by one or other of the three kings Prakasadh;irma, Naravahanav.'iim in, and Vikrantavar- man 11, ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 47 were sent to China from Champa in the years 691, 695, 702, 703, 706, 707, 709, 711, 712, 713 and 731 A. D. Some of these, before 713 A. D., might have been sent by either PrakaSadharma or Naravahanavarmft, but the majority were probably sent by Vikrantavarman II. Vikrantavarman II was probably succeeded by Rudra- varman II who sent tributes to China in 749 A.D. We do not know anything more about him. He died about 757 A. D. and with him probably ended the dynasty which was founded by Rudiavarman I about the year 529 A. D. The inscriptions of this dynasty are mostly found in the neighbourhood of Myson. This may be due to the sanctity of the temple and it is not proper to infer from it that their power was mainly confined to that district. The fact that one inscription (No. 8) is found in Hue and another(No. 15 ) in Khan Hoa province shows that their power extended very nearly over the whole of the kingdom. On of the earliest inscriptions (No. 2) of this dynasty was found at Cho Dinh in the province of Phu yen, and this also shows that from the very beginning their authority extended far beyond Myson. The epigraphical evidence undoubtedly shows that the province of Quang Nam in which Myson is situated was the chief stronghold of the dynasty from beginning to end. KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER IV. 1. Gangar&ja 2. Manorathavarman (descended from No. 1) 3. Rudravarman (c. 529 A.D. c. 565 A. D.) (Son of the daughter's daughter of No. 2J 48 THE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA 4. S"atabhuvarman (c. 565 A.D. 629 A.D.) (Son of No. 3J 5. Kandarpadharma (629 A D. c. 640 A. D.) (Son of No. 4; 6. Prabhasadharma fc 640 A. D. 645 A. D J (Son of No. 5) 7. SatyakiuSikasvaml (Daughter's" son of No. 3 and son-in-law of No. 5) 8. Daughter of No. 5 and wife of } (645 A.D.-653 A.D. No. 7. | 7. SatyakauSikasvami ( a second j time ). J 9. BhadreSvaravarman (?) (Son "j of Nos. 7 and 8) \ (653 A.D.-655 A.D. 10. Jagaddharma (?) (Son of No. 9). J 11. PrakaSadharma-Vikrantavarman I (c. 655 A.D. c. 690 A. D ) (Son of No. 10; 12. Naravahanavarman ( ?) (c. 690 A.D. c. 710 A.D.) (Son of No. 11?) 13. Vikrftntavarman II (c. 710 A. D. 730 A. D. ?) (Son of No. 12 ? ; 14. Rudravarrnan II ( 730 (?) A. D. 757 A. D.) Chapter V. THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA. After Rudravarman II the kingdom of Champa passed on to a new dynasty. As all the inscriptions of this dynasty come from the Kauthara region in the south, they probably originally belonged to that quarter. But from the very beginning they seem to have exercised suzerainty over the entire kingdom. The founder of this dynasty is named Prthivl- ndravarman. 1 A brief reference is made to him in the Glai Lamov Inscription (No. 24), vv 2-5. We are told that he ' enjoyed the lands by having conquered all his enemies by his own power'. This seems to ahow that he owed the kingdom to his military genius. As we shall see, there are epigraphic references to more than one raid of Champa by the Javanese fleet within half a century of his accession. The Chinese history also contains reference to a raid as 1. Maspero attributes the title "Rudraloka" to this king on the authority of Ins. No. 24, verse 5. This verse, however, merely says 'that the king went to "Rudraloka" i.e, died, and I do not think that '"Rudraloka" may be regarded as a posthumous title. (Toung Pao. 1910, pp. 549-550). For a similar expression cf. verse 10, of the Glai Lamov Ins. (No. 24). Maspero farther says that the throne was offered to Prthivindravarman by the nobles, but I do not find any authority for this statement' (Ibid). The verse (No. 31, B. VI) on which he relies is difficult to construe. I doubt if Prthivindravarman of that verse can be taken to refer to a king of a different dynasty who died more than 100 years ago. But even then it does not justify Maspero's assumption. 50 THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA early as 767 A.D. 1 It is likely that the invasion of the Javanese fleet overthrew the last dynasty and Prthivmdra- varman owed the kingdom to his success against these naval marauders. But whatever may be the circumstances to which he owed his throne, the inscription tells us that 'he enjoyed the whole of Champa* (No. 24 A. V. 3). The king is said to have destroyed all the thieves. This probably means that there were disorders consequent upon the over- throw of the last dynasty and king Prthivmdravarman effectively checked them. He enjoyed a long reign and died sometime before 774 A.D., the earliest known date of his successor king Satyavarman. King Satyavarman was the nephew (sister's son) of king Prthivladravarman. He issued the Po-Nagar stelss inscription (No. 22) and we know a great deal about him from the Glai Lamov Inscription (No. 24) of his younger brother Indravarman, and the Po- Nagar inscription of his sister's son, king Yikrautavarman (No. 29 A.). The chief event in the reign of the king was the raid of the Javanese sea-men who devastated the land, and in parti- cular destroyed a temple containing a Mukhalihga. There was a halo of sanctity around the temple as popular tradi- tion ascribed its foundation to a king Vicitrasagara ' in the year 5911 of the Dvfcpara Yuga' ( No. 29). In the year 774 A. D. the Javanese " vicious cannibals coming from other countries by means of ships/' burnt this temple and carried away the image together with all the properties of the temple. King Satyavarma pursued these marauders in his own ships and inflicted a crushing defeat upon them. But the object of the pursuit was not fully realised and king Satyavarman was very much dejected to learn that the ^ivamukha, to- 1. T'oung Pao, 1910 p. 550. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 51 gether with its property which was in the enemy ships, was thrown into water, and that the &ivaliziga was destroyed ( No. 22 ). The victorious king, unable to recover the old image, installed a new ^ivaraukhalihga, together with images of other deities, in the year 784 A. D. and gave rich en- dowments to the god. For this reason he came to be regard- ed as the second Vicitrasagaraoran incarnation of that king. Conventional praises are bestowed on the king in verses 6-9 of the Glai Lamov Inscription (No. 24), but no other specific event of his reign is mentioned. We are expressly told in verse 10 of the same inscription that he died without reigning for a long time, and we may therefore put the end of king Satyavarman's reign shortly after 784 A. D. King Satyavarman was succeeded by his younger brother Indra- varman. He is the author of the YangTikuh and Glai Lamov Inscriptions (Nos. 23 and 24) in which his glory is sung in most extravagant terms. He is said to have fought with many enemies and ruled over the whole of Cliampft. 1 The chief event in his reign, like that of his predecessor, was a raid of Javanese sea-men. In the year 787 A. D. they burnt the temple of Bhadradhip&tiSvara, a celebrated deity of the kingdom, who was regarded as having been establish- ed there fur many thousands of years ( No. 23). King Indra- varma re-installed the deity under the name of Indrabhadre- 6varo,, and endowed it with various treasures in the year 799 A. D. In addition to this, king Indravarmft endowed many other pious establishments. He at first installed Indra- bhogesvara at Virapura. He then installed in the excellent Maspero thinks that it is by defeating the enemies that he came to rule over Champa. That does not, however, seem to be a fair deduction from the vague, general expression of his victory over enemies with which the two inscriptions abound. 52 THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA house of Satyavarmft (i. e. in a temple erected by that king) tho god IndraparameSvara, and endowed him with various riches in 801 A. D. Lastly, Indravarma made a rich donation of all kinds of treasures to the god Sankara-Nar&yana ( i. e. $iva and Hari united in one body ). A verse in Yang Tikuh Inscription ( No. 23, V. 3 and footnote ) has been taken to mean that Indravarma carried on wars in the north, north-east, ea?t, south-east and south, and Maspero has based important conclusions upon it, loca- ting the countries in the various directions implied in the passage. The verse does not, however, seem to bear that meaning at all. Indravarman renewed the relations with China and sent presents of rhinoceros and buffaloes to the emperor in 793 A. D. Indravarman was succeeded by his brother-in-law ( sister's husband ) Harivarman. Hi full name was Vlra Jaya Sri Harivarmadeva and he assumed the proud title of ' Raja 1 hi - raja ri-Champa-pura-Paramegvara ', king of kings, Lord of Champ A. Three inscriptions of .his time are known to us ( Nos. 25-27 ). In one of th?m ( No. 2G ) he is said to have de- featad the Cinas. From the Chinese history we know that in January 803, a king of Champa conquered the two Chinese districts of Hoan and Ai, and renewed the expedition again in 809 JLD. But the Chinese governor forced him to retreat after inflicting a crushing defeat upon him, and wreaked his vengeance upon the people of the two districts who helped the king of Champft. The king referred to in the Chinese annals is almost certainly Harivarman, though it is not easy to decide what was the* extent of his success against the imperial forces. Harivarman entrusted his son Vikr&ntavarman with the government of P&n^urauga district (modern Phanrang), ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 53 but as he was too young for the responsible post, he was placed in charge of a general named Par \ This general led an expedition against Cambodge on behalf of hjs young master, and 'ravaged the towns of the Kambujas '. Whether it was a mere border raid, or anything more serious than that, we have no means to determine. A fragmentary passage of the Po-Nagar inscription (No. 2G) sterns to indicate that he carried his arms into the heart of Cambodg5 5 . But the fame of the general did not rest upon his victories alone. Ho was equally renowned for his religious establishments. A famous tompld of Bhagavatl in Kauthara remained empty for a long tini3, probably the image was carried away by the Javanese marau- ders. General Par made a new stone image of the goddess, and in the year 817, erected three new temples for the Lii\ga of Sandhaka, Sri Vinayaka and ri-Ma]a:la-kuthara. He also made various other minor donations. The known dates of Harivarman are 813 A. D. and 817 A. D. If the Chinese expeditions referred to above have baen correctly attributed to him, he must have ascended the throne before 801 A. D. As the last known date of Indravar- man is 799 A. D. the year 800 A. D. may be looked upon as the date of his accession. Harivarman was succeeded by his son Vikrantavannan III, who was the noplnw (sister's son) of the two kings Satya- 1. The reading of this name is doubtful. I have adopted the reading of Finot (B. E. F. vul, III. p. 037. note 2.). 2. Maspero minimises the importance of this raid on the ground that no Cambodian document describes Jayavar- man II, the contemporary king of Cambodge, as being vanquished by the Chms (T'oung Pao 1910, p. 56; ) But as the inscriptions of a country ^ery seldom refer to revoTsos sustaineU by its kings, no importance need be attached to such silence in the piesent case. 54 THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA varma and Indravarma. As related above, he was entrusted with the government of Panduarauga by his father and was placed in charge of general Par. He is the author of four inscriptions found at Po-Nagar (Nos. 29 A, 29 B, 29 C, 30). Conventional praises are bestowed on him in the last, while all the four describe his religious endowments. Among others, he granted a field to &i Vikranta-RudreSvara in 854 A. D., and subsequently another to t^ri Vikranta-devAdhibhave^vara. He also established a Mahadeva and richly endowed the god. Yikrantavarman III died without issue and with him ended the dynasty founded by Prthivlndravarman. As al- ready remarked above the epigraphic evidence shows that the dynasty had its stronghold in the south, and it has bsen styled the dynasty of Pandurariga. It held sway for about a century from the middle of the eighth to the middle of the ninth century A.D. It has baen suggested 1 that the capital was removed from Champa to Virapura during the rule of this dynasty. There does not, however, seem to b:i sufficient evidence for this assumption. For the only tiling we know about the town is that ssveral images of gods were established thera by Indravarman. On ths other hand, the fact that Harivarman is styled as lord of the city of Champa seems to indicate that Champa was still the official capital. Further, if we remember that the government of Panduranga was entrusted by Hari- varman to his son, we must hold that th3 main soat of th? govern- ment was far to the north. All these, however, in no way invalidate the conclusion, stated at th3 beginning, that the dynas- ty might have originated from Pandurariga. 1. Maspero in Tonng p a o, 19 0, p. fj5 ( J. Maspero says that the temple of Bhadradiiipfttisvara was "to th went of the town of Virapura,'. The inscription (No. 23 V. 5), imurnvflr. sirnnlv refers to town and not to Viropura* ANCIENT HISTOEY OF CHAMPA 55 It is also a noteworthy fact that throughout this period the Chinese substituted the name Houan Wang for Lin-yi to denote the kingdom of Champa. After the downfall of this dynasty Houan Wang was replaced by Tch'eng Cheng which is undoubtedly the Chinese transcription of Champa. It is difficult to explain the meaning of the new term Houan Wans \ KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER V. 1. Prthivindravarman (c. 758 A. D. 773 A. D). 2. Satyavannan (c. 773 A. D. 785 A. D.). (Sistsr's son of No. 1.). 3. Indravarman I (785 c. 800 A. D.). (Younger brother of 2). 4. Harivarman (c. 800 A. D. c. 820 A. D.). (Sister's husband of No. 3). 5. Vikrantavarman III (c. 820 A. D. 860 A. D.). (Sister's son of Nos. 2 and 3). 1. T'oung Pao, 1910, pp. 547 ff. Chapter VI. THE BHRQU DYNASTY. The new dynast}' that supplanted the old seems to have been founded by Indravarman II, though we are not quite certain on this point. The Dong Duong Inscription (No. 31 ), issued by this king in 875 A. D. gives the following account of the family. "From the son (or family) of Paramos vara was born Uroja, the king of the world. From him was born the fortunate and intelligent Dharmarfija. " From him was boru the intelligent king Sri Kudravar- ma. The son of the latter was the far-fanrnl king Sri Bliad- ravarma. "The son of Sri Bhadravarmfi, known as Sri Indrnvarnmn, has become the king of Champfi through the grace of Mahos- vara. " Thus the sovereignty of tlio king was transmitted in its entirety from those kings ( lit. sons). It was not given by the grandfather or the father. " By the special merit of his austerities, and by virtue of his pure intelligence lr- gained ( the kingdom ), not from his grandfather or father. " (Versos No. .SI. P.. \X-1 ) The last verse is echoed again in a pros'* passage "Sri Java Indravarma Maharajadhirfija bjcarne king of Champa by vir- tue of peculiar merits accruing from austerities of many pre- vious births" ( Ins. p. 87 ) Now as to the genealogy of Indravarrna, it is traced from Mahadova, and thus a divine origin is attributed to the family. Elsewhere th" family is referred to as the ' Bhrgu family (No. 42, v. . 97. 60 THE BHRGU DYNASTY been ignorant of these kings, for their inscription recording the installation of the linga were there before the temple. It was then a deliberate misrepresentation on the part of Indravarman II, actuated no doubt by a policy of ignoring kings and dynasties from whom he could riot legitimately claim his succ?ssion. Besides Dong Duong Inscription two other inscriptions (Nos. 32 and 33 l ) belong to th^ reign of Indravarman II. Phu Thuaii (No. 33) inscription simply records that the king exempted the temple of Sii Bhagyakant-svara from taxes, and employed four priests for daity worship th^re. From Bo Mang inscription (No. 32) wo learn that the king d nlicat^l a field together with slaves to Sri Mah.Uiugad^va, installed o by his minister named Manicaitya in the y^ar 889 A. D. Conven- tional praises are bestowed on him in An-Thai inscription (No. 37). Indravarman II must have enjoyed a fairly long and peaceful reign between 854 A. D., the date of Vikrantavar- man III, and 898 A. D., the earliest date of his successor. His known dates are 875 and 889 A. D. 2 So far as we know he sant only a single- embassy to China in 877 A. D., as he had nothing to fear from that quarter on account of its internal conditions. Indravarman II seems to have b ;en succeeded by Jaya Siiiihavarman. 3 The relationship b jtwen the two is riot definitely known. The Dong Duong inscription (No. 36), however, says that the mother of king Jayashnhavarman had a younger sister, Pov ku lyan ii Kajakula, also known as 1. This is doubtfully attributed to Indruv.irman IT, cr No. ^3 2. To this we may possibly add 893 A. 1). (Son Introdu-Jti ^i to the Chama Ins. No. 38). 3. This conclusion sftoins to follow from Uio Ban-l:inh Ins- cription (N>. >">), nr.d the Cln,n--K i In.sripit.>ii (Mo ,'iS). ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 61 Haradevi. Haradevi's husband was king ri Parama-Buddha- loka, and she installed f3ri Indraparamevara for the sake of religious merit of her own husband. This might be taken to imply that the coronation-name of her husband was Indra- varman, as the name of the gods is often fornibd by the addi- tion of the name of the king. It may b3 held therefore that Haradevl was tho qii3en of Indravarman II. 1 According to this view, Suiiliavarinan would b? the son of the elder sister of Indravarmaii's queen, 2 and Indravarman would have tli3 epithet of " Parama-JJuddhaloka". We possess liv 1 inscriptions belonging to the reign of Jaya Simlmvarman (Now. 34-38 ), but tlr>y merely give a list of his pious donations and do not contain any ref^r^ncs to political evpnts. Only w-h^aragr >at d;al of th-3 wealth arid splendour of Indrapura which s >?ms to have bjen the real capital of this dynasty, although th? city of Champa is still officially recog- nised as such. Out of gratitude to his maternal aunt Haradevl, to whom he owed the throne, king Jaya Siiiihavarman exempted from taxes several temples erected by her and installed the august goddess Harorna. Other pious works of th^ king in the form of direct do- nations to gods, or protection and immunity granted to temples established by othors, are referred to in Bo-Mang (No. 34), Ban-lanh (No. 35), An-Thai (No. 37), Hoa-Que (No. 39), and 1. Tiiis point b;is been fully discussed in tbe Introduction to/ I'onp' l>uong Inscription No. 30. ^. MtivSpero concludes from a reference t Guhesvara in v. 2 of the Dong Duong Inscription, tluit Guhesvara was th name of Jftya, isimhavarman's father (T oung Pao vol. Xllp. t r )8). I5ut this seems to be a far-fetched iut rprotatior.. In any c so \\iu Dame should bo Guhavar- man and not Guhosvara. 62 THE BHBGtT DYNASTY the fragmentary Chau-sa Inscriptions (No. 38). It is important to note that the royal patronage vras not confined to f5aivism alone but Buddhism also had a fair share of it. The queen of Jaya Simhavarman was named Tribhuvana- Mahadevi who is praised in extravagant tarms in the Nhan- Bieu Inscription ( No. 43 ) and whose religious donations are referred to in the Ha-Trung inscription (No. 44). The Nhan- Bieu inscription refers to her father's family as of very high standing arid gives the following genealogy. Lyan Vrddhakula Narendradhipati Son i i Daughter Tnbhu vaiwdevi " Pov Klun Pilih Rajadvarah The Nhan Bieu inscription furnishes a detailed account of Pov Klun Rajadvarah, the son of tho queen's cousin. He be- came a favourite of king Jayasimhavarman and was sent on a diplomatic mission to Java. The Bo-Mang inscription ( No. 34 ) makes a vague allusion to the power of the king having spread to other lands, and this is confirmed by the diplomatic mission sent to Java which, as we shall see, was continued by his suc- cessors. King Jayasiuihavarinan was succ^ed'id by his eldest son $ri Jaya^aktivarman. 1 He is only referred to in t^e Nhan Bieu Ins. (No. 43) and probably reigned for only a short time. The earliest known date of Jayasimhavarman is 898 A. D. and 1. Jt is unnecessary to point out in detail the errors in Mas- pero's accounts of this period. They are due partly to the misreading of the Po-Naprar Ins. (No. 4f>) by Bertfai- irno, thereby introducing a newkintr Hnravurm;in, and pftrtly to tho fact that several inscriptions throwing nw light on this period were not yol d.scoTered. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 63 that of the successor of JayaSaktivarman, 909 A. D. Jayasiin- havarman, theref 3re, must have died sometime between 903 A. D. his last known date, and 909 A. D. His son, too, must have died before 909 A. D. The next king was Bhadravarman III. whose relationship to his predecessor is not known as yet. The way in which he is introduced in the Nhan Bieu inscription seems to indicate that he did not occupy the throne by any unfair means. For Instancy Pilih Rajadvarab, the son of the cousin of Jaya S'nihavarman's queen, continued to occupy a high posi- tion under Bhadravarrnan, as he did under his two predeces- sors, and was again sent on a diplomatic errand to Java. This, of cours. 1 , proves nothing, but gives ris^ to a fair presumption that th-^re was no violent disturbance in the internal polity of the kingdom. We possess four inscriptions of the time of Bhadravarman III. ( NOH. 39-42 ). Con volitional praises are bestowed upon th r > king, and in particular his victories over enemies are refe- rred to again and again. Whether these are mere eulogistic expressions or have any historical basis to stand upon, we have no means to determine. The Bang- An inscription ( No. 42 ) refers to the multitude of royal ambassadors coming from different countries. The Hoa-Que Inscription ( No. 39 ) says with reference to one of his ministers, that he was able to understand thoroughly the meaning of m^ssag3s scmt by kings from different countries/ The Nhan-Bieu Inscription (No. 43) states that he sent Pilih Rajadvarah on a diplomatic mis- sion to Java. These isolated statements, occurring in different contexts, leave no doubt that the kingdom of Champa was now recognised abroad as an important and powerful kingdom and took part in international politics. The first stages of this new departure we have already not'ced in the reign of Jaya Simhavarman. The Hoa-Qu inscription ( No 39) refers to an important 4 THE BH^GTJ DYNASTY collateral branch of the royal family which supplied high officials to the kingdom. The founder of this family, Sartha- vaha, was a nephew of Rudravarman III, the first king of the dynasty, and a brother of the principal queen of Indravarman II. His three sons Xjfta Mahasamanta, Sjna Narendra nrpa- vitra and Sjna Jayendrapati occupied high positions in the kingdom as ministers of king Bhadravarman. These three brothers, together with a younger sister, called Ugradevi, 1 erec- ted an imaga of Maha Rudradeva, ' out of devotion to, and in imitation of the features of their father/ Other religious en- dowments of the members of the family ara also referred to in the same inscription. Bhadravarman erected many temples and images of gods, a list of which is given in the Hoa-Que inscription (No. 39). Other religious endowments are referred to in the Bang-an inscription ( No. 42 ). Bhadravarman must have a very short reign. His known dates are 909 and 910 A. D. He must have died in 910 or 911 A. D. the known date of his successor. His reign, therefore, ialls between this date and 903 A. D. the last known date of Jaya Simhavarman. As one king intervened between the two he did not probably reign for more than a period of five years, 905 to 910 A. D. Bhadravarman III. was succeeded by his son Indra\arman 1. Huber who edited the Hoa-Que inscription remarks that Ugradevi had married a Cham king, probably Bhadravar- man III, ;the reigning king (B. E. F. vol. XI, p. 280). This is apparently based on his interpretation of verse XXV] (c) 4>f the inscription. But the verse does not eon- tain any word equivalent to "queen" so far as 1 could see (cf. the text and translation of the inscription No. 3D). ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 65 III. We possess eight inscriptions of his reign ( Nos. 43-50 J. 1 The king had a remarkable personality. His literary accom- plishments are described in the Po-Nagar inscription ( No. 45 ). He is said to have mastered the six systems of Brahmanical Philosophy as well as the Buddhist Philosophy, the Grammar of Pamni together with its commentary Kagika, and the Uttara- kalpa of the k5aivites. Inspite of obvious exaggerations, the king must be taken to have been a remarkable scholar in his day. 1. It has been usual to distinguish between Indravarman III and his successor Jaya Indravarman I, the last five inscriptions (Nos. 4G-5c) being attributed to the latter. But I do not see any reason for this distinction. Indra- varman II, for example, is twice called Jaya Indravarman (cf. Dong Duong Ins. No. 31, B., and Bo-Mang Inscrip- tion 'No, 32) and the same thing may hold good in the case of Indravarman III. Besides, the Po-Nagar inscrip- tion (No. 47) of the so-called Jaya Indravarman I refers to the re-erection of a stone image in place of the golden one formerly installed by the king himself (cf, yena in line 1 and its correlative sa in line 3). Now we know from No. 45 that Indravarman ULerected a golden image of Bhag&- vati. The identity of the two may therefore be presumed on fairly satisfactory evidence, although it cannot be definitely proved. It may be objected that as Indra- varman III 'ascended the throne in 910 or 911 A. D. and the last known date of Jaya Indravarman is 971 A.D. the identification of the two would lead us to presume an unusually long reign. But as the Lai-trung Inscription (No. 46) of Jaya Indravarman'^1 is dated 918 or 921 A.D. we have in any case to presume quite a long reign. Besides, Maspero's theory that Indravarman HI was succeeded by Jaya Indravarman I about 960 A.D. is proved erroneous by the Lai-trung Inscription (No. 46). 66 THE BHRGU DYNASTY But while the king was busy with the study of Philosophy and Grammar, the kingdom was invaded by the Cambodgians. The Po-Nagar inscription ( No. 47 ) informs us that the golden image installed by the king was carried away by the Cambo- dgians and the king substituted a stone image in its place in 965 A. D. This golden image is no doubt that of the goalless BhagavatI which was installed by the king in the year 9 8 A. D. (cf. Po Nagar Ins. No. 45 ). The date of this Gambodgian invasion is not difficult to determine. The Baksei Cankran inscription of Kajendravar- man II, dated 947 A. D., 1 states that the king was a fire of destruction to his royal enemies, commencing with that of Champa. As Rajendravarman ascended the throne in 944 A. D., his expedition against Champa must have taken place between 944 and 947 A. D. Indravarman ultimately hurled back the forces of the Cambodgian king, but his straitened circumstances are indi- cated by the fact that the golden image of Bhagavati which was carried away by the invading troops could only be replaced by a stone figure. (Po Nagar Ins. No. 47). For a long time the kings of Champa stopped their customary presents to China, apparently b'jcaus^ it was torn by internal dissensions after the downfall of tin >Tang dynasty. The four ephemeral dynasties that succeeded the T'arig were all ignored by the Chain kings, but on the accession of Kouo Wei, who founded a new dynasty the Heou Tcheou Indra- varman sent an embassy to China with various presents (951 A. D.). The intercourse thus resumed continued uninterrupted throughout hia reign. When Tchao K'ouan^- Yin founded the Soung Dynasty in China (960 A. D.), liidra- 1. J. A. 188: (2) p. 151J1881 (1) p. 54. Aymonier, Cam- bodgo vol. Ill p. 8. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 67 varman sent an embassy to offer congratulations. Altogether seven embassies from Champa visited the Imperial court in 958, 959, 962, 966, 967, 970 and 971 A. D. 1 Indravarman III. enjoyed a long reign of sixty years. Ho ascended the throne about 911 A. D. and died in 971 or 972 A. D. KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER VI. 1. Rudra varman III. 2. Bhadravarrnan II. (Son of No. 1) 3. Indravarman II. (c. 870-c. 895 A.D.) (Son of No. 2) 4. Jaya Simhavarman (c. 895-904 A. D.) (Son of the elder sister of the queen of No. 3) 5. Jay agakti varman (c. 904-905 A. D.) (Son of No. 4) 6. Bhadra varman III. (c. 905-911 A. D.) 7. Indravarman III. (c. 911 A. D.-972 A. D.) (Son of No. 6) 1. T'oung Pao 1911, p. 62 ff. Chapter VII. The Annamite Invasions. For nearly a century after the death of Indravarman III. the history of Champa is obscure in the extreme. Excepting one doubtful case, to be noticed later on, no epigraphic evi- dence comes to our help, and we are solely dependent on the Chinese and Annamite annals for guiding us in this dark period. The outstanding event of this period is the Annamite invasion, leading to internal disintegration of the kingdom of Champa, and this sufficiently explains the absence of epigraphic records bearing upon the history of the period. Indravarman III. seems to have been succeeded by a king whose name is differently spelt in Chinese histories and may be taken to be equivalent to Paramesvaravarman. He sent embassies to China in 972, 973, 974, 976, 977, and 979 A. D. But he was soon involved in a quarrel with the Annamites which brought ruin upon himself and his kingdom. AH the Annamitee began to play an increasingly predo- minant part in the history of Champa from this time for- ward till that kingdom was finally subjugated by them, it is necessary to give a brief review of the rise and growth of this new power. It has already been related in Chapter II how a section of the widely spread Yue race had ultimately established itself in Tonkin and northern Annarn, and developed a distinct nationality. It has also been pointed out that when this country passed into the hands of China (111 B. C.) during the Han period, the territory inhabited by tin Arinamit?a was comprised within the two Chinese provinces of Kiao- ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 69 tche and Kieou-tchen corresponding to modern Hanoi and Thanh Hoa regions. These two provinces were ruled by Chinese governors. Tho central authority in China, however, could not always keep a firm hold upon these distant provinces. Si- Kouang, the governor of Kiao-tche (in the first quarter of the first century A. I).) behaved practically as an independent king. His administration was memorable for the large measure of success which attended his efforts to introduce the Chinese civilisation in tho province. But the tyranny of tho Chinas 3, both officials and colonists, weighed heavily upon the people. In 8G A. 1). To Dinh, the successor of of Si Kouang put to death tlr* husband of Tru'ng Trac, and the exaspe- rated people fit once broke into revolt under tho leadership of this spirited lady and her sister Tru'ng Nhi The Chinese governor fled in haste and Tru'ng Trac began to rule as an independent sovereign (40 A. D.). But h^r power was short-lived. A Chinese army under Ma Youen easily over- ran the country. The two sisters were taken captive and beheaded, and the Chinese authority was again established iri the country. The conqueror Ma Youen planted a column of bronze at Co-lau as a token of his victory, and also probably to mark the boundary of the province He did not pass beyond Than Hoa in the south, but according to later legends, he passed far to the south, in the heart of Aunain, planted a small Chinese colony there, and erected two copper columns to mark the southern frontier of the Chinese possessions. The Annamitos again revolted in 183 A. D., but were subjugated iri 226 A. D. Jn 541 Ly Bon or Ly Bi, an Annamite of Chinese origin revolted against the Chinese governor and declared himself king. He and his two suc- cessors ruled for 62 years, but the Chinos" 1 general Lieou Fang 70 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS reconquered the province in 603 A. D. Ly Bon ruled over the whole of Tonkin and in the south his kingdom reached the frontier of Champa. His fight with Kudravarman has been referred to in Chapter IV. From 603 to 939 A. D. the Chinese remained the undis- puted master of Tonkin. Under the T'ang dynasty a new province was created embracing all the Chinese possessions from the northern extremity of Tonkin to the borders of the kingdom of Champa. It was named Ngan-nan (pro- nounc-'d by th" Aimnmitjs as An Nam) meaning "pacified south". In 722 an Annamite chief, Mai Thuc Loan, made alliance with the kings of Champa and revolted against the Chinese governor. But the revolt was easily suppressed by the Chinese generals. Towards the close of the ninth century A. D. troubles arose in the country. The political changes in China, invol- ving frequent changes in the provincial administration, led to a state of anarchy and confusion in Tonkin. At last, unable to bear the miseries of Chinese yoke, the Annamites broke into revolt early in the 10th century A. D. The moment was very opportune. The downfall of the Imperial T'ang dynasty in 907 A. D. was followed by a period of anarchy and disintegration in China, lasting for more than half a century. The Annamites took full advantage of this situation and freed themselves from the iron yoke of the Chinese. Henceforth Annarn became an independent country, nomi- nally acknowledging the suzerainty of China at times, but quite free from Chinese control for all practical purposes. A new power thus came into existence which was ultimately destined to play an important part in the history of south-eastern Asia. 1 1. The short historical account of Annarn is mainly based on the following books. (1) Cordier-IJistoire Generalo de ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 71 The first independent royal Annamite dynasty was founded by Ngo Quyen in 939 A. D. But the supreme power did not remain with a single chief for a long time. By 965 A. D. twelve important chiefs had partitioned the country among themselves. In 9G8 A. D. Dinh Bo Linh defeated the twelve chiefs and proclaimed himself emperor. He ruled for 12 years but was murdered in 979 A. D. Ngo Nhut Khanh, one of the twelve chiefs defeated by the emperor, had taken refuge in the court of Champa. As soon as the news of emperor's death reached him, he planned to seize the throne and asked for the aid of Paramesvaravarman. The latter readily consented and led a naval expedition against Tonkin in person. The Chain fleet made good progress and reached within a few miles of the capital. At night, how- ever, a storm broke out and destroyed the whole fleet with the exception of the royal vessel which safely returned to Champa. A large number, including Nhut Khanh, was drow- ned and the rest fell into the hands of the Annamites ( 979 A. D. ). Shortly after, Le Hoan was elected by the Annamite chiefs as their emperor ( 980 A. D. ). Ho successfully opposed a Chinese expedition sent by the Emperor K'ouang-Yito recon- quer the province. He sent an ambassador to ParameSvaravar- man, but the latter imprisoned him against diplomatic conven- tion of all ages and countries. Lo Hoan was naturally furious, and led an expedition in person against Champa. ParameSvara- varman was defeated and killed at the first encounter, and the Annamite king marched towards the capital. Although a new king was hastily set up, he could not save the capital city which fell into the hands of the Annamitos. After pillaging the city and la Chine [Paris 1920] [2], E. Luro Le Pays D' Au- nam [Paris 1878]. 72 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS burning its temples Le Hoan made arrangements for governing the province and returned with an immense booty (982 A. D. ). Among others, he took with him 100 ladies of the royal harem and an Indian Bhiksu. The new king whose name has been restored from Chinese Annals as Indravarman (IV) took refuge in his southern territories and sent a Brahmana envoy to the Chinese court complaining against the Annamite occupation of Champa. But the emperor was not in a mood to renew the fight with the Annamites and advised the king of Champa to protect his own kingdom and live on friendly terms with his neighbours. In the meantime the Annamite chiefs were quarrelling among themselves. The history of the internal quarrels and dissensions is but imperfectly known to us but they ultimately led to the usurpation of the throne of Champa by Lu'u-Ky- Tong, an Annamite chief, who revolted against Le Hoan. L3 Hoan advanced with an army to punish him but the difficulties of the route, added to the inclemency of the weather, forced him to retreat (983 A. D.). Lu'u-Ky-Tong was now quite secure in his domi- nions in northern Champa. His power was on the increase, and after the death of Indravarman IV he was officially proclaim- ed king of Champa. The foreign domination, however, pressed hard on the people, and they began to emigrate to the Chinese territories in large numbers. Fortunately, a national hero appeared at this time at Vijaya. Lu'u-Ky-Tong disappeared and the former was crowned king under the name of Vijaya gri Harivarman (II) 1 (989 A. D.). The capital was fixed at Vijaya in Binh-Dmh. 1. Maspero reads this name as Sri Indravarman [T'onng Pao 1911, p. 72] but cf. Finot's remarks in B. E. F. vol. !V, No. 2. p. 48 fn (2). ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 73 This king has left a short Cham inscription of four lines on a block of sandstone lying in the vestibule of a temple at Myson(No51). It records the installation of the god Sri Jaya I^ana Bhadresvara in the year 991 A. D., and is proba- bly a reminiscence of the work of restoration that must have slowly followed the cruel devastation by the Annamites. Shortly after his accession Harivarrnan II found his terri- tories again ravaged by L ^ Hoan. He sent an embassy with rich presents to tin Imperial court of China complaining about th^ conduct of L^ Hoan, and the emperor commanded Le Hoan to keep within his own territory. Hari Varman II also wanted to conciliate th'-j Annamito kins; .and refused assistance to an Annamit? chief who had rebelled against Ls Hoan. The latter, touched by this signal mark of friendship, and probably also intimidated by the order of the Chinese emperor, not only stopped his incursions, but also released a number of Chaoi prisoners ( 992 A. D. ). During the same year the Chinese em- peror sent a rich present to Harivarman II, who was, glad beyond measure at such an unexpected honour, and sent in return an envoy with a rich tribute. In a letter to the emperor which he sent .along with this envoy, the king poured forth his feelings of gratitud3 and helpl?ssri?ss in a pathetic manner : " 1 am a chief of email renown. The foreigners always invaded and devastated my country, and my subjects, unable to defend, were scattered like straw before a storm. Then you extended your protection to me and sent me a present of mag- nificent horses, standards and equipments of war. Learning the Imperial favour vouchsafed to me, my neighbours no longer entertain any desire of ruining me. Now my kingdom is again enjoying peace, and the scattered people are coming back... My country has the same reverence for you as for the heaven .above which covers us, and the earth below which bears us, and my gratitude is unlimited. 10,000 li of sea divides your august 74 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS capital from my country, and yet your goodwill is extended towards me" The humble epistle ended with a request that three hundred of his subjects which had taken refuge in the Chinese territory might be repatriated to Champa. Outwardly Harivarinan was on equally good terms with Le Hoan, the Annamite king, and sent diplomatic missions to him. Nevertheless the soldiers of Champa ravaged the Aima- mite territory to the north. Onc a , Le Hoan rebuked the Cham envoy and refused to accept the tribute brought by him. Harivarinan hastened to pacify him and sent his own grandson as hostage to his court ( 095 A. D. ). But the Chains never- theless continued to raid the Annatnite territory. In 997 a Cham army marched npto the borders of Tonkin but returned without invading it. Harivarman II was succeeded by a king, the first part of whose name alone has reached us in a Chines? form, 1 viz. Yah Pu Ku Vijaya Sri. He ascended the throne sometime before 999 A. D. when he sent an envoy to China. King Harivarman II, although proclaimed king at Vijaya, had re-established the Court at the ancient capital Indrapura. But that city was sacked by Le Hoan and had suffered all the horrors of foreign domination. Yan Pu Ku Vijaya Sri definitely abandoned it, and, in order to avoid the domination of the Aimamites, retired to Vijaya which henceforth became the capital of Champa and remained as such till the end. In 1004 Yan Pu Ku Vijaya Sri sent an ambassador to the Chiness Court who met there a deputation iVom Arab. Three years later, he sent another ambassador to the Emperor with a long loiter and rich presents. Question >d by the Emperor the ambassador reported that th k ir capital had ben removed to Vijaya, 700 li to th * south of th * old capital. 1. Yang p'o TI Ivh; T'i t'cm vi Che li. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 75 Ya& Pu Ku Vijaya ri w succeeded by a king, the Chi- nese form of whose name 1 has been doubtfully restpred to gri Harivarmadeva III. He sent three embassies to China ia 1010, 1011, and 1015, and one to Tonkin in 1011. With hi* envoy to China in 1011 he sent a few lions which were objects of great curiosity to the Imperial Court. Hie successor, the Chinese form of whose name' has been doubtfully restored to Paranievaravarman II, sent tribute to China in 1018 A. D. Early in the year 1021, the Annamites all on a sudden attacked the camp of Bo Chanh which protec- ted the northern frontier of Champa. The Cham genei^l op- posed th-em, but was killed, and his army retreated in disor- der. The invading amiy, however, also suffered great lots and did not dare to advance? any further. The next king, the Chinese form of whose name 8 has been doubtfully restored as Yah Pu Ku rl V ikrantavarman ( IV ) was on the throne in 1030 A. D. when he ssnt an embassy to China with tribute. His reign seems to be full of civil wars and revolutions. For twice, in 1038 and 1039 A. D., his son sought protection at the court of Tonkin, and a few months later, th? entire garrison of the camp of Bo Chinh 0ught re- fuge with the Annamite Ernparor. Vikrantavarman died in 1041 A. IX, and th* year following, his son Java Si u* havarman II asked for investiture from the Chinese court. Jaya Simhavarman's indiscretion brought auother terrible calamity upon the unfortunate kingdom of Champa. In 104 his navy harassed th* Annamite coast but was forced to retreat in the face of a large fore 3 sent against them. The Annamite Emperor Pliat Ma now decided on an expedition on a large scale to chastise his turbulent neighbours, who had besides, 1. Che H Hia H pi ma ti. 2. Che Mei P'ai mo tie ,i. Yang P'on Kou Che-li P'i lau To Kia pan motie. 76 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS ceased to perform any act of vassalage ior the last sixteen years. He constructed 100 new vessels and drilled hia soldi- ers for both offensive and defensive war. At length, on the 12th January, 1044, he led the expedition in person against Champa. The flotilla safely reached the bank of the river Ngu Bo whers Jaya Sirhhavarman was waiting with his troops. The Annamites disembarked and offered battle. The Cham army was completely routed. Jaya Simhavarman himself lay dead on the field which was covered by the dead bodies of 30,000 of his soldiers. Moved by pity That Ma at last stopped this fearful carnage and inarched towards the capital city Vijaya. Vijaya was easily captured and rava- ged by his army. At last the Anuamita Emperor turned back with an immense quantity of booty and large number of prisoners, including all the women of the palace It is recor- ded about one of these that wlrai summoned to the royal vos- sel she threw h?r.self into th'j sea, preferring death to disho- nour in th? hands of her foreign for*. Tho emperor admired h~r nM^l ,ty ami guv-3 \\*r a posthumous title meaning ' \vry chaste and very sw-^t lw.lv.' KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER VII. 1. EaranviSvaravarrnan (972 982 A. D. ) 2. Indravannan IV (c. 982 988 A. D. ) a Lu'u-Ky-Tong ( 983989 A. D. ) ( Aimauiifc usurper) 4. Vijaya Sri Harivarman II (989 c. 998 A. D. ) 5. Yau Pu Ku Vijaya S'rl. ( c. 998 c. 1008 A. D.) C. 6rl Harivarmaileva HI (c. 1008 c. 1016 A. D. ) 7. Parame^varavarman II (c. 101G c. 1028 A. D. ) 8. Vikrantavarman IV ( c . 10281041 A. D. ) 9. JnyaRimluivarrnan II (1041 1044 A D > < Son of No. 8) Chapter VIII. DECLINE OF CHAMPA. The dynasty which came to power in 989 A. D. alter the Ammmite usurpation perished with Jaya Simhavarman II amid the disasters of the second Annamite invasion. But within six years a now dynasty was founded by Jaya Pafame- vuravarmadeva Tsvararnfirti, descended from the old -royal family of Champa 1 Tlie new king lia'l to fac^ a very h?avy task. For nearly seventy years (980 J 050 A. D.) tin kingdom was a prey to foreign invasions aivl internal dissensions. The repeat xl incur- sions of the Annamites had brought untold miseries upon the kingdom and exhausted its resources. As tli3 central au- thority became weak, provincial revolts b^gan. The southern provinc ^ of Paiiduranga, for example, r *peat jdly rabelbd and s^t up a new king on the throne 8 Th^ Cnml)oigians also pro- bably took advantage of th3 weakness of tlrsir neighbour to push on th')ir plundering raids into tin kingdom, 3 It r-'^fl'cts givat credit OH laya ParameM r ari Varman that hu brav.-jly fae-jd thj dangers and restored p^ac ^ and order in th:i kingdom to a considerable txt.iit. H; linst turned his 1. Cf. Phu-Qui Ins. (No. 57). Mespero's vieTi that * 4 his ances- tors were simple warriors, vassals of the preceding kings" rests upon a somewhat wide interpretation of the verse 2 of the Po-Nagar Ins. (No. 60). It must be added, however, that the Phu Qni Ins. wai not discovered when Maspero wrote. 2. cf . Po Klaun Garai Ins. Nos. 53, 54. 3. This seems to be a legitimate inference from Po Klann Ga- rai Inscriptions Nos. 52, 53, 5fi. Otherwise we are to assume that the king of Champa made an aggressive raid on Cambo- dgo which appears unlikoly in view of the political conditioa of Champa. 78 DECLINE OF CHAMPA attention towards the, revolted province of Panati came to take the town of 'Panduranga in 1050 A. D. on behalf of kiflfe gri ParamesVaravarmadeva. According: to No. 53. 'the king "ordered his nephew, the Yuvaraja Mahasenapati, to proceed with all his generals and conquer the city", and the latter installed a Ltnga as mark of victory in 1050 A. D. Lastly, we learn from No. 53 that **His Majesty Sri Paramosvaravamiadevn led troops to the conquest of the country and oro^ted a column of victory in 1050 A. D." ThuH there wore at least three different batch- es Of trOODS tflkitio- nnrt tn tl* o,~ -,;m.:-- -- i*-^ ~ ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 79 and came to terms ( 1050 A. D. ). The result is thus described in one of the inscriptions : " All the troops of Panrah came to fight. He ( Yuvaraja Mahasenapati ) pursued and crushed th3m all and they took shelter in mountains arid caverns. But the Yuvar&ja, who had a powerful arrny, orderad his troops to pursue them in all direc- tions. And th?se troops got hold of all the people of Panrafi with oxen, buffaloas, slaves and elephants, on b3half of king Piiratii'js vara varmad'3va Dharmaraja. "* Half of tlu peopl3 were r^leas^d in order to re-establish the city, and th? other half WHM distributed as slaves to vari- ous religious establishments. 'Two columns were raised to coinunmorat3 tin victory, on ^ by tliB king himself and the otlr*r by the Yuvaraja Mahasena-pati, and two Idngas ot ston3 were installed byth?two g^ii^rals/ Thes3 were inten- ded to impress the people with an idea of the wealth, splendour and piety of the king of Champa, and they produced the desi- red effect. " And on account of his piety to ^iva, when the people of this country saw the beauty and the marks of this 'lihga* they resolved to give up their revolts against the king of Cham- pa who was always victorious." 2 " And when this column of victory was completed the people of Pfinduraiiga, who had revolted, became, for ever, perfectly virtuous and loyal towards tha king of Champa." 3 Having brought the affairs of Panduranga to a satisfactory conclusion, the king turned his att3ntion towards his western neighbour, the Cambodgians. H3r3 also his attempts proved completely successful. The Yuvaraja Mahas3napati who had played such a distinguished part in the Pilnduranga war inflic- 1, PJ Klauti Garni Ins No. 5,'J. L 1 . Ibid. 3. l*o Klaun Garai Iru. No. 54. 80 DECLINE OF CHAMPA ted a crushing defeat upon the Cambodgians and took the town of ambhupura. He destroyed a large number of temples there and distributed the Khmer captives among the temples of King Parame^varavarman had to devote a great deal of attention to the restoration of the religious institutions which had suffered during the troublesome period t-iat preceded his reign. In 1050 A. D. he re-installed the image of the famous goddess of Po Nao-ara and endowed her with lands, slaves and O O various other costly articles. 1 In 1055 he restored a cave at Lai Cham 1 and erected avihtlra atPhu-qui, endowing the latter with men, oxen, buffaloes, grains as well as all the vessels n?c> ssary for the worship of the gods. 3 The Yuvaraja Mahasena- pati, who had assisted hi s royal uncle in his military expeditions, also ably seconded his efforts in this direction. He erected or restored a number of temples and endowed them with neces- sary articles. He also installed many Lingas and made vari- ous gifts to temples, monasteries and salds ( Houses of Charity 0- He devoted special attention to the temple of Sruanabhadres- vara in the precincts of which he erected aa ' imagtf of Liug& in 105G A. D. ( No. 59 ). Jaya Parame^varavarman cultivated friendly relations with the Emperors of China arid Arinana. To tin former he sent ambassadors in 1050, 1053 and 1056. On the last occasion his ambassador was shipwrecked and lost all his baggages, where- upon the Chinese Emperor sent him 1000 ounces of silver. His ambassador also visited the Court of the Annamite Empe- ror in 1047, 1050, 1055, 10GO and also sometime between 1057 and 1059 A. D. 4 l.'Po-Na^ar Ins. Nos. ">:>, f>8. 2. Lni chain Ins. No. MJ. .'{. Phu-qni Ins. No. r>7. 4. T'oung Pao 1911 p. 238. An ambassador sent from Champa ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 81 Jaya Par&mssvaravarman was probably succeeded by Bhadravarnran IV. This name is only known from the Po Nagar inscription (No. GO) of his younger brother Rudravar- man IV, but as no royal title is attached to the name, it is doubtful whether he actually ruled. If hs did so, he must have ase^ndad the thron? sometime ia 1060 or 10G1 A. D. In that ease we may look upon him as the king of Champa who sent tribute to China in 1061. Bhadravarman IV was succeeded by Rudravarman IV. Ho was born in the family o Jaya Parainesvara but the rela- tionship between the two is not definitely known. From the very beginning he made preparations for attacking his northern neighbour. He organis M! his army a:ul train H! his soldiers for the purpose He then sent an ambassador to China, in 1062 A. D., for securing assistant against the Annamit?a But although the Chinese emperor was friendly and snt him some presents, he was not in a mood to send any eft* Active aid against the Annamites. For some years, therefore, Rudra- varman IV thought it politic to keep on friendly terms with the Annamite Emperor and regularly sent tributes to him in 1063, 1065 and 1068, 1 In 1064 he propitiated the goddess of Po Nagar witli a variety of rich presents. 2 But ail the while Rudravarman IV continued his prepara- tions and at last opened hostilities towards the end of 1068 A. D. The Annamite Emperor, Ly Thilrih Ton, took up the challenge and moved his troops on the 16th February, 1069 A. D. He gradually arrived at the port of Sri Banoy and there disembarked his troops. The chain army, drawn up on the to Annani in 1047 was imprisoned there but it is doubtful whether he was sent by king Paiamesvaravai mau. 1. T'ounff Pao 1911, p. 241. 2. PO Nagar Ins, No. 03. 82 DECLINE OF CHAMPA bank of the Tu Mao offered battle to the invader. They fought furiously for a long time, but their general being killed, they lost heart and fell back in disorder, leaving a large number on the field. As soon as Rudravarman learnt the news of the defeat, he left tin capital with his family. He was, however, pursued and captured within the borders of Cambodge (1069 A. D.). The victor now took up his ivsid-nce in the royal palace at Vijaya and celebrated his- triumph by feasts and dances. Pie th'^n gave orders to put to fire all the houses in the capital and its suburbs. This don*, he gave orders for retreat. On the 17th July ho mad" a triumphal entry into his capital. Escor- ted by two armies, and surround 4 d by his officers on horseback, ho himself rode on a chariot behind which marched Rudra- varman and his family accompanied by five executioners. About 50,000 Chains were taken to Tonkin as prisoners of war. Rudravarman was not kept in captivity for long. He ob- tained his release by ceding three northern districts of Champa viz. Dia Ly, Ma Liiili and Bo Chanh ( 1069 A. D. ). This meant the cession of the \vhob of Quang Biiih and the north- ern part of Quan g Tri and brought the frontier of Champa to the mouth of th^ river Viet. The Chains could never reconcile thems >lves to this cession of important t Trltories and it gave ris3 to many a battl i in future. On his return to Champa Rudravarman IV found it to be a seat of anarchy and civil war, as several persons had proclai- med tlums 4ves as kings in different parts of the kingdom. It is doubtful wluth?r Rudravarman was able to re-establish his power to any oxt Mit. We h >ar of tributes b^ing s^nt from Champa to Annani in 1071, 1072 and 1074 A. D. and to China in 1072, A. D., but w do not know d.-finlt'ly the name of the ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 83 king or kings of Champa to whom those may be attributed. Amid these disorders Rudravarman IV passes from our view. 1 KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER VIII. 1. Jaya Pararne;varavarman (c. 1050 c. 1060 A. D.) 2. Bhadravarman IV (c. 1060 10G1 A. D. ) 3. Rudravarman IV ( c. 10G1 1060 A. D. ) (younger broth T of No. 2) 1. Maspero infers from an Anuamite record that Rudravarman took refuse in the Annamoso court with his family and lived there as an exile the rest of his life. Chapter IX. DYNASTY OF EL4RIVARMAN. Among the many aspirants to th? throne of Champa dur- ing the dark days that followed the Anuamite conquest and the capture of the king, one name stands in bold relief, that of Harivprman IV. We have two long inscriptions ( My sou Ins. Nos. 61, 02) with interesting particulars of his life and times, and th ^se enable us to reconstruct the history of the period to a certain extent. The full name o the king was Sri Harivarmad wa prince Thari-yaii Visnmnurti or Madhavamurti or Devatamurti. 11^ was the son of Pro.1 >yo?vara Dharmaraja of the Cocoanut clan. As his mother b-longed to the B^telnut clan, he represented in his person the two chief rival families of the kingdom. 1 Within ten years of the capture of Rudravarman, Harivar- rrian established his authority ov^r the greater part of the king- dom. But tli3 civil war continued throughout his reiorii 2 an kingof Cambodg > also b >gan his plunder- 1. Tho two clans probably represented two important fljfs in the kingdom. M. Dnrand bas loc'ited the betelnut clau in Binh Tlman (B. E. F., vol. V, pp. 3(iS ff ) 2. cf. Po Naffar Ins. No. G4 which rofors to a civil war of sixteen years ie. from 10GD-IOS4 A. l>. 3. Tho kiiif? of Aniiam sent an expedition Jiga'mst Champa in 107,5 on the pretext of somo ngressivo frontier raid conduc- ted by the Chains But the expedition proved a f.-iilnre. Tlie defeat of the Annamito kinsj emboldened the ( 1 hines* court to send an expedition against him (1073-1076 A. D. ) and the Chinese emperor ordered the kinprs of Champa and Camhnd ov t,O nft-ipL* A--,nm f>-m-i I!IM tirmfh. Tfip Irinffif ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 85 ing raids. It reflects great credit upon Harivarman that ho not only checked his internal foes but also guarded his king- dom against his powerful neighbours. No wonder, that his roign was full of military campaigns as we are told in the Myson Inscription. " He has dispersed the hostile troops in the nVld of battle as many as twelve times. He has cut off the h^ads of kinjis generals, chiefs and other men in the field r*> ' o ' of battle nine tini"H. lie defeated the troops of Cambodge at Somofvara and captured the prince Sri Nantlaiiavarmadeva who commanded the army." (No. 6:2 b d ). The defeat of the Aiina- mit^ forces assure! the sal >ty of th? uowly esta))lished power, and by dint 01 num'rons mil.tary RUCC^SS^S a the king of Cham- pi 1) *cnm'> prosperous as of old.'' Th"ii king Harivarman celeb- rated his coronation and probably ass'imfd tlr> title Utkrstara- ja. Aft n r this lie enjoyed complete happiness and tasted royal felicities. 1 But Harivarman had another important task before him. The country had b JOH ruined by the Aimamite invasions and tli) Civil War and it was iioc \ssary to repair the damages as i'ar as possible. The ruinous efp ct of the foreign domination Champa oboynd and despatched a force 7,000 strong to Nghe- an. TJio Cliineso army was, however, defeated, and so tho kinc: of Champa also had to beat retreat. The year following 1 he sent rejruKir tribute * to the court of A/inam as well as to China. Masporo supposes that the king 1 of Champa referred to above was Hariv.-irman, but this is ut best doul)tful, and hence is not incorporated in the text. The other supposi- tion of Maspero that the Annarnito raid of 1075 against Cha- mpa was undertaken with a view to restore Kudravarman to the throne is eqinlly doubtful (T'oung Pao 1911, pp. 247- 48; li. E. F. vol. XVII, No. ,'j p. 44). 1. Myson Ins NX (il. Th'j term Utkrstaraja mny also be taken as nn ordinary adjective rather than a special title assumed by the king. 86 DYNASTY Q^ HARIVARMAN has thus been graphically described in the Myson Inscription (No. 61.). " The enemy had entered into the kingdom of Champa and installed themselves as masters, having taken possession of all the royal property and thy wealth of tin gods; having pillaged the temples, the monasteries, the sito, cells, hermita- ges, villages and various edifices tog^tlnr with the horses, ele- phants, infantry, ox-ii, buffaloes and the crops; having ravaged everything in the provinces of tin kingdom of Champa; having plundered the temple of Srianiabhadresvara and all that tin king of past times have granted as ondowin *nts to Sri^anabha- dro^vara; having tak^n all tin riclns of tin god an 1 carried away the men belonging to the temple, the dancers, musicians servants, together with the various properties, of SrI3a.ua- bhadresvara; tin tempi 3 ivnviined empty and devoid of wor- ship..." The inscription proceeds: "Tlnii his M ijesty Vijaya Sii Harivarmadeva, Yau Devatamurti ascend ^1 tin thron \ ILe completely defeated tin on.Miiies, procj^did to tli3 Nagara Champa and restored tin temple of Sri finabhadr^vara." (No. 61). Two Inscriptions at Myson (Nos. 01, 02) d-scrib in d -ta'l the work of restoration as well as the rich cndowm k nts to tin temple of Sii'anabhadrosvara made by the king and his brother Yuvaraja Mahasjuajuiti. The latter "re-erect MI tin t Miipl \s, the chapels, the gateways and the diflrrent r.dilic s in the do- main of hii anabhadre^vara and mad^ th -in perfectly b aii- tiful. Here-erected the temples in tin various }rov!ncesof the kingdom of Champa. H(i gave all the necessary articlf^a for the worship of the god with the servants of tempks, dan- cers, muwicians as before. He re-established the 8,7 to, the cells, and the hermitages in the various provinces of tin k'ng- dom of Cham} a. . .". ( No. 61 ). ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 87 The rich endowments of king Harivarman to Srl=anabhad- reSvara consisted of various articles of gold, silver and preci- ous jewels, as well as of servants and various animals. Tin Myson Inscription informs us that "seeing Srl^anabhadres- vara despoiled of all his possessions at the end of the war, he came to worship the god with a pious heart, and gave him all the booty taken at RoimSvara ( i. e. from the conquered Cam- bodgians) and various objects" (No. G2). King Harivarman also turned his attention to secular buildings and "reestablished tin ediiic s and th > city of Cham- pa during tin troubl \soin :* days of the war. And the city of Champa and all th * edifice wer> enrich d, as if by nature, and fr '.shly dec >rat d" (No. 02). Tin Yuvaraja also "ord i r M! tin people of S'uilvipura to construe*, tin temples, to build thn houses, to make p^rp>tinl sacrific i s, to re-^rect the chapels, and to reconstruct th 3 roads, all as before." (No. 62). King Harivarman thus succ \ssfully accomplish id the two important tasks of establishing law and ord-T and restoring material prosperity in tli3 kingdom. With tli3 exception of the southern district of Pan lurahga, tha whole of Champa was probably united under his sceptre, and he vigorously s' i t him- s4f to th Q task of repairing damages ami reviving the old pros- parity of the kingdom. Harivarman must have I) ?en endowed with exceptional (jualities and th^ long praises b 'stowed upon him at th^ commune im Tit of tin Myson Inscription (No. 62) may have sonn justification. In 10SI A. D. at tin ag i of 41 1 Harivarmiu IV ab licat >. IMO). 90 DYNASTY OF HARIVARMAN The full title of the new king was &i Jaya Indravarma- deva (V) prince Vak yan Devafcamurfci. He is praised in extra- vagant terms in the Myson Ins. ( No. 65 ) which refers to his rich donations to rr'anabhadre3vara and the gift of a monastery to fri Indralokesvara in the district of Tranul. He also sup- be easily accounted for by supposing that Paramabodhisattva had died and was succeeded by the legitimate sovereign Jaya Indravarmadeva Maspero obviously lays emphasis on the passage quoted above. He holds that if, as we are told, Harivarman and Paramabodhisattva had already reconstruc- ted and repopulated the city of Champa, Jaya Indravarmau's attempts in the same direction could only be explained by supposing that there was a fresh civil war in course of which the city was again ruined. But it is obvious that the serious damages which the Annamite hosts inflicted upon the capital city might have taken long to repair, and Jaya Indravarman probably merely supplemented the work of his father and uncle. On the other hand, the way in which the"'abdication of Indravarman, coronation of his uncle and his own restora- tion are described in an inscription of Jaya Indravarman himself (No. 65), and particularly the favourable notice of the qualities of Paramabodhisattva contained therein discredit any idea of a civil war between the two. Further, Maspero's view that Harivarman IV abdicated in 1080 A. D. is almost certainly wrong. The Inscription No. 62 refers to his abdication in favour of his son and also contains an account of his death in 1081. No mention is made therein of the accession of Paramabodhisattva which, as we know, took place within a month of the abdication. We are therefore bound to conclude that the abdicntion and death of Harivarman. took place within a month some tiwe in 1081 A. P., and Paramabodhisattva replaced his nephew on the throne almost immediately after the latter event (of. MftftT>ero T'ounar Pao 1911, pp.252 ff) ANCIENT HISTORY OF CfiAMPA 91 plemented the work of his lather and ttofcle in *&iona6ructing the town of Ghamjsft, Although Jaya ladratharman V paid his tribute to the court of Annain with fair regularity, he deplored the loss of the three districts ceded by Hudravartnan. Tlie two peoples were so much estranged over this question, that Wh*n th&r ambassadors, having arrived at th3 Chinese <*oui"t At the s&me time, were introduced to the Emperor on the sdhis day, they kept themselves aloof from each other. At a dinii* in whifeh th^y were invited they were seated at two ends of ths table. At last in 1092 A. D. Indravarman stopped tho paymnt of tri- bute to Annam and approached th3 Chin3S3 emperor with a proposal to make a common caus3 against that country. The Chinese emperor, however, refused to fight with Annam. Nevertheless, Jaya Indravarman continued to withhold the tribute till a formal complaint was made by the Annamese court in 1094. Indravarman was seized with terror, and has- tened to comply With th3 demand. Thi tribute was sdnt in 1C95, !097, 1098, 1099 and 1102 A. D. At last in 1103 a refugee from Annam instigated king Indravarman to fight against the country. He rdf>re^nted that Annam was enfeebled by internal dissensions and had not the power to reer'st an invasion from Champa. Misled by th* se false statements Jaya Indravarman led an army and con- quered the three esded districts. But his triumph Was Short- lived. Ho was soon d3feat3d and ootnp3lied to abandon thos3 districts. To avoid furtii3r troubhs h3 imm3diat3ly s?nt tri- bute to Annam. Henc3forth ths two countries lived in paaca and tributss were regularly S3nt from Champa to Annam. Jaya Indravarman V was succeeded by his nephsw Hari- varman who was on th^ throne in 1114 A. D. (No. 68). Jaya In dravar man's reign, th3refore, falls batwaen 1086 and 1114 A. D. 92 DYNASTY OF HARIVARMAN Harivarman V has left us a single inscription at Myson (No. 68) from which we learn that he built two temples and a palace for Sri'anabhadreSvara and bestowed various articles of gold and silver for his worship. He was on friendly terms with ths Chinese and Annamese courts. The former bestowed honorary titles on him in 1116, 1127, and 1129 A. D. The latter also treated his ambassadors with honour and distinction and invited him to the imperial palace in 1126. From 1120 to 1124 he had regularly sent tributes to the Annamese Court without any exception. KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER IX. 1. Harivarma IV (c. 10701081 A. D.) 2. grl Jaya Indravarmadeva V (1081 A. D. ) (Son of No. I) 3. Paramabodhisattva ( 10811086 A. D. ) ( Younger brother of No. 1 ) 2. grl Jaya Indravarmacleva V ( 10861113 A. D. ) ( Second time ) 4. Harivarman V (1113 A, D. 1126 A. D. ) ( Nephew of No. 2 ) Chapter X. War with Cambodge. Harivarman V seems to have left no heir and the next king known to us is Jaya Indravarman VI. The Myson Pillar inscription (No. 69) and Po Nagar Ins. (No. 71) give a suc- cinct account of his life and anc3stry. He was, we are told, an incarnation of Uroja, the mythical forefather of the kings of Champa, who was a descendant of iva himself, and is fre- quently referred to in the official inscriptions of that kingdom, ( cf. e. g. No. 31 ). The theory of incarnation has been develo- ped in an int3resting way in the inscription No. 69. Uroja, after his death, was reborn as king Bhadravarman and again as king Jaya Simhavarman-both of whom, ba it noted, are his- torical personages and kings of Champa. Then Uroja was again born as Jaya Indravarman himself and thus he had appeared on th3 earth altogether four times as king of Champa. This mythical ancestry seems to ba a sure indication that Jaya Indravarman had no legitimate claim to the throne and that he wanted to legalise what he had acquired by other means, by tracing his relationship with the former kings of Champa. It is not impossi- ble, of courss, that h3 might have some remote relationship with Jaya Simhavarman II but it is not possibh to decide the question one way or the other with the evidenca availabh at pras3nt. It is equally unc3rtain whsth3r he im- mediately succeeded Harivarman, or one or more kings inter- vened between the two. The latter hypothesis seems more probable. Jaya Indravarmau VI was born in th^ year 1108 A. D. He b?came Devaraja in 1129 and YuvarSja ins 1133 A. D. Finally he asc3ndod the throne in 1139 (No 69). This short 94 WAR WITH CAMBODGE account of his life shows that his father had also reigned before him whoever he may be. 1 The king's religious endowments are recorded in both his inscriptions. In 1140 he erected an image ( or a temple ) of lriS,nabhadrevara, and two years later, that of a Siva-linga and the Srlsana-Visnu. In 1138 while yet a Yuvaraja, he made gifts to Saddharma, apparently some god or institu- tions connected with Buddhism, and also to a ^iva-linga. With his usual propensity of looking back to ths past history of Champa, he recalls, in connection with the latter, how, long ago, about 1, 780, 500 years ago, king Vicltra Sagara establi- shed the linga at Kauthara. Unfortunat3ly, Jaya Indravarman VI was involved in a qiiarrel with both his powerful neighbours. Suryavarman, the bellicose king of Cambodgs, asc3nded the throne in 1112 A. D. and began to harass the kingdom of Champa, Then in 1128 he sent an expedition, 20,000 strong, against the Anna- mite kingdom, and inducad the king of Champa to join with him. This wafc probably not a difficult task, as Chatnpa had mariy old scores to pay off, and was ever ready to seize any op- portunity to recover the thrao northern districts ced3d by Kudravarman. tJiifortunatsly, th3 Cham army could n<3t join the Cambodgians in time, and both armie& were S3paratsly defeated. Baffled in his entsrprifi') Suryavarman d3spatch?d next year a navy of 700 vess3ls to harass ths coast of Than fitoa. A similar attempt was again mad 3 in ll&2wh?nJaya Indravarman invadad Ngha-An in conc3rt with th3 army of Camtxxlge, but Was easily d3feat3d by th3 Annamit3a f H3 then sattlsd matt3rs with them by paying off ttn tribut3 iti 1. Maspefro gtn>posefe that Jaya Indravtirrtiati was adopted by Hari- Tliis is a pt-olmble t? ^,,1 VXTlTT TkT^ O ** ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 85 1136 and withdrawing from the offensive alliance he had lately form3d with th3 king of Cambodga. But this pusillanimous conduct did not save the unfortu- nate king. Unsuccessful in his expedition against the Anna- mite king, Suryavarman now wanted to make amends for his loss by attacking his faithless ally, the king of Champa. In 1145 h3 invad3d th3 kingdom and made himself master of Vijaya. Jaya Indravarman VI was eith3r killed in the battb, or mad 3 a prison 3r. In any case we do not h)arofhimany more. 1 When the kingdom of Champa lay prostrate under the victorious army of Cambodg^, a scion of the old ruling family, a descendant o? king Paramabodhisattva, proclaimed himself king and took refug3 in the south3rn district of Panduranga. His name was Rudravarman Parama-Brahmaloka, and ho was the son of an eminent king, whose name, so far as it could b3 recovered, is $ri Rudraloka...Murti. It is just possible that this Rudra-loka was the succ3ssor of Harivarman V. In that case Rudravarman Parama-Brahmaloka must b3 regarded as the bgitimat3 own3r of th3 throne which was succassfully usurp- ed by Jaya Indravarman VI or his fath3r. Rudravarman Parama-Brahmaloka was formally cons3Crat3d to the throne, but he did not enjoy a long reign and died in 1147 A. D. f On the d?ath of tin king, tin p3Oph of Paudurariga invi- ted his son Ratnabhumivijaya to b3 the king of Champa, and 1. Toting Pao, 1911 , pp. 293-295. 2. Maspero's account of the events of this period is vitiated by bis adopting: the wrong reading of a large number of dates which have since been corrected by Finot. Maspero, for ex- ample, believed that Rudravarman did not practically rule at all, having died imraedi itely after his coronation. But we now know that he raled for at least two years This disposes of his argument concerning the nse of the title Uroja by his son (T'oung Pao, 1911. p. M5. fn. 6.). m WAR WITH he fkfiei$ded the ^h*oae in 114T A. D., under the name '&x Jaya Harivarmadeva VI, prinoe ^ivanaadana. 1 Seven imscriptiona of this iMJig have reached us ( Noa. 72- 2& ), and ihey enable us to -reconstruct a detailed aeeount of his life aad reign, such as we do not possess of a/ay other king o| Champa bafoce or sinca. The early life of Harivarnaa was far from being pleasant. "Having quittsd his own count- ry he apejit a long time in foreign lands amid joys and sorrows. Then he cams hack to Champa". 1 This apparcantiy refers to the period when Jaya Indravarman VI had usurped th^ throne and Rudravarman fled from tha country with his son. Harivarman VI ascended tin throne at a very critical moment. The greater part of the kingdom was und^r a for- eign foe who was now extending his aggressions to the south, and the Annamites as well as the Kiratae and other semi-bar- barous tribes on its frontier took advantage of ths situation to carry on plundering raids into its very heart. But Harivar* man was equal to the task that faesd him, and ataered the vessel of state safely through thesa shoals, amid heavy storms, back to the harbour. Scarcely hadtheking ascended the throne when the king of Cambodge commanded Sarikara, the foramost among his generals, to go and fight him in the plain of Rajapura. Sankara was aided by a large number of troope from Vij^ya i. e. tho portion of Cham- p& subject to Caa*boJg3. Harivarman met the hostile army at Chaklyah (probably the village of Chakling in the south- ern part of the valley of Phanraug* in tha naighbourhood of tha *oek of Batau Tablah which contains an inscription d^serib- ing the battle ) and gained a groat victory. As th3 Myson inscription tells us : " J^ya ^arivarman fought against tha ^aukara and all the other Cambodian gmerals with 1. Batau Tablnh Inscription No. 75. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 97 fclnir troops. They died in the field of battle " ( No. T2 ). This happened in ll47 A. D. (No. 75). Next year "the king of Cartibodga S3ht an army th6Usted tiin^ stronger than the pre- vious one to fight in the plain of Virapura" (No. 72). Hari- varm&n met them at the fijld of Kayev and completely defeated th3m(No. 75), Having defeated the two armies S3nt agftirret him, Hati- varman now felt himself powerful enough to take thd offensive. The King of Cambodg3 did not underrate the danger. Bfe hastily consecrated Harideva, the younger brothel 1 of feisT fitst queen, as king of Vijaya, and "commanded various generals to lead the Cambodian troops and protect pHnca Harideva until he b3caim king in the city of Vijaya." Jaya Harivatman also marched towards that citiy and probably re-to&k it before the arrival of Harideva. In any case the two hostile armfefi mt at th3 plain of Mahra ( No. 72 ), " to th3 east of the tetAptd df GuhbSvara on the river Yarn!" ( No. 74 ), and Harideva was defeated and killed. "Jaya Harivarmaii destroyed the king Haridfeva with all his Cham and Cambodian generals and the Cham and Cambodian troops; they all perished" (No. 72). Then the victorious king, duly consecrated, ascended tKe thfrme of his forefathers with due pomp and C3r3nrony (1149 A. D. ) and reigned as supremo king from this time, 1 But the diffiral ties of Harivarman ware far from b3mg over yet. Th3 king of Cambodg3, thric 3 baffled, now hit upon a different pl&tu He incited the barbarous motint&in trib3S of Champa Against king. 2 The Rade, the Mada and oth?r barbarous tribes, 1. The detailed account of the military campaigns is given in Myson Inscription ( No. 72). The dates are supplied by the Batau Tablah Ins. (No. 75). 2. The Myson inscription (No. 72), so far as it has been deci- phered, does not directly convey the impression thai the king of Cambodge had incited the tribes, but that seeina to be a 98 WAR WITH CAMBODGE collectively known by the general appellation of the "Kirata", now invaded the plain in the neighbourhood of Vijaya. A battle took place near the village of Slay, and the Riratas were defeated (No. 72). Unfortunately, Harivarman VI had not to fear his external enemies alone; his own relatives betrayed him. The brother of his wife called Vah^araja now joined his enemies. "The Kirata kings proclaimed his brother-in-law Van^araja, brother of his wife, as king in the city of Madhya- magrama." The undaunted king bravely met this new danger. Jaya Harivarman VI led his army, defeated Vah?araja, cap- tured the Kirata army, and defeated them all" ( No. 72 ). The Kirata difficulty was over, but Van-araja remained. He took refuge in the Annamese court and asked the Emperor for military assistance in order to placa him on the throne of Champa. The Annamese Emperor acceded to his request and declared him king of Champa. The inscription proceeds. "The king of Yavanas, learning that the king of Cambodge had crea- ted difficulties in the way of Jaya Harivarman, proclaimed Van^araja a citizen of Champa, as king. He gave him several Tavana generals together with hundred thousand valorous Yavana soldiers Then Jaya Harivarman conducted all the troops of Vijaya. The two parties were engaged in a ter- rible combat. Jaya Harivarman defeated Van^araja and large number of Yavana troops lay dead on the field/' (1150 A. D.). 1 After having thus quelled the external enemies Jaya Harivarman probably hoped to reign in peace. But that was not to be. Civil war broke out, first at Amaravafcl ( 1151 ) and legitimate inference from the few broken sentences that have been preserved. 1. The detailed account is supplied partly by the Myson Ins. (No. 72) and partly by the Annamese documents (T'oung Pao lldl, p. 299). In the Myson Inscription the enemies are ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 99 then at Panduranga (1155). Harivarmau successfully put th?m down, but Ui3 embers of conflict were not finally extingui- shed till 1160 A. D. An inscription datod in that year sums up his military success as follows: ''King rl Jaya Harivarman, prince ^ivanandana, has triumphed over all his enemies, to wit, the Cambodgians the Annamites, Vijaya, Ainaravati, and all the countries of the north; Panduranga and the countries of the south; the Bade, the Mada and other barbarous tribes in the regions of the west. ;>1 Having secured the throne of Champa Jaya Harivarman had to turn his attention to the restoration of temples and tha repair of damages. The inscriptions give a long list of his pious works. He installed a Linya on the MahlSaparvata, and erec- ted two temples there in memory of his father and mother. 1 In accordance with a former vow he restored the temple of rlaanabhadre3vara on the Vugvan Mount which was destroyed by the enemy, and installed several images there, including a ^ivaliiiga. "The fire in the temple of JsrlSanabhadre^vara", says the king, "was extinguished by the enemies. Having killed those destroyers in battle, I have built it again." "The temple was re-established in its old beauty," and as it had been plundered by the enemy, the king gave all the necessary called "Yavanas" which might ordinarily be taken to imply the people of Java. But the agreement of the epigraphic acc- ount with what we learn from Annamite documents constrains ns to interpret it as Annamites. Besides, in the Batau Tab- lah (No. 75) and Po Nagar Inscriptions (No. 76), which con- tain a list of the tribes with which Jaya Harivarman was at war, mention is made of the Annamites but not of the "Ya- vanas". 1. Batau Tablah Ins [No. 75]; Po- Nagar Ins. [No. 76], 2. Myson Ins. No. 72. 100 WAR WITH CAMBODGE things to the god Elsewhere we are told that "in accordance with his former vows, he first destroyed the soldiers of Cam- bodge and the Yavana soldiers ( i. e. Annamites ), and then re- erected the temple of 3iva which they had destroyed." 1 In the year 1157 A. D. the king installed a god, called after him Harivarmesvara, and granted a number of fields for his worship 2 . About 1160, he made donations to the god Jaya Hariliiigesvara 8 as well as to the tutelary deity of the kingdom, the goddess of Po-Nagara. 4 The king also restored a temple at My son. 6 Like Jaya Indravarman, king Harivarman also believed that he was an incarnation of Uroja. In ordsr to substantiata his claim, he referred to a treatise called * Puranartha ' which was apparently regarded as a holy religious text and is descri- bed as a "mine of useful information in this world" (No. 74). " Four times I have been incarnated as Uroja; lest I b3 not born again, I re-install this Siva in fulfilment of the pro- mise I made before. " The god of gods !riganabhadre$vara, and the god of gods established on ths Vugvan mountain-both will bs enriched by that king who is a portion of myself longing for the glory of a iSaiva. " Such is the Puranartha, description of Uroja, which the world must know." ( No. 74 ) Further, it is curious to note, that liko Jaya Indravarman, Harivarman also regarded himself as tha fourth incarnation of Uroja; in other words, Harivarman did not admit tha claim of Jaya Indravarman to ba regarded as an incarnation of Uro- 1. Myson Ins. [Nos. 72, 73, 74], 2. Mysou Ins. No. 74]. 3. Batau Tablah Ins. [No. 75]. 4. Po.Nagar Ins. [No. 70], 5. Myson Ins. [No.78]. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 101 ja, probably another evidence of the usurpation of the latter. Harivarman kept on friendly relations with the Chinese court. He demanded from the Imperial court the same dig- nity which his predecessors had enjoyed, and this was accorded to him in 1155 A. D. 1 After the war with the Annamite Emperor was over (1150), he maintained friendly relations with that court also. In 1152 he sent rich presenta to the Emperor, and two years later, when the relations between the two countries again became rather strained on account of the repeated incursions of the Chams against Annamite territory, he pacified the Emperor by presenting him with some women. He also senfc tribute to the Annamese court in 1155 and 1160. King Harivarman died shortly after 1162, 2 and was succeeded by his son Jaya Harivarman VII. We do not know anything of his reign, not even if he actually reigned at all. He is referred to as king by his son in inscriptions Nos. 94 and 95, and might have bsen merely a pretender to the throne for all we know. Certain it is, that within a year of the death of king Harivarman VI, the throne of Jhampft was occupied by Pu Ciy Anak Sri Jaya Indravarman VII, an inhabitant of Qram^pura Vijaya. 3 It does not appear that he was relatad in any way to Jaya Harivarman VI or VIL On the other hand we know that the latter had at l^aat two sons who had aft3rwards ruled in Champa. Tli3re is, th3refor<3, hardly any doubt that Jaya Indravarman was an usurper. Jaya ludravarman must have ascended the throne of Champa as early as 1163 A. D., when he gavs a K&g& to $ri3&- nabhadreSvara, for whieh 232 golden panas, 82 precious sto- 1. T'onng Pao 1911, p, 302. 2 Ibid p. 303. 3. T'oung Pao 1911, p 303. 102 WAR WITH CAMBODQE aes, 67 groups of pearls, and 200 pancts of silver wore requi- red. 1 Next year, as well as the year following, he made cost- ly donations and erected an inner chamber with sandalwood, silver and gold. 2 He sent tributes to th3 Annamite Court in 1164 and 1165. The ambassador whom he sent in 1166 for the same pur- pose performed his duties in a somewhat strange fashion. He led an army and plundered the Annamite population on the sea-coast. The Annamesa court could hardly be expected to brook this insult. An Annam9S3 fores entered Champa and the leader of the expedition wrote a strong letter to the king recalling the damages done by his troops. Jaya Indravarman VII hastened to pacify him and sent a noble of his court with a large quantity of precious stones and other valuable presents. The matter was then amicably settled, and the Annamese troops retreated to their country. 3 Jaya Indravarman was formally consecrated to tha throne about 1165 A. D. Immediately after his consecration, ha sent an ambassador to China asking for investiture from the Imperial court. The presents which the ambassador took to China had been plundered from Arab merchants. The amount of tri- bute appeared to the Chinese emperor to be so very large, that he was at first inclined to accept only one tenth of it; but when he came to know of the source from which these articles had come, by the complaints of the Arab merchants themselves, ha refused to take anything at all, and ordered a letter to be writ- ten to Jaya Indravarman explaining the cause of his refusal. Moreover, the council of ministers decided that it would not be prudent to invest the king of Champa with the customary 1. Myson Ins. [Nos. 79, 81]. 2. Myson Ins. No. 81. 3. T'onng pao 1911, p. 3C3. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 103 honorary titles till tha commotion caused by the incident had subsided. Jaya Tndravarman now turned his attention to the con- quest of Cambodge. He assured the neutrality of the Anna- mssa Emperor by payment of rich presents and sanding an ambassador to pay tha usual homage Baing sacure in the north, ha attacked tha kingdom of Carnbodge (1170). That kingdom was th3n ruled over by king Dharanindravarman II. Both th3 opposing forcas were equally matched and the war went on for a long time without any decisive result. At this time a Chinese officer, shipwrecked on the coast of Cham- pa, taught the king a new cavalry manoauvre, and the art of throwing arrows from th3 back of a horsa (1171 A. D. ). Jaya Indravarinau now asked tha Chin3S3 officar to buy horses for him in his own country. With the h3lp of thasa horses he was enabled to sacura soma advantage against the enemy, and this induced him to look for more horsss. In 1172 he ssnt a Iarg3 numbar of men to Kiong Tchaou, in tha island of Hai Nan, with the object of purchasing as many hors3s as possible. They were ill recaived thsre, and therefore retaliated by plun- daring a numbar of inhabitants they came across. The terri- fiad people than allowed them to make their purchases. But the affair came to the knowledge of the Chinese Emperor, and ia 1175 ha issu3d an ordar prohibiting ths export of horses outside tha empire. Jaya Indravarman, dasiring to have tha horsas at any cost, rapatriated to Hai Nan the people captured by his soldiers in 1172, and sant an ambassador to tha Imperial court, asking permission to buy horses at that island. The Emparor replied that it was forbiddan to export those animals of the empire, and that the rule specially applied to the island of Hai Nan ( 1176 A. D. ). Jaj^a Indravarman now gave up the idea of invading Cam- bodg3 by land. Ha equippad a flaat and sant a naval expadi- 104 WAR WITH CAMBODGE tion In 11Y7. Proc3eding along tha coast, ths flaet, guided by a shipwrecked Chin3S3, reach 3d the mouth of tha Grand River (Mekong). Then going up the river it reached the capital city. Jaya Indravarman plundered th3 capital and then r<3- iired, carrying an imm3ns3 booty with him. 1 The glorious victory of Jaya Indravarman VII indicatss the revival of ths old prosperous days of Champa. This was further shown by the rich donations of the king to various temples. We have already referred to his rich donations to rimnabhadreSvara in 1163 A. D. The Hyson inscription (No. 81) describss in cbtail how he continued these rich en- dowments, year after year, in 1167, 1168, and 1170 A. D. Further, he "installed Buddha Lokesvara, Jaya Indra LokeS- vara and Bhagavati Sri Jaya IndreSvarl in the district of Bud- dha, and Bhagavati &ci Indra Gaurisvari in that of Sri Vinayaka."* The king also mad3 rich donations to th3 goddess Bhaga- vati KauthareSvari of Po Nagar temple. "Part of these was made when the king went to conquer Cambodge". The gift was jointly made by the king, the queens ParameSvari and R&yft, princess Bhagyavati, princess Sumitra, princess Sudak- siuft and Mau s'i Ai Gramapura Vijaya ( th3 princa ? ). 3 1. T'cmng Pao 1911, pp. 305308. There is some difficulty in fixing the date of Jaya Indra- varman's invasion of Cambodge. Maspero, apparently on Chinese and Annamese authority, fixes it at 1170 A. D. But the Po Nagar Inscription [No. 80] %f hich refers to the king's campaign against Cambodga is dated 1167 A D. (This date was formerly read as 1105 Saka but Finot has corrected it to 1080 Saka). In that case the campaign against Cambodga must have begun 3 years earlier. 2. Mysonlns. [No. 81], 3. Po Nagar Inscription [No. SO], ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 105 An inscription at Afc TKuan ( No. 82^) has preserved relics of something like a military feudalism that prevailed at the time. Three dignitaries of the kingdom named Taval Vira SiiTiha oh Vayak, Taval ur&dhik* varmma, and Taval Vikranta Simha oh Dhuu took an oath of allegiance to the king which contained, among other promises, an undertaking to the effect that they and their children will fight for their lord in case of war as long as they live. The last known date of Jaya Indravarman VIUs 1177 A. D. 1 How long he lived aftar that, and whether he could leave ths kingdom he h&d usurped to his legitimate su603ssors, are yet unknown. 2 KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER X 1. Jaya Indravarman VI ( 11391145 A. D: ) 2. Rudravarmun Parama- Brahnraloka ( 11451147 A. D. ) a Jaya Harivarmadeva VI ( 11471162 A, D. ) (Son of No. 2) 4. Jaya Harivarman VII ( 11621163 A. D. )? (Ron of No. 3) 5. Jaya Indravarman VII ( 1163-C.1180 A.D, ) 1. cf. the Chinese account of the king's expedition against Cam- bodge. The* last known date from epigraphic records is 1170 A. D. (Myson Ins. No. 81). 2. Maspero's account of this period is now proved to be hope- lessly wrong in the lifcht of new inscriptions or new interpre- tation of old inscriptions. I have not made any attempt to point out the difference between his version and mine as the two are almost radically different. CHAPTER XI. The ; Cambodian, Mongol and Annamite invasions. Altar Jaya Indravarman VII we find a new king at Champa named Jaya Indravarman VIII oh Vatuv. Whether there was any relationship between the two is yet unknown. 1 But the latter continued the "forward" policy of his prede- cessor, and carried on an agressive campaign against Cambodge. In 1190 A. D. the king of Cambodge, Jayavarman VII, son and successor of Dharaiiindravarman II, sent an expedition against Jaya Indravarman oh Vatuv. The leader of this expedition, who was ultimately desti- ned to play an important part in history, was Sri Suryavar- madeva, prince rl Vidyanandana of Tumprauk-Vijaya. He was apparently an inhabitant of Champa, but betook him- self early in life to Cambodge ( 1182 A. D. ). The king of Cambodge welcomed him and employed his services on various occasions. Thus we read: "During his stay at Cambodge, a dependent town of Cambodge called Malyan, inhabited by a multitude of bad men, revolted against the king of Cambodge. The latter seeing the prince well- versed in arms ordered him to lead the Cambodgian troops and take the town of Malyah. He did all that the king of Cambodge desired " s The king of Cambodge, pleased at his valour, conferred on him the dignity of Yuvaraja, and when war broke out with 1. Maspero identifies the two kings (Tonne Pao 1911, p. 304, fn. 2). But this does not seem probable (cf. Finot's remar- ks B. E. F. vol, XV, No. 2. p. 50. fn. 2). 2. Myson las No. 8-i. The account of Snryavarmadeva Vid- yanandana that follows, is entirely basedonthis inscription. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 107 Champa, as related above, he "sent the prince at the head of Cambodgian troops in order to take Vijaya, and defeat the king Jftya Indravarman on Vatuv' l Sri Siiryavarmadeva obtained a complete victory. He captured the king and had him conducted to Cambodge by the Cambodgian troops. 2 The king of Cambodge now divided Champa into two portions. Hs placed his own brother-in-law Surya Jayavar- madeva prince In, as king of the northern part, with Vijaya as capital, while Siiryavannadeva, prince Sri Vidyanandana, the victorious general, became king of the southern portion with his capital at llSjapura in Panrftn. Survavarmadfcva prince Sri Vidyanandana defeated a number of 'thieves or pirates', apparontly the adherents of the late regime that had revolted against him, and reigned in peace at Rajapura. The northern kingdom, however, was soon lost to Cambodge. Within two years, Prince R-isupati, apparently a local chief, led a revolt against the Cambodgian usurper, Sri Surya Jayavarman prince In. The latter was defeated, and returned to Cambodge, while Rasupati ascend- ed the throne under the name of Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva. The king of Cambodge now sent an expedition against Vi- jaya (1192 A. D.). With a view, probably, to conciliate the na- tional sentiments by placing the captared king of Champa Sii Jaya Indravarmau 011 Vatuv on the throne, as a depen- dent of Cambodge, he sent him along with this expedition. The Cambodgian troops first went to Rajapura. There the king Suryavarmadeva princ3 Sri Vidyanandana put himself 1, Ibid. 2. Ibid, of also tLe Ta Prohm Inscription of J ay a- v aim an VII, whe:e the king is said to have captured and then released the king of Champa. B. E. P. vol. VI. p. 44. 108 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS at their head, and marched against Vijaya. Ha captured Vijaya and defeated and killed Jaya Indravarman cei Rasu- pati. The victorious king of Rajapura now ascended the throne of Vijaya and the whole of Cham pa was again re-united under him. Jaya Indravarman oa Vatuv, who was thus deprived of the throne, fled to Amaravatl. There he collected a large num- ber of troops and advanced against Vijaya. "The king defeat- ed him, compelled him to fall back on Traik, and there cap- tured him and put hirn to death." Henceforth Suryavarma- deva Vidyanandana ruled ovar tli3 whole of Cliamoa with- out opposition ( 1192 A D. ). But he had shortly to reckon with the king of Cambodge whom he had so basely bstrayed. In 1193 an expedition was sent against him, but he gained an easy victory. Next yes.r the expedition was repeated on a larger scale. "In gaka 1116 (1104 A. D.) the king of Cam bodge sent a large number of Cambodgian generals with all sorts of arms. They came to fight with the prince. The latter fought at Jai Ramya-Vijaya, and vanquished the generals of the Cambodgian army." 1 This was the crowning triumph of Sri Suryavarmacleva, prince rl Vidyanandana of TutTiprauk-VJ lya, who b^giu his life as an exile, but after a romantic career gained the undis- puted supremacy over the whole of Cham] . Immediately after his victory the king sent an ambassa- dor to the Annamese court (1194 A. D. ). Four years later, he was formally consecrated to the throne with all due ritts, and asked for formal investiture from the Chinese Emperor. This was granted to him in 1199 A. D. 8 1. Ibid. 2. T'omitf Pao. 1911, p, 311. ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 109 After the Cambodgiaii war was ovar, the king, we are told, "marched to Amaravatl and re-erected all the houses." 1 la other words, he set himself to the task of restoration, which was badly needed after the late troublesome period of civil war and foreign domination. As usual, he made rich gifts to Sri-'anabhadre^vara. 2 Ha also erected a house called ^rl Herukaharmya. But the king was not destined to enjoy his sovereignty for a long time. He was defeated in 1203 A. D. by his paternal uncle, called Yuvaraj a (or son of Yuvaraja) Mnagahiia on Dhauapati or Yuvaraja on Dhanapatigrama, 3 who was sent by the king of Cambodge against him. The career of this Yuvaraja was analogous in many res- pects to that of king Siiryavarm<1 himself. He, too, lived as an exile in the Court of Cambodge and obtained the favours of the king by successfully suppressing the revolt of Malyaii. It is just possible that these two Cham chiefs, uncle and nephew, both went together to Cambodge and tho Malyaii revolt, which both claim to have subdued, was the self-same J. Myson Ins. (No. 89). 2. Ibid. 3. The account of Dbanapatigramn is based on the concluding: portion of two inscriptions at Myson, Nos, 02 and 84. The identity of Dhampatigrama, mentioned in No 62, with Mnagahna on Dhanapati (No 84) is not certain but very pro- bable. It is to be noted that the portion of No. 62 containing the account of Dhanapatigrama begins with Svasti, which is generally used at the commencement of a new Inscription. It was probably added at a later date. The account is partly corroborated by Aunamite documents (T'oung Pao 1911. p 311 fn G), The difficulty in the ideatification, noted by Finct d^es not really exist; cf the text. 110 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS military expedition in which both of them took part. But the nephew soon surpassed the uncle, and, as we have seen above, ultimately became the king of Champa. The king of Cambodge, twice baffled in his attempt to defeat him, at last sent the uncle against the nephew. lu 1203 A. D. king Suryavarman was defeated and the Yuvaraja on Dhanapati ruled over champfi. Suryavarman now sought protection at the court of Annam. Accompanied by 200 vessels and a number of his faithful soldiers he want with his family to the port of Co Li and asked for shelter. The Ann-unites, however, suspected his intention, and Pham Gieng, the governor of Nghe An, wanted to get rid of him. Forewarned o this, the king invited Phain Gieng aboard his ship. That officer went with a number of vessels, with a quantity of arms con- cealed therein, an 1 asked his men to examine the vessels of the Cham king with the light of their torches. But at night, while the watchmen of the Annamite vessels fell asleep the Chams threw torches at them. The Annamites started up out of their sleep, and being seized with pamic threw them- selves into the sea. A large number of Annamites was thus drowned. Suryavarman again t3ok to S3a and what became of him is not known. 1 The Yuvaraja Dhanapatigrama, who now ruled over Champa, had a hard time before him. Rebellion broke out in various parts of the kingdom. The most formidable was one led by Putau Ajfia Kn, but it was put down by the Yu- vanVja. "Then Putau Ajiia Ku revolted. He conquered from AmaravatI as far as Pidhyan. The king of Ca ui bodge commanded the Yuvaraja to lead the troops of Cambodga and capture Putau Ajfift Po Ku. He captured him and 1. Toung Tao 1011, pp. ^11312. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 111 sent him to Cambodge according to the desire of the king" (No. 62). The king of Cambodge, pleased at his valour, conferred high dignities on him, and apparently formally appointed him as the ruler of Champa in 1207 A. D. (cf. No. 86). While the Yuvaraja was ruling in Champa, a new figure appeared on the scene. This was Jaya ParameSvaravarma- deve Oa Aiiforaja of Turai-Vijaya, 1 son of Jaya Hurivarmau VII. He was the legitimate owner of che throne of Champa of which his father had been wrongly dispossessed by Jaya Indravarraan VII Gr&mapura Vijaya. During the period of usurpation by that monarch, and the disastrous Cambodge war that followed, Oh AiiSaraja lived as an exile and at last took refuge in the court of Cambodge. In 1201 A. D. the king of Cambodge conferred upon him the title of '-Pu Pon pulyau Sri Yuvaraja", and afterwards gave him permission to live in Champa with the Governor Yuvaraja Dhanapatigrama. 2 It must have been with a mixed feeling of joy and sorrow that the exile returned to his native land, only to find the throne of his forefathers occu- pied by an usurper. Why he was sent to Champa, and what he did here tfor the next twenty years are yet unknown. It appears, however, that Champa was at this time very hard pressed by the Annamites. The Cho Dinh Inscription tells us: "Then (sometime afoer 1207 A. D.) the Siamese and the Pukam (Paganese) came from Cambodge and a battle took place with the Annamites. The Cambo- 1. The account of On Ansaraja of Turai-Vijaya who ascended the throne nnder the name of Jaya Paramos varavarmaa ia based on nine inscriptions (Nos. 83-D'f). 2. T'oung Tao 1911. p. 313, 112 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS dgian generals led the troops which opposed the Annamitea and the loss on both sides was very great. 1 ' 1 The Annatnite documents inform us that the Chams aided by the Cambo- dgians attacked Nghe-An in 1216 and 1218, but the gover- nor oj the Province dispersed them. 2 It would thus appear that since about 1207 A. D. a long series of battles followed, in which victory more often inclin- ed to the Annarnites. These long-drawn battles must have exhausted the Cam- bodgians. As a matter of fact, the series of warfares in which they were involved ever since 1190 A. D., when they conquered Champa, must have proved too great a burden for the people of Cambodge, and, to make matters worse, the Siamese at this time began to press them hard from the west. At last in 1220 A. D, the Cambodgians evacuated Champa, and a formal peace was probably concluded with Oh Au^ar&ja of Turai-Vijaya in 1222 A. D. lu any case the latter ascended the throne of his ancestors under the name of Jaya Paramesvaravarman IV, and was formally consecra- ted to the throne in 1226 A. D. Henceforth the king reig- ned in peace. He restored order in the different parts of his kingdom and set himself to the task of repairing damages caused by the "Cambodge war of 32 years" (1190 1222 A. D.) 3 The king, as usual, made rich donat'ons to Sii'anabhad- regvara* and the goddess Po Nagara. 6 He installed the 1. Cho-dinh Ins. (No. 86). 2. T'onng Pao 1911, pp. 313-14; cf. also B. E. F. vol. XV1IT, No. 3 p. 35. 3. Oho-dmh IriR (No. 8f). 4. Myson Ins (No. 87). ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 113 image of the god Svayam-Ut'panna 1 and endowed him richly. 3 He re-installed all the lingas of the south, viz. those of Yan Pa Nagara and the lingas of the north, viz. those of Srifona- bhadre^vara, and made donations tto the god Camped vara, 3 as well as to a number of Buddhist divinities 4 The last known date of the king is 1234 A. D. and the earliest date of his successor, 1243 A. D. The death of tha king must, therefore, have taken place sometime betweeii these dates. Jaya ParameSvaravarman IV was succ3eded by his brothar Jaya Indravarman X prince Harideva of Sakan- Vijaya. About this time a powerful dynasty was established on the throne of Annum. The new king of Annam madd remonstrances to the court of Champa against the conduct of Cham pirates who pillaged the Annamite population on the sea-shore. The king of Champa demanded m reply the res- titution of the three northern districts of Champa conquered by Annam. This irritated the emperor of Annam who led in person an expedition against Champa. The campaign was long and arduous, but did not lead to any decisive result. The Emperor returned with a number of prisonfer^, includ- ing a qheen and a number of nobles and concubines of th<3 king of Champa. 5 After this Jaya Indravarman X lived atpeacs with his north- ern neighbour and devoted his time to pious worka He made rich donations to fSriganabhadre3var& 6 His daughter Pu-lyafi Ratnavall, princ3ss Suryadevi, and hsr husband, a nobleman IT Cho-dinh Ins. 1 No.~89)^ 2. Lomngoeu Ins. (No. 91). Phanrang Ins. (No. 92). 3. Lomngocu Ins (No. 91). 4. Kim Choua Ins. (No. 1J3). 5. Touiig Pao 1911, p. 432. C Mysou Ins. (Nc. 94 N . 114 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS called Oh Raiu Nandana made rich presents to the Po Nagar temple, and installed there the images of goddess Matrlinge- 6vari and goddess KauthareSvar!. 1 In the year 1257 A. D. the king was murdered by his nephew, sister's son, named Pulyan Sri Yuvaraja Vlom. The regicide then ascended the throne under tho name of Sri Jaya Simhavarman 111(1257 A. D. ). There ssemod to ha vebeen some disturbances in the kingdom. An inscription at Po Nagar, dated 1257 A. D., records the donation of the king Sakranta belonging to Manclavijaya. Apparently a local chief had S3t himself up as king at the place named. But nothing more is heard of him, Most probably Jaya Simhavarman defeated him. Jaya Simhavarman further cut off the two thumbs of his only surviving maternal uncle, the younger brother of king Jaya Indravarman X, so as to remove all possibilities of danger in that direction. Having thus secured his position against all possible enemies, Jaya Siilihavarman was formally consecrated to the throne in 126G A. D. under the name Indra- varman ( XI). 2 The new king wanted to remain at peace. So immedia- tely after his coronation he sent an ambassador with tributes to the court of Annam (12GG) and renewed it again in 12G7, 12G9, and 1270. The pious endowments of the king are recorded in seve- ral inscriptions. In 1274 A. D. he presented the god Svaya- mutpanna with a large elephant and G slaves (No. 10G). Four 1. Po Nagar Ins. (Nos. 97, 98, 105). 2. Batau T.-iblah Ins No. 104. It may bo concluded from this inscription that during the period 1257-1266 A, D. Jaya Sim- havrtrman was king of the southern region only and in 1266 he became the king of the whole country. It is possible that Sakranta was the king of the noithern regions during that ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 115 years later, his noble queen Suryalaksim installed the statue of the god Bhumivijaya. 1 In the Po Nagar temple the king installed &i Indravarma-Sivalingejvara, and dedicated three infants to tho god. He also install ad there Siva-liriga and the god Sri- anabhadres*vara and endowed the goddess KauthareSvarl with lands ( Nos. 108 and 1C 9 ). But the reign of king Lidravarman XI was destined to in- volve Champa into one of the greatest calamities that ever befell her. She had just pass3d through Cambodgian incur- sions lasting 32 years; now she was to suffer the unspeakable horrors of a Mongol invasion. The Mongols had suddenly risen as a groat power in Asia towards the close of the twelfth century A. D. Their great leader Chenghiz Khan (1162 1227 A. D.) had conquered large territories in Asia and eastern Europe, and planned the conquest of China when he died. At his death his empire extended beyond the Caspian sea and the Black sea on the west, as far as Bulgaria, Servia, Hungary and Russia. To tha east it included Korea and reached the Pacific oc3an, and oil the south it was bounded by India, Tibet and the ruins of tha splendid empire of Khwarezm, Ogotai, tht) son and successor of Chenghiz Khan, conquered that portion of China over which the Kin dynasty ruled, and was aided in this task by the Sou- ng dynasty who ruled over tli3 rest. But tha turn of th'3 Sou- ng dynasty was loon to come. Ogotai's son and successor Kou youk having died in 1248, the Mongol empire passed on to Mangkou(1248 1259), a grandson of Chenghiz Khan, and then to his brother the famous K'oublai Khan (1260 ). K'ou- blai had conquered Yun Nan (1253) Curing his brother's reign, and after his accession to the throne, he looked forward to the conquest of the whole of the Chinese Empire by putt- 1. Yang Kur Ins. (No. 107). 116 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS ing an end to the Soung dynasty. But even while he was carrying on the struggle with the Imperial dynasty, K'oublai Khan sought to exact the oath of allegiance from all foreign states that had hitherto accepted the Chinese Emperor as their suzerain. So an invitation was sent to the kings of Annam and Champa to come and pay their homage as vassals to the Great Khan. In 1278 Sagatou, a high official of the Khan, reported that king Indravarman of Champa was willing to submit. On hearing this K'oublai gave the title of "Prince of second rank" to the king and gave rich presents to the Cham ambassadors who presented themselves to the court in 1279. But K'oublai Khan wished his feudal kings to come in person to the court in order to perform the act of vassalage, and so early in 1280 sent an embassy to Champa, inviting king Indravarman to come in person to the court. The latter was unwilling to do BO, and in the month of May sent an embassy offering submi- ssion. This, however, did not satisfy the Khan who on 1st July renewed his command to the king to present himself to the court. In reply the Cham king sent on the 5th September some nobles of his court with a few elephants as presents, whereupon the great Khan sent 'an ambassador extraordi- nary' to king Indravarman, asking him to send to the Imperi- al court a few nobles of his court together with one of his younger sons. Indravarman then sent two embassies, one on the 13th August, 1281, and the other, two months later, so that K'oublai at last decided to confer on him the insignia of "Prince Imperial of the second rank." K'oublai now treated Champa as part of his empire. He appointed Sagatou and Lieou Cheng as viceroys to administer Champa in the name of the king. The old and feeble king submitted to this humiliation, but his proud son, the prince Harijit, could not bring himself to yield to it. He ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 117 fanned the popular discontent which ultimately became so serious that the viceroys of the Khan, no longer feeling their position secure, went to their country. K'oublai now decided on an expedition against Champa. He made extensive preparations and entrusted it to Sagatou. But before this expedition could start, Champa gave another provocation to the great Khan, by arresting and imprisoning his ambassadors to Siam and Malabar. Neverthsless, the Khan, who was a thorough diplomat, called a Cham ambassador who was pressnt in his court, gave him some clothes, and asked him to t^ll the old king, that he had nothing to fear, that his guilty son aloaa will b3 punished, and nona elsa n33d b3 afraid at all. At last in 1282 Sagatou, invested with the title of "the governor of the provincs of Champa," embarked his troopa on thousand vessels- the land route through Tonkin b3ing refu- sed by the Annamite King and landed hia army unopposed on the coast of Champa. The Cham army guarded the cita- d3l of Mou Tcheng and was led by prince Harijit in person. Sagatou tried the method of conciliation, but failed. At lasfc the battle took place in January, 1283. The Chains, 10,000 strong, fought obstinately for six hours, but thsn beat retreat. The Mongols entered the citadel and kilbd about a thousand persons. King Indravarman XI put his magazine to fire and then retired with his troops to the mountains. The Mongol army now made preparations to conquer ths metropolitan province. On the third day, however, an envoy came from king Indravarman, tendering submission on tha part of his master. Next day Sagatou, who had already reached the south-eastern limit of the province, dismissed ths ambassador, and charged him to tell his master, that he was pardoned, but must come in person and present himself before him. On the following day Sagatou entered into the province when 118* THE FOREIGN INVASIONS an envoy from Indravarman announced that th? king woulo}. presently arrive, whereupon Sagatou camped outside the capi- tal city. But the king never really intended to present himself before the Mongol Chief he merely wanted to temporise. But still fearing the wrath of the Great Khan he sent on the following day his maternal uncle Pao-t'o-t'ou-houo ( Bhadra- deva ? ) for presenting tribute of submission. He represented that the king wished to come in person but was prevented by a malady, and that his son wants three days' time to pre- sent himself. Sagatou became furious and Pao-t'o-t'ou-houo went back to Indravarman to narrate what had happened. The heir-apparent, prince Harijit, had no more desire than his father to present himself before the Mongol comman- der. He sent, inst3ad, two of his brothers to the Mongol camp. They told Sagatou that their elder brother had died of the wounds he had received in battle, and that their father, the king, was struck by an arrow in his chin, and although gradu- ally improving, was not yet in a condition to present himself. Sagatou saw through the trick and would not listen to any excuse. He even doubted whether the envoys were really eons of king Indravarman. But he sent them back and trans- mitted through them the order to the king to come and pay respect in person. Shortly, the Chinese spies brought news that king Indra- varman had entrenched himself on mount Ya Hcou, with 20,000 men, and that he had s?nt ambassadors to Annam, Cam- bodge and Java, asking for military assistance Sagatou then sent a detachment of his army against the king. Although succsssful at first, the Mongol troops W3re harassed by the ene- my in tha unknown mountain forests, and r?gain3d th> camp with great difficulty and after h?avy losses. But Sagatou being re-inforcad from China, himself took the offensive ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 119 on the 14th June, 1283, and inflicted great loss on the Cham army. King Indravarman again retired to the mountains and the great Mongol general had again to fall back on the old expedient, viz. writing letters to king Indravarman to coma and tender his submission in person. Thus inspite of all his victories Sagatou could not secure any substantial result. Th3 king of Champa was as inaccessible as before, and his own position, in an enemy's country, was ever precarious. B?sides, he was unpopular in the army, and thera were heavy dS3rtions both among soldiers and offic3rs. The Cham campaign had already cost K'oublai Khan hea- vily in men and monsy. Nev9rtli3less, in 1284, he arranged to 83nd another supporting army of 15,000 soldiers. The num- ber of vess3ls being insufficient, only a part of the army could immediately start. But disaster dogged their footstep and th 3 first division of the navy, carrying th3 first batches of sol- diers, completely disappeared, within sight of the Chon Mei Lein canal, and no one knew what bacame of hor. The rest of the troops safely reached tli3 coast of Champa under the leadership of Wan Hou Lieou Kiun K'ing. But hav- ing arrived at Sri Banoy, Wan Hou learnt to his great surprisa that Sagatou had burnt his camp and started on his return journey a few days bsfors. HB tli3n ad vane 3d alone and sent an ambassador to Indravarman asking him to com 3 in person with his son. But tli3 king was in no mood to listen to this aft3r tin d3parture of ths main Mongol forci. H^ m3rely S3nt a raply vsaying that th3 army of Sagatou had put the cou- ntry to fire and sword, without leaving anything that could b^ offered as present, and that next year he would send his own son with presents. He thsn decided to send his grandson to the Emperor to renew the oaths ef allegianca (1284). Three months later, he ssnt to K'oublai a map of his kingdom and the following month he S3nt an embassy of 18 persons with a 120 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS prayer for the withdrawal of troops on condition of regular payment of tribute. Three months later still, the same ambassa- dors again presented themselves to the court of the great Mon- gol with rich presents. But inspite of all those embassies and assuranc3s of sub- mission, things continued as before. The king stationed him- self in the mountains, re-forming his army as soon as it was dispersed by the Mongols, while the latter, unabb to S3cure any solid advantage, suffered from heat, diseases and want o pro- visions. So, in order to bring the campaign to a successful end at any cost, the great Khan resolved to send by land an army sufficiently strong for the final conquest of Champa. In order to reach Cham pa- it was n?cssary to pass through Annamite territory. The king of that country, like Indravar- man, had obstinately refused to pay homage in person. His son and successor Nho'n-Ton resolved to follow the same policy, and when invited to present himself at the court, sent his uncle Tran-di Ai. K'oublai, furious at this obstinacy, declared Nho'n Ton to have forfeited the throne, and appointed Tran- di- Ai as king in his place. He also appointed Tch'en Tch'ouen as "Ambassador Extraordinary and Generallissimo of Annam", and asked him to go and install Tran-di- Ai on the throne. They were, however, unable to ent^r into Anriam, and Nho'n-Ton also refused passage to the troops of Sagatou. Next year Sagatou asked him for m?nand provisions, but he refused. He stated that Champa was a small country long since subject to his government, that his father had lived on good terms with it, and that he also followed the same policy. Moreover, for thirty years there was no war b ^tween the two countries, and he, therefore, excused himself from supplying provisions. Four months later, in 1284, he gave a similar reply to a fresh demand for provisions. At the same time h? protested against ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 421 the accusation that he had helped Champa with 20,000111611 and 500 vessels. It was undoubtedly an enlightened view of his own inte- rest, rather than any sympathy for Champa, that made Nho'n Ton so obstinate in refusing a passage through his country. He knew he was secure from an invasion by the Mongols so long as they were busy with Champa, and that the moment his neighbour would submit, his own turn would come. So when he at last received a peremptory order to give passage to the troops bound for Champa, he opposed thsir advance into his territory. The Mongol troops were commanded by Togan tli3 son of K'oublai. Failing to win over the Annamite king by diplo- macy, he at last invaded the passes leading to that country and carried them one after another. Then winning victory after victory, he crossed the Red river and entered the capital of Annam as victor. At the same time Sagatou advanced from the south and defeated the enemy at Nghe-An and Than Hoa. At last the Annamite Emperor took the offensive. He defeat- ted Togan in the north and drove back his army beyond ths Red river. Sagatou, unaware of this defeat, was still advanc- ing into the enemy's country, when he was surprised and com- pletely defeated. He was killed in the action and his head was presented to Nho'n Ton. Thus Champa was at last delivered from the scourge of Mongol invasion. In order to prevent a repetition of the catas- trophe Indravarman hastened to o^nd an ambassador with rich presents to K'oublai (1285). The great Khan had now renoun- C3d all hopes of conquering Champa and released the priso- 1. The account of the Mongol expedition to Chai&pa is based on T'ouug Fao 1911 (pp. 450-475). 122 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS King Indravarman XI, who had heroically sustained the arduous struggle against his powerful foe, probably did not long survive this happy deliverance It appears from the account of Marco Polo who visited Champa about 1288 A. D. that king Indravarman was already dead. 1 He was succeeded by his brave son prince Harijit, born of the queen Gaudendralaksmi, who had bravely stood by his father in his hours of trial, and now ascended the throne und^r the nam of Java Simhavarman IV. He restored p^ace in the kingdom which it badly needed after the long and arduous campaign. The proud king rlisp^ns^d with all marks of vassalacp in respect of the great K'oublai Khan. When the Mongol fleet passed by the coast of Champa in course of an expedition to Java, the king mobilised his forces, and held himself in readi- nes to prevent any attempt at landing. Fortunately no un- toward events took place. He also stopped the payment of usual tribute to Annam. There King Nho'n Ton had abdicated the throne in favour of his son Anh-Ton and retired to hermitag3. After spending a secluded life for some time, Nho'n-Ton desired to visit the holy places of different countries, and in 1301 A. D. cam^ to Champa. He lived there for 9 months and was so hospitably treated by Jaya Simhavarman that before his departure he promised the king the hand of one of his daughters. The court of Annam coldly received the proposal. But Jaya Simhavarman, who had already married a princoss of Java (or Malaya Peninsula) named Tapasi, was eager for this new alliance. Negotiations continued as late as 1305, but Jaya 1. Different dates are proposed for Marco Polo's visit to Cham- pa, but 1288 is generally accepted. (Yule Marco Polo vol. II. p. 27L). T'oung Pao, 1911 p. 470 fn. 2. p. 471. fn. 3. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 123 Simhavarman, impatient afc the dslay, sent an ambassador with nuptial presents and promised to cede to Annam, on the day of marriage, the two northern provinces of his realm, correspond- ing to Thua Thien, the southern portion of Quang Tri and the northern part of Quang Nam. It is an irony of fate that the . man who fought so valiantly for his country even at the risk of his own life, did not scruple to part with two of the most valuable provinces of his kingdom, including the famous strong- hold of Kiu Sou, for a mere hobby. Thus was Champa dis- membsred a second time (cl p. 82 above). The Annamite council made a last attempt to prevent the alliance which they considered as humiliating for the daughter of an Emperor, but Anh-Ton, more practical than his ministers, was ready to sacri- fice his sense of prestige and brotherly sentiments for the good of the country. He accepted the provinces and sent the princess to Jaya Siiuhavarman. All along the way, popular ballads, com- posed on the occasion, were sung by the young and the old alike, jeering " at the Emperor of the Hans who had given away his daughter to the king of the Huns" 1 (1306). Aymonier supposes that this daughter is probably referred to as Paramesvaii, daughter of king Devadideva, in the Posah Ins. (No. 110), for the Annarnite kings were known as the kings of gods among the Cambodgians. 2 But king Jaya Simhavarman IV did not live long after this marriage, and died in 1307 A. D. He had established a Mukhalinga called Jaya SimhavarmalingeSvara at TaJi and made many other religious endowments. 8 1. The allusion is to two political marriages between Hau prin- cesses and the Hnn chiefs that took place long ago. 2. Bulletin de la commission archeologique deiMndoohine, 1911, p. 17. 3. Po Klong Gorai Inscriptions (No s . 111-115), and Tali Ins. Xo. 11G. 124 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS As soon as the king of Annam h^ard of Jay a Simhavar- man's death he sent a high official to bring back his sister. It was a delicate task, for according to the custom of Champa the queen had to be burnt alive on the funeral pyre of her husband. After a great deal of difficulty, however, the queen was brought back to Annam. Jaya Simhavarman was succeeded by his son prince Hari- jitatmaja, born of the queen Bhaskaradevi. Ho was born in 1274 A. D. and was therefore 33 years old at the time of his accession. His early career is known to us from one of his records. 1 In 12S8 A. D. he had received the titb Taval ura Adhikavarman. Two years later he was appointed to govern a district extending from the river Vauk as far as Bhumana Vijaya. In 1301 his fath-r gave him the name Pulyaii Ud- dhrta Simhavarman. In 130G he got the name Mahendra- varman. He at first kept friendly relations with the court of Annam. But this attitude waa not pr^s3rved for long and he often tur- ned rebellious. The facb was that he regratt 3d the cession of two provinces by his father which brought the north-rn boundary of Champa far to th? south, and the people of the two province also chafed at the foreign domination. The result was rebel- lions and frequent incursions into those provinc3s, so much so- that the Annamito colonists installed in the two provinces found it impossibb to live ttera. So at the banning of 1312, the Annamite emperor Anh Hoang decided to load an expadi- tion against Champa. Just at this moment an ambassador from Simhavarman presented himself with tribute. The am- bassador was prevailed upon to go back and induce his master to submit to~ Annam. The Emperor himself led the expedition and king Sin'iha- 1. PosaL Ins No. 110. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 125 varman was induced to submit without any fight. The king with his whole family went by sea and pres3nted themselves before the Annamite Emperor. His soldiers, however, wpre enraged at this humiliation, and attacked the camp of the Emperor. They were, however, soon defeated and took to flight. Thereupon Simhavarman was made prisoner, and his brother Che-Da-a-ba-niem was entrusted with the government of Champa with the title "Feudatory princ3of th3 second rank." The campaign was over in six months and Anh Hoang cam^ back to his capital with his royal prisoner. He gave him high honours but that was a poor consolation to the captive who died at the beginning of 1313. His body was burnt and the ashes were buried in the ground according to the custom of Champa. 1 The kingdom of Champa had now practically b?coine an Annanrita provincs. The Clnnoso Emperor, however, could ill brook it. He pretended that Champa was still his own vassal- state and ord^rjd its king to send him rlunocBros and elephants. Anh Hoang, however, paid no h?ed to these demands, and looked upon himself as the sole king of Champa. At the same time he acc3pted the responsibility of the position, for, when in 1313 A. D. bands of Siamese invaded Champa arid commit- ted pillage and destruction, Anh Hoang sant one of his officials against th?m and they wera driven away. Chu-Da-a-ba-niem, who had been plac?d on the throne by tli3 Annamitcs, assumed tli3 name of Che Nang after corona- tion (1312 A. D. ). Two years later, Anh Hoang abdicated ths throne in favour of his son Ninh Hoang. Che Nang took advantage of this change of mast?r in throwing off his yoke to 1. T'onng Pao 1911, p. 590-594. The history cf Champa for the next hundred years is almost solely known from Annamite documents, the next Cham Insciiption being dated 1401 A, D. The account in the text that follows is almost solely based on Muspero's amount in T'oung Pao 1911 pp. 595 ff. 126 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS Annam. He had some successes at first but was soon defeated and took to flight. Afraid of meeting with his brother's fate he fled the country and took refuge in Java (c. 1318 A. D. ). With him ended the dynasty founded by Rudravarman Parama- Brahmaloka in 1145 A. D. KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER XL 1. Jaya Indravarman VIII oh vatuv ( 11801190 A. D. ). 2. Surya Jaya varmadeva prince In (1190 1191 A. D. ). ( Cambodian usurper ) 3. Jaya Indravarman IX cei Rasupati ( 11911192 A. D. ). 4. Suryavarmadeva prince Sii (1192 1203 A. D. ). Vidyanandana 5. Oh Dhanapatigrama (12031222 A. D.). 6. Jaya ParameSvaravarmadeva (1222-c. 1240 A. D.) ( Son of Jaya Harivarman VII; cf chap. X ). 7. Jaya Indravarman X (c. 1240-1257 A. D.) ( Younger brother of No. 6 ) 8. Jaya Simhavarman III or Indravarman XI ( 1257-c. 1287 A. D. ) (Nephew, sister's son, of No. 7) [ 9- gakranta ! ( usurper ? ) 1257 A. D. ] 10. Jaya Simhavarman IV (c. 1287-1307 A. D.) also called Harijit (Son of No- 8) 11. Harijitatmaja-Mahendravarman ( 13071312 A. D. ) (Son of No. -10) 12. Che Nang ( 1312-c. 1318 A. D. ) ( brother of No. 11) Chapter XI I. The Annainite conquest of Champa. The kingdom of Champa was now without a king and there was probably no legitimate heir to the throne. On the recommendation of the victorious Annamit3 general, the Empe- ror appointed a military chief called A-Nan as his viceroy in Champa (1318 A. D. ). A-Nan behaved exactly like his prodecessor. As soon as he felt himself powerful enough he tried to shake off the Aunamit'3 yoke. For thus purpose he commenced negotiations with the Mongols who had never ceased to demand contributions from Champa. In 1321 A-Nan received the order to send some domesticated elephants, and sent an ambassador with the tribute in 1322. Next year he sent hisbrotli3r to the Chinese Emperor asking for assistance against his powerful neighbour in the north. The Emperor Jen Tsong agreed to this and sent ambassadors to Ninh Hokng asking him to respect the integri- ty of Champa (1324). Ninh Homing replied to this message by sending an expedition against Champa in 1326. But it led to disasters. A-Nan defeated his army and hencoforth csased to consider himself as his vassal. On the other hand A-Nan continued his relations with the Mongols, and sent ambassadors to the Chinese court in 1327, 1 328 and 1 330. Then he ceased to s?nd them and reigned as an independent sovereign. Neither Annam nor China was in a position to make an effective protest against this. In tha caso of the former, the practice, which had hardened into a custom, for the emperors of the Tran dynasty to abdicate ths throne in favour of a boy made it impossible to assert its rights, while the discord between the Mongols and the native inhabi- tants in China eafoebhd the C3ntral authority there. Thus 128 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA A-Nan reigned during the last eleven years as an independent king and brought back peace and tranquility to the kingdom which had not known it for a long time. A-Nan had a son-in-law Tr& Ho& Bo De and placed more confidence in him than in his own son Che Mo. Bo D3, whila outwardly showing great affection for Che Mo, excited popular sentiment against him, and ingratiated hims3lf into the favour of th3 military chiefs. Thus when A-Nan died, Bo Do had no difficulty in removing Che Mo and making himself king in his plac3 (June, 1342). Cli3 Mo did not taks this act of usurpation lying down. He collected th? loyal people and fought with Bo Do for tlr-> throne. Being defeated Ii3 sought protection in tin court of Annam. Th3 king of Annaru took advantage of this to demand tribute of Bo Da and th3latt?r hastened to ssnd an ambassador; but his presents were consid3red insufficient. At the same time although Che Mo was well received, and his presents accepted with thanks, no preparation was made for sending an expedition to Champa in his favour. At last, tired of waicing, one day he addressed the king of Annam :"My lord, in old days a king of Champa was very fond of a monkey and announced a reward of 10,000 gold coins for anyone who cuuld train it to speak. At last a man offered to do it in three years, on condition of receiving 100 gold coins every month. "Within these three years" said he, "either ths king or the monkey or I shall die." The king of Annam understood the import of the parable, and sent an expedition (1353), but as the army did not meet with the navy at the appointed place, it came back. Che Mo, who returned with the army, died shortly afterwards. Bo De, elated beyond measure at the retreat of the An- namite troops, now took th3 offensive in order to reconqusr ths northern districts, bui hi was defeatadm his first attack (1353 A. D. ) and gave up the enterprise. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 129 Bo D^ was 8dcc3oded by Ch3 Bang Nga. The date of his acc3ssion and his r3lationship with Bo D3 are alik3 unknown. But it is probable that he came to the throne sometime about 1360 A. D. The reign of Che Bong Nga was remarkable for a series }f victorious campaigns against Annam. In 1361 he suddenly raided tho port of Da Li (Li-Hoa in Botrach). Having put to flight the soldiers who defended it, he pillaged the town and its neighbourhood, massacred th3 population and re- turned by sea with an immense booty. Next year he plun- dered the chief town of Hoa Chan. In 1365 the Chams carried away tho boys and girls of Hoa Chan who gathered to C3lebrata a festival according to local custom. At last in 1368 Du Hoang, the king of Annam, sent a powerful army against Champa, but Che Bong Nga lay in ambush, surprised them completely, and put them to a pre- cipitate retreat. In the meantime Tchou Youen-Tchang had driven away the last Mongol emperor from China and ascend 3d the throne under the name of Houng Wou (1368), He founded the Impe- rial Ming dynasty and installed his court at Nanking. His first care was to re-establish tli3 unity of the empire, and with this view he ordered all his vassal states to pay alle- giance to the Emperor. Chs Bong Nga had already sent tributes to the new emperor, and the latter was pleased to B^nd presents to him and confer upon him the title of " King of Champa," The Cham king sent another ambassador in 1370, and continued to pay the homage regularly ysar after year. Houng Wou S3iit one of his officers to Champa to offer propitiatory sacrifices to the spirit of the mountains and rivers and to institute an examination for the students. At tin sani3 time he enjoined upon both Annam and Champa 130 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA to c^ase their quarrels and live on good terms with each other. Du Hoang, the king of Annam, died in June, 1369. One of his younger sons was placed on the throne by the intri- gues of the queen-mother. But Phu, the brother of the deceased king, revolted against him, put him into prison and ascended the throne under the name of Nghia-Hoang (1370 A. D.). The queen-mother Du'o'ng Khu'o'ng then flod to Champa and enlisted tli3 h-lp of Che Bong Nga. In 1371 the latter sailed with a fl^et and marched unopposed to tho capital. He pillaged tha city, burnt the royal palace and re- turned with a rich booty (1371), Next year, Chn Bong Nga, with impudent effrontery, wrote a long btter to th? Chinese Emperor, complaining that the Annamit3 troops had invaded his territory and were harassing his people. " I b?g your Majesty," th^ letter con- cluded, "to send me some military equipments, instruments of music and some musicians. Then Annam will S3e that the kingdom of Champa is tributary to your Majesty, and will not dare to molest it". This direct psrversion of truth was apparently intended to forestall the complaints of Annam, and assure tti3 nautrality o China. Tli3 Chinesa Emperor fell into the trap. He did not S3nd the things asked for, but 83nt a long letter in reply, observing, among others, " that from this day forth Annam must take back his army, and Champa should make peaca with h3r, so that the two countries might be content with th3ir own legitimate domi- nions." Further, Che Bong Nga phas3d the Einp?ror bs- yonciymeasure by prss3nting to him tl\3 rich booty which he had taken from the pirates subdued by him (1373). In the m?antimo Nghia-Hoang had abdicated the throne of Annam in favour of Kham Hoang (1372). Ths now King ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 131 resolved to avenge the insult that Champa had inflicted upon his dynasty, and made preparations on a large scale. As soon as Chs Bong Nga came to know of this, he has- tened to communicate to the Chinese Emperor that he was attacked by the Annamites. The latter, tired of these re- ciprocal complaints, justly observed that if this year Champa complained of Annamite aggression, last year it was Annam who demanded aid against the aggression of the Chams, and that consequently it was impossible to know who was in the wrong. He again advised both of them to suspend their war-like activities and live on good terms with each other. After a great deal of delay, Kham Hoang at last marched at the head of more than 1,20,000 men in January 1377, and arrived unopposed b3for3 the town of Vijaya which waa surroumbd by a paliside. Tinra a Cham reported to Kham Koano- that the town was deserted, that the king had taken o to flight, and that by a quick march he could yet overtake the king. Heedless of the prudent couns 4s of his generals, Kham Hoaug marched with his army which advanced pell mell without any ord?r or organisation. When they had proceeded some distance the Chams sudd 3nly fell upon them and intercepted their passage. This produced such a panic in the Annamite army that it was compbt^ly routed. The Emperor with his two commanders-in-chief and several oth?r nobles lay dead on the fhld. Immediately after this great victory Che Bong Nga sailed with a fleet towards the capital of Arumm, Giau Hoang who was hastily proclaimed king made arrangements for defending it, but Che Bong Nga entered into the town and- pillaged it for a whole day. He returned with an im- mense booty which was sent as tribute to the Chinesa 132 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA Emperor. Next year he again inarched towards Annam. Having conquered Nghe-An, and appointed there his own governor, he plundered the capital and returned with an immens3 booty. A part of this was sent as tribute to the Chinese Emperor. Henceforth the people of Annam lived in constant terror of the Chams. The Emperor Gian Hoang removed his treasures to the mountains of Thien Kien and the caves of Kha lang for saving them from the cupidity of the Chams (1379). And it was well indeed that h3 had done so. For inspite of tli3 injunctions of the Chiiiess Emperor to leave tli3 Annamites in peaca Che Bong Nga lad a new expedition against them in 1380. Th3 old king of Annam made pre- parations for defending tli3 country both by land and s?a and at last succeeded in inflicting a def eat upon Chs Bong Nga who took to flight. Inspite of this defeat Che Bong Nga remained master of Thuan Hoa, Tan-Binh and Nghe-An, and his constant incursions against Than Hoa reducsd the Annamite authority over that province almost to a shadow. In 1382 he invaded Than Hoa, but this time also ho met with disaster ; a part of his navy was burnt and his army retreated with great loss (1382). Nothing undaunted, Che Bong Nga formed a daring plan. As he was unsuccessful at sea, and the defiles between Than Hoa and Ninh Binh wore well guarded by the Annamites, Ii3 marched with his coinmander-in-chief La-khai over the high ranges, across mountains and forests, and descended at a point north of the Annamite capital (1383). After inflicting a heavy loss upon the enemy he returned to his kingdom in 1384. Five years later, Ch? Bong Nga led another victorious expedition. By a ruse he completely defeat3d the Annamits ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 133 army and advanced towards the capital. He reached the river Hai Trieu and there was nothing to prevent him from occupy- ing the whole country. The situation appeared so desperate that the younger brother of the Annamite Emperor passed over to tho camp of Che Bong Nga, expecting no doubt to be appoint3(l to the government of Annam after ifcs conquest. But at this moment the treachery of a Cham military officer changed the whole complexion of things. As Che Bong Nga advanced with about 100 vessels to reconnoitre the forces of the enemy, one of his officers, who was reprimanded and afraid of his life, passed over to the enemy and told them that the king's vessel was easily recognisable by its green colour. On learning this the Annamite commander made for the Cham navy and asked his m3n to concentrate the fury of their attack on the royal vessel. Suddenly a volley of musketry was fired at Che Bong Nga and he fell (bad. The Chams lost heart at tti3 sudden death of their chief and beat a precipitate retreat to rejoin the main army wh'.ch was stationed at the river Hoang under the command of the general La Khai (February, 1390). La Khai immediately led back the army by forc3d marches day and night. The enemy overtook him but was easily defeated. As soon as h^ reached Champa he proclaimed himself king of the country. The two sons of Che Bong Nga, deprived of their legitimate rights, sought protection in the Annamite court. But although received there with honours and distinction they could not secure any support to regain their throne. La Khai, who thus established a new dyaasty, is almost certainly to be identified with Sri Jaya Simhavarmadeva V Sri Harijatti Vlras'uuha Champa-para, the founder of tha Brsu family of kings. 1 1. Binh Dinh Ins. (No. 117). The identity was first establi- shed by Finot (B. E. F. vol. XV, No. 2, p. 14). Maspero 1*4 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA One of the first acts of Jaya Simhavarmadeva was to send tributes to the Chinese Emperor Tiii Tsou. But the Emperor, who had himself usurped the throne by driving away his toaster, refused to accept the tribute from the usurper (1391). Jaya Sioihavarman did not insist, but he again sent the tribute in 1397, and it was accepted. The tribute was renewed in 1399. Immediately after the death of Che Bong Nga, the two provinces Tan Binh and Thuan Hoa, which he had annexed, made submission to Annam. It is probable that other parts of Champft, too, did not acknowledge the authority of Jaya Si^'havarmadeva. We hear indeed of a Cham general seeking protection in Annam in 1397 with his family. Everything indicates an unsettled time, but unfortunately we know very little of the reign of Jaya Siuihavarmadeva. H3 ruled for twelve years (1390-1401), and was succeeded by Sri Vrsu Visnujatti Vira Bhadravarmadeva. 1 Th3 king was form2rly called prince Nauk Glaun Vijaya 2 and aft^r a r3ign of 32 years he was cons3crated and took the naras Sri Brsu Indravarman.. 3 Tli3 Annamit^s had never given up their intention of conquering Champa and led an expedition against it in 1401. Vira Bhadravarrnau, who had just asc3nd3d ths throno, opposed tha enemy vigorously and forced th?m to rotraat. It was with consdd3rabl3 difficulties that the Annamite forces could regain their own territory. In 1402, the Annamit3 army again invaded Champa. Bhadravarman S3nt his g*n3ral to opposs them, but he was identifies Jaya Siriihavarman with the successor of La khai (T'onng Pao 1913. p. 150.) 1. Binh Dinh Ins. (No. 117). 2. BienHoahis [No. 121]. 3. KHI Ben- Lang Ins. [No. 122]. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 135 killed in a fight with the vanguards of the enemy. The king was now terribly afraid for his life and throne, and sent his maternal uncle with rich presents to treat with the enemy. He offered the rich province of Indrapura on condition of cessation of hostilities and the retreat of the Annamite troops. The Annamites demanded Quang Nghia in addition, and thus the whole of Quang- Nam and Quang- Ngai, the ancient Amaravati, was ceded to the enemy. It was a terrible blow to tli3 power and prestige of Champa. The ancient capital of Indrapura was full of accumulated riches and trophies and was associated with tl\3 glorious days of the past. The provincs of Amaravati was also one of th3 richest and the most fertile. By this humiliating treaty tin kingdom of Champa was reduced to half its siZ3 ; it lost its rich fertile regions in the northern plain, arid was confined to poor mountainous regions in th3 south. The Chams of the ceded provinces could ill brook ths Annaniite domination. Although a son of Ch3 Bong Nga was appointed as tli9ir governor, they emigrated in Iarg3 numbers. King Bhadravarman also repented of his act. He sent a pathetic appeal to the Chiness Emperor (1403), and the latter sent two plenipotentiaries to the Annamite court, asking it to leave its neighbour in peacx The Annamites replied by sending a force, 200,000 strong, against Champa both by way of land and sea. Bhadravarman had been assured by the Chinese Emperor that Annam would leave him in peace. He, therefore, hastened to inform that Emperor of the new expedition. On the 5th September, 1404, his ambassador arrived at the Imperial court with a rich present consisting of a rhinoceros and other indigenous products, and delivered his message to the emperor. It ran as follows; " Tn a i\3C?nt roport I havo informed your Majesty that 186 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA Annam iiad violated our territories and killed and carried away men and Animals, and at my request your Majesty was pleas- ed to, order the king of Annam to withdraw his army. But the latter has not complied with the order of your Majesty In the fourth month of the year (between 9th May and 8th June 1404} he again ravaged the frontiers of my country and caused sufferings to iny people. Recently, during the return journey of my ambassador who had gone to pay the tribute to the Imperial court, all the presents sent to me by your Majesty were forcibly taken by the Annamites. Moreover, in order to indicate my vassalage to him, the king of Annam has forced me to use his crown, dress and seal. Bssides, he has seized upon Cha-li-ya and other places in my kingdom. Still, even now he does not caasa to attack and molest my territories. I fear I have not the power to protect myself and I therefore place rny kingdom at the feet of your Majesty and request you to have it administered by your officials." 1 The Chinese Emperor became furious and asked his mi- nister to send an ambassador. He also sent battleships in aid of Bhadravarman. These met the Annamite fleet which retrea- ted bafore it without fighting. The Annarnite army which besieged Vijaya also raised th3 siege and turned back, b?caus3 their provisions ran short and the town was well defended. Tch'eng Tsou th3n S3nt presents to Bhadravarman and wrote to Han Thu'o'ng, the Annamite emperor, condemning his action (1404). The latter was unwilling to provoke the wrath of his powerful neighbour. He, therefore, returned to him the two elephants which the king of Champa had ssnt to China, but which hs intercepted and kept with him, believing, said ha "that they were presented to him by the Cham king for delaying the despatch of troops." 1. The letter is quoted in the Chinese text *'Ngan-nan ki cheou pen-mo", composed between 1404-14.^2 A. I). It is thus a contemporary record, ef. B. E. P. vol. XIV, No. 9, p. 42. or figift totfefct neighbour, and tke M&g of Champa e*ai4k** him tfceiot*. Although Han TMo'ng tofoi to Avoid Wtf*, b$ Jwfeed to it, and it was fatal to hito&lf rind t6 httf dyn*B)y. ft* July, 1407, he fell into thfc hands of the Chinese^ 4ih Mi father and son, and they alt died in exite. Virft Bhadravarman, gratified beyond All n&aatrffe ti& ti$t defeat of his implacable enemy, sent & mimpttibiwa? Mbtffe trf the Emperor, and received in return a still mO*e stJKiii^o^? present. He then sent an expedition to recover the ceded provinces. The Annamite forces who defended it wre easily defeated, the son of Che Bong Nga who still governed the provinces on behalf of the Annamites lay dead on the field, and the two provinces, ceded in 1402, passed again into ttie hands of Champa. In the meantime, after a long struggle, th Chitaeflfe* general Tchang Fou became the undisputed master of tW whole of Annamite territory which was redta&d to fittf position of a Chinese province. The Chinese genetfcl riovfr coveted the two Cham provinces which were ceded to Annatir in 1402, but were reconquered by Vira' Bhadravarmaw d3T stated above. The Chinese general even solicited the p^nm&Sictti of the Emperor to lefcd an expedition against Chathpl Hie Emperor was not, however, willing to go so far, but he drifeif&d the king of Champft to restore the two provinces. The W&er offered excuses and sent regular tributes, but did n6tf up. the "provinces. Soon the whole situation was changad. In Chinese were finally driven out of Annam by 3 Iio'i who proclaimed himself emperor. Vlra Bhadravarman Hastened" ti> make friends with him, and sent an ambassador wlio Came back with rich presents. But six years l$*ar, wfcem I lift THE AHJWJTE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA died and was succeeded by a boy of 11 years, Bhadravafman regarded it as a suitable opportunity for renewing the attacks against Annam. In 1434 he sent an expedition by both land And sea. Two of his men were taken prisoners by the Annamitei. They were made to review the Annamite army And then sent back. Bhadravarman, having learnt from them the military strength of the enemy, wished for peace. The plenipotentiaries were exchanged and the pacific relations were established between the two countries in 1434. Free from troubles in the north by the Chinese victory over the Annamites in 1407, Bhadravarman had invaded Cain- bodge, and made himself master of it. The king of that country Chau Pouha Yat complained to the Chinese Emperor in 1408, and again in 1414, and asked for his assistance. The Chinese Emperor addressed a letter to Vira Bhadravarman asking him to withdraw his troops from Cambodge and leave it in peace. What caine out of it we do not know, but in an inscription dated 1421 A. D. ' the king is said to have vanqui- shed the Annamites and taken possession of a kingdom called Brah Kanda. He gained innumerable victories, erected an image of Visnu called Tribhuvanakranta, and appropriated the booty he had taken from the Khmers to the service of tta god/ 1 The king, besides, made various rich gifts to 5rI3ana (SriSanabhadreSvara ?) It was during his reign that Nicolo de Conti visited Champa. He went west from the island of Java " towards a maritime city named Ciampa rich in Aloe wood, camphor and gold." Vira Bhadravarman was the last king who has left inscriptions in the Cham language. After him Champa knew peace no longer. It remained a scene of civil war and foreign invasion till its downfall at no distant date. 1* Sin Hoa Ins. ( NO. 121) ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 199 Vira Bhadravarman died in 1441 A. D. and was suooeedad by his nephew Maha Vijaya. la a letter to the Ming Emperor he declared himself to have been nominated to the succession by his uncle himself ; but his nephew and successor Maha Qui Lai later on advanced a similar claim, and announced that as he was too young, he had abdicated the throne in favour of his uncle. The probability seems to b3 that the death of Bhadravarman was followed by a civil war for succession and his nephew Maha Vijaya came out successful at first. Immediately after his accession Maha Vijaya sent an ambassador to the Chinese Emperor and asked for investiture, representing that his uncle had left the throne to him by a f< rmal testament. The Emperor nominated him king of Champft and sent presents for the king and the queen. Having thus been assured of friendship or at least the neutrality of China, Maha Vijaya commenced the old tactics of harassing the Annamite frontier. He sent expedition against the border province of Hoa Chau in 1444, and again in 1445. The second one was disastrous, for the army was suddenly caught during an inundation at the citadel of An Dung, and suffered severe losses. The Annamite court, tired of these border campaigns, resolved to carry the fight into the heart of Champa. They tried to secure the neutrality of China, and represented, that taking advantage of the young age of their Emperor, Maha Vijaya made plundering raids into the province of Hoa Chaii and inflicted considerable damages upon the country. The Chinese Emperor rebuked the king of Champa and asked him to fix the limits of the two countries and forswear all war in future. " You must " concluded he " issue strict commands to the officers of your frontier posts not to had any incurskm 140 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA against the Annamites." At the same time he asked the Annamites to refrain from commencing a war of vengeance against their neighbour. But the Annamites had already assembled their troops and collected the munitions of war. Their army entered into Champa, defeated the enemy troops and besieged the capital city Vijaya"(1446 A. D.). Maha Vijaya shut himself up into the city with all his troops, and hoped to be able to defy the enemy. But he was betrayed by his nephew Maha Qui-Lai. On condition of being recognised as king of Champa he delivered up the city to the Annamites. Maha Vijaya was made prisoner with his wives and concu- bines and the enemy returned to their country with an immense booty. Amid pompous ceremonies, the captive king ' was pre- sented to the ancestors' of the Annamite Emperor. Most of the Cham prisoners were then released but the king was not allowed to return, although the Chinese Euiperor sent an order to that effect. N^verth^hss he was well treated. He was allowed to put on his royal costume and invited to the feast offered to the ambassadors of his country (1447). Maha Qui-Lai asked for formal investiture from both the Annamite and Chinese courts, and his request was granted by both. The Chinese Emperor repeated to him his advice to ba on friendly terms with the Annamite Court. He listened to this counsel and sent tributes to Annam (1447). But he could not long enjoy the sovereignty which he had purchased by betraying his king and his country. He was dethroned by his younger brother Qui-Do who threw him into prison and declared himself king (1449). The Annamite Emperor Nho'n Ton was very angry and refused the homage of the new king. " A subject" said he " wlKfassassinates his king, and a younger brother who kills his elder, merits an exemplary punishment according to all ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 141 laws, both ancient and modern. I categorically refuse all your presents and return them." He further sent an officer to Champa to obtain first-hand information about the recent happenings in that country. Apprehensive of the results of this inquiry Qui-Do sent another ambassador to the Annamite court. But he did not fare better than his predecessor. When questioned about the crime of his royal mastar he could not give any reply but simply made the most humble obeisance. Nho'n Ton not only dismissad him but recalled all the Anna- mites ssttled in Champa, and wrote a strong letter to Qui-Do. " In a kingdom " said he " thsra must b3 a king and his subjects ; this is an eternal principle. You Chains, you dare transgress this eternal law. Wh^n the old king had died, you ebcted Bi-Cai (Maha Vijaya) to the throne, instead of the son of the late king. He refus3d to respect our authority and created troubles for us. He was punished for his crime and fell in our hands. You then demanded investiture for Qui-Lai and again abandoned him for placing Qui-Do on the throne Are you then devoid of all principles and fidelity ? Do you regard the king as merely a piece on a chess-board ? " The Cham king could very well retort by pointing out the support which the Annamite court had extended to the traitor and regicide whom he had displacad, But it was the logic of the strong towards the weak. Qui-Do sent back about 70 Annamitss (1449) and did not make any further attempt to establish friendly ralations with the Annamite court. Some time elapsed b3fore Qui-Do asked for investiture from China. In 1449 the Chinese Emperor Ying Tsong was made prisoner by the Mongols and his brother King had asc3nded th? throne. Th3 dslay of Qui-Do in asking for in- vestiture was probably due to thss3 events. But in 1453 h3 sent 142 THE ANNAiirTE CONQUEST OP CHAMPA ambassadors to the Emp^tfor King. They reported the death of Mahft Qtii-Lsi and requested that his brother Maha Qtri-Do snight be t-eoognised as king. Their prayer was granted. When the Emperor Ying Tsong recovered the throne, Qui-Do took oath of allegiance again in 1457. Towards the close of 1457 or the beginning of the next year Qui-Do was assassinated by the son of a nurse at the instance of Maha Ban-La Tra-Nguyet. The latter then ascended the throne. He was a nobleman and had married a daughter as well as a niece of Maha Vijaya. The new king was recognised by China but he did not pay any homage to the Annamite Emperor. The result was the renewal of hosti- lity between the two countries, and ones the Cham king lodg- ed a formal Complaint to the Chinese Emperor against the incursions of the Annamites. The king did not raign long, having abdicated the throne in 1460 in favour of his younger brother, Bin-La Tra-Toan. The new king inherited the enmity of Annam which his predecessor's action had provoked. The Annamite Emperor Thanh Ton pretended that Champa was a feudatory state of his and demanded some white elephants of the king. Tra Toan who had already been recognised by China, now requested the Chinese Emperor to send an official to fix a definite frontier between the two countries. The new Emperor Hian Tsong was dissuaded by his advisers from trying to establish peaca between two countries which had been enemies for such a long time, and he simply asked the king of Champa to main- tain peace. Tra-Toan, unable to defy Annam without the help of China, sent tributes to Thanh Ton in 1467. But the latter persisted in his contention of being treated by Champa exact- ly on the same footing as the Chinese Emperor, and demanded AH01BNT H16TQBY OP CHAMPA 148 a supplementary tribute consisting of rhinoceros, elephants and many precious objects. The Cham ambassador represent- ed that he was unable to concede the additional demand with- out a reference to his master, and asked Thdnh Ton to send an envoy to Champa to settle this question. Trk-Toiua, how- ever, refused this new demand and informed Hien Tsong of it ( 1469 ). He resolved to maintain the independence of his country at any cost and decided to risk a war. He first sent a naval expedition against Hoa Chau ( 1469 ) and next year invaded the province at the head of an army 100,000 strong. He had a strong cavalry and a number of war elephants with him. The Annamite general, unable to oppose this vast army, shut himself up in his stronghold, and informed Th&nh Ton of his precarious situation. The Empsror was waiting for this very opportunity, He at once made extensive preparations for the compaign. Then, with a view to avoid hostility with China, he sent an ambassador to Hien Tsong informing him of the war in which he suddenly found himself involved. He also explained the cause of the war, and particularly emphasised the repeated Cham incursions against the frontier of Hoa Chau. Lastly, he issued a long proclamation addressed to the Chams. "In a month", said he, "peace will reign again your last hour is near at hand". He reproached them for the accusa- tions they made to the Chinese Emperor against himsalf , for the way in which they treated his ambassadors, for the assa- ssination of their king, and for raising Tr&-To&n to the throne. He exposed the tyranny of the usurper in the following words: "Boys and girls are forced to the corvee, and widows are ill-treated. You have to pay most excessive taxes and it must be a great trial for you to see the people of {ri Vina* raised to high offices and honours." The proclamation conti- L This was the birth-place of the king. THE lKAMtTB COTQOT3T OF CHAMPA iwve imprisoned men and Wooaea of y **i frrtm shelter to the fugitives whom We want. . . ...... Wfcetr I*** at peace, you assemble a band of men and attack my *t)imir/ But ad soon as I take the field you wag your tail Jifce a dog, and ask for pardon. I hare now, by the order of Ood, brought a magnificent army and brave soldiers for chastising y&& mid showing you my majesty. I have resolverd to aoaqftte* your kingdom and thus to wipe away the disgrace inflicted upon the preceding emperors." After issuing this proclamation the Emperor offered solemn prayers for victory before the altar of his ancestors. He had already despatched a magnificent fleet containing 100,000 men, and IK>W started in person with 150, 000 soldiers. The huge army reached the soil of Champa in safety ( 1471 ). Trit-Toan ami' his younger brother with 5,000 men on elephants to sur- prise the enemy camp. But the small force was hemmed maud in all sides and practically cut off by the enemy. / Trk-Toaa was very much alarmed at the news of this disaster and sent a member of his family to bhe emperor to (iflfer submission. But the latter continued to advance, seized l$f Yiai,and at last invested the capital city Vijaya. The city TjFa* } taken by assault without much difficulty. 60,000 Chams tfteKfe put to the sword, and 30,000 made prisoners. Fifty members of the royal family fell into the hands of the conque- ror. Tj&~Toa4i was led bafore the Emperor. "Art thou the lord of Chmp&?" asked he; "Yes my Lord" was the reply. "Who do you think am I?" "One glance at your face is enough to tell me that you are the Emperor." "How many children Bfcve you ?" "More than ten." Thanh Ton constructed a shed outside the palace to guard ifce pttstraers. As his officers werra jostling against ll^aflkBd them to treat that king with more respect. ^SB the lord of this country", said he, "it is not right to treat' Mm thus," But Trk-To&n did not long survive the disgrace, ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 145 Abandoned by all, even by the Chinese emperor, who for fear of provoking the hostility of Annam did not even dare to ask for his release, deprived of his wives 1 and attendants, he fell ill and died in a ship on his way to Annam. His body was burnt and the ashes cast into the winds, but the head was fastened to the forepart of the imperial vessel with a whits flag on which the following words were inscrib3d; "This is the head of the very wicked Trd-To&n of the kingdom of Champa." Meanwhile a Cham general Bo Tri Trl collected the re- mnants of the army and took refuge in Paiidurariga. There ha proclaini3d himself kin^ and sont an ambassador to offer th3 oath of allegiance and tribute to Thanh Ton who accspted them. The mountains which 83parat3 tli3 pi\3S3nt provinc3S of Phu Yen and Khan Hoa and terminata in cape Varella hencs- forth formed th3 boundary b?tween Annam and Champa. A boundary stono marked the limit. Thus not only the whole of AmaravatI wh'ch was onca C3ded in 1402, but retaken by tha Chams again in 1407, but also the whole of th^ provincs of Vijaya passed into th3 hands of the Annamitos. The kingdom of Champa, which now con- sisted only of Kauthara and Paaduranga, was thus reducad to nearly one-fifth of what it was even in the days of Chs Bong Nga. Even th-3 small territory that remained (viz; tha modern districts of Khan Hoa and Binh Thuan) was absolu- tely at th3 msrcy of th3 powerful Annam itoa, But old prestige dies hard. Ths petty Cham chiefs of the south still bore the proud name of the king of Champa, and the Chineso empsror not only invested them as such, but even called upon the Annamit3S to restore the provinc3S of Vijaya and AmaravatI to th3m. Three kings received formal investU 1, Only two were allowed to accompany him. 146 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA ture in this way from the Chinese court. The first, Tchai-Ya- Ma-Pou-Ngan, said to bs the nephew of a former king, died In 1478. He was probably killed by his brother Kou Lai who succeeded him and ruled from 1478 to 1505 A. D. His son and successor Cha-Kou-Pou-Lo received formal investiture from the Chinese court in 1509 A. D. and sent an ambassador to China in 1543 A. D. This was the last embassy from the king of Champa to the Chinese court. The king had a tragic end. Taking advantage of some troubles among the Annamites he mado a last dosperate effort to free himself from the Annamite yoke. But he was defeat- ed and confined in an iron cage where he died. The Annamites on this occasion annexed the Cham territory up to the river of Phanrang. The seat of the kingdom of Champa was then re- moved to Bal Chanar at Phanri. There in 1720 the officers of the SS. Galath?e saw the king of Champa seated on a throne and have left us an int3rasting account of the palac3. 1 In cour- se of the seventeenth and eighteenth C3nturies the Chams were dispossessed of Khan Hoa and Phan Rang. In 1822, Po Chong, the last king, unable to bear the oppressions of the Annamites, passed over to Cambodge with a colony of exiles, leaving prin- cess Po Bia to guard over the so-called "Royal treasur3S of Cham" at Bal Chanar. She died a few years ago, mourned by her faithful subjects who looked upon her as the last emblem of their independence. Thus closes a brilliant chapter in the history of Indian colonisation. Brave sons of India, who planted her banner in far off lands and maintained its honour and dignity for more than 1500 years, at last vanished into the limbo of oblivion. But'the torclf of civilisation which they carried dispelled the darkness of ages and still throws its lurid light over the pages of -history. 1. B E. F , vol V, pp. C85 C. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER XII. 147 1. A-Nan 2. Bo De ( Son-m-fow &i No, 1 ) 3. Che Bong Nga 4. La Khai or Jaya Si mharVfcrmiti* V 5. Bhadravarman V or Incbavarmati XII (Son of No. 4) 6. Maha Vijaya ( Nephew of No. 5 ) 7. Maha Qui Lai ( Nephew of No. 6 ) 8. Maha Qui-Do ( Younger brother of No. 7 ) 9. Maha Ban-La-Tra-Nguyet ( Son-in-law of No. 6 ) 10. Bin-La Tri-To&n ( Youngsr brother of No. 9 ) 11. BoTriTri 1 2. Tchai- Ya-Ma-Fou-Ngan 13. Kod-Lai ( Brother of No. 12; 14. Cha-Kou-Pou-Lo (1318 1342 A. D.) ( 1342 e. 1360 A. D. ) (a 1860-4*80 Ju (1390 1401 A D.) (14011441 A,D.) ( 14411446 A, D. ) (14461449 A.D.) ( 1449-0. 145T A. D. ) (1457 1460 A. D.) ( I4b0 1471 A. D. ) (ace. 1471 A. C. ?) ( died in 1478 A. D. ) (14781505 A. D.) (1505 c. 1543 A. D.) Chapter XIII. Administrative System. Having concluded the politic*! history of Champa we may now proceed to give a short sketch of the system of adminis- tration prevailing in the kingdom. The mat rials for this stu- dy are very scanty as we have to d3pmd mainly upon th> indirect allusions and references contained in the inscriptions. It is not possible to trace the gradual evolution of the political system and we must remain content, for th^ nr Q s^nt at 1 ^ast. with only a general outline of the essential feature of adiiKU.a- trative system. Monarchy was the form of government in Champa from beginning to end. The king adminisber3d th whoh stat? with almost absolute authority. The C3ntral a 1 ministration might be broadly divided into three c1ass?s, civil, military and religious. At the head of the civil administration were two chief ministers with three grades of officials under them. 1 The Captain of Guards and Sjnapati 2 were th^ chi-^f m l.tary officers, while the religious establishment consiste.l of a ELgh Priest the Brahmauas, Astrologers, Pandits and Masters of ceremonies. 8 The ministers naturally occupied a very high position and some inscriptions throw interesting light on their status. * Sometimes the ministers seem to have been chosjn from the same family and the post acquired almost a hereditary charac- ter. 5 The kingdom was divided into three provinces. (1) Amaravati, the northern part, corresponded to Quang Nam. Here were the two famous capital citips Champapura 1. T'oung Pao 1910, p. 394, fn 6. 2. of. Ins. Nos 26, 35. 3. cf. Ins. No. 65. 4 cf. Nos. 32, 39. 5. cf. No. 39. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 149 and Indrapura. The latter occupied the site of Dong Duong. (2) Vijaya, the C3ntra1 portion of the kingdom, correspon- ded to Binh Dinh. Its chief city, Vijaya, served for some- time as the capital of the whole kingdom. It contained the famous port ^rl Vinaya. (3^ Paudurafiga, the southern part corresponded to the vail >ys of Phan-ranh and Binh Thuan. Its chief town Vira- pura, also called Rajapura, once served as the capital of the whole kingdom. The region called Kauthftra, corresponding to Khan Hoa, was usually included in this division, but sometimes formed an independent provinc?. These provinces were divided into districts, the total num- ber of which, according to a Chinese authority, was thirty- eight in th3 reign of Harivarman III ( 1080 A. D.). Each district contain3d a number of towns and villag3S which were th3 lowest territorial units. The population of any of thesa hardly ever exceeded 700 families, and there were more than hundred which contained three to five hundred families each. The population of the provincial capitals was of cours3 consi- derably larger. According to the C3nsus taken by Li Than Tonh in 1069 there were 2,560 families in Vijaya. It would appear that two high functionaries, a "governor" and a "senapati", were placed at the head of each provincial ad- ministration. Thus king Harivarmadsva appointed his own son Vikrantavarmft as the governor of Paiiduranga, and at the same time deputed Senapati Pamr to guard the prince (No. 26). The selection of tho heir-apparent as the governor was pro- bably due to the importanc3 of the province. We have already seen how the province frequently rebelled against the C3ntral authority and sometimes maintained its iiKbpend?nc3 for a fairly lopg period (pp, 78 89). SYSTEM e prd^iftdal gtfvefftdrs had 1 under tteto nearly fifty offi- cials of different g?&d"S for general adftrinistr&tion afcd collec- tion of revenue. Notie of these officials watf paid iti c&sh, birt g6f sStftetlitog; like & jayvf ctr maintained themselves at the cewt of the peoplo und^r th?m. Th^ people were bound to prwidd fcf thea6 officials, and the system erf COTV&* or forced labour Ttftttf in vogtie. Th piincipal sourcB of revenue seems to be the land-tax which consisted usually of one-sixth the produce, though some times reduced to one- tenth. 1 The kings sometimes made a gift of this royal share to a temple for its maintenance. In addition, the king often exempted the lands belonging to a temple from taxes. 8 Taxes were also imposed on all industrial products and articles of merchandise. The royal officers boarded the fore- ign merchant vessel after its arrival at the port and took a fifth of the goods as royal revenue. The kin^ even took a ehare of the products of the forest, ^ucli as timber and animals collected by the toils of the people. Justice was administered apparently in accordance with the Hindu principles, for we are told that Jaya Indravarma- deva V "followed the eighteen titles of law prescribed by Ma- nV(In*. No. 65). Harivarmadava IV also did the same ( No. 62 )> King Jaya ludravarinadeva V T II is said to have been versed in the Dhsrma^Sstra* notably the Naradiya and Bh&r- ggftvlya (No. 81). We gather a few details from epigraphic records nd Chinese texts. Certain crimed were punished by confiscation of goods and loss of personal freedom. Slavery was also m punishment for debts. Crimes Were ordinarily pdfciahed by The criminal was stretched an the round 1. cf. Ins. No. 4. 2. cf. Ins. Nos. 33, 36. 37. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 151 two men on the right and two on the left alternately struck him as many as 50, 60 or even 100 times according to the gravity of the offence. Theft and robbery were punished by the mutilation of finger*, while adultery involved capital punishment for both the accomplices. 1 The capital sentence was inflhted in many ways. Ordi- narily the condemned person was fastened to a tree; then his neck was pierced through by means of a sharp spear and after- wards his head was cut off. For cold-blooded murder, or mur- der accompanied by robbery, the criminal was either delivered up to the people who throttled him to death, or trampled under the feet of an elephant. The rebel was tied to a post io a lonely place and was not released till he submitted. Lastly certain crimes were punished by deportation. It appears that "the Divine Judgment/' was resorted to in certain extraordinary cases. If a man were devoured by a tiger or ti crocodile his family complained about it to the king. The king ordered the High Priest to invoke the divine judgment. The latter offered prayers and conjurations at the very place where the man met his death, and it was be- lieved that the tiger and crocodile would be obliged thereby to return to the fame place to take punishments. If the complaint appeared to be false, the priest, in order to ascertain the truth, asked the man to go to the riverside. If he were guilty of telling lies he would be devoured by a crocodile. If he were innocent the crocodile would take to flight.* In view of the constant wars in which the kingdom was involved the militar}' organisation WAS a thing of the highest 1. It appears that sometimes the adulterers escaped by paying the price of a bull. 2. This account of administration of justice is based upon T'oung Pao 1910 pp 202 203 Maspero laments the absence of any legal code of ancient Champa, but fails to note the reference to Mann Saaihita and its adoption by tbe kings as legal eocU. 152 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM importance. A large regular army was maintained by the state. At the time of Fan Wen the army was nearly forty to fifty thousand strong. It must have been considerably increased in later times. At the time of Che Bong Nga, the royal guard alone numbered 5000. The armament of the soldiers consisted of a shield, javelin, halbard, bow and cross- bow The arrows were not feathered but their tips were poi- soned. The soldiers marched with their standards at the sound of drums and conchshells. They were arranged into groups of five who were responsible for one another. If any one of them fled, the other four were liable to death. According to Maspero the Charn army consisted merely of infantry and elephants till 1171 A D. when they learnt the use of cavalry from the Chinese. This is not, however, quite correct. What the Chams learnt from the Chinese in 1171 was the art of throwing arrows from the back of horses, a somewhat difficult operation inasmuch as both hands of the rider had to be kept free. Bat cavalry was a part of their army long before that. This is proved by the following vivid des- cription of a battle-field contained in an inscription dated 909 A. D. "Which (the battle-field) is grey with the dust raised by the swift-moving sharp hoofs of horses galloping high; whose surface has been dyed red with drops of blood, like Aoka flowers, shed by means of various weapons; and in the four regions of which the sounds of war-drums were drowned by the roarr of gigantic beautiful elephants" ( IQS. No. 39, v. 17). The elephants formed an important part of the army and we have already seen how the Chinese army was perplexed by this new element in warfare which was no doubt intro- duced by the Indian colonistfl. The number of war elephants maintained in Champ* was nearly one thousand. OJoric de ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 153 Pordenone says that at the time of his visit to Champa (c. 1323 A D. ) the king had 14,000 tame elephants. 1 The navy consisted of large turret -ships as well as light junka The total number of vessels was fairly large and we have several referencas to squadrons of more than 100 ves- sels supporting the movement of an army on land. The king often entrusted his brothers or other members of the royal family with the chief command of the army. The generals had the title of Mahasenapati and S?napati, and there were several grades of officers under them. They all took an oath to the king to fight for him till their death. Their pay consisted of subsidies in kind, and th^y W3re exempt from taxation. The ordinary soldiers received two bushels of rlci per month and three to five dresses for winter and BU miner. The Ch-iins had a fair knowledge o! the art of fortifica- tion. They protected their towns by brick walls flanked by watchtowers made of stone. These citadels and a stronghold ra named Kiu-sou specially fortified for the purpose served aa the depot for their war materials. A detailed account of the fortification of Kiu-sou has been given above (p-26). Lastly the Chams constructed entrenched camps by means of palisades and turrets. They painted the outer gates of their citadels with the ashes of an animal. They believed that these were thereby made impregnable. While the Chams assiduously cultivated the arts of war, they did not neglect the arts of peace. The kings maintained diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries. Constant embassies to the courts of China and Annam have already been referred to in the preceding pages. The Nhan-Bieu Inscription (No.43) records the career of a nobleman named Rajadvarah who was twice despatched by the king to Yavadvipa on a diplomatic mission. The Baug-An Ins. (No 42) refers to a multitude of royal ambassadors coining to 1. Marco Polo. Edited by Ynle- Vol. 1L p. 352~ 354 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM Champa from different countries The Hoa Que Ins. (No 39) relates, among oth?r qualifications of th3 minister 5jna Jayendrapati, that " by hard exertion Ii3 was able to under- stand thoroughly th? meaning of m9ssag3s 83nt by kings from different countries." All th3S3 references, taken togsth^r, leave no doubt that th3 king lorn of Champa maintain3d extensive diplomatic relations with Ii3r n3ighbouringcou:itri?s. The art of diplomacy, as practis3d in India, was fairly understood. TJi3 neighbouring states wterj classified as fz'iends, enemies or neutrals, and tho relation with th'S? powers was guided by the four expedients of adma (concilia- tion), ddna (gifts), bheda (discord) and d on politics bas?d upon Kautiliya Artha astra, d3als extensively with th3 four exp3dients and th? sixfold in^asur^s of royal policy. It is possible that political science was studied in Champa from books of this kin I. 2 It is to bj rem iinb.'ivd, how3ver, that Manusi Iihita, which ws know from otlnr sources to havj b^an usjd in Champa, also d^als With both th^83 topics, viz. tho four exp.dionts and th? s : xfold measures of roj'-al policy, but its discussion on these subj -cts is, n ithor full nor accurate, th3 author having evidently borrowed his materials from books on political scianc.e which he did not charly understand. But howsoiver that may bfl, there is no doubt that th3 statesm3n in Champa wjra thoroughly imbu?d with th3 idms of Indian Political Sciencj and it formed the basis of polity in that kingdom. 1. Kamiliya-Arthasaetra Bk. VII ch I 2. Dr. E. Mitra pointed out in the Introduction to 1m edition of Kamnndakiya Nitisara that the hook was imported into Hali island by Hs Ilindn inhabitants as eaily us the fourth century A.D. Chapter XIV. The King. The king of Champa was not only the head but also the centre of administration, and it is therefore necessary to discuss his position and status at some length. Fortunately, our materials for the study of this subject are fuller and more reliable than those for the administrative system. In theory the king was regarded as of divine origin, the colonists following in this respect the view of the orthodox Brahmanical schools of India. Indeed the whola conception of the status and position of the king seems to 1*3 dominated by the Brahmanical views such as those propounded in Mauu- sanihita. Reference to the divine nature of kings is found in Po Nagar Tns. (No.29A., v.2). In Dong Duong Ins. (No.31A, v.8) kings are referred to as " the gods dwelling upon earth ". Lastly ha is said to have the vigraha or body of Chandra, Iridra, Agni, Yama and Kuvera (No.23, v.3). Now no body cau possibly ignore the striking res3mblanc3 between these views and thos3 propounded at the beginning of Chapter VII In Manusamhita. Ws road thsi'3 that the king "is a great deity in human form " (v.8) and that the Lord created him 11 taking for that purpose eternal particles of Indra, of the Wind, of Yama, of the Sun, of Fir?, of Varuua, of th3 Moon, and of the Lord of Wealth (Kubera) ". l To what extent this thoory of divine origin modified th3 status of king m practic3 it is not possible to say. In on3 respect, however, it was carried to its logical conclusion, in a manner which would have been regarded as horribly Rcandalous in India. In Po Nagar Ins. (No.30) we read that king's feet were worshipped, even by Brahrnauas and 1* Laws of Mann' Transl. by Buhler, pp 216-217. 156 THE KING priests. This would ba quite in keeping with ths divine origin of kings, but in India the Brahmanas were careful enough to safeguard their own position, and thus the first and foremost duty of the "divine kings" was to worship the Brahmanas. 1 The kings in Champa were not apparently dominated by the influanca of the .Brahmanas, at least to the same extent as in India. But although thooretically tha king appears to ba vested with absolute authority, there might have baen limitations to his power in actual practice. Unfortunately our knowledge in this matter is very vague. The Vo-Chanh inscription (No. 1) refers to an "assambly", bat we do not know any thing about its power and functions. Maspero supposes that the crown-prince could not ascend the throne without tha approval of tin nobility. Ha admits that this rule was violat3d wh3n th3 king was powerful enough, but holds that it was the normal rule. Unfortunat3ly the evidence in support of his view is slender in tha extreme. The modern practice of Cambodge to which ha refers can hardly ba taken as a sura guide for practic3 in ancient Champa. The passages of Dong Duong Ins. 2 on which he relies, as translatad by ma, do not support tli3 contention in any way. On tha oth3r hand such boasting expression as is used by Indravarman viz. that ha "gained th3 king. loin by tha special merit of his austerities, and by virtua of his pure intelligenca, and not from his grand- father or father" saems to indicate that hereditary succession was tha normal rule. It is quite true that in troublasoine times, or probably for some special reasons such as tha abs^nca of a la^al or suitable heir, the king was sometimes electad by the people Thus when Jaya Rudravarrnan died at Panduranga in 1147 A. D. 1. cf. Muimsamhita, Ch. VII, vv, 37 if 2. No. 31 B vv. VI, !X aud XI ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 157 the peoph of that town invited his son Harivarma to be th-3 king of Champa (Ins. No. 75). According to Myson Ins. =(No. 12) the kingdom was bestowed on Prakasadharma by holy men. When Harivarman abdicated, the people offered th? authority to his son (No. 62). In connection with tha hereditary succession it is n3C3ssary to note the importance of the femalea Kings are succeeded not only by their sister's son, but also by their sister's husband and even wify's sister's son. 1 This has been attributed to the syst?m of matriarchy supposed to ba prevalent in>thos3 parts of the country. After his acc?ssion bo ths throne th3 new king performed his coronation C3remony with groat pomp and splendour. Sometimes a long interval elapsod between the accession of a king and his coronation. Thus Harivarman ascended the throne in 1147 A. D., but was " consecrated to the throne with due C3remonials " only in 1149 A. D. King Vira Bhadravarmadeva was eons3crat3d 32 years aft3r his acces- sion. There seems also to have been a fairly general practice among kings of Champa to take a new name called Abhisvkanama (No. 7) at the time of the coronation. Thus Pra astadharma, son of Rudravarraan, took the name Sri Sambhuvartnan at the time of his coronation (No. 7). Several other instances of this kind are shown in a tabular form bulow. Ordinary Name. Coronation Name. 1. Prakagadharma. rl Vikrantavarman (No. 12) 2. Pu lyau Sri Rajadvara. ri Jay a Indravarmadeva (No. 62) 3. Prince Nauk Glaun 1. Of. the genealogy of kings referred to in Cb. V and also tho case of Jaya Bimhavarmadtrva (Nc. 36). 158 THE KING Vijaya or Vira Bhadra rl Brsu Indravartaan. varma-deva Whether the assumption of new names at the time of coronation was a universal practica we cannot say, but there is no doubt that it was a fairly common practice. After hie accession to the throne the new king was confronted with a heavy list of duties. Numerous referencas to personal qualities of the king enable us to form a general idea of what the kings were expected to be, if not what they actually were. A general picture of these ideal qualities of a king would throw light not only on the ideal of kingship in those days, but also, to a c?rtain extent, on the ideals of human life at Champa. An analysis of thasa ideal qualities as cullod from different inscriptions 1 is given below. I. Physical charm. The king " had all the marks of a Maharaja, according to the canon of Rajacakravartin " (No. 65). He had the 32 signs (33 according to No 94) as well as grace and beauty, youth and ability (Nos. 62, 65.). His baauty was like that of Cupid and yet his appearanca was terrible like that of Garuda (No. 24). II. Strength and Valour. The king was skill 3d in all the weapons and was heroic and energetic (62, 65.). He was possessed of innata couraga and of great strength. Ha took part in numerous battbs and cut off the heads of kings, generals and other men of the hostile party (62,65,72,81). III. Administrative capacity. The king kriew and practised the four expedieats viz. *dma, dana, bheda and danda (or upapradana) V 62,65.X He i. ^Oife figures within brackets in tbe succeeding paragraphs refer to the number of inscriptions. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 159 maintained the eighteen titles of law laid down by Manu, and the uniformity of procsdura (Nos. 62,65). H3 knew th3 trua import of th3 sixfold measures of royal policy. H3 was strictly impartial in discharging his duties (65), and U3ver transgres- sed th3 et3rnal rubs of conduct (12). H^ dutifully prot^ct3d his subjects (No. 12) and cbstroy-jd all tli3 thieves (24). H3 was constantly davot3d to his duty and faithful to law Iik3 Dharmaraja (24). Ernbrac3d by th3 goddess of soveraignty Ii3 was " without equal in r>sp3ct of royal glory, knowledge, wisdom, spbndour, fani3, sacrod learning, polity, renown and conduct" (31). IV. Learning and c\iltui"\ Th3 king had tin knowbdgi of 64 Kuls* (arts) (02,72). H3 was wis3, eloquent, and profoundly intelligent. (65,74). Ha was V3rs3d in all t,li3 diff'rant branches of knowbdg3 l (32,94). V. Moral qualities. The king had tin knowbdg3 of th'3 goovl and the bad (62 65) and poss3ssed a S3ns3 of duty, patieno, forb3aranc3, calm of h3arfc, Morality, truthfuln3ss and compassion towards all brings (65,41). H3 impartially pursued the thr3e objects w?alth, virtu3 and pbasura without showing pr?f^r3nc3 to any (65). H3 controlled th3 six passions viz. fcjma (sensual passion), krodha (ang3r), lo^ha (covetousa?ss), moha (infatua- tion), mada (pridt*) and mdtsarya (malice) (65). 1. King Bhidravarrnan was versed in the four Vedas (No. 4). King Indravarm-m knew the six systems of Philosophy, including Mimamsa ani Buddhist PhilosDphy, the gram- mar of Panini with Kasika ootntnentarv, and the Akhyana and the Uttarakalpa of the Saivas (Ho. 45). King Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva was versed in Grammar, Astrology, Philosophical doctrines like Mahayana and Dharxnasutras, notably the Naradiya ani the Bhargg.tviya (No. 81). 160 THE KING VL Beligions qualities. The king knew the supreme truth and the absolute reality without egotism (65). He installed gods and temples and endowed them liberally 1 (94,110). Realising that the body and its pleasures are ephemeral, he perform ad t/<#a, dhyana and samadhi and practised virtue constantly and thoroughly (65). Ha was the foremost among thos^ who regarded sacrifices as their principal treasures (23). He made pious works such as digging tanks, building roads, making religious endowments (110) and gave gifts day and night (62), particularly to munis, asC3tics and learned Brahmauas (24). The king was not only of a religious temperam3nt but was also, in a manner, the defender of faith and protector of religion. It was his duty to maintain intact the castes and A dramas in society, and we also hear of his zeal in protecting Dharma (No. 23). In this respect he followed the traditional role of kings in India. We also get some account of the royal life in Champa from the Chinese accounts and epigraphic evidences. The following description of King Harivarman by his ambassador to the Imperial Court (1076 A. D.) is recorded in a Chinese Text. " The King is 36 years of age. He is dressed in rich embroidered silks, 1 and a long tunic hjld by seven chains of gold. He wears a golden crown 3 adorned by seven kinds of precious gems, and puts on sandals of copper. When he goes 1. For a detailed account, see later. 2. Sometimes the silk was of black or green colour with flowers in gold embroidered upon it. 3. The crown was of elegant design and very richly decorated. We can have a fair idea of it from actual specimens includ- ed among the "royal treasures of Champa" (B. E. F. Vol, V. P. 40 ft). ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 161 out he is attended by fifty men and ten women, who carry betel and nuts on golden plates and play on musical instru- ments". The Po Nagar Ins. (30) says with reference to king Vikrantavarman, that a big white umbrella was raised over his head and his " body was decorated with diadem, waistband, necklace, and earrings made of gold, ruby and other jewels." The Glai Lomov Ins. (No* 24) says of Indravarmaa that his hands and breast were made white by the application of an abundance of perfumed sandal and musk. We possess other incidental allusions to the royal dress and habits. The undergarment of the king was made of very fine white cotton, probably muslin, bordered by lace or f unit shed with golden fringe. He put on this dress alone, even in court, exc3pt on ceremonial occasions, when he wore the silk tunic as noted before and put on, round his waist, a rich belt of gold decorated with pearls and jewels. Even his shoes were d'^corated with precious stones. 1 Attired in his gorgeous robe the king entered the Hall of Audience where he held his court. The immediate entourage of the king consisted, among others, of nobles, eminent Brahmat.ias, Purohita, Pandits, astrologers and masters of ceremonies. Strangely enough, tha so as, brothers, and niore important officials of the king had no immediate access to his person, This was apparently due to f-ar of b^ing assassinated by them. The daily life of the king was regulated by a fixed routine. Every day at midday he gave audienca to his people in an open Durbar. The king sat cross-legged on a high throne. Those who were presented to him saluted him in Indian fashion, bowing down their h3ads very low, while 1, T'oung Pao, 1910, pp. L93 04, 162 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM importance. A large regular army was maintained by the state. At the time of Fan Wen the army was nearly forty to fifty thousand strong. It must have been considerably increased in later times. At the time of Che Bong Nga, the royal guard alone numbered 5000. The armament of the soldiers consisted of a shield, javelin, halbsrd, bow and cross- bow The arrows were not feathered but their tips were poi- soned. The soldiers marched with their standards at the sound of drums and conchshells. They were arranged into groups of five who were responsible for one another. If any one of them fled, the other four were liable to death. According tc Maspero the Cham army consisted merely of infantry and elephants till 1171 A D. when they learnt the use of cavalry from the Chinese. This is not, however, quite correct. What the Chams learnt from the Chinese in 1171 was the art of throwing arrows from the back of horses, a somewhat difficult operation inasmuch as both hands of the rider had to be kept free. But cavalry was a part of their army long before that. This is proved by the following vivid des- cription of a battle-field contained in an inscription dated 909 A. D. "Which (the battle-field) is grey with the dust raised by the swift-moving sharp hoofs of horses galloping high; whose surface has been dyed red with drops of blood, like Aoka flowers, shed by means of various weapons; and in the four regions of which the sounds of war-drums were drowned by the rp^rr pf giguntiq beautiful elephants" ( Ins. No. 39, v. 17). The elephants formed an important part of the army and w<* have already seen how the Chinese army was perplexed by this new element in warfare which was no doubt intro- duced by the Indian colonists. The number of war elephants maintained in Champa was nearly one thousand. Odoric de ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 153 Pordenone says that at the time of his visit to Champa (c. 1323 AD.) the king had 14,000 tame elephant^ 1 The navy consisted of large turret-ships as well as light junka The total number of vessels was fairly large and we have several referencss to squadrons of more than 100 ves- sels supporting the movement of an army on land. The king often entrusted his brothers or other membars of the royal family with the chief command of the army. Th3 generals had tli3 title of Mahaaonapati and S^napati, and th3ra ware 83veral grades of officers und3r ttnm. Tiny all took an oath to tha king to fight for him till th3ir death. Th3ir pay consisted of subsidies in kind, and th^y w?r3 exempt from taxation. Tli3 ordinary soldiers received two bushels of rlc^ par month and thrae to five drjssas for winter and summer. The Chims had a fair knowledge of tli3 art of fortifica- tion. They protsctod their towns by brick walls flankad by watchtowers made of stone. These citadels and a stronghold named Riu-sou specially fortified for the purpose served as tha depot for their war materials. A detailed account oJ the fortification of Kiu-sou has baen given above (p-26). Lastly th3 Chams constructed entrenched camps by means of palisades and turrets. Th,3y painted the outer gates of their citadels with the ashos of an animal. They believed that thess were theroby made impregnable. While the Chams assiduously cultivated the arts of war, th^y did not neglect tin arts of peac3. Th3 kings maintained diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries. Constant embassies to the courts of China and Annam have already been referred to in the preceding pages. The Nhan-Bieu Inscription (No.43) records the career of a nobleman named Rajadvarah who was twice despatched by the king to Yavadvipa on a diplomatic mission. Tha Bang-An Ins. (No 42) refers to a multitude of royal ambassadors coming to 1. Marco PoloTEdited by Yule Vol. 11 p. 352i 154 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM Champa from different countries The Hoa Que Ins. (No 39) relates, among oth?r qualifications of tha minister 5jna Jayendrapati, that " by hard exertion Ii3 was able to under- stand thoroughly tin maning of m3ssag38 83nt by kings from different countries." All th^s3 references, taken together, leave no doubt that tli3 king lorn of Champa maintain3d extensive diplomatic relations with h3r n 31 ghbour ing countries. The art of diplomacy, as practis3d in India, was fairly understood. Tli3 neighbouring stat3S wer3 classified as friends, enemies or noutrals, and the relation with th>s3 powers was guided by the four expedients of sdma (concilia- tion), ddna (gifts), bheda (discord) and dandu (chastis3tn3nt) (Nos. 9 and 62). Sometimes ditnda is replac3d by i^papradlna (brib?ry) (No. 65). What is rnora important still is the referenc3 to t: sjdynnya '' which is undoubtedly identical with tho " 80,'1/junya" of Kautilya, meaning th3 sixfold measuras of royal policy. 1 Karnandakiya Nitisara, a traatis) on politics basad upon Kautiliya Artha astra, d3als ext3nslvj]y with th3 four cxp3dients and th? sixfold moasuras of royal policy. It is possibh that political science was studied in Champa from books of this kin I. 2 It is to bj rainiinb^rad, however, that Manusi uhita, which we know from othar sources to hava b,>on us 3d in Champa, also djals with both thS3 topics, viz. tho four expedients and tti3 s'xfold m?asurss of royal policy, but its discussion on th 333 subj ?cts is neither full nor accurate, th? author having evidently borrovv3d his materials from books on political scianca which he did not charly understand. But howso3ver that may be, there is no doubt that th3 statesui3n in Champa ware thoroughly imbued with the id?as of Indian Political ScienC3 and ib formed the basis of polity in that kingdom. 1. Kantiliya-Arthasastra Bk. VII ch I 2. Dr. R. Mitra pointed out in the Introduction to his edition of Kam*ndakiya Nitisara that the hook waa imported into Hali island by Ha Hindu inhabitants as eaily as the fourth century A.D. Chapter XIV. The King. The king of Champa was not only the hsad but also the centre of administration, and it is therefore necessary to discuss his position and status at some length. Fortunately, our materials for the study of this subject are fuller and moi'e reliable than those for the administrative systam. In theory the king was regarded as of divine origin, tha colonists following in this respect the view of the orthodox Brahmanical schools of India. Indeed the whola concaption of the status and position of the king 83eras to ba dominated by the Brahmanical views such as those propounded in Alanu- sanihita. Reference to the divine nature of kings is found in Po Nagar Tns. (No.29A., v.2). In Dong Duong Ins. (No.31A, v.8) kings are referrad to as " the gods dwelling upon earth". Lastly ha is said to ha ye the vigmha or body of Chandra, Indra, Agni, Yama and Kuvcra (No.23, v.3). Now no body can possibly ignore the striking ressmblanca between these views acid thosa propounded at the beginning of Chapter VII In Manusamhita. W j r3ad thara that the king " is a great deity in human form " (v.8) and that the Lord created him " taking for that purpose etornal particles of Indra, of the Wind, of Yama, of the Sun, of Fir?, of Varuna, of tha Moon, and of tha Lord of Wealth (Kubara) ".* To what extent this thaory of divine origin modified tha status of king hi practica it is not possible to say. In ona respect, however, it was carried to its logical conclusion, in a maanar which would have baen regarded as horribly scandalous in India. In Po Nagar Ins. (No.30) we read that king's feet were worshipped, even by Brahmauas and 1* Laws of Maun' Trans!, by Buhler, pp 210-217. 156 THE KING priests. This would ba quite in keeping with the divine origin of kings, but in India the Brahmanas were careful enough to safeguard their own position, and thus the first and foremost duty of the " divine kings" was to worship the Brahmanas. 1 Tho kings in Champa were not apparently dominated by the influsnc3 of the iSrahmanas, at least to the Bame extent as in India. But although theoretically th3 king appears to b3 vested with absolute authorit}^, there might have bsen limitations to his power in actual practice. Unfortunately our knowledge in this matter is very vague. The Vo-Chanh inscription (No. 1) refers to an "assembly", but we do not know any thing about its power and functions. Maspero supposes that the crown-prince could not asc3nd the throne without tti3 approval of tin nobility. Ha admits that this rub was violated wh3n th3 king was powerful enough, but holds that it was the normal rule. Unfortunately the evidenc3 in support of his view is slend3r in th3 extreme. The modern practice of Cambodge to which ha refers can hardly ba taken as a sura guide for practic3 in ancient Champa. Tho passages of Dong Duong Ins. 2 on which he relies, as translated by ra3, do not support tli3 contention in any way. On th3 oth^r hand such boasting expression as is used by Indravannan viz. that h3 "gained th3 king-loin by tha special merit of his austerities, and by virtu3 of his pure intelligenc3, and not from his grand- father or fath?r" ssems to indicate that hereditary succession was ths normal rule. It is quite true that in troubbsome times, or probably for some special reasons such as th3 absenc3 of a b^al or suitabh heir, the king was sometimes elected by the people. Thus when Jaya Rudravarman died at Panduranga in 1 147 A. D. 1. cf. Mamisamhita, Ch. VII, vv, 37 ff 2. No. 31 B vv. VI, IX and XI ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 157 the paopb of that town invited his son Harivarma to be tha king of Champa (Ins. No. 75). According to Myson Ins. = (No. 12) the kingdom was bestowed on Prakasadharma by holy men. When Harivarman abdicated, the people offered th? authority to his son (No. 62). In connection with ths hereditary succession it is n?c?ssary to note th.3 importance of the females. Kings are sucooded not only by their sister's son, but also by their sister's husband and even wife's sister's son. 1 This has been attributed to the system of matriarchy supposed to be prevalent iu.thoso parts of the country. After his acc?asion to tha throne th^ new king performed his coronation C3remony with groat pomp and splendour. Sometimes a long interval elaps3d between the accassion of a king and his coronation. Thus Harivarman ascended the throne in 1147 A. D., but was " consecrated to the throne with due ceremonials" only in 1149 A. D. King Vlra Bhadravarmadeva was consacratad 32 years after his acces- sion. There seems also to have been a fairly general practice among kings of Champa to take a new name called Abhiselcandma (No. 7) at the time of the coronation. Thus Pra'astadharma, son of Rudravarman, took the name 6ri Sambhuvarman at the time of his coronation (No. 7). Several other instances of this kind are shown in a tabular form below. Ordinary Name. Coronation Name. 1. Prakagadharma. rl Vikrantavarman (No. 12) 2. Pu lyau Sri Rajadvara. Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva (No. 62) 3. Prince Nauk Glaun 1. Of. the genealogy of kings leferred to in Ch. V and *lo tho casts of Jaya Simhavarnmdova (Nc. 36). 158 THE KINO Vijaya or Vira Bhadra rl Brsu Indravarman. vttrma-deva Whether the assumption of new names at the time of coronation was a universal practice we cannot say, but there is no doubt that it was a fairly common practice. After hie accession to the throne the new king was confronted with a heavy list of duties. Numerous references to personal qualities of the king enable us to form a general idea of what the kings were expected to be, if not what thoy actually were. A general picture of these ideal qualities of a king would throw light not only on the ideal of kingship in those days, but also, to a certain extent, on the ideals of human life at Champa. An analysis of these ideal qualities as cullod from different inscriptions 1 is given below. I. Physical charm. The king " had all the marks of a Maharaja, according to the canon of Rajacakravartin " (No. 65). He had the 32 signs (33 according to No 94) as well as grace and beauty, youth and ability (Nos. 62, 65.). His beauty was like that of Cupid arid yet his appaarancs was t3rrible like that of Garuda (No. 24). II. Strength and Valour. The king was skilbd in all the weapons and was heroic and energetic (62, 65.). He was possessed of innate courage and of great strength. He took part in numerous battles and cut off the heads of kings, generals and other men of the hostile party (62,65,72,81). III. Administrative capacity. The king knew and practised the four expedieats viz. aflma, dana, bheda and danda (or upapradana) V 62,65.X He i. Tte figures within brackets in the succeeding paragraphs refer to the number of inscriptions. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 159 ma'ntained the eighteen titles of law laid down by Manu, and ths uniformity of proc3dura (Nos. 62,05). H^ knew t'h.3 true import of ths sixfold measures of royal policy. H3 was strictly impartial in discharging his duties (65), and n3ver transgres- sed th3 et3rnal rubs of conduct (12). H^ dutifully prot^ct3d his subjects (No. 12) and d?stroyjd all ths thieves (24). Ha was constantly d3vot3d to his duty and faithful to law lika Dharmaraja (24). Ernbracsd by th3 goddess of sovoraignty Ii3 was " without equal in r^spsct of royal glory, knowledge, wisdom, spbndour, fani3, sacrad learn inr, polity, renown and conduct" (31). IV. Learning and culture Th3 king had tin knowbdgs of 64 KulCi* (arts) (62,72). H3 was wis3, eloquent, and profoundly intelligent. (65,74). Ha was V3rs3d in all tli3 diff'rant branches of knowbdg3 l (32,94). V. Moral qualities. The king had th3 knowledg3 of th'3 jrooJ and the bad (62 65) and poss3ssed a sonse of duty, patience, forb3aranc3, calm of h3art, liberality, truthfulness and compassion towards all b sings (65,41). H3 impartially pursued the thr3e objects w?alth, virtue and pbasur3 without showing preference to any (65). He controlled th3 six passions viz. k,jma (sensual passion), kroiha (an next king, either willingly or under compulsion. 1 It would be unfair to conclude, however, that the kings of Champa were as a rub devoted to luxury and sensual pleasures. Some of them were of religious bent of mind. We even hear of some kings abdicating tli3 throne in order to spend the last days of their lives in religious practices. The cases of Gangamja and Harivarrnau may be cited as examples. In this respect, too, tho colonists followod some of the beat traditions of India. 1. Fan Wen starved to death thoso Mou.en cf Fan Yi who re- fused to obey him. BOOK II THE CULTURE CIVILISATION OF CHAMPA CHAPTER I. Religious Evolution in Champa Religion has boen on3 of the most important factors in ths building up of Indian civilisation. It is no wonder, therefore, that the Indian colonists who founded a new king- dom in Champa transplanted to tlr^ir land of adoption tho religious idons with which they wore imbued at home. Indeed, it is a matter of common knowledge that no other feature of Indian civilisation 1 . k f t such a profound imprbss upon thes^ colonial kingdoms, and event now, whan tho political supremacy of tin Indians in ihoso far-off kinds is merely a dream of ths past, th?y contain unm : stak&bls traces of tli3 Indian religion and its handmaid, art and architecture. Several circumstances imik^ tin study of Indian religion, as developed in thes? countries, ono of profound interest. In the iirst place, although it is a familiar story how Buddhism made extensive conquests in foreign lands, Hinduism had never b3en known to make its influence felt outside the boundaries of India. Yet it is precisely the conservative form of Brah- maiiical religion that became predominant in the new colony, and dominated the entire development of Hindu civilisation. Secondly, the religious ideas of India were confronted there by a system of primitive beliefs and superstitions, and we find here a repetition, on a smaller scale, of what took place in Northern India, when the Aryans swept away the whole country and imposed their own religion upon the primitive people. Thirdly, the study of Indian religion in ancient Champa not only affords an interesting insight into the vigour and vitality of the Brahmanical religion, but also shows the com- pleteness with which tli3 foreigners had absorbed the Hindu civilisation. Nothing demonstrates more strikingly the absolute 168 RELIGIOUS EVOLUTION IN CHAMPA hold which the Indian civilisation had over the native mind. It i hot only a story of a great triumph, but of a triumph against enormous odds. It has been already related in the pre- vious pages that the political power of the Indian colonists in Champa was never very sscura. Threatened by the Chinese, the Annamites and the Cambodians they had always to lead an insecure life. Repeated incursions of thesa powers almost destroyed the solidarity of thoir political fabric. Yet, amid all these vicissitudes of political fortune, Hinduism never ceased to make headway and inspire its million devotees to place their wealth and energy at its service. The triumph was all the greater because Hinduism had to reckon in this distant land with the all-powerful civilisation of China. As a matter of fact China was first in the fbkl, and was already master of the greater part of the country when the Indian colonists made their influ3nce felt. Further, throughout the cours3 of history th3 Chin333 empire wh'.ch cached th3 borders of the new Indian colony exercised political influence of both direct and indirect character. The Hindu kings of Champa had oft3n to acknowledge the nominal suzerainty of the Chinese emperor and send him regular tributes and pres3nts ; now and then the Chinese army even occupied and cbvastated the whole country. Yet, inspite of all these natural advantages, the Chinese civilisa- tion had to give way b}fora the onward inarch of the Indian in a distant land practically cut off from the mainland of India, The superiority of the Indian civilisation was ouc3 more demonstrated, and it was apparsnt that Brahmauical religion was not probably much behind Buddhism in respect of mis- sionary zeal and proselytising activity. The Brahmanical religion that flourished in Champa WAS not the Vedic religion of old but the neo-Brahmrtnical raligion that was evolved in India almost at the same time As Buddhism and Jainism. The essential characteristic of this new religion ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 169 was its sectarian character, the chief God being recognised as either Brahm&, Visnu or $iva. The belief in a multiplicity o! gods which prevailed in Vedic times was replaced by absolute faith and devotion to one supreme God. Gradually the new faith inspired a new literature, the Pur&toas, and usherad in elaborate rituals and ceremonies. We find an echo of the pomp and grandeur of Buddhism in the magnificent temples erected to Visnu, Siva and the hosts of gods associated with them. These gods formed the centre of new philosophical specula- tions and hosts of myths and legends, and on them was lavished the wealth and luxury of an opulent people. In course of time the sectarian BrahmanicaJ religioa triumphed over Buddhism which had hitherto played a dprni- nant part in India. But although worsted in the struggle Buddhism maintained its existencd for C3uturie ; s tp cojne. Thus the religious history of India during the first thousand years of the Christian era presented a new spectacle, the gradual rise of the new sscts and the corresponding decline of the once triumphant Buddhist religion. All these characteristic features can be traced in minute detail in the religious history of Champa. Fortunately, materials for the study of this history are abundantly supplied by the large number of inscriptions aad images of deities that are still to be found in that far-off land. Of the two Brahmauical sects that flourished in Champa, Saivism was by far the more influential and exercised a pro- found influenea on the whole course of religious development. The hold of the Visuuites and tin Buddhists was poor m com- parison. But there is no trace of any reUgious sjtroggle. Q,n the other hand we have abundant traces of mutual good will and attempts at reconciliation between the different secta CHAPTER IF. The conception of Siva. Of the three membsrs of the Hindu Trinity iva occupied an unquestioned position of supremacy in the Hindu colony of Champa. The causes as well as the process of gradual eleva- tion of one of the gods above his rivals are but imperfectly known to us, but there can ba no doubt about the fact. Of the 130 inscriptions discovered in Champa and published in this volume, about 21 do not refer to any religious sect in particular. Of the rest, 92 refer to iva and the gods associated with him, 3 to Visnu, 5 to Brahma under the name Svayamutpanna and 7 to Buddha, while two refer to both ^iva and Visnu. 1 This analysis of the known inscriptions is an eloquent testimony to the predominance of the god iva. The same conclusion is forced upon us when we rem3mb3r that the two principal groups of temples in ancient Champa, Viz. thos3 of Myson, and Po- Nagar are dedicated to iSivaite gods. Further, the preeminence of iva is clearly indicated by th3 fact that the god was regard- ed as ths tutelary deity of both the city and the kingdom of Champa. Thus according to the Ins. No. 41, the city was created by the rays issuing from the pair of feet of rI6anabha- dresa', while in the Ins. No. 94, the same god is referred to as 'the origin of the kingdom of Champa. These brief allu- sions are fully explained in tho Ins. No. 31 which describ3S how Uroja, sent to the earth by &va, established the kingdom of Champa, having at first placed a iinya of that God as the protector of the city. In the Ins. No. 42 we are told that th3 god $ri IganeSvara 'lives here triumphantly together with his 1. In this calculation, account has been taken only of the princi- pal God mentioned in the inscriptions. In several cases, al- though Siva is the piinsipal God, Vig n u and other gods have been mentioned as subsidiary gods. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA multitude of servants for the Stfke of the proSperiiy of Chatnpa'. The god Siva vfras knowri by various names. These taay be roughly classified as follows : (a) Names denoting his position of supremacy over other gods 1 : Mahevara(4) Mahadeva (6) MahadeveSvara (29) Amare^a (10) AdhlSa (31) Devadeva (34) Isvaradevata (59) Isvaradevadideva (32) ; Vrddhe,;vara (35) Parame.Svara (36) (b) Names denoting general greatness, mastery etc : Itona (20) Itenadeva (21) ligane'lvaw (1^) K&tfa- natha (16) Pane.1raranatha (17). (c) Names denoting the beneficent nature of the god : ambhu (22) Ankara (28) ^ankare^a (38) Bhagyakft- nteavara (33) Dharme^vara (39). (d) Names denoting the destructive or fierce character of the god: garva (79) Bhlma (17) Ugra (24) Rudra (24) Eudra- madhyeSvara (35) Eudrakotisvara (39) Maharudra- deva (39). (e) Names arising out of mythological attributes or char- acteristics : 1. Figures within brackets after each name indicate the serial number of the Inscription where it occurs. Although one reference only is giverti to 'eiich, sometenieiS a Wm't** ocdurs r in severar inscriptions; 172 THE CONCEPTION OF SIVA gull (7;, Bhava (17), Pa^upati (17), Varaegvara (19), Vama- bhute$vara(20), Yogi'vara (59>, Guheg vara (74), JayaguheSvara (35), VijayasuiiheSvara (61), Bhumivijaya (107), IndralokeSvara (65), Suvarnaksa (18), Sanflhaka (26). (f) Names connected with linga. Devalinge^vara ("43) Mahalingadeva (32) 5ivalinge>vara (35) ^ivalingadeva (35) MahaSivalingesvara (39) Dharmaling3svara (41) The various names attributed to Siva would convey a fair idea of tho conc3ption of the god in the mind of his devo- tees at Champa. Fortunately wj are not dependent upon such a slender nnans alone for our knowbdga in this resp3ct. The inscriptions contain hymns and praises addressed to Siva, as well as a large number of incid dntal allusions, and these enable us to enter more fully into this subject. &va is expressly referred to as 'the chief of the Trinity' and the 'supreme god of gods' in quite a large number of in- scriptions. Th'ia Siva is said to have 'obtained ths position of the head of the gods by m?ans of his extraordinary power and fame' (No. 31 A. v. 15). He is the preceptor of gods (No. 39, v. 13), He is the suprann daity extolled and revered by all the gods beginning with Brahma or In Ira (No. 16, v. 1; No. 21, v. 1; No. 32, v. 1; No. 46, v. 1). The gods as a class, derive their strength fromgiva(No.3l,v.l3).BrahmaandVi8nu bow down to Him, saying 'Thou great god, of gods; pleas? grant a boon to us' (No. 39, v. 10). Lastly, the brilliant picture of the assembly of gods, drawn in No. 42, ssts the final 83al of supremacy to th3 god Siva. 'With Indra in front, Brahma to tli3 right, tho Moon and the Sun at the back, and the god Narayaua to th3 left, ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 173 sits in the middle, glowing with splendid rays, while those and other gods bow down before him and sing a chorus of praise and thanksgiving beginning with* om' and ending with 'Svadha-evaha'. 1 Quite in keeping with this position of unique supremacy among the gods, Siva is endowed with a numb3r of the highest divine attributes. Ho controls the creation, maintenance and dissolution of this world, while he himself has neither begin- uing nor end/ He is not only the creator but also tli3 precep- tor of the three worlds, bhuk t bhuvah and svah ; he is the knower of all things and the fixed cause of the universe (No. 7). He is 'the primaeval being' (No. 32, v. 1), calm, pure supreme and sublime (No. 16, v. 1). HB is possessed of anima, and other divine faculties (No. 17) ; he cannot be cut or pierced (No. 16, v. 10) ; he is without cause (No. 17, v, 6) and without atoms (No. 21 v. 1) ; his body is imperceptible (No. 95. v. 1) ; ha permeates everything (No. 73, v. I), penetrates everywhere (No. 46 v. 1), and embodies the entire world in himself (No .73, v. 1). There is none in the world who knows Siva in his true aspects, for his true nature is beyond the domain of thought and speech (No. 17, v. I). 2 He is the aupreme energy (No. 23, v.l) and the source of the supreme end of life (No. 17). His image, identical with the universe, is manifested by his forms,- earth, water, fire, air, sky, sun, moon and sacrificer. He is con- stantly devoted to the welfare of all beings (No. 12, v. 28). Ha is the one lord of the world and grants supremacy to gods and men (No. 17). From him are born all creatures and to him they ultimately resort (No. 23, V. 1). 1 For a similar presentation of Mahadeva, cf Mahabharata Anusaaanaparvan Ch. XIV. 2. Also cf the prose portion on p. 35. 174 THE CONCEPTION OF &VA $iva has dual aspects. He is the destroyer (No. 73, v; 1), and burnt all forms including gods (No. 7). On the other hand, he removes the sin of the world (No. 7) and delivers men from the ocean of existence by destroying the seeds of karma which lead to successive re-births (No. 12). He is the object of meditation of the aso3tic$ (No. 32, v. 1) and even thoughts of him alone are capable of yielding infinite bliss (No. 12, v. 30). But &va is not conc3ived in the abstract alons. Hs appears as a concrete divine figure with familiar myths and legends clustering round him. The old popular god of Indian masses reappears in a foreign land with his well-known featu- res. He has matted hair (No. 24), three eyes (No. 24), five (No. 79) or iix (No. 84) facas, and holds th3 trident in his hand (12). He originated from the nether world (No. 23) and is a resident of heaven. But sometimes he lives in the Himalaya-(No. 24) or Malaya mountains (No. 31 B, v. 2), and sometimes sports in the Manasa lake with his Saktis (No. 95 v. 1). Besmearing his body with ashes (No. 23) h3 rid?s on a bull (No. 17) and dancas in cemetery (No. 12, v. 28). He married Gauri, the daughter of Himalaya, (No. 17) but maintains the Ganges on his head (No. 23). He is not, however, a frivolous god. Ho is learnad ( No. 62 v. 3) and intelligent (No. 74, v. 13). He practises austerities without desiring any reward therafrom (No. 17). Indeed, ha haa no desira of his own ! (No. 12, v. 30)., His body is purified by means of miracles, yoga, japa, hunklra, etc. (No. 24b)., Ha 13 attended and worshippad by man and gods as well as the semi-divine baings like siddhas, cdranO8, yaktaa, etc. Some of ths great achievements of Indian Siva were quite familiar in Champa. The famous epiaode of burning the Cupid to ashes is again and again referred to. (Ncfc. 17, 21, 24, 36, 41, 74). Being struck with the, arrow named &cmn*ot*ana by ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 175 Cupid (No. 41, v. 2), he reduced the latter to ashes by imans of burning fire proceeding from his eyes (No. 17), but later on again restored him to life (No. 36, v. 1). This well-known allegorical myth, depicting Diva's absoluta control over sensual passions, is a favourite theme of Sanskrit p03ts, and has baen immortalised by Kalidasa in his famous poam Kumara-Samb- hava. Apparently this aspect of Siva's character made a deep impression upon his devotees at Champa. The second nnmorable achievem3nt of ^iva, stress3d in ths inscriptions of Champa, is the destruction of tha demon Tripura (No*. 17, 24, 32 ) an 1 his three cities in the sky. As has already bsen noted, th3 details of this event agree cloaely with those given in the Mahabharata. l Ths third mythological incident about Siva is the story of Upamanyu (No. 17). This has baen narratad at great length in the Anu^asanaparvan of Mahabharata (Ch. XIV) which agree* with the inscriptions of Champa in extolling Mahadeva in the most extravagant terms and placing him above all other gods including Brahma and Vismi. Lirigapuraua, an extratnist ^aiva book of the sam3 type, is probably the source of anothsr story in tho inscription of Champa (No. 39). It is said that on one occasion there was a contest for supremacy bit ween Brahma and Visuu when a luminous Linja appeared before them. The two combatants agraed to traca tti3 sourc3 of the Liny*. Brahma took the form of a swan anl W3nt upwards, whih Visnu in th3 form of a boar went downwards. For a thousand years they tried but could not reach th3 end of the Liny a one way or the other. Mahadeva then appeared bafore th3 discomfited gods and recei- ved homag3 from tham, and th3y promised eternal devotion lor him. 8 1. Cf. [ns. N<>. 17 V. 4 and the footnote. 2. For tho story cf. Lingipuraua T, 17, 5-52. Vayupurana, oh. 66. 176 THE CONCEPTION OF SIVA Thai Hoa-Qne Inscription from which we learn the above story oontame an elaborate praise of the Linga form which virtually credits the Linga with the same attributes as those given to 6iva himself. The Linga is primaeval, having no beginning or end, and revered by gods and men. The Linga assumes Various forms for the sake of prosperity of this world, and those who even once bow down to these Lingo* realise their desires. Chapter III. The Worship of Siva. In Champa, Siva was repres3nt3d both as a human figure as well as in Irs lingo, form. The latter occurs more frequently, as in India, than the image of $iva. Th3 ordinary Zi?iid vol. n f pi^g. 103, 101), pp. 4045. 3. Ibid Fig. 71. p. 290. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 179 In a few instanc3s even the normal human figure ol f5iva has got an uncanny appearance. The &va found at Yan Mum 1 may be cited as an instance. The god is represen- ted as seated, with a trident in one hand and an elephant's goad in the other. He has three eyes and the sacred thread But he is attired like a king and the expression of his face is almost ghostly. Sometimes, as at Drau Lai, civa is represented as seated on Nandin, very much in the name style as one sits in a chair 1 . 2. Siva is sometimes representad as a human figure with extra hands in various attitudes. The following varieties may be noted. (i) Standing, six arms, the two upper joined behind the head, others holding a TriSula, lotus, sword and a cup (?). (ii) Standing on Nandin, in an attitude of attack; holding a lanca in two handa; has 24 or 28 arms; attributes: Ankara (Elephant-goad), nagi, ball, pitchar, bag and bow. (iii) Dancing the Tandava -sometimes surrounded by N&gls playing on harp and drum. (iv) Seated holding a rosary in one hand and trident in another. 3. In decorative designs, specially on the Tympanum, (iva is represented as dvdrapdla (gate-keeper of temples). In these cases he has mostly a terrible appearance with projecting eyes and long teeth. He is armed with a club, and wears a crown, ear-drops of skulls, upavita and bracelets of serpents. Sometimes the dvdrapdla is represented as standing on a bull 1. Ibid, Fig. 77, p. 309 2. Ibid, Fiff. 105, p. 401 180 THE WORSHIP OF SIVA brandishing a sort of wedge-shaped iron instrument, while a small figure on the head of the animal and turned towards the main figure holds a sword in the right and a buckler in the left hand. The images of $iva at Champa aro too ntimerouw to be trea- ted in minute details. The following summary of Parmentier Would give a fair idea of the general position. "As an idol, iva is more frequently represented as a linga which, on the other hand, seldom figures in decorative designs. As to the figure of &va, it is more often represented as a normal human being, rather than of monstrous appearance. Tho figure is usually seated, but, in rare cases, standing. In the earlier period he is represented with a corpulent body ; in the later period, as an ascetic. It is only in the form of dvdra- pdla that he takes a terrible appearanc3. But this form of sculpture gradually disappeared. It is in the decoration of tym- panum again in the earlier period, that the god is represented as fighting or victorious. It is specially in these cases that the god has monstrous forms. This is only partly caused by the multiplication of hands which vary from four to thirty. It is bnly in exceptional cases again that the god is represented with a multiplicity of heads. On the other hand he has very often the third eye on the fore-head. His usual vtihana (vehicle) is Nandin, and he has the Brahman leal sacred thread as his distinctive sign. He is sometimes covered by serpents in the shape of oraameiits. The usual attributes of the god are the sword, the rosary, the lotus-stem, the triSula, and the vajra. Among other attributes, less generally found, may be mentioned discus, lance, bow, arrow, pen, purse, wallet, comb, cup, bowl, horn, bell, and elephant-goad. Sometimes the Omkara is marked on the head-dress" 1 1. Ibid, pp. 411-12 ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA One of the oldest Ung&* ^ $iva came to be regarded as the national deity and maintained this position throughout the course of history. The linga was established by king Bhadravarmau towards the close of the fourth or the beginning of the fifth century A. D. and was named i3hadr&3vara, for it was custo- mary to designate the god by a term composed of the first part of the donor's name and the word Isvara. This linga named BhadreSvara or BhadreSvarasvami was placed in a temple at Myson which soon became a national sanctuary and the C9fcre of a group of magnificent tempba The king endowed the temple with lands whose boundaries are described in three inscrip- tions (Nos. 4, 5, and 7). This tompb was burnt sometime bet- ween 478 and 578 A. D. but restored by king Sambhuvarman who confirmed the endowments previously given by Bhadcavar- man. Following the custom set on foot by ths latter he, associa- ted his own name with that of the god, and called him ambhu- BhadreSvara. Successive kings, such as Praka'adharma (No. 17) and Indravarraan II (No. 31) and many others vied with one another in richly endowing this 'god of gods', and composing hymns of praise in his honours 1 . In course of time a mythical origin was attribated to the Lin ja. It is saidj in an inscription, dated 875 A. D., that Siva him93lf gave it to Bhrgu, and Uroja having got it from the latter established it in Champa. We are told that ^ambhu-Bhadresvara, the greatest of gods, and the only one fit to be worshipped, was the guardian deity of Champa, all the kings of which have become famous i|i the world through his grac3 and favour. From the middle of the eleventh century A. D. tiftna- BhadreSvara came to occupy the position of national god. It appears extremely likely that w.e find here the pJd god ambhu-Bhadravara under a new name, for the god 1. cf . Ins. No. 17, p. 35. 182 THE WORSHIP OF SIVA Bhadrevara ia also said to bo installed by Uroja (No. 73, v. 3). Henceforth king after king declares himself to be an incarna- tion of Uroja, and restores or endows the tempb of ^rl^ana- bhadrevara which Uroja had formerly established on the Vugvan mountain (cf. pp. 93, 99 ff above). The temple suffered much in the hands of tbe enemies, particularly the Cambodgians, and was therefore repaired and endowed by a succession of kings, 1 sometimes with the booty taken from the Cambodgians themselves. An idea of the wealth and grandeur of the god and its surroundings may be formed from the numerous lists of articles granted to the god by the kings of Champa in per- petual endowments. In 1088 A. D. Sii Jaya Indravarman gave him a "golden Kofta of six faces ornamented with ser- pents and decorated with coloured jewels fixed at sharp points in the diadem". The Kos'a, which was a frequent gift to Siva lingas in Champft, appears to be an outer covering for the same. Th3 one given by Jaya Indravarman V had six faces, and also an Urddhvakosa or the Adhara Urddhva-mukfta. As the weights of the Ko3a and of these last two items are all given separately, it appears that both the fac3S and the Urddhvakosa were detachable elements fixed on to tho Koza. This Ko$a of Jaya Indravarman, when completa, contained a large number of costly gems and gold weighing about 431bs Troy. About eighty years later, another king of the same name, Jaya Indravarman VII, gave still richer endowments to the same god (11 63- 11 70 A. D.). He gave a golden Ko$a t de- corated with costly jewels, constructed an antargrha (inner cham- . ber) of sandalwood with silver and gold decorations, and offered vessels, pitchers and various other objects of gold and silver. He also decorated the temple of iiftnabhadrevara with eilver and coated all the pinnacles of the temple with gold. .1. cf. Ins. Nos. 59 61, G2, 68 73, 79, 81, 84 ." 87, 94, 101, 109, 117. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 183 The total amount of gold required for the above purposes was nearly 75 IbaTroy in weight, and the amount of silver nearly 35,000 Ibs. Troy. 1 Besides, the king gave large elephants, male and female slaves etc. Among the various objects which we find dedicated to the god by a succession of pious kings may be mentioned, diadem decorated with jewel, necklaces and other ornaments, pitchers and other utensils of gold and silver, variety of articles made of gold, silver and sandalwood, the exact nature of which cannot be ascertained, male and female servants, and other women including dancers and musicians, fields, grain stores, oxen, buffaloes, and elephants, (cf. also the lists of articles in Nos 23, 24, 29.). It is thus absolutely clear that ^ambhubhadre^vara or {3ri''anabhadresvara was regarded as the nation.il deity of Champa from beginning to end, and most elaborate arrange- ments compatible? with the wealth and resources of the kingdom were made for his worship. There were apparently tha system of 'Devada&is', 'female dancers', who dedicated their lives , (j. 2. Farm. I. C. Vl. II pp. 202 (f, n. 7), 273 ff 5 4 5. Fig, 02. B. E. F. vol. I p 20. CHAPTER VI. Brahma and the Hindu Trinity. Brahma, the third god of the Hindu Trinity, is referred to as creator in several inscriptions (No. 12, v. 24; No. 62, v. 3), but does not seem to have held a very prominent position in Champa. He is also called Caturanana, having four faces (No. 12), and in several inscriptions of the 13th century A. D. he is referred to as Svayamutpanna or self-created (Nos. 89, 91, 92, 96, 106). In Ins. No. 21 he is said to have made the golden peak of mount Meru. King Jaya ParameSvaravarman installed an image of Svayamutpanna at Phanrang in 1233 A. D. (No. 89) and rich endowments were made to the god by the king himself (Nos. 89, 91, 92), his heir apparent Nandabhadra (No. 92), his Commander-in-Chief Abhimanyudeva (No. 96) and by king Indravarman (No. 106). The evidence of iconography is in full accord with that of epigraphic records in respect of the inferior position of Brahma. Only two small images of Brahma have heen discovered in Myson. These were originally placed in temples A and B as secondary gods. Brahma also figures in bas-relief decorations of temples, but, mostly as a subsidiary god. The characteristic features of the image of Brahma are his four faces of course only three being visible in most cases and his Vdhana, the goose. His common attributes are rosary and lotus stems. In a bas-relief in theTouranne Muse- um he is represented as standing, with four heads and eight arms holding a sceptre in one of them. Tho scene figuring the birth of Brahm& has been referred to in connection with Visuu. Here Brahma wears a sacred thread, and holds a discus andalon^-nocksdbottbin his hands. 198 BRAHMA AND THE HINDU TRINITY Brahma is usually seated on lotus though in one case the ser- pents form his bed. The real importance of Brahma lies in the fact that he is regarded as a member of the Trinity. We meet with the con- ception of the Trinity of Hindu gods in one of the earliest records of Champa. The Myson Ins. of Bhadravarman dating from 5fch century A. D. begins with a reverence to Uma and MaheSvara, as well as to Brahma and Visnu. This decided leaning towards 5iva is further developed in Ina. No. 39. Here Siva is represented as the supreme god, and the two others pay homage to him ; finally the three gods stand together, $iva in the middle with Brahma on the right and Hari on the left. The same idea is conveyed by iconographic representa- tions on decorative panels. The Tympanum at Trach Pho 1 has a Mukhalinga in the middle with Brahmfi seated on a serpent to the proper right, and Visnu, seated on a boar, to the proper left. Both these gods are turned towards biva with joined hands, and two attributes of Visnu viz. a discus and a club are shown in the background. In the tympanum at U'u Diem, 2 Siva and Uma riding on a single bull occupy the centre; Brahma and Visnu, With joined hands, and S3ated respectively on a lotus and a Garuda, are in the upper right and upper left corners, while two other figures, an armed soldier and Karttika (?), occupy positions just below these figures. At Thuy Trieu, however, Visnu occupies the central position with Brahma on the left and iSiva on the right. Siva rides on aboir, and both the godn have their hands joined in an attitude of prayer. Thus Visuu and iva were both claimed to be the chief 3. Parni, I. C. Vol. II, p. 411. fig. 115. 2. Ibid Vol. I. p. 518 fig 120. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 199 of the Trinity by their respective followers. 1 An attempt at compromise resulted in th3 conception of a new god Saiikara- Narayana. Here the two gods are placed on the same level in theory, and this is expressed by a concrete image, half of which is &va, and half Visnu. Such an image is clearly referred to in Ins. No. 24; 2 but unfortunately no actual remains of such a figure have yet been discovered. The idea of association of the clvef gods also probably led to tho practice of decorating the temple, dedicated to ona god, with figures of the other group. Thus the tempJe of Phong Ls dedicated to Siva has its front decorated with images of Visnu. Similarly figures of Laksmi and Brahma appear on the tympanums of ^aiva temples. The principal tympanum in a temple, however, usually figures the god or gods to whom the temple is dedicated, though a ^aiva temple in Myson has the scene of the birth of Brahma, and a temple at Phanrang, dedicated to Brahma, shows the Trinity with Visnu as the chief god. 1 M. Parmentier observes as follows: A close study of the evidences furnished by epigraphy and iconography seems to indicate that from the 12th century A. D. a silent religious revolution in favour of Vaisnavism was taking place in Ohampa. The references to Vaisnav/i cult or Vaisnava tem- ples before this period are few and far between. But from this period onwards we find, an increasing number of them. Again, whereas the figures of Visnu and Laksmi hold but a minor place in the decoration of temples of the earlier period they gradually occupy an increasingly preponderant pohition in the later period. Lastly Siva is clearly subordinated to Visnu in the image of the Trinity under discussion. M. Parmentier thinks that the position of Siva as the sup- reme god was lowered in the eyes of the Cham s on account of the constant reverses sustained by them in the hands of the Annamites and other enemies. They naturally discarded Siva who was unable to afford them the necessary protec- tion, and turned to other gods in the hope that they might succeed where Siva had failed. This might also account for the rise of Brahma into importance at the cost of Siva (Parm I. C. vol, 11. pp. 432-433) 2 The god "Srisana Visnu", mentioned in No. 71, may alo, refer to such an image, CHAPTER VII. The minor deities of the Hindu pantheon. Although the great gods of the Hindu Trinity, viz. Brahma, Visim and feJiva almost monopolised the homage and worship of the people, the lesser gods of the Hindu pantheon were not altogether forgotten. Thus the Ins. No. 24 begins with "a reverence to all the gods", and the Ins. No. 31 frankly recogni- ses their importance in the following words: "In some places Indra, Brahma and Visnu, in some places Vasuki, in some places Saiikara, in some places ascetics, Sun, Moon, Agni, Varuna, and in some places image of Abhayada (Buddha) appeared for the deliverance of creatures. ' While the list of gods in the above passage is by no means exhaustive, it is worthy of note that deities like Indra, Vasuki, Sun, Moon, Agni and Varuna are placed on the same level as the great gods, and regarded as deliverer of human beings. It shows that side by side with the pompous worship of biva and Visnu there were popular cults of various gods and goddesses. This view is corroboratsd by the opening lines of Myson Ins. (No. 4) of Bhadravarman. The inscription begins with "reverence to Uma, Mahesvara, Brahma and Visnu", and this is immediately followed by * 'reverence to the Earth, Wind, Sky, Water and Fire" i.e. the five elements of nature. Appa- rently these were regarded as divine in nature. Ins. No. 17 refers to these five together with Sun, Moon and Sacriticer as the eight forms of Siva. The epigraphic records introduce us to a number of these gods. A short account of them is given below. 1. Indra. Indra is referred to in a large number of inscriptions (Noa. 12, 16, 17, 22, 23, 24, 42, 62, etc.). ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 201 He is referred to as the chief or king of the gods (No. 16) who killed Vrtra (17) and other Asuras (24), and worked the miracle of creating the three worlds (17). Ho is said to have performed severe austerities and a large number of great sacrifices (Yajna) in previous births. Having gained the king- dom of heaven by virtue thereof (23), he protected it according to rules of Dharma (31). His son is also extolled for the pro- wess of his unconquered arms. The popularity of the god is indicated both by the lar^e number of referencas in Inscrip- tions as well as by the fact that no less than twelve kings assumed the name Indravarman. Many kings of Champa are also referred to as Indra personified ( No. 30 ) or Indra fallen from heaven to earth in order to rula over the country. Two images of Indra have so far t>9on discovered in Champa, one at Tra Kieu and the other at Myson. These are two small human figures and only identified with Indra by the figure of elephant, the Vdhana of Indra, before the pedestal. In one of them Indra has probably the Vajra ( thunderbolt ) in his hand 1 2. Yama. Yarna, the god of death, is conceived as a terrible figure, but he faithfully maintains the law in his kingdom ( Nos. 22-24 ). He is referred to as Dharma ( No. 12 ) and Dhar- maraja ( 24 ) 3. Candra. Candra is referred to as god and the victim of Rahu ( Nos. 23, 74). 4. Kurya. Th<3 Sun-god is often coupled with the Moon. They both form part of the grand assembly of gods described in Ins. No. 42. Two small images of Surya have been discovered at 1. Parrn. I. C. Vol. II p, 430 202 MINOR DEITIES OF THE HINDU PANTHEON Myaon. They are identified by means of the figure of horse, the Vdhana of Surya. The god holds the nword in his hands. 1 5. Kuvera Kuvera is described as a friend of Mahesvara and a mine of wealth ( No, 12 ). He is also called Dhanada and is praised for his liberality ( No. 23 ). He is called "Ekaksa pingala", apparently in allusion to a story described fully in the Ramayaua ( Uttarakanda ch. XIII ). A temple of Kuvera was erected in the seventh century A. D. by king PrakaSad- harma ( No. 14 ). This god was worshipped by the people for increasing the wealth and guarding against evils ( No, 14 ). The god referred to as ArtheSvara in No. 92 may be the same as Kuvera. Yaksas, th3 mythical attendants of Kuvera, are also frequently mentioned ( No. 23, 31 etc, ). 6-7. Agni and Vasuki are mentioned in the passage quoted above in Ins. No. 31. 8. SarasvatI is mentioned in Ins. No. 12 v. 26; but whether she is conceived as a goddess or merely regarded as a symbolical expression for knowledge and learning cannot be determined. 9. A god called Vanantare 3 vara seems to have been wor- shipped in the later period, but its identity is at present un- known ( Nos. 129, 130 ). 10-11. Two gods Mandara and Pranave^vara are referred to in No. 28 but their identity is unknown. In addition to these gods, there were other beings of the nature of demi-gods who arj frequently referred to in the in- scriptions of Champa. Chief among these are the divine sag^s ( Rsis ) ( Nos. 23, 46 etc. ) who are placed on the same level as the gods in the passage quor.ed above from Ins. No. 31. Among them Brhaspati, the preceptor of the gods, and .1. Piirm. I. author of this inscription, "knowing 1. Cf. Ins. 43 Co) v. 13 ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 205 that the body and its pleasures are vain and transient", instal- led lingas and made gifts to the gods "who were present in their symbols." He embellished and enriched SrisanabhadreSvara and increased the riches and the land of the god. The thought of Is varadevata, otherwise known as YogI3 vara, was always present in his mind. By the force of effort and concentration of mind he at last saw Isvaradevata, who became entirely visible ( pratyakm ) to him (No. 59 ). This may ba taken as a sketch of the ideal of religious life in Champa. A characteristic feature of the religious development in Champa is the spirit of toleration that marked it from beginning to end. Although sectarianism prevailed, and two or three prsdominant Brahmanical sacts flourished side by side with Buddhism, we hear of no animosity in the field of religion. On the other hand, we find a liberal and catholic spirit pay- ing reverence to all religious sects. This is proved by the passage in Ins. No. 31 quoted above on p. 200. The kings, too, often practically demonstrated their eclecticism. Thus king Praka^adharma installed 5iva lingas ( Nos. 10, 12 ) and at th^ saire time erected a temple of Visnu ( No. 11 ). King Indra- varman, too, shows equal zeal towards Saivism and Buddhism ( No. 31 ). Such instances can be multiplied to almost any extent. The people, too, followed the example of the kings ( 28). In this respect the Indian colonists maintained the best tradi- tions of their motherland. This brief sketch of the religious life may be concluded by a short account of some striking popular beliefs and supersti- tions. The Indian theory of transmigration and "Karmaphala" ( effects of deeds done in one life passing to the next) seems to have been the basis of religious life ( No. 4 ). Thus king Praka'adharma established a god "with a view to destroy the seeds ( of Karina ) which have the power of leading to 206 MINOR DEITIES OP THE HINDU PANTHEON births in quick succession" ( No. 12 ). King Jay* Indravarman believed that "he became king of Champa by virtue of peculiar merits accruing from austerities of many previous births" (No. 31 ). The very interesting fact that several kings believed themselves to be inacrnations of Uroja, who was bora four times in this earth, have been already referred to. King Satyavar- man was also regarded as an incarnation of Vicitrasagara (29) We find also a belief in the influence of ttars and planets and their power of guiding the destinies of man. Thus king Jaya Indravarman's glory and wisdom is said to be due to the protection of Mercury, Mars, Jupiter, the Moon, the Sun, Venus and Saturn ( No. 31 ). The belief in heaven and hell of course played a predo- minant part. In general, heaven is looked upon as the abode of gods and abounds in pleasures of all kinds. Hell is on th-3 other hand the place for sorrows and torments of all kinds. We hear of heaven associated with a particular god, such as Rudra- loka, Isvaraloka (24) Buddhapada (31. c. 8. ). On the other hand, hells, too, were many in numb3r. The conventional number of hells is given as eight ( 31 ). In particular re fere nee is made to Raudra, Maharaurava ( 31 ) and Avici ( 33 ). The question of heaven and hell is frequently raised in connection with perpetual endowments. Imprecations in right Indian fashion are added at the end of inscriptions containing record of perpetual endowments. Any one maintaining these is promised salvation, heaven, or nirvana along with his friends and relations, while those who destroy them are threatened with the direst consequences, such as living in hell for aeons with their relations and ancestors. In one case it is threatened that even the mother of the man, who destroys the goods of temples, would be haunted by multitude of dogs ( 32 ). Lastly, there was the belief in the Yugas. Three of them are mentioned by name viz. Krta, Dvapara ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 207 and Kali. The Krta age is the ideal or golden age ( 74 ), as in India, when Dharma prevailed in its entirety ( 12 ). The Dvapara which immediately preceded Kali, is brought within historical range by the mention of king Vicitrasagara who is said to have flourished in that age ( 29 ). The Chains even professed to know the exact date when Dvapara Yuga began. For we are told that in the year 5911 of the Dvapara Yuga king Vicitrasagara established a JMukhalinga in Kauthara ( No. 29 ). Again the same event is placed 1, 780, 500 years before 1065 Saka (No. 71). Thus the Dvapara Yuga commenced in 1, 785, 268 B. C. It would b& interesting to know the basis on which this calculation was made. The Kali Yuga is, of course, full of evils (Nos. 26, 29). It always tries to "lead people to error and pride" ( No.65 ) and kings have always to be on their guard in order to withstand its evil effects. It is antagonistic to the prosperity of kings ( 35, 62, 74 ) who are consequently obliged to wage an eternal war against it. The only way of fighting it is to follow the path of virtue and righteousness. This is beautifully expres- sed in the following passage. 1 I have nothing to expect from a king who, free from passion, dutifully protects his subjects like his own sons '-with this melancholy reflection, Kali, chased by the splendour of tha king, sadly moved away, nobody knows where, even as the army of darkness flies bafore the Sun leaving its unbearable rays behind." ( No. 12, v, 8 ) CHAPTER VIII. Buddhism. Buddhism had also a fairly strong hold on the peonle of Champa. At least eight inscriptions specifically refer to that religion (Nos. 28, 31, 37, 43, 93, 103, 123, 126.) and interest- ing information about it is supplied by them. Buddha is known by various names such as Jina ( 28 ), Lokanatha ( 37 ), Loke3 vara ( 31 ), Sugata ( 37 ), Damaresvara (123), Svabhayada (31), Abhayada (31), 3akyamuni, Ami- tabha, Vajrapani, Vairocana (37 ), Saddharrna 1 (/) (69, 71), and PramuditalokeSvara ( 37 ). Buddha is regarded as born from a succession of Buddhas (31 ). He is omnipresent in this world ( 37 ) and his essential characteristics are conceived to b? kindnsss and an anxiety to deliver all creatures from misery. "The essence of his soul is pity and his intelligent is wide awake in saving creatures. He is always full of kindness and his patience is incomparable. Men overpowered by sorrows and the dwellers in hell long to see him day and night; as thirsty mon, overpowered by sun's heat long for cool water in summer, so th^y, suffering from many sorrows, wish to have a view of Buddha" ( 31 ). Utmost emphasis is laid upon th doctrines of Karrna and transmigration as propounded by Buddha.. Deeds done in this life must have their effect, and evil deeds lead people to the clutches of Mara, the Buddhist Satan. The Buddha alone can grant salvation and rebase people from tho terrible hosts of Mara in hell. These ideas are beautifully expressed in the two following verses, the first of which is unfortunately mutilated. 1 Saddharma really means Buddhism, but it seems to bo used also for Buddha. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 209 "Hail ! constant reverence to that merciful one Those whose happiness was over, and who were being struck by iron rods... got the highest salvation by thinking oi Lokevara. "Sinful men attached to their works in former lives, and without any hope of deliverance, were eternally surrounded by the terrible hosts of Mara, and overpowered by hunger and thirst on account of their want of liberality and aversion to Sugata (i. e Buddha) in former times. But being rescued by Vajrapfini from the hell, they secured the way to salvation pointed out by the Buddha". (No. 37, vv, 1-2) This salvation is defined as the "attainment of the Buddhist Nirvana to which there is no parallel" (No. 31). It is also evident from the Dong Duong Ins. (No.31,c-8) that there was a popular conception of a Buddhist heaven, where vir- tuous people might enjoy pleasures along with their ser- vants. Buddhism seems to have obtained a great deal of royal favour, and statues and temples of Buddha were erected by kings and people alike. There was also a powerful com- munity of Buddhist monks and we hear of erection of monas- teries in different parts of the kingdom. We learn from the inscription of Sthavira Buddhanir- vana dated 829 A. D. (No 28), that his father erected a Bud- dhist temple and a Buddhist monastery and granted lands to the latter, apparently for defraying the expenses of the monks living therein. The famous Dong Duong Ins. (No. 31) informs us that king ri Jaya Indravarinan,also known as "L^ksmln- dra, Gramasvaml, installed an image of "Lokevara", called after him "Laksrnlndra-Loke^vara, in 875 A. D. He also founded a monastery for the perpetual enjoyment of the Bhiksu-samgha or the community of monks, and placed therein all the necessaries of life. Ho also endowed the 210 BUDDHISM monastery with a large number of fields. He did all these for the sake of Dharrna, for the propagation of Buddhism and not for his own enjoyment or increment of royal reve- nues. Usual benedictions and imprecations for those who maintain or destroy the gifts are added at the end. Indra- varman, who was thus a devoted follower of Buddhism, got the posthumous titla of Parama-Buddhaloka fNo. 36), The An-Thai Ins. (No. 37) dated 902 A, D. records the erection of temples and monasteries by kings Bhadravarman and In- dravarman, apparently at the request of, and out of respect for a monk called Nagapuspa. Again, the Nhan-Bieu Ins. (No. 43), dated 911 A. D., records that a dignitary of Champa erected a temple of Avalokitesvara and a monastery, called Vrddhaloke^vara, apparently after his grandmother, princess Lyan Vrddhakula. Referring to the condition of Buddhism in Lin-i or Champa, I-tsing remarks that "the Buddhists generally be- long to the Aryasammiti-uikaya and there are also a few followers of the Sarvastivadanikaya '. This would mean the prevalence of Hlnayana sects. 1 r$ut, according to the inscriptions, the later Mahayftna form of Buddhism was most predominant in Champa. This clearly fallows from the reference to AvalokiteSvara, Amitabha etc. as well as from the concep- tions of Vajradhatu, Padrnadhatu and Cakradhatu (No. 37). Hence it is that a large number of Buddhist goJs and god- desses received the homage of the people. Some of these divinities are named in Kim Choua Ins. (No. 93) viz rl Jina Parame-vara, >rl JinalokeSvara, rl SaugatadeveSvara rl Jina VrddheSvarl and >rl Jinadevadevi It is a notable fact that sanctuaries of iva and Buddha and monasteries of these two sects were often erected side by side by the same donor (cf. Nos. 28, 31, 43). The reciprocal 1. I-tsing by Takaknsu p, 12. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 211 influence of theae two religious sects is also indicated by the fact that Buddha was called Damarelvara (No. 123), the lord of Damaras or bhutaa, an epithet originally belonging to ^iva. It is also a note-worthy fact that figures of Siva decorated the famous Buddhist temples of Dong Duong. 1 It may be observed in conclusion that the famous Bud- dhist formula "ye dharmah hetupra.bhav&h" etc. is also found in Champa (No. 126). The archaeological remains have corroborated the evi- dence of inscriptions in regard to the importance of Bud- dhism. The Dong Duong Ins. of Iridravarman Parama-Bud- dhaloka refers, as we have seen above, to the erection of a^ Buddhist temple and a monastery Now, the excavations at that place have unearthed the remains of a Buddhist temple, far greater in dimensions than the largeHt Brahmauical temple in Champa. Several images of Buddha have also been discovered amid the ruins. On the whole Dong Duong appears to have been an important stronghold of Buddhism. An image of Buddha found at Dong Duong is nearly 5 ft. in height. It is seated in European fashion with the hands on the knees and has U riia and Usiusa. The god is seated on a large pedestal and around him are a series of figures paying homage to him. A fine standing image of Buddha in bronze has also been found at Dong Duong. It is regarded as the most artistic representation of Bud dim so far discovered in Champa. There is a peculiar Buddha figure at Trung Tin. Bud- dha is seated cross-legged on the body of a serpent, which has been arranged in the form of a rectangular pillar, and is protected by its seven hoods. Sometimes, as at JChau Tho Dong, Buddha figures are seated between two atupcks. A 1. Farm I. C. II. p. 134, 212 BUDDHISM terracotta figure discovered at Phuoc Tinh also represents Buddha as protected by a Naga and seated between two stupaa. A number of small but interesting terracotta seals con- taining Buddhist figures have been discovered in the cave of Phong-nha in Quang-Binh. They represent (1) a dagaba, (2-3) two images, probably of AvalokiteSvara and (4) a female deity, probably Tara, and (5-6) two Buddha figures, one in Bhumisparsa and the other in Dharmacakrapra vartana-mudra. It appears that the cave was a sanctua ry of the Mahayftna Buddhists who frequented it in large numbers and purchased these seals probably to preserve them as amulets. The influence of the Mahayana form of Buddhism is fur- ther indicated by a bronze statue of Bodhisattva found in the neighbourhood of BinhDinh. The god is seated cross-legged on the coils of a Naga, and his head is protected by its seven hoods. He is decorated by a rich headdress, rich ornaments hanging from the ear, necklaces and bracelets. His dress is transparent like that of the Buddhist figures of the Gupta period, and not marked by waving lines as we find in the Gandhara images and in the Buddha figure described above. It passes tinder his right armpit and covers the left shoulder. The soles of his feet are marked by cakra or the figure of a wheel. The two hands rest on the lap, while the palm of his right hand, placed on that of the left, shows the sign of a lotus flower. There is also a standing image of Bodhiaattva in stone, found at Phuoc Tinh. Two other figures discovered at Binh Dinh have been doubtfully identified as Buddha or' Bodhi- sattva 1 1. Parrn 1. C. Vol. 11, pp. 433 ff. B. E. P. Vol. I, pp. 22 fl Figt. 7.12. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 213 The evidence of inscriptions and sculptures thus leads to the conclusion that although not so predominant as ^aivism, Mahayana form of Buddhism had a great hold on the country. King Sri Jaya Indravarmndeva VII was evidently a great patron of this sect. We are told that he was learned in the doctrines of Mahftyana and mtalled several Mahayana dei- ties (No. 81) It is rather remarkable that remains of stupas, a struc- ture almost invariably assoc ated with Buddhism, are almost conspicuous by absence. Bat the existence of stupaa in Champa in ancient times is oroved by references in Chinese books. 1 It may be safely held that the ruins of these structures proved useful quarries in later times, as in India, and the stupas nearly vanished from the surface of the earth. 1. T'ounc Pao 1910, p. 497. CHAPTER IX. Society. The Indian colonists in Champa tried to build up a society of the orthodox Hindu type, but it bad to be modi- fied in some essential aspects by the pre-existing traditions, manners and customs. The people were theoretically divided into four castes, Brahmana, Ksatriya, Vaisya and ^udra. 1 Bat this division hardly existed in practical life except with regard to Brah- manas and Ksatriyas. The terms Vaisya and budra are only referred to in a solitary inscription, whereus references to Brahmaua and Ksatriya are numerous. Even when a gene- ral enumeration of castes is intended, the terms Vai?ya and 6udra are conspicuous by their absence. Thus we read in the imprecatory verses: "Those who take away those goods- Ksatriyas, Kings or Brahmauas fall every day into thd doleful hell along with their father and mother/' Again: "Those kings, Ksatriyas, Brahinanas, ministers... merchants who take away or destroy these etc. "* It is evident, therefore, that the fourfold division of so- ciety in accordance with the injunction of the Hindu Sastras was merely theoretical. The Indian colonists belonged mairi- Jy to the ranks of Ksatriyas and Brahinanas, while there was probably no very aharp distinction between the other classes of society. The merchants, on kccount of their wealth, probably occupied a high position in society as indicated by the passages quoted above, but beyond this there were pro- bably no social divisions among the common rank of people, whether Indian or Chams. There is no clear indication in the inscriptions that the conquered Chains were specially marked out for the servile position. 1 Ins. No. 65. 2. No. 31. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 215 The distinction between Brahmanas and Ksatriyas seems more akin to that of classes r ither than that of castes. For one thing, it is evident that intermarriage between the two was in vogue. Thus, according to the Ins. No. 12. King Rud- ravarman was the "son of an eminent Brahmana" and the "son of the daughter's daughter" of glorious Manorathavar- inhn". Manorathavarman, as is apparent from his title Varman, muat have been a Ksatriya, and thus Rudravarman had a Brahmana father and Ksatriya mother. This conclu- sion is corroborated by the fact that in Ins. No. 7 he is called the "ornament of the Brahma-Ksatriya family (or families). Again, the sister of king Prabhasadharma married Satyakausikasvarni. The latter was undoubtedly a Brahmaua (see p. 39fF. above) and the issue of this marriage, Bhadre- varavarman, is said to have "shed lustre on both the Ksatriya and Brahmana families" (Ins. No. 12, vv. 12-13). That such marriages were pretty frequent seems to follow from Ins. No. 75, where the king, Sri Jay* Harivarmadeva, is said to belong "to Ksatriya family on both the father's and mother's hide". Such qualifying phrases would have been absolutely uncalled for if marriage usually took place between members of the same caste. It is probably the marriage relation between Ksatriyas and Brahmanas that gave ris3 to a new clan, the Brahma- Ksatriyas, 1 to which frequent reference is made in inscrip- tions. The word literally means "partaking of the character of both Brahmana and Ksatriya." Two kings viz. Rudravarman (Ins. No. 7) and Indravarm'in (No. 23) are said to be the head of the Brahma-Ksatra clan. The Brahma-Ksatra is a well-known caste in India. The Sena kings of Bengal be- 1. On the meaning and origin of the term Brahma-Ksatra, See Prof. Bhandarkar'a article in J. A S. B (N. S.) Vol. V. 1900. rm. 1fi7-87. 216 SOCIETY longed to this caste and it exists till to this day in many parts of India. In Champa, however, the Brahma-Ksatriyas do not seem to have formed a separate caste or class, but were merely a subdivision of the Ksatriyas. This is conclusively proved by a comparison of the two inscriptions, Nos. 72, and 75. In the former, the king, Sii Jaya Harivarniadeva, is said to belong to "Brahma-Ksatriya caste", but in the latter inscription he is expressly said to belong to "Ksntriya family on both his father's and mother's side". Thus Brahma-Ksa- tra can only be regarded as a sub-class under the Ksatriyas, and in any case there could not possibly be any rigid dis- tinction between the two. The Brahmanas occupied a high position in society. As has already been observed, 1 they did not dominate over the king and the state to the same extent as in India. But otherwise they occupied a position of great dignity. The Brahmanas are regarded as gods among men, and the murder of a Brahmana is regarded as a very heinous crime (No. 12). According to the same inscription even kings are said to be devoted to them (No. 12). It is doubtful, however, whe- ther they ranked above the Ksatriyas. It is true that in the only instance where the traditional four castes are enu- merated, the Brahmanas occupy the conventional position of supremacy; but in a good many instances where only the two classes are mentioned, the Ksatriyas are placed before the Brahmauas, 3 as we find in Buddhist and Jaina books, accor- ding to which the Brahmanas are inferior to the Ksatriyas. On the whole, the available materials saem to show that the distinction between the Brahmanas and the Ksatriyas was not a very rigid one, and they cannot be said to have formed two castes in the strict sense of the term. 1 cf. p. 150 above 2 cf. Ins, NO. 12, v. 13 ; Ins. No. 31, C v. 7, and D. ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 217 The constant mention of the Brahmauas and the Ksa- triyaR seem to show that these were really distinguished from the rest of the population. Bat whether this distinction led to any restriction about food and marriage such as pre- vails in India between two castes, we are unable to deter- mine. Taking everything into consideration it would seem quite safe to conclude that the society was really divided into two broad classes, the higher one composed of Brahmanas and Ksatriyas, and the lower one consisting of the remaining people. But there was another important distinction in society viz. that between the aristocracy and commonalty. These two divisions were certainly overlapping to a great extent. In other words, the members of the aristocracy most often belonged to the Brahmana and Ksatriya classes but it almost certainly comprised other people, who gained this high rank by virtue of wealth or services rendered to the state. The external symbols of aristocracy are described in de- tail in the inscription No. 39. We are told that these privi- leges "difficult to be attained by others in this world" were granted to the minister Ajfia Mahasamanta by the king as reward for faithful services. The privileges consist of: (1) Articles of dress and ornaments. (2 ) Right to use special conveyances, such as palanquins and elephants, to the accompaniment of music etc. (3) Claim to be seated near the king. Among the articles of dress are mentioned : "The honour of putting a garland on his head, the distinction of being marked by an excellent tilaka (mark on the forehead), a com- plete ornament for the ear, best ear-ring, a pair of robes, decoration by golden girdle-string, an axcelleat dagger with 218 SOCIETY a golden sheath, a vessel and a cirdnda white as silver. To these are added "an umbrella made of the ftat.hers of pea- cock and a multitude of pitchers and vases, a id a palanquin with silver staff" Similar honours were conferred by the king a brother of the minister named Sjiia Jayendrapati as a mark of appreciation of his poetical merits. We are told that in nine different temples of the realm Ajiia Jayendrapati composed poetical inscriptions engraved on stones, and as a reward, obtained from the king various distinctions such as palanquin, parasol decorated with peacock feathers etc. (Ins, No. 39, b) In botli these respects the Indian colonists kept up the tradition of their motherland. In ancient India people laid a #reat stress upon the special privileges of wearing particular dresses and using particular conveyances, and these distinc- tions were granted by the king upon poets and other great personages in recognition of their loyal arid faithful services. Traces of these customs still persist in the Native States of India, particularly among the Rajput States. The family to which the two ministers belonged may be regarded as a typical aristocratic family. Of the three bro- thers, two, as we have seen above distinguished themselves in court by administrative ability and poetic talents. The third brother, Sjiia Narendra Nrpavitra was no lees famous. He was "versed in all sacrificial ceremonies and in all treatises dealing with the aiva religion". Besides, he was a linguist, and by hard exertion mastered the languages of neighbouring countries. We are told that he "was able to understand thoroughly the meaning of messages sent by kings from different countries, after looking over them only for an ins- tant". Whether he was a Brahmana or Ksatriya by caste we do not know, but the case of the three brothers certainly ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 219 shows that so far at least as occupation went there was no very hard and fast line between the Brahmauas and the Ksatriyas. In addition to the distinctions mentioned above the king also granted titles to the members of the aristocracy. We have got reference to several high officials who were rewar- ded in this manner. Thus king Jayasimhavarman gave three titles to his favourite Captain of Guards viz. Tlvarakalpa, 6iva- kalpa and ^rikalpa (Ins. No. 35). Again PovKlufiPilih Rajadva- rah "obtained the title of Akaladhipati as a reward for the zeal with which he served the king" (Ins. No. 43). But Rajadva- rah obtained something moro substantial for his services, viz. a grant of lauds. It appears that such grants almost always accompanied the other distinctions in order to enable the reci- pients to maintain their dignity, and this laid the foundation of a hereditary landed aristocracy. Unfortunately there are not enough details to pursue the subject any further. A general idea of the manners and customs of the aristo- cracy may be formed from what has been said above regard- ing the king (pp. 161 ft'). But history, aa properly under- stood, should concern itself more with the life of commoa people than with big events connected with kings and nobles. Unfortrnately, however, it is difficult and well-nigh impossi- ble to make this the guiding principle when one has to dis- cuss the history of any ancle at civilisation. For the written materials on which we are to base our accounts are mostly concerned with the higher classes of people, and it is only in an indirect way that we can glean some informations from them about common people. It is only when we are fortu- nate enough in coming across a highly developed national art that we may entertain some hopes of reconstructing the life of the people at large. Fjr tra^ art Is a fair index ol com- mon life, more so when it is rich in phonetic value. SOCIETY The art of Champa was fairly developed and its phone- tic ^alue, although not very high, is not altogether negligible. It 18 possible therefore to get some valuable information from a careful study of this art. But one note of warning has to be sounded before we proceed to this task. As will be de- monstrated in the next chapter, the art of Champa was deri- ved from that of India and not of indigenous growth. Its spirit was also Indian. It is difficult to judge therefore the extent to which it reflects the national life of Champa as against merely handing down the traditions of the parent art. With this reservation, and subject to the risk of being led astray at times, we may cull a few valuable informations regarding the dress and ornaments of common people in an- cient Champa. First as to the dress. It is indeed very striking that the sculptures represent the dress of the people as very scanty. Only the portion below the waist is covered; the rest of the body, even in cases of females, is nude. The evidence of art in this respect is in full agreement with the Chinese accounts (cf. p. 11 above;. It is possible that in course of time a garment for the upper part of the body was introduced, but this is not reflected in the artistic representa- tions, till a very late period. As to the dress which covered the lower part of the body it may be broadly divided into two classes, the long and the short. The long one extends down to the ankle while the short one never reaches beyond the knee, and sometimes even stops short much above it There were of course great varie- ties in both. Sometimes ths cloth was quite plain, but often it contained rich and varied designs in variegated colours, and was plaited in fancy patterns. In most cases we find a loose scarf over the dress hanging between the legs. At a later period this was replaced by either aprons, or richly dwriptif PI. I. Dress, as illus .iwl from ike, pnblimtions of E colt monument* CVn. fyy //. P