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WORKS ISSUED BY 



XLbc lOaWui^t Societi?, 



A GEOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT 

OF 

COUNTRIES ROUND THE 
BAY OF BENGAL, 

1669 TO 1679. 



SECOND SERIES. 
No. XII. 



ISSUED FOR 1903. 



( 






% 






WORKS ISSUED BY 



XLhc IDaftlu^t Soctet?. 



A GEOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT 



COUNTRIES 


ROUND THE 


BAY OF 


BENGAL, 


1669 TO 1679. 


SECOND 


SERIES. 


No. 


XII. 



ISSUED Foa 1903- 



A GEOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT 



OF 



COUNTRIES ROUND THE 

BAY OF BENGAL, 

1669 TO 1679 



BY 



THOMAS BOWREY 



EDITED BY 

Lt.-Col. sir RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Bart., CLE. 



; 



CAMBRIDGE: 
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 

MDCCCCV. 



PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. 
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 



COUNCIL 

OF 

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 



il 



Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres, R.G.S., President, 

The Right Hon. The Lord Amherst of Hackney, Vice-President. 

Rear- Admiral Sir William Wharton, K.C.B., F.R.S., Vice-President. 

Colonel George Earl Church. 

Sir William Martin Conway, M.A., F.S.A, 

George William Forrest, C.I.E, 

William Foster, B.A. 

Albert Gray. 

f. h. h. guillemard, m.a., m.d. 

The Right Hon. The Lord Hawkesbury. 

Edward Heawood, M.A. 

John Scott Keltie, LL.D. 

Frederic William Lucas. 

Admiral Sir Albert Hastings Markham, K.C.B. 

Commr. John Franklin Parry, R.N. 

Ernest George Ravenstein. 

Admiral of the Fleet Sir F. W. Richards, G.C.B. 

Henry William Trinder. 

/Richard Stephen Whiteway. 
Basil H. Soulsby, B.A., F.S.A., Honorary Secretary, 



139157 



V 






\ 







CONTENTS. 



Preface 

Introduction: 

I. History, Contents and Value of the MS. 

II. Authorship of the MS. 

III. Life of the Author .... 

IV. Other Works by the Author 

Asia 

Of Choromandel 

golcondah 

The Coast of Gingalee .... 

Orixa 

Bencala 

Pattana 

janselone 

QUEDA 

ACHIN 



^'Bibliography 

(|IKDEX 




I 



\ 




LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PLATE 

I. The Pagod called Tressletore . . . To face p, 8 

II. Dancinge Women at the great Pagod Jno. 

Gemaet „ 14 

III. Fig. I. The figure of one of their Diabolical 

Chariots 
Fig. 2. Fackeers „ 22 

IV. Fig. I. Fackeers 

Fig. 2. Gentues „ 32 

V. Mango, Arbor Triste, Palmito, Palmero Trees „ 49 

VI. Danceinge Snakes „ 60 

VII. Fig. I. The Widow bumeth alive 
Fig. 2. A Roundel 

Fig. 3. A Palanchino „ 86 

VIII. Fig. I. A Massoola. A Cattamaran 
Fig. 2. Hoocars 

Fig. 3. The Manner of fixing their geere „ 104 

IX. A most Sumptuous Tombe . . . . „ 113 

X. Fig. I. The Antilope 

Fig. 2. A great Giant called Jansa Bainsa „ 119 

XI. Fig. I. A barbarous Penalty 

Fig. 2. The figure of an Elephant 

Fig. 3. The Tyger „ 219 

XII. Fig. I. Bears and a wild Hogge 
Fig. 2. Jackalls 

Fig. 3. The Rhinocerot .... „ 222 

XIII. Fig. I. An Olocko 

Fig. 2. A Budgaroo 

Fig. 3. A Purgoo 

Fig. 4. The Muske Deere 

Fig. 5. A Boora „ 228 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



PI an tan and Samcau Trees 



Fig. I. A Paiella 

Fig. I. Pepper 

Fig. 3. Long Pepper 

Fig. I. Pine Apples 

Fig. 3. Strange Fishes in Queda 

Fig. 3. The Alligator 

Fig. I. Betelee. Areca Tree 

Fig. 3. A Slate Elephani 

Fig. 1. Men of Warre Prows 

Fig. 3. The Buffalo 

Fig. 3. An Achin Cripple 

Fig. I. An Achin House 

Fig. 2. A Mangastine Tree 
A Durian Tree 



285 
308 



Chart of the River Hugli, Bengal, drawn by Thomas Bowrey. 

(/« pocket in back cover of volume.) 




\ 



PREFACE. 




*I preparing this MS. for the Hakluyt 
Society, I have had it copied exactly as 
it stands, retaining the original spelling 
and the use of capital letters. But the 
contractions have been written out in full 
and the letters u v i j and ff (for capital F) have been 
adapted to the present accepted usage. Also, where 
necessary for the sense, modern punctuation has been 
employed. The marginal notes have been omitted be- 
cause they were, in nearly every case, merely repetitions 
of the text. The illustrations are reductions from exact 
phott^raphs of the originals. 

I make no apology for the voluminous notes appended 
to the text, as in a work designed to be of assistance 
to students it is in my judgment of value to show how 
I; ix the statements of a writer, who was an independent 
^ .rader in the East, are substantiated by the official records 
^ of the East India Company, and to exhibit the views and 
{ knowledge of residents about the East in the last quarter 
I of the seventeenth century, and also to give every assist- 
ance practicable in acquiring information as to the men 
and manners of that period. The majority of the notes 
consist of contemporary quotations from unpublished 
documents at the India Office and British Museum, and 



Xll PREFACE 

extracts from existing printed works have been excluded 
except where the remarks of contemporary writers serve 
to elucidate the text. Anglo-Indianisms not given or 
only slightly treated in Yule's Hobson-Jobson have been 
traced, wherever possible, to their original source and have, 
I believe, in every instance, been explained and correctly 
translated into modern parlance. No other published record, 
at present known to me, covers the period 1669 — 1679, 
and this MS. therefore fills a gap in the early history 
of the doings of the English in Bengal, Madras and the 
Malay Archipelago. 

In the preparation of this MS. for publication my 
thanks are in the first place due to Miss Lavinia Mary 
Anstey, without whose untiring perseverance, capacity for 
solid work of a nature uninteresting in itself, and accuracy 
and energy in research and in the copying of documents, 
cheerfully undertaken and spread over a period of five 
years, this edition would have been impossible. 

My thanks are also due to Mr Eliot Howard for the 
loan of the MS. and for help in connection with the 
search for the identity of the author. To the authorities 
at the India Office for their courtesy in placing all corl- 
temporary information at my disposal, and when I consider 
that upwards of 150 MS. volumes alone have been ex^! 
amined during the editing of this work, I cannot bui 
feel that the labours of those who have had to fetch an< 
carry the ponderous tomes have been by no means incon- 
siderable. But in this most courteous of the Government 
Offices, there has been no grumbling at my voracious 
requirements ! To Mr William Foster, Assistant Registrar, 
to whom I am specially indebted and whose intimate 
knowledge of the Records in his charge has materially 



PREFACE Xlll 

helped me throughout the work. To Professor J. F. 
Blumhardt for the elucidation of many Hindustani titles 
and words. To Mr F. W. Thomas, M.A., Librarian at 
the India Office, and to Mr W. Irvine, lately of the Bengal 
Civil Service, for similar assistance. To Syed Hossain 
Bilgrami for two notes in the Golconda Section. To 
Mr Donald Ferguson for help with Malay words. To the 
Rev. E. Louis C. Clapton, M.A., Rector of Lee, Blackheath, 
for a gratuitous search among the parish registers in 
connection with the author of the MS. To Dr James 
A. H. Murray for assistance with Old English words. To 
Mr G. S. Forbes, M.A., of the Madras Civil Service, for 
furnishing copies of Bowrey's letters from the Madras 
Records. 

I must further express my sense of the excellence 
of the printing and press reading of the Cambridge 
University Press, and my gratitude to Messrs J. and 
C. F. Clay for the labour saved in consequence in the 
matter of reading proofs. 

A full Bibliography and Index are appended to this 
work. 

R. C. TEMPLE. 



The N\sh, 

Worcester. 

Dec, 27 thy 1904. 




INTRODUCTION. 



I. HISTORY, CONTENTS AND VAI.UE OF THE MS. 




7ROFESSOR E. B. TYLOR, F.R.S., first drew 
my attention to the existence of this remark- 
ably interesting MS-, and subsequently its 
owner, Mr Eliot Howard, of Ardmore, Buck- 
hurst Hill, Essex, to whom it came by 
inheritance, courteously allowed me to copy 
it. It was known to Yule, to Anderson, and to Murray, 
who have each a brief quotation from it'. The MS. is 
clearly and carefully written in the handwriting of the 
period and has been exceptionally well preserved, so that 
there is no doubt as to the reading of any part of it. 
The writer, who was a sailor, further illustrated his MS. 
profusely with pen and ink drawings, such as are common 
for the period. But crude as many of them are, his repre- 
sentations of ships and boats are not only valuable for 
the details they give, but also for their accuracy. The 
whole of the drawings have been exactly represented in 
,%e plates attached to the text, on a reduced scale, from 
Jih olographs taken by my son, Lieut R. D. Temple, 
35oth Rifles. The title of the MS. is, after the fashion 
■ of the time, unconscionably long and comprehensive, and 
' purports to deal with many more subjects than is actually 
the case'. The contents, however, fall very far short of the 
author's intention, for he is full on the subject of the East 
Coast of India, but scrappy in his relation of the Coast of 

' See Diary of Wm. Hedges, v6l. iii. p. 183; English Intercourse 
vitk Siam, p. 266 ; Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. CherooL 
' See page i of this vol. 



XVI INTRODUCTION 

Burma, the Malay Peninsula an'd Sumatra, perhaps owing 
to the loss of notes, and beyond these points his account 
practically does not extend. 

As a matter of fact the accounts in the MS. are of the 
following places : — 

I. Choromandel Coast, pp. 2 to io7\ 

(i) Fort St Georg's [Madras], pp. 2 — 5. 

(2) The Pag[oda] of Jno. Gernaet [Jagannath, 

Juggernaut], pp. 12 — 14, and several other 
places. 

(3) Careyro [Karedu], N. of Madras, p. 36. 

(4) St Thomas, his Mount, pp. 44 — 50. 

(5) Pettipolee and Pullicat, pp. 51 — 60. 

(6) Metchlipatam and Guddorah [Masulipatam 

and Gudur], pp. 60 — 64, 71 f 

(7) Narsapore, Madapollum and Pollicull, pp. 98 

— 107. 
II. Golcondah [Kingdom], pp. 107 — 119. 

III. The Coast of Gingalee [Golconda], pp. 120 — 128. 

IV. Orixa [Orissa, a fragment], pp. 128 — 131. 
V. Bengala, pp. 131 — 234. 

(i) Dacca, pp. 149 — 151. 

(2) Cattack, p. 151 f 

(3) Ganges and Hugly Rivers, pp. 165 f., 209 

— 212. 

(4) Hugly [town], pp. 167 — 170. 

(5) Cossumbazar, pp. 213 — 215. 

(6) Pattana [Patna], pp. 221 — 232. — i 
VI. Arackan, p. 234 n. [heading only]. y 

VII. Pegu, p. 234 n, [heading only]. 

VIII. Tanassaree, p. 234 «. [heading only]^ 

IX. Janselone [Junkceylon], pp. 235 — 258. 

X. Queda, pp. 259—285. 

XI. Achin, pp. 285 — 326. 

^ All these figures refer to the pages in the text. 

2 pp. 103 to 130 of the MS. left blank for these places. 



INTRODUCTION XVU 

The MS. breaks off abruptly in the middle of a sentence, 
but this circumstance is not to be explained by the author's 
death as he stayed nineteen years in India and the East 
altogether, and this "Account" purports to relate to the 
first ten years only; also it is not mentioned in his Will, 
which bequeaths, inter alia^ a " Manuscript book in a Green 
Cover'' to the East India Company. The probable ex- 
planation is that the "Account" of the years 1669— 1679 
was commenced in 1680, and afterwards abandoned in 
favour of his larger MSS. bequeathed to the East India 
and South Sea Companies, and his Malay Dictionary 
published in 1701, a work that was some twelve years on 
the stocks, or that the latter part of the MS. was lost 
before it was bound up. 

Though, of course, the observations in the MS. fall far 
short of such as would be looked for in a traveller of the 
present day, yet there is no doubt that the author was 
a well-educated man for his time, an acute observer of all 
that went on around him, and deeply interested in the 
natives of the country. Many of his observations therefore 
are of exceeding interest to the student of things Indian 
and of Anglo-Indian history, being indeed in these direc- 
tions of unusual value. Among his observations the 
following may be instanced. He shows clearly that the 
word "Gentile" meant a Gentoo, and that a Gentoo was 
a low-caste Hindu ; his definitions of rdjput and rdjd are 
most accurate; so are his name for, and his account and 
knowledge of, the Chulias; his description and careful 
drawings of native boats are among the best of the kind 
for this period; he offers the earliest quoted instance of 
"bunko" and "cheroot" for a cigar; he carefully explains 
that the so-called Golconda Mines were in reality many 
^/niles distant from Golconda ; his notices of " Currant 
!oynes" and of the Cowry are among the most valuable 
of their kind ; he is very clear as to the limits of the 
Gingerlee Coast, a district only vaguely described in other 
contemporary accounts ; his remarks on the Hugli, and his 
carefully-drawn chart of that river exhibit his practical 

T. b 



xviii INTRODUCTION 

knowledge of the configuration of its shores and banks, 
and of all its dangers ; his frequent notices of sati, coming 
from an eye-witness, are important as evidences of the 
custom ; his " Janselone" section is a unique contribution 
to the history of an island about which there is hardly any 
record in the 17th century; lastly, his references to many 
notable Anglo-Indians of his day are of additional interest 
as showing these men in their ordinary daily life, rather 
than in their official character as they appear in the 
Company's records, especially as he writes without the 
ill-feeling and petty spitefulness, common in his day and 
among the community with which he worked . and 
associated. 

II. AUTHORSHIP OF THE MS. 

The author has hidden his identity under initials, and 
it needed a search occupying two years before the con- 
nection between T. B. and Thomas Bowrey could be 
proved. From the internal evidence of the MS. itself the 
following information was gathered. The author was by 
occupation a sailing-master*; he was in the East, at least 
from 1669 to 1679*; he began his career there at Fort 
St George, Madras'; he was well acquainted with the 
writings of Bernier and with Mogul history down to his 
own time*; he personally knew Ambrose Salisbury, chief 
at Pettipolee [Peddapalle] from 1662 — 1675*; and wci^ 
employed by the notable William Jearsey on one, at le^ast, 
of his many private trading vessels^; he was also i4ac- 
quainted with James Horner'', Alexander Ogilvy^ a^d 
Samuel Ware^ all of whom are mentioned in the coim-i- 
temporary Records ; and in Bengal he came in contaci 
with Walter Clavell^ Matthias Vincent", and *' ChinMi 
Cham^^" the Company's broker. These facts would havd 
been a certain guide to the identity of an Englishman in\^i 

^ See p. 172. ^ See sub-title, p. i. ^ See p. 2. 

* See pp. 135 — 145. ^ See p. 57. ^ See p. 250 f. 

7 See p. 263. * See p. 264. ^ See p. 262. 

10 See p. 158. " See p. 164. 12 See p. 154- 



INTRODUCTION xix 

India in the 17th century, had the individual in question 
been a servant of the East India Company. He was, 
however, an independent trader, and hence the difficulty 
in tracing him. 

That T. B. was by occupation a sailing-master is 
abundantly shown throughout the MS. From the fact 
that he was piloting the Sancta Cruz down the Hugli 
when he met Streynsham Master in 1676^ I was at first 
strongly inclined to believe that he was Thomas Bateman, 
one of the first batch of apprentice-pilots sent out by the 
Company on a seven years' indenture to learn the navi- 
gation of the Hugli and Ganges, in order that the Com- 
pany's ships might be brought up to Hijili and thus avoid 
the delay of transferring their cargoes into small boats 
at Balasor. Bateman's indentures would have expired in 
1676, and it seemed reasonable to conjecture that he had 
left the Company's service and was acting as an inde- 
pendent pilot to "country" ships. Accordingly, I made 
an exhaustive search of the MS. records at the India 
Office relating to Bengal, and more especially to Hugli 
in 1669 — 1679. After many disappointments, I at last 
found a mention of Thomas Bateman in August, 1675, 
when he took the Company's sloop Dilligence up to Hugli. 
In Septeynber, on the return voyage from Hugli to Balasor, 
he encountered a violent storm, in which his ship was only 
saved " after a very great hazard," and he himself perished 
either at the time, or as the result of exposure^. Thus, 
after nearly two years, the identity of T. B. was still 
wrapped in mystery ! 

The next idea was that the initials might, after all, 
be J. B., and that the author was John Bugden, an inde- 
pendent trader, commanding his own vessel, and brother 
of the Company's servant, Edmund Bugden. As a man 
in a better position than an apprentice-pilot, I considered 
it more likely that he would have the education which 
he author of this MS. evidently possessed. Then, too, 
^he was associated with Clement Jordan, who was T. B.'s 

1 See pp. 175 — 178. ^ Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4. 

b2 



XX INTRODUCTION 

purser in 1676*. Further, Yule in his reference to the MS. 
in Hedges' Diary* gives the initials as J. B. This clue 
seemed to promise well, and I followed it vigorously, until 
the owner of the MS. made it evident that the scent 
would lead nowhere. Mr Howard referred to the text, 
and examined the initials with great care, and expressed 
his confident opinion that the T. in question was a T. 
and not a J. He, however, spared no pains to assist me 
in the search and gave me every information possible 
about the MS. He stated that it came to him through 
his ancestor Peter Briggins, a Quaker, who, beyond holding 
East India Stock, appeared to have no connection with 
India. Neither was Peter Briggins a sailor, nor had any 
of the males of the family a Christian name b^inning 
with T. 

Later, Mr Howard supplied me with a clue, which 
eventually turned out to be the right one. He informed 
me that there was an idea that the MS. might have been 
a gift from a certain "Captain Bowry" (Christian name 
unknown), whose name is mentioned in the diaries of 
Peter Briggins. Mr Howard sent me a copy of the 
" Eliot Papers " containing extracts from these diaries, 
and after\vards entrusted me with the diaries themselves. 
A search through these volumes showed that Peter 
Briggins and ** Captain Bowry " were acquainted, and that 
they met constantly from 1706 till 17 13, when the Captain 
died, and that subsequently Peter Briggins rendered many 
services to the widow. 

My next discovery was the will of Captain Bowrey'. 
This gave the name Thomas Bowrey, and contained the 
information that the testator had spent many years in 
India, and was the author of Maps and " Journalls,** 
both of Africa and the "South Seas." There seemed 
ground, therefore, for identifying Thomas Bowrey with 
T. B. The difficulty was that there were no means fc 
fixing the dates of Bowrey's residence in India, and th| 



^ See p. 178. 2 See Diary of William Hedges, vol. iii. p. 183.I 

8 Wills at Somerset House, Luds, fol. 53. 



INTRODUCTION xxi 

title of the MS. had naturally led to the assumption that 
the period of the author's residence in the East was limited 
to the ten years 1669 — 1679. 

A further search among the India Office Records pro- 
duced several references to Captain Thomas Bowrey, 
commander of a "country ship," who made numerous 
voyages from Madras between 1682 and 1688, when he 
sailed for England. I was still, however, without any 
proof that Bowrey was in India at the time occupied 
by the MS. 

The next link in the chain of evidence was the dis- 
covery at the British Museum of a set of Charts of the 
islands of the Indian Archipelago, the River Hugli and 
the Persian Gulf by Thomas Bowrey^ The earliest of 
the charts was drawn in 1681, but the lettering and 
signatures bore a striking resemblance to the writing in 
the MS., and thus supplied further confirmatory evidence 
of the identity of T. B. with Thomas Bowrey. 

Next followed an important discovery. In the General 
Catalogue of the British Museum Library, I found a 
printed work by Thomas Bowrey entitled " A Dictionary / 
of English and Malayo^" This Dictionary, published in 
1 70 1, contains a preface in which the author says that he 
spent nineteen years in India and returned on the Bengali 
Merchant in 1688. He must, therefore, have arrived in 
India in 1669, and we know from his own MS. that T. B/s 
residence at Fort St George dated from that year'. This 
practically settles the question, as it is hardly likely that 
two independent traders, each having the same initials, 
should have arrived in India at such a date as 1669, have 
visited the same places, and have recorded and illustrated 
their impressions there without being distinguished in the 
contemporary records. If two such persons did exist, it 
is extremely unlikely that one should have been mentioned 
in the records and not the other. Again, we know that 

I 

^ Sloane, 5222, 6 — 17. 
' 2 British Museum Library, Press mark^ 68. c. 12. 

^ See pp. I and 2 of this vol. 



XXll 



INTRODUCTION 



the MS. descended to Mr Howard through Peter Brig- 
gins, who, while keeping minute record of his daily life, 
alludes to no seafaring acquaintance except Captain 
Bowrey. 

The identity of T. B. and Thomas Bowrey is also 
further confirmed by certain remarks in the Dialogues at 
the end of the Dictionary above mentioned, which strongly 
resemble those in the MS. Among these I select the 
following : — 



MS. 

Janselone . . . affordeth no- 
thinge Save Some Elephants 
and tinne . . . and tinne they 
have in abundance. 

There [Achin] they measure 
by the bamboo. 

Quedah . . . The Neighbour- 
inge Kings vizt. Pattany and 
Johore. 

The Citty Achin is . . . 
populous . . . famous . . . for . . . 
the great Traffick and Com- 
merce from most parts of India, 
China, and South Seas . . . Many 
Ships and Vessels doe att all 
Seasons of the year arrive in 
this Port from Severall places, 
namely Suratt, Malabar Coast 
. . . Fort St. Georg's, Metchli- 
patam, Bengala, Pegu, Syam, 
China, Java Major and Borneo, 
with infinite Numbers of Prows 
from the Malay Shore . . . 

Wee make all our pitch and 
Tarre with Dammar and Oyl . . . 
One third dammar and Oyle, 
well boyled togeather, make very 
good tarre. 



Dialogues. 

Junsalon ... its Merchandize 
is only Tin, of which it yields 
about Four Hundred Bahar 
Yearly. 

Bamboo . . . the name of a 
concave measure, used at Atchee 
on Sumatra. 

Kings of the Malayo country 
are those of Quedah, Johor, 
Patanee and many more. 

Achee is a large City, and 
populous . . . the Port is never 
without Ships of English, Danes, 
Portugals, Moors, Chuleas, 
Chinesses and others and many 
Praws, which usually go into 
the River, all these come in 
their proper Seasons with the 
several sorts of Goods of Surat, 
the Coast, Bangala, China, and 
many other places. 



Damar ... is the Gum of di 
tree in India which being boiPd 
with Oil, makes Pitch or Tar. 



INTRODUCTION XXlll 

MS. Dialogues. 

Achin is now and hath a The City and Kingdom [of 

Considerable time been Govern- Achin] has for above an Hun- 
ed by a Queen, ever Since the dred years been governed by 
time that the discreet and Pious Queens and Twelve Lords. 
Kinge James of happy memorie 
Swayed the Sceptre of great 
Brittaine, France and Ireland. 

The last extract, in which the mistake as to the length 
of time Achin was governed by queens is repeated, would 
have proved the identity beyond cavil, had not the same 
error been made by other contemporary writers, such as 
Fryer, Dampier and Hamilton. 

On the whole there is practically no ground for doubt- 
ing that " T. B." represents " Thomas Bowrey." At the 
same time it would have been satisfactory if external 
evidence were forthcoming as to Bowrey's movements 
prior to 1682. Unfortunately, this is not the case, though 
I have made a careful search of the 1669 — 1679 Records 
at the India Oflfice. The reasons why Bowrey's name 
does not appear before 1682 may be that, for the first 
few years after his arrival in India, he probably held 
a subordinate post as mate or pilot, and, until he was 
in a position to trade on his own account, he would have 
had very little contact with the Company's servants at 
the various factories. 

In his Will Thomas Bowrey left his widow free to keep 
any of his "Maps and Journalls" (except those specially 
bequeathed to the East India and South Sea Companies), 
for her own use. The natural assumption is that, in 
gratitude to Peter Briggins for the many services he 
rendered her, after her husband's death, she gave him the 
MS., reproduced in this volume, together with a Chinese 
Cabinet now belonging to Lady Fry, a descendant. 



XXIV INTRODUCTION 



III. LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. 
circ. 1650 — 17 1 3. 

Of Thomas Bowrey's parentage nothing certain is 
known, but it seems reasonable to conjecture that he was 
related to John Bowrey, Thomas Bowrey, and Joseph 
Bowrey, who all served in the Royal Navy in the latter 
half of the 17th century. In 1652 John Bowrey was granted 
compensation for wounds received on board the Unity in 
the squadron under Sir George Ayscue^ In 1653 he 
commanded the fireship Hunter^ which was sunk in an 
engagement with the Dutch. In the same year he went 
on a trading voyage to Leghorn ^ In 1656 Captain John 
Bowrey was commanding the Eaglet Ketch and the Drake. 
In 1657 he commanded the Deaths and in January, 1659, 
he is mentioned as acting as convoy with a fleet of eight 
ships*. In 1660 he was again commanding the Drake and 
was accused of taking goods on board and conveying them 
away unlawfully. He cleared himself from this charge. 
Two years later, in 1662, Captain John Bowrey was 
recommended to Pepys by Lord Inchiquin as having ac- 
quitted himself "extraordinary well in the two voyages 
with horscsV* In February, 1667, "Mr. Bowry [?John] 
the former master [of the Antelope] was discharged, being 
uncapable to perform the Voyage to Gottenburg." In March, 
1673, there is the note, "Trinity House. Certificate of the 
competency of John Bowrey of Wapping as Master." On 
the 4th November, 1673, the effects of "Johannes Bowry 
lately of H. M. S. Swiftsure" were administered by his 
widow Juditha^ but whether this man is the John Bowrey 
of 1662 there is no evidence to show. 

Captain Thomas Bowrey, who may have been " T. B.'s " 
father, was recommended by Captain Potter of the Constant \ 

* Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, for the years 1652 — 
1673; ^^'^ Index, s.v. Bowrey. 

2 Administration Book, 1673, ^t Somerset House. 



INTRODUCTION XXV 

Warwick as his Lieutenant in January, 1653, and is stated 
to have "behaved with much courage and discretion." In 
1654 he commanded the Roe Ketch, in 1655 the Warwick, 
and in 1657 again the Roe Ketch. While in command of 
this last ship, in 1659, Bowrey engaged with a Spanish 
pirate, and chased an Ostend man-of-war. The last 
reference to him is in 1669, when he wrote to the Navy 
Commissioners reporting his arrival at Gravesend with the 
goods of two Spanish Ambassadors on board \ On the 
25th January, 1666, the goods of a Thomas Bowrey of 
Stepney were administered by his widow, Elizabeth 
Bowrey ^ The fact that this Thomas Bowrey resided at 
Stepney and that T. B. eventually settled down in that 
parish, added to the similarity of their Christian names, is 
ground for assuming their near relationship, though there 
is no proof of the connection nor even of the identity of 
Thomas Bowrey of Stepney with Captain Thomas Bowrey 
of the Roe Ketch. 

The only other Bowrey that I have found associated 
with the sea at this period is " Joseph Bowrye of H. M. S. 
Le Royall Jamesl' who died in 1672 and whose goods 
were administered on the 25th June by his widow, 
Margareta Bowrye^. 

If our author came of the same family as these naval 
men, he would naturally have been bred up with a know- 
ledge of the sea. Why he should have chosen to seek his 
fortune in India is not apparent. The name of Bowrey 
does not occur in any of the early Bengal or Madras 
records, so it is not likely that he followed a family 
tradition. In the Bombay records we find in a letter 
from Surat to Bombay on the ist Nov. 1669', "To carry 
on the work of your fortification... Mr. Robert Barbor may 
be. employed... and for his assistance you may appoint 
Captain Bowry who wee understand hath some knowledge 



^ Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, for the years 1653 — 
1660; vide Index, s.v. Bowrey. 

2 Administration Books, 1670 and 1672, at Somerset House. 

3 O.C. No. 3361. 



XXVI INTRODUCTION 

in the art." In January, 1670, a Matthias Bowrey was 
living in Bombay and was summoned on a jury\ He was 
probably the same Matthias Bowrey who was entertained 
as a soldier in January, 1669, to serve the Company at 
Bombay^ but there is no evidence to show that he was 
related to the author of the MS. 

To pass from surmise to fact. Thomas Bowrey tells 
us in the Preface to his Dictionary of English and Malayo^ 
that he spent nineteen years in India and left that country 
in 1688. He must, therefore, have reached Fort St George 
(where he says he landed)^ in 1669. If he went directly 
from England, he probably sailed in either the Lay all 
Merc/tant, Rainbow^ Unicorne^ or Madras Merchant^ all of 
which started for the "Coast and Bay" in 1668. The 
Log of the Unicorne is extant*, but contains no mention 
of Bowrey. It is therefore uncertain whether he formed 
one of the crew of the ship on which he sailed or whether 
he went as a passenger. If he voyaged as a "free 
merchant" he must have eluded the vigilance of the 
Company's agents, who had strict injunctions to prevent 
the commanders of ships from taking out persons un- 
licensed by the Court. And there is no entry of any 
license being granted to T. B. in 1668. Of his movements 
from the time of his landing till 1672 we have no record. 
In that year he went to Masulipatam and Pettipollee". 
In 1674 he was living at Balasor*. In 1675 he was at 
Junkceylon' in command of one of William Jearsey's ships. 
In 1676 he took the Sancta Cruz from Hugh to Fort 
St George^ In 1677 ^^ ^^^ again at Junkceylon, and 
was a witness of the insurrection in that island. During 
the ten years comprised in his " Account," he went to 

Persia®, but, unfortunately, he does not give the exact 

^ 

^ Factory Records^ Surat, vol. iii. p. 36. 

2 Marine Records^ Miscellaneous, No. 13. 

3 p. 2 of this vol. 

* In the MS. Dept. at the British Museum, Harleian^ No. 4252. 
^ p. 57 of this vol. ^ p. 152 of this vol. 

^ p. 250 of this vol. ® p. 172 of this vol. 

^ p. 216 of this vol. 



INTRODUCTION XXVll 

date. The next mention of Bowrey is in 1681, when he 
drew his chart of Ceylon. At this time he was probably 
at Fort St George. In 1682 he was at Madapollam where 
he drew his chart of the coast of Tenasserim. In July, 
1683, " Mr. Bouree with his sloop" sailed for Madapollam^ 
and on the 4th December of the same year " a sloop from 
Madapollam Thomas Bowrey Master arrived here [Fort 
St. George]*." In 1684 Thomas Bowrey went to Batavia 
on a vessel belonging to Mr James Wheeler of Madapollam. 
He returned to Fort St George in August of the same 
year. The Council there was desirous of buying the 
" Burneo Pepper " brought by Bowrey " if Procurable at 
a reasonable price." They offered 20 pagodas per candy, 
but Bowrey would take nothing less than " the supposed 
prices in Bengali," viz. 23 pagodas per candy. He set 
sail for Bengal on the Borneo Merchant, but lost his 
passage, and after putting in at Vizagapatam, returned to 
Fort St George on the 13th September. He was then 
ready to sell his pepper at a lower price, but now the 
Council would only offer him 17 pagodas per candy. We 
are not told whether he agreed to sell at such a reduced 
rate. On the 26th December is the note " Ship Burneo 
Merchant arrived here [Fort St George] out of Ennore 
River where she put in to Secure her selfe from the 
Monsoone*." Almost immediately after, Bowrey again left 
Madras for Madapollam, where he arrived on the Borneo 
Merchant on the 7th January, 1685. On the 9th he asked 
the Madapollam Council if they were inclined to dispose 
of the Company's Sloop Conimeer^ and offered them 
40 pagodas for it*. His offer was accepted, and the 
Madapollam Council wrote to Fort St George justifying 
their action as follows, "The Sloope Connimeer haveing 
Layd in this Factory a Considerable time in a Creaze 
rotten condition, wee thought fitt to dispose of to 
Mr. Bowrey." On the loth February an attestation was 

^ Madras Press List. 

2 Factory Records, Fort St George, No. 3. 

3 ib. Madapollam, No. i. 



xxvili INTRODUCTION 

signed, setting forth that, in consideration of " 40 Pagodas 
new and Currant money to us in hand Paid by Mr. Thomas 
Bowrey of Madraspatam Mariner" the Conimeer Sloop, 
burthen 20 Tons " or thereabouts now being a Shoar " at 
Madapollam, with all her accessories be handed over to 
Thomas Bowrey^ After this purchase, Bowrey went to 
A chin and thence to Balasor, where he arrived on the 
28th July. After a six weeks' stay, he set out for Fort 
St George on the nth September, 1685'. His arrival is 
noted in December. It was in 1685 also that he drew his 
chart of the Persian Gulf 

In 1686, Bowrey, still in command of the Borneo 
Merchant^ went to Cuddalore and Porto Novo. On the 
15th January, after he had started on his voyage, a com- 
plaint was lodged against him at Fort St George by 
Captain Heath. It runs as follows : — " Capt. William 
Heath Commander of the Defence having complained to 
the President and Council that Mr. Thomas Bowrey 
master of the Borneo Merchant had carried away three of 
his ship's company viz. William Cannan Joseph Hon 
and Alexander Cobden and desiring them to wTite to 
Mr. Davis &ca. att Coodaloor to secure them, and send 
them hither, they agreed to advise thereof immediately, 
that Mr. Bowrey be secured in their Factory till the ship 
be searched, and if found to be returned speedily with 
trusty Peons to guard them, if not, to take a Bond of said 
Mr. Bowrey in the penalty of a Thousand pounds Ster. 
payable to the Right Honble. Company in case itt shall be 
proved that he hath them*." The three men arrived at 
Fort St George and were restored to Captain Heath on 
the 2 1 St of January ^ After leaving Porto Novo, Bowrey 
went to Borneo, and returned to Fort St George on the 
nth September. On the 25th the ship sailed again for 
Porto Novo under the command of Thomas Flemming, 

I ■ 

^ Factory Records^ Madapollam, No. 3. 

2 ib, Balasor, No. i. 

3 Madras Public Consultations^ vol. x. p. 227 (at Madras). 
* Madras Press List. 



INTRODUCTION XXIX 

went thence to Junkceylon, and returned to Fort St George 
on the 23rd January, 1687. Bowrey remained at Fort 
St George, for, on the 30th September, we find, "There 
having been Severall treaties with Mr. Bowrey and Mr. 
Massen about their Pepper, and the lowest they can be 
brought to being Pagodas 16 per Candy, Itt is ordered to 
be taken of them^" On the 30th November is the entry, 
" This morning Thomas Bowrey who went Pilot of the 
Boat that Seftor Axell Ivell late Govr. of Trincombar took 
his passage in for Trincombar, arrived here from thence^" 
During his stay at Fort St George in 1686, Bowrey drew 
his chart of Amoy Bay. 

In 1687 Captain Bowrey arranged for his return to 
England, but he subsequently altered his plans. On the 
lOth January "Mr. Thomas Bowrey having desired leave to 
go for England upon the Shrewsbury Itt is order'd that the 
Secretary do give the Commander an order to receive him 
and his necessary s he paying for his passaged" The 
Shrewsbury sailed on the 2nd Feb., but Bowrey was not 
among the passengers. His name figures in February in 
a list of '* Freemen inhabitants of P'ort St George,*' and on 
the nth of the month he went to Porto Novo with the 
Borneo Merchant The year 1687 was an unfortunate one 
for our author, and he must many times have regretted 
that he had not adhered to his first intention and sailed 
to England on the Shrewsbury. On the i8th May the 
Council at Fort St George received a letter from Mr Davis, 
the Company's servant at Cuddalore, enclosing two letters 
from Captain Thomas Bowrey, all dated the 14th May, 
detailing the sufferings of Bowrey at the hands of the 
"Avaldar" of Porto Novo^ These letters do not exist 
in the India Office Records, but by the kindness of 
Mr G. S. Forbes, M.A., of the Indian Civil Service, who 
had them copied for me (together with the letter quoted 
on p. xxviii.), I am able to reproduce them here. 



^ Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 4. ^ /^/^^ 

3 Letters to Fort St George^ vol. iv. pp. 193 — 196 (at Madras). 



XXX INTRODUCTION 

"CUDDALORE the 14th May 1687. 
To 

The Honble. Wm. Gyfford Esqr. 

President and Govr, &ca Councill in Fort St. George, 

Honble. &ca &ca, 

I here inclosed remitt you two letters which we 
received from Mr. Bowry at [?] this night (which will not 
permitt us to Enlarge thereon) to which desire you will 
please to be referred ; haveing [written] before to him and 
the Subidar about it haveing had Intelligence of the bussi- 
ness from our Chiefe Dubash^ at Porto Novo before to 
Mr. Bowry that as hee own'd the Right Honble. Companys 
Protection ; so he ought to have applyed himself to us (as 
their Representatives) in all matters depending between 
him and any of the natives and not to have writ himself 
as hee has done in inflicting anything of punishment on 
them as [portion damaged] the import of his letters ; and 
notwithstanding hee hath been so irregular in his pro- 
ceedings we will do what lay in our power to Rescue him 
without incommoding the Right Honble. Companys affaires 
provided he will give Bond of pagodas 10,000 to indemnifie 
them ; otherwise he must compose the difference himself, 
thus farr wee think ourselves obliged to maintain the 
honour of our nation and the priveleidge of our Countrey 
as to suffer none to bee clapt in Prison and Irons without 
being satisfied the reason ; but to prevent such ill Presi- 
dents for the future ; therefore desire your order how to 
proceed herein, till which shall offer nothing of hostillitys ; 
tho* indeed tis so great an affront as sufficient to animate 
the spirits of any man to seek their satisfaction. 

What wee have wrote to the Subidar about it is that 
wee admire his incivillity in tollerating so gross abuses to 
bee offered to us for which wee expect satisfaceon and that 
hee wold acquaint us the reason of his barbarous imprison- 
ment of our people in that manner ; and release him ; 
otherwise hee might expect to hear further from us ; wee 

^ Interpreter. See note on p. 37. 



INTRODUCTION XXXl 

being competent Judges to punish the offences of our owne 
people according to merrit, being free Merchants, and no 
wayes to bee governed by their Laws, but ohly ObHg'd to 
pay the Customes of our Trade ; which was a sufficient 
obligacon to them to treat us with more civillity ; being 
almost courted everywhere ; where wee might have much 
greater priviledges confer'd on us and bee free [?] imposed 
upon us here, which if not mittigated would oblige us (in 
him) to consider thereof.... 

Honble. &ca &ca 

Your most humble and obedient Servants 

John Davis 
(Sd.) Ralph Ingram 
Chr: Wilson." 

"Porto Novo, May 14M, 1687. 
To 

Mr. John Davis &ca Councill. 

Honble. Sirs, 

I Haveing given 400 Pagodas about two months 
since to Amad Marcar [Ahmad Maraikkar] to buy cloth 
for me and 4 dayes since I went to demand my cloth who 
denied it and say'd hee stopt my money on account of the 
last voyage my Ship made who by Contract was to go to 
Atcheen or Quedah ; but the ship falling in with Junckse- 
loan and being in want of wood and water they touched 
there ; and when they were there the Master in two days 
had gott what he wanted and would have proceed[ed] the 
voyage to Quedah but Amad Marcars [Ahmad Maraikkar] 
Servant intreated him to stay there of which I can produce 
severall witnesses but the Ship staying there and his goods 
comeing to a bad market ; hee demands the loss of mee 
which caused our falling out and one of his Servants talking 
and telling severall Impudent Lyes I Stroke him being in 
the Companys Factory on which Amood Marcar [Ahmad 
Maraikkar] went to the avaldar and haveing ^c^d him with 
50 Pagodas I was sent for I being in the P'actory denied to 
go to him till he promised 1 should returne Immediately; 



XXXll INTRODUCTION 

who contrary to his word has Kept me this Three dayes 
with a pair of Irons on my Leggs and putts mee in his 
peons Cookroom for a Prison and my servants and also 
ChiUimbrum [Chilambaram] desired [? denied] to come to 
mee hee now demanding unjustly 1300 Pagodas for 100 
slaves which Amad Marcar has told him went on my Ship 
without custome paying ; which they say I must pay ; or 
else produce the owner of the Slaves ; who is Meer Cung 
Marcar [Mir Jang (?) Maraikkar] who they all Know very 
well and that hee now lives at Chiali out of their Reach but 
they say if I cannot produce him I must pay the money 
which Justice I referr you to Judge of, this is the Chiefe 
thing they demand now ; Saying it is the diwans and must 
bee paid first, but when that is paid they say there is other 
accounts to make with mee for Amood Marcars loss on his 
goods and Meer Cungs loss on his Slaves ; although I have 
cleared what Meer Cung by Law in Trincumbar {?] haveing 
recovered 600 Pagodas of him all which they say 1 must 
pay they Intending to ruine mee, they haveing mee now in 
their hands I therefore desire and entreat you would please 
to order Some person down here and give mee your assist- 
ance to clear mee out of their hands, which unless some- 
body comes will not bee done by Letters ; although the 
Subidar is willing to release mee and has ordered the 
Avaldar not to lett mee bee kept in Irons ; yett contrary to 
his order I am and I fear I shall bee still unless assisted by 
your[self or] one of the Councills comeing here with the 
Chiefe dubash for the Avaldar I am \^portion damaged'] 
inveterate against mee for ChiUimbrum speaking for mee ; 
and Amad Marcar tells them I am a run away ; and no 
[one] will Protect mee ; that they may do what they please 
with mee without fear and ther[efore] as you are my 
Countrey men and I hope friends and also by my Pro- 
tection which I have granted from the Honble. Company 
I hope and humbly desire your speedy assistance I have 
not been permitted pen and paper else should have wrote 
sooner I being treated at the rate of a Murtherer they sent 
Peons on board my Ship yesterday to unhang her Rudder 



4 .-« 



INTRODUCTION XXXIU 

but my mate would not permitt them which is all at present 
being not in a Condition of Presenting my Service to you 
but remaine 

Sirs Your Most humble Servant that would bee ; 
but at present weighed down with Irons 

Thomas Bowry. 

I would enlarge but my Keepers comeing in I cannot, 
I hear Amad Marcar has got leave of the Avaldar to go on 
board my Ship to day with his people to unhang their 
rudder ; hee saying hee intends to have the Ship. Since 
your Letter came last night to the Subidar to release mee 
I have been used worse than before." 

" Porto Novo, the 14th May 1687. 
Mr. Davis, 

Honoured Sir, 

Since my letter which I wrot this morning I under- 
stand that this night came a letter to the Subidar and 
Avaldar from Nulla Buckoor Marcar [Nalla Bakr (?) Mara- 
ikkar] who is at Trimlevass [Tirumalvasal ?] who advices 
them that they have done very ill in Imprisoning mee ; 
and that by your assistance it may bring a great deal of 
trouble on them and also advices them that I am not in 
fault ; the Slaves which went on my ship not being mine 
and therefore no reason I should pay the Custome and 
severall other arguments hee uses to them to clear mee but 
the Avaldar haveing taken a fee hee prosecuts the Chulea* 
Amad Marcars revenge on mee to the \j>ortion damaged] 
Except they would murther mee I understand these things 
from one of the Avaldar's Servants who is always near 
him I haveing bribed him to acquaint mee with Passages ; 
but I hope in God 1 shall have a time to have my satis- 
facson for Amad Marcar for his makeing mee wear 
Irons &ca. 

Sir, 

Your Most humble Servant in Affliction 

Thomas Bowry." 

^ Madras Muhammadan. See note on p. 256. 

T. c 



XXXIV INTRODUCTION 

The Council at Fort St George did not trouble much 
about the misfortunes of a "free merchant," and left the 
settlement of the affair to the Company's servants at 
Cuddalore. On the 27th May Mr Davis and Council wrote 
again. 

" Cuddalore, the 27th May 1687. 
To 

The Honble. William Gyfford Esqr. &ca. 

HONBLE. Sir &ca. 

Wee have received yours of the 21st Currant... 
Mr. Bowrys bussiness is Referred by him and the diwan to 
us and wee have obliged Mr. Bowry to deliver us his Bond 
for pagodas 10,000 to Indemnifie the Right Honble. Com- 
panys Affaires from all demands that Shall bee lawfully 
made against him which believe will not bee [many] ; hee 
haveing given Sufficient Testimony to clear himself as 
noted in \^portion damaged^ (to which Referr) which Shall 
bee Remitted you Therefore think it but Reasonable that 
Satisfaceon bee required of the Diwan for the abuse offered 
us ; in the Imprisoning Mr. Bowrey in that barberous 
man[ner and] unlawfully for if this bee passed by, they will 
upon all occations abuse the Right Honble. Companys 
Servants in the like manner. So that wee Shall live in no 
Security but in fear of the diwan to the Right Honble. 
Companys prejudice ; therefore desire you will please to 
order (which you have not in your last) Mr. Mansfen 
haveing acquainted you Mr. Bowrys Release how wee shall 
proceed in any bussiness of the like nature for the future; 
to waite your orders for it then may endanger our lives by 
their barberous usage and to take satisfacson for it after- 
wards would bee but a poor redress to the Sufferers; for 
tho Mr. Bowry was to blame in Striking Amad Mercawns 
Servant with whom the difference was as all others would bee 
that should do the like to any of the diwans people being 
Obliged to appeale to those that have the Authority of 
writing them and not to do it themselves which shall by 



\ 
\ 



INTRODUCTION XXXV 

noe means tollerate for prevention of disturbance, yet not 
so much considering the provocation given him as to be so 
rigorously dealt with by the diwans people which is by noe 
means to bee allow'd for the reason aforesaid but they bee 
obliged to appeal to us for Satisfaceon for any Injuries 
done by our people and not to wright themselves upon 
paine of answering the abuse ; wee have been Something 
the larger on this Subject considering how much it Imports 
us which hope you will please to excuse.... 

Honble. Sir &ca. 

Your Most humble Servants 

John Davis 
Ralph Ingram 
Chr. Wilson.'* 

In the letter **of the 2ist Currant" referred to in the 
above, the Council at Fort St George had thus expressed 
their opinion with regard to Captain Bowrey's conduct in 
the affair at Porto Novo\ "Mr. Bo wry was very much too 
blame to strike any Merchant especially in the Factory 
and sure enough he ought to have made his applications to 
you upon any difference with the natives and not to have 
done him selfe Justice and were it not indeed for the 
honour of our nation and that the Subador might hereafter 
presume to do the same to any of the Right Honble. 
Companys own immediate Servants you might justly have 
left him to have sought his own remidy but upon the afore- 
said consideration you did well to endeavour his rescue and 
but that we hear from Mr. Mastin [? Mansfen] that he is 
allready released wee should have given you further order 
and direction about itt, however when he comes hither wee 
shall call him to account for his irreguler actions, in the 
mean time wee would not have you omitt to take such 
a bond from him as you mention to indemnifie the Right 
Honble. Company from any demands of the Government 
upon his account." 

* Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 20. 

c 2 



XXXvi INTRODUCTION 

Captain Bowrey must have been released from con- 
finement about the 20th May, 1687, for he reached Fort 
St George on the Borneo Merchant on the 25th of the 
month, and on the 2nd of June he sailed again for Achin, 
which place he reached without further impediments 

On the 4th June, 1687, the Council at Fort St George 
in a letter to Cuddalore again referred to the Bowrey 
affair*-^. " As to Mr. Bowrys case wee must needs say the 
abuse was not only to him but to the Right Honble. 
Company and therefore had wee power and were it con- 
venient for us in respect of our concernes wee should right 
our Selves in the same manner and fetch the Governour 
himself and put him in Irons as hee did Mr. Bowry 
without cause or att least before he had made his com- 
plaint of himselfe or his people receiving any wrong from 
said Mr. Bowry but as the case stands wee must only 
make our complaint to the Cheife Sobadar or to the King 
himselfe (if hee the Sobadar will not doe wright)...wee 
shall consider what to doe afterwards if wee have not 
Satisfaction." 

From this letter it appears as if Bowrey, on his return, 
had enlisted the sympathy of the Council, and that if he 
had been "called to account" he had managed to make^ 
out a good case for himself. However, with Bowrey's 
departure for Achin, the Council's sympathy on his behalf 
quickly cooled down, and whether he ever obtained sub- 
stantial satisfaction for his imprisonment is doubtful. On 
the 30th July, the Council at Fort St George wrote to 
Cuddalore, " Mr. Bowreys action against Amord Mercawne 
is withdrawne from our Court, appearing more of heat 
then matter and the attacht goods discharged ^" The 
servants at Cuddalore were, however, anxious to uphold 
their dignity with the native governor, and the affair was 
still in abeyance in August, 1687. As the '* attacht goods'* 
were "discharged,*' Bowrey appears only to have suffered 
personal inconvenience and not financial loss. 

^ Factory Records ^ Fort St George, No. 4. * /^-^ 

3 ibid. No. 3a 



INTRODUCTION XXXvil 

When he left Achin, Captain Bowrey went to Bengal. 
This was his third recorded visit to that province^ On 
the 23rd August, 1687, Captain Nicholson of the Beaufort 
wrote to Job Charnock, the Company's Agent, " This day 
the Borneo Merchant Captain Bowrey anchored of this 
place, he came from Acheen, he put in here [Hijili] to see 
if we had any advices to send to the Fort, which is all his 
business, I advised him to come up and acquaint your 
worship*/* On the 26th August Job Charnock and Council 
at Bengal wrote to President Gyfford at Fort St George 
giving an account of the taking of the Ketch Good Hope^ 
which had been " Ordered down into the Bay with 2 months 
provisions to ly there as a guard ship/' The taking of 
the vessel " came but to our knowledge within these 2 days, 
by Captain Bowry who brought along with him the Master 
of the said Ketch from Acheen, his name is Samuell Heron 
Brother to Captain George Heron, both of them Pilots in 
the Right Honble. Companys service." This unfortunate 
man had arrived in Balasor Road on the ist May. "On 
the 2nd May was overpowered by a gang of the crew who 
kept him in irons for 6 weeks when they put him in 
a Prow on the Coast of Sumatra with 5 daies provision... 
In 15 he arrived at Acheen where he mett with this 
[Captain Bowrey's] conveyance'." The letter containing 
this account was entrusted to Captain Bowrey, who reached 
Fort St George on the 23rd September, 1687*. 

This was Bowrey's last voyage on the Borneo Merchant, 
On the 4th October the vessel, together with the Com- 
pany's ship the Loy all Adventure y was lost in a storm at 
Fort St George. The Borneo Merchant was driven ashore 
and " bilged into shatters'." No lives appear to have been 
lost. It was at this time, after his return from Bengal, 
that Bowrey drew his chart of the Hugli, which is re- 
produced in this volume^ His chart of Formosa was also 
drawn in the same year. 

^ See pp. 152 and 172 of this vol. 

' Factory Records ^ Hugli, No. 11. 

3 Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 30. * ibid. No. 21. 

* O.C, 13th October, 1687. * See p. 172. 



xxxviii INTRODUCTION 

We have now reached the final stages of our author's 
life in India. The Borneo Merchant was replaced by the 
Frances^ on which, in spite of his former unpleasant ex- 
perience, Bowrey sailed to Porto Novo early in 1688. On 
the 4th March he was back again at Fort St George\ 
On the loth of the month he sailed for Achin, and there 
Dampier found him living in his own house. The follow- 
ing is the great traveller's account of his relations with 
Bowrey: — "When I was a little recover'd...! made a shift 
to go abroad ; and having been kindly invited to Captain 
Bowry's House there [in Achin], my first visit was to him, 
who had a Ship in the Road, but lived ashore. This 
Gentleman was extraordinary kind to us all, particularly 
to me, and importuned me to go his Boatswain to Persia ; 
whither he was bound, with a design to sell his Ship 
there ; as I was told, tho not by himself From thence 
he intended to pass with the Caravan to Aleppo, and so 
home for England. His business required him to stay 
some time longer at Achin ; I judge, to sell some com- 
modities, that he had not yet disposed of Yet he chose 
rather to leave the disposal of them to some Merchant 
there ; and make a short trip to the Nicobar Islands in 
the mean time, and on his return to take in his effects, 
and so proceed towards Persia. This was a sudden re- 
solution of Captain Bowry's, presently after the arrival of 
a small Frigot from Siam, with an Ambassador from the 
King of Siam, to the Queen of Achin. The Ambassador 
was a Frenchman by nation. The Vessel that he came 
in was but small, yet very well mann'd, and fitted for 
a fight. Therefore it was generally supposed here, that 
Captain Bowry was afraid to lye in Achin Road, because 
the Siamers were now at Wars with the English, and 
he was not able to defend his Ship, if he should be 
attackt by them. 

" But whatever made him think of going to the Nicobar 
Islands, he provided to sail ; and took me, Mr. Hall, and 
Ambrose with him : tho all of us so sick and weak that 

^ Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 5. 



INTRODUCTION XXXIX 

we could do him no service. It was some time about the 
beginning of June when we sailed out of Achin Road ; 
but we met with the Wind at N.W. with turbulent weather, 
which forced us back again in 2 days time. Yet he gave 
us each 12 Mess^ a piece, a Gold Coyn, each of which 
is about the value of 1 5 pence English. So he gave over 
that design : and some English Ships coming into Achin 
Road, he was not afraid of the Siamers who lay there. 

, " After this, he again invited me to his House at Achin, 
and treated me always with Wine and good Cheer, and 
still importuned me to go with him to Persia : but I being 
very weak, and fearing the Westerly Winds would create 
a great deal of trouble, did not give him a positive answer : 
especially because I thought I might get a better Voyage 
in the English Ships newly arrived, or some others now 
expected here. It was this Captain Bowry who sent the 
Letter from Borneo directed to the Chief of the English 
Factory at Mindanao... ^" The letter here referred to was 
written by Captain Bowrey when he was at Borneo in 
1687, and seen by Dampier at Mindanao in the Philippine 
Islands. He says*, "Some of our men... bought a Canoa, 
and designed to go in her to Borneo : for not long before 
a Mindanao Vessel came from thence, and brought a Letter 
directed to the Chief of the English Factory at Mindanao. 
This Letter the General would have Captain Swan have 
opened, but he thought it might come from some of the 
East India Merchants, whose Affairs he would not inter- 
meddle with, and therefore did not open it. I since met 
with Captain Bowry at Achin, and telling him this story, 
he said that he sent that Letter, supposing that the 
English were settled there at Mindanao, and by this 
Letter we also thought that there was an English Factory 
at Borneo : so here was a mistake on both sides." 

In spite of his expressed intention to go to Persia, 
Bowrey ultimately changed his mind, and, as in the pre- 
vious year, on leaving Achin, went to Bengal. At the end 

^ See note on p. 1 1 5 of this vol. 

* Dampier, Voyages^ vol. i. p. 503 f. ^ ibid, p. 370. 



xl INTRODUCTION 

of September he returned once more to Fort St George 
on the Frances^ bringing the " Bengali and Bencolen 
Generalise" He also brought news of the massacre of 
the English at Mergui, the detention of his own and other 
English ships, and his subsequent escape. These matters 
are referred to in a letter from the Council at Fort St 
George to the English Ambassador, Sir William Norris, 
under date 29th September, 1688', "This instant arrived 
here Captain Thomas Bowery from Atchein via Bengali 
who acquainted us he left Mr. John Hill and severall 
there upon the Pearle frigatt we sent in September last 
on the Merge Expedition who were ever Since detained 
there and att Siam but by what accident or Strataguem 
he got free we cannot learne having noe letter from them 
only Mr. Bowery tells us he heard Mr. Hodges with near 
100 more English men detained prisoners att Siam and 
Severely treated..." 

In this last voyage Bowrey had probably realized most 
of his property. At any rate, his stay at Fort St George 
was very short. On the 20th October, 1688, he sailed for 
England on the Bengali Merchant under the command of 
Captain William Pearse^ The voyage was a long one, 
and Bowrey employed his time in collecting the materials 
for his Dictionary of English and Malay 0, published 
in 1701*. 

The next reference to Captain Bowrey is in the Home 
Records on the 29th November, 1689, when the Court of 
Directors ordered ;^ioo to be paid to 'Captain Thomas 
Bowrey in part of a farther sum due to him from the 
Company,'* and again on the 24th March, 1690, ** It being 
represented to the Court that two Cannisters of Tea 
belonging to Captain Bowry were put up at the Companys 
Sale and did not go off. It is ordered that the Said Com- 
modities be delivered him he paying the Companys Duties 
according to the rate they were put up at." On the 31st 
March there is another entry ordering the account of raw 

1 Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 5. ^ ibid. No. 21. 

' ibid. No. 5. * See the Preface to the Dictionary. 



INTRODUCTION xli 

silk brought home on the Rochester for Captain Thomas 
Bowry to be stated \ 

Our author had now time and means to settle down 
in comfort in his native land. In the Marriage Licences 
issued by the Vicar General of the Archbishop of 
Canterbury^ we find, "September 14th 1691. Thomas 
Bowrey of Greenwich, Kent, Merchant, Bachelor, about 31 
and Mary Gardiner, of the same, Spinster, about 20, with 
her father's consent; at St. Mary Magdalen, Old Fish 
Street, London, or [ ]." Were it not for the "about,'' 
the age of the bridegroom would constitute a serious 
difficulty, for, even allowing that Bowrey was only seven- 
teen when he sailed for India in 1668, he would have been 
forty-one at the time of his marriage. The marriage did 
not take place at St Mary Magdalen, Old Fish Street, 
but in the Parish Church of Lee, Blackheath, on the 
17th September, 1691^ 

Whether Thomas Bowrey went to sea again after his 
marriage is uncertain. If he made no more voyages, his 
knowledge of the Coast of Africa, embodied in the "MS 
Book in a Green Cover," bequeathed to the East India 
Company, must have been acquired during his journeys 
to and from India. At the same time it seems highly 
probable that his " Manuscript book of draughts and di- 
scriptions of the Coasts of America," bequeathed to the 
South Sea Company, was the product of personal obser- 
vation, and if the Dictionary of the Hudson's Bay Language 
(bound up with one copy of the Dictionary of English and 
Malayd) were really the work of Bowrey, then he must 
also have voyaged to North America. From the date of 
his marriage until the early part of 1699 I can find no 
mention of him (except in 1694, 1695 and 1696 as a holder 
of East India Stock*), so that whether he was voyaging 
abroad or trading at home must be left to conjecture. 

* Court Book, No. 35. 

* Harleian Society s Publications, vol. xxxi. 

3 The marriage is entered in the Registers of Lee Church, Black- 
heath, and I am indebted to the Rev. E. Louis C. Clapton for a copy 
of the entry. * Home Series, Miscellaneous, No. 2. 



xlii INTRODUCTION 

In February, 1699, the Court of Directors debated the 
wisdom of a Settlement in the " South Seas/' i.e. the East 
Indian Islands, and "Captain Rossey and Captain Bowrey 
who had been in those parts were called in and discoursed 
at large about their knowledge of what may probably be 
done by a settlement there." The two Captains "delivered 
in a Proposall '* concerning the Settlement, which the 
Court at first seemed inclined to adopt, but eventually 
adjourned "the furthur debate thereof," and there is no 
later reference to the matter^ 

At this time Bowrey must have been fully occupied 
with his Dictionary of English and Malay 0, a work on 
which he expended infinite pains, and which was produced 
in 1 701 ; after its publication, there is again a gap of five 
years in the author's life. In 1706 Bowrey turns up again 
as an acquaintance of Peter Briggins^ through whom 
the 1669 — 1679 MS. came to its present owner. On the 
22nd October, 1706, there is an entry in the diary of 
Peter Briggins^ of the receipt of a half-year's rent from 
Captain Bowrey. All through 1707 and 1708 there are 
frequent notes of meetings between the two men, e,g. "Went 
to the Garter Cofife hous to meet Capt. Bowry...Met Capt. 
Bowry and Sold Share A Old India bond for 210 premio... 
Went to Change to look for Rickits and Capt. Bowry... 
Received of Capt. Bowry ^ years Rent." The fact that 
Peter Briggins was a holder of East India Stock may have 
led to his acquaintance with Thomas Bowrey, or, more pro- 
bably, the house occupied by the Bowreys in Wellclose (or 
Marine) Square, Stepney, was owned by Peter Briggins. 

Although his roving days were over, Captain Bowrey 
still took an active interest in the East India trade. On 
the 28th July, 1708, we find in the Court Book^ the 
following entry, "Sir Thos. Cooke, Sir Gilbert Heathcote, 
Mr. Shepheard, Mr. Moore or any two of them to discourse 
with Capt. Bowry touching some Proposalls he offers to 

^ Court Book., No. 37 A. 2 ggg Eliot Papers. 

3 These diaries are in the possession of Mr Eliot Howard, the 
owner of the MS. * No. 43. 



INTRODUCTION xliii 

communicate concerning the East India Trade and make 
report." There is no record as to whether these " Pro- 
posals " were adopted. That Bowrey's interest in the 
shipping trade of his country suffered no diminution as 
time went on is proved by the fact that in 171 1 he de- 
livered to the Lord High Treasurer a *'Proposall for taking 
Baldivia in the South Seas " and a " Proposall for Settle- 
ment in the way to the South Seas^" These "Proposalls" 
were dated from Marine Square, Stepney, the 10th and 
nth September, 171 1. In the first Bowrey described the 
coasts of Chili and Peru, their climate, productions, 
harbours, etc. In support of his suggestion he urged, 
" Baldivia produces the most gold of any Place on the 
South Seas and it being a cold country may be probably 
brought to Vend large quantities of our Woollen Manu- 
factures to the Natives more than Peru which is a moderate 
or rather hot Climate." In support of the second '* Pro- 
posall " Bowrey declared that it was absolutely necessary 
to secure some harbour between " Rio de Plata and the 
Straits of Magellan for the Refreshment of our men &c." 
On the 28th February, 17 12, Captain Thomas Bowrey 
again wrote from Marine Square* urging the Committee 
of Directors of the South Sea Company that the time was 
appropriate for a voyage to the South Seas, and again 
emphasizing the need of finding a port for refreshment. 
His insistent eagerness about the matter lends weight to 
the supposition that he had himself voyaged to the coasts 
of America and had felt the want of the ** port for refresh- 
ment" that he advocated. There is no record of any 
answer to Bowrey*s " Proposalls " nor of any further corre- 
spondence between him and the South Sea Company. 
Possibly he was disgusted with the want of appreciation of 
his efforts towards the promotion of trade. 

At this time Bowrey was still paying rent regularly to 
Peter Briggins and meeting him socially, but after the 
15 th October, 17 12, there is no reference to Captain Bowrey 
in the Diary of Peter Briggins until the 5th March, 171 3, 

1 British Museum, Add, MS, 28,140, fF. 31 — 33. * ibid. 



xliv INTRODUCTION 

when the following entry occurs, "In the Morning at 
Captain Bowrys...in the Evening at the Insuerance office 
about Capt. Bowrys Affaire." On the nth March is a 
similar entry. The Captain was most likely unable to 
execute any business personally, and consequently left the 
" insuerance " to his friend. On the day of Peter Briggins' 
last visit, the i ith March, Thomas Bowrey signed his will. 
Three days later he was buried in the same Church in 
which he had been married twenty-one and a half years 
before\ His will^ was proved on the i6th of the month 
by his widow Mary Bowrey. Legal formalities were 
managed with more expedition in the i8th than in the 
20th century ! 

In his will Thomas Bowrey describes himself as of 
Wellclose Square, Stepney. He leaves his wife Mary 
Bowrey sole executrix. The most important portions of 
the document are the following : — " I give and bequeath 
unto the United East India Company my Manuscript 
Book in a Green Cover containing a description of the 
Coast of Africa Etcetera supposing that if they print the 
same (all except the Scheme for a settlement^ and part of 
the Preface) it will be of use to their Shipping and Servants 
in India Item I give and Bequeath to the South Sea 
Company my Manuscript Book of draughts and discriptions 
of the Coasts of America Item I give and bequeath unto 
my Cousin Thomas Studds the summe of Fifty pounds of 
lawfull money of Great Britain and also all my wearing 
apparell Sword Books (Except such as my Executrix 
aforesaid shall keep for her own use) Journalls and Maps 
and also Five pounds for mourning and a Twenty Shilling 
ring... Item I give and bequeath unto the poor seamen 
of the Harnlett of Wapping Stepney in the County of 
Middlesex the summe of Ten pounds of lawfull money of 
Great Britain to be given and distributed by my Executrix 
aforesaid as she shall think most charitable and with a 

^ Parish Registers of St Margaret's Church, Lee, Blackheath. 

2 Wills, Somerset House, Luds^ fol. 53. 

^ This may be the " Settlement " referred to on p. xlii 



INTRODUCTION xlv 

particular regard to such as have been at East India Item 
I give and bequeath unto poor seamen of the Parish of 
Saint John Wapping in the County of Middlesex the 
summe of Ten pounds of lawfull money of Great Britain 
to be given and distributed by my Executrix aforenamed 
as she shall think most charitable and with a particular 
regard to such as have been at East India and therein to 
devise with my good Freind Mr John Russell the present 
minister of the said Parish to whom I give and bequeath a 
Twenty Shilling ring." 

During the first six months after Captain Bowrey*s 
death, the widow received much material assistance in her 
business affairs from Peter Briggins, and (as remarked 
above) it seems only reasonable to conjecture that the MS. 
which forms the present work was given to him as an 
acknowledgment of his many services. At the time of 
his death Captain Bowrey either owned or rented the 
" King's Head Inn in South wark." Briggins arranged 
"about insuering the Same for Widow Bowry/' and in 
his will, dated 14th July, 1714^, he says he has lately 
bought the "Ground Rent of the King's Head Inn, 
Borrough,'* in which the widow Bowrey had a leasehold 
interest. This inn was owned by a descendant of Peter 
Briggins till within a few years ago. 

Mary Bowrey, " widow of Captain Bowrey from Well- 
close, near Wapping," was buried with her husband on the 
2Sth May, 17 15*. Her will is dated 28th April, 1715, 
and was proved by her mother, Frances Gardiner, on the 
4th June^ She described herself as of " Marine Square in 
the parish of Stepney, alias Stebunheath/* so it seems as if 
Marine Square and Wellclose Square were synonymous. 
She desired to be " decently buried in the Vault wherein 
my dearly beloved husband Captain Bowrey is laid in the 
Church yard of the Parish Church in the County of Kent 
And my Will is that my Executrix hereafter named doe 

* Wills at Somerset House, Z//^/y, fol. 53. 

2 Parish Registers of St Margaret's Church, Lee, Blackheath. 

3 Wills at Somerset House. 



xlvi INTRODUCTION 

bury me in the same devout private manner as my said 
late husband was buryed and that She doe in some con- 
venient time after my death Expend the Summe of ;£^200 
in a Monument to be Erected in remembrance of me and 
to be placed on or near the vault And I give unto my 
good Friend Mrs Hannah Lockard the summe of five 
pounds and a gold ring of the value of twenty shillings to 
Supervise the erecting of the said monument She having 
promised me so to doe." 

Unfortunately, time has obliterated the inscription on 
the monument and it is impossible to distinguish it from 
many others in the same Churchyard, all in an equal state 
of decay. Mary Bowrey left to her mother Frances Gardiner 
"The Inn in the Burrough of Southwarke commonly called 
or knowne by the name or Signe of the Old King Harrys 
head " for the term left to run ; she also left to her mother 
her farm in Chapton Magna, Essex, yearly value £'^^2, There 
were various other legacies amounting to nearly ;£^iooo. 
Her charitable bequests were as follows: — She left ;£^ioo 
"in charity amongst poor decayed Seamen or Seamens 
widows... a particular regard to be had to such Seamen 
as have used the East India trade or Navigation or their 
widows, my said dearly beloved Husband having gott or 
improved his Fortune in the world by that Trade." She 
desired that her Stock in the South Sea Company, her 
houses in Goodman's Fields and the rest of her property 
should be sold, and the money placed out at Interest (after 
the payment of her debts and legacies) for her mother s 
benefit ; but after the death of her mother Frances Gardiner, 
Captain Hugh Raymond and John Hungerford of Lincoln's 
Inn were to be trustees for the property. " My will and 
mind is that my said Trustees... do with all convenient 
speed after the death of my said Mother with such part of 
the said residue of my present estate as shall be requisite 
for that purpose, purchase the Inheritance of a convenient 
piece of Ground in some place between Stepney Church 
and Bow in the County of Middlesex and build such a 
number of Almshouses thereon as they shall Estimate and 



INTRODUCTION xlvii 

Judge the said residue of my personal Estate to them 
devised for that purpose will be sufficient to build and 
endow with a convenient Maintenance for the poor people 

to be placed therein And I do hereby direct and 

Order that the poor persons Men or Women to be placed 
in the said Almshouses be such as have been bred up 
to the Sea and past their labour and that the women be 
such likewise as are past their Labour and be the Widows 
of Seamen. And my Will and Mind is That my said 
Trustees and the Survivor of them doe cause such writeing 
or Inscription to be made upon the said Alms Houses as 
may perpetuate the Memory of my said dear Husband 
and me." After the death of the trustees the recipients 
of the charity were to be nominated by the Minister and 
Churchwardens of the parish of Stepney. The trustees 
were to receive ;£'40 each for their trouble. Frances 
Gardiner was made Executrix and the two trustees were 
to be representatives of Mary Bowrey after her mother's 
death. Mr Hungerford was requested to assist Mrs 
Gardiner " and to continue the same friendly regard for 
her which he did always Show to me and my said 
Husband." 

Captain Hugh Raymond, one of the trustees, com- 
manded the Duchess 1702 — 1705 on a voyage to and from 
Calcutta, and again 1705 — 1708 on a voyage to and from 
Fort St George. From 1709 — 17 12 he was in command of 
the Bouverie, also on a voyage to Fort St George. After 
that date he appears to have settled down at home. He 
was in London in October, 17 14. 

John Hungerford was the Company's legal adviser, and 
was elected to be their "Standing Counsell" in 1713. 

Frances Gardiner died in 1728 and there was a second 
administration of Mary Bowrey's estate in July of that 
year. But the trustees were evidently in no hurry to carry 
out the terms of the will, and the parish of Stepney was 
compelled to institute a Chancery Suit in order to enforce 
the establishment of the Charity. A decree was obtained 
in 1740. Four years later the trustees purchased a piece 



xlviii INTRODUCTION 

of ground on the south side of the (then Bow, now) London 
Road, and built eight almshouses, one for each hamlet, and 
a committee room in the centre, over which was a " neat 
tablet^" with the following inscription :— - 

"These Almshouses were built A.D. 1744 Under the 
will of Mrs Mary Bowrey The relict of Captain Thomas 
Bowrey for poor Seamen and their Widows of Ratcliff, 
Poplar, Bethnal Green, Mile End Old Town, Mile End 
New Town, St. George, St. Anne, Christ Church." 

Dunstan, writing of the Bowrey Charity in 1862, says, 
" Of late years the occupation has been confined to 
seamen's widows each of whom receives the small pittance 
of 14/- a (calendar) month and one ton of coals a year^'* 

In 1878 the site of the almshouses was sold for £2700^ 
and the money was invested in Three Per Cent. Annuities, 
which produce ;^ 1 67. 18^.4^. per annum. The income is 
administered by the Rector of Stepney and the church- 
wardens of the other parishes mentioned in the inscription, 
and is applied for the benefit of eight widows, of the 
average age of 69, who each receive £21, \2s, per annum 
and £2 per annum for coals^ 



IV. OTHER WORKS BY THE AUTHOR OF THE 

1669 — 1679 ^S. 

That Thomas Bowrey was the author of two " Manu- 
script Books" besides the one contained in this volume, 
as well as other * Maps and Journalls " we know from the 
fact that they are specified in his will. Of these, no trace 
can be found with the exception of twelve charts, now in 
the MS. Department of the British Museum*. 

These charts are (with the exception of No. 8, repro- 
duced in this volume opposite page 172) of no great value, 

^ See Lysons' Environs of London^ I795> vol. iii. p. 486 f. 

2 See Dunstan's History of the Parish of Bromley St Leonard's^ 1 862. 

3 See pamphlet entitled Endowed Charities (County of London), 
Parish of Limehouse, St Anne, 1895, PP* 3> 4> ^1* 

* Sloane^ 5222, Nos. 6 — 17. 



INTRODUCTION xlix 

but they are of interest as showing the many places visited 
by T. B. during his sojourn in India. The similarity of the 
writing to that of the 1669 — 1679 MS. also serves as an 
additional proof of the identity of T. B. with Thomas 
Bowrey. Nos. 7, 9, 10, 11 and 12 are unsigned, but the 
writing is the same as in the seven that are signed by 
Thomas Bowrey. The five unsigned charts are: — 

No. 7. *' Phillipines and Formosa." 

No. 9. " Mindanao.'* There is no record to show when 
Bowrey visited these Islands, but, if he ever went there, it 
must have been just before his return to England, for, in 
1687, as already stated*, he wrote from Borneo to Mindanao 
under the impression that there was an English factory in 
the latter place. 

No. 10. "A chart of the Straits of Sincapura," drawn 
on a scale of 8 inches to a degree, i ft. 10 in. by i ft. 4 in. 
This chart is coloured. It shows "Sincapura" and the 
Straits of " Sincapura," " the Peick of Johr and The Point 
of Johr," between which " Here is good masts easy to come 
by." On an island in the Straits of " Sincapura " is the 
remark, **on this Island is Cock and Hens wild and Deer." 
On another point we read, ** Here is roebucks." 

No. II. "A chart of the south coast of the western leg 
of the island of Selebes, with the west coast of the island 
Zeyllyer (Salayer) drawn about 1680," on a scale of 1 1 inches 
to a degree. 16 ft. 7 in. by i ft. 5 in. This chart is also 
coloured and gilt. The date, 1680, if correct, is the earliest 
mention of Bowrey in India. 

No. 12. "Chart of the coast of Australia and Van 
Diemen*s Land with the islands south of the line " : the 
track of Abel Tasman's voyage in 1642 is marked out. 
2 ft. 8 in. by i ft. 9 in. The remark, " These Islands was 
taken out of the Journall of William Shoutens," seems to 
indicate that this chart is a copy. 

The earliest of the signed charts is No. 17. It is 
" A chart of the island of Zeyloan, with the opposite coast 
of the Camatic." 3 ft. by 2 ft. 4 in. It contains ** The 

* See p. xxxix. 
T. ^ 



1 INTRODUCTION 

Island Zeyloan " and "The Bay of Totecoryn, Made by me 
Thos. Bowrey. Anno Dom : 1681." 

The next in order of date is No. 13, "A chart of the 
coast of Tenasserim from 9° 30' to 14° 30' north, with the 
Andaman and Nicobar Isles, drawn by Thomas Bowrey, in 
Madapollam, Dec. i, 1682/' 2 ft. 10 in. by 2 ft. 4 in. Bowrey 
must have become well acquainted with this coast during 
his voyages to Junkceylon, Kedah and Achin in 1675, 1676 
and 1677, as described in the MS. 

No. 15 is **A chart of the Persian Gulf made by 
Thomas Bowrey in 1685 " ; drawn on a scale of 6 inches 
to a degree. 2 ft. 4 in. by i ft. 8 in. We have no record as 
to whether Bowrey visited Persia in 1685, but we know 
from the MS.^ that he went there between 1669 and 1679. 

No. 14 is a copy. It is " A chart of Amoy Bay, on the 
coast of China, between 23° 50' and 24° 30' north, with the 
isle of Amoy, and part of the isle of Quenoy ; drawn by 
Thos. Bowrey in Fort St. George, 1686; copied from a 
chart made by J. N., in Dec. 1676." 2 ft. 7 in. by i ft. 8 in. 
There is a remark about the soundings which concludes : — 
"Aboard the Advice Pinke December the 20th 1676: By 
J: N:" This J.N. was Captain John Nicholson, com- 
mander of one of the Company's ships. In March, 1676, 
he was sent from Bantam to Batavia with the Advice Pink. 
In April he was ordered to sail for Tywan and Amoy, and 
he received his dispatch on the 24th May, 1676I His stay 
at the Chinese port was probably of some duration, and it 
was at this time that he drew the chart from which Bowrey 
made his copy. 

No. 16 is " A large chart of the Island of Formosa with 
the Pescadores, and part of the opposite coast of China, 
drawn by Thomas Bowrey, 1687." 2 ft. 6 in. by 2 ft. 6 in. 
Whether this is a copy or drawn from personal observation 
there is no evidence to show. 

No. 8, "A chart of the river of Hugly, drawn by 
Thomas Bowrey in Fort St. George, 1687 " (2 ft. 6 in. 
by I ft. 8 in.), is by far the most valuable in this collection. 



^ See p. 216. 2 Factory Records^ Java, No. 6. 



INTRODUCTION li 

There are many interesting points in it These have, how- 
ever, been ably dealt with by Yule in Hedges' Diary \ 
where nearly all the names marked in Bowrey's map are 
given with their history and correct spelling. Six names 
only of those found in Bowrey's chart are omitted by Yule. 
These are, on the right bank, Salt river, Norricoel, Hanch- 
parra. Lords Trees and Tody Trees ; and, on the left bank, 
Bowl Punch Tree. 

The last chart in the series is No. 6, " A chart of the 
north coast of Java, shewing the situations of Batavia and 
Bantam; drawn by Thomas Bowrey, in 1700." 2 ft. 6 in. 
by I ft. 4 in. This must have been drawn in England 
after Bowrey's return, and was probably reproduced from 
sketches made while in India. 

Thomas Bowrey's only published work is his Dictionary 
of English and Malayo. There are two copies^ of the work 
in the Library at the British Museum, one copy from the 
George III. Library, and the other, a duplicate, marked 
"date of acquirement 1798." The book is entitled "A 
Dictionary English and Malay, Malayo and English. To 
which is added some short Grammar Rules and Directions 
for the better Observation of the Propriety and Elegancy 
of this Language. And Also Several Miscellanies, Dia- 
logues, and Letters, in English and Malayo for the learners 
better understanding the Expressions of the Malayo 
Tongue. Together with A Table of Time, computing the 
Years and Moons of the Hegira to the Years and Months 
of the English Stile, which Table will serve in the Malayo 
Country, all the South-Sea-Islands, India, Turkey, Arabia, 
Morocco, and generally in all Mahometan Countries. To 
which is annex'd, The Malay Alphabet, with a Specimen 
of the Character. By Thomas Bowrey." 

In the preface Thomas Bowrey says, " I am to tell you, 
that by nineteen years continuance' in East-India wholly 
spent in Navigation and Trading in most places of those 



^ Vol. iii. pp. 117 — 220. 
Press tnarks^ 68 . c . 12 and 1 2907 . dd . 13. 



Hi INTRODUCTION 

Countries, and much of that time in the Malayo Countries, 
Sumatra, Borneo, Bantam, Batavia, and other parts of Java, 
by my Conversation and Trading with the Inhabitants 
of which places, I did Furnish my self with so much of 
the Malayo Language as did enable me to negociate my 
Affairs, and Converse with those people without the assist- 
ance of a prevaricating interpreter, as they commonly are. 
** In the year one thousand six hundred and eighty 
eight, I embarked at Fort St. George, as a passenger on 
the Bangala Merchant, bound for England, which proving 
a long Voyage, and I being out of Imployment, did at my 
leisure time set down all that came into my Memory of the 
Malayo Language, which together with some helps that 
I have attained since, has furnished me with so much of 
that Language, as I think may be of great use to Trade 
and Conversation in the Malayo Country, or any of the 
South-Sea-Islands, in which Countries so great a part of 
the Trade of India is negociated and capable of being 
much Improved, especially to this Nation, who I hope will 
not be unmindful of so Valuable a part of that Trade; 
but as we may by convenient Settlements in those Southern 
Seas share with the Dutch, the Profits thereof; and I finding 
so very few English Men that have attained any tollerable 
Knowledge in the Malayo Tongue, so absolutely necessary 
to Trade in those Southern Seas, and that there is no Book 
of this kind published in English, to help the attaining that 
Language; These Considerations, I say, has imboldened 
me to Publish the insuing Dictionary, which I am sensible 
has many imperfections, I having had very little help to 
assist me, and not having had the opportunity of Con- 
versation with any Malayo, since I begun this Work, nor 

in several years before I do not question but any 

ingenious Reader, upon perusing the following work, and 
considering that there was no Book of this kind extant in 
English to assist me, together with the little other help 
I had in it, but will in some measure be sensible of the 
great Labour I had in reducing the Malayo words into an 
Alphabetical order, in Spelling the said words with proper 



INTRODUCTION liii 

Letters according to the English Pronunciation and in 
applying the most apt Sentences, the better to give the 
Reader the true meaning of many words. And this 
Laborious Task I have undertaken, not out of any 
Prospect of Gain that I could ever expect by the Sale 
of the Book, for that it will be bought by few, besides 
those who are designed to those Countries where the 
Malayo Language is spoken, and by the Old and New 
East India Companies, both which have been pleased to 
incourage the printing of it, but it was done out of a sincere 
desire to serve my Country, by giving my Country-Men all 
the helps my attainment in the Language has made me 
capable of, which, altho I am sensible is attended with 
many Imperfections, yet will I doubt not, be a great 
Assistance to the Learners of this so easie, Diffusive, and 
(as it may be made) Profitable Language to England in 
general, and to those Persons in Particular who shall 
Trade to, or Travel the Malayo Countries. And that it 
may have those Effects is the Hearty Desires of Thomas 
Bowrey." 

At the end of one of the copies of the Dictionary^ is 
inserted a Pamphlet of seven pages entitled *' A Dictionary 
of the Hudson's Bay Indian Language." No author is 
given, but the Catalogue has [T. B.], I do not know on 
what authority. At the end of the other volume^ is 
inserted a Leaflet containing the " Chinese Compass of 
24 points. The Names of the Solar half-months. Ordinary 
Numbers (Learned and Vulgar), and the Private Numeral 
Notes used only by the China Merchants." At the back 
of this leaflet is a note in MS. signed by Michael Burghess, 
stating that he received £2 from Captain Bowrey per 
Mr Hyde ^ for engraving the plate. 

After the Preface is " A Map of the Countrys wherein 
the Malayo Language is spoken." In this are marked 
"Old Queda, New Queda, Patany, P. Ladda, Banga 



^ British Museum Library, Press Mark, I2907.dd. 13. 

^ Press Mark, 68 . c . 12. 

3 For Hyde's connection with the Dictionary, see p. Iv f. 



liv INTRODUCTION 

[? Bangaree], Perach, Landa in Borneo [? Landock of MS.], 
Jambe, Andrageree, Priaman." 

The work must have been of great value two centuries 
ago, when the Malay language was very little known, and 
it is therefore remarkable that Bowrey received no acknow- 
ledgment of his services from either the Old or the New 
East India Company. At any rate no record of their 
acceptance or appreciation of the work is extant. 

The many references that have been made, both from 
the Dictionary and the Dialogues, in the foot-notes to this 
volume fully illustrate its usefulness, especially in connection 
with 17th century records of East India. 

Many of the remarks too are couched in almost the 
same words as those in the 1669 — 1679 MS. and are hence 
additional evidence as to the identity of the author^ 

In 1800 the first part of Bowrey's book was reprinted 
under the title of " A Grammar of the Malay Tongue as 
spoken in the Peninsula of Malacca, the islands of Sumatra, 
Java, Borneo, Pulo Pinang, &c., &c. Compiled from 
Bowrey's Dictionary, and other authentic documents, 
manuscript and printed V In the '* Advertisement," which 
is unsigned, the editor says, " In the compilation of the 
following Grammar and Dictionary, great part of which is 
printed off, the work of Mr. Thomas Bowrey, (which has 
now become exceeding scarce) has been the grand founda- 
tion. Bowrey s Dictionary was published without the 
Malay character, which defect has been remedied in the 
present undertaking^" 

In iSoi James Howison, a member of the Asiatic 
Society, published a Dictionary and Grammar of the 
Malay Tongue. In the "Advertisement" he remarks, 
" Untill now the only assistance to be obtained by the 
Malay scholar was through the medium of Bowrey's 
Grammar, printed a century ago, a work of great industry 
and merit, that distant period considered, and to which 



^ See p. xxii f. 

^ British Museum Library, Press Mark^ 67 . d . 9. 

3 For Marsden's opinion of this addition, see under the comments 
on his Malay Grammar of 18 12. 



INTRODUCTION Iv 

in the present volume we acknowledge our many obliga- 
tions. Its great scarcity, independent of the errors and 
defects consequent to its being the first attempt to form an 
English and Asiatic Grammar, we believe, ever made, 
renders the present work not less necessary." In a foot- 
note Howison further remarks, " No account can be traced 
of Mr Bowrey or his book in the present Remembrancer's 
Office, so as to do him the credit due to his memory, 
or foresight, which the publisher is desirous of doing, who, 
though engaged in an extensive business ever since May 
1752, never could see more than three copies, notwithstand- 
ing his frequent enquiries." 

Howison might have gone further and admitted that 
his "many obligations" to Bowrey included wholesale 
copying from the Dictionary of English and Malayo. On 
p. 3 1 f of Howison's book the " Weights and Measures " 
of Acheen are given in Bowrey's exact words, and this is 
only one of many instances that might be cited. 

William Marsden, F.R.S., who published "A Grammar 
of the Malayan Language" in 1812, was apparently the 
first scholar to produce such a work in English. His 
remarks on Bowrey's Dictionary are rather severe; but 
these are mild compared with the scathing criticism he 
bestows on the Dictionary published under Howison's 
name. Of Bowrey's work Marsden says^ "This, although 
the work of an illiterate person, possesses considerable 
merit, and derived, as is evident, no advantage whatever 
from the preceding publications, of the existence of which 
the author was probably ignorant. His extensive know- 
ledge of the language of the people whose ports he 
frequented as a trader, he laudably rendered permanent 
and useful to his countrymen by committing to paper all 
the words with which his memory furnished him, but he 
appears to have been entirely ignorant of the written 
language, as even the short specimen of words in the 
original character, printed at the end of his book, he 
acknowledges to have been prepared for him at Oxford 
by that learned and indefatigable orientalist, Thomas 

^ Introduction^ pp. xl — xlii. 



Ivi INTRODUCTION 

Hyde^ Owing to his want of sufficiency in this and some 
other respects, he has unavoidably fallen into numerous 
errors, and the sentences he has employed to exemplify 
the words, being of his own composition, and not quota- 
tions, are for the most part incorrect or vulgar, and uncouth 
in their phraseology." Marsden quotes from Bowrey's 
preface, and says that he had in his possession a copy 
of Bowrey*s Dictionary "full of manuscript corrections 
made at an early period " by Henry Smith, and containing 
a memorandum in the same writing which runs as follows : 
*' My Dictionary which the foregoing should have bin onely 
the Coppy off, is so strangely perverted thro* Ignorance 
of the genuine Elegancy and Meaning of the Wordes in 
this language, that it would have puzled a learned Malayer 
to have pickt out the meaning of the short sentences, for 
they are very concise in their discourse useing noe circum- 
locutions or tautalogie." This remark savours strongly of 
Bowrey's style, and how Henry Smith came to have any- 
thing to do with the Dictionary is inexplicable. Marsden 
says that nothing further respecting him ever came to his 
knowledge. 

Howison*s Dictionary, according to Marsden, was not 
Howison's, but the work of some unknown editor or 
editors {i.e, a copy of the reprint of Bowrey*s Diet, in 
1800), who attempted to improve Bowrey's Dictionary by 
adding the Malayan character to the words as they stood 
in Roman orthography. These editors "composed them 
of such Persian characters as best suited their idea of the 
sounds, and consequently when right, it is only by chance." 
Marsden adds that he believes Howison was not "a principal 
in the transaction," although the work was published in his 
name. 

It says much for Bowrey's Dictionary that, though the 
work of an "illiterate" man, it should have been still a living 
force more than a century after its compilation. 

^ See the last 10 pp. of Bowrey's Dictionary of English and Malay o 
which are introduced with the remark, " Here follows a Specimen of 
the Malayo Character, which I have obtained from the Reverend 
Dr Hyde Hebrew and Arabick Professor in the University of Oxford." 



ASIA, 

Wherein is contained the scituation, comerse, cus[toms], &c., 

Of many Provinces, Isles, &c., in India, Persi[a], Arabia, 

and the South Seas, Experienced by me T.B., in the 

forementioned Indie[s], Vizt., from Anno 

MDCLXIX. to MDCLXXIX. 

^ONSIDERINGE the many Advantages 
which our Creator hath been pleased to 
bestow Upon this part of the knowne 
World from the begininge of the Creation, 
with the famous and flourishinge present 
Condition of most Monarchies and King- 
doms herein Contained, with many more remarkable Obser- 
vations, I am induced to take Some pains; and. Since 
I have begun the insertinge of Some Particulars, the 
Vaster and Stronger my desire is to particularize many 
things of the present State, Religion, Commerce, laws, 
&c., of Some Eminent places in India, Persia, Arabia', and 
the South Seas, Vizt., of Sumatra, Java Major, and Borneo', 
which, although it swel not to any great Volume, yet 
I hope it may tend to the Satisfaction and good of Others 
as well as to my Selfe, neither shall I touch or meddle 




' The writer has not carried out his intention with regard to 
Persia and Arabia. These descriptions may have been included 
among the " Joumalls" which he bequeathed to his cousin, Thomas 
Studds. ViiU Introduction. 

' There is no account of " Java Major" and Borneo in this MS. 



2 OF CHOROMANDEL 

with little more then befits my Owne Experience, Observ- 
inge little else but what are the most remarkable passages 
that have presented themselves within the Compasse of my 
Small Travailed 

The Maine Continent of Asia is of noe Small Extent, 
as most men may Very well and Easily Imagine; but, 
for Satisfaction to those who are ignorant in the division 
of the Earth, one of the most Easie things in Geographie, 
I have here inserted it as followeth. 

It doth Containe in Longitude, vizt, East and West, 
125 degrees, or 75CX) English miles, and in Lattitude, 
vizt, North and South, 72 degrees, or 4320 English miles. 
It comprehendeth many Vast and plentifull Islands of 
i^iches and what else necessarie for mankinde, many 
Small ones alsoe, the Major part of which be not in- 
habited, &c. 



OF CHOROMANDEL. 

The begininge of my residence, or first Part of my 
Arrival (in India Orien talis) was att Fort St. Georg's*, 
an English Garrison Upon the Coast of ChoromandeP. 
This Coast begineth at Negapatam^ formerly a place 
Subject to the Kinge of Portugal, but some years Since 



1 The author's "Small Travaile" covered a period of 19 years. 
For its extent, vide the account of his life in the Introduction. 

^ i.e. the town and fort of Madras. Madras is still in official 
documents " Fort St George." 

' See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Coromandel. 

* Negapatam (Snake-town) was one of the earliest settlements of 
the Portuguese on the Coromandel Coast. It was taken by the 
Dutch in 1660. According to DeUstre (p. 164 f.), the town, in 1672, 
was half-ruined by the wars between the Dutch and Portuguese, and 
the fortifications were weak ; the " fine warehouses " of the Dutch 
were, apparently, the most distinctive feature of the place at that 
period. 



\ 



OF CHOROMANDEL 3 

taken from them by the Dutch, who now possesse it 
with great force and Splendor. 

It Extendeth it Selfe to point Goodaware\ on the 
South Side of the bay Corango^ which, by Computation, 
is in length 400 English miles, Containinge many great 
and Eminent places of traffick and commerce, of which 
as followeth. But first of Fort St. Georg's. 

This Fort and towne', which is very Considerable, is 
scituated very neare the Sea, indifferent well populated 
by the English, and wholy Governed by them, very well 
fortified and Surrounded with very potent and Stronge 
Bulwarks, Points, and Battaries, within which many Portu- 
gals* are admitted to dwell', beinge Subject to our English 
Goverment, many of which are very Eminent Merchants, 



1 i.e. Godavari. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Godavery. For various 
modes of spelling the name, see also Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. p. 351 f. and 
392. 

2 i.e. Coringa. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Coringa. On the 12th 
Nov. 1668, the Agent and Council at Fort St George in a letter to the 
Court remark, "These two Ships [the Rainbow and the Loyal 
Merchant^ in going from hence were deceived by the Currents and 
over shot their port of Metchlepatan as far as Carango." O. C. 
No. 3238. 

^ See Fryer, p. 37 f. for a good contemporary description of Fort 
St George. See also Sckouten, vol. i. p. 488 f. for the showy display 
(from the Dutchman's point of view) customary with the English 
captains when visiting the fort. 

* By Portugals was meant Portuguese half-breeds and also 
Roman-Catholic converts, often pure natives of the country. N. and 
E. p. 38, for I St Nov. 1680, has a valuable quotation : " It is resolved 
to Entertain about 100 Topasses or Black Portuguez, the better to 
guard the washers." 

^ The following passage confirms the author's statement : " The 
Portuguezes and Musteza's [half-breeds] were Invyted hither by the 
severall Agents from our first setling here. And some came with our 
people from Armagon and [were] encouraged, and severall had money 
Lent them to build Upon the open sand Under the protection of the 
Gunns which by degrees has been walled in, they doeing the duty of 
trayn'd Bands in watching and warding in tymes of trouble Upon the 
Out- Works. They have never paid arty Rent or Acknowledgment 
nor taken out any Leases." Reply to Major Puckle, the Company's 
Supervisor, who asked (at a Consultation at Fort St George, on the 
29th Feb. 1676) why so many "Portuguez" were permitted to dwell 
n the English town. O. C. No. 4178. 

I — 2 



OF CHOROMANDEL ^ 



/ 



and are admitted a free trade payinge Custome, vizt. 
4 per Cent to the English in and out for theire goods; 
many of them alsoe beare arms in the Honourable 
English East India Company's Service as private Centi- 
nels, but not Otherways, none of them beinge raised to 
any place of Office ; and although theire Sallary be Smal, 
yet they live very well of it, beinge paid monthly as all 
the English Soldiery are, and provisions with cloths well 
befittinge Suche a Climate very Cheape and good. This 
Fort lyeth in Lattitude North 13*^-10", and is not at any 
time very cold or on the Contrary Very hott, haveinge 
the full benefit of all Sea breezes of wind, but in these 
following Months, May and June, although there be for 
the most part fresh Gales, yet it is something Sulphurous, 
which may most of all be alledged to the wind it Selfe, 
more then to the heat of the Sun. 

It blowinge then for the most part at West and West 
N. West, beinge hot and dry land winds. The Coldest 
Season of the yeare is September, October, and November, 
yet not much colder then the middle of Summer is in 
England, but afifor[d]eth raine in great abundance. But, 
in fine, it is a very healthy and moderate climate, much 
Exceedinge many places both in India and the South Seas, 
and consisteth of as great traffick both by Sea and land as 
any one place or more Upon all this Coast. It is without 
all dispute a beneficiall place to the Honourable English 
India Company, and with all the Residence of theire 
Honourable Agent and Governour^ of all their Affaires 
Upon this Coast and the Coast of Gingalee', the Kingdoms 



^ George Foxcroft, who had been reinstated after his three years' 
captivity at the hands of Sir Edward Winter, was Agent at Fort 
St George when T. B. arrived in India, in 1669. Foxcroft was suc- 
ceeded by Sir William Langhorne in 1672. 

* "You are not certain of the Investments that may bee made 
about Neglawanch as also towards Gingerlee." Letter from Salisbury 



OF CHOROMANDEL 5 

alsoe of OrixaS Bengala^ and Pattana', the said Governour 
and his Councell here resideinge, for the Honour of our 
English Nation keepinge and maintaineinge the place in 
great Splendour, Civil and good Goverment, Entertaineinge 
nobly all Foraign Embassadors, and provideinge great 
quantities of Muzlinge* Callicoes* &c. to be yearly trans- 
ported to England. 

Yet notwithstanding Such vast quantities >are yearely 
Sent hence for England, great Stores are transported and 
Vended into most places of note in India, Persia, Arabia, 
China, and the South Seas, more Expecialy to Moneela* 
one of the Molucca' Isles, belongeinge to the Kinge of 
Spaine, but are Sent thither in the name and Under the 
Colours of The Portugals borne and bred in India®, noe 
others beinge admitted a free trade thither, and Especialy 
the English, haveinge the Same prohibition as to trade 
to the Spanish Garrisons in Mexico, and Peruana*, in 
America. 



at PettipoUe to the Chief at Masulipatam, 2nd Sept. 1675. Factory 
Records^ Masulipatam, No. 10. 

" He [Mr Mainwaring] sent his Peons to force all the Boatmen to 
goe away with their Boats for Gin^erlee [to fetch Paddy]." Callor 
Vissina's complaint against Mr Mamwaring, 23rd May, 1678. Ibid, 
The exact extent of this coast is explained later on. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s. v. Orissa. The above is the direct 
Portuguese form of the word. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Bengal. The contemporary spelling is 
usually Bengali, Bengalla. 

3 i.e. Patna. 

* Later on it will be seen that by muslin was meant a very fine 
calico. See also Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Muslin. 

^ The above, and the references later on, show that in "calico" 
were included muslin, longcloth and chintz : in fact, it was a generic 
term for cotton cloth. 

^ i.e. Manila. 

^ The earliest example, so far as I am aware, of the modem 
spelling of the word. 

8 See note on p. 3. 

• t,e, Peru. 



6 OF CHOROMANDEL 

The Native inhabitans are for the most part Gentiles, 
(commonly called Gentues^) and Mallabars', many of 
which live within the Outermost walls of this place 
called Fort St. Georg's^. I have heard it reported, and 
can well give credit thereto, that there are noe lesse 
then fourty thousand of them, vizt. men, Women, and 
Children that live under St. Georg's flagge and pay cus- 
tomes for all Sorts of goods they buy and Sell with in 
the Compasse of* Comrriand of our Guns. 

They are a Sort of harmlesse Idolatrous people ; they 
Worship many Gods of Sundry Shapes, and metles, as 
Gold, Silver, brasse, Coppar, Iron &c., many alsoe of 
Stone, clay, or the like, but theire Chiefe God of all is in 
forme of a man Somethinge deformed, and is Set up in 
theire great Pagods*, or temples, and is very circumspectly 
and with great adoration attended and prayed Unto at 
all hours both of day and night, with many Others Set 
up in theire Pagod Courts and small Stone buildings 
thereunto adjoyneinge, beinge of most hideous Shapes, 
as Satyrs, Cows, bears*, Rhinocerots, Elephants, &c., with 
many Smooth and well polished marble Stones, Sett upon 
an End of 3 or four foot high, on all which they powre 
Oyle, and adorne with flowers, worshipinge them with 
Strange and admirable reverence. 

^ This and the references later on are valuable as showing that 
Gentile meant a Gentoo, and Gentoo a low-caste Hindu. N. and 
E, p. 38 for 20th Nov. 1680, has "the Mutineers threaten to kill the 
Gentue Oxmen if they bring goods or provisions into the Town." 

2 Later references will show that the term Malabar was applied 
to the inhabitants of both the East and West Coasts of Southern 
India. In the passage above, the author is using the words Gentue 
and Mallabar in their secondary sense. He means that the natives 
are low-caste speakers of Telugu (Gentue) and Tamil (Mallabar). 

^ For a description of the " Heathen Town " of Madras, see 
Fryer^ p. 39. 

* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Pagoda. For the use of the word in 
the sense of " idol," see later on. 

^ ? boars. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 7 

Many, yea most of theire Pagods, are very Stately 
buildings of Stone of curious workman Ship of the Same, 
representinge all Sorts of musick and dances to theire 
Gods, and are Surrounded with cloysters of marble, flat 
roofed with large and Exeedinge fine marble, Supported 
with Piljars of the Same, flagged below alsoe with marble, 
with walks to the great gate of the Pagod, as. alsoe to 
the great Pond or tanke\ where they frequently wash 
themselves all over before they assume to Enter the Pagod. 
The Entrance, vizt. the Great gate of Some of these 
Pagods, I have often Observed, are most rare and Ad- 
mirable worke, vizt. a man on horsebacke cut out in one 
Entire piece Set upon each Side one full as bigge or 
bigger then any naturall ones, all of marble ^ and, which 
is more rare, I have Seen within Some of these great 
Pagods, a large Cart and 2 horses, with all theire appurten- 
ances, cut out of an entire Stone, as bigge as most 
dungcarts and horses ; and these they often bow to in 
representation of theire God J no. Gernaet', beinge as he is 
Upon Some festivals, carried about in a large triumphant 
Chariot, most rarely carved, painted, and gilded, and drawne 
by men of which in Order*. Here followeth the figure 



^ For the history of this word, see Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tank. 

2 Thevenot, who journeyed from Surat to Golconda in i666, 
notes : — " In most places Inhabited, there are Pagods, and every now 
and then, we met with Waggons full of Gentiles, who were coming to 
perform their Devotions in them. The first Pagod (I saw) was by the 
side of a great War [Banyan-tree, see Thevenot^ P- 25]; and before the 
Door of it, there was an Ox of Stone, which a Gentile (who spake 
Persian) told me was the figure of the Ox, which served to carry 
their God Ram. We found besides, many other Pagods like to that, 
but we saw others, which consisted of one single Stone about six Foot 
high, on which the Figure of a Man is cut in relief" Thevenot^ part 
iii. p. 73. Compare also Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. 173-178 for a 
description of various Pagods. 

3 This is the most interesting variant I have come across of this 
much-corrupted name. The word is Jagan-nath, by metathesis such 
as is common in India, Janganath ; hence, of course, John Gemaet. 

* See the account on p. 17. 



8 OF CHOROMANDEL 

of the Paged called Tressletore^ 5 and J miles to the 
Northward of Fort St. Georg's ; but they have Pagods 
farre Exceedinge this. 

Of all the false Gods these idolatrous people Worship 
(save John Gernaet)^ a Cow is held in greatest reverence^ 
both naturally liveinge, and artificialy made with hands, 
those of the latter Sort beinge kept within theire Pagods. 
But, for the true Worship thereof (as they doe realy 
confide), most, or all indeed that are men of Estates, doe 
diligently keep one or more in theire dwellinge houses, 
thereby to have them dayly and hourely for theire families 
to make Supplication to ; and Upon theire festivals, they 
adorn the Cow very Splendidly with ribbons and bells, 
gold, Silver, precious jewels, &c., in which State the Cow is 
led through the Streets and round the Pagods, with a Vast 
multitude of men, women, and Children attendinge, Some of 
which devout persons doe dance, and pray aloude with great 
zeale, as that pious Kinge David did before the Arke of God. 

As I said before, they doe in generall adore this 
Creature above all Others, in soe much that theire Nuptials, 



^ This is the Thiagar Raja Temple at Trivettore (Tiruvottiyur). 
It is N.N.E. of Madras, J m. inland. It is an old Saiva temple 
with a large annual festival in February. It is known under various 
forms, of which Trivatore, in Wheeler's Madras in the Olden Time^ is 
as near as may be expected to the correct form. See Mad. Man. 
Admn. vol. iii. s. v. Tir. "Trevitore a towne within fewe miles of this 
place [Fort St George]." Fort St George "Generall" to the Court, 
23 Jan. 1669, O. C. No. 3247, p. 3. Compare Fryer's description of 
what he calls the Triblitore Pagoda : — " At Triblitore, four Miles 
North of Maderas, is a Pagod transcending both in respect of Building 
and Antiquity ; there being Characters, the Expounders of the Gentu 
Language or Holy Writ understand not : To this Mother-Pagod, at 
certain Seasons of the Year, long Pilgrimages are set on foot, at what 
time there is an innumerable Concourse, whereat some of the Visitants 
count it meritorious to be trod to death under a weighty Chariot of Iron 
made for the carriage of their Deities ; and with themselves lay their 
Wives and Children to undergo the same Self-martyrdom." Fryer, 
p. 44 f. 

2 This spelling is consistently followed throughout the MS. 

' For a penance inflicted for allowing a cow to die uncleansed, see 
Tavernter, vol. i. part ii. p. 181 f 



OF CHOROMANDEL 9 

theire way of dealeings, there Oath beinge taken upon 
Extraordinary businesse, cannot be performed without 
Cow to Sweare by, which is the greatest Oath they can 
imagine ; nay, not one person of all this Sect called 
GentuesS dares to Sell a bull, Cow, or Calfe to any 
religion but theire owne, and they themselves are not 
permitted to kill or Eat any of them ; it is soe Severely 
forbidden by theire Brachmans', and as diligently Observed 
by all of them both rich and poore. Alsoe they are 
Strictly forbidden to Eat or drinke Or dwell under the 
Same roofe with any Save of theire Owne Cast^ 

In soe much that if any one, that is not of theire 
Cast, doe accidentaly or willingly touch any Vessel of 
theirs, out of which they Eat or drinke, or pot or pan, 
whether it be Earthen ware or China or Coppar &c., they 
throw it away from them in great disdaine, and will not 
be perswaded to receive it againe or to be put within 
theire doors. 

They are generally a very Subtile and Cunninge Sort 
of men^ Especially in the way of merchandizeing, also 
Very ingenuos in workinge Cotton Cloth or Silks, pantados', 



^ See note on p. 6. 

^ The writer has followed the usual spelling of the time. See 
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Brahmin. 

^ This, and the references later on, give the whole idea of " caste " 
as understood in the 17th century. See also Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. 
Caste. 

* The "Gentues" had a reputation for surgery. On the 20th 
February, 1663, the Court of Directors wrote to Fort St George, "We 
pray you to purchase a Couple of Gentue Barbers such as are most 
expert amongst them in letting of Blood, and send them on some of 
our Shipps for St. Hellena." Letter Book^ No. 3, p. 229. 

^ i,e. Chintz. Fryer^ p. 12, speaks of "Pintado Birds, those feathered 
Harbingers of the Cape... remarkable for their painted Spots of black 
and white." Compare also the following passage in a letter from the 
Court of Directors to Masulipatam, dated 7th Dec. 1669, " Our Agent 
&c*. from Bantam writes... that in all the Cargo of Cloth, which came 
in the Madras, there was not One peece of Pintadoe, or any other 
Paintings which Mr. Jearsey knew well, were the most required goods 
for that place." Letter Book, No. 4, p. 301. See also several references 
later on. 



lO OF CHOROMANDEL 

Striped cloth of Gold or Silver, of very curious Worke- 
manship, a Very Sober people never touchinge any manner 
of Stronge drinke, in fine they want nothinge but couradge, 
But indeed now they have lesse occasion for Soldiery then 
they had but a few Generations past, beinge then Sole 
Lords and masters of all the Coast of Choromandell, 
Orixa, and Bengala*. 

All Very Stronge and rich Kingdoms, but never had 
the inhabitants been trained Up to any warlike Exercises, 
not havinge foreseen any dangers or casualties that might 
befall them, but I suppose wholy depended Upon the 
Sorceries of theire Brachmans, the which if soe did in 
a great measure deceive them for these mighty Kingdoms 
were in a Short Space wholy Subdued* by the Moors* 
and brought Tributary to the Great Mogol*, all of them 
now in generall wholy Submittinge to the Mahometan 
yoke, and Very much Oppressed*, few of them arriveinge 
to that height as to beare any place of Office Save 
Collectors of the Emperours revenues*; they are indeed 



^ The Hindu Power in Southern India was destroyed at the battle 
of Talikote in 1564. 

2 The author underrates the fighting abilities of the Southern 
Hindus, who, for a century and a half, held the Muhammadan power 
at bay, and whose valour at the battle of Talikote is unquestioned. 
However, as the Hindus with whom the writer came in contact, had 
been a subject race for many decades, his inference is not unnatural. 

3 Muhammadans. A term specially applied to Indian Muham- 
madans. See Hobson-Jobson^ s. v. Moor. 

* The "Great Mogol" was the Emperor Aurangzeb. About the 
year 1675 he reimposed the detested jazia or capitation-tax upon 
Hindus, an act which excited much discontent. In his time also, an 
import duty of five per cent, was levied on Hindu goods, while 
Muhammadans only paid two and a half per cent. 

^ This "oppression" took place in the reign of Aurangzeb. Under 
the wise rule of Akbar, the Hindus had been treated with the greatest 
moderation. JahangTr continued the policy of his father, and Shah 
Jahan employed Hindus to command his armies. Thus, for nearly a 
century before the accession of "the Great Mogol," there had been 
but little antagonism between Hindus and Muhammadans. 

® ^nder Akbar, Hindus were employed impartially with members 
of other races and creeds in the offices of state and in the army, and, 



OF CHOROMANDEL II 

allowed theire old Idolatrous way of Worship all Hindo- 
stan Over, save neare the Mosquees^ or Tombs of the 
Mahometans, but for that priviledge they pay very deare, 
which lades the Emperours treasury in great measure, 
Summs of Gold and Silver, Diamonds and other jewels 
of an inesteemable Value*. 

They are Very precise in theire idolatrous ways of 
devotion, in soe much that if they very circumspectly 
looke not to Every particular of their laws, they may 
come to bee accompted the vilest of men, and loose 
their religion which they call Cast'; and, if soe, that 
party is not admitted to Enter the doore of the Pagod 
or any Other Gentues dwellinge house, noe not where 
his nearest relations dwell, neither will he be admitted 
to Eat or drinke with any of them, if soe they all loose 
theire Cast that doe accompanie him in any Such actions, 
soe that this very party is a most Scandalous person, and 
accompted but a Hololcore* untill he hath regained his cast, 
which is but one way to be procured, Vizt : 



in the two succeeding reigns, their position remained unchanged. 
Aurangzeb, however, with his hatred of infidels, excluded all the more 
capable Hindus from office. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Mosque, i.e. Masjid. 

2 Akbar had tolerated the observance of the Hindu religion, and 
had remitted the tax on Hindu temples and places of pilgrimage. In 
1669, Aurangzeb issued orders for the destruction of infidel schools and 
temples. It does not appear that this order was carried out literally. 
Indeed, it would hardly have been possible to have done so. A few 
signal examples were made, and then permission to exercise the rites 
of their religion was probably compounded for by the Hindus, as the 
writer describes. '*T.B.'s" statement is supported by Alex. Hamilton, 
who says, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 386, "The Prince exacts a tax of 
half a Crown per Head on every Pilgrim that comes to the Pagod 
[Jagannath] to worship which generally amounts to 75000 L. per 
Annum." See Aurangzeb^ by Stanley Lane-Poole, ch. vi-viii., in 
Rulers of India Series. 

3 See note on p. 9. 

* A very low-caste man, a "sweeper," scavenger. See Hobson- 
JobsoHy s.v. Halalcore. Compare also the following extracts : — "Among 
the particular Castes, there is one that goes by the name of Alecors, 



12 OF CHOROMANDEL 

The Party soe misdemeaneinge him selfe, whether 
he be rich or poore, (Except he intends to live in 
perpetuall ignominie) must take his travaile to the 
great Pagod Jno. Gernaet^ the remotest part of the 



whose employment is only to clean Houses ;...it being one of the 
greatest scorns you can put upon an Indian, to call him Alacor.... 
These Alacors having no other business but only to make clean the 
Houses, eat the scraps of all other Castes ; and so without scruple 
feed upon anything." Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 162. 

" We are very glad by the timely care you tooke about the HoUolcore 
boy that was Shott the 27th ult. in your factory that he is on the 
mending hand." Letter from Hugli to Littleton at Kasimbazar, 15th 
Feb. 1679. Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5. 

^ Compare the following descriptions of the Pagoda of Jagannath, 
the name of which has been variously rendered as Jakernot, Juggernaut, 
Guggeraat, Jaggerynat, Jaggemat, &c. 

" We had a view of a great and celebrated Pagoda, which looks 
quite white, and which is called Jagemate, or Jaguemate, situated on 
high ground rising from the centre of a large wood... so that it is visible 
from a long distance. We were told that the Gentues had a particular 
reverence for it, and that those of Coromandel, 6rixa, Golconda, 
and Bengala went on pilgrimage thither, there being many of them to 
whom the Bramins only gave absolution from their sins on condition 
of their going to visit the Pagoda of Jaguemate." Schouten^ ii. p. 58f. 

" Wee sailed in sight of the black Pagoda and the white Pagoda, 
the latter is that place called Jaggerenaut to which the Hindoues from 
all parts of India come on pilgrimage." Diary of Streynsham Master^ 
p. 292, under date 13th Dec. 1676. 

" If it [the robbery] was done nigh Jagranaught complain to the 
Rajah of that countrey." Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5. 

"At 12 this noon [31st Jan. 1681] the white pegodo (alias Jagre- 
nett)...bore North dist. per Judgment 17' at this bearing and dist. 
Jagrenett maks in 3 pegodas, the S. most the highest, the midle one 
somewhat lower, the N. most the lowest, the tops of each being blunt 
and very white ; on each side are buildings and seemeth to be within 
a large compoun, and small trees on each side which are not disemable 
at a great distance." Marine Records^ Log of the President^ 1679- 1682, 
No. Ixxv. 

"The four most celebrated Pagods, are Jagrenate, Banarous, Matura, 
and Tripeti. Jagrenate is one of the mouths of Ganges, whereupon is 
built the great Pagod, where the Arch Bramin, or chief Priest among 
the Idolaters keeps his residence. The great Idol that stands upon 
the Altar in the innermost part of the Pagod, has two Diamonds for 
his Eyes, and another that hangs about his neck, the least of those 
Diamonds weighing about forty Carats. About his Arms he wears 
Bracelets sometimes of Pearls, and sometimes of Rubies ; and this 
magnificent Idol is called Resora. The revenues of this Pagod are 
sufficient to feed fifteen or twenty thousand Pilgrims every day ; which 
is a number often seen there, that Pagod being the greatest place of 
devotion in all India. But you must take notice, that no Goldsmith is 
suffer'd to enter this Pagod, because that one of them being locked in 



OF CHOROMANDEL 1 3 

Golcondah^ Kingdome North Eastwards from Fort St. 
Georgs, neare looo English miles. When he cometh there, 
makes his case knowne to Some of the Brachmans, of which 
there are lOOO or 1200 very Splendidly here maintained, 
where he must give as large gratuities to this great Pagod 
as his abilitie can well afford, and sure it is that cunninge 
delusions are not here wantinge to Screw him Up to the 
highest pin he can reach, the which accomplished, he is 
admitted to Sit downe and Eat with the Chiefest of the 
bewitchinge Brachmans, if his liberalitie Extended to 
a very Competent Value; if not, he may demand the 
priviledge to Eat with the meaner Sort, Upon which he 
receiveth theire blessinge with great reverence, and hath 
by these means regained his Cast*, and now n^ay returne 
home with as great joy and Triumph, as he was cast 
out with Shame and dishonour both to him.selfe and 
relations. 

In this Vast Pagod (as I said before) there are noe 
lesse then 1000 or 1200 Brachmans maintained. The 
Brachmans are theire Priests, but I am Sure, and without 
all controversie, very Diabolicall Ones. Many hundreds 



all night long, stole a Diamond out of one of the Idols eyes. As he 
was about to go out, when the Pagod was open'd in the morning, he 
dy'd at the door ; their God, as they affirm, revenging his own sacriledg. 
That which renders this Paged, which is a large building the most 
considerable in all India, is, because it is situated upon the Ganges ; 
the Idolaters believing that the waters of that River have a particular 
quality to cleanse them from their sins. That which makes it so rich 
(for it maintains above twenty thousand Cows) is the vast Alms that 
are continually bestow'd by so incredible a number as comes from all 
parts. Which Alms are not so much as at the discretion of the 
Donor, [as] at the Will of the chief Priest, who before he gives them 
leave to shave and wash in the Ganges, taxes them according to their 
quality, of which he has information." Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. 

p. 173 f 

Compare also the account in Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^ vol. i. 

V PP- 381-386. 

^ For the writer's description of the " Kingdome of Golcondah " 

see later on. 

2 See note on p. 9. 



14 OF CHOROMANDEL 

of Women are here maintained to dance on theire festivals 
and days of Sacrifice and Offerings, with all Varieties of 
musick that Asia affordeth, to play before theire Gods, vizt. 
pipes, drums, trumpets, with Varieties of Stringed instru- 
ments, with multitudes of Voices very delicate to heare 
and behold were it acted in a better Sence, and not onely 
soe in this theire Cathedral Pagod, but in all Others, as 
many as theire Abilities will Extend to the maintainance 
of, and for their activities of body are much admired by 
all Spectators. They are for the most part very Streight 
handsome featured and a well limbed people. These 
Dancinge Women have a priviledge above all Others in 
these Easterne parts, which causeth such multitudes to 
Endeavour to attaine to Such Employs, where they may 
Enjoy Earthly pleasure Enough, without any Scandall 
to themselves or relations. They are wholy at theire 
owiji choice whether they will marry or noe, or live Subject 
to any one man, and have the liberty to be made use of 
by whom they please ; therefore I think Seldom or never 
that they leave this life to retire to theire homes and leade 
a Chast life, or to marry, whereby theire pleasure is very 
Uncertaine, not onely through the means of a jealous 
Husband, but for that Diabolicall Custome of this Sect in 
Generall, that by theire longe practised Evil ways, cause 
the Wifes to be burnt to ashes in the fire at the Death of 
the Husbands, as I will further relate before I End my 
discourse of this Coa$t of ChoromandelP. 

But first I will describe Some of theire activities of 
body, danceinge before the front of the Pagod as I my 
Selfe have often Scene with admiration much rarer then 
Ever I beheld amongst us Europians, or indeed any Other 
people in Asia. 

Theire irreligious Religion is wholy Composed of 

1 Later on the writer is very full in his descriptions of satt. 



' OF CHOROMANDEL 1 5 

nothinge Save Idolatry, intermixed neither with Judaisme 
nor M?ihometisme, but quite averse from them both, 
(Saveinge in their burnt offerings and Sacrifices) more 
Especially from Christianitie. The[y] neither circumcise, 
nor baptise, but yet doe believe there is a God in heaven*, 
that Created male and female, and made the Earth, the 
Seas, and all that therein moveth, and all the reason they 
give for worshipinge the Devil is, they hold that God 
Ordained the Devil to Governe this World and to torment 
all mankind, and that God himselfe resteth in the heavens, 
wherefore Upon Earth they worship Gods of much de- 
formitie, as partly to please the Devil whom they say is 
of no lesse deformitie, and the Other reason is, they say 
that theire prayers are to God to Deliver them from such 
Satyricall Creatures ^ 

They Often wash themselves in Ponds or Rivolets, 
vizt. two or 3 times, or more, Every day, but never faile of 
once. They burne many lamps in theire Pagods, and pray 
with a Very quick and lowde Voice to those molten Gods, 
often prostrating themselves and kissinge the Earth with 
great reverence. 

In that great and Sumptuous Diabolicall Pagod, there 
Standeth theire greatest God J no. Gernaet^ whence the 



^ Compare the description of the Jentives in Mandelslo, p. 6i. 
*' These are a sort of very ignorant people, who refer themselves, as 
to matter of Religion, to their Bramans. They believe, that in the 
beginning there was but one God... They believe the Immortality and 
Transmigration of Souls, upon which perswasion they abhor the 
effusion of bloud. Accordingly there are not to be found any Robbers 
or Murtherers among them ; but on the other side, they are generally 
Lyars and Cheats, in which good qualities they exceed all the other 
Indians." 

'^ " The Natives are Idolaters worshipping many Penates or 
Household Gods, yea, the Devil too for fear : Yet they acknowledge 
but one Supreme God ; and the various Representations or Shapes 
adored, are but so many different Attributes." Fryer, p. 34. 

3 " Now for the description of a particular Idol which stands upon 
the Altar in the Pagod of Jagrenate : It is cover'd from the Shoulders 
downward with a great Mantle that hangs down upon the Altar. 



l6 OF CHOROMANDEL 

Pagod received that name alsoe. This Imadge is of massy 
Gold very richly wrought, and in the full Stature of a man, 
kept in a large dark roome of it Selfe, but by the lustre of 
his Eys which are two Diamonds^ of Exceedinge Value, 
the place is by relation as light as though there were more 
then 2 Candleis lighted. In another Stronge and close 
roome is placed an Artificiall Cow^ of it's full Stature 
richly adorned. Especially with it's two Eys, which are 
reported to be the richest that Ever were Seen in the 
World, to which the Golcondah Kings have had longeinge 
desires, in soe much that Since the Conquests performed 
by the Moors they have attempted to take this Pagod and 
ransacke it of these faire Jewels, but I have heard many 
Credible Mahometans affirme that the Brachmans with 
theire Sorceries prevented them of doeinge the least injury 
to this Pagod or Towne surroundinge it, of which the 
Gentues doe Publickly boast of theire holy Temple of God. 
Sundry Festivall times' they keep here with great 
Splendour, One amongst the rest continueth 7 or 8 



This Mantle is of Tissue of Gold or Silver, according to the Solem- 
nities. At first it had neither feet nor hands ; but after one of their 
Prophets was taken up into Heaven, while they were lamenting what 
to do for another, God sent them an angel in the likeness of that 
Prophet, to the end they might continue their Veneration toward him. 
Now while this Angel was busie in making this Idol, the people grew 
so impatient, that they took him out of the Angels hands, and put him 
into the Pagod without hands or feet; but finding that the idol 
appear'd in that manner too deform'd, they made him hands and arms 
of those small Pearls which we call Ounce-Pearls. As for his feet, 
they are never seen, being hid under his Cloak. There is no part op'n 
but his hands and feet ; the head and body being of Sandal-wood." 
Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 174. Compare also the description of this 
god in Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^ vol. i. pp. 383-386. He gives 
a different legend. 

* See note on p. 12. 

2 " The Temple [of Jagannath] is built in the Shape of a Canary 
Pipe set on End, about 40 or 50 Yards high, about the Middle is the 
Image of an Ox cut in one intire Stone, bigger than a live one. He 
looks towards the South-east, and his hinder Parts are fixt in the 
Wall.'' Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^ vol. i. p. 382. 

3 For contemporary accounts of Hindu festivals see Fryer, p. 44, 
for one at Madras, and Schouten, vol. ii. p. 244 f., for one in Bengal. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 1/ 

days, to which Devilish feast resorteth many very rich 
Merchants and Brachmans, with many Others from the 
remotest Parts of Hindostan, in soe much that it is very 
rare if fewer then 150000 persons resort to one of the 
festivalls at the great Pagod^ and noe few thousands to 
the Subordinate Pagods in the whole Empire. The 
maine Spectacle and purpose is to behold their graven 
God J no. Gernaet, which at Such times is carried in a 
Chariot (richly adorned and of curious and costly Work- 
manship) round the Pagod and through the broadest 
Streets of the towne in great triumph and with great 
Solemnitie. 

This Chariot is of Exceedinge great weight, beinge 
made of Very Solid wood, very rich, with much iron worke 
thereon and finely Engraven, with the Shapes of men and 
women dancinge, as alsoe many hideous Shapes of Satyrs, 
bulls, bears, Tigers, Elephants, Rhinocerots, &c., in soe 
much that it is soe Ponderous, that although it be fitted 
Upon 6 or 8 Good Axletrees, with good wheels on each 
Side, yet requireth more then an hundred Stronge men to 
draw it alonge Upon hard and Smooth ground (and this 
they accompt the Arke of God)*. 

They have Small ones alsoe, fitted onely with one 
or two axletrees, that 8 or 10 men can draw, and doe 



1 " Festivals are kept there for many days together, [at Jagannath 
and Benares] and millions of People repair thither from the other 
Countreys of the Indies ; they carry their Idols in triumph, and act 
all sorts of Superstitions ; they are entertained by the Bramens, who 
are numerous there, and who therein find their Profit." Thevenot^ 
part iii. p. 69. 

2 "He [Jagannath] is never removed out of the Temple, but his 
Effigie is often carried abroad in Procession, mounted on a Coach 
four Stories high. It runs on eight or ten Wheels, and is capable to 
contain near 200 Persons. It is drawn thro' a large Street about 50 
yards wide, and half a League long, by a Cable of 14 Inches Circum- 
ference, and, at convenient Distances, they fasten small Ropes to the 
Cable, two or three Fathoms long, so that upwards of 2000 People 
have Room enough to draw the Coach.'' Alex. Hamilton's East 
Indies^ vol. i. p. 384. 

T. 2 



1 8 OF CHOROMANDEL 

frequently on the Ordinary feast days, theire ordinary 
Gods beinge placed therein. 

In the Middle of that great Diabolicall Chariot, is 
placed theire great Patron J no. Gernaet, have[ing] the 
foremost end Open, fairely to be beheld by many of the 
people, which in Generall they Endeavour to doe, but 
more then one halfe are prevented by the infinite multi- 
tude, in soe much that many of them are pressed downe 
by the crowde and Smothered, not much regardinge one 
another, but all in generall Showteinge their prayer [ajlike 
to this Statue. 

And which is both Stranger and more incredible, 
many of them come a great many miles to End their 
. days here, Under the wheels of this ponderous but, ac- 
compted by them, holy Arke. 

They Voluntarily and with great Couradge castinge 
themselves Under the wheels thereof, as it is drawne 
alonge, and are there crushed to death, the which is ac- 
compted by all of this Sect a most Noble, Heroick, and 
Zealous death. 

A Very remarkable relation of a Very rich 
Gentue Merchant and of his devotion I shall here 
insert, it happeninge in time of my Stay in India 
Anno Dom : 1673 ^ 

This great Merchants Residence was Agra, the faire 
Citty of the Emperours Seat^ which is many hundred miles 
from the Great Idolatrous temple. He, beinge very rich, 
had Vowed to bestow liberaly on the Pagod Jno. Gernaet, 



^ A proof that the MS. was not written during the nineteen years 
that the writer spent in India. 

2 The "Emperour" was Aurangzeb. He "divided his residence 
between Delhi and Agra.... Agra had been the metropolis of Akbar, 
and usually of JahangTr ; but its sultry climate interfered with the 
enjoyment of their luxurious successor, and the Court was accordingly 
removed, at least for a large part of the year, to New Delhi, the * City 
of Shah-Jahan.' " Aurangzeb^ Rulers of India Series, p. 89. 



OF CHOROMANDEL I9 

I suppose in hopes thereby to merit Eternall happinesse, 
the former of which he performed to admiration as fol- 
loweth, — 

Hee brought with him in this his travaile great Store 
of silver, Gold, jewels, &c., with a great number of men of 
his own Cast^ to be Spectators to that years first *. His 
retinue were as followeth, (his riches let who will guesse) 
500 Rashboot' Soldiers, Six Palanchinos *, 6 State horses, 
3 or 4 very large and Stately tents, 6000 naked Fackeers, 
6000 more that wore there ragged and patched Coats of 
Several colours, 500 labouringe men to carry burthens, 
to wit the Palanchinos, tents, treasure, provisions, &c., with 
noe Small number of Others that journeyed with him, 
some to See fashions and Some to regaine theire Cast\ 

This Charitable Heathen Extended his bounty to the 
Poore in a Surpassinge measure, for, dureinge this his 
devout but Sumptuos Pilgrimadge, his custome was to give 
Unto the Poore 500 rupees Every morninge (with his owne 
hands) fearinge they might be wronged of it, the fame of 
which doubtlesse caused many poore people to draw near 
where he pitched his tents overnight. He very rarely 
Stayed more then one night in a place, neither did he 
travaile very fast, not Exceedinge 24 English miles per 
diem, Employinge Severall forerunners to provide Store of 



1 See note on p. 9. 

2 So in MS., but is probably an error for "feast." 

3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Rajpoot. This and later references 
are valuable as showing that by Rdjpiit the old British trader meant 
the squalid " military " retinue of the petty chiefs and dignitaries he 
came across in his work. 

* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Palankeen. In his seven references to 
this word, the writer spells it five times as above, and twice with a 
final e. Compare N. and E.^ p. 25, for 28th June, 1680. " In conse- 
quence of a duty of Dustoory or Baratta having been exacted without 
authority by the Governor's Pallenkeen Booys from all the coolies that 
carry Pallenkeens, it is resolved to let this right to receive the said 
Dustoor for one year for the sum of 20 Pagodas." 

2 — 2 



20 OF CHOROMANDEL 

rice and butter &c. for his whole retinue ; but often times 
sufficient thereof was provided for them by Some rich and 
devout men of his Own Cast, who took it as a great 
honour to themselves if he wold accept of it, by which 
they thought these gifts meritorious. When this his 
travaile was perfected that he arrived at theire holy Pagod, 
doubtlesse he was courteously received, where he neglected 
not to performe his Vow. I heard it very credibly re- 
ported that he gave lo lack of rupees, Vizt. One hundred 
twenty five thousand pounds Sterlinge to the Pagod, with 
many faire and rich jewels, vizt. Diamonds, pearle, Saphir, 
Rubies, &c., of great Value. He alsoe caused many Vast 

I 

Stone buildinge[s] (that had many years been falling to 
decay) to be repaired at his own proper cost and charges. 

The which beinge accomplished, he returned to Agra, 
there to End his days amonge his Owne kindred. As for 
the before mentioned people called Fackeers*, they are 
pilgrims but very Strange Ones, but are very much 
Encouraged to what they doe, the law haveinge noe power 
to touch them in any respect, save for Murther, and very 
rarely for that. They range all Asia over, and with great 
power, for, wherever they come, the inhajjitants of the 
Countrey are forced, by their Antient Custome, (now not 
Easily to be broken) to give them rice, butter, tobacco, 
Oyle, or what else they demand (Except moneys), in soe 
much that many thousands of them doe range all the 
Mogol's territories over, alsoe the kingdoms of Vizepoore'^ 



1 Compare Fryer^ p. 95, and Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. 165-167, 
for a full description of the faquirs. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Fakeer. 
The writer uses it in the sense of a Hindu ascetic. 

2 i.e, Bijapur (Beejapore). This kingdom then extended from 
Coast to Coast, and was the largest by far of the Deccan Dynasties. 
Compare Schouten's account in 1662 — "...the kingdom of Visiapour, 
said to be 250 leagues long and 150 broad. Those who have written 
about it differ as to the dimensions of it. Some include in it a 
large part of Deccan and others place some towns of Visiapour 
under the jurisdiction of this latter kingdom. It is very likely that 



OF CHOROMANDEL 21 

# 

and Golcondah with many Other Countries, but for the 
most part they doe frequent the Kingdome of Bengala, 
I suppose more for the plenty of provisions that Countrey 
affordeth then for Ought else, although theire pretences 
be for the Sake of that much adored River of Ganges, 
to which indeed many thousands resort, that are not 
Fackeers. 

Many of these Fackeers goe after a most carelesse 
manner, as though they abhorred this life, vizt. quite 
naked, and daube theire bodies over with ashes, not 
combeinge theire haire nor shaveinge their faces, nor 
paireinge their nailes, but let them grow like Vultures 
claws, and indeed they may very well be accompted 
Vultures, in respect to the many injuries they doe the 
poor inhabitants in the Countrey, theire haire by that 
means doth grow very longe and tangle togeather like 
Unto as much Ocom^ Some, yea many there be, which 
onely weare the skin of a Leopard, over their Sholders. 



the frequent changes in these countries, caused by war, during which 
states are dismembered, invaded, or reunited, may have g^iven rise to 
the discrepancies which occur among the writers. What is certain is, 
that it is bounded on the north by the kingdom of Delhi and the other 
provinces of the Mogul.... Formerly, the king of Visiapour... could, so 
It was said, raise 100,000 cavalry, and infantry in proportion... but 
lately he has been so much under the yoke of the Mogul that he is 
now said to be looked upon only as one of his vassals.... Visiapour,... 
the capital of the kingdom... is 70 leagues from Goa." Schouten^ 
vol. i. p. 410. 

"The Cawn of Chengy, Nasir Mahmud Cawn brother to the 
Regent of Visiapore, who has the Sea Coast from the borders of this 
country into Trangambar exclusively." Fort St Geoi'ge General 
Letter to the Directors, 20th Aug. 1674. O. C. No. 3992, p. 6. " The 
King of Visiapour has three good ports in his Dominions, Rejapour, 
Daboult, and Cra-paten...The King of Visiapour and the King of 
Golconda have been formerly tributary to the Great Mogul : but now 
they are absolute of themselves.'' Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 72. 

In 1639, when Mandelslo travelled in India, there was, according 
to him, a " Queen of Visepour.^^ Mandelslo^ p. 72. 

See also Berniery pp. 197 and 207 f., for an account of the weakness 
and strength of this part of the Deccan in the middle of the 17th 
century. 

^ i,e, oakum. 



22 OF CHOROMANDEL 

Some weare patched coats of divers colours, with Peacocks 
feathers, bobs of rags, and great Shells hangeinge about 
their necks and Sholders. 

Some, nay Severall, that I have Seen doe weare a very 
broad round plate of beaten iron about their necks. I 
judge it may be 4^ or 5 foot over, haveinge theire necks 
through a round hole in the midst thereof, and thus 
fastened on by a Smith very strongly rivotted on, soe 
that the party cannot ly downe, soe as to Sleepe, neither 
feed himselfe, but must Sleep Sittinge, and be fed by 
Others. To Such Fackeers, moneys are given, Especially 
by them of his cast \ towards a helpe of performance of 
his Vow made, and that he may be at Libertie. I have, 
for curiosities Sake, sometime Enquired into the reasons of 
such Sorts of harebrained penalties, which is thus — They 
Vow that their bodys shall Endure such penants, Vntill 
they (by the Charitie of Others) can procure soe much 
moneys as will build a Pagod of Such a price, but I 
Suppose many or most of them are frustrated of theire 
designes. 

I have likewise Seen Severall Fackeers, who, in their 
infancie, have been hunge Up by the Arms with their 
fists grippen fast, (in imitation of a continual liftinge Up 
of hands to God Almightie) but by hangeinge up Some 
few years in this Posture, theire nerves have soe hardened 
that, dureinge life, they can never pull downe theire arms 
one inch, or Open theire hands beiiige very much Stiffened, 
and clasped round with theire Nailes ; they looke as on 
the Other side, I have described. 

One Old Fackeer I very well remember, that tooke up 
his habitation Under the Shade of a great tamarin tree^, 



^ See note on p. 9. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tamarind. There is no quotation with 
the spelling as above. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 23 

in Hugly (in Bengala), and whether he was asleepe or 
awake, he continually kept noddinge his head and body, 
soe that as low as his Waste it kept as true a motion as if 
it had gone by Clockworke, and, by relation, he had Sate 
in this posture above 40 years ; these and the like are 
accompted very devout men, and these that are soe 
devoted are, for the most part, Gentues^ 

As for those Seduceinge and bewitchinge Brachmans, 
they beare great Sway over the Gentues in Generall, 
causeinge all (or most of them) soe much to confide in 
theire Sorceries and faire Stories, as if they onely were the 
true Worshippers of a Deity, and noe Other Sect to live 
Eternally save theire Owne. 

There is dayly great abundance of Provisions, Sweet- • 
meats, &c., and under a colour given to theire Molten Gods 
they Worship, and is dayly consumed. Certainly none of 
us are soe ignorant but may, with noe great difficulty, 
give a neare guesse which way, and by what means these 
delicacies are made Use of, beinge assured that Stocks or 
Stones, of whatsoever Shapes, are Voide of life, therefore 
deficient in Eatinge or drinkinge, Soe that with all reason 
(indisputable), wee may be assured that these great pre- 
parations of food are devoured by those ravenous priests 
of Belial, Even the Same way and manner that the meat 
and drinke dayly allowed by Cyrus Kinge of Persia to their 
God Bel was. Apoc. i Chap. V. 13 of the History of Bel 
and the Dragon*. 

And they doe not onely deceive the ignorant Gentues 
of the best increase of the Land, but alsoe theire hansomest 



^ Here, and in the following paragraph, seemingly used in the 
general sense of " Hindu." 

2 The reference is a little misleading. The writer means — 
Apocrypha — History of Bel and the Dragon, chapter i. (there is but 
one chapter) verse 1 3. This verse runs : — " And they little regarded 
it : for under the table they had made a privy entrance, whereby they 
entred in continually, and consumed those things.'' 



24 OF CHOROMANDEL 

younge Girles of about lo, ii, 12 years of age of their 
Virginities, perswadeinge theire parents that they must, 
Upon Such a night, be Entertained in the Pagod, and 
that theire Patron Jno. Gernaet ^ will appeare to them and 
Embrace them, giveinge many holy admonitions to them, 
makeinge them Sensible of many tran[s]actions, which 
they must be very attentive too, not declareinge any thinge 
to man, Woman, or Child, Save to the Brachmans ; and 
thus Seldome or never passeth away one night but one 
young Virgin or more are Soe robbed of their Virginities 
by Some of these insatiable Idolatrous Priests, who cause 
the innocent people to confide in all their base actions to 
be most just and good. 

In soe much that I take this Sect to be the most 
Simple and dull headed of all Others, that are soe blindly 
ledd not to perceive Such Diabolical actions, the which I 
doe admire the more at, beinge they are a people as quick 
of Apprehention as any in the Universe, in all Other 
things. Those that are tradesmen are very ingenuous, and 
those that are accompted Merchants are Very accute, and 
the most Excellent Arithmeticians in the World '. They 
will resolve the most difficult questions therein with much 
brevitie. They write Upon the leaves of Palmero ' trees, 
and with a Sharpe pointed Iron (for the penne), an antient 



^ See ante^ pp. 12 — 17. 

2 "The Bannians...are altogether addicted to Trade; of whom 
some are Sheraffs or Bankers, others Broakers, employed between 
Merchant and Merchant for buying and selling. Those of this Caste 
are so subtil and nimble in Trade, that as I have said before, the 
Jews may be their Prentices. They accustom their Children betimes 
to fly idleness. And instead of suffering them to lose their time in 
playing in the Streets, as we generally do, they teach them Arith- 
metick ; which they are so perfect at, that without making use either 
of Pen or Ink, or Counters, but only of their menwries, they will in a 
moment cast up the most difficult account that can be imagined." 
Tavernier, vol. 1. part ii. p. 161. 

3 The fan-palm. See later on for other uses of the " Palmero.*' 
See also Hobson-Jobsotiy s.v. Palmyra. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 25 

(yea I suppose of the greatest antiquitie) custome, whence 
I doe Suppose wee had that Usual word a leafe of paper. 
Theire Secretaries are called Conecopola's'. Their lan- 
guadge is farre more difficult to learne then most Other 
Langu[ad]ges [in] these Easterne parts ; I take it to be the 
hardest Save the Chineeses, which consists of little else 
but monosillables. 

The Gentues* accompt themselves a very antient 
people, as realy they are, and that which they often boast 
of is, they alter not theire Religion from the begininge. 
They are indeed the Antient Gentiles, and, as I imagine, 
of the Seed of those who revolted from Moses, forgettinge 
God to Worship a Molten Calfe. 

Their Languadge is certainly altered Since those days, 
for I have Seen in many of theire Pagods on the greatest 
Marble Stones thereof. Especially in the Pagod of Arma- 
gon^ Severall lines Engraven in the marble, which they doe 



^ This is the Tamil kanakkapillai still used by Europeans as 
conicopoly, meaning a clerk or writer, properly an accountant. 
"Agreed... to allow One per Cent. Dustoory for the wages of the 
Companys Dubasses, Cancoplys, and Bramminys.^' Fort St George 
Consultations, 5th July, 1680. Factory Records^ Fort St George, 
No. 2. "The Governour accompanyed with the Councell... attended 
by six files of Soldyers...the Cancoplys of the Towne and of the 
grounds went the circuit of Madrass ground, which was described by 
the Cancoply of the grounds, and lyes soe intermixed with others (as 
is customary in these Country s) that 'tis impossible to be knowne to 
any others, therefore every village has a Cancoply and a Parryar who 
are imployed in this office which goes from Father to Son for ever." 
N. and E, p. 34 for 21st Sept. 1680. 

2 Hindus of the lower orders. 

^ Pringle, Consultations for i683,_ has the following note on 
Artnagon, vol. ii. p. 140, "Armagon (Arumukam), the site of an old 
English factory to the north of Madras, founded in February, 1626, 
and abandoned in favour of the settlement at Fort St George in 1641. 
In A^. and E, vol. ii. (p. 27), there is a description of the factory house 
by Streynsham Master : — * the walls two Storeys high of one part of 
it, and a round Bulwart built single by itself.' In Surat letter to the 
court 29th December, 1640 — I. O. Records, O. C, No. 1764 — it was 
called an * old ruinous building.' Armagon was hastily abandoned 
at the last, Andrew Cogan on the Eagle bringing away whatever 
belonged to the factors {ibid.\ even before the foundations of Fort St 
George were laid. Armagon is said to have received its name after 



26 OF CHOROMANDEL 

acknowledge none in this Generation (or many before) can 
read, and as yet they have a large Chronologie kept in 
most Pagods, that diflfer little from the Characters now 
Extant in their owne languadge, which Chronologie makes 
the World's Age to Exceed our accompt more then 
one thousand years, accomptinge each yeare to contain 
13 Moons. 

They Owne Adam to be the first man created, Eva the 
first of women, Cain, Abel, &c., but nothing of Noah's 
flood. Now, how those Vast differences happened of ours 
and theirs is past my apprehension. 

But, in fine, they are a most Subtle people, very worldly 
given, and many of them Very rich in this World, and 
yet miserable poore in respect of theire liveing, and little 
good Use they make of theire riches, for they in generall 
live meanly both in cloths, diet, and all Other things. 
Theire dwellinge houses are very rarely better then a low 
thatched barne in Europe, containing but 2 or 3 very 
small darke lodgeinge rooms ; and Some, that are worth 
many thousands of pounds Sterlinge, doe dwell in Such 
Silly holes, the inner walls of which and floore too, onely 
Smoothed Over with Cow dunge, not at all Commodious, 
or becomeinge better then the Cows they soe circumspectly 
reverence. 

one Arumukam Mudaliar, who gave the English some assistance in 
1625 ; derivations of the kind, even when supported by family docu- 
ments are, however, to be suspected, and in the present case there is 
no trustworthy evidence. Streynsham Master observed in his official 
diary that * the true name ' of the place was * Duraspatam ' (N. and 
E.^ vol. ii. p. 27)." 

"There are several Places along the Coast to the Northward, 
which in former Times had Commerce abroad, but are now neglected 
and unfrequented. Armagon is one.'' Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^ 
vol. i. p. 369. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. p. 346 f. for various forms of the 
word. 

Armegam, otherwise Monapollem, exists at the present day. It is 
a small port in the Nellore district notable for a lighthouse which 
warns vessels off the Armegam shoal, 6 miles off shore. The still 
water inside the shoal is called Blackwood's Harbour. See Madras 
Man. Admn.^ s.v. Armegam and Doogarauzpatam. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 2/ 

There is Another Sort of these Idolaters, who are 
accompted to be of a higher Cast, (then the Gentues be). 
These are called Banjans*, an idolatrous people as the 
former, and farre more zealous in their way ; they are as 
much dispersed all Asia over, as the Jews in Europe and 
Africa ; their ways of Worship differ little or nothinge 
from the Gentues^ They weare the Same Sort of habit, 
and' are of the Same Complexion, their laws onely dififer- 
inge in Some points of their irreligious religion, and 
theire Languadge farre more diflferent These are not 
admitted to kill or Eeat any Sort of fish or flesh, or any 
thinge whatever that ever had or like to have life in it, 
which although it Seemeth a Strange Sort of Penaltie to 
us, yet is more Severely Observed by all (as well the 
rich as the poore) of this Sect. 

The Gentues may kill or Eat any thinge Save the 
Bull, Cow, or Calfe. 

The Banjan dare not offer any Violence to any animal 



^ There is a delicious account in Fryer^ p. 82, of "two sorts of Vermin, 
the Fleas and Banyans." — " to this place [Swally] belong two sorts of 
Vermin, the Fleas and Banyans ; the one harbouring in the Sand, 
fasten upon you as you pass ; where 'tis some Pastime to see what 
Shift the Banyan makes, being bit by them, he dare not kill them, for 
fear of unhousing a Soul, according to their Notion of Transmigration ; 
but giving them a severe Pinch will put them to shift for themselves in 
a Nest of Cotton- Wool. The other Vermin are the Banyans themselves, 
that hang like Horse-leeches, till they have suck'd both Sanguinem 
and Succum (I mean Mony) from you : As soon as you have set your 
foot on shore, they crowd in their Service, interposing between you and 
all Civil Respect, as if you had no other Business but to be gull'd ; so 
that unless you have some to make your way through them, they will 
interrupt your going, and never leave till they have drawn out something 
for their Advantage." Compare also Tavernier's description of the 
Bannians, vol. i. part ii. p. 161 f "The third Caste is that of the 
Bannians....They never eat any thing that has life; nay they would 
rather dye, than kill the smallest Animal. or Vermin that crawls, being 
in that point above all things the most zealous Observers of the Law. 
They never fight, nor go to War ; neither will they eat or drink in the 
House of a Raspoute, because they kill the Victuals they eat, all but 
Cows, which they never touch." 

2 See note on p. 23. 



28 OF CHOROMANDEL 

whatever, not soe much as a rat, a Snake, a toade, 
a lowse, but will rather purchase their redemption by 
good words, or moneys, if they see them apprehended 
Either by a Christian or Mahometan, (for these follow- 
ing reasons). 

They hold the Pithgorean Philosophie, believeinge the 
immortalitie of Souls, and that when the body is deprived 
of life, the Soule passeth out of that into another. 

They are of an Opinion that the Souls of those who 
have lived well in this World, without either fraude or 
Guile, and have been Charitable, Especially to the poore 
of his own Sect &c., doe infallibly Enter into the harm- 
lesest and tame creatures, as Chickens, pidgeons, turtle 
doves, lambs, or the like^ 

Many of them are men very well accowtred with worldly 
riches, and most Zealous in theire way, soe that in Charity 
they doe much resemble the jews, relieveinge and En- 
couradgeinge all of their own Cast, if any whit ingenuous. 
They feed for the most part upon that which is very good, 
as Rice, peas, bread, butter. Sweetmeats, potatos, yamms^ 



^ Compare Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 167. "'Tis an Article of the 
Idolaters Faith, that the Souls of Men departing out of the body, are 
presented to God, who according to the lives which they lead, orders 
them another body to inhabit. So that one and the same person is 
bom several times into the World. And that as for the Souls of wicked 
and vicious persons, God disposes them into the bodies of contempt- 
able Beasts, such as Asses, Dogs, Cats, and the like ; to do Penance 
for their crimes in those infamous Prisons. But they believe that those 
Souls that enter into Cows are happy; presuming that there is a 
divinity in these creatures. For if a man dye with a Cows- tail in his 
hand, they say it is enough to render him happy in the • other World. 
The Idolaters believing thus the transmigration of the Souls of men 
into the bodies of other creatures, they abhor to kill any creature 
whatever, for fear they should be guilty of the death of some of their 
kindred or friends doing Penance in those bodies. If the Men in their 
life- time are famous for their vertuous deeds, they hold that their Souls 
pass into the bodies of some Potent Raja's: where they enjoy the 
pleasures of this life in those bodies, as the reward of those good works 
which they did." 

2 Fryer^ p. 104, has "Yawms." See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Yam. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 29 

Salatinge^ &c. ; they eat noe Eggs, nor Cheese, the former 
by reason they will not prevent increase of liveinge 
Creatures, the latter, by reason it cannot be made without 
Useinge Some Small part that did appertaine to a liveinge 
creature, commonly called the Runnett 

Neither of these Casts* drinke any manner of Liquor 
Save water and milke, or Congye*, which is noe more then 
fresh Water boyled with a little rice in it, but they doe 
allow theire Wifes to drinke wine or distilled waters, 
dureinge the time of theire beinge with childe, but at 
noe Other times, and then but Very Sparingely, and of 
Liquor not Over Stronge. 

They allow but of one Wife, an Excellent Principle 
in or amonge Such Heathens, were it not corrupted with 
Other large Liberties of Conscience, for they may not- 
withstandinge take to themselves soe many concubines as 
they are able and willinge to maintaine. 

Theire Ceremony of Marriadge is after a most absurde 
Simple manner, (as followeth). The Parents of the younge 
Couple beinge agreed, (for that must be the first instru- 
ment, the younge ones beinge of soe few and tender 
years, that they be not capable of Understandinge what 
marriadge rheaneth) the Brachman joyneth theire hands 
to a liveinge Cows taile, before many Spectators, which 
done, after some mutteringe Speeches Used, (not very 
tedious) they are let goe againe. This is done by some 
River or pond of water, a multitude of men, Women, 
and Children accompanyinge them. They are carried 

^ Salading, i.e. vegetables for salads. 

2 See note on p. 9. 

^ A generic term for invalid diet ; also a substitute for starch in 
stiffening cloth. "Their sick do nourish themselves only with boiled 
Rice, which they do make extreamly liquid : the Portuguese of the 
Indies do call it Cange." De La Loublre^ p. 63. "The washers engage 
to wash, whiten, conjee, beat and well cure according to custom all 
callicoes and cloth at the rates following." N. and E.^ p. 18, 13th April, 
1680. See also Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Congee. 



30 OF CHOROMANDEL 

home in a Palanchino\ where the Brachman repeats some 
ribble rabble Stufife over with a lowde Voice, to this 
Effect, that they may have length of days, great Successe, 
and that theire Seed may multiplie, be benefactors to the 
Pagods, &c., which ceremony Ended, they all Sit downe 
crosse legged upon Carpets, or Matts, or cringeinge upon 
their heels, and make merry with Betelee Areca', tobacco, 
or the like, accordinge as theire abilitie can afford. 

Att Night, about the 7th or 8th houre, and from that 
to the 1 2th, the Bridegroom and bride are carried in 
a Palanchino through all the principle Streets of the 
towne, attended with many Lamps and Torches, dance- 
inge women, with all Sorts of the Countrey musick, as 
pipes, drums, trumpets. Voices, and the Streets thronged 
with Spectators. Such Ceremonie as this is performed 
to the meanest marriadges, but the richer Sort they have 
it soe for many nights, with fine Shews and rope dancings, 
tricks of activitie of bodie, with a traine proportionable, 
many flaggs and Pendans flying, with great feastings many 
days and nights foUowinge to great Admiration*. 

Noe man is admitted to marry, Unlesse he can purchase 
moneys to the Value of 2Q or 25 pagods*, a Coine very 
Current here, which moneys the Male must bestowe upon 

^ See note on p. 19. Compare also Fryer^ p. 34, on "Their hanging 
Coaches, and those that carry them." 

2 The modem pan [pawn], which consists of the leaf of the betel 
creeper, dried areca-nut, lime, etc. Compare Streynsham Master's 
Diary for Sept. 25th, 1676, p. 65. " I Incouraged him [Anuntram] to 
speak the trueth and not to feare any, and then gave him beetle which 
is a token of kindness and favour." Compare also Schouten^ i. p. 293, 
and Fryer^ p. 40. " The Marchants were sent away with Beetle and 
Rose water well contented." Consultation at Fort St George, 5th July, 
1680. Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 2. See Hobson-Jobson^ 
s.v. Betel and Areca. The various references to " Betelee Areca " in 
this MS. are valuable for the history of betel and the betel-nut, which 
are two separate things. 

3 Compare Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 181, for a description of 
marriage ceremonies in Surat. 

* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Pagoda. See later on for other mentions 
of the coin and its value. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 3 1 

the Parents of her he purposeth to be his Wife, to gaine 
their consent. This must be done although they give him 
nothinge with her, or if they are able and willinge to give 
her it againe tenne or 20 fold, yet this acknowledgement 
must first be made. 

They are not admitted to marry one Occupation with 
another^ A merchant must marry a Merchant's Daughter, 
a Weaver a Weaver's Daughter, a Taylor with a Taylor's 
Daughter, a Gold Smith with a Gold Smiths Daughter, 
and soe of the rest. Every man must Consequently traine 
theire Sons up to the Occupation he is of himselfe, and 
not assume any Other. 

The Rich Merchants make Sure to marry theire children 
before they coriie to 8 years of age. 

And the Poorer Sort faile not much in the Same, not 
at all Save in the Male, who must be Capable of Some 
Occupation or an Apprentice to it at least wise. They 
are generally married at the age of 15 or 16 years, but 
the females doe rarely Exceed 8 years before they are 
married, but not admitted to Use Carnal Copulation untill 
She bee 1 1 years Old, and then thought ripe Enough. 

Many of these women in Asia, Especially in the 
Southern Parts thereof, doe conceive at Eleven years of 
age. I have known many bringe forth at 12 or Under, 
to us Seeminge Strange, but not to them ; but againe, on 
the Other hand, as they are Soon ripe, they are Soon 
Withered, for a Woman of 30 years of age Shall Seem 



1 " The rest of the Natives that are not reckoned in the number of 
these Castes, are called Pauzecour. These are such as employ them- 
selves in Handicraft Trades ; among which there is no other distinction, 
but according to the Trades which they follow from Father to Son. 
So that a Taylor cannot prefer his Son, but only in his own Calling, 
though he be never so rich ; nor marry either a Son or Daughter, but 
to one of his own Craft. By the same rule, when a Taylor dies, all 
those of his own Trade accompany the corps to the place where it is 
burnt : and the same practise is observM in all other Trades." Taver- 
flier ^ vol. i. part ii. p. 162. 



32 OF CHOROMANDEL 

as though she [were] 50 or upwards, and Seldome any of 
them beare Children after they see 25 or 26 years. 

Theire Garments are Very thinne, Suitable Enough in 
that respect for the Climate they live in, but not at all 
fashionable. They are a Slender, Straight Limed, well 
favoured people, of a tawny complexion, black haired. 
Their Children for the most part goe Starke naked to 
6 or 7 years of age. Theire Garment[s] are then as here 
described. 

They often wash themselves over with water, and 
daube all theire bodies with Oyle, more Especially the 
haire, and are for the most part dayly marked in the 
forehead with a Stroke or two of red or white lead, or 
both, Exactly between the Eye brows, which marke is put 
on by a Brachman (Otherways of noe Esteeme). They 
say it is a Sure badge or token of good luck that day*, and 
with these and many the like fopperies they are apparently 
deluded and cheated out of a great deale of moneys. 

I was oftentimes very desirous to discourse with some 
of the Learndedst of theire Brachmans, which I never 
was denied, after I had learned Some of theire languadge 
and gesture of body. One I very well remember in the 
towne of Ballasore (in Bengala). About the nth houre 
in the night, I was converseinge with Sundry of them, 
neare the English Broker's house* (a very Zealous 
Gentue), and after Some discourse with them, the Moone, 
which but a Short Space Shone very gloriously, was now 



^ "The Bramin marks the forhead of all. ..with a kind of Vermillion.'* 
Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 166. 

2 The only mention I have found of the English broker at Balasor 
is in the following passage, contained in a deposition by Shem Bridges 
against William Blake, dated in Balasor 7 June, 1669, O. C. No. 3288, 
" Mamood Izzufif whilst Govemour of Ballasore intended to prejudice 
the English in... falling on Narrandasse [Narayan Das] the English 
house broker." The broker at Kasimbazar was Anantram, who gave 
evidence at the enquiry into the death of Raghu the Poddar, in which 
Matthias Vincent was implicated. 




,*^' 




OF CHOROMANDEL 33 

Eclipsed*, at first Sight whereof they all rose Up in great 
hast, mutteringe many words in theire form of prayer, with 
theire hands Elevated towards the Heavens, and went with 
all Expedition into a great tanke of water which was very 
nigh. Many Brachmans came in, and with them Sundry 
persons more, I dare Say above lOO in number, some 
Sprinklinge themselves with water or Mudde, Some 
prayinge, bowinge theire faces close to the water. Others 
prostrateinge themselvs at the brinke of the water, many 
women hasteninge with Small lamps lighted. Store of 
Sweet flowers I judge for theire Offerings. I Stayed there 
to See Such sort of transactions, at the least 2 hours. 
The Brachmans kept a Chattaringe with a lowde Voice, 
and soe fast that I cold scarce Understand them one 
word. The moone appearinge in its former beauty, and 
theire (as it were) passion mitigated, I asked some of them 
(my intimate acquaintance) what they meant to acquire by 
Such Strange fancies and Notions they Used at that time, 
or what was the[i]re Opinion of an Eclipse of Sun or 
Moone. 

Theire answer was, that they prayed to Jove, that he 



^ Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 179, thus describes the eclipse of 
July, 1666. "The second of July 1666, about one a Clock in the 
afternoon, at Patna in Bengala, there was an Eclipse of the Sun, at 
which time it was a prodigious thing to see the multitudes of people, 
men, women, and children, that ran to the river Ganges, to wash 
themselves. But it behoves them to begin to wash three days before 
the Eclipse, all which time they labour day and night in providing all 
sorts of Rice Milk, meats, and Sweetmeats, to throw to the Fish and 
Crocodiles, as soon as the Bramins give the word. Whatever Eclipse 
it be whether of the Sun or Moon, the Idolaters as soon as it appears, 
break all their Earthen Pots knd Dishes in the house, which makes a 
hideous noise altogether.... And as soon as the victuals are thrown into 
the River, the people are to go in and wash and rub themselves till the 
Eclipse be over. So that in regard the waters were at that time very 
high, for more than three Leagues above and below the City, and all 
the breadth of the River, there was nothing to be seen but the heads 
of the people." 

Bernier^ who saw this same eclipse from Delhi, also gives a good 
description. See pp. 301 f. Compare also Fryer^ p. 109, and Schouten^ 
vol. ii. p. 286, for other accounts. 

T. X 



34 OF CHOROMANDEL 

wold remove the Venemous Serpent that did bite the 
Moone, and put her to Such an intollerable paine, that She 
lost the glory of her wonted lights I presumed to ask 
Some of the Brachmans, that are Such great Magicians, 
whether they were soe well Versed in Astronomic, as to 
give accompt when the next Eclipse of Sun, or Moone 
shold happen. They answered noe, not any cold tell that, 
but God that dwelleth soe neare them By which I found 
theire ignorance, and told them many things to that 
purpose, which they tooke Slender Notice of I asked 
them if theire God Jno. Gernaet'' had any knowledge of 
Such things. Theire answer was Very Sharpe, and to the 
Effect that he knoweth all Secrets. 

The Banjans and Gentues, as well male as female, doe 
in generall Suffer the Nailes of theire hands and feet to 
grow of a great length, more like to birds claws then 
otherways, which amongst them is Esteemed as a great 
Ornament, alsoe weare in theire noses a ringe or pendant 
of Gold or Silver. The males alsoe generally weare one 
2 or 3 large rings in each Eare, and the females have very 



^ Compare Bemier^ p. 303 f " I shall now mention the wise and 
convincing reasons assigned for the festival of the eclipse, and for the 
rites with which it is attended. We have, say they, our four Beths 
[Vedas] ; that is, our four books of law, sacred and divine writings 
given unto us by God himself, through the medium of Brahma. These 
books teach that a certain Deuta [godling], an incarnate divinity, ex- 
tremely malignant and mischievous, very dark, very black, very impure, 
and very filthy (these are all their own expressions) takes possession of 
the Sun, which it blackens to the colour of ink, infects and obscures ; 
that the Sun, which is also a Deuta, but of the most beneficent and 
perfect kind, is thrown into a state of the greatest uneasiness, and 
suffers a most cruel agony while in the power of and infected by this 
wicked and black being ; that an endeavour to rescue the Sun from so 
miserable a condition becomes the duty of every person; that this 
important object can be obtained only by the means of prayers, 
ablutions, and alms ; that those actions have an extraordinary merit 
during the festival of the eclipse, the alms then bestowed being a 
hundred times more valuable than alms given at any other time ; and 
who is he, they ask, that would refuse to make a profit of cent per 
cent.?" 

2 See note on p. 7. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 35 

large holes cut in the eare, wherein they weare very large 
rings like to small hoops, not as pendants, but hoops 
Surrounded with the Skin of the Eare. When they are 
younge (yea in theire infancie), they have Small Ones 
made of palmero * leafe thrust in, and soe, as they encrease 
in age, larger and larger, Untill they many of them come 
to have them 2 or 3 inches broad in each Eare, and if 
larger, Esteemed soe much the more beautifull. The 
Mallabars^ Use the Same customes, and differ in many 
points of theire Idolatrous Sect, and as much alsoe in 
Complexion, fbr they are for the most part of a Very black 
colour, not Unlike in that to the Ethiopians, but much 
comlier, haveinge very longe haire, and well favoured both 
in face and body. 

They are for the most part very poore in Comparison 
of the Other, not beinge in abilitie to weare soe maiiy rich 
Jewels, but neverthelesse they imitate as nigh as theire 
abilities will allow. The Wealthiest Sort have Sheckels ' 
of Silver upon theire Arms, neare soe high as the Elbow, 
from the wrist upwards. Others of brasse, or Coppar, and 
Some have them of greene glasse, with great brasse rings 
Upon theire tows. 

When any man of the Banjan or Gentue Sect give up 
the Ghost, Either by Sicknesse, or any accident Soever, 
they bury not theire dead carcases, but they carry them 
into the field that imitates the.buryinge places, and there 
burne them to ashes *, the which custome of theirs a more 
cruel Tragedy accompanieth, of which as foUoweth. 



^ See note on p. 24. 

* See note on p. 6. 
^ Shackles. 

* Compare Bernier^ p- 3^ 5- "Most of the Gentiles bum their dead ; 
but some partially broil the bodies with stubble, near the side of a 
river, and then precipitate theril into the water from a high and steep 
bank." 



36 OF CHOROMANDEL 

The Husband beinge dead, and his body prepared for 
the fire, his Wifes and concubines prepare themselvs for 
the fire alsoe ^, beinge very Sumptuously adorned with very 
fine linnen, after theire best mode, beset with many Jewels, 
(accordinge to theire abilitie) accompanied by the Hellish 
Brachmans, who discourse with them very Zealously or at 
least wise pretendinge it, highly commendinge the fidelitie 
of those Vertuous women, that remaine soe constant in 
accompanyinge theire deceased Husband or Master, and 
cease not to Singe Over the joys they will attaine to in 
the EHzium. Their Friends and neare Relations strive 
to accompany them to the fire, doteingly praiseinge their 
fidelitie. I had heard of many Upon this Coast eVe I had 
Sight of One, but in my journey. Anno Domini 1672, from 
Fort St. Georg's toward Metchlipatam', overland, I hap- 
pened to Stopp at a towne called Careero '. When I had 
dined, and made preparations to pack up our bag and 



^ See later on for other accounts of satt. Compare Fryer^ P- 33 J 
Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. 169-172 ; and Bernier^ pp. 307-314, on the 
same subject. 

2 Masulipatam. 

3 " Careda which is in the midway betweene this and Metchle- 
patam.'' Letter from Agent Langhome at Fort St George, dated 
loth Sept. 1673. Factory Records^ Miscellaneous, No. 3, p. 138. 

"Leaving Ramapatam and passing through Careda (Karedu) 
which is a seaport and the best towne on the road hitherto." Streyn- 
sham Master's Memoriall, quoted in -A^. and E, for i8th March, 1679, 
p. 28. 

" Bundalela Shawhe Governour of Carera and thereabouts having 
sent us word possitivly, that he will entertaine the Interlopers, in case 
we will not make a Settlement in his Government,... itt is agreed that 
as soon as with c[on]veniency, we Settle a Factory att Carera, and 
that the said Governour be acquainted therewith." Consultation at 
Fort St George, 6th August, 1683, Pringle, Consultations^ vol. ii. 
p. 72. 

" Carrera has the Benfit of a large River that reaches a great 
Way into the Country." Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 369. 

*' Caraid (Karedu, Telugu). From kari^ Tel. black and vidu^ Tel. 
town. Village, Port ; Nellore district ;... Hardly any trade now. 
Noted for Betel gardens. Ancient temples.... Noted for dyeing cloths. 
Large tank. Festival of Shiva in February." Madras Man, Admn,^ 
vol. iii. s.v. Car. See also Ind. Ant.^ vol. xxx. p. 349 f. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 37 

bagadge in readinesse to proceed further, my Dubashee ^ 
whose name was Narsa*, asked me if I wold Stay to See 
a handsome younge Widdow burned, by reason her 
husband was dead and to be burnt that afternoone, where- 
upon I Stayed out of Curiosities Sake to See the truth of 
Such an action that I had often heard of, and, about the 
third houre in the afternoone, I saw a multitude of men, 
women, and Children comeinge out of the towne. I went 
to them on hor[s]eback, thereby to get the better Spectacle 
of this barbarous action. About J a mile from the towne, 
on -a greene plaine, was a great fire prepared, that burned 
very light, about which they thronged. I alsoe rode close 
up to it, where I cold discerne the body of a man on a 
light fire, neare to which lay much combustible matter 
piled round, hollow in the middle, which they Soon Set 
fire too, and then most of the crowde did Separate them- 
selves, standinge round it at 2 or 3 yards distance. I 
rode close up to the younge woman, who was Seemingly 
Extraordinary chearefull. I asked her the reason why she 
was soe deluded by the Brachmans, who overheareinge 
me Seemed to be angry, but She, eVe they had time to 
Speake, Smiled and Said it was the happiest houre that 
Ever She Saw. She Spake something quick, which shewed 
great desperateness in her, and without all controversie 
these Satyrical Priests give them something to intoxicate 



* An interpreter and mercantile broker. See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, 
Dubash. A^. and E. p. 20, for 25th May, 1680, has — "bringing 
letters... that Verona the Dubass was dead." And p. 27, for 5th July, 
1680, "the wages of the Company's Dubasses." And p. 43, for 
28th Dec. 1680, " Resolved to Tasheriff the seven Chief Merchants 
and the Chief Dubass upon New Years Day." In his preface to his 
Dictionary of English and Malayo^ T. B. says that he learned the 
" Malayo Language " in order that he might " Converse with those 
people without the assistance of a Prevaricating Interpreter, as they 
commonly are." 

2 Narsa was responsible, no doubt, for the mispronunciation 
Janganath (for Jagannath), which produced "Jno. Gemaet." In 
1680 the Dutch had a Dubash called Narsa, at Golconda. 



38 OF CHOROMANDEL 

them, by which they are Exited to this Valour and Eager- 
nesse of workinge theire owne destruction. 

This Silly Creature, with a most chearefull Smileinge 
countenance, lift up her hands, and accordinge to the 
countrey complements, Salam'd ^ to all her friends. Especi- 
ally to the Brachmans, and lookeinge Earnestly upon me, 
gave me some white and yellow flowrs she tooke from her 
haire of her head that was beautifully adqrned after the 
Gentue fashion, and with Strange nimblenesse Sprange 
into the fire. 

Whereupon, to make the Ceremonie Seeme more 
pleasant, they at that instant tuned up Severall Sorts of 
musicke, vizt. pipes, drums, trumpets, accompanied with 
Shouting in Such a measure, that not one Screach of the 
woman in torment cold be heard. Many of the by- 
standers keep throwinge on much more combustible things, 
to wit, dry faggots, Oyle, butter, dried palmero* leaves, or 
the like. 

The richer Sort, more Especially those in Office, a? 
Naiques' (for soe the Hindoo Governours are Entitled), 
when one of them dye, they, as they kept many Concu- 
bines, have many burnt at theire decease, as for Example: — 

A Naique that lived neare Mylapore*, vizt. St. Thomae, 

^ Saluted. See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Salaam. This is a very early 
instance of the use of " Salaam " as a verb. 

^ See note on p. 24. 

3 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Naik, in its sense of nobleman. Compare 
Tkevenot, part iii. p. 105, "There are many Naiques to the South of 
St. Thomas, who are Sovereigns : The naique of Madura is one ; he 
of Tangiour is at present a Vassal to the Kmg of Viziapour. Naique 
properly signifies a Captain ; heretofore they were Governours of 
Places, and Officers of the King ; but having Revelled [? rebelled], 
they made themselves Sovereigns.'* 

* Now a part of Madras itself. Compare Mandelslo, p. 93, " The 
Town of Meliapour, then the Metropolis of the Kingdom." " There 
are several Towns on this Coast, some of which are good,... Meliapour 
or St. Thomas, which lyes in the heighth of thirteen degrees and a 
half, and which the Moors (with the assistance of the Dutch) took 
back from the Portuguese in the year One thousand six hundred sixty 
two." Thevenoty part iii. p. 105. For note on St. Thom^, see p. 45. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 39 

died the Same yeare I arrived in East India^ and for his 
celebration of the Funerall, which was very fiery, 27 
women that were his Wifes and Concubines were burned. 
Oh ! horrid destruction ! Who can Otherways imagine but 
the Devil to be the author of Such base inventions ? 

Such Cruelties are most in Use in the parts of India 
where the Countrey is Governed by the Gentue Naiques, 
or Radja's^ as some term themselves, which signifieth Vice 
Kinge ; and, on the Contrary, where the Governours are 
Mahometans, not one halfe soe much in that respect can 
be acted, the women. Especially those that are handsome, 
beinge disswaded from the fact, and counselled, immedi- 
ately at the death of theire Husbands, to forsake theire 
Friends and Brachmans, and repaire to them, where they 
shall be very Courteously Entertained ; but they dare nx>t 
rescue any by force and Violence, by reason the Idolaters 
doe annually purchase theire freedome of theire heathenish 
laws, and Diabolicall customes, with noe Small Summs 
of moneys ^ and condescendinge Obedience to the Mogol 
and his Omrahs *. 

* I have been unable to identify this individual. 

2 This and later references are valuable as showing that in 
the 17th Century the true position of a Raja was understood by 
the merchants and traders of the time : a point that is missed by 
Yule. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Raja. "Among those not paying 
tribute may be numbered more than a hundred Rajas, or Gentile 
sovereigns of considerable strength, dispersed over the whole empire, 
some near and some at a distance from Agra and Delhi." Bernier, 
p. 208, who missed the point that the Raja is a subordinate ruler or 
governor. 

3 The writer is probably alluding to a special administration of the 
YaX^djazta or poll-tax. See note on p. 10. 

* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Omrah. It is the plural umara of amir 
(ameer), and signifies a high official, a court grandee. Compare 
Thevenot^ part iii. p. 102, on the " Omras or Omros of Golconda." 
" The Omras are the great Lords of the Kingdom, who are (for the 
most part) Persians, or the Sons of Persians ; they are all rich, for 
they not only have great Pay yearly of the King for their Offices, but 
they make extream advantage, also by the Soldiers, scarcely paying 
one half of the number they are obliged to entertain ; besides that, 
they have gratifications from the King, of Lands and Villages, whereof 
he allows them the Use, where they commit extraordinary exactions 
by the Bramens, who are their Farmers.** 



40 OF CHOROMANDEL 

Some of the women they burne at the fiery flames of 
theire deceased Husbands are not very willing thereto, 
notwithstandinge all the wicked devices practised by those 
wretches; yet, when they have once condescended, they 
practice that Villainie Upon them with Strange Severitie, 
though the party repent her Selfe of that folly, and be 
Unwillinge to destroye her Selfe for many reasons, as the 
leaveinge theire poore Children behind them to be dealt 
with they know not how, which is a maine and principall 
reason all tender Mothers ought to have, but these Devilish 
Brachmans will not consider these things, or looke upon 
theire dolefull lamentations as any thinge worthy of com- 
miseration, but will by force and Violence destroy them. 
One I saw very Unaturaly handled by the Brachmans 
and theire associates, for, repentinge of Such an intended 
act, they laid Violent hands on her and threw her into the 
fire, which was not throughly inflamed, and there pressed 
the poore Creature downe with a long powle Untill she 
was consumed. 

I have knowne One who was rescued from the hands 
of those Heathenish Devils, (at the Very instant she was 
to be consumed by fire) ; it was done by a parcell of English 
Seamen, without any resistance of the parties concerned, 
Onely did very much Stomach them, that had not beene 
Soe Served before, and cold find noe remedie for it. She 
was a younge fresh complexioned Girle not exceedinge. 
tenne years of age. Some few hours after her conveyance, 
to an English house, she began to be much in her sences, 
but admired how she came thither, and, upon information 
of the whole Story, She was very penitent and Sorry that 
She shold condescend to such Evil councel of her Friends 
and the Brachmans, and, in a few days, beinge better 
instructed, She was Baptized, and lived with the English 
in our Factory of Metchlipatam \ 

^ Masulipatam. One reason for her conversion was that she could 
not possibly go back to her people. 



OF CHQROMANDEL 41 

The Mallabars, as I said before, doth much vary 
both in Customes of Idolatry, Languadge, and what else, 
but are indeed rather a more ignorant Sort of people then 
these be, and are of many Sectaries amongst themselves, 
Every individual trade haveinge different molten Gods to 
Worship. Besides, they are a more dull headed people, 
few of them ingenuous in any art whatever, vizt. the 
Mallabars that reside Upon this Coast, but those Naturall 
Mallabars that inhabit Upon the Mallabar Coast (com- 
monly called the Coast of India) are a very briske, 
ingenuous folke, but too bloody minded to all Nations 
whatever they can Overpowre, but these are for the [most 
part] Very laborious men, but of noe gentile ^ Occupations, 
neither are they admitted into the Society of the Banjans 
or Gentues, Either in theire houses or Pagods. There are 
another Sort of inhabitants about this Coast that are the 
Offscum of all the rest; they are called Parjars*; they 
are of noe Cast whatever, deficient in the knowledge of 
any Religion whatever, worshipinge nothinge, but live and 
dye quite after the manner of beasts and noe better, neither 
do they abstaine from any thinge that is fit for a man to 
eat or drinke, yet they keep a good decorum in some 
things of theire owne heads. They have every man one 
woman, and do labour hard for the maintenance of her 
and her Children ; they dwell in Small Cottages apart, 
not intermixed with any Other of the inhabitants ; many 
of them nowadays are yearly converted to the Christian 
faith by the Portugal Priests* and Jesuites. As I safd 

^ i.e, Hindu. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Pariah. A^. and E. p. 34, for 21st Sept. 
1680, has "Every village has a Cancoply [clerk] and a Paryar 
[Servant] who are imployed in this office which goes from Father to 
Son." " The Parreas are the vilest caste of all." Schouten, vol. ii. 
p. 23. "Buy me. ..a Slave boy.. .Let him not be of a Parryar, but a 
good Cast." O. C. No. 4583. 

3 The Court of Directors in England had a very poor opinion of 
the "Portugall Priests." In a letter to Fort St. George, dated 7th 



42 OF CHOROMANDEL 

before, they are all of them laborious, as bricklayers, 
Masons, Smiths, fishermen, or the like ; those are called 
Moquaes \ The boats they doe lade and Unlade Ships or 
Vessels with are built very Sleight, haveinge noe timbers 
in them, Save thafts* to hold their Sides togeather. 
Theire planke are very broad and thinne. Sowed togeather 
with Cayre^ beinge flatt bottomed and every way much 
deformed, as on the Other Side demonstrated ^ 

They are Soe Sleightly built for conveniencies sake, 
and realy are most proper for this Coast ; for, all along 
the Shore, the Sea runneth high and breaketh, to which 
they doe buckle and alsoe to the ground when they Strike. 

December, 1669 {Letter Book, No. 4, p. 289), they wrote, "In our 
former Instructions, Wee advised you cheifely to encorage the 
Protestant religion, and to indulge those that discented therefrom, 
Since which wee understand that your over much familiarity with the 
Portugall and French Padrees becomes a great snare to our Factors 
and Servants, for that they are a very great meanes to lead them into 
all manner of debauchery, and disorder, which wee desire you for the 
future, to take care to prevent." 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mucoa. See also Pringle, Consultations, 
vol. iii. note (90), p. 187. Schouten, in his description of the different 
castes in Ceylon, vol. ii. p. 23, has "The Carreas and the Mockuas are 
fishermen." At a Consultation held at Fort St George on the 
loth Jan. 1678, great complaints were made against the " Macquaus." 
They had desired an increase of pay so that they might have no 
temptation to steal, and, as many had left Fort St. George for Pulicat, 
where the Dutch gave them higher wages, their pay was raised to 
" fower fanams per Mosullas lading of 6 bales." With this increase 
they appeared to be satisfied, but, " in the Night they run all away, 
carrying their Oars with them." The Council was compelled to send 
after the " Macquaus," and offer them 5 fanams, which they accepted. 
Factory Records, Fort St George, No. i. N. and E. p. 2, for 29th 
January, 1679, l^^is, "'tis of absolute necessity to build the curtain next 
the Muckwa or Fishers' Town from St. Thomas' Point by the sea side 
to the Round Point by the river side." The word Moquae is from 
Tam. mukkuvar, plu. of mukkuvan, a caste of fishermen, or a member 
of the caste. 

2 Thwarts. Smyth, Sailor^ Word Book, p. 678, has " Thaughts, 
properly Athwarts ; see Thwarts." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.ii. Coir. It is used above, and elsewhere in 
this MS., in the sense of rope made from cocoanut husk. "The cable 
being new made of Maldiva Cair never started a stran." Diary of 
Streynsham Master, loth Sept. 1676, p. 58. See Ind. Ant, vol. xxx. 
p. 390, for various forms of the word. 

* See Plate viii. facing p. 44. 



• OF CHOROMANDEL 43 

They are called Massoolas*, and are for little Use Save 
carryinge of light goods (as bailes of Callicoes or Silkes, 
not exceedinge 6 or 8 at one time). 

When any great Ordinance, Anchors, butts of water or 
the like ponderous ladeinge is carried off or on, they Seize 
4, 5, or 6 large pieces of boyant timber togeather, and 
this they call a Cattamaran", Upon which they can lade 
3 or 4 tunns weight. When they goe on fishinge, they 
are ready with very Small Ones of the like kind, that will 
carry but 4, 3, 2, or one man onely, and upon these Sad 
things, they will boldly adventure [out] of sight of the 
Shore, but indeed they Swimme (in generall) as naturaly 
as Spanyall dogs. I have often Seen them one leage or 
more off Shore, when the Westerly winds have blowne 
very hard, which is right off, soe that they cold by noe 
means paddle any nearer in, and they have made Sleight 
of it, onely let fall theire line with a Stone fast thereto, 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mussoola. " This operation [lading the 
vessel] was accomplished by means of little boats, called Porcas and 
Mossels, which are round and long, hollow, high, made of rough 
planks, without keel, the planks being simply sown together. They 
are rubbed with a coating of hair and tar, and can be easily inclined 
in any direction. The passenger sits in the stern. They pitch and 
roll continually, and often broach to, being on the water almost like 
buckets or basins when empty." Schouten^ vol. i. p. 303. " Having 
encreased the Mosullas from 7 to 13 and now to 17 we could as soon 
fill twice their number." Fort St. George "Generall" to the Court, 
dated 12th Jan. 1675. O, C, No. 4044, p. 15. N. and E. p. 3, for 
9th Feb. 1680, has "Muckwars or Mussulamen." " Mussoolas; large 
flat bottom'd, ill-shap'd Boats, not nail'd as ours, but sow'd together 
with Coyr-twine, whence they are so pliable, that the Planks never 
start with the most violent Shocks." Lockyer, Trade in India^ 
p. II. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Catamaran. " Catamarous are nothing 
more than three or four little planks or beams joined together and 
fastened securely like a raft. There were some [on the Coromandel 
Coast] which were covered with a mat, and could carry a little sail 
made of the bark of trees, with which they sailed very quickly. But 
when they wanted to row, the fisherman, or the owner sat partly in the 
water rowing with his feet, and also with an oar which had flat ends, 
so that he got along very quickly." Schouten^ vol. i. p. 297. Compare 
also Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. lof. "Catamaran, kattumaram^ 
Tamil. Raft, consisting of three logs of very buoyant timber." Mad. 
Man. Admn. vol. iii. p. 137. 



44 OF CHOROMANDEL 

and let the Cattaraman ride by it, (for such are theire 
Anchors) and they Swimme on Shore both against wind 
and Sea. 

One of these Mallabars, (an inhabitant of Enore*) about 
1 1 English miles Northward of Fort St. Georg's, a fellow 
I knew very well, chanced to be out on fishinge when 
Extremitie of weather tooke him, and soe Violently, that 
he lost Sight of the Shore, and was soe farre out that he 
cold not ride at anchor, but was constrained to leave her, 
and betake himselfe to Swimminge, but lost his way both 
to Shore and findinge his Cattamaran againe, and in that 
helplesse condition this poore fellow lay, keepinge himselfe 
above water with all the Ease he cold, but e*re he got the 
Shore, it was almost 4 days and 4 nights, and at length by 
meere accident, more then his owne Endeavours, he was 
thrown upon the Shore about ^ of [a] mile from the barre 
in the night time, by the helpe of a Stronge tide of flood 
and an Easterne rowleinge Sea, after he had been 90 hours 
at least Upon the Water. 

Hee was taken up by Some of his neighbour fishermen, 
who perceiveinge Some life to be in him. Used all means 
theire Genius wold afford them to recover more, which 
they did in a Short time. I knew the person Very well, 
and have Seen him Some years Since. 

Their Massoolas and largest Sort of Cattamarans are 
built in the followinge forme. [Plate viii.] 

Six miles to the Southwards of Fort St. Georges 
standeth Severall mountains pretty high, the One of which 
is called St. Thomas's Mount, Where the Apostle St. Thomas 
is Said to preach Salvation to this Nation, Strongly con- 
firmed by most Roman Catholicks, both Europeans and 



^ " Ennore, Ennur^ Tarn. Village just north of Cuttiwaukum back- 
water... from Madras N. 12 miles... Ennore beacon is a trig, station." 
Mad. Man. Admn. vol. iii. p. 291. N. and £". p. 17 for loth May, 
1680, has " The Agent, &c., went to take the air at Enoor." 



OF CHOROMANDEL 45 

the Native Christians, who doe in generall reverence this 
Mountainc, from the bottom to the top of which there 
are Excellent Stone Staires for the better ascendinge it, 
whereon there is a Papist Church, and a reverend Fryar 
or two maintained, whose benefice is none of the Smallest, 
by the often concourse of people that resort thither, both 
for pleasantnesse of aire and Satisfaction of takeinge a 
View of the Saints tombe which is in the Chappel^ 



^ "S. Thomas, formerly called Meliapour, where, according to 
tradition the Apostle S. Thomas was martyred, is 8 leagues from 
Sadrispatnam, towards the north, and at a little less distance from 
Paliacatte. The Portuguese had formerly a flourishing trade there 
and had made a fine town of it ; but the Maures [Moors] took it from 
them some years ago. A quantity of painted Coromandel cloths, 
handkerchiefs, stuffs, white cotton cloths were procurable here.... The 
water of the place is so suitable for these manufactures, that a number 
of good workmen, painters and weavers are always to be found there..." 
Schouten^ vol. i. p. 488. See also p. 467 for the legend of the re- 
moval of the tree from the harbour by St Thomas. 

"The Mores,... having made themselves masters of the town [of St 
Thom^], rebuilt the fortifications and the walls, which are very good, 
well built and cemented. They are 12 ft. wide and 28 ft. high, and 
are constructed of a very strong and smooth stone on which cannon 
has little effect. The houses are underground, protected from the 
ravages of time and war, and are not so high as the walls, with 
the exception of three churches, those of Notre- Dame, the Jesuits, and 
the Hostel-D ieu. . . ." Delestre^ p. 1 73 f. 

Fryer^ p. 4j, writes as follows, "Of St. Thomas: It is a City that 
formerly for Riches, Pride, and Luxury, was second to none in India ; 
but since, by the mutability of Fortune, it has abated much of its 
adored Excellencies. The Sea on one side greets its Marble Walls, 
on the other a Chain of Hills intercepts the Violence of the inflaming 
Heat ; one of which, called St. Thomas his Mount, is famous for his 
Sepulture, (in Honour of whom a Chappel is dedicated, the Head 
Priest of which was once the Metropolitan Bishop of India)... Within 
the Walls seven Churches answer to as many Gates ; the Rubbish of 
whose stupendious Heaps do justify the truth of what is predicated in 
relation to its pristine State. The Builders of it were the Portugals. 
The Confounders the Moors, who surprized them wallowing in their 
Wealth and Wantonness. The present Competitors [in 1673] are 
the French, ...the Moors, and thirdly, the Hollanders." 

" Chyna Vincatadry having a House and Garden at St Thomas 
Mount... which he now offer[s] to the Honble. Company for the use of 
their Servants, 'tis therefore hereby agreed that the said House be 
accepted... it being a very Commodious pleasant place for sickly 
People to Recover their healths at...." Pringle, Consultations^ 
15th Jan. 1685, vol. iv. p. 14. Compare also Alex. Hamilton's East 
Indies^ vol. i. p. 356 f. 



46 OF CHOROMANDEL 

Att the foot of this mountaine, for some miles in 
Circuit, I have knowne delicate Groves and Gardens \ 
fountains very pleasant to the Eye, (and healthy for the 
body), the Groves consistinge of Mangoe and Palmero*, 
Palmito', and Coco nut trees, which are now quite de- 
molished by the forces and Order of the Golcondah 
Kinge, meerly to doe what diskindnesse they cold to 
theire Enemies the French, who in the yeare 1672 tooke 
the Citty St. Thomae from the Moor's forces *. 

^ See Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^ vol. i. p. 357. 

' Palmyra. See note on p. 24. 

^ Wild date tree. In the text, the palmito is the date-palm in 
contradistinction to the palmyra or toddy-palm. 

* The contemporary accounts of the taking of St Thomd by the 
French are various and interesting. Those by Delestre and Fryer, 
with Mr Lawrence Sawcer's bitter remarks on Agent Langhome's 
policy, are worth quoting. The Frenchman is naturally very full on 
the subject. " Monsieur de la Haye having somewhat refreshed him- 
self on the coast of Coromandel, continued his journey to St. Thom^, 
which the Mores [Moors] had occupied for eleven years after having 
driven out the Portuguese by famine. He anchored before the walls 
of this town... he sent to request the Governor to furnish himi with 
provisions in return for money ; but the More having replied that he 
had not enough for his own ^^arrison. Monsieur de la Haye sent back 
the same officers to assure him that he would not go out of the road- 
stead without having some ; and that if they were refused him for 
money, he would certainly have them by force.... The Moorish 
Governor treated it [the demand] with contempt. This being reported 
to the General of the French fleet, he had the Council Flag hoisted 
in order to assemble all the Captains and Officers, who immediately 
came on board his ship. He unfolded his design to them, showed 
them that it was easy to surprise this town, which the Dutch had 
ineffectually and ignominiously besieged for ten years, and pointed 
out to them what glory they would procure from this expedition. He 
described the means which he thought ought to be adopted ; and, 
having taken the opinion of the whole assembly, it was resolved that 
the Master Gunner and his Assistants should that very night place in 
a long-boat three small pieces of cannon, of three to four pound balls 
each, with three hundred bullets, and carriages and cartridges in 
proportion ; that they should silently land before dawn, and direct 
their artillery against the large town-gate, where they would be 
supported by three hundred men armed with sabres, axes and pistols. 
Half of these men would divide to scale the walls with rope ladders, 
which they would bring for that purpose. All this was executed with 
admirable order ; for, hardly had the dawn begun to appear, when 
the gunners fired three pieces of artillery, at which the Mores, who 
were not expecting this morning serenade, were so astonished, that 
they rushed in a crowd towards the town-gate, where they believed 



OF CHOROMANDEL 47 

the peril to be the greatest, for they disregarded the heavy fire that 
the ships' artillery w'as pouring on the town and its walls. But while 
they were abandoning the latter, Capt. de Rebr6 climbed up with five 
hundred men, whom he commanded, and, sword in hand, made himself 
master of the walls. He did not give time to the Mores who opposed 
him to recover themselves, but commanding his soldiers to make a 
great noise and to shout " kill, kill," he routed them and put it out of 
their power to rally. Then, taking off his shirt, he divided it into two 
parts. He fastened one piece to the end of the short pike of a More 
whom he had killed, and fixed it on the wall nearest the sea to cause 
the artillery to cease firing. The other he fixed on the landward side 
to proclaim that he was master of the town, into which the French 
entered shouting, " Long live the King of France," '' Long live the 
King ! " and ended by putting to flight the Mores who carried arms. 
The inhabitants asked permission to withdraw and to go away with 
their families. This request Monsieur de la Haye most humanely 
granted them. Having gone through the town, he gave orders for 
fortifying it, and for putting it in a position to resist the attacks 
which he anticipated from the Mores.... After this glorious expedition, 
the brave General de la Haye did not rest satisfied with having chased 
the Mores four leagues from the town. He made a sortie at the head 
of 400 men in order to drive them still further away and to hinder 
them from entrenching themselves so near to St. Thomd, because he 
rightly anticipated that they would not delay besiieging it. Indeed, on 
the 22nd of Sept. of that year, 1672, they advanced with an army 
composed of 16000 foot and 4000 horse... six months went by without 
any considerable action on either side, but Monsieur de la Haye, 
growing impatient at the length of the siege, made a sortie on the 
1st March, 1673, ^^^ attacked the enemy at midnight with 600 men. 
He got possession of their large battery, in which was that great piece 
of artillery which held 108 lbs. of shot. This he spiked, and after- 
wards blew it up.... General de la Haye made another sortie on the 
8th of the same month, and again routed them [the Mores].... There 
was much firing on both sides, and the action was obstinately con- 
tested. ... From this time forth, the Mores did not attack the French so 
often ; they even wished to. live at peace with them ; but the Dutch 
excited them to continue the war, and lent them assistance for that 
purpose." Delestre^ pp. 170-173, 177-180, 182. 

Fryer's account supplements that of the Frenchman. "[The 
French] with Ten Sail came before St. Thomas, demanding Victuals 
of the Moors ; but they denying, they brought their Ships to bear 
upon the Fort, and landing some small Pieces they stormed it, driving 
the Moors to the search of new dwellings. After they had taken it, 
they broke up their weather-beaten Vessels, and brought ashore their 
Ordnance, keeping their Trenches within, and mounting it with the 
Sea without ; they still maintain it maugre all the great Armies the 
King of Gulconda has sent against it. Till now the i8th Month of its 
Siege, and the fourth year of their leaving France, the Dutch of 
Batavia, in revenge of the Inroads the French have made on their 
Countrey at home, undertaking to waylay them, that no Sustenance 
might be brought to them by Sea, came against it with 20 Sail, 15 Men 
of War, great Ships, some of 72 Brass Guns apiece, well mann'd. 
For all that, the Viceroy, who had been gone out with four Sail, but 
returning alone, got betwixt them and the Fort with his single Ship in 
the Night : The Device this : He left his Light upon a Catamaran, so 



48 OF CHOROMANDEL 

The Mangoe^ is a very faire and pleasant fruite ; the 
Palmero^ tree affordeth that rare liquor formerly termed 



that they thought him at an Anchor without them, when the next 
Mom he play'd upon them from under the Fort ; This Exploit, and 
the bruit of our Approach, made them withdraw to the Southward for 
fresh Recruits of Men and Ammunition. Which gave the French 
encouragement to sally out upon the Moors (they before being beaten 
from their Works near the City, had decamped Seven Miles off 
St. Thomas), and with an handfull of Men pillaged and set fire to their 
Tents, foraging the Countrey round about, returning loaden with 
Spoils." Fryer^ p. 42. 

" You may please to take notice that the French were incouradged 
to take St. Thomay by Sir Wm. [Langhome] or else they had Never 
adventured upon it, hee wrott to the vice Roy that the Moores had but 
4 Gunns in the Fort and very few men, and as Soone as they heard 
this, they presently began to fire at the Fort and Since the French 
possest themselves of St. Thoma Letters have past every day between 
the Vice Roy and Sir Wm. His first was to Congratulate him in his 
Victory wherein hee did express a great deale of joy, told him he was 
his very humble Servant and that in any thinge he was ready to Serve 
him, whereupon he presently made use of him. Sending Some of his 
Commanders to him for Cables for his Shipps and all Sort of Cordage, 
which he Caused our Comanders to Spare him, and what else they, 
had occasion for. He invited the French Comanders to dine with 
him, where, for their better welcome, fired all the Gunns round the 
Fort, expressing himselfe how joyfull hee was of Soe good Neighboures. 
When the king of Gulcondah had Sent an army to besiege and take 
that place againe. Sir Wm. gave the French the Liberty of this towne 
to buy up all Sorts of provisions which not only doubled or trebled the 
price of Provisions but disgust[ed] the Moores. They have sent to 
him above 20 times to forbid him to send Provisions to the French, 
But he takes no notice of it, only getts Verena to tell them that he 
doth not Send them any Supplyes....And yet for all this Sir Wm. hath 
Continued to Send boates and Masullaes every night Since with pro- 
visions which doth very much incense the King against this place, and 
thus he Not only hazards the Loss of the trade but all the presant 
treasure that is here, not making any Account of our Lives at all. 
And all this to assist Such a people that if once they Come to be 
Setled will Not only prevent your Trade, but will take your Fort too 
if they can. They begin to Say already that the Fort St. George is 
too neare them...." Mr Lawrence Sawcer, his information from Fort ' 
St George to the Company. No date, circ. 1673. Factory Records^ 
Miscellaneous, No. 3, p. ii2f 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mango. Compare Bemter^ p. 249, 
"Ambas, or Mangues, are in season during two months in summer, 
and are plentiful and cheap; but those grown at Dehli are indifferent. 
The best come from Bengale, Golkonda, and Goa, and these are 
indeed excellent. I do not know any sweetmeat more agreeable." 
See also Fryer ^ p. 182. 

2 See note on p. 24. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 49 

Palme- Wine, now vulgarly called Toddy\ The Palmito' 
is noe more then a rough Sort of wood Especially the 
Rhine of noe great Use ; they beare Some bunches of 
fruite, very lucious, but noe way pleasant, beinge noe 
better then wild dates ; they afford liquor alsoe that drop 
from the top of it, vizt. from the younge branches, and 
is called date Toddy, not soe good as the Other, more 
lucious, but Soon Eager. 

Upon the top of Mount St. Thomas, groweth naturaly 
a Very remarkable tree, larger then most mulberrie trees 
be, which is called Arbor triste', vizt. the SorrowfuU tree, 
and not improperly so called. It Seemeth not to flowrish 
all the day longe, but from Sun Settinge to Sun riseinge 
it is Exceedinge full of white blossoms, both fragrant and 
beautifull, but noe Sooner is but broad day light, but all 
the blossoms fall to the ground and Suddenly wither ; 
and the Very leaves Shut themselves, and Seeme to be 
in a very languishinge posture, and furthermore, the next 



^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Toddy. Compare Mandelslo^ p. 17, "In 
this village (Bodick [near Surat]) we found some Terry, which is a 
Liquor drawn out of the Palm-trees, and drunk of it in Cups made of 
the leaves of the same Tree. To get out the Juyce, they go up to the 
top of the Tree, where they make an incision in the bark, and fasten 
under it an earthen pot, which they leave there all night ; in which 
time it is fiU'd with a certain sweet Liquor very pleasant to the taste. 
They get out some also in the day time, but that corrupts immediately, 
and is good only for Vinegar, which is all the use they make of it." 
"Terri, a liquor extracted from palm-trees" Schouten^ vol. i. p. 406. 
Toddy (tan) is an intoxicant made from several palm-trees, but chiefly 
from the tar or palmyra tree. 

2 See note on p. 46. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Arbol Triste. "The Arbre Triste... re- 
sembles the Lime-tree, and it is tall and beautiful. By day it is 
covered with branches and leaves with closed buds, which, about nine 
o'clock in the evening, expand, and exhibit white scented flowers, so 
that the tree appears quite white, and emits such an agreeable odour, 
that scent and sight are equally charmed. These flowers remain thus 
all night long, and when day begins to dawn, the buds shut up again, 
and nothing is seen of them but the outside green." Schouien^ vol. i. 
p. 476. "St. Thomas his Mount is famous for... a Tree called Arbor 
Tristis^ which withers in the Day, and blossoms in the Night." Fryer^ 

P-43. 

T. 4 



50 OF CHOROMANDEL 

Eveninge it appears as flourishinge as before, and thus not 
Once but every day and night throughout the yeare. 

I have Seen many of the like Sort in Other places 
of India and Persia ; but, however, the Portugal Patrees\ 
whose dependence is meerly upon telling faire tales to 
Strangers that come here, will, and have ready to tell 
you very Strange Constructions upon Such rarities and 
reliques of the blessed Apostle, which the Proselytes of 
India, Especially this Coast, doe much confide in ; and 
they take it as a great favour to be called Christians of 
St. Thomas'. 

Our Fort (and towne) of St. Georg's hath been often 
Molested by Some of the Inland Native Forces, raised 
in very considerable Numbers by some of the disaffected 
Governours. I have knowne an army of Some thousands 
both horse and foot, come down and pitch theire tents 



* Portuguese Padres. See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Padre, a Christian 
priest. See also note on p. 41. N, and E. p. 13, for 19th March 1680, 
has "would now be buryed by the French Padrys." And N, and E, 
p. yj^ for 28th Oct., shows that the still existing difference between 
international courtesies, as understood by the English and Continental 
nations, is an old story : — " It is observed that, whereas at the Dedication 
of a New Church by the French Padrys and Portuguez in 1675 guns 
had been fired from the Fort in honour thereof, neither Padry nor 
Portuguey appeared at the Dedication of our Church nor so much as 
gave the Governor a visit afterwards to give him joy of it." 

2 In the seventeenth century the martyrdom of St Thomas was 
made responsible for elephantiasis, nowadays held to be a mosquito- 
borne infectious disease due to the presence of malignant microbes. 
It is still common in Madras. "About this Mount [St. Thomas] live a 
Cast of People, one of whose Legs are as big as an Elephant's ; which 
gives occasion for the divulging it to be a Judgment on them, as the 
Generation of the Assassins and Murderers of the Blessed Apostle 
St. Thomas, one of whom I saw at Fort St. George." Fryer, p. 43. 
"The Malabars who are Christians, relate many remarkable traditions 
about the Apostle St. Thomas, and say that he preached the Gospel in 
those countries.... There are a great number of Malabars, men and 
women alike, who from their youth, and as others say, from their birth, 
are subject to swellings in their legs. The enlargement generally 
begins under the knee, and ends at the foot, or close to it.... The 
Christians of St. Thomas say that this malady has been sent to them as 
a punishment for the martyrdom of the Saint, and that all who are 
so afflicted, are descended from his persecutors." Schouten, voL i. 
pp. 466, 468 f. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 51 

within 2 miles of the Walls*, where they have put a Stopp 
Upon all Sorts of provisions, and most Chiefely the East 
India Company's goods, that were to be Sent that Mon- 
soone* for England, threateninge what Strange Feats they 
wold play, if in Case our Agent and Governour Sent them 
not Soe much moneys, lo or 20 thousand Pagodes*, (each 
Value 9s.), but they are Generally mistaken in the Summ, 
and be Satisfied with a farre Smaller present, and some- 
times with none at all. Nothinge of Such transactions 
is ordered by the Golcondah Kinge, in whose Countrey 
this place is, but these are Flyinge Armies hatchinge 
Rebellion. 

Some twenty or twenty two miles to the Northward 
of Fort St. Georg's, the Dut[c]h have a towne and 
Garrison called PuUicatt*, which is nigh hard if not 

^ In 1670, Fort St George "was besieged by a local Naick or 
Hindoo district officer, but on application to his superior the Nawab 
of the Camatic the siege was raised." In 1674, on the refusal of 
Sir Wm. Langhome to expel Peter Dehor and 3 other Frenchmen, 
who were staying at Fort St George, and whose dismissal had been 
demanded by both Dutch and Mussulmans, a Muhammadan army 
laid siege to Fort St George. The Frenchmen were eventually sent to 
Bijapur, and peace was restored. See Mad. Man, Admn. vol. i. 
pp. (163) and (165). In a Letter from the Agent and Council at 
Fort St George, dated 19th July, 1670 {Factory Records^ Misc. No. 3, 
p. 83) they write, "Of the late Seige laid to this Towne by Mirzah 
which Continued near a whole Month, but wee can give you noe Cause 
that he would ever assigne to bee the Reason, it began with the 
Alvedore [hawaldar] of St. Thomae and by his Instigation was followed 
and Continued Soe long by Chene Pella Mirzah." See also N, and E, 
for 31st May, 1674, p. 30. 

2 That is, the North-East Monsoon or winter season. 

^ In his "Currant Coynes of this Kingdome," in the "Golcondah" 
section, the writer assigns a different value to the pagoda, viz. New 
Pagod (of Fort St. George) 8j., Old Pagod (of Golconda) 12s. The 
text contains a curious comment on Native notions as to the value 
of English money at this period and on English methods of financial 
dealings with them. 

* The following is Schouten's description of Pulicat as he saw it in 
1662. "Paliacatte is the principal factory of the Dutch on this 
[Coromandel] coast. They have a fort here called Gueldres. It is 
situated in 13^ N. Latitude, in a sandy plain which is barren because 
its foundation is brackish. Ships anchor at about half a league from 
the land, in 8 or 9 fathoms on a sandy clayey bottom ; but it needs 
a thorough knowledge of the sandbanks and the inequalities of depth 

4—2 



52 OF CHOROMANDEL 

to get a vessel into safe anchorage. The fort of Gueldres is a fairly 
good one and capable of resisting the attacks of the Maures [Moors]. 
It is within a cannon shot of the water. It has four very strong 
bastions, built of stone as are the walls, all well furnished with cannon. 
The moat which surrounds it is considerable, but is generally dry. As 
the foundation is of shifting sand, it has sometimes happened that the 
currents, which in the rainy season are veritable rapid torrents, have 
shaken the fort. The Governor resides there, and it is he who is the 
superintendent of the whole Dutch trade on this coast.... In the rainy 
monsoon it often happens that the low ground behind the fort is 
covered with water, but the inundation does not last long. The water 
quickly flows into the sea, and it is only the little rivers which always 
remain swollen, and in which, on account of the sand which accumulates 
and blocks them, deep channels are formed. The Maures and the 
Gentues tow their flat boats over these in order to secure them from 
the violence of the sea until the favorable monsoon arrives. The town 
is open. The houses are somewhat low and confined. Those inhabited 
by Maures and Gentives are situated on the South of the fort of Gueldres. 
There are other villages around which are also under the jurisdiction 
of the Dutch. About 6 or 7 leagues inland there is a high mountain. 
The water which flows from it in the rainy season helps considerably 
to inundate the lowlands which surround it." Schouten, vol. i. p. 489 f. 
When Hamilton visited Pulicat about thirty years later, the place had 
greatly declined in importance, — "Policat is the next Place of Note to 
the City and Colony of Fort St. George, and, as I observed before, is a 
Town belonging to the Dutch. It is strengthned with two Forts, one 
contains a few Dutch Soldiers for a Garrison, the other is commanded 
by an Officer belonging to the Mogul. The Country affords the same 
Commodities that Fort St. George doth ; and the People are employed 
mostly in knitting Cotton Stockings, which they export for the Use of 
all the European Factories in India." Alex. Hamilton's East Indies^ 
vol. i. p. 369. 

"Senr. Coleer" succeeded "Govemour Pavillion" at "PuUicat" in 
1676. Vide Diary of Streynsham Master^ 17th Aug. 1676, p. 42 f. 
Thevenot, who visited Pulicat in 1667, apparently found it as flourishing 
as when described by the Dutch traveller. "Poliacate is to the North 
of St. Thomas, and the Factory (which the Dutch have established 
there) is one of the best they have in the Indies, by reason of the 
Cotton-cloaths, of wjiich they have great Ware-houses full there. At 
Poliacate they refine the Salt-Petre which they bring from Bengala, 
and make the Gun-powder, with which they furnish their other 
Factories;" Thevenot^ •^zxX. iii. p. 105. 

" Poolicat {paliyaghat^ Hind.; pazhaverkkadu^ Tam. pulicat)... 
i^pazha vel kddu^ old acacia forest)... from Madras N. 24 miles. On 
Coromandel coast at southern extremity of an island in the inlet 
between the sea and lake of the same name.... Off the coast are the 
Poolicat shoals. The Dutch erected a factory here in 1609. This was 
their earliest settlement in southern India. They built a fort and 
called it Geldria...Fort, factory and dependencies taken from the 
Dutch 2nd July 1781. Finally surrendered to Great Britain in 1825.... 
There is an old Dutch cemetery. Poolicat lake... is under the influence 
of the tide. The water is constantly changed, yet brackish." Mad, 
Man. Admii. vol. iii. p. 671, s.v. Pazha. See also Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. 
p. 355 i. for various forms of the word Pulicat. By zh the compilers 
of the Mad. Man. Admn. meant a peculiar cerebral form of /. 



OF CHOROMANDEL S3 

altogeather as bigge as our Fort, but our outworks doe 
much Exceede theirs, but againe theirs is a more safe 
and Commodious place for ladeinge and dischargeinge 
Goods, haveinge a Very good River that cometh close 
to the,tovvne Side, but the barre is not very good, noe 
better then for boats of 20, 30, or 40 tunns, all this 
Coast indeed wantinge nothinge but Some good harbours 
for Shippinge. 

Armagon, Some 20 miles Northward of Pullicat, was 
Once the Residence of an English Governour and his 
Councell, but was many years agoe broke off, the English 
Company findinge that Fort St. Georges cold well Supply 
them with the Commodities of this Coast*. 

Soe that the Next English Factorie wee have is 
Pettipolee', a Very pleasant and healthy place, and very 



^ " In 1625 the English obtained a piece of ground at Armaghaum, 
about forty miles to the north of Pulicat, and made it a subordinate 
station to Masulipatam... three years afterwards they were all compelled 
to retire from Masulipatam to Armaghaum in consequence of the 
oppression of the Native Governor. Subsequently some of them 
returned to Masulipatam, but still the oppressions and embarrassments 
went on... Accordingly Mr. Francis Day, member of the Council at 
Masulipatam, was dispatched to examine the country in the neighbour- 
hood of the Portuguese settlement at St. Thom^. Mr. Day met with 
unexpected success.... The Naick of the district promoted his views to 
the utmost, and procured for him a grant of land, with permission to 
build a fort, from the Rajah of Chandragheri...The territory granted 
extended five miles along the shore and one inland. Thus was formed 
the first establishment in Madraspatnam in 1639..." Wheeler's 
Madras in the Olden Time^ p. igf. See also note on p. 25. 

2 Pettipolee (Peddapalle), later on known as Nizampatam, was one 
of the first places on the Coromandel Coast at which the English made 
a settlement. The Globe anchored here in 161 2, and the merchants in 
Captain Anthony Hippon's ship met with a good reception and were 
allowed to trade. According to the Mad. Man. Admn. (vol. iii. p. 593) a 
factory was established at Pettipoly in 1621 ; dissolved, 1653; resettled, 
1697. It was however existing in 1663, for on the i6th Dec. of that year 
the Court wrote to Fort St George {Letter Book^ No. 3, p. 336) directing 
that due respect should be shown to Mr Nicholas Buckridg, should he 
decide to visit the Factories of " Mesulapatam, Verashroon and Petti- 
poly." In the Commission to Buckridg of the same date (p. 349) he 
was ordered to "Consult with our Agent &c. about deserting Pettipoly 
Factory." In Jan. 1665, the Agent &c. at Fort St George wrote to the 
Court explaining their reasons for wishing to retain a settlement at 



54 OF CHOROMANDEL 

Pettipolee {Factory Records^ Misc. No. 3, para. 24, p. 11), "Pettypolee 
is noe otherwayes made use off then for the provision of Salt peter, 
which if we doe not encourage, the Dutch will quickly snatch it from 
us, they having after many years absence renewed their Factory in 
that place." In 1672, as "T.B." tells us, the factory was in full 
existence with Ambrose Salisbury as chief; but two years later, in a 
"Generall" from Fort St George to the Court, dated 20th Nov. 1674, 
(0, C. No. 4044, p. 12) it is stated, "The Factories of Verasheroon and 
Pettipolee are both laid down and of no further charge, Metchlepatam 
is the place for business." On the 5th May, 1678, John Tivill reported 
of the Factory at Pettipolee that it was so decayed as not to be worth 
repairing. Yet the Company's servants at Fort St George seemed loth 
to abandon the place as a trading centre. They valued it as "a great 
Place for Sault and Large in compass... lying commodiously for the 
Investment of the fine Cloth, Ramalls and AUejaes yearly procured in 
these Parts, besides a quantity of Salt Peter upon occasion" (Fort 
St George to Masulipatam, 3rd June, 1678, Factory Records^ Masuli- 
patam. No. 10). No chief was appointed at Pettipolee after Salisbury's 
death, in 1676; and, in Dec. 1678, the Council at Fort St George 
decided to leave the question of continuing a settlement there to " the 
Honble. Company" {Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 10, p. 103). 
On the 20th March, 1679, Streynsham Master visited Pettipolee, and 
thus describes it, {Memoriall of Streynsham Master quoted by 
Mackenzie in his Manual of the Kistna District^ p. 130) — "About 
midnight we sett out of Yentapollam a Gentue league and halfe from 
which lyes Baupautla which we went through, and tis a league and a 
half further to Pettepollee, about two miles short of Pettepollee we 
ferryd over a branch of the River Kishna that runs into the sea near 
Pettepollee which was very muddy and troublesome for our Horses, 
our Pallankeens and men were ferryd over by gun boates, at the other 
side of this River Mr. Hatton met us with Mr. Wynne, Mr. Colbome 
and Mr. Scattergood, about 10 o'clock we arrived at the Factory house 
at Pettepolee which is a very sorry rotten ruinous timber building much 
of it being fallen, and that which stands being ready to follow ye same 
fate, in the afternoon we walked about the Town and visited the old 
Factory, which hath been a large building, but all of Timber and much 
of it fallen down, the flagg stafe a very high one still standing and the 
principal lodgings, it stands between the English house and the River, 
by the River side, there is a new choultry railed in and a key of Timber 
made into the River, built and prepared in December last for the King 
of Gulcondah's reception, but he did not come to this town, the same 
place is now used for the Custom House, the River is deep and severall 
vessells of $0 : to 80 : or 100 tons were in it and haled ashore on the 
towne side by it, the other side of ye River is muddy and there is an 
Island about two mile over between the River and the Sea, upon which 
Island is a large tope of Trees which is called the English Garden, and 
'tis owned to belong to the English, the town is much decayed many 
houses being empty ruined and forsaken, the proper name of the Town 
which we call Pettepolee is Nyshampatnam, being soe called by all the 
Country people.... The Saysummitt-Tahadar and the Catwall of the 
Town came to visit the Agent... they very much importuned that a 
Factory might be settled here againe promising all friendly assistance 
to our business, to which was answered... the Agent would take it into 
consideration. [March, 1679.]" After years of indecision, definite 
orders were received from Court, dated Oct. 1686 and Jan. 1687, and 



OF CHOROMANDEL SS 

well populated by the Gentues, of whom many are very 
Wealthy. It lyeth to the Southward of Point Due*, in 
a Sandy bay called Pettipolee bay. The English and 
Dutch have each of them a Factory in the towne, but 
very few Factors reside here, not above 2 or 3 who provide 
goods accordinge to Order from the Governour of Fort 
St. Georg's or Chiefe of Metchlipatam. 

Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Com- 
modities are here wrought and Sold to Foraign Merchants 
vizt. Longecloth, Murrees, Salampores, Lungees*, Painted 



repeated in Jan. 1688, commanding the abandoning of Pettipolee as a 
factory. The order was carried out, and in 1687 all the factories sub- 
ordinate to Fort St George were withdrawn. The further history of 
Pettipolee is as follows. In 1697 it was resettled, was in existence in 
1702; in 1753 ceded to the French having been abandoned by the 
English in the interval; in 1759 ceded back to the British, and con- 
firmed to them in 1765. 

^ "In the morning [23rd March, 1679] we went downe to the River 
about 2 miles from CoUepelle where was two great Metchlepatam 
Boates, and two Sangaries or Gun boates which sett us over upon the 
island of Dio." Streynsham Master^ s Memoriall^ in Mackenzie, Kistna 
District^ p. 131. "Fire- wood from the Islands of Diu, a low Point of 
Land that lies near Matchulipatam." Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ 
vol. i. p. 368. Point Divy, at the mouth of the Kistna river, is on the 
Western side of the Bay of Masulipatam. 

2 " Long-cloth. The usual name in India for (white) cotton shirtings, 
or Lancashire calico; but first applied to the Indian cloth of like kind 
exported to England,.. .Or it is just possible that it may have been a 
corruption or misapprehension of lungt.^^ Hobson-Jobson^ p. 518 a. 
" Take into your considerations what Callicoes you are able to acquire 
either at the Fort St. George, Mesulapatam, Verasheroone or else where 
in Long Cloath Sallampores Moorees or Parcallaes." 14th Dec. 1655, 
Letter Book^ No. i. "Sallampores Longcloths and Morees [from 
Masulipatam] are exceeding badd." loth Nov. 1661, Letter Book^ 
No. 3, p. 67. " Wee desire that all our Long Cloth may hold out 38 
and 40 Yards in Length, and our Sallampores 18 and 20 Yards and 
none under if possible." i6th Dec. 1663, Letter Book^ No. 3, p. 346. 

"Moory {muri^ Tel.) Blue cloth ; principally manufactured in Nellore 
district." Mad. Man. Admn. "Ordinary Long Cloth Strong and 
Substantial! and close Struck, Brown Long Cloth thick and full lengths 
and breadths, Ordinary Long Cloth without any Stiffening, Fine Long 
Cloth, blew Long Cloth cut in halves dyed out of the browne, Ordinary 
Sallampores white Substantial! thick Cloth, fine Sallampores, Ordinary 
Moores full ell wide, fine Moores, superfine Moores" in list of goods to 
be provided at Fort St George, 13th Dec. 1672, Letter Book^ No. 5, 
p. 23. " Procure... tenn Bales of redd Maurees fit for that [the Bantam] 



$6 OF CHOROMANDEL 

Callicos of divers Sorts, Salt peeter, Iron, Steele, which 
is brought downe from the high land Over this place 
which is called Montapolee^ 

Great Abundance of White salt is made in the Vallies 
of Pettipolee, with very little industry, onely fencinge in 
the lowest of Soile which is soe brackish that the Sun 
doth cause the water which lyeth there not ab[o]ve one 
foot deep to harden into a perfect good and cleare Salt. 
It is afterwards laid in great heaps, and vended all the 
Kingdome over. Noe Merchant is admitted to deale in 
this Commoditie, beinge the Kings Commoditie as is 
bees Wax alsoe^ 



Markett." 28th July, 1675, Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 10. 
"Course Morees...not vendible here." Letter from Court, 15th Dec. 
1676, Letter Book^ No 5. 

Salampores, chintz. " Wee approve of your accepting more of the 
fine Sallampores and Bettelees then wee ordered." Letter to Fort 
St George, dated 12th Dec. 1677, Letter Book^ No. 5, p. 497. Salampore 
"(from sale^ Tel., weaver dca^pura^ San., town, weaver's town) a kind of 
cotton cloth formerly manufactured at Nellore." Mad, Man. Admn, 
vol. iii. p. 799, s.v. Sauley. 

Lungees, scarves or loin-cloths. In Burma it is now a woman's 
petticoat, as well as a man's dress. In the Army it means a turban : 
"50 Blue Lungis a/c Rs. 2-4-0 each: Rs. 1 12-8-0" — in a bill of the 
Port Blair Military Police for 30th Sept. 1900. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, 
Loonghee, and Mad. Man. Admn. s.v. Lag. 

^ "When you leave Maabar and go about 1000 miles in a Northerly 
direction you come to the kingdom of Muftili ;" Marco Polo^ ii. p. 295, 
identified by Yule as Motupalle (p. 297). 

"On the coast is Motupalle, now an insignificant fishing village, 
but identified as the port where Marco Polo landed in a.d. 1290. It 
was much used as a landing place for stores for the French troops at 
Guntur a hundred years ago." Mackenzie, Kistna District^ p. 206. 

"Large ships lie about a mile from the shore, with Mootapilly 
pagoda bearing N.W. by N." Milbum, Oriental Commerce^ vol. ii. p. 85. 

"From Montepoly to Petapoly the course is E.N.E. 6^ leagues." 
Dunn's Directory^ p. 147. 

"Mootapilly or Motupalli, in lat. 15" 42' N., Ion. 80° 17' E. and about 
8 leagues to the N.N.E. of Gondegam, is a small village half a mile 
inland, not discernible from a ship; but with the assistance of a glass, 
a small pagoda is perceptible. There are about twenty detached 
palmyra-trees to the northward of the landing-place, and about a mile 
to the southward, a thick grove of trees with a clump on its southern 
part higher than the rest." Horsburgh, India Directory^ ed. 1855, 
vol. i. p. 596. 

2 Compare the Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. $7, under date 



OF CHOROMANDEL 57 

I have heard it by Severall Eminent persons affirmed 
that this very Commoditie Salt draweth into the King's 
Exchequer two millions of Old Pagodos* yearly. 

This place alsoe hath the benefit of a pleasant River, 
such another as PuUicat hath, the barre but indifferent, 
which is a vaste hinderance to this part of the Countrey 
that doth afford, and is replenished with Such quantities 
of the beforementioned goods, which are proper for Sale 
all India and the South Seas^Over as well as to be trans- 
ported into Europe by the Christians. 

Anno Domini 1672 I stroke downe to Pettipolee in 
a Journey I tooke Overland From St. Georg's to Metch- 
lipatam, where I visited and paid my respects to Mr. 
Ambrose Salsbury*^, at his new house he built in a pleasant 



8th Sept. 1676, on his journey from Balasor to Hugli. "This day 
wee.. .sailed up the river Ganges, on the east side of which most part 
of the great quantity of beeswax is made, which is the Kings comodity, 
and none suffered to deale therein but for his account and Swarmes of 
Bees flew over our Vessell, alsoe we passed by great numbers of salt 
pitts, and places to boile salt, which is alsoe appropriated to the King 
or great Mogull, and none suffered to be made but for his account." 

^ See later on where the value of an "Old Pagodo" is given as 12s, 

2 From the MS. Records at the India Office {Court Books ^ Factory 
Records^ Letter Books ^ &c.) a fairly connected account of this interesting 
personage has been obtained. Ambrose Salisbury (the name is variously 
given as Salsbury, Saulsbury, Sallisbury and Salisbury) was appointed 
by the Court as Second in the Factory at Pettipollee, at a salary of 
£20 per annum, in Feb. 1658. He sailed in the Persian Merchant^ 
was wrecked off the Maldives, and did not reach Fort St George until 
June, 1659. I^^ Oct. 1662 he became "Chief" at Pettipolee, where he 
remained till his death, in Dec. 1675. Sir Edward Winter, the turbulent 
Governor of Fort St George, accused Salisbury of embezzling the 
Company's money, and wrote to the Court that he had discharged 
him. The dismissal, however, did not take effect. Others there were 
besides the Governor who had no opinion of Salisbury. In April, 1668, 
an unsigned letter from Fort St George to the Directors contains the 
remark — " Truly your Factory at Pettipolee is rather a charge than a 
benefitt to you (being managed by a very debauch't Idle fellow one 
Salisbury) not furnishing from thence a piece of Cloth towards your 
retumes this yeare...they are all greate abusers of the Company in 
words and deedes especially Salisbury at Pettipolee — that miscreant." 
In 1669 Mr Richard Smithson complained of irregularities in Salisbury's 
books and of his extravagant expenses. But before these complaints 
reached England, the Court had written to Fort St George (in Dec. 



58 OF CHOROMANDEL 

part of the towne, he beinge Chiefe of the Affaires of 
the Honourable English East India Companie here. He 
treated me and my people very Gentilely, and wold not 
Suffer me to depart that night. I condescended to Stay 
all night and take my leave Early in the Morneinge, 
but he was as loth to part with me then ; I Staid to take 
a View of the towne and after dinner set forward. 

All Sorts of Provisions are here to be had in very 
great Plenty, and at very Reasonable rates, vizt. Cows, 
Buffaloes, hoggs, all Sorts of Poultry, Severall Sorts of 
wild fowle, Many Excellent Sorts of Sea and River Fish, 



1 669) ordering the Agent to send immediately for Mr Ambrose Salisbury, 
" whome wee have discharged our Service, being represented to be a 
person of very prophane Spiritts, scandalous in his behaviour and 
notoriously wicked." Meanwhile, Salisbury's friends had exerted 
themselves in his defence, and the result of their letter to Court in 1670, 
remarking "Wee have neither had any Sattisfaction, either by particular 
information or by Common Report that Mr. Robert Fleetwood or 
Mr. Ambrose Salisbury are persons of Such profane Spirrits Scandalous 
lives, or notoriously wicked as they are represented to you, unless their 
Zeale for Conformity and against nonconformity are made the ground 
of that accusation, was an order for the re-instatement of Salisbury. 
"We doe also order that Mr. Ambrose Salisbury be againe admitted 
into our Service and that he receive such incoragement as his abillityes 
and faithfulness in our Service shall merritt." For the next few years 
Salisbury remained in favour, his chief trouble being with "pittifuU 
Merchants the Salt Peeter Men." In 1675, however, he was again in 
ill odour with the Council at Fort St George and was accused of being 
implicated with Richard Mohun in unlawful private trade. Salisbury 
retorted that too much was expected of him in the way of investmentj 
and that he had expended money in repairs to the factory and journeys 
to Masulipatam, "there being noe person in the Honble. Companys 
servis but hath allowance only my selfe." His letters to Fort St George 
and Masulipatam became petulant and querulous. Mr William Puckle, 
the Company's Supervisor, who was at Masulipatam in Sept. 1675, 
wrote, " Here is also a letter from Mr. Salusbury a most pitiful) 
Impertinent piece of morrallitie, that doth dayly follow us with letters 
that we understand not, and therefore lesse concern to answer them." 
The now unpopular Chief at Petti polee was in failing health, and 
declared himself unable to take the journey to Masulipatam to vindicate 
his conduct. He repaired to the adjoining settlement at Madapollam, 
the usual sanatorium, and died there, in Mr Mohun's house, on or 
about the 31st Dec. 1675. ^^ ^^^ many debts and but little personal 
property. Nevertheless, five years were occupied in the settlement of 
his affairs, which were administered by his mother, Susannah Salisbury, 
in England. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 59 

but most Especially Venison, as Deere, hares, Wild hoggs, 
or that most Nimble Annimall the Antilope. 

All these Varieties before mentioned are brought to the 
Christian Factories, Namely the English and Dutch, and 
Sold by Some Mahometans that live about and in this 
towne, Rice, butter, Oyle, Fruit, &c., are Sold by the 
Gentues, and as Cheape here as in any place upon this 
Coast. Theire Weights and Measures be the Same with 
those of Metchlipatam, of which in Order, as alsoe the 
Coines the Same, that are Currant there. 

The Antilope is a very comely Annimall, very Slick 
and Smooth, of a browne Colour, neater in Shape then 
any Deere, very Slender leggs, the body bespotted with 
round or Ovall Spots of white in many places, as some 
deere be, but the horns of this Creature differ quite from 
those of any Other, beinge in length from two foot to 3J, 
pointinge backwards, of Colour very black. And wreathinge 
as though they were Artificially turned. The figure of 
whose head and neck is as followeth^ [Plate X.] 

Dureinge my Short abode in this towne, (reports beinge 
Spread amonge the Inhabitants that an English man a 
Stranger travailinge the Countrey was here) they brought 
to the Factory gate Severall twiggen baskets, bore Upon 
mens Sholders. Theire request was to let their Snakes 
dance for me and my people to behold, in hopes of 
Something of a gratuitie. Such things beinge the lively- 
hood of many in these countreys. For Curiosities Sake 



^ Compare /^ry^r, p. 45 — " In the way hither are store of Antilopes, 
not to be taken but by a Decoy made of Green Boughs, wherein a 
Man hides himself, and walking with this Bush upon his Back, gains 
so near on them, while grazing or browzing rather on Shrubs or 
Bushes, as to hit one with an Arrow, when it may be run down with 
Dogs, the rest of the Herd shunning it : They are of a delicater shape 
and make than a Deer, their horns not jagged, but turned as an 
Unicorn's ; nor spread into Branches, but straight, and long, and 
tapering, rooted on the Os frontis^ springing up on both sides/' 



6o OF CHOROMANDEL 

wee bad them Use theire owne pleasure, with which they 
opened the baskets Singly, 4 or 5 in number. Out of 
each came very hideous and large Snakes, 3 or 4 men 
attendinge with Stringed Musical instruments, whereof 
one, beinge the Chiefe over the rest, took his Stringed 
Instrument and played to the Serpents, which to my 
thinkinge, made Straight at him as though they wold have 
destroyed him ; but the Musicianer, or rather Magician, 
soon corrected them Onely with Some Verbal punishment, 
and, like a Secound Orpheus, Sat downe upon the bare 
ground and played, at which musick these great and 
Venemous Serpents danced much after the Same tunes, 
to my astonishment, without doeinge the least hurt to 
theire keepers, who all Sat very neare them, and when 
wee Seemed to be Satisfied with the Sight thereof, they 
put them into the baskets againe^ They have a very de- 
formed broad head, and are accompted the most poysonous 
of all Others, for where they Stinge or bite any liveinge 
creature, it is sudden death. 

In soe much that I have been credibly informed that 
the Emperors and Kings of Asia have often put to death 
many of their criminal Subjects with these Sorts of 
Snakes, nay, of the Very Same that are thus carried 
about the Countreys for Shews. But these, theire keepers 
have soe enchanted them, that they have taken away 
theire power of harmeinge them. To me it Seemed most 
Strange, as beinge the first of my beholdinge any Such 
Sorceries, but Since have Seen many more Incredible. 

Metchlipatam, Soe called from the Hindostan ore Moors 

^ Compare Fryer^ p. 34 f. " Reptiles, Snakes, Serpents, and 
Amphisbena and other kinds ; all which they pretend to charm, 
carrying them up and down in baskets to get Money of the People, as 
well as Strangers ; when they strike up on a Reed run through a 
Cocoa-Shell, which makes a noise something like our Bag-Pipes, and 
the subtle Creatures will listen to the Musick, and observe a Motion 
correspondent to the Tune ; a Generation of Vipers that well deserve 
to be stiled so, knowing when the Charmer charms wisely." 



62 OF CHOROMANDEL 

from the Golcondah Kinge, more Especially the English, 
payinge not above one halfe the Customes the Other 
doth, but each Factory weareth the Colours of theire 
owne Nation. 

This towne is famous alsoe for a bridge that was built 
at the Charge of one [of] the Kings of Golcondah, who 
in his Progresse, found the way out of the Countrey into 
the towne, for a great Space surroundinge it, very difficult 
through the deep mudde and water, which was no little 
hinderance to the Merchants, as well as to poore people 
for the bringeinge in of goods and Provisions &c„ which 
bridge reacheth from the great gate of Metchlipatam over 



to make their Factory defensible, they had ten or twelve souldiers a 
gaurd at the doors who fired three volleyes and some Chambers or 
ordinance at our goeing artd comeing." Diary of Streynsham Master^ 
p. 306. 

For the early history of Masulipatam, after the Globe anchored 
there in 161 1, see Mackenzie, Kistna District^ pp. 88-99. In 1669 
{Letter Book^ No. 4) the Court gave permission to enlarge the 
Compan/s house at Masulipatam, at a cost not exceeding 2000 rs., 
but the building was to be delayed until a renewal of th^farmdn was 
obtained. In 1687 the factory was temporarily withdrawn. Three 
years later it was re-established. Hamilton visited the place in its 
period of decay — " Matchulipatam lies in the Way along the Sea- 
coast.... In the latter part of the last Century this Town was one of 
the most flourishing in all India, and the English Company found it to 
be the most profitable Factory that they had. They had a large 
Factory built of Teak Timber ; but now there are no English there, 
tho' the Dutch continue their Factory still, and keep about a Dozen of 
Hollanders there to carry on the Chint Trade... The Town is but 
small, built on a little Island, and is much stronger by Nature than 
Art.'* Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. i. p. 370. Tavemier's de- 
scription is somewhat different, — " Maslipatam is a great City, the 
houses whereof are only of Wood, built at a distance from one 
another. The place it self, which stands by the Sea, is famous for 
nothing but the Road for Ships which belongs to it, which is the best 
in the Gulf of Bengala." Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 70. Thevenot's 
account also varies from the others, — "Though the Town [Masuli- 
patam] be but small, yet it is well Peopled ; the Streets are narrow, 
and it is intoUerably hot there from March till July. The Houses are 
all separated one from another, and the Water is brackish, because of 
the tides that come up to it ; there is great Trading there in Chites, 
because, besides those that are made there, a great many are brought 
from St. Thomas, which are much finer, and of better Colours than 
those of the other parts of the Indies." Thevenot, part iii. p. 104 f. 
For a good contemporary account of " Mechlapatam " compare Fryer^ 
p. 26 f. Masulipatam was taken by the French in 1750, retaken in 
1759, and confirmed to the English in 1765. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 63 

to GuddorahS which is one English mile in length and 
of a Considerable breadth, and is called by the Name 
of Guddorah bridge. 

Both these towns have very Stately dwellinge houses 
in them of brick and Stone*, but the Streets are very 
narrow Especially those of Metchlipatam. 

Theire houses are very Spacious to behold at Some 
Small distance, but the houses beinge of 4, 5, or 6 Stories 
high, and the Streets Soe narrow is at Some Seasons of 
the yeare Very inconvenient beinge Excessive hot, neither 
are they well Contrived, but indeed they are wholy after 
the Mahometan Custome, a large Fabrick containing many 
Small rooms very ill furnished, and few or noe lights to 
the Streetward, or any way whereby they may behold 
any people that pass by, which is Ordered soe meerely 



^ Practically part of the town of Masulipatam. The place appears 
as Gundore in 1670, and Fryer has the same spelling : — "Mahomed 
Beague to be welcomed at Gundore i Gentu League out of towne." 
27th July, 1670, Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. i. "Sir William 
Langham...is Superintendent over all the Factories on the Coast of 
Coromandel,... Viz.... Gundore" Fryer^ p. 38. Streynsham Master 
refers to two bridges at Masulipatam in 1677, — "The Towne of 
Metchlepatam stands about halfe a mile from the sea a small Creick 
with a barr to it going up to it, and every spring tide the water over 
flowes round about the towne soe that there is noe goeing out but upon 
two wooden bridges, and when it raines there is a noisome smell in 
the Towne." Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date nth Jan. 1677. 
In his second journey, Streynsham Master again refers to the place, 
"Aga Telloll the Governor of Metchlepatam having been toward 
Narsapore and those places under his Government returned to 
Goo'dera last night.... This evening we went to the English garden 
which is about two miles out of town over the long bridge, the water 
overflowing round the Towne now at spring tides. 2nd April, 1679." 
Memoriall of Streynsham Master quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna 
District^ p. 137. The two bridges, mentioned in 1677, are described 
by Fryer as follows : " On the North-East a Wooden Bridge, half a 
Mile long, leading to the Bar Town ; on the North-West one, a Mile 
Long, tending to the English Garden, and up the Country. Each of 
which have a Gate-house, and a strong Watch at the beginning, next 
the Town : Both these are laid over a Sandy Marsh, where Droves of 
People are always thronging." Fryer^ p. 27. The writer is evidently 
referring to the bridge on the North-West. Streynsham Master 
{Memoiiall^ 7th April, 1679, P- H^ o^ Kistna District) says that both 
bridges were " made by Meir Abdulla Baker lately dead." 

2 All the other contemporary accoutits of Masulipatam describe 
the houses as being built of wood. See above note 3 to p. 61. 



64 OF CHOROMANDEL 

out of a Jealosie they harbour of theire Women, and are 
therefore Strangely Confined, Seldome or never after 
growne Up to lo or ii years of age that they are Soe 
happy soe much as to get the Sight of Any man Save 
theire Master. 

Those of any Considerable Estates keep Eunuchs to 
attend (or rather guard) theire Wifes and Concubines, and 
Some Women Servants, or little boys and girles to attend 
and doe what Necessary for them, they of themselves not 
admitted to doe any thinge of houshold businesse or to 
Exercise themselves in any affaire whatsoever, save to 
honour and respect theire Master, or nurse theire owne 
Children. 

The French had a Factory in this place not many 
years agoe^ but Since those troubles of St. Thomae*, 



^ The French Factory at Masulipatam was founded in 1669. 
"Last night came to this Towne 6 French Men from Golchondah, 
they at present lodge in the house where Mr. jearsey formerly lived. 
This Day they viewed the House that was the Danes Factory, but 
rejected it as not having sufficient accommodation, (it was new built 
this yeare by the Owner, and is much better then it was when 
Mr. Sambrooke was here.) They have since treated about a stately 
House built but 2 years since by the Shabander. They have not as 
yet given or received any visit. Only the Second called at Goodrah 
to acquaint this Govemour of their being come." Letter from 
Mr Smithson at Masulipatam to Fort St George, 28th Aug. 1669. 
O. C, No. 3330. The French took the "stately house" and also 
" 3 other houses which lye between that and the River" at 30 Pagodas 
a month. O. C, No. 3337. In 1670 John Vickers at Hugli wrote to 
Richd. Edwards at Kasimbazar, O. C, No. 3414, "The French at 
Masulipatam are together by the ears, the Chief and Second fighting 
a duel m the garden." In 1674, after the retaking of St. Thomd, the 
French left Masulipatam,— " The French at Metchlepatam upon a 
difference with the Moores have deserted it, taken a small sloope and 
come hither, [Balasor] the Chiefs slaine the day before." Factory 
Records, Hugh, No. 4, May 14th, 1674. Mackenzie, Kistna District, 
p. 99, /. n., says, " There is no mention in these old records of the 
French factory, [but see above] except that in May, 1674, the Dutch 
picked a quarrel with the Government at Fort St. George for giving 
asylum to * Monsieur Peter Dehor, second for affairs of the Royal 
Company of France at Mechipatam.' In 1693 a small square was 
built for the French factory, which is still known as Frenchpettah, and 
having been restored to France after the peace of 18 14, still remains 
(1882) French territory. It is a space of some 71 acres and includes 
two bungalows, a chapel and some other buildings." 

* The writer is here speaking as a contemporary witness. See 
p. 46 and note. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 65 

A Citty 3 English miles Southward of Fort St. Georg's, 
they, beinge Ambitious of honour and Conquest in these 
Easterne parts of the World, tooke that Citty from a 
Small handfull of Moors, the Citty beinge weakely 
guarded not Suspectinge any warred 

Monsieur Delahay the French Viceroy (as they called 
him) arrived in India with a fine Squadron of the French 
King's Men of warre', Upon a designe of purchaseinge 
great trafficke in East India by Compulsion, but was 
shrewdly Mistaken in the End. They tooke St. Thomae 
with much Ease, and kept it but 3 years and with much 
trouble, and losse of his whole Squadron and above 3000 
men, beinge destitute of all Succour both from home and 
from any part of India, but continually beseiged and 
perplexed by the Golcondah forces by land, and the 
Dutch by Sea^ in soe much that the Ships the Dutch 
tooke not from them, they were forced to hall them On 
Shore as neare the Walls of the Citty as they cold and 
theire pull them in pieces for the Sake of theire Stores. 

Soe that in fine, they were forced to Surrender up 



^ See note on p. 46. 

2 Compare Fryer, p. 41, " Lewis the XIVth...put in a Stock with 
his Merchant Adventurers, fitting out a Fleet of Twenty Sail of lusty 
Ships, to settle a Trade in India, committing them to the Charge and 
Conduct of a Viceroy ; who coming late about the Cape, touched at 
St Lawrence, where they did but little besides burying their Viceroy, 
and dispatching four Ships into Europe. In the stead of the Viceroy 
deceased, the now reignmg succeeded. From thence they sailed to 
Surat...With fourteen Sail of Ships they roved on the Coasts of 
Malabar, and at last came to the Island Ceilon...From whence they 
passed along the Coast of Coromandel, and with Ten Sail came before 
St. Thomas. ..now [1673] they are 600 strong in the Fort and Ships, all 
stout Fellows, every Soldier fit to be a Commander." Accordmg to 
Delestre, when the French fleet anchored in Surat Road, in October, 
167 1, it was composed of eight ships of war under Monsieur de la 
Haye. The fleet sailed from Surat on the 9th Jan. 1672. Delestre, 
pp. 34 and 59. 

3 " The Dutch and Moores Lyinge still before St. Thoma with 3 
shipps of the former still in the roade, who expect other 3." Letter 
from Fort St George to the Court, 22nd Nov. 1673, Factory Records, 
Misc. No. 3. 

T. ti 



(^ OF CHOROMANDEL 

the place, but yet Upon very Honourable terms, vizt. 
They marched out with bagge and baggadge, theire 
owne Colours flyinge, trumpets Soundinge, Straight from 
the Shore, On board of 2 men of warre of Considerable 
force, which the Dutch contracted to give them, well 
fitted with what Necessarie for theire returne to France, 
as alsoe a passaport for theire Safe Conduct. All this 
the Dutch (although Conquerours) did to be ridde of 
Such troublesome Neighbours ^ 



^ Compare the account of the evacuation of St Thom^ by the French, 
given in the "Generall" from Fort St George to the Court, dated 
13th and i6th Sept. and ist Oct. 1674, " Monsr. De la Hay embarqued 
just now and resolves to sett sayle within few houres. The Dutch 
pretend to send three shipps along with them so far as Ceyloan there 
to deliver unto him about 100 French prisoners which will make him 
up somewhat above 600 men, besides about 60 others bound for Surrat 
with Monsr. Baron, from Ceyloan they pretend that other shipps of 
theirs shall see him cleare of the Maldives in order to his proceedinge 
directly for Europe according to capittulations made the 26 of last 
month [Aug. 1674J. The Dutch have possession of St. Thoma for the 
present, but beside their own flag sett up to seaward, they have also 
sett up that of the King of Gulconda to Landward, to whom it is not 
unlikely but they may soone after resigne the place, to be dismantled 
according to their agreement with him. The French had leave to 
carry off everything that was their own except the Artillery, whereof 
2 brass pieces were allowed them, they were meerly famished out of 
the place, having not above 5 daies provisions left when they capittu- 
lated.... Since the above heere has happened nothing of novelty only 
that the Dutch have admitted about 1000 of the Kings people into 
St. Thoma so have the more hopes to see that place surrendred and 
razed as has been all this while pretended, which shall not want our 
furtherance. We sent Mr. Jacob Smith and ^r. Oneal with a present 
of Europe refreshments of Beer, Wine, Olives, and a Parmezan Cheese 
to Monsr. De La Hay then ready to sett sayle as he did soone after 
which he accepted very kindly, the Dutch not attending him with any 
of their shipps as was given out... The Dutch quitted St. Thoma to the 
Mores, and departed the 27th and 28th past, Govr. Paviloen for 
Paliacatt, and the shipps for the Southward ; by which day they must 
yearely be cleared off from the whole Coast, on paine of their being 
responsible for all accidents, who detaine them ; we hope the Mores 
will raze it for their own quiet sake ; if the French or Portugueses do 
not fool them into delayes. Monsr. Baron is still here, on pretencfe of 
passage for Surrat, but more likely some such designe ; whose stay, 
though not at all desirable, we know not how to help it as yet." 
O. C. No. 4002. In a "Generall" from Bombay to the Court, dated 
23rd Jan. 1675, the Council wrote, "The French since the losse of 
St. Thoma, hang their heads downe all India over. If they would 
take their leave civilly of Surat also, wee would wish them a good 



OF CHOROMANDEL 6j 

And never Since the begininge of these warrs upon 
this Coast \ have the French had any thinge to doe in 
Metchlipatam. Onely in May, Anno 1672, the Viceroy 
in Person came downe hither with 2 men of warre, all 
that he had then left, and a Small Sloope of 6 gunns. 
The One was called the Grand Brittania, the Other the 
Grand Flemingoe', Ships of 65 and 70 Coppar piece of 
Ordinance each, the Brittania manned with 500 Chosen 
men, the Other 300. His designe was to burne the 
towne of Metchlipatam, and compell the Moors to a 
peace, but was mistaken in that alsoe, although the 
Coast was Cleare of all Dutch Ships, which was caused 
by want of able Pilots, more then any thinge Else. 
Otherways he had come Suddenly upon them to their 
terrour, but was drove 50 mile to Leeward of the place, 
and there Sent 4 or 5 men On Shore for Spies to 
Narsapore, who were very Suddenly Surprized in the 
English Factory, where the Moors cut off theire heads 
Upon the doore thrashold, notwithstandinge all the 
Entreaties and faire words wee cold give them. I was 
there a Spectator to that bloody Fact, and begged 
their heads and bodies off the Governour, and tooke 
care for their buriall*. 

Voyage, for their stay there is equally injurious to themselves as to 
their neighbors." O. C. No. 4072. 

From the above it will be seen that the French did not return to 
Europe according to the treaty with the Dutch. They eventually 
established themselves firmly at Pondicherry under Monsr. Martin. 
Compare the following curious phonetic spelling of St Thom^ in a 
letter from John Billingsby, the Compan/s servant at Balasor, to 
Richard Edwards, under date 27th March, 1673, "the Moores have 
taken Santamay from the french soe that they are all fled." O, C. 
No. 3771. 

^ Dutch versus English 1665 to 1674; Dutch versus English and 
French as local allies 1670 to 1674. 

2 i,e, the Great Breton and the Great Fleming \ the writer probably 
got the names through a Portuguese interpreter. 

' I have been unable to find any confirmation of this story in the 
contemporary records, though, as the writer speaks as an eye-witness, 
there is no reason to doubt his accuracy. 

5—2 



68 OF CHOROMANDEL 

This was Soon noysed abroad, and great forces Sent^ 
into the towne of Metchlipatam, and a Stronge Wooden 
Fort erected within the narrow of the River's mouth, 
and what Ships lay in the Roade Unladen of all theire 
fine goods, haveinge a Considerable time to performe all 
this, beinge a Week's worke for the Viceroy to turne 
up to the Roade. Soe that when he arrived, he durst 
not attempt any thinge Save burneinge of 5 Moors 
Ships and carried away One Small Ship laden with 
Rice and Butter and Oyle. Thence he Returned for 
St. Thomae, but e're he got there, the Dutch had got 
Start of him, and lay in the Roade with 14 Saile of 
men of warre of Considerable force, which put him to a 
hard Straite how to get in, but did in the night and 
Ran his Ship on Shore^. The Flemingoe and Sloop 
were taken by. the Dutch ^ 

^ i.e. by the Moors. 

2 It is amusing and instructive to quote the Frenchman's view 
of this action, " Monsieur de la Haye, having taken all necessary 
precautions for the preservation of the town of St. Thom^, embarked 
on the loth of April in the Great Breton^ which was furnished with 
48 pieces of good cast iron artillery and an excellent crew. Another 
vessel called the Fleming had orders to follow him. She was armed 
in like manner with 40 pieces of cannon and was manned by 1 50 men, 
both soldiers and sailors. He sailed in the direction of Masulipatam, 
where, as I have already said, the French Company has a factory. 
There he met with some Mores' [Moors'] vessels anchored in the river. 
He burned some and carried off the others, and, after having victualled 
his own ships, and provided for those he had left at St. Thom^, he set 
sail for that town. But a great tempest arose, which lasted a whole 
day and blew with such fury that it rent some of the sails of the Breton^ 
without however injuring her masts. The Flemings who was not such 
a good sailer, lost her course. This did not hinder Monsieur de la 
Haye from continuing his own way, and the weather having moderated, 
he sighted 18 Dutch vessels not more than 3 leagues off. This 
encounter, which would have alarmed anyone but himself, did not 
even make him turn aside, but, having encouraged his crew to do their 
best, and having had some *harac' (which is a beverage nearly as 
strong as brandy) served out to his soldiers in order to rouse their 
strength and courage, he commanded them to take up arms at the first 
signal, and ordered the gunners to have their firebrands in readiness. 
Then he sailed before the wind straight to the Dutch squadron. 
General Riclof, who had perceived the Great Breton, had already 
prepared to give chase. Believing her capture to be a certainty, he 



OF CHOROMANDEL 69 

had had his ships boat fitted up in order to receive Monsieur de la 
Haye. On seeing the latter approach, he had the boat lowered to 
fetch him, thinking that he was about to give himself up, and that he 
did not dare to risk a fight against so many vessels. But his astonish- 
ment was unparalleled when he saw this brave General de la Haye 
with a single ship pass like a flash of lightning through the midst of 
all his own, some of which he injured by the discharge of his two port 
and starboard batteries. The whole Dutch squadron followed him 
for thrice twenty-four hours, and often came near him, but were unable 
to board his vessel. He defended himself until he had neither a grain 
of powder nor a bullet left. Yet he economized his strength and his 
time so admirably that he reached St. Thom^ without having sustained 
injury and with only the loss of three or four men. This action 
appeared so extraordinary that it was soon known all over India. 
People said, when they told us about it, that Monsieur Massiere, 
General of the East Indies for the States of Holland, had written 
to General Riclof in terms which implied that General de la Haye 
could not have escaped such an evident peril if there had not been 
some secret understanding between them, adding some threats which 
were as offensive as the reproach was unjust. However, the taking 
of the Fleming calmed the wrath of the Generalissimo Massiere." 
Delestre^ pp. 182 — 185. 

The burning of the " 5 Moors Ships," mentioned above, is described 
in a note of "Occurrences in India in 1673," dated i^ Bombay 14th 
November, 167.3, "The French at St. Thoma beat off the Gokondah 
Army and raised the seige,... after Mounsr. La Hay the Vice Roy, with 
two ships of warr, went to Metchlepatam where he burnt 5 or 6 Jounks 
and threatend the Towne, if that King would not come to a peace 
with them, haveing spent there some time in the month of June, hee 
returned to St. Thoma where unexpectedly he found Rickloff Van 
Goens with a Fleet of 19 men of warr before it, he stood for the Road 
but the winde chopt about, and haveing discharged some broad sides 
with the outermost ships, he stood off to sea and fell in with some port 
about 30 Leagues to the Southward, where he had not been long, but 
he espied a Fleet of ships bound from England which he took to be 
the Dutch Fleet persuing him, hee sett saile againe and put in for 
St. Thoma ; where it was his good fortune that the Dutch were gone 
from the place, after they had discharged some broad sides against it, 
and he got safe into his Government...." O. C No. 3794. It is a little 
difficult to reconcile these widely differing accounts of the French 
prowess. 

' The taking of the Fleming is also described from two different 
p)oints of view. The Frenchman says, "This vessel, which bad 
weather had separated from the Great Breton^ had anchored at 
Sombresse [ = Sombrero or Chowra Island in the Nicobars], where 
water had only been obtained by force, the savages of the country... 
attempting to board and take possession of the vessel... but were 
driven off by the fire directed on them by M. Machaut the commander. 
He resolved, while waiting for a favourable wind to sail to S. Thom^ 
to get refreshments and water in Bellefort [Balasor] river, where he 
anchored and sent his boat ashore with part of the crew. The country 
people killed the Quarter Master and wounded several sailors. Mean- 
while, three Dutch vessels going to Bengala laden with merchandize 
perceived this ship, which they would not have dared to attack if they 
had seen her boat on board ; but presuming that it was on land with a 



70 OF CHOROMANDEL 

The French Chiefe resident in Metchlipatam was 
killed by the Moors ^ ; what more of them there niade 
their Escape by Sea. 



part of the crew, they anchored within musket shot of the Flemings in 
which there remained only 40 men. They attacked her the next day, 
and pressed her on all sides with so much advantage, that after 4 hours 
fightmg Capt. Macliaut, who had defended himself to the last extremity, 
finding himself almost alone... was obliged to surrender. The Dutch 
took this ship to Batavia...and imprisoned Capt. Machaut and his seven 
or eight remaining men." Delestre^ p. 185 f. 

Walter Clavell, the Company's chief representative in " the Bay " 
in a letter to the Court, dated at Balasor, 28th Dec. 1674, writes as 
follows: "The last yeare a Ship of the French Kings named the 
Flemeriy Commander MacoshuU [the Capt. Machaut of Delestr^\ 
Seperrated from the rest of the Squadron which the Vice Roy broug^ht 
before Metchlepatam in her Intended return to St. Thoma bemg 
Seperrated from the rest by foule weather. After having been neer 
Anchor at the Nicobar Islands and not able to geet the Course of 
Cormendel came in Ballasore Roade, where Rode not long before She 
was Surprized by three Dutch Merchant men bound for Hugly, who 
took the Said Ship when most of the Chief people were a Shore in 
this Toun and yet had the Confidence to bring her up to Hugly before 
their one Factory, Severall Specious pretences was made that the Ship 
should be taken from the Dutch and Redelivred to the French ; and 
the Dutch be fined for attempting acts of Hostillity in the Kings Port, 
to which purpose the Govemour of Ballasore perswaded some of the 
French personally to Complaine at Decca; the Issue whereof was that 
the Dutch ware faine to by [the] Prize of the Moores, and the French 
Sent away with good words and a liberty to build Factories and have 
a trade in what part of Bengala they would. In Hugly they made 
a Small house neere the Dutch Factory from which the Dutch by their 
application and present to the Moores have routed them, and they 
thereupon pretendedly but really because they can borrow no more 
money have lately left Hugly and are Intended for the Coast in an 
open boate and taking a long farewell of Bengala whare they are 
in debted a bout Rupees 8000." Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4, 
p. 22 f. 

^ The only mention I have been able to find of this French Chief 
is in the passage from Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4, under date 
14th May, 1674, quoted in note i, p. 64: "The French at Metchli- 
patam upon a difference with the Moores have deserted it... the Chiefe 
slaine the day before." This individual appears to have returned to 
Masulipatam and met his fate some time in 1673, ^o^* on the 15th of 
Jan. in that year, Agent Langhome wrote from Fort St George to the 
Court, "The French Cheif is come away from Metchlipatam, leaving 
only 2 persons to look after their Factory." O. C, No. 3742. Monsieur 
Martin probably succeeded the murdered Chief, as, in a letter from 
Fort St George, dated 20th Aug. 1674, in connection with remarks on 
the expulsion of Monsr. Del Tor, the French Second at Masulipatam, 
reference is made to " Monsieur Martin the Chief of Metchlapatam." 
6>. C. No. 3992, p. 4. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 7 1 

Metchlipatam Affordeth many very good and fine 
Commodities*, vizt. all Sorts of fine Callicoes plaine and 
coloured^ more Especially fine Palampores' for Quilts, 
divers Sorts of Chint* curiously flowred, which doth 
much represent flowred Sattin, of Curious lively Colours, 
as alsoe Chaires and tables of that admirable wood Ebony, 
Chests of drawers, Screetores* finely wrought inlaid with 
turtle Shell or ivory, for which a Very great trafficke is 
driven into most parts of India, Persia, Arabia, China, 
and the South Seas, as well as into England and 
Holland. 

Our Factory here is but a Subordinate One to Fort 
St Georg's, As that of the Dutch is to Pullicat. 

It alsoe is a place very well populated, and for the 

^ Compare Fryer^ p. 34, " Staple Commodities are Calicuts white 
and painted, Palempores, Carpets, Tea, Diamonds of both Rocks the 
Old and New; Escretores and other Knick- Knacks for Ladies, because 
far-fetch'd and dear-bought." 

2 See note on p. 5. 

3 See Hobson-J obson^ s.v, Palampore. It is curious that though 
both Fryer and T. B. mention Palempores (Chintz bed-covers) as one 
of the staple commodities of Masulipatam, this class of goods is not 
named in the contemporary MS. records as being produced there. 
The Piece-goods in constant demand from MasuHpatam were Long- 
cloth fine and ordinary, Sallampores fine and ordinary, PercuUaes, 
Dungarees, Allejahs, Oringall Betelees, Morees, Isarees and Ginghams. 
However, it seems probable that the " 16 Pallampose at 3 rups. per 
peece," enumerated m Wm. Callaway's " Outcry " (entered at the end 
of the Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. 361), were purchased at Masu- 
lipatam, since Callaway left that place with Master in 1676, and was 
drowned ii\ the Hugli a few weeks later. Also in a letter from Fort 
St George, 4th May, 1680, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28, 
under *'What goods desir'd at Bantam," there is the item, "3 or 
4 Cor [corge = score] of Pallampores." 

* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Chintz. Compare Thevenot^ part iii. 
p. 105, " there is great trading [at Masulipatam] in Chites." The form 
chints or chintz is the plural of chint. Compare Fryer^ Index, p. iv. 
" Chint, a sort of Callico painted." 

^ i.e. Escritoires or writing-cases. " Carpetts Scrittores and Such 
like Left with your dear Consort," Letter from Agent Langhorne to 
Mrs Fleetwood at Masulipatam, 21st Nov. 1676, Factory Records ., Fort 
St George, No. 18. "I had sent the Screetore sooner but could not 
gett Madapollam Cooleys," Letter from Mr Wm. How at Masulipatam 
to Mrs Mainwaring, 22nd April, 1679, O. C. No. 4600. See also Ind. 
Ant. vol. xxix. p. 116. 



72 OF CHOROMANPEL 

most part Very rich men, Especially of the Moors, 
Persians, and Gentues, many Villages not obe : [? above] 
2, 3, or 4 miles off very well inhabited by ingenuous 
tradesmen Especially Weavers and Chint Makers. 

Many Ships and Vessel[s] resort here to lade the 
beforementioned Commodities, haveinge a reasonable good 
harbour and the Conveniencie of the River that runneth 
up to the towne Side, which is not above one English 
mile above the barre\ They doe lade and Unlade with 
good Stronge boats of lO, I2, or 15 tuns in burden, and 
with noe great difficultie. 

Several! of the Inhabitants are great Merchant 
adventurers, and transport Vast Stocks in the goods 
aforesaid, both in theire owne Ships as alsoe Upon 
fraught in English Ships or Vessels^. 



^ Sir Edward Winter, in a letter to Mr Proby of the 5th Dec. 1670, 
speaks of "The Roade of Remiildey or Metchlepatam." Factory 
Records^ Fort St George, No. 16. 

^ Among the miscellaneous papers at the end of the Diaiy of 
Streynsham Master^ there is, pp. 337 — 339, an " Account of the Trade 
of Metchlepatam," by Christopher Hatton, dated 9th Jan. 1676-7. 
He says, " I shall Confine my discourse concerning the Traffick used 
in this mart of Metchlepatam within the Limitts of my owne Ex- 
perience haveing now neare overpassed 20 yeares in these parts. 
Arriveing first in the yeare 1657, at which time I found this place 
in a very flourishing condition, 20 sayle of ships of good burden 
belonging to the Native Inhabitans here constantly imployed on 
Voyages to Aracan, Pegu, Tenassery, Juncceloan, Queda, Mallaca, 
Johore, Atcheen, Moca, Persia and the Maldiva Islands, and to all 
these parts the goods and Merchandize were of the production of the 
parts here Circumjacent, as all sorts of Callicoes, Cotton Yame, 
Paintings of divers sorts, Iron, Steel, and all sorts of Graine and all 
Commodityes again imported where hence dispersed in the Dominions 
of the Mogull, Visapore, and Golcondah, and in this state it continued 
for many yeares, untill the Netherlandish Company settled their 
Factory at Golcondah, where keeping stores of all sorts of commodityes 
they furnished those merchants that usually came downe every yeare 
to this place and thereby first occasioned a decay of trade here. The 
next and fatallest prejudice this place received arose from the cor- 
ruption of Government at Golcondah... which... have now reduced this 
place and indeed all the Countrey to this low Condition it now appears 
m...at my first arrivall into these parts The Towne was soe well stored 
with able merchants that many ships Ladeings of Divers sorts of. 
Callicoes might and were procurable in the space of two or three 
dayes...." 



OF CHOROMANDEL 73 

The Kinge of Golcondah hath Severall Ships, that 
trade yearely to Arackan, Tanassaree^ and Ceylone to 
purchase Elephants for him and his Nobilitie. They 
bringe in Some of his Ships from 14 to 26 of these Vast 
Creatures. They must of Necessitie be of Very Con- 
siderable burthens and built exceedinge Stronge. 

Each of these huge Annimals must have at the least 
70 plantan trees laid in for his provender to the time of 
his transportation, and, at Some Seasons of the yeare 
100, when they Expect a more tedious passadge at Sea. 
They never let them drinke any water at Sea, a Plantan 
tree beinge a Very liquorish thinge Naturally, and will 
not dry up much in lesse then 2 months, and many 
times they doe not Exceed 15 or 16 days, but at Some 
time of the Monzoone* I have knowne them be at Sea 
one month, and yet landed all theire Elephants with Safety. 

The means Usuall in gettinge these Overgrown beasts 
On board Ship are SeveralP, accordinge to what con- 

^ i.e. Tenasserim. 

2 " Wee should have dispatched them [the ships] much sooner had 
not the Monzoon hapned contrary this yeare to what it hath in other 
yeares," Letter from Clavell at Balasor to Langhorne at Fort St George, 
17th Dec. 1672, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4. "Wee must also write 
to the Coast and desire that they order two or three of the Metch- 
lepatam boates in the Monzoones who may goe ashore and carry off 
your goods," Balasor "Generall" to the Court, 31st Dec. 1672, Factory 
Records^ Hugli, No. 4. 

3 Compare Schouten's description of embarking elephants at 
Ceylon : " It is a great deal of trouble to get them on board : the 
rafts and the boats must be covered with grass and branches of palm- 
trees, or else the elephants could not be induced to pass along the 
rafts or bridges. When they have been conducted close to the ship, 
their eyes are covered, and large bands are passed under the belly 
embracing the whole body ; to these, pulleys are hooked. Then the 
elephants are hoisted by means of the capstan, and are placed in the 
bottom of the hold." Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 34. On the 12th April, 1661, 
the Council at Fort St George acknowledged a letter from " Acheen," 
from Mr Henry Garey per the Anne, " now called the HopeP They 
commended the "great paynes" taken to get a cargo of elephants, 
and remarked that the Anne was the first ship to do so, the other 
commanders having refused to lade elephants because they could not 
"cutt downe the sides of their ships as the Moors Juncks doe." Factory 
Records, Fort St George, No. 14, p. 55. 



74 OF CHOROMANDEL 

veniencie the Port they lade at doth afford. In Arackan 
and Tanassaree, the Rivers are very large and Navigable 
for the biggest Ships in India or Elsewhere, Soe that 
they float up to the Side of the Citty or towne, and 
have as it were a bridge made of timber and Planke 
Set from the Shore to the Ship Side, and those Ships 
Sides of her Upper Worke is to be taken Up Soe low 
as the deck, from which Entrance are placed 2 or 3 
Stronge Planke loose, upon which when the Elephant is 
brought by his keepers, they fall downwards gradually, 
upon which the Elephants slides downe into the Ships 
hold, where Some Elephant keepers are ready to receive 
them and place them in Order, vizt. a Stronge Spulshore^ 
on each Side the neck, soe that he cannot goe further 
forward or Further aft ; but if he is a Very tame One 
he hath his Liberty in the hold, onely his leggs Seized 
a foot asunder with rattans*. 

Sometimes for want of takeinge good care over them, 
doubtlesse they receive dammadge both to the Ship and 
Endanger their lives, as for Example. 

A great Ship of 5 or 600 tunns in burthen that 
belonged to a great Merchant, an Eminent man in 
Bengala, whose name was Narsam Cawn', In her 



^ I have been unable to identify this word with any certainty. 
No similar spelling occurs in the dictionaries. T. B. may have been 
using a word derived from O.E. spelc^ jr/27^= splint, splinter. This 
occurs as subs, spelch, and, in the Century Diet, as a verb, a by-form 
of spelky whence, possibly the subs, spelcher, rendered by T. B. 
phonetically, as spulshore. But, against this suggestion, there is the 
difficulty that sfielc, in all its forms, refers to slender splinters of wood, 
and consequently does not fit in with the evident meaning of spulshore. 
Therefore, if spelcher be accepted as the equivalent, it must also be 
inferred that it had a special local or nautical significance, and was 
applied to a beam rather than a splint. I am indebted to Dr James 
A. H. Murray for kind assistance in compiHng this note. 

' 2 See Hobson-Jobson, s,v. Rattan. 

3 Probably the merchant meant is the one to whom there are 
frequent allusions in Factory Records, Hugli, No. 4, as "Naseb Cawne," 
"Naseeb Chaan," "Nassib Caune" (NasTb Khan); he is described as 



OF CHOROMANDEL 75 

Voyadge homeward from Qeylone, One of theire 
Elephants not well Secured, did, with all the force he 
cold possibly, run his tooth through the Ship Side in 
such a measure that they cold not keep her free 2 hours 
longer, and were forced to betake themselvs to their 
great boat, and haveinge faire Weather and not beinge 
above 30 leags off Shore, they all Saved theire lives. 
I knew the Master of her very well, one Petro Loveyro, 
an antient Portuguees\ 

When they discharge Elephants, they hoyse them over 
with good Runners and tackles with the help of a good 
Cabstant^ or two, and Ship them On Shore if the Ship 
is neare ; if not, they Send them On Shore in great flatt 
bottomed boats built for that purpose. Such as they in 
Point de Gala' or Queda doe bringe them on board 



one of the "considerable merchants" at Hugli. In 1678 there is the 
following note as to this merchant, "A ship belonging to Nasjb Kaun 
Shaubander of Ballasor, having lost her voyage to Maldiva, Sett Saile 
again for Bengale." By " Narsam Cawn * the writer, however, may 
have meant Nazim Khan. 

* The references to this "antient Portuguees" that have come 
to light among the India Office records are the following found in 
Factory Records^ Hugli, No. i, and in the O, C. collection, Nos. 
433 1 > 4342, and 4343. "I have procured you an experienced Pilott 
Pedro De Lavera." Letter from Shem Bridges at Balasor to Capt. 
Charles Wilde, 13th Oct. 1663. "If the Coreas and boards I wrote 
for be not ready to come by the St. George, send her up with the 
Iron and any freight that is ready which possibly you may have from 
Pedro O Lavera, who Mr. Vincent tells mee is arrived.... Pray give 
my recadoes [greeting] to Pedro O Lavera,... Pray aske him [Pedro 
O Lavera] for a small basket marked E. R. and another small parcell 
he brought from John Meeke. The basket please to send per first 
sea convayhance and the parcell (being two petrified crabs) send by 
the bearer, chargeing him to have a care of breakeing them in the 
way.... I understand from Mr. Bugden that Pedro O Liveira is going 
to the Maldivas, and that he carried an adventure of Mr. Clavells 
with him the last Voyage." Letters from Vincent and Reade at 
Hugli to Edwards at Balasor, 29th Jan., 6th and 7th Feb. 1678. 

2 i.e, capstan. 

' A very valuable form of the name. Compare Hobson-Jobson, 
s.v. Galle, Point De ; there is no quotation with this spelling. " The 
next day [nth April, 1662] we anchored in the bay of Pomte de Galles." 
Sckoutetty vol. ii. p. 4. " The Flemings have nested themselves in the 
Portugals Castles at Columbo, Point de Gaul, and elsewhere " ; Fryer, 



76 OF CHOROMANDEL 

On. If they live 3 days after they land, the fraught 
is due, from 500 to 800 Rupees accordinge as he is in 
Stature and bulke. They are the most Sensible Annimal 
in the Universe in many respects, and not onely for what 
action they are trained Up to, but the Affection they beare 
one another after beinge Civilized ; for if one chance to 
dye, as I have sometime Seen On Ship board, they must be 
sure to hide him quite from the Sight of the rest, which is 
done by covering a Saile round him Untill they cut him 
up into quarters and hoyse the dead carcasse Up, other- 
ways it wold Endanger the lives of Some if not all the 
rest, and another Strange thinge is they will never runne 
wild after once tamed, nor will they ingender to Captivate 
theire Younge. 

Most Eminent Men that inhabit Metchlipatam and 
Guddorah* are Mahometans, vizt. Moors and Persians, 
a Sort of most Insolent men, Entitleinge themselves 
Mussleman^ vizt. true believers, although very Eroniously, 
and not onely in that but in theire carriadge and behaivour, 
haveinge got a predominancy over the Weake Spirited 
Gentues and Mallabars', Some of which are Merchants 



p. 23. " Colombo, which was at first built by the Portugueze, about 
the Year 1638, but, by their Pride and Insolence, had nnade the King 
of Candia (who was at first Sovereign of the whole Island) their Enemy. 
The Dutch taking that Opportunity, made a League with the King 
offensive and defensive, and first attacked and earned Galle or Ponto 
de Galle in Anno 1658, which is a Fort and Harbour on the South-west 
Point of the Island, about 20 Leagues from Colombo." Alex. Hamilton, 
East Ifidtes, vol. i. p. 337. 

^ See note on p. 63. Compare the following in "A Narrative of 
the Inundation at Metchlepatam " in 1679, O. C. No. 4663, "Goodra 
(the usual residence of the Governour) carried clear away and some 
drowned." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mussulman. Compare Mandelslo^ p. 63, 
"They [the Mahumetans] are called Mansulmans or Mussulmans. 
They... believe that there is no salvation out of their Communion, 
treating as Hereticks and Infidels, not only the Christians, but also all 
such as profess any other Religion then theirs." See also Ind. Ant 
vol. xxii. p. 112. 

3 See notes on p. 6. 



OF CHOROMANDEL ^^ 

here, but more of them Laborious and Industrious handi- 
craftsmen vizt. Carpenters, Smiths, Barbers^, Shroffs^vizt. 
Changers of money, and multas alias. 

That Stronge East India Liquor called Arack' is made 
and Sold in great abundance by the Gentues here, but not 
by the Mahometans, beinge averse from the law of their 
Patron Mahomet, as alsoe the drinkinge of any Stronge 
drinke, which in Publick is pretty well Observed, but they 
find means to besott themselves Enough with Bangha and 
Gangah, and. Some of them, with any manner of Stronge 
drinke they can have in Private. 

Arack* is a liquor distilled Severall ways, as Some out 



^ See note on p. 9. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Shroff. Compare Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. 
p. 161, "the Bannians...of whom some are Sheraffs or Bankers, others 
Broakers, employ'd between Merchant and Merchant for buying and 
selling." N. and E., p. 31, for 5th Aug. 1680, has: "Report of the 
weight of 2 chests of gold and 2 Bags of Ryalls of 8/8 delivered to 
the Sharoffs for alloy." Compare also Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 28, 
"A considerable Quantity [of Bullion] is seldom bought or sold, but the 
Shroffs, who are of the Chitty Cast, and in general Brokers to this 
Business, examine and weigh it impartially betwixt both Parties; 
having a small Allowance for their Care." 

3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Arrack. N. and E. for 30th Dec. 1680, 
p. 43, has, " for the good service performed by the Soldyers and Peons 
...it is thought fit to gratify them... a hhdd. Arrack to the garrison." 
Compare Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 266 f. : "Goa...Its chief Produce 
is Arack, which is made in such great Quantities, that all India is 
supply'd with it, as far as the Straits of Malacca. There are several 
Sorts, as Single, Double, and Treble distill'd : the Double distill'd, 
which is commonly sent abroad, is but a weak Spirit in Comparison 
with Batavia Arack ; yet it has a Flavour so peculiar to itself, that it is 
justly preferr'd to it, and all other Aracks in India. We bought it for 
13^ Rupees per Hogshead, Cask and all; Treble distill'd old Arack 
was worth 18 Rupees. A Goa Hogshead contains 50 Gallons more or 
less. Arack seems to be an Indian Word for Strong- Waters of all 
sorts ; for they call our Spirits and Brandy, English Arack. What we 
understand by that Name is distill'd from the Liquor, that runs from 
the Coconut-tree without any other mixture.... Batavia Arack is drawn 
in Copper Stills ; but, I am told, at Goa their Works are altogether of 
Earth, which makes their Arack so mild and pleasant. I have met 
with Colombo and Quilone Arack with a Cinamon Flavour, as hot 
and fiery as the Spirits we usually bum in Lamps." See also Ind. 
Ant. vol. XXX. p. 391, and Crawfurd, Diet of the Indian Islands^s.v, 
Arrack. 



yS OF CHOROMANDEL 

of the graine called Rice, another Sort from the Jagaree* 
or Very course Sugar, with Some drugs, another Sort there 
is that [is] distilled from Neep toddy and that is commonly 
called Nipa de Goa^ but the weakest of these is much 
Stronger then any Wine of the Grape. 

Bangha', theire Soe admirable herbe, groweth in many 
places of this Coast as alsoe in Bengala ; but Gangah* is 
brought from the Island Sumatra, and is oftentimes Sold 
here at Very high rates. It is a thinge that resembleth 
hemp Seed and groweth after the Same mannar, but the 
Other is of a larger leafe and grosse Seed. Gangah beinge 
of a more pleasant Operation, much addictinge to Venery, 
is Sold at five times the price the Other is. They Study 



^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Jaggery. Fryer^ p. 99, has " Jaggaree or 
Mulasso's made into Past," and Index, p. vi, "Jaggaree, Melossees, 
or course Sugar." In Mad. Man, Admn, vol. iii. s,v. Arrack, among 
descriptions of various kinds, we find, "What is called in Southern 
India puttay arrack or pariah liquor or country liquor is distilled from 
a fermented solution of jaggery, the course sugar obtained from the 
juice of the date, cocoanut, palmyra and other palms, or from the 
sugar-cane." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Nipa. It is the thatching-palm of the 
estuaries East of the Hugli River, and the liquor distilled from it. It 
is now known as the Dhani (Dhunnie) palm. Compare Fryer^ p. 157, 
"At Nerule is made the best Arach or Nepa de Goa, with which the 
English on this Coast make that enervatmg Liquor called Paunch 
[punch, Hind. pdncK\ (which is Indostan for Five) from Five In- 
gredients." 

3 i.e. Bhang, Indian hemp. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Bang, and the 
quotations given from Fryer, P« 91 > Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 61, 
and Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. i. p. 131. 

* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Gunja. Also Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian 
Islands, s.v. Hemp, who says it was introduced by the Telugus into the 
Archipelago for the use of Indian settlers. The writer seems to look 
on " bangha " and " gangah " as products of two different plants, but 
as a matter of fact they are different preparations of the same plant, 
Cannabis Indica (or sativa). See Ind. Ant. vol. xxiii. pp. 260 — 262 for 
valuable historical notes taken from Dr Grierson's evidence before the 
Hemp-drugs Commission, 1893-4. He says that the earliest mention 
oi gdnjd is about 1300 A.D. See also Watts, Diet, of Economic Products 
of India, s.v. Cannabis, for an exhaustive article on the subject. From 
this we learn that the narcotic is derived from "the young tops and/ 
unfertilised female flowers, gdnjd (or gdnjd), and the older leaves and 
fruit- vessels, b/idng.^^ 



OF CHOROMANDEL 79 

many ways to Use it, but not One of them that faileth to 
intoxicate them to admiration. 

Sometimes they mix it with theire tobacco and Smoak 
it, a very Speedy way to be besotted ; at Othersometimes 
they chaw it, but the most pleasant way of takeinge it is as 
followeth : — Pound or grinde a handful! of the Seed and 
leafe togeather, which mixt with one Pint of fresh Water, 
and let it Soake neare one quarter of an houre or more, 
then Strained through a piece of Calicoe^ or what else is 
fine, and drinke off the liquor, and in lesse then ^ an houre 
it's Operation will Shew it Selfe for the Space of 4 or 5 
hours. 

And it Operates accordinge to the thoughts or fancy of 
the Partie that drinketh thereof, in Such manner that if 
he be merry at that instant, he Shall Continue Soe with 
Exceedinge great laughter for the before mentioned Space 
of time, rather overmerry then Otherways, laughinge 
heartilie at Every thinge they discerne; and, on the 
Contrary, if it is taken in a fearefull or Melancholy 
posture, he Shall keep great lamentation and Seem to 
be in great anguish of Spirit, takeinge away all manly 
gestures or thoughts from him I I have often Seen these 

^ See note on p. 5. 

-^ Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 126, "They have here [in Achin] 
a sort of Herb or Plant called Ganga or Bang. I never saw any but 
once, and that was at some distance from me. It appeared to me like 
Hemp, and I thought it had been Hemp, till I was told to the contrary. 
It is reported of this Plant, that if it is infused in any Liquor, it will 
stupify the brains of any person that drinks thereof ; but it operates 
diversly, according to the constitution of the person. Some it makes 
sleepy, some merry, putting them into a Laughing fit, and others it 
makes mad : but after 2 or 3 hours they come to themselves again. 
I never saw the effects of it on any person, but have heard much 
discourse of it. What other use this Plant may serve for I know not : 
but I know it is much esteemed here, and in other places too whither 
it is transported." Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Islaruis, p. 148, quotes 
the above description, and says, "The earliest account of hemp as a 
product of the Archipelago is by the observant Dampier, who saw it at 
Achin, in 1688." T. B.'s account is, however, at least nine years earlier, 
and, at the time of Dampier's visit, he was a resident in Achin. See 
Introduction. 



8o OF CHOROMANDEL 

humors Experienced in Bengala. One for instance : — 
Eight or tenne of us (Engh'shmen) to trye practice, wee 
wold needs drinke Every man his pint of Bangha, which 
wee purchased in the Bazar for the Value of 6d. English. 
I ordered my man to bringe alonge with him one of the 
Fackeers* (who frequently drinke of this liquor), promise- 
inge him his dose of the Same to come and Compound 
the rest for us, which he Cordially and freely accepted 
of, and it was as welcome to him as a Crowne in moneys. 
Wee dranke Each man his proportion, and Sent the 
Fackeere out of dores, and made fast all dores and 
Windows, that none of us might runne out into the 
Street, or any person come in to behold any of our 
humors thereby to laugh at us. 

The Fackeere Sat without the Street dore, callinge us 
all Kings and brave fellows, fancyinge himselfe to be at 
the Gates of the Pallace at Agra, Singeinge to that 
purpose in the Hindostan Languadgel 

It Soon tooke it's Operation Upon most of us, but 

^ See note on p. 20. 

2 Hindostanl. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Hindostanee. The Direc- 
tors in England endeavoured to promote the study of Hindostanl 
among their servants in India. On the i8th December, 1671, they 
wrote to Fort St George, Letter Book^ No. 4, p. 495, "Wee are sorry to 
heare that wee have not any One of our Servants that can speake the 
language, Wee now purposely send you over some young men, which 
wee would have instructed therein, as also to write it, that wee may 
not depend on accidental! persons, And for the encouragement of those 
that shall atteyne thereto, so as to transact businesse with the Natives, 
wee order you to pay each of them 20/. as a gratuety, and that a 
Schoole Master bee allowed for teaching them. Wee are informed that 
John Thomas hath made some progress herein, wee would have you 
encourage him to proceed to perfection." On the 20th Nov. 1674, in 
a " Generall " from Fort St George to the Court, O. C, No. 4044, p. 8, 
is the remark, " We have paid the pagodas 50 or lb 20 to John Thomas, 
according to your order of 18 December 1671 finding him very well 
introduced in the Gentue language." On the 12th December, 1677, 
the Court wrote again to Fort St George on the subject, Letter 
Book, No. 5, p. 502, "Wee did some yeers since propose an encourage- 
ment of ;£20 a peece to any of our Writers that should attain to a 
perfection in the Gentue or Indostan language, but as yet have heard 
but of. one proficient therein, wee doe require you to reminde them 
hereof in all your Agency...." 



OF CHOROMANDEL 8 1 

merrily, Save upon two of our Number, who I Suppose 
feared it might doe them harme not beinge accustomed 
thereto. One of them Sat himselfe downe Upon the 
floore, and wept bitterly all the Aftemoone ; the Other 
terrified with feare did runne his head into a great 
Mortavan Jarre^ and continued in that Posture 4 hours 
or more ; 4 or 5 of the number lay upon the Carpets 
(that were Spread in the roome) highly Complementinge 
each Other in high termes, each man fancyinge himselfe 
noe lesse then an Emperour. One was quarralsome and 
fought with one of the wooden Pillars of the Porch, untill 
he had left himselfe little Skin upon the knuckles of his 
fingers. My Selfe and one more Sat sweatinge for the 
Space of 3 hours in Exceedinge Measure. 

Taste it hath not any, in my judgement lesse then faire 
water, yet it is of Such a bewitchinge Sottish nature, that 
whoever Use it but one month or two cannot forsake it 
without much difficultie. 

The Governour of Metchlipatam* is a Moore put into 

^ Pegu Jar. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Martaban. " Mr. White hath 
not taken the Mortevan of Butter with him." Letter from Wm. How 
at Masulipatam to Mrs Mainwaring, 22nd April, 1679; ^- ^-j No. 4600. 
For an article on Pegu Jars, see Irid, Ant. vol. xxii. p. 364 f. Tavernier^ 
vol. i. part ii. p. 180 has, "They take a great Earthen pot, well glaz'd 
within, which they call Martavane." 

^ The Governor at the time of which T. B. writes was "Aga GilloU" 
[Agha Jalal], of whose oppressions there are frequent and bitter com- 
plaints in the letters from Masulipatam, 1673 — ^^11 {Factory Records^ 
Masulipatam, No. 6). On the 2nd January, 1677, Streynsham Master, 
who stayed at Masulipatam on his return journey to Fort St George, 
received a visit from the Governor ; " Agga GeloU the Governour of 
the Towne with the Shabundar and others came to the Factory to see 
me, he was very civill in his expressions, and noe pretence would serve 
to excuse receiving an entertamment at his house he was soe earnest 
in his invitation." Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. 297. At a Consul- 
tation at Fort St George on the 4th Aug. 1677, mention is made of 
"a demand of Aga GilloU Governour of Metchlepatam for about 
pagodas 550 owing to him from the deceased Robert Fleetwood." 
Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. i. In 1679, Streynsham Master 
made a second tour of inspection of the Company's factories on the 
" Coast and Bay," and again exchanged visits with the Governor of 
Masulipatam. In the Memoriall of Streynshafn Master, quoted by 
Mackenzie, Kistna District, pp. 137 and 139, the name is given [by 

T. 6 



82 OF GHOROMANDEL 

that Office by the Kinge of Golcondah, Sole Lord and 
Kinge of all this Coast Saveinge to the Southward of 
I Porto Novo^ which appertaineth to the Vizepore Kinged 

? a misreading of the MS. text] as Aga Telloll, ''April 2nd. Aga Telloll 
the Governor of Metchlepatam having been toward Narsapore and 
those places under his Government returned to Goodera last night, 
whereof having notice this day the Agent sent to complement him, and 
to acquaint him of his being to these parts to inspect the Company's 
business, to which message he returned a complementall answer, and 
that he should take a day to visitt the Agent, and to invite him to an 
entertainment at his house.... 4th April. Aga Telol the Govemour 
came to Towne this morning by 8 o'clock directly to the English 
Factory to visit the Agent with a traine of Persians &c., he stayed 
about an hour... it was thought best to retume the visitt this evening... 
and his treate was very civill after a plentifull supper being closed with a 
present of a Horse...." The next day "Aga Telol" was presented with 
250 pagodas privately, 'he being a person rising in favour at Court." 

^ Of this place Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 350, has the 
following description, "The next Place of Commerce [to Negapatam] 
is Porto Novo, so called by the Portugueze, when the Sea-coasts of 
India belonged to them ; but when Aurengzeb subdued Golcondah, 
and the Portugueze Affairs declined, the Mogul set a Fouzdaar in it, 
and gave it the Name of Mahomet Bander. The Europeans 
generally call it by its first Name, and the Natives by the last. The 
Country is fertil, healthful and pleasant, and produceth good Cotton 
Cloth of several Qualities and Denominations, which they sell at Home, 
or export to Pegu, Tanasereen, Quedah, Johore, and Atcheen on 
Sumatra." Fryer^ p. 175, speaking of the Sea-ports of the King of 
Visiapour, mentions six, and adds, "the rest are Possessed by the 
Malabar Raja's round to Porto Novo, which only is properly the 
King's." See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. I^orto Novo. N. and E. for 20th 
March, 1680, p. 13, has "Intelligence received from Porto Novo that 
the Dutch have leave to settle a Factory there," and on the 6th Jan. 
1 68 1, p. 44, "Accordingly it is resolved to apply to the Soobidar of 
Sevagee's Country of Chengy for a Cowle to settle Factories at 
Cooraboor and Coonemerro and also at Porto Novo, if desired, the 
Company's Merchants engaging to deliver cloth there at the same 
rates as here." In a "Generall" from Fort St George, dated 15th April, 
1669, O. C. No. 3171, there is a remark which shows that a settlement 
at Porto Novo had been discussed many years before 1680: "It hath 
been severall times proposed to us to send some persons to Portanova 
to make provision of Cloth for England Wee finde that it is a place 
where Quantityes of Cloth may be provided at easy rates, but being 
soe farr distant it is not convenient to bring it thence by Land the 
charge of bringing them soe farr, and the severall Junckans [transit 
f duties] in the way hither swell the charge too much, besides the length 

and difficulty of the way and the Seasons that must be taken to pass 
the Rivers : but to these proposalls as yet wee have given noe other 
answer, but that for this yeare wee have disposed of all our monyes and 
goods, but may take it into consideration hereafter...." 

2 This is a neat bit of historical, political and geographical evidence. 
See map for 1625-40 at the end of Gribble's History of the Deccan, 



OF CHOROMANDEL 83 

This Governours place is very considerable, his honour 
great as a Viceroy, his revenues Very large, his attendance 
Very Stately, accordinge to the Custome of this Countrey. 

His Retinue of Attendants and Menial Servants are in 
great number ; he keeps Severall Palanchinoes\ State 
horses, and Roundels', pipes, drums, and trumpets, many 
Pikemen, 2 or 300 Punes' and Resbutes*. 

Punes^ are noe Other then waiteinge men, waiteinge 
on their Masters, wherever they goe, and in time of any 
joutney, they runne by his Palanchino^ or Elephant as 
foot boys^ which is here accompted a Princely piece of 
honour. I have knowne Some persons that have not had 
any Goverment conferred Upon them keep above 300 in 
constant Sallary, which is Ordinarily 2 rupees every 
Moone*. 

Resbutes** are of another Cast. They are accompted a 



^ See note on p. 19. 

2 Umbrellas. 

^ Peons. See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Peon. "My last to you was per 
Mr. March together with the small fardle per one of the Punes." Letter 
to Mr Vickers at Casimbazar, 17th Sept. 1670. O. C, No. 3478. The 
"boy" in "foot-boys" is probably also an Anglo-Indianism : see 
Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Boy. 

* A valuable reference to the old Indian custom of payment by the 
month, still obtaining for every kind of servant, from highest to lowest, 
official, commercial, and private. See ante^ p. 4. 

* Rajputs. See note on p. 19. In Lord's Discoverie of the Sect of 
the Banians^ 1630, pp. 76, Tj^ 82, we have, "The Second Cast or Tribe 
being the Cutteryes...were the Ancient Kings and Rulers of India... 
called by the name of Raiahs which signifieth a King... having many 
resolute Souldiers... called Rashpootes, which implyeth as much as the 
Sonnes of Kings." Compare Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 161, "The 
second Caste is that of the Raspoutes or Ketris, that is to say, Warriors 
and warlike people.... All the Raja's are of this Caste... all of this second 
Caste are not Warriours ; for they are the Raspoutes only that go to 
War, and are all Horsemen. But for the Ketris, they are degenerated 
from their Ancestors, and of Soldiers are become Merchants." Fryer^ 
p. 27, has, " Next in esteem [after the Brahmins] were the Rashwaws, 
Rashpoots, or Souldiers." Thevenot^ part iii. p. 63, says "The second 
is the Tribe of the Catry or Raspoutes, who make profession of Arms." 
" The Mazar or certificate about the Rajapootes Sonn have not yet re- 
ceived." 6th Jan. 1680, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5. Compare also 
De la Loublre^ p. 97, "The foreign Guard [of the King of Siam] consists... 

6—2 



84 OF CHOROMANDEL 

most Valiant people that live by the Sword, and Ought, 
when upon any occasion they are forced to draw theire 
great backswords for defence of theire Lord and Master, 
never to put them up againe Unrevenged of their Enemies, 
but Utterly to destroy them. But these are but Scare- 
crows to the poore ignorant natives, for I have Seen them 
take themselves to their heels, and make a Runninge fight, 
when a Small number of Frenchmen, not Exceedinge one 
dozen, drove about 200 of them before them, and as it was 
Upon theire owne Dunghill, vizt. within this Towne. And 
a more memorable fight Sir Edward Winter had with 
above 300 of them horse and foot Upon Guddorah^ bridge, 
when he and his Trumpeter cleared the way and drove 
Severall of them Over the bridge to the great Astonish* 
ment of all the Natives and Fame of that Worthy 
Knights 

lastly in two Companies of Twenty five Men each, Pagans of the true 
India, habited like the Moors, which are called Rasbouts, or Raggi- 
bouts, who boast themselves to be of the Royal blood, and whose 
Courage is very famous, though it be only the effect of Opium." 

* See note on p. 63. 

2 This is a characteristic story of the fiery Sir Edward Winter, who 
was appointed Governor of Fort St George in 166 1. He arrived in 
India in 1662, and held the office by right for three years, and by 
usurpation for an additional three. In 1665, Winter was superseded 
from home by George Foxcroft. Instead of resigning, he imprisoned 
his successor and governed on his own account in Foxcroft's place. 
In 1668 Winter was compelled to release Foxcroft, who assumed 
office ; but Sir Edward's outrageous conduct was practically condoned. 
With regard to the skirmish above mentioned, it may have taken 
place in 1663, for on the 2nd January, Sir Edward wrote to Sir Thomas 
Chamberlin, Deputy Governor in London, O.C. No. 2964, "I have 
bin in much trouble to compose a difference with the Moores, created 
by them, who at my being at Mesulapatam one evening fell upon us, 
and kild one of our English Servants and wounded mee in severall 
places, and hurt others, without any reason knowne to us." Sir Edward 
was not likely to avoid retaliating when the chance occurred, but 
I can find no actual account in the records of the time of the fight on 
"Guddorah" bridge. I am, however, indebted to Mr W. Foster, for 
drawing my attention to the monument erected to Sir Edward Winter in 
the Parish Church of Battersea. A Latin inscription is followed by 
eulogistic lines, seven of which run as follows : 

"Nor less in Martiall Honour was his name, 
Witness his actions of Immortal Fame : 



OF CHOROMANDEL 85 

Roundels^ Are in these Warm CHmats very Necessarie, 
to keep the ©^ from Scorchinge a man ; they may alsoe 
and are Serviceable to keep the raine off. Most men of 
accompt maintaine one, 2, or 3 roundelliers^ whose office 
is onely to attend theire Masters Motion. They are Very 
light but of Exceedinge Stiffnesse, beinge for the most 
part made of Rhinocerots hide, very decently painted and 
Guilded with what flowrs they best admire. On the inside 
exactly in the midst thereof is fixed a Smooth handle 
(made of wood) by which the Roundeliere' doth carry it, 
holdinge it up, with one hand, a foot or more above his 
Master's head, directinge the Centre thereof as Opposite to 
the Q'^ as possibly he may. Sumbareros or Catysols* are 
here very Usefull and necessarie for the Same purpose, 
which are carried 3 or 4 foot or more above a mans head, 



Alone, unarm'd a Tygre He opprest, 
And crusht to death the Monster of a Beast. 
Thrice twenty mounted Moors he overthrew 
Singly on foot, some wounded, some he slew ; 
Dispersed the rest: what more cou'd Sampson do?" 

A quaint representation of these two exploits is engraven on the 
monument. In all probability the overthrow of the "mounted Moors" 
and the skirmish related by T.B. are identical. 

^ A state umbrella and a constant source of bickering in the 
old Anglo-Indian days. N. and E. p. 40, for i6th Feb. 1676, has 
"Whereas each hath his peon and some more with their Rondells, 
that none be permitted but as at the Fort;" and p. 15 for 1680, 
"To Verona's adopted son was given the name of Muddoo Verona 
and a Rundell to be carried over him in respect to the memory of 
Verona;" and p. 72 for 8th January, 1680, "Six men for dutys, 
Rundell, and Kittesale." See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Roundel. 

2 Sailors' mark in old logs for "the sun." 

3 Roundel-boy, umbrella-carrier. Compare the following refer- 
ence in a letter from Madapollam to Masulipatam, 19th July, 1679, 
O.C. No. 4633, "The bearer is my rundelleere who you may send 
on board." 

* An umbrella, especially the Chinese variety of paper with a 
bamboo handle. See Ind, Ant. vol. xxx. p. 347. Compare the follow- 
ing in a letter from John Haines at Hugli to Job Charnock, 21st Sept. 
1687, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 11, "The kittysol will take about 
2} yds. scarlet." See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Kittysol, and also s.v. 
Sombrero. In the old writers, sombrero was always an umbrella and 
never a hat. 



86 OF CHOROMANDEL 

and Shade a great matter, beinge rather more Convenient 
then the Other but not soe fashionable or Honourable, by 
reason any man whatever that will goe to the Charge of it, 
which is noe great Matter, may have one or more Catysols 
to attend him, but not a Roundell Unlesse he be in a 
Credible Office, and then noe more then one Unlesse he 
be a Governour or One of the Councell. The Same 
Custome the English hold good amongst their own people, 
whereby they may be distinguished by the Natives^ 

A Palanchino is of the forme above described*, beinge 

^ The whole paragraph is a valuable contribution to the history of 
the words roundell, sombrero, and kittysol (as it is usually spelt), all 
meaning umbrellas of sorts. The use of umbrellas, especially of 
roundells, formed the subject of sumptuary regulations on the part of the 
Company for over a century. The allusion in the text is to a fulmi- 
nation at Masulipatam during Streynsham Master's visit, i6th Aug. 
1676 {Diary of Streynshatn Master, p. 41) — "There being an ill 
custome in the Factory of writers haveing roundells carried over 
their heads which is not used or allowed by the Government of the 
Towne, but only to the Governour and three next principall officers 
and to two or three eminent merchants of ancient standing and by 
the Dutch only their Cheife, Second, and third who are of their 
Councell, and at Fort St. George is allowed only to the Councell and 
Chaplaine, It is therefore ordered that noe Person in this Factory 
shall have a roundell carried over them but such as are of Councell 
and the Chaplaine." The present editor recollects a certain Colonel of 
the older fashion in Madras in 1872-3 who regularly had a roundell 
carried by a roundell-boy after him wherever he went in Fort St George 
in the daytime. Compare Fryer, p. 30, who calls them Arundells. 

2 The illustration is of interest as showing that the author by 
palanchino meant, not the palankeen of to-day, but the glorified litter 
known as the muncheel {nianchal) in the Madras Presidency. See 
note on p. 19. Compare the description of "Palanquins" in Thevenoty 
part iii. p. 54 — ** Palanquin... is a kind of Couch witli four feet, having 
on each side Ballisters four or five Inches high, and at the head and 
feet a back-stay like a Childs Cradle, which sometimes is open like 
Ballisters, and sometimes close and Solid. This machine hangs by a 
long Pole, which they call Pambou, by means of two frames nailed to the 
feet of the Couch, which are almost like to those that are put to the 
top of moving Doors, to fasten Hangings by ; and these two frames 
which are the one at the head, and the other at the opposite end, 
have Rings through which great Ropes are put, that fasten and hang 
the Couch to the Pambou.... If a Woman be in it, it is covered close 
over with red Searge, or with Velvet if she be a great Lady.. ..Every 
one adorns his Palanquin according to his humour, some have them 
covered with plates of carved Silver, and others have them only 
painted with Flowers and other Curiosities, or beset round with guilt 
Balls...." 




6^ 8 * 




F ^ 




OF CHOROMANDEL 8/ 

a longe Square Frame about 6 foot in length, and 3 or 3J 
foot broad, very neatly inlaid with Ivory and Turtle Shell 
of Excellent Workman Ship plated with Silver, (as the 
Owner's pleasure is to bestow Cost thereon) with a large 
Bamboo, of about 15 or 16 foot longe, crooked in the 
middle for the conveniencie of sittinge Upright, or may 
ly downe and Sleep in it, with a Scarlet or broadcloth 
coveringe (called a Pingaree)^ Stretched out Square. This 
is carried by 4 men at once (as in the figure). Xjpon a 
journey they goe 8 for the relieveinge one another ; they 
are called Gualas^ and will carry one 40 miles per diem 
with noe great difficulty. 

They are of a Cast by themselvs, worshipinge Stocks 
and Stones, and differ in many respects from the rest of 
the Idolaters, and live amongst themselves. 



^ The author seems to mean the Hindostani vford. pinjari, a bier, 
small cage, small frame-work. 

2 The Gowala (cow-keeper) caste were employed as "bearers" in 
Bengal, and the author is probably confusing the " Guallas " of the 
northern province with the Kaval of Madras. Compare the follow- 
ing extracts from contemporary Bengal records : " We shall, as soon 
as you advise you are ready, send Gwalies and Cahars to meete you 
at Kendoa." Balasor, 4th July, 1674; Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4. 
"You may have it [the wine] carried overland... by the Gualloes." 
Balasor, 29th May, 1678; O.C, No. 4433. "This morning a Gualla 
came from the Town and informed us &c." Balasor, 17th Dec. 1687; 
Factory Records, Balasor, No. i. "This comes by the Gualla's whom 
your worship sent up upon my boat to fetch the pumpelmouces from 
Cossimbuzar." Hugli, i ith Sept. 1687 ; Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 11. 
These " Guallas " however, seem to have been porters and messengers 
rather than palankeen-bearers. The bearer-caste is the Kahar, and 
there are many references to them in the Bengal records, e.g. "Wee 
find not that Cahars for a Palenkin were ever kept in Hugly when any 
under the Second were there however wee ordered you to keep four 
cahars in constant pay." Hugli, 10th Feb. 1673; Factory Records^ 
Hugli, No. 4. " We allow you 8 Caharrs for the Pallenkeene and no 
more." Hugli, 28th Sept. 1677 ; Factory Records, Hugli, No. 4. 
Of "Guallas" Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. ii. p. 284, 
remarks, "Goalas are very strong in Orissa, and a large proportion of 
the Uriyas employed as personal servants by Europeans belong to 
that caste." The Tamil word Kaval is a guard, palankeen -bearer, 
body servant; but the usual European term is "boy" from the Boyi 
(Telugu) Caste, primarily fishermen, with common or secondary occu- 
pations as bearers of letters and palankeen and domestic servants. 
On the whole, it seems probable that the author was thinking of the 
Bengal palankeen-bearer when he wrote " Guala." 



88 OF CHOROMANDEL 

The Moors have, within a Very few years, put many 
grievous Affronts both Upon the English and Dutch, 
which formerly they durst not attempt the meanest of 
them, Soe that without all dispute wee have occasioned 
Such things by our low Spiritednesse, and Selfe interest, 
mindinge that more then any future benefit or Nationall 
good, as I my Selfe can instance in many respects, but 
rather leave it to theire Own Considerations to Seeke 
theire remedies. For one thinge I dare be bold to assert, 
that our Chiefe nor his Councill did Ever make their 
agrievances known to the Kinge of Golcondah, when 
English men have been most bloodily murthered in the 
Open Streets ^ 

Anno Domini 1675/6 The Kinge^ came on Progresse to 
Metchlipatam with a Very great Retinue. He adventured 
his Person On board 2 English Ships (that lay in the 
Roade) which, if I mistake not, is more then his Ministers 
ever did, but the [?by] Some wise men in his dominions it 
was accompted a great piece of lightnesse in him*. 

^ The high-handed and spirited policy of Sir Edward Winter was 
not encouraged by the Court nor maintained by his successors, 
Foxcroft and Langhorne. The records during the time of these two 
Governors are full of complaints of oppression by the "Moors" and 
constant stoppages of trade, but, in almost every instance, recourse 
was had to bribery rather than force. 

2 This was Abu'l-Hassan Shah, the last of the Qutb Shahl Dynasty 
of Golconda, 1672 — 1683. See Cribble, History of the Deccan^ vol. i. 
pp. 285, 299—309. 

3 In the MS. records preserved at the India Office (^Factory 
Records^ Masulipatam, Nos. 6 and 10, Miscellaneous, No. 3a ; Letter 
Book^ No. 6 ; Diary of Streynshafn Master) full particulars of the King's 
visit to Masulipatam are given. From these I have extracted the 
following details : On the 19th Dec. 1675, Mr Main waring informed 
Mr Puckle, "Just now our Covr. Sarsamut Shabandand &ca officers 
of the towne who are together at the Nababs house advised mee that 
the King would be here in a very Short time and therefore would have 
us prepare our Selves to meet him with a present, this affaire being 
of great concerne to our Honourable Imployers I desire you all imme- 
diately upon receipt hereof to repaire hither to Consult the needful! 
and bring with you 100 peons with what else you think needfuU that 
soe wee may appeare with as much Splendour as our Neibours the 
Dutch who are making all the preparations possible... if any of you 
have any thing by you that you may judge may be acceptable to the 
King please to bring it with you, allso as many Settes of boyes as 



OF CHOROMANDEL 89 

you judge may be sufficient for us all in this towne being already 
taken up." On the 21st Dec. orders were sent to the Company's 
servants at Masulipatam "to prepare themselves to meet the King at 
Rezwar two days Journey from hence with a present." On the 22nd 
the- "Chief &c of Metchlepatam " wrote to MaddapoUam, "Wee are 
strongly allarmed with the Kings approach which putts the whole 
towne into a Hurry for his reception and you can but be Sensible 
what we Labour under Seeing the Dutch make large provissions to 
meet him and to present him." Again, on the 29th Dec, " Wee under- 
stand that the King arrived at Cundapella last night and intends to 
come to MadapoUam and from thence to Cummum," and, in a 
letter to Fort St George of the same date, "he [the King] is Re- 
ported to March with So Numerous a traine that he devours all the 
Country up where he comes. Wee expect every hour to be summoned 
to goe to meet him." On the ist Jan. 1676, news was sent to Mada- 
poUam that "Here is a report that the King is gone to Rogermundrum, 
and from thence intends to come to Metchlepatam." A letter to 
Fort St George dated 19th Jan. gives a full account of the royal visit — 
"Wee advised you [on the 15th Jan.] that in a day or two wee would 
dispatch the other two remaining Ships, but the King coming to town 
the 1 7th, commanded us to stop these two Ships, [the Loyall Subject 
and the Unity] untill he should have gone aboard them, yesterday he 
went aboard a Dutch Ship, which they had detained and fitted for his 
reception, amongst other their Galantry they had the impudence to 
put ours and the French Kings Flag under theirs in the mizen topp, 
and thereby to render us low and contemptable in the Kings eyes, 
whereat wee were all highly concerned, and thereupon wee repaired 
on board our Ships, and ordered the Commanders to Salute hi^ 
majesty with their Gunns, and from thence went with the trumpets to 
waite on his majesty on his owne Shipp the Indulgence where wee 
acquainted him with the indignity offer'd to our King, who thereupon 
ordered it to be taken downe (which was immediately performed) and 
afterward upon our invitation was pleased to come on board the 
Loyall Subject (notwithstanding the Dutch endeavoured all they could 
to oppose it) where he continued two houres and did express much 
Satisfaction, ordering us to fire Severall Gunns for his delight which 
he would not permitt on board the Dutch Shipp, and at his departure 
declared that he would this morning visit them againe early and com- 
manded us to be ready to attend him, whereupon we last night sent 
our order to both the Commanders for the fitting their Shipps in 
a better Equipage for his reception and this morning we were early at 
the Banksall to attend his majesties motion, but being by some other 
pastimes diverted he came not to the Barr where wee waited for him 
till the Ebb was so far spent that it was too late for him to pass the 
Barr, and thereupon returned againe to towne whether wee attended 
him with a noyse of trumpets and makeing inquiry of the Serkell 
concerning his Majesties further purpose of goeing on board our 
Ships, wee received answer that his majesty would now desist from 
it, whereupon wee resolved and do now accordingly give them 
dispatch, which before his majesties purpose was knowne wee thought 
it not safe to doe for the avoiding all occasion of offence." The Agent 
and Council left their Factory for the accommodation of the King 
during his visit, having first taken the precaution to remove the 
Company's treasure "to their garden for safety during their absence." 
The entertainment of the King amounted to " Pagodas 6149 : 04, 



go OF CHOROMANDEL 

The Ships were the Loyall Subject, Captain Goodlad^ 

A great sum but unavoidable and a good Phirmaund obteyned." The 
following are the details of the present : 

Pags. fan. 

His Majesty 2552 20 

To Maddana the second person . . . , 1 1 10 04 

To the Cirkell chancellor 1 251 08 

To the Govemour of Metchlepatam . . . 300 24 

Scarlett us'd 17 yards 42 16 

Broad cloth us'd 7 pees 14^ yds . . . , 138 16 

Lead to the Cirkell lomds. 2 J seer ... 51 

Dungarees us'd 4 J pees 15 

Longcloth us'd 16 pees 18 — 

Twine ^ maund 3 

Ropes 2 maund 10 

8 Pottles of Canary and Brandy .... 8 00 
Charges Extraordinary for peons Boyes Cooleys 

Provisions &ca 625 25 

To the Sarsamutt . . 25 00 

To the Shabander 20 00 

To the Banksall people 6 00 

To the Governours Bramina and Servants . . . 40 00 

To the Gate people 2 00 

To the Cattwalls people 2 00 

Pagodas 6149 04 

The insolence of the Dutch was not allowed to pass unnoticed. 
It was reported to the Court, and, in October, 1676, the Directors 
wrote as follows to the " Honble. Directors of the Netherlands East 
India Co. — Wee cannot but acquaint you with what advice wee 
received from Metchlepatam by our last shipping Vizt. That on the 
1 8th January 1675/6 when the King of Gulcondah was in the Road of 
Metchlepatam goeing on board severall ships That a Ship of yours 
did put our Flagg under their own in the fore and Mizen Top, which 
had occasioned a Broyl, had not the king immediately commanded 
the takeing of it down ; One of our Commanders sent on board to 
know the name of the ship and Captain, but they denied to tell them." 
No notice appears to have been taken of this remonstrance, nor had 
the earlier protests of the Company's servants in India received 
any attention if we may judge from an entry in the Diary of 
Streynsham Master under date 17th August, 1676 — "The Skipper of 
the ship who affronted the English in the business of the Flag the last 
yeare was now in the same ship in the Road [of Masulipatam] and a 
report went that he was turned out for that fact but the English looked 
upon it as a juggle." 

^ The Goodlads were a notable family of sea captains in the 17th 
century. They all appear to have been related to William Goodlad, 
Master of Trinity House, who died on the 23rd Jan. 1640, and is buried 
in Leigh Church, Essex. There were five Goodlads, captains in the 
Company's service, between 1667 and 1687, and two at least among 
the number had most adventurous careers. The one referred to in 
the text is Captain William Goodlad. He commanded the Greyhound 
from about 1669 till 1671, when, on his return from a voyage to 



OF CHOROMANDEL 9I 

Commander, and the Unity, Captain Cruffe^ Commander. 

Bantam, he succeeded Captain Arnold Browne as commander of the 
Loyall Subject^ in which ship he made four voyages. In 1671, William 
Goodlad sailed the Loyall Subject^ burthen 450 tons, owners Messrs. 
Squire, Breton, and others, to Fort St George. While there, in 1672, 
he was present at a Consultation held to discuss the advisability of 
strengthening the fortifications after the taking of St Thomd by the 
French. He concurred in the advice given to raise the wall 5 ft. from 
" St. Thoma poynt to the Salt petre Godowns." From Fort St George 
William Goodlad went to Balasor, returning to England in May, 1673. 
In Dec. 1674 he again went to Fort St George with the Loyall Subject^ 
burthen 470 tons. She arrived on the 9th July, and at the end of the 
month was sent to Masulipatam "with her sickly crew of men... where- 
of 21 buried." Matthew Mainwaring, the Agent at Masulipatam, was 
ordered to provide the Loyall Subject with more English, " or at least 
Lascars." It was in this voyage that the celebrated Samuel White 
came out as mate, and while at Masulipatam, during the time our 
author mentions, stole away " Mistress Povey that was sent for to 
Madras to marry young Mr. Jearsey" and married her there himself 
On the 6th Aug. 1675 William Goodlad was ordered to take his ship 
to "the Bay," but was delayed for some days owing to a "violent 
sicknesse." . He returned to Masulipatam at the end of the year and 
was to have been despatched to Fort St George early in January, but 
the King's visit, as described by T. B., kept him at Masulipatam till 
the end of January. On the 24th of the month he wrote the following 
letter to the Agent at the Fort : " On board the Loyall Subject, 24th 
January, 1675/6. Right Honble. Sir, The 22d Instant we sailed from 
out of Metchlepatam roade, the i8th and 20th the King of Gulcondah 
with all his nobles was aboard our Ship with our Commissioners to 
waite upon him, we fired at least two hundred and fiftie, or sixtie 
Peices of Ordnance, was forced to run out all our lower Gunns, and 
pull downe our Bulke head of the Partition in the great Cabine, which 
put us to a great charge and trouble, our powder spent in the two dales 
comes to neare eight hundered pounds for which I have the Com- 
missioners order to your honour to supplie, The King was extreemly 
pleased with our shipp, and very familiar, at his going ashore tooke 
Capt. Cruft and my Selfe with him. And visited us, which was no 
small griefe to the Dutch, which putt our English Anctent under their 
colours, But was forced to take them downe to their disgrace, I shall 
wait upon your Honour with all convenient speed...." In October, 
1676, Capt. William Goodlad set out from England to Bantam, whence 
he returned in Dec. 1677. In Dec. 1678 he went on his last voyage, 
also to Bantam. The ship's burthen was then 650 tons. While at 
Bantam the Loyall Subject sprang a leak, and during their enforced 
detention the Captain and crew suffered from the effects of the climate. 
They reached England in a sickly condition in 1680, and the Captain 
died almost immediately after landing. (The information here given 
has been extracted chiefly from Court Books, Letter Books, Factory 
Records, Masulipatam, Hugli, Java, and Fort St George.) 

^ Captain William Cruft, Croft, Cruffe, or Cruff commanded the 
Unity for about ten years, from 1669 to 1679, and, during that time, 
made four voyages to India. He twice fell under the displeasure of 
the Court, once for the non-observance of religious duties on board 



92 OF CHOROMANDEL 

He staid here Severall days, and went On board a Dutch 
Flyboate' alsoe, they then haveihge noe Other in the Roade. 

his ship, and once for lukewarmness in an engagement with the 
Dutch on his return voyage in 1674. He was dismissed the Honble. 
Compan/s service on each occasion, but on " promising reformation, 
acknowledging his offence and begging pardon" he was reinstated. 
With regard to the first dismissal we read, "The Capt. Acknowledgeth 
his Error and saith there was noe publique prayers on board his shipp 
but yett he permitted not any vice as Swearing Drunkenesse or other 
disorders in any persons of the shipps Company." The Unity was 
owned by Mr Lethioulier; her burthen in 1672 was 325 tons, and she 
carried 26 guns and 'jZ men. Captain Cruft brought out the great 
traveller, Fryer, in 1672 (vide Fryer, p. 11). It was during her third 
voyage (1674 — 1676) that the King of Golcondah went on board the 
Unity at Masulipatam. Her fourth voyage occupied 2^ years; for 
she went to St Helena, Fort St George, Bantam, Syam, Bangkok, 
back to Bantam, thence to Persia, and reached the Downs in March, 
1679. After this date there is no further mention of the ship or her 
captain. In 1673, when Captain " Cruff " was at Masulipatam, seven 
of his men deserted "with his skife." They were seized and sent 
back, but pleaded in self-defence, that " they had very severe usage 
from their Captain in abridging them of Victualls." The following 
extracts from two accounts of the engagement with the Dutch in 1674 
show a want of energy on Capt. Cruft's part during the action: 
"Captain Cruft bore away out of the fleet to Lee ward... Captain Cruft 
at the latter end of the day came something nearer then he was, but 
Lay to Leeward of me, fired some Gunns at the enemy, but could not 
doe them any damage being at soe great a distance from the Enemy, 
what his defects were, which made him bare away I know not, little to 
be seene in his masts, sailes, hull or rigging...." Narrative of the late 
Ingagevie7tt with the Dutch, August, 1 674, by William Basse. " As for 
the Massenburd, East India Merchant 2ind the 6^w/>' they were nearrer 
the observation of the Admirall [than the * Ceaser^'] who Cane best 
give account of the service they did. Butt to my best diseminge as also 
to others they did noe greate mischeife to the Enemie, And as little 
service to their owne partie Lyeing for the most part to Leward of 
theire devision, soe your honnours May Judge how they Answred your 
Commandes and performed their dutie...." Account of the engage- 
ment by — Earving, purser's mate of the ship Sampson, If these 
accounts are correct it does riot appear that Capt. Cruft cut a very 
creditable figure in this action with the Dutch. (The particulars here 
given have been taken from the same sources as those given above 
for Capt. Goodlad, with the addition of the O. C. Collection, and 
Anderson's Siam.) 

^ Fly-boat, a fast-sailing vessel used chiefly in the sixteenth and 
seventeenth centuries for rapid transport of goods, etc., especially in 
the coasting trade. Murray, Oxford Eng. Diet. Compare the Diary 
of Streynsham Master, under date 6tli Sept. 1676, p. 57, "This morn- 
ing wee overtooke a Dutch Fly boate and a Sloope attending her, 
which sailed out of Ballasore roade the 30th Instant." Compare also 
the following from Factory Records^ Hugli, No. i, under date i8th July, 
1677, "A great Dutch flyboate Arrived from Battavia and touched at 
Metchlepatam." 



OF CHOROMANDEL 93 

His Majesty tooke great delight and Affection to the 
English, and granted them as much priviledge by a new 
Chartar^ as cold in reason be requested. 



^ On the 25 th of February, 1676, Mr Main waring wrote from 
Masulipatam, "The King hath given us a new phyrmaund in which 
the words (Salam Salamband) are totally left out, which was the 
occasion of the Govemours frequent abuseing us, as likewise Severall 
other expressions which did limitt us, and Severall needful! additions 
inserted, and the Charge of transportation by oxen one third abated as 
per the Copy of the phyrmaund which wee send you herewith. ..so that 
now wee hope to live much freer from the Governours &c abuses then 
here of late." In a letter from the Court to Fort St George, dated 
15th Dec. 1676, thdre is a paragraph headed "The King of Gulcondah's 
being at Metchlepatam not improved." It runs as follows: "Wee 
expected a large accompt from you of our affairs at Metchlepatam 
and in particular of the King of Gulcondah's being there but have 
received none, and you refer us for it to the Commanders or to a 
Relation to be given us by the Commanders, Wee desire you to reflect 
a little upon the Civillity thereof in turning us to our Commanders to 
be informed of our own affairs and doe fear that none or very little 
improvement was made of that happy opportunity, and are not to 
expect such another, what better Accompt you or the Commanders 
can give us hereof, wee hope the next letters will let us know, for we 
are not at all satisfied with the indiscreet management of so good an 
Occasion." These severe remarks were a little premature, for, by the 
next shipping, the Directors received copies of the farmdn obtained 
from the King. Three copies are still in existence at the India Office, 
two of which are identical; the third appears to be the work of a 
different translator. The version here given is the one found in the 
Appendix to the Diary of Streynsham Master^ pp. 344 — 346: "Copy 
of a Phirmaund granted by the King of Gokondah to the English at 
Metchlepatam Jan^uary 1675/6. By the Grace of God Sultan Abdula 
Hossein — The Royall Phyrmaund or Command of our Majesty that 
shines like the Sunn ; wee have thought fitt and convenient and doe 
hereby require and command all our Ministers of State, Governours, Sub 
Governours and Juncanners [customs officers] as well for the time being 
as to come, of Metchlepatam, PettepoUe, Nassapore, Madapollam, 
Coranga, Wattara, Canara, Vizagapatam, Bimlepatam and throughout 
all our Dominions and Kingdom of Golcondah to know and take notice 
That our well-beloved friends of the English nation and Mr. Mainwaring 
the English Companyes Chiefe have binn in our Royall presence and 
have found grace and favour from us. We will and Command that 
whatsoever Quantityes and Qualkyes of goods and Merchandize, Gold, 
and Silver, they bring in by Sea to Metchlepatam, That it be free from 
all manner of customes and impositions what soever, and that they 
have free liberty to export the same or send or dispose of it in any 
part of our Dominions according as it stands with their owne Con- 
veniency, rice, Paddy, and all other merchandize which they bring 
from abroad either by land or Sea for their own use or to sell, and all 
other sort of goods whatsoever they buy or sell to be free from all 
manner of customes and Impositions at the Bancksall the scall gate 
and all other places for receipt of custome belonging to our Royall 



94 OF CHOROMANDEL 

There is Liberty of Conscience allowed to all persons 
[to] be of what Religion they please, to inhabit here 
payinge the Kinge his Duties, but must beware withall 
thay [?that] they upbraide not, nor affront the Mahometans; 
and, though one of them be a meere Villain, yet in Courts 
of Justice hee Shall be heard and believed before any 
Other, and indeed they doe Often Oppresse the Gentues, 
as the Turks doe the Jews in Turkia or Barbary. 

It is needlesse to Speake at large as to the Religion of 
Mahomet, most men haveinge the full accompt thereof 
from Turkia, a neighbouringe Countrey to Christendome. 
These followinge the Very laws of that Saracen law giver, 
and have many Native Turks amongst them. 

Onely this of the better Sort of them I must needs 
relate, (as I have found by Experience) they are lovers 
of Justice, and doe Issue it out soe farre as they dare, or 
may with Safety Escape the fury of the raskaly Sort. 
They Punish Adultery with death, abhorre drunkenesse 
and Blasphemy, eat noe Swines flesh. They weare longe 
Garments, very thinne, generally of fine Linnen ; they 
Uncover not the head in anyway of Courtship. They 
have many Wifes and Concubines for prevention of Adul- 
tery, And, although they hold an irreligious Religion, yet 



Majesty according and agreeable to this our new Phyrmaund and 
Command and the Liberty wee have herein granted. The servants, 
Broakers, Merchants and all depending and imployed by the English 
nation and Company Workmen Tradesmen and Mechanicks that they 
be not molested or hindered, and wee give them liberty to imprison 
and confine their Debitours or those upon whome they have any 
demands in their Factory without any Protection from our Governour 
and officers till they have recovered full satisfaction, and all our 
Governours and other officers are hereby required to assist the English 
Nation and Company in all their business and Negotiations, and if 
they send any goods or Merchandize to Golcondah to pay but 
4 pagodas new per Candy for the oxe hire The English nation and 
Company being much in our esteem and favour. This being our new 
Phyrmaund and command wee will and require a punctuall observance 
upon pain of our high displeasure. In the moneth of January 1675/6 
by and with the advice of Madu Banjee our great Minister of state 
and Councellour." 



OF CHOROMANDEL 95 

it consists of great reverence to God and theire Prophet. 
They Congregate the people to their Mosquees* 4 times 
a day by Voice of man, and on Fryday (theire Sabbath) 
5 times, not Sufferinge any thinge to be pictured or En- 
graven in them, to avoide Idolatry. 

They allow of God the Father, but Utterly deny the 
Trinitie. They reverence the 3 professors of Religion, 
Moses for the Jews, Christ for the Christians, and 
Mahomet for themselves. They are Very liberall to the 
poore, and bury theire dead very decently. 

The Alcoron*, which contains the Scope of theire 
irreligious Religion, is written in Arabique Rhime, after 
a most hodge podge manner, noe way consistinge of due 
proportion of numbers, nor is it admitted to be written 
or read in any Other Languadge, but in it*s Original tonge, 
Arabicke, and in the Persian languadge for its antiquities 
sake, which is now become the Court languadge in the 
Courts of the greatest Emperours and Kings of Asia. 

• 

This booke is held by them in noe Small Veneration. 
They terme it the booke of Glory, and director to Paradise, 
never offeringe to touch it before they wash their hands 
and arms up to the Elbow, and theire feet and legs to the 
knee. In time of prayer they turne theire faces toward 
the Sun, first Spreadinge their Upper garments, or a 
Carpet or Matt Upon the ground, then lookeinge every 
way 2 or 3 times. When they come to the Salutation 



^ See note on p. 11. Compare the following from a Consultation 
at Fort St George on the 28th March, 1680, on the death of the great 
merchant Cassa Verona (Ka9u Viranna), Factory Records^ Fort St 
George, No. 2, p. 38, "In the Morning about 3 a Clock Cassa Verona 
Dyed... And as his body was carrying out of towne to be burned by 
the gentues some Moors, Fackeers and others put a stop to it, saying 
he ought to be buryed as a Moor for he was a Mussleman and built a 
Musseet in the town to be buryed in." 

2 i.e. The (Al) Koran. Compare Fryer^ p. 94, "At Funerals, the 
Mullahs or Priests, make Orations or Sermons after a Lesson read out 
of the Alcoran." 



96 OF CHOROMANDEL 

of Mahomet, they fall upon their knees, mutteringe many 
Sentences for ^ an houre or more, bowinge their foreheads 
often to the Earth with great fervencie, thus Sometimes 
Standinge Upright, then againe prostrateinge themselves, 
they Stroke downe their faces and beards, with looks of 
devout gravitie, &c. 

They hold a fast, as they call it, for one month in 
the yeare, abstaininge from all Sorts of food in the day 
time, but, to make amends, they feast all night. It 
beginneth on the New Moone in the Month of October, 
and continueth the Whole Moone. They doe call it the 
Ramazan^ and is Observed annually in Celebration of the 
Alcoron, affirmeinge that at this time of the yeare it was 
delivered by God Almightie to theire Prophet Mahomet. 

They Seldome or Never accustome themselves to 
Walkinge for recreations Sake, as wee Europians doe, 
but if they hold any Conversation it must be Sittinge, 
and not Upon Chairs, Stools, or benches, but Upon 
Carpets or Matts Spread Upon the ground, and on 
them they Sit crosse legged with much facilitie. Often 
Smoakinge their Hoocars^ as they call [them] of tobacco, 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Ramdam. Anglo- Indians, however, 
usually call it Ramzan, as the author did no doubt. As this fast 
moves all round the year, the text alludes to the time of year it 
occupied when the author observed it. Compare Fryer, p. 107, who 
saw It in November, " But that which affects them all, is at the end of 
their Ramazan or Lent, which is always the first New Moon in 
November; which as it is observed with the greatest Strictness, not 
swallowing their Spittle all the Day of its Continuance, so it is cele- 
brated when it concludes, with the highest Expression of Joy and 
Solemnity." Compare also the following from a Consultation at Fort 
St George on the 26th (?29th) March, 1680, Factory Records, Fort St 
George, No. 2, p. 122, "The King is intended to take his progress into 
these parts, after this Ramasan Moone is over." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Hooka, where the earliest quotation is, 
however, 1768. Compare the following in a letter from Allen Catch- 
pole at Janavad to Richard Edwards at Balasor, 28th Aug. 1676, O. C. 
No. 4222, " I have per this Cossit [messenger] sent Mr. Sayon such a 
hooker as he desired." In a list of the things to be presented to the 
Fouzdar [faujddr^ of Hugli, 3rd April, 1682, Factory Records, Hugli, 
No. 3, there is, " one Aftowel and Chillumchee,.[ewer and basin], one 
Hoocka one pigdan [spittoon]...." 



OF CHOROMANDEL 



97 



drinke[ing] much Coffee and often chawinge Betelee 
Areca*, which they call Paune^ 

Hoocars : commonly called hubble-bubble'. 

The Poore Sort of Inhabitants, vizt. the Gentues, 
Mallabars, &c. Smoke theire tobacco After a Very 
meane, but I Judge Original manner, Onely the leafe 
rowled up, and light one end, and holdinge the Other 
betweene their lips, and Smoke untill it is soe farre 
Consumed as to warme theire lips, and then heave the 
End away ; tKis is called a bunko*, and by the Portugals 
a Cheroota*. 

Theire food in Generall consists of very little more 
then very coarse rice and Water, and Sometimes a little 
dryed fish to relish it. 

Theire habit is noe more then a Small Clout just to 
cover theire privities, wherewith they Seemingly live very 
contentedly, much better then many that pamper up them- 
selves with plenty of Varieties, and have plenty of Children, 
and in generall as chearefull in poverty as any mortals can 



^ See note on p. 30. Compare Dampier^ vol. i. p. 318 f., and 
Schouten^ vol. i. p. 292 f. 

2 See note on p. 30. 

3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Hubble-bubble. Compare Fryer, P- 3i> 
"The Moors are very grave and haughty in their demeanor, not 
vouchsafing to return an Answer by a Slave, but by a Deubash, who 
is the Interpreter. Their chiefest Delight and Pride is to be seen 
smoking Tobacco cross-legged in a great Chair at their doors, out 
of a long Brass Pipe adapted to a large Crystal Hubble-bubble, 
fixed in a Brass Frame, their Menial Servants surrounding them." 
Compare also the following from Factory Records, Hugli, No. i, 
under date 19th July, 1678, "They [the factors at Dacca] writ for 
6 large Maldiva Atcheene Coconutts and nuts for hubble-bubbles for 
the Prince." 

* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Buncus. The above is the earliest 
quoted instance of the word, and is given in Murray, Oxford English 
Diet, s.v. Cheroot. In his Malay Diet. T. B. gives Booncoos, a 
Fardle, a parcel. Fryer, p. 52, under the "Wares" of the Malabar 
coast, has. "Bunco, i.e. Tobacco, and Hubble-bubble Canes, the 
Product of this Coast." 

* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Cheroot. Like bunko, the above is the 
earliest known quotation of the word. 

T. 7 






98 OF CHOROMANDEL 

be that enjoy the riches and fatt of the Land ; they dance 
and Singe very frequently, Even as men Secured from all 
Cares and fears that doe accompanie the Wealth of the 
Universe. 

Narsapore* is the lowest'^ towne of any Upon this Coast. 



^ Morris, Godavery District^ gives the following information about 
Narsapur: "Nursapore (Narsapuram) is situated in latitude iG* 26' N., 
and in longitude 81* 41' 49" E., on the western bank of the Vasishta 
or the most southern branch of the Godavery. It is about six miles 
from the sea. Its northern suburb is Madapollam....The trade of the 
town has steadily declined since the abolition of the Company's factory 
in 1827, and the abandonment of the Company's * investments.' The 
sites of the old buildings have been carried away by successive 
encroachments of the river, which makes a very considerable bend 
opposite the town (p. 39). In January, 161 1, Captain Hippon was 
despatched by the Directors of the East India Company in the ship 
* Globe' to open a trade with the people on the Coromandel coast. 
A Dutchman, named Peter Williamson Floris, who was in the English 
Company's employ, accompanied him in the capacity of factor, with 
authority to conduct all commercial transactions.... Floris has left an 
interesting account of these voyages....' On the i8th [Feb. 161 3] 
Mr. Floris went to Narsapur Peta, and the 19th the ship was brought 
into the River, drawing 9I feet, and having loj, contrary to the 
Reports of some who wished no good to the English.... In August, 
there happened in Narsapur Peta, and thereabouts, a greater Over- 
flowing than had been seen in twenty-nine Years. The whole Salt 
Hills, Towns, and Rice were drove away, and many thousand Men 
and Cattle were drowned ; the Water rising three Yards above the 
High way.'... From the above extract it will be observed that Nursapore, 
where, if the obstruction of the bar across the entrance of the river 
could be overcome, there is an excellent harbour for ships of the 
largest size, was well known more than two centuries ago for its docks 
for the building and repair of large vessels. Being situated on the 
bank of the Godavery it has always been exposed to inundations during 
the high freshes of the river (pp. 177 — 179)." In 1679 Streynsham 
Master visited Narsapur. In his Memoriall, quoted by Mackenzie, 
Kistna District^ pp. 141 f., under date 9th and i6th April, 1679, there 
is the following description of the place : " The townes of Madapollam 
and Narsapore joyne together, the Dutch house for their Iron worke 
in Narsapore being a little above muskett shott from the English 
Factory in Madapollam, Narsapore lyes below Madapollam downe 
the River, and that place is under the Govemour of Metchlepatam 
and has the command of all the River for the Customes as far as 
Corango, but Madapollam, Mellick, Mahmudpet and Naurasporam, 
tho they all joyne near together to Narsapore, yet they have every one 
distinct Havaldars for the gathering the ground rent independent from 
Narsapore or Metchlepatam at present.... We went to view the Dutch 
house and compound at Narsapore which is a very large piece of 
ground divided into two large inclosed quadrangles, in one of which 
is as many forges as 300 smiths may worke in them, the compound 



OF CHOROMANDEL 99 

It lieth Some 40 or 45 miles below^ Metchlipatam, haveinge 
the benefit of an Excellent River, which addeth much to 
the benefit of the place, and is called Narsapore river*. It 
runneth close to the towne Side, which is nearest foure 
English miles above the barre or Entrance thereof, and the 
River Navigable Severall miles above the towne. There 
be many Other Villages neare it, Some one, 2, 3, 4 or 5 
miles distance, but this is the Chiefe^ and is the Seat of 
the Governour, who alsoe is a Mahometan, as most men 
of Office in the Kingdome are. He goeth in pretty large 
State, but not like to him of Metchlipatam ^ this part of 
the Countrey affordinge the Kinge noe great Revenues; 
the best it affordeth is it aboundeth well in timber, and 
conveniencies for the buildinge and repairinge Ships^. 



reaches downe to the River side upon the sandy banke of which lyes 
many vessells which are imployed in that great Rice trade of Gingerlee." 
Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 371, who, how- 
ever, evidently included Madapollam in his remarks upon Narsapur: 
"Next to Matchulipatam is Narsipore, where the English had a Factory 
for long Cloth, for the Use of their Factory of Matchulipatam, when 
they manufactured Chintz there. It also affords good Teak Timber 
for building, and has a fine deep River, but a dangerous Bar, which 
makes it little frequented." 

2 i.e. most Northerly. 

3 i.e. to the North. 

* " If goodes may be brought from Mesulapatam, at the returne of 
the Monsoone, and that the ship may ride in security at the Fort, then 
let her remayne there, But if this may not bee done with security, wee 
conceive it might bee safe to send her into Nassapore River if there 
shall be water enough for her over the Barr." Letter from the Court 
to Fort St George, 28th Dec. 1666, Letter Book^ No. 4. From the 
Diary of S trey ns ham Master., under date 17th Aug. 1676, p. 43, we 
learn that the Dutch were " building a new Factory upon Nasapore 
River between Madapollam and the Rivers mouth." 

* See ante p. 98, extract from Streynsham Master's Afetnoriall, 
where four villages are named. 

^ According to Streynsham Master, Narsapur was under Masu- 
lipatam. In his Memoriall., quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna District, 
under date 2nd April, 1679, we read, "Aga Telloll [Jalal] the Governor 
of Metchlepatam having been toward Narsapore and those places 
under his Government returned to Goodera last night." See also 
the extract from the Memoriall on the 9th and i6th April quoted 
above, note i, p. 98. 

^ In a "Generall" from Balasor, dated i6th Dec. 1670, the Factors 

7—2 



'• •? 



#-# — •• •• 



• •• 



- - * - ! ; • w 



lOO OF CHOROMANDEL 

The English East India Company have a Very good 
Factory called Madapollum\ from the name of the 



at the Bay wrote to the Court {Factory Records, Misc. No. 3) that they 
had ordered a ship to be built at " Massapore " in place of the 
" Madrass Pinnace " ; they added, " Wee should ourselves have built 
another but that neither Timber nor workmen are soe good as at 
Massapore." 

^ Like so many notices in this MS., these remarks on Madapollam 
are valuable as showing that the place was a flourishing ship-building 
and manufacturing station, as well as a health resort, when T. B. visited 
it. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Madapollam. From the Letter Books, 
Factory Records, O. C, Collection, Coast and Bay Abstracts^ Madras 
Press List, and Mad. Man. Admn., the following interesting parti- 
culars about the place have been gleaned. As early as 1662 an 
attempt was made to found a factory at Madapollam (Madhavaya- 
palem), but it was not till some years later that it was in full swing as 
a "subordinate" to Fort St George. In Feb. 1662, the Court ordered 
that a house belonging to Sir Edward Winter at Madapollam should 
be retained for the Company. The letter expressed the wish that it 
"may be soe commodious and fitting for our use and benefitt, that 
thereby wee may bee eased of continuing a factory at Verasheroone." 
Nicholas Buckridge, who was ordered to report on Madapollam, 
thought the house unsuitable — "Madapollam House I Vizitted at 
the same time [in 1664] and finde it was builded by Sir Edward 
Winter for his Particular occasions on a peece of ground formerly 
graunted for your Use by the King of Gulcondah, on the river side for 
a Wharfe or Bunder convenient for building, or repairing Shiping, 
and as now it is repaired at your cost it is A plesant place, but 
I cannot Imagine it were necessary or that you will allow soe costly 
A [? building] maintained at soe great A Charge, only for the delight 
and convenience of your Servants, nor can I beleive that Sir Edward 
Winter would have consented to it had it not been his owne and 
much out of repaire, when he put it to your Account." The business 
done at Madapollam did not satisfy the Directors and, in July, 1669,' 
Foxcroft received orders that no factory was to be settled there. In 
Sept. he gave it as his opinion, in which he was supported by 
Jearsey, that it would be unwise to discontinue the Madapollam 
Factory. In Dec. 1669, the Court wrote— " Madapollam hath cost us 
a great deale of Mony and is a place of little use to us, wee would 
therefore have you by your next, to advise us how wee may best 
improve or dispose thereof" In compliance with this order, Mohun, 
who succeeded Jearsey as Chief at Masulipatam, enquired into "the 
state of Madapollam Factory." On the 14th July, 1670, Mohun wrote 
to Fort St George, " Madapollam wee are informed is a Factory 
necessary to be continued, and will yearly afford you greater and 
greater quantityes of Callicoes if Supplyed with Monies and that 
this Factory doth much depend upon it for Investments, being 
cheaper bought there then here [Masulipatam] by 20 per Cent or 
more, all the Country neare it being Weavers...." In spite of this 
encouraging report, the Company continued averse to retaining 
Madapollam except at a small expense. In Dec. 1671, the Court 
wrote to Fort St George that though "our House at Madapollam... 



■;/■ 



OF CHOROMANDEL lOI 

Villadge adjoyninge to it. It is accompted a most 
healthy and pleasant place and not a whit Unde- 
servedly, haveinge the benefit of Such a pleasant River 
that Cometh up even to one of [the] Gates thereof, with 
very pleasant Gardens almost Surroundinge it, noe way 
hindered of all benefit of Sea breezes, for which reasons 
our English Chiefe (and most Eminent Factors of Metch- 
lipatam) repaire hither and Stay 2 or 3 months, dureinge 
the time of the heats, vizt. April, May and June. 



is a very handsome and usefull place,... yet doubt not but a Lesse 
expensive place, either there or at Verasheroone may doe as well. 
Wee therefore desire that you... endeavour to sell our said Howse at 
Madapollam upon the best termes you can for our most advantage." 
This order was evidently disregarded. Fryer, writing in 1673, speaks 
of Madapollam as a sanatorium for the factors at Masulipatam and 
remarks that the EngHsh had a " wholesome Seat there." The 
healthiness of Madapollam was the reason of its popularity with the 
factors on the Coromandel Coast. In a "Generall" from Masulipatam 
dated 25th Aug. 1673, ^^ ^^^ that Madapollam House was repaired 
and enlarged and made " fitt to receive the whole Factory," and that 
Madapollam was *' in a much more healthy ayre than Metchle- 
patam." The Court, however, was still unsatisfied. In March, 1674, 
they wrote that "The 4 Factoryes of Mesulapatam, Madapollam, 
Verasheroone and Petti polee are not worth the charge" and desired 
information as to which of the four was best to be retained. On the 
9th Oct. Major Puckle, who had been sent on a visit of inspection to 
all the "subordinates," wrote, " I have seen the Factorie of Madapollam, 
and also Verasharoon, and doe find they are both of use, and good 
investments may be made in them." At this time Robert Fleetwood 
was "Chiefe" at Madapollam. He was succeeded by Christopher 
Hatton in Sept. 1676, who, in his turn, was followed by John Field 
and Samuel Wales. In April, 1679, Streynsham Master spent several 
days at Madapollam, and transacted much important business there, 
7/tde his Memoriall as quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna District^ pp. 141 — 
147. In 1686 and 1687 there was much correspondence about the 
dissolution of the "Subordinate Factoryes." In January, 1688, the 
Court wrote ordering them all to be withdrawn except Madapollam, 
it " alone being sufficient for our business on that Coast, and it is not 
so far from Pettipollee but that the black Merchants there may carry 
their Cloth to Madapollam." However, in the same year, this factory 
too was withdrawn. It was resettled in 1698. In 1705 the Agent and 
Council wrote from Fort St George that they intended " to pull down 
the old factory at Madapollam," but in 1708 two Factory Houses, old 
and new, were in existence. Madapollam was captured by the French 
in 1757, ceded to the English in 1759, and confirmed to them in 1765. 
The place gave its name to a fine kind of white piece-goods manu- 
factured there. 



I02 OF CHOROMANDEL 

Many English Merchants and Others have yearely 
Ships and Vessels built here, beinge the onely Com- 
modious Port on this or the next Coast adjoyneinge 
thereto, vizt. Gingalee^ 

Here is the best and well growne timber in Sufficient 
plenty ; the best Iron upon the Coast is for the most part 
Vended here and att reasonable rates, with the Workman- 
ship alsoe^; any Sort of Ironworke is here ingenuously 
performed by the Natives, as Speeks", bolts. Anchors, &c. 

Very Expert Master builders there are Severall here 
who have most of their dependancie Upon the English, 
and indeed learnt theire art and trade from some of them, 
by diligently Observeinge the ingenuitie of Some that 
built Ships and Sloops here for the Englfsh East India 
Company and theire Agents, Soe that they build very 
well and give good reasons for what they doe, and lanch 
with as much discretion as I have Seen in any part of the 
world, which I will by and by relate ; but I must not for- 
gett theire falseheartednesse to our English builders, to 
whom doth Issue forth most horrid enviteracie from these 
Gentues that have learned of them what doth in a Measure 
Suffice. They Poyson all Ship Carpenters that are Em- 
ployed by any, Either Moore, Dutch, nay, of the English, 
Especially, that Undertake the buildinge of any Ship, as 
for instance I have knowne 2 or 3 very ingenuous Master 
builders, (English Men) that have Staid behind the Ships 
they were to returne to theire Native Countrey in, on pur- 
pose to build Ships for theire Employers, the English 
Chiefs, and notwith Standinge they very circumspectly 
Shunned conversation, or what else, with these Gentue 
Workmen, yet before they cold finish one bottom, they 



^ This MS. will, later on, throw much light on this obscure word. 

2 For a mention of the Dutch iron factory in this district, see note 
on p. 105. 

3 ? Spikes. 



OF CHOROMANDEL I03 

have by one Stratgem or Other been Sent to theire 
longe homes^ 

As I said before, there lanchinge and hallinge Up the 
Ships is after a most Excellent manner, for which they are 
highly to be Commended. 

I have Seen a Ship, (belongeinge to the Kinge of 
Golcondah) a Ship of great burthen, built for the trade 
to Mocho in the Red Sea^ and after 2 Voyadges thither, 
She was hailed Upon the Westerne Side of this River 
a little above the towne, to the intent they might Sheath 
and repaire her. She cold not be lesse (in my judgement) 
then 1000 tunns in burthen, and they hailed her up by 
Strength of men with good purchase as follows : — They 
prepared 2 very Substantial timbers, of 20 foot longe 
each, and 20 or 24 inches in thicknesse, upon which they 
Erected a Cradle fittinge for the bildge of her, the 2 main 
timbers beinge placed at that distance that the Cradle 
beinge put Under her, the foremost was 8 or 10 foot 
abaft the Scarfe of her Stemme, the Other as much 
before the heele of her Sternepost, with girdlines from the 
said cradle to her ports or Scopeboards®; to the dogs were 
fitted good straps and fourefold tackles, the falls of 15 or 
16 inch Coyre Cable*, the which are brought to too {j;ic) 



^ The author evidently speaks with conviction. He had ample 
opportunity of knowing what went on at Madapollam, for he paid 
several visits to, and spent a considerable time at, that place. He was 
there in 1682 when he drew his map of " Tanasarim," again in 1683, 
and in 1685 when he bought the "Conimeer Sloop" of the Company. 
Vide Introduction. 

2 T.B. is careful not to confuse Mocha in Arabia with Moca in 
Sumatra (commonly called Moco Moco). Trade was carried on with 
both places. English and Dutch factories were established at Mocha 
early in the 17th century, and, from that time, a constant interchange 
of commerce went on with the Indian ports. 

3 i.e. scuppers. 

* See note on p. 42. Compare Fryer, p. 121, "Cair Yam made of 
the Cocoe for Cordage." Compare also Dam/fier, vol. i. p. 294 f , 
"The husk of the Shell [of the Coco-nut] is of great use to make 
Cables ; for the dry husk is full of small strings and threads, which 



I04 OF CHOROMANDEL 

very substantial! Crabbs, placed a little above the height 
they purpose to have the Ship to, and heave first at one 
end then at the Other 5 or 6 foot at a time, and Soe on 
Untill She is high Enough, the Doggs runinge Upon good 
rowlers, as in manner followinge — 

A : One of the doggs, vizt. the aftermost. 

B : The Square pins (or fids). 

C : The Rowlers. 

D : The Ships Keele. 

E : The Cradle. 

F : The bedds and quoynes to Support the Cradle. 

G : The Ships bildge. 

H : The Ends of the yards or Powles from End to End. 

I : Girdlines from the Cradle Upwards. 

K : Great Strapps sweepinge round the dogs. 

L : The Great blocks. M : The Tackle falls. 

N : The Crabbe. O : The Barrs. 

The Cables, Strapps, &c. are made of Cayre, vizt. the 
Rhine of Coco nuts very fine Spun, the best Sort of which 
is brought from the Maldiva Isles\ They are as Stronge 



being beaten, become soft, and thet other substance which was mixt 
among it falls away like Saw-dust, leaving only the strings. These 
are afterwards spun into long yams, and twisted up into balls for 
convenience ; and many of these Rope-yams joyned together make 
good Cables. This Manufactory is chiefly used at the Maldive 
Islands, and the threads sent in balls into all places that trade 
thither, purposely for to make Cables. I made a Cable at Achin 
with some of it. These are called Coire Cables : they will last very 
well." 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Maldives. The principal trade of these 
islands was in cowries, of which they exported a large quantity to 
Bengal. Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 346, " the 
Maldiva Islands... their only Product is Cocoa-nut... of that Tree they 
build vessels of 20 or 30 Tuns, Their Hulls, Masts,... Cables... are all 
from this useful tree." See also Pringle, Consultations for 1684, 
p. 174, note 46. The following extract from a letter, dated Hugli, 
15th Feb. 1675, to Edward Reade at Balasor, is interesting in this 
connection, " Incjuier a bout the Maldiva Char it being I4mds. this 
weight at its gomg hence and Should hould more with you unless 
there was any part of it used for the Sloope Ganges." Factory Records^ 
Hugli, No. 4. 



OF CHOROMANDEL 10$ 

as any hempen Cables whatever, and much more durable 
in these hott climates, with this provisor, that if they 
chance to be wet with fresh water, either by raine or 
rideinge in a fresh River, they doe not let them drye 
before they wett them well in Salt water, which doth 
much preserve them, and the Other as much rott them. 
All the reason I can give for it is, that the Cayre of the 
Maldiva grows Upon a very brackish Soyle. 

They have an Excellent way of makeinge Shrowds, 
Stays, or any Other Rigginge for Ships. They, for the 
most part, make them of good twine, which is heare as 
Cheape as course hemp Unspun is in England, and when 
laid with Europe* tarre prove most Serviceable. 

The Dutch have a Factorie 4 English miles above ours, 
and is called Pollicull^ after the name of a Villadge there- 
unto adjoyneinge, where they are soe ingenuous to keep 
Severall ropemakers, (men of theire owne Nation) at 

* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Europe for European. Compare Wilson, 
Early Annals, vol. i. p. 394, "the books kept for the Account Silk of 
Europe dye shall be so kept no longer." A\ andE. p. 6 for 23rd Feb. 
1680, has "Ballast for our Europe ships." 

2 " Palakollu (Palkole)...5 miles north of Narsapur town... was the 
first settlement of the Dutch on this part of the coast. They opened 
a factory here in 1652, and for a long time it was their head-quarters. 
In the churchyard, Dutch inscriptions as old as 1662 are still legible. 
The Dutch founded indigo factories, ironworks, and extensive weaving 
industries, and planted large orange and shaddock gardens." Hunter, 
Imperial Gazetteer of India, s.v. Palakollu. Streynsham Master 
mentions "PollicuU" in 1676 and again in 1679. Under date 17th Aug. 
1676, he remarks, "They [the Dutch] rent a Towne of the King of 
Golcondah called PollicuU where they make store of ordinary cloth, 
and have another Factory at Naglewanch." Diary of Streynsham 
Master, p. 43. On the 14th April, 1679, " The Agent &c. went to visit the 
Dutch at PollicuU this evening which is about 7 miles inland from 
Madapollam. There the Dutch have a Factory of a large compound, 
where they dye much Blew Cloth, having about 300 Jars set in the 
ground for that worke, also they make many their best paintings there, 
the Towne being first rented by them at 2,000 old Pagodas per annum 
is now given them free by the king...." Memoriall of Streynsham 
Master, quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna District, p. 143. By the 
treaty of Versailles in 1783, Palakollu fell to the English, but the 
Dutch paid a small quit- rent for the place up to 1804. In 18 18 
it was formally restored to them, but was again ceded to Britain 
in 1824. 



I06 OF CHOROMANDEL 

worke all the yeare rounde, as alsoe Severall black 
Smiths, makeinge all Sorts of Iron worke, (necessarie for 
Ships) whereby they doe Supply most of theire fleets 
with Such Necessaries. 

This part of the Countrey affordeth plenty of divers Sorts 
of Callicoes^ and Paintings^ Lungees', Pallampores^ &c., 
but are for the most part carried to Metchlipatam, and vended 
there, that beinge a great market place, and indeed, the 
Great Bazar* of these parts for above lOO rtiiles in Circuit. 

The Inhabitants of this part of [the] Countrey are, for 
the most part, Gentues, Save in Narsapore there are many 
Moors, beinge the Retinue of the Governour. 

^ See note on p. 5. 

2 i.e. prints, printed calicoes. See note on p. 9. Compare the 
following contemporary extracts : ** Wee have sent to our Factors at 
Guinea a Small fardle of fine Paintings made in your parts." Letter 
from the Court to Fort St George, Aug. 1661, Letter Book, No. 2. 
"Encoragc.the making of all Sorts of Callicoes and Paintings.'* 
Letter from the Court to Fort St George, 26th Oct. 1668, Letter Book, 
No. 4. "Mr. Hopkings...is now Second of Pettipolee where all such 
things as gownes and Chinses are painted." Letter from Masulipatam 
to Balasor, i6th March, 1670, 0,C, No. 3413. "If wee should keepe 
her [the European] there [at Masulipatam] till Paintings be ready, 
she might endanger the loss of her passage." Letter from Fort 
St George to the Court, 14th July, 167 1, 6^. C No. 3575. " The people 
of the place [Edelumburoo] are cheifly painters, they told me there 
was not fewer of them than 200 familyes in that Towne, that they 
understood all sorts of painting, but that their cheife employment at 
present was upon course goods." Extract from Elihu Yale's Memorially 
Dec. 1 68 1, 0,C. No. 4776. "I have with all dilligence encouraged 
the painting trade and have been at some Charge to doe itt, without 
any manner of partiallity I think wee farr out doe Metchlepatam and 
hope by next Ship to send you a thousand pieces Such as never were 
seen in the world, if I can but Keep these Cursed fellows from mixing 
the Southern Chay [red madder] with the Northern, the latter being the 
best and costs much more." Pitt in a letter dated nth Feb. 1700, in 
Hedges' Diary, vol. iii. p. 62 f. See also Pringle, Consultations for 1683, 
p. 139, note 65. 

3 See note on p. 55. 

* See note on p. 71. "Yours...! Received... with a Pallampore, 
which is very fitt for my use... the Pagoda you paid for said Pal- 
lampore." Letter from Fort St George, nth Sept. 1678, O, C, 
No. 4491. 

^ Compare Fryer, p. 27, " For places of resort [at Masulipatam] 
there are three Buzzars, or market-places, crowded both with people 
and Commodities." 



OF CHOROMANDEL IO7 

Noe Commodities this countrey affordeth are any ways 
prohibited to be Sold to men of any Nation, the Seller 
thereof Payinge the Kings Duties, which is about 4 per 
Cent. Onely tobacco that hath its growth in any part 
of this Kingdome is not admitted to be Sold to any 
Save to the Commissioners that have farmed it from 
the Kinge for more then 100 miles round the towne of 
Metchlipatam, and what Merchants or Others doe buy 
of them by wholesale may then with freedome goe to 
any Bazar and there Vend in Publique^ 

They are Soe Severe in it, that in most places of note 
in the Countrey they keep waiters to Search any travailer, 
and if they find more tobacco then what they judge con- 
venient for his journey, they Seize upon it, and perhaps he 
Escapes not Unpunished. 

The Natives in Generall Smoke much tobacco, in soe 
much t[h]at children of 3 or 4 years of age frequently 
take it, and it is made as frequent amongst them as meat 
and drinke. 

Now before I leave this Coast, I shall Speake Some- 
thinge of the Metropolitan Citty. 



GOLCONDAH. 

These beforementioned places, (with many more I have 
not discoursed of) are Scituate Upon the Coast of Choro- 



^ I can find no contemporary confirmation that tobacco was a 
government monopoly in this district. In Fort St George, at any rate, 
in Lockyer's time, the tobacco farm was in the hands of the Company. 
Vide Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 12. However, the following extract 
in a letter from the " Braminy " at Golconda to Fort St George, dated 
2ist June, 16^0 {Factory Records, Fort St George, No. 28), seems to 
support T.B.'s statement, " Futty Cawn hath of late wrote from thence 
[Fort St George] to his Excellency the Sharlaskar [Governor of the 
Golconda Coast] that Chinnapatnam [Madras town] is not now as 
formerly but is mightily encreased, and that the English have even 
£armed Beetle and Tobacco, and that they were encreasing the Fort.'' 



I08 GOLCONDAH 

mandell, and neare to the Indian Sea. The Kingdome of 
Golcondah doth Extend it Selfe Some hundreds of miles 
to the North Eastward ^ even to the black Pagod^ Some 
20 miles below* the Pagod Jno. Gernaet*, but many of the 
Gentues and Brachmans hold lands there, and call them- 
selves Radjas®, accomptinge Some miles thereabout to be 
Subject to noe Mahometan Kinge whatever*; ,but, let it be 
how it will, the Golcondah Kinge reapeth much moneys 
thence, both by Customes and Other Acknowledgements. 

The Faire and Beautifull Citty Golcondah is an inland 
one and the Metropolitan of the Kingdome, the Residence 
of the Kinge and Queen, and many Lords, and of most of 
the forces of the Whole Kingdome. It is a Citty of very. 
Small Antiquities for the most part built within these 

^ Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 93, " The most powerful of the 
Kings of Decan, next to Viziapour, is the King of Golconda. His 
Kingdom borders on the East side, upon the Sea of Bengala ; to the 
North, upon the Mountains of the Countrey of Orixa ; to the South, 
upon many Countries of Bisnagar, or Ancient Narsingue, which 
belongs to the King of Viziapour ; and to the West, upon the 
Empire of the Great Mogul, by the province of Balagate, where 
the Village of Calvar is, which is the last place of Mogolistan on 
that side." 

2 Sailors' name for the temple at Kanarak, dating from about 
1250 A.D. See quotation from the Diary of Streynsham Master^ in 
note on p. 12. See also Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. p. 348, for this well-known 
mark on the Orissa Coast. 

3 Above {i.e, to the North), as we should say nowadays. 
* See note on p. 12. 

^ See note on p. 39. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has " Raja, a King." 

^ Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 94, "The boundaries of Mogul- 
istan and Golconda are planted about a League and a half from 
Calvar: They are Trees which the[y] call Mahoua [ma/iwd]; these 
mark the outmost Land of the Mogul, and immediately after, on this 
side of a Rivulet, there are Cadjours [^/tajur], or wild [date] Palm- 
trees, planted only in that place, to denote the beginning of the 
Kingdom of Golconda, wherem the insolence of collectors is far more 
insupportable than in the confines of Mogolistan ; for the duties not 
being exacted there, in the Name of the King, but in the Name of 
private Lords, to whom the villages have been given, the Collectors 
make Travellers pay what they please." 

^ Compare Thevenot^ part iii. pp. 94 and 98, **The Capital city of 
this Kingdom [Golconda] is called Bagnagar, the Persians call it 
Aider-abad...The Castle where the King commonly keeps his Court, 



GOLCONDAH IO9 

100 years past^ begun when the Ancestors of the familie 
of this present Kinge revolted from the Mogoll* and 
conquered this Kingdome, then called by the name of 
Bisnagar', that beinge the Metropolitan and Seat of a 
Viceroy ; but, Upon the Conquest hereof, they did, as 
the Mahometan Custome hath been of Antient times, in 
a manner demolish the Old one and Erect a New one 
giveinge another Name thereto. 

So that now the Whole is called the Kingdome of 
Golcondah, but what they tooke from the Emperour, and 
what Soon after they tooke from the Hindoos, or Idolaters, 
and what by their Couradge, and more Especially the 
great Masse of riches these lands Enjoyed, which caused 
the Christian Nations to Settle and trade here, it is become 
a Very Glorious and Potent Kingdome, or rather Empire, 



is two Leagues from Bagnagar ; it is called Golconda, and the King- 
dom bears the same name. Cotup-Sha the first, gave it that name, 
because after his Usurpation seeking out for a place where he might 
build a strong Castle, the place where the Castle stands was named 
to him by a Shepheard, who guided him through a Wood to the Hill 
where the Palace is at present ; and the place appearing very proper 
for his designe, he built the Castle there, and called it Golconda, 
from the word Golcar, which in the Telenghi Language signifies a 
Shepheard : all the Fields about Golconda were then but a Forest, 
which were cleared by little and little, and the Wood burnt. This 
place is to the west of Bagnagar ; the plain that leads to it, as one 
goes out of the Suburbs, affords a most lovely sight, to which the 
prospect of the Hill that rises like a Sugar-loaf in the middle of the 
Castle, which has the Kings palace all round upon the sides of it, con- 
tributes much by its natural situation." The above *' derivation " for 
Golconda is quite fanciful as most old Indian derivations are. It is 
quite possible that the writer is mixing up Bhagnagar, now Haidarabad, 
which was the town, and Golconda, which was the fort. Aurangzeb, 
"the Great Mogull," was Viceroy for his father Shah Jahan in the 
Deccan from 1635 to 1642, and again from 1652 to 1656. 

1 Historically the Qutb Shah! Dynasty rose out of the dismember- 
ment of the Bahmani Dynasty of Kulbarga in 1489 and took the royal 
style at Golconda in 1512. But the king, who chiefly made the 
territory and helped to destroy Vijayanagar, was Ibrahim Qutb Shah, 
1549 — 1 581, that no doubt being the reference in the text. See 
Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. 65 — 69 for a history of the rise of 
" Abdoul-Coutou-Sha." 

2 i.e, Akbar, 1556 — 1605. 

3 Vijayanagar. 



no GOLCONDAH 

of above 2000 English miles in Circuit, very well popu- 
lated and replenished with all things Necessarie^ Save 
Some Sorts of Mineralls, haveinge none but of Iron, 
deficient in those of Silver or Gold, but yet Enjoyeth that 
which purchaseth it from all or most parts of the Universe, 
(namely Diamonds, of which in Order). 

There be many Stronge holds in this Kingdome, but 
most places of Eminencie and force, but the Souldiery as 
well as the Governours are Mahometans. 

The fort'* t)f this Metropolitan is an admirable One, 
noe lesse then 5 English miles in Circuit, the walls, of 
Vast height and Substance proportionable thereunto, 
gunned all round, which addeth much to the Excellencie 
of this Cittie, which is alsoe blessed with many more 
conveniencies that adde much to the Strength hereof, the 
Soile most wholesom and fertile, aboundinge with all 
Sorts of graine and in great Measure, the temperancie of 
the Aire, and famous for the River Kishna^ that Spreadeth 
it Sfelfe into many branches runninge Up neare this Citty* 
which is above 200 miles, and issueth out Upon Point 
Due®, the Entrance of the Roade of Metchlipatam. All 



^ Compare Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 63, "The whole Kingdom 
of Golconda, take it in general, is a good Country, abounding in Com, 
T^ice, Cattel, Sheep, Poultry, and other necessaries for human life. 
In regard there are great store of Lakes in it, there is also great store 
of Fish." 

2 Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 98, "This Fort is of a large 
compass, and may be called a Town ; The Walls of it are built of 
Stones three Foot in length, and as much in breadth, and are sur- 
rounded with deep Ditches, divided into Tanquies, which are full of 
fair and good Water. But after all, it hath no works of Fortification 
but five round Towers, which (as well as the Walls of the place) 
have a great many Cannon mounted upon them for their defence." 

3 Kistna. 

* Golconda was not however on the Kistna, but on the Musi, a 
tributary of the Kistna. 

^ Well known to mariners of old as the Southern point of the 
Kistna estuary. See note on p. 55. 



GOLCONDAH III 

which conveniences cause great resort of Merchants* and 
other both Natives and Forraigners. 

Many Europeans, Especially of our English Nation, 
are here become inhabitants. Entertained in the King's 
Service^ and are for the most part in One Office or Other, 
accordinge to their deserts, as Gunners, Gunners Mates, 
Armorers, and Some Troopers', and have very considerable 
Sallary, which hath Encouraged many English Soldiers of 
Fort St. Georg's to flee theire Colours, and hasten thither, 
but nowadays are but Ordinarilie respected or Entertained, 
by. theire debauched and Unchristian like behaviours, in 
Soe much that they are now become Odious that repaire 
thither for Succor, and that come Upon Such frivolous 
accompts, without Either good repute or habit. 

This Kingdome amongst the many Merchandizes it 
affordeth, as all Sorts of Callicoes^ Saltpeeter, paintings*. 
Carpets of all Sorts, raw and wrought Silkes &c., hath the 
Enjoyment of the most plenty of rich Diamonds in the 
Universe. About lOO miles from Golcondah*' the Earth 



<i 



1 James Horner, the "free merchant" mentioned by T. B. in the 
Queda" section, resided at Golconda from 1679 — 1681. Compare 

Thevenoty part iii. p. 97, ** There are... at Bagnagar . . . many Rich 
Merchants, Bankers and Jewellers... Besides the Indian Merchants... 
there are many Persians and Armenians... There are many Franks 
also in the Kingdome, but most of them are Portuguese, who have 
fled thither for Crimes they have committed : However the English 
and Dutch have lately setled there...." From this extract, it seems, 
as stated above, p. 108, note, that T. B. confused the town of Bhagna- 
gar with the fort of Golconda. 

2 The reference is to Mir Jumla's Artillery. See Bermer, p. 17. 

3 See note on p. 5. 

* See note on p. 106. 

^ The author again shows his accurate personal knowledge of 
what he describes, and does not fall into the common error of 
locating the mines at Golconda itself Mackenzie, Kistna District^ 
^ p. 244 f. combats this error — "The diamond mines in the Kistna 
District were under the control of the Kings of Golconda for the whole 
of that period [circa 1500 — 1686].., Golconda is a common enough 
name in the Telugu country,... but the Golconda which gave a title to 
the Qutb Shah dynasty is a hill fortress near Haidarabad. There are 
no diamonds in that locality, and when poets wrote of Golconda's 



112 GOLCONDAH 

doth most abound therewith, where any Merchant ad- 
venturer may purchas a piece of land of halfe an Aker, 
a whole Aker or more, but at deare rates, as it Sometimes 
fall out. The Merchant giveinge 8, lo, 20 thousand 
Pagodes^ for a Small Spot of land, hath the liberty to 
digge soe deep as he pleaseth*, and wash out the Earth 
Searchinge for what hidden treasure he may happilie find, 
but severely inspected by the King's Officers, soe that if 
he meet with a rough Diamond that weyeth above 70 or 
72 Conderines^ the Exact weight of one Royal of 8*, it 
must be for the King's owne Use, he payinge or causeinge 
to be paid soe much moneys for it, (but little more then 
one halfe the just worth) the rest of Smaller weight and 
magnitude are att the Adventurers owne disposall, and 
thus Sometimes they reape Vast Estates in Short time, 
and Some loose them. 

Amongst the famous buildings of Golcondah may well 
be in the number the Mosquees*' and Tombs of the 
deceased Kings and Queens, Especially that of the last 
queen Mother that deceased, whose Bones, after 7 years 
interred were taken Up and Sent to Mecha, there againe 



gems and Golconda's mines they were not aware that Golconda was 
only the residence of the king, where were displayed the diamonds 
collected in the outlying tracts of his dominions." Compare also 
Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. 134 — 138, who gives the earliest reliable 
account of these mines. 

^ See note on p. 51. 

2 Compare Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 135, "They [the Merchants] 
pay two per cent, to the King for all that they buy : besides that, he 
has also a duty from the Merchants for leave to dig.... And from the 
day that they begin to work, to the day that they end, the Merchants 
pay to the King two Pagods a day ; and four when they employ an 
hunder'd men." 

3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Candareen. This quotation is useful for 
the history of the word. See Ind, Ant, vol. xxvi. p. 315 f., vol. xxvii. 
pp. ii ff., 91 f. 

* i.e, a dollar. 

^ Masjids. See note on p. 11. 



GOLCONDAH 113 

interred in the Land of their Ungodlie Patron*, the tombe 
of her first buriall haveinge much added to the repaire 
thereof, done by this King's father, who deceased Soon 
after he had finished the Worke, Anno 1671^. Hee caused 
3 Globes of Massy Gold to be placed on the topp of the 
Tombe with 3 large halfe Moons of the Same^ And 
caused the Said Tombe to be reverenced as a most Sacred 
Monument. And gave, and Confirmed many Strange 
Priviledges Upon it, (one for instance). If any Person 
have Comitted the most inhumane Crime of theft, Murther, 
or what else, that by theire Laws deserve a most horrid 



^ T. B. appears to have confused two of the daughters of Ibrahim 
Quli Qutb Shah, 4th king of the Qutb Shah! line. Haiyat Bakhsh Begam 
was the mother of Abdullah Qutb Shah the 6th king, who died in 
1672. She was buried at Golconda, but her body was not afterwards 
removed. Among the "King's Tombs" described in vol. ii. p. 519 of 
the Nizam^s Dominions by Bilgrami and Wilmott, mention is made of 
that of "Haiyat Baksh Begam, daughter of Ibrahim Kuli Kutub Shah 
and the wife of Sultan Mahomed the 5th king, and mother of Sultan 
Abdulla Kutub Shah, 6th and last but one of the Kutub Shahi line. 
The date of her death as inscribed on the tomb is H. 1047 (a.d. 161 7)." 
On p. 486 of the same vol. it is stated that the mother of Abdullah 
Qutb Shah, who died in 1672, pre-deceased her son by only 2 years 
and 4 months. As Ibrahim Quli Qutb Shah died in 1 580/1, the date 
of his daughter's death is more probably 161 7. For information about 
the other daughter, evidently the one referred to by T. B., I am 
indebted to Syed Hossein Bilgrami, who says — "The only court lady 
whose body was exhumed after seven years and sent to Kerbela (not 
Mecca) for burial in holy ground was Khairat-un-Nissa Begam, a 
daughter of Ibrahim Qutb Shah. She was buried temporarily under 
a dome erected for this purpose in Khairatabad not far from a mosque 
built by herself, and the remains were removed to Kerbela seven years 
after. The empty mausoleum and mosque are standing to this day, 
but there are no inscriptions on either of them." 

2 Abdullah Qutb Shah, 1624/5— 1672. T. B. is a year out in the 
date of his death. 

^ There is no doubt that the tomb described by T. B. is that of 
Abdullah Qutb Shah. Syed Hossein Bilgrami informs me that it is 
\v r?-^ inausoleum in the district with three domes, and that Abdul- 
lah Qutb Shah is buried in it with his two Hindu queens, Pema Mathi 
and Tara Mathi. In the Nizam's Dominions, vol. ii. p. 520, the 
tomb IS thus described, " Between the walled enclosure and the fort 
wails IS the tomb of the sixth king. Sultan Abdulla Kutub Shah, who 
iso ^" "• '^3 (A.D. 1672) after a reign of forty-eight years. This 
anS"^ • ^ finest tombs here, being enriched with very fine carvings 
an<» minarets at each comer of the platform...." 

^- 8 




114 GOLCONDAH 

death, if the Party before apprehended can make his 
Escape into the Tombe, he not only Saveth his life, but 
cannot for the future be taken out by Violence, but live 
theire very peaceably, and at the Kinge (sic) Charged 

Currant Coynes in this Kingdome\ 

Fort St. Georg's, vizt. 

New Pagods' here coyned passe all the King- lb s d 

dome over att the Rate of oo 08 (X) 

Fanam* of gold at CO GO 03 

Cash* made of Coppar 80 make one fanam 00 00 03 

Royals" of 8 are worth 00 05 (X) 

Rupees^ are worth CO 02 03^ 

The Abassin® of Persia 7 to one Pagod or 00 08 cx) 

* Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 99 f. "The Sepulchres of the 
King who built Golconda, and of the five Princes who have Reigned 
after him are about two Musquet-shot from the Castle. They take up 
a great deal of ground because every one of them is in a large Garden. 
...The Tombs of the six Kings are accompanied with those of their 
Relations, their Wives, and chief Eunuchs... .AH these Sepulchres are 
Sanctuaries, and how criminal soever a Man may be that can get into 
them, he is secure." 

2 This is one of the most valuable accounts of the confusing money 
of the time in existence. See article on Southern Indian weights in 
Ind, Ant. vol. xxvii. p. 57f. This table compares fairly well with 
that of Fryer, p. 208 f. Compare the "Account of the Money of Asia" 
in Tavernter, vol. i. part ii. pp. 2 — 6. 

3 See note on p. 51. See also Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. ^, who 
gives illustrations of "the Money which the English coin in their Fort 
St. George, or else at Madrespatam, upon the Coast of Coromandel. 
They call them Pagods, as those of the Kings and Raja's of the 
Country are call'd. They are of the same weight, the same goodness, 
and pass for the same Value." 

* A small gold and also silver coin in Southern India. This, and 
the three references which follow, are valuable for values. See 
Hobson-Jobsoii, s.v. Fanam. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Cash. 

^ Royal of eight, (Span, real), i.e. a piece of eight rentes, or a dollar. 
Fryer, p. 210, gives the value of a Royal at Bussorah as "3^ Abbassees." 
Taking the value of the Abassi at about is. ^d., this would agree with 
T. B.'s estimate. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Rupee. The quotation above, and those 
later on, are interesting as additional evidence that the form "rupee" 
had become fixed by the last quarter of the 17th century. 

® The table here must be read with some care. What the writer 



GOLCONDAH - US 

lb s d 

The Mase^ of Achin S fanams 20 cash or 00 01 03^ 

Pullicatt 
The Pagod Valueth 00 08 06 

24 fanams make one Pagod or 00 08 06 

24 Coppar Cash make one fanam or cx) 00 04^ 

Golcondah 
The Old Pagod* Valueth 00 12 00 

The fanam 00 01 00 

Porto Novo and Trincombar' 

The Pagod there Coyned Valueth but 00 06 00 

Theire Fanam is worth cx) 00 04 

Metchlipatam 

The forementioned coynes passe as per Idem 

rates 
The Syam Ticull* Values one rupee ^ or 00 03 07 

means is that the abassin of Persia are 7 to the pagoda of 8j., or is. i^d, 
each. In 1672 John Marshall, Notes and Observations on East India, 
says, " I Abassee weighs iOf\ an. Sicca," and in 1679 we have the 
following in Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2, under date 25th June, 
** 204 whole Abassees 336 halfe ditto making in all 237 [should be 372] 
abassees at 8| a. per abass." These values tally almost exactly with 
T.B.*s statement, taking the standard anna of the period to be worth 
about i^d, and the sicca anna at something less. Sir Thos. Herbert 
rates the abassi at sixteen pence in 1677, Travels, p. 314. The coin 
took its name from Shah Abas II. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Mace. See also Ind. Ant, vol. xxvii. 

p. 37 ff. 

* See Tavemier, vol. i. part ii. p. 4, for a representation of "one 
of the ancient Pagods. They are as heavy as the new ones ; and 
though they be no better Gold, yet some years since they went at 20 
and 25 per Cent, more than the new ones; the reason is, for that the 
Bankers being all Idolaters, they are so superstitious as to believe, 
that if they melt down that Money, some Calamity will befall their 
Country ; and they hold this for such a certain truth. That for fear the 
King of Golconda should melt it, they paid him for certain Years 
20000 Pagods. But you must observe, that these old Pagods are 
nowhere currant but in the Kingdom of Golconda,...." 

' Tranquebar. 

* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tical. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxvi. p. 253 ff. 
for an exhaustive treatment of this word, weight and coin. The state- 
ment in the text is an interesting proof, too, of the vigorous trade at 

8—2 



Il6 GOLCONDAH 

lb s d 

Coppar Cash Value each cx) CX) oi 

Narsapore and Pettipolee. 

The forementioned moneys passe Currant, but in Nar- 
sapore, and the Villadges 20 or 30 miles off, they have 
a Small Sort of moneys made of lead like Swan Shot, 
and are called Picans* ; many hundreds of them passe 
for One Rupee. 

Theire Weights, vizt. 

The Usuall Weights of this Coast are the 

CandiP, the Maund', and the Veece*. 

A Candil Contains 500 pound weight Avordupois 

Or twenty Maunds 

A Maund Contains 8 Veece 

J, or 025 Idem 

A Veece Contains 003 Idem 

Measures. 

All Sorts of Graine is Sold by measure, 
as alsoe Oyle, butter, or any liquid thinge. 
The Para* contains Markalls* 

The Markall contains 

this time between Masulipatam and Mergui, then belonging to Siam. 
Compare De la Loublre^ p. 94, "Anciently this service [due to the 
King of Siam] was esteemed at a Tical a month, because that one 
Tical is sufficient to maintain one Man." 

^ This word is not to be found in Hobson-Jobson. 

2 See Hobsonjobson^ s.v. Candy. For the value of this form 
of "Candy," see Ind. Ant vol. xxvi. p. 245, n, 40 and p. 253, «. 42. 

3 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v, Maund. This reference and those in 
the Bengal Section are valuable for descriptions and weights of some 
of the old varieties of the maund. 

* See Hobson-Jobsojty s.v. Viss. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxvi. p. 327, 
and vol. xxvii. p. 58 ff. It is the well-known South Indian and Indo- 
Chinese weight about 3^ lbs. 

^ N. and E.^ p. 23, for 3rd June, 1680, has a very valuable quotation, 
"Eight small measures make one Tomb [=Mercall], Five Tombs 
make one Parra, Eighty Parras make one Garce." It is a pity that 
the text has a blank just here. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. p. 408. 

® See Hobson-JobsoUy s.v. Mercall. It is tantalizing that the text 



GOLCONDAH 1 17 

One thinge more I must needs Mention for the honour 
and Praise all travellers ought to give it, (beinge what is 
it's desert) I meane the Kingdome in General, through 
out which great care is taken both for the Safety wee 
Enjoy, and for relieve all travailers may have, which is 
first it is blessed with good and cleane Roades, and Upon 
Every common of above 4 or 5 miles in length, there is 
built a Small house or two where, if the travailer is thirsty, 
a thinge frequent in these warme climates, he may have 
milke or Congy^, which is water boyled very well with 
Some rice in it, at the King's charge, and the people 
demand nothinge for it, but if any man will give them 
a penny or two, they have the wit to receive it very 
thankfully. 

Moreover, att Every 12 miles End a house or two^, 
(accordinge as the Roade is frequented) are built and kept 
in repaire (att the King's charges) for the conveniency 
of lodgings, for any comers or goers, the first come first 
Served, without any respect of Persons, which are fine 
conveniences for them, more Especially for that the Idola- 
trous people who inhabit most of the Countrey Villadges 
dare not admit of any of another Cast* to enter theire doors. 

Then for the Safety thus, If the travailer hath goods 
or moneys, whereby he is Suspicious of beinge robbed, 

should be incomplete here. The Mercall as a Madras measure of 
capacity varied a good deal. At the present day, in modem com- 
mercial parlance, 5 mercauls make i parrah in measuring grain, the 
parrah being about 2J cubic ft. The mercaul is still also a liquid 
measure. 

^ See note on p. 29. 

2 i.e, sarai. Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 248 f., "There are no 
inns in Bengal nor in hardly any of the provinces of India for the 
convenience of travellers. But in many spots are to be found tents, 
sheds, and stone buildings which were formerly erected by pious and 
charitable people, who by this means have perpetuated their memories, 
and a traveller may pass one or more nights in them. It is true that 
one is not very comfortable but in any case it is better than nothing. 
These buildings are called Sarais." 

3 See note on p. 9. 



Il8 GOLCONDAH 

at Every Eminent towne (the residence of a Governour) 
he is Very ready to give his Chopp^ which is Signet, by 
Vertue of which he goeth very Safely to the next Gover- 
ment, and there tendered with his Chopp and soe forward. 
It is a Seale put upon his wrist in black, which gives 
a durable impression, not at once Easily washed off, and 
if in case it soe happens that he is robbed, a thinge lesse 
common in this Kingdome then any Other, He hath. 
Upon Shewinge that Signet (in the Same Goverment) 
restitution made. 

In the Latter End of February they have one re- 
markable day, which is Annualy Observed with great 
Mirth and Rejoyceinge. They Say it is the Very day 
and Month theire Forefather Slew a most terrible and 
deformed Giant, which if ever there was one accordinge 
to what they imitate, he was Certainly the most Devil 
like. They place him in a great Chaire made for the 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Chop. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has 
Chap = a Printing Iron. Compare the following contemporary in- 
stances of the use of the word: — "Wee Received your 2 Chops for 
liberty of trade to Emoy which are very satisfactory, but wee desire to 
know whether it be necessary to have them yearly renewed, or if the 
same will serve." Bantam "Generall," 22nd Dec. 1675. Factory 
Records, Java, No. 6. 

"The Virtue of the Chopp or passe for Amoy is that noe duties are 
payable there." Bantam "Generall," 5th June, 1676. Ibid, 

"The favour the Young King was and still is pleased to doe him 
[the Agent] and this Factoty [Bantam] in permitting noe one to come 
of {sic) his message without his ring or Chop, and whosoever hath 
brought it yett never failed to obtein his desires." Bantam "Generall,** 
26th June, 1678. Ibid. 

"The Persian writeing before mentioned is drawne up here... 
and you are to get the Cogee [? khwajdjty chief merchant] to Chopp 
it." Letter from Fort St George to Masulipatam, 14th Feb. 1677/8. 
Factory Records, Masulipatam, No. 10. 

"If the Vaqueel \yaktl, agent] occasions that you pay anything 
more then what is usuall for the Writing Chauping &ca. Small usual! 
Charges he is severely to be Checked for it.'' Letter from Hugli to 
Dacca, 27th Dec. 1678. Factory Records, Hugli, No. 5. 

"We are glad the Controversy about our ground is decided, it 
imports you now to gett such Authentique Papers Chauped by the 
Cozzee \qazt, judge] as may Confirme what now passed in the niture 
and stave off the like Claimes." Letter from Hugli to Balasor, loth 
May, 1679. Ibid, 



GOLCONDAH II9 

Same purpose, runninge Upon 4 Wheels, for the Easier 
drawinge of him through the towne. He is called Jansa 
Bainsah^ made of pastboard, leather, &c. Stuffed with 
Straw and Other Combustible ingredients, covered with 
blew cloth, his head and face painted with Redd and 
White, Severall Resbutes^ and Others danceinge Round 
him with great drawne Swords, after the manner of fence- 
inge, callinge Upon him by his Name, with many torches, 
flaggs, Pipes, and drums, and in this Posture, he is drawne 
throught the Principall Streets of the towne. They burne 
him to dust in The Open Street about the 12th houre 
in the night. 

They Say he was a most terrible Giant, a great De- 
stroyer of man and beast, and was at last destroyed by 
a Moore (of noe Small couradge), for which they Celebrate 
the day and night of his Destruction, a thinge their 
Ancestors Ordered, that their Posteritie may not bury in 
Oblivion Such a mighty Restauration of their Countrey 
from Such Destruction. 



* One is tempted to refer "Jansa Bainsah" to our old friend 
Hobson-Jobson in yet another form, especially as Valentyn in the 
paragraph entitled "Het Feest van Hassan en Hossein," chap. iv. 
p. 107 of vol. v., says that the Dutch call the cry of Shah Hussain, 
"Jaksom Baksom." See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Hobson-Jobson. How- 
ever, Syed Hossein Bilgrami has given me the followmg explanation 
of T. B.'s statement: "It is said that the country about Tuljapur was 
at one time infested by a Rakshaso of the name of Mahesha Asura 
[whence Mahecasura, Maisur, Mysore], who came in the shape of a 
monstrous bumilo, ravaged the country far and wide and destroyed 
everything that lay on his way. The black Bhavani of Tuljapur, 
however, fought with and destroyed this monster, in commemoration 
of which event an effigy of the buffalo called Mahesha Bhainsa (cor- 
rupted into Ainsa Bhainsa) is made every year and carried about with 
every mark of indignity until it is deposited somewhere to be brought 
out again at the next anniversary. The ceremony is performed by the 
lower castes only in the Deccan, and they do not burn the effigy. 
Ainsa Bhainsa, in my opinion, has nothing to do with Hassan Hossain 
or the Moharrum." 

2 See notes on pp. 19 and 83. 



I20 THE COAST OF GINGALEE 



THE COAST OF GINGALEE. 

This Coast called Gingalee^ is Certainly the most 
pleasant and Commodious Sea Coast that India affordeth, 
pleasant in many respects, beinge a most delicate Cham- 
pion' Land, and one of the most fertile lands in the 
Universe, and Commodious for Navigation's Sake, enjoy- 
inge many pleasant and good harbours, very well popu- 
lated, and of a reasonable good Extent. 

It beginneth at Point or Cape Goodawaree^ the En- 
trance or South Side of the bay Corango*, which Cape 

^ Now Golconda. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Gingerly; the note 
is, however, inadequate. The text shows clearly that the term meant 
the Coast between the "Coromandel" and "Orissa" Coasts, i.e. be- 
tween the Godavarl estuary and Juggernaut Pagoda. It was more 
commonly known to mariners as the Golconda Coast. See Pringle, 
Consultations for 1682, p. lOQf. note 41. Compare the following 
contemporary extracts : "This place [Balasor] finding a small vend 
[of cloth] by the Gentues throughout Orixa and part of Gingerley." 
Letter from Balasor to the Court, Jan. 1673, Factory Records^ Hugli, 
No. 4. "The business toward Corango and the Coast of Ginglee did 
not goe on well neither." Letter from the "Braminy" at Golconda 
to Fort St George, 6th Jan. 1680, Factory Records ^ Fort St George, 
No. 28. "The Avaldar of Metchlepatam... would not permitt our 
people to send Boats to the Coast of Gingerlee." Letter from Ditto to 
Ditto, 14th Jan. 1680, Ibid, "The Sloop Dispatch was cast away 
very near Bengali out of the Gingerlee Nabobs government" Letter 
from Madapollam to Fort St George, 14th Dec. 1680, Ibid. "At this 
time of year there are not many boats to be had, being employed to 
Gingerlee for Paddy.'* Letter from Golconda to Fort St George, 
14th Dec. 1680, Ibid. See also quotations in note on p. 4. 

^ i.e. level, open, country. Compare the following : "We... travailed 
through a pleasant Champion Country, which brought us about 
12 a clock to Utromeloor, a Garrison pagodoe in the Genau Kings 
time." Extract from Elihu Yale's Memoriall^ Dec. 168 1, O. C. 
No 4776. "The middle Cluster [of the Nicobars] is fine champain 
Ground." Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 69. Here the 
writer means to infer "fine open country," for none of the islands are 
level. "The Land for about 60 miles up in the Country [Tonquin] 
is still very low... with some gentle risings here and there, that make 
it a fine pleasant Champian ; and the further side of this also is more 
level than the Champian Country it self...." Dampier, vol. ii. p. 19. 

3 Godavarl. See note on p. 3. 

* Korangi, nowadays in Anglo-Indian, Coringa. See note on p. 3. 
Morris, Godavery District^ pp. 40 f., 167, gives the following de- 



THE COAST OF GINGALEE 121 

lyeth in Lattitude , and reacheth or Extendeth it Selfe 
Soe farre as to the Great Pagod Jno. Gernaet^ The 
Inland is very Mountainous, but 20, 30, and in Some 
places more English miles from the Ocean, very delicate 
good Land affordinge the greatest plenty of Graine, vizt. 
Wheat, Barley, Rice', Severall Sorts of gramme', with 
much more plenty of Cattle, as beefs, Sheepe, goats, &c. 
then any part (of Asia) besides afifordeth. 

They have annually 3 crops, each yeildinge great En- 
crease, and notwithstandinge the Sea Coast as also the 
Inland be Extraordinary populous, yett they transport 
above 10000 Gorse* of graine yearly, with great quantities 

scription : "Coringa (Korangi) is situated nine miles south-west of 
Cocanada. It is situated in 16° 49' N. lat., and 82*' 19' £1. long. It 
used to be a place of very great importance, but it has very much 
fallen off during the present century. It was the only place between 
Calcutta and Trincomalee where large vessels used to be docked ; but 
the river is now so shallow, and the approaches to it so difficult, that 
only small craft are now built or repaired there.... Being situated on 
a low site near the coast, it has frequently been subjected to inunda- 
tions of the sea, and to the effects of hurricanes and storms." 

^ Juggernaut. See note on p. 12. 

2 Compare the Memoriall of Streynsham Master as quoted by 
Mackenzie, Kistna District^ p. 146, i6th April, 1679, "the Dutch... 
compound at Narsapore... reaches downe to the River Side upon the 
sandy banke of which lyes many Vessells which are imployed in that 
great Rice trade of Gingerlee." 

3 The earliest quotation in Hobson-Jobson for Gram = pulse, chick- 
pea is 1702. But there are many instances of the use of the word in 
the 17th century. Compare the following: "The Gram which wee 
desired seeing you could not doe it by the Blackmoor, wee must 
bee content to waight your better oppertunity." Letter from Fort 
St George to Masulipatam, 17th June, 1669, Factory Records^ Fort 
St George, No. 16. "150 parrahs of wheat 10 Garse of Gram the 
Gunnys. . . wee likewise recommend as allready enordered." Letter from 
Fort St Georgie to Masulipatam, 24th Aug. 1676, Factory Records, 
Masulipatam, No. 10. "The Gram is ready to be clapt on board as 
soone as the Boats are ready to saile." Letter from Madapollam to 
Masulipatam, 9th Dec. 1677. Ibid. "There is neighther Black Gram 
nor Red Gram yet procurable." Letter from Madapollam to Fort 
St George, 14th Feb. 1685, Factory Records, Madapollam, No. 3. 

* A large grain measure in the Madras Presidency: anything up. 
to 4 tons and more. In T. B.'s time it contained 86 parrahs. See 
quotation from A'', and E. in note 5 on p. 116. Compare also A^. and E. 
p. 40, for 2nd Dec. 1680, "Upon application from Lingapa for a garse 
of wheat upon payment, it is resolved to supply it gratis," and the 



122 THE COAST OF GINGALEE 

of butter and Lacca^ And great Store of Calicos* are made 
here, most Especially beteelis' (which wee call Muzlin*). For 
the better transportinge of the beforementioned commodi- 
ties, Ships and Vessels in great Numbers resort hither att all 
times of the yeare, beinge,a Very Secure Coast to harbour in, 

following in a letter from the "Braminy" at Golconda to Fort St 
George, 25th Dec. 1680, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28, 
p. 277, "I had ileed of a Garce of Wheeat." In Factory Records^ 
Masulipatam, No. 10, there ire frequent requisition^ from Fort St 
George to Masulipatam for "10 Garse of Gram." Lockyer, Trade 
in India^ p. 9, has ** Liquid and Dry Measure [in Fort St George] viz. 
one Measure is one Pint and a half. Eight Measures, one Mercall ; 
and four hundred Mercalls are one Garse." 

^ See Hobson-Jobsorty s.v. Lac. Wilson, Early Annals, vol. i. 
P- 379» quoting from "Kenns advices about Bengali in 1661" has, 
among "Commodities procurable at Patna," "Gumlack or Sticklack 
very dear, from 9 to 1 1 Rupees," and on p. 398, under "Exports from 
Bengal," "Lack worth 3 Tale per Bahar when plenty." In England, 
Pegu Sticklack was the kind always requisitioned by the Court, 
"100 Tunns" being the usual order. Thevenot, part iii. p. 106, 
remarks, "The Traffick of those parts [Bimlipatam and its neighbour- 
hood] consists in Rice, fine Cloaths, Iron, Wax and Lacre, which is as 
good as at Pegu." In this connection, it may be noted that Crawfurd, 
Did. of the Indian Archipelago, s.v. Lacca, says the term is used for a 
red-wood used in dyeing. 

2 See note on p. 5. 

3 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Betteela. This material (under the name 
of Organdy Muslin) was greatly in vogue in England during the first 
half of the 19th century for ladies' dresses. The clearest sort was used 
for bonnets and veilings. Compare the following references : " We 
shall be able to invest all our Stocke...in Long Cloth, Salempores, 
Morees, Percalls, Batilles, but as for the Ginghams, Alligese, Onngall 
Batillas,...it must needes rest upon you." Letter from Fort St George 
to Masulipatam, 17th June, 1669, Factory Records, Fort St George, 
No. 16, p. 130. "Wee have... 1 5 Bales Oringall Beteelaes three quarters 
done, but cannot gett Packers to finish them.'' Letter from Masuli- 
patam to Fort St George, 17th Jan. 1675, Factory Records, Masuli- 
patam, No. 10. 

"Wee finde quantities of Betteleez and other fine Callicoes sent 
home yeerly by our Factors and Servants to their Freinds, to our 
great prejudice.... The Betteleez per the Unity No. 28 prove very bad 
and worse then usuall...in particular provide 5000 Oringall Betteleez 
and 8000 Allejaes at Metchlepatam." Letter from the Court to 
Fort St George, 15th December, 1676, Letter Book, No. 5, pp. 370, 

373 f- 

"Wee approve of your accepting more of the fine Sallam pores and 

Bettelees then wee ordered." Letter from the Court to Fort St George, 

1 2th December, 1677. Ibid, p. 497. See Pringle, Consultations for 

168 1, p. 71, note 103. 

* See note on p. 5. 



THE COAST OF GINGALEE 1 23 

namely in Corango*, Vizegapatam^ Bimlipatam*, Wattara*, 

* See notes on pp. 3 and 120. 

* Not in Hobson-Jobson, but should be as it turns up in all sorts 
of queer forms in the old books. Seje Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. pp. 357 
and 400, where, among numerous forms the following are noted, 
"Inzipatam, Bizipatam, Wisagapatam, Vasingepatam." As to the 
derivation of the name, Carmichael, VizUgapatam District^ pp. 21 and 
164, says that the term Vizagapatam is properly Visakha-pattanam, the 
city of Visakha or Kartikeya, the Hindu Mars, to whom a pagoda was 
erected in the 14th century. He adds that, owing to the encroachments 
of the surf, this edifice has long since disappeared. On p. 164 he says, 
"A branch of the English East India Company appears to have settled 
at Vizagapatam about the middle of the seventeenth century. In 
A.D. 1689 m the reign of Aurangzeb, during the rupture between that 
monarch and the company, their warehouses here were seized, and all 
the English residents put to the sword." Clement Jordan, T. B.'s 
purser on the Sancta Cruz^ held an official position in the factory at 
Vizagapatam from 1682 — 1684. 

Prmgle, Consu/Zations for 1684, p. 170, suggests that Gingerlee and 
Vizagapatam are identical. In support of this theory, it is urged 
that a factory was established at Vizagapatam in 1668, which must 
have been abandoned some time before the earliest consultations 
extant, but had a factory existed in T. B.'s time, he would hardly have 
failed to mention it. It seems in fact to have been re-established 
a little later, from the following evidence. In Feb. 1682 the Court 
wrote to Fort St George that an interloper was designed for "Metchle- 
patam or Gyngerlee." It was left to the discretion of the Council 
at Fort St George whether or not to make part of their Investment 
at "Gyngerlee or thereabouts." The Company could not decide if 
it would be advisable to settle a factory at "Gyngerlee" subordinate 
to Fort St George {^Letter Book^ No. 6). On the 28th August of 
the same year the Court wrote, "Wee shall be very Glad to heare that 
in persuance of our former order you have found such incouragement 
to settle a Factory at Gingerlee as at Porto Nova..." {Letter Book, 
No. 7). On the ist Aug. 1682 George Ramsden was appointed Chief 
at Gingerly and Clement du Jardin a factor there. On the 8th Sept. 
there is a note of Mr Ramsden's departure to Vizagapatam and his 
return to Masulipatam. From this time a regular official correspond- 
ence was interchanged between Vizagapatam and Fort St George, and 
on the nth Oct. 1682 there is a note as to the building of a factory at 
Vizagapatam. As Ramsden was at the head of this factory, there 
seems no doubt but that the town at first known as Gingerlee was 
subsequently called by the native name of Vizagapatam. Alex. 
Hamilton, East Indies, vol. i. p. 372, described Vizagapatam as he 
saw it some years later, and says it produced the "best D ureas, or 
stript Muslins, in India." 

^ Of Bimliapatam Schouten says, vol. i. p. 493, "Bemilipatnam 
is barely four leagues from Visiagapatnam in 18" N. Latitude. A 
fairly good trade is carried on, owing to the fact that the Dutch have, 
for a long time, had a settlement there." Compare the Diary of 
Streynsham Master, under date 20th Aug. 1676, p. 44, "Wee Sailed by 
Bimliapatam where the Dutch have a Factory, and there was two 
Ships rideing." See Ind, Ant, vol. xxx. p. 348. 

* In a protest of Callor Vessina against Mr Main waring, enclosed 



124 THE COAST OF GINGALEE 

Pondy^ Manichapatam^. There be many Other faire towns 
alonge this Shore but noe more good harbours, Some Fortifi- 
cations alsoe but all Under the Goverment of the Moors, 
Subject to the Golcondah Kinge, Of which Chicacol'* is the 

in a letter from Masulipatam to Fort St George, 23rd May, 1678, 
Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 10, p. 44, we find the following : 
"He [Mr Mainwaring] told them all [the boatmen] he must have their 
Boats to fectch (sic) Paddy from the Coast to Gingerlee, at a place 
called Wattarra." Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 372, 
"Coasting along the Shore, there are several little Ports between 
Matchulipatam and Vizagapatam, besides Narsapore and Angerang, 
but Watraw is the most noted, for it produces Rice for Exportation, 
besides some long Cloth, but it is not frequented by Europeans." 

Dunn, East Indies Directory^ p. 150, says, "Point Godvarin and 
Vatare (Watare or Watsare) bear off each other north and south 
10 leagues.... Vatare is known by a mosque built on the top of a hill." 

^ Compare Schouten, vol. i. p. 58, "We passed by Visiagapatnam, 
Binnilipatnam, Connare, Sicocol, Pondy,...." 

Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. i. p. 378, "There 
are several other Places... on the Coast, that drive a small Trade in 
Corn. Pondee, Callingapatam and Sunapore are the most noted, but 
are not frequented by Europeans.'' See Pringle, Consultations for 
1685, p. 166 and note. Of Pondy, Dunn, East Indies Directory, says, 
"From Caletaer to Pondy, the coast trenches N.E. easterly, distance 
5i leagues.... Close in shore, before the river of Pondy are 10 or 12 
rocks, and within land some high rugged mountains which thwart the 
river." See Ind, Ant. vol. xxx. p. 356. 

2 Manikpatam. Compare Dunn, East Indies Directory, p. 153, 
"From Karikpar to Manikpatnam or Manicapatnam, the bearing is 
N.E.b.E. J E. distance 9 leagues.... Off Manikpatnam a bank of sand 
projects 2 miles.... Manikpatnam maybe seen when the Mountain of 
Karapar bears W.S.W. 7 or 8 leagues. It is known by a little pagoda, 
encompassed with houses and other buildings, with some large trees." 

3 The name of this place appears in many forms. Schouten, vol. ii. 
p. 58, has "Sicocol." "Tell them [th^ Cossids] they must not goe in 
to Chickrecole by the Way for they will be stoped if they doe.'* Letter 
from Reade at Hugli to Edwards at Balasor, 3rd April, 1678, O. C. 
No. 4392. In Madras Press Listior nth Oct. 1682 we have "Copy 
of letter from the Chief &c. at Vizagapatam to the Governor and 
Council of Fort St George relative to George Ramsden's departure to 
Chickeracole to procure a cowle from the Seir Lascar.'' Under date 
23rd May (Pringle, Consultations for 1683) there is the entry, "Reed, 
a Generall from Mr George Ramsden and Mr Charles Fleetwood at 
ChecracoU dated the 5th Instant." On this Mr Pringle remarks, note 
55« P- ^yj-f "ChecracoU (Srikakulam, pop. Chicacole). A town on the 
coast of the modern Ganjam district, situated about four miles from 
the sea on the Nagavali river, and at one time the head quarters of the 

faujddr of Golconda." Compare Thevenot, part iii. p. 106, "From 
Bimlipatam to Cicacola it is fifteen hours travelling by Land, and this 
is the last Town of the Kingdom of Golconda, on the side of Bengala." 
Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. i. p. 371, says, "The Nabob or 



THE COAST OF GINGALEE 12$ 

most famous for large and stately buildings, the richest 
Merchants, the rtiost populated, and Especially for that it is 
the residence of Sr. Larskare*, the Kings deputy or Viceroy, 
Who bears as great Sway Over this Coast in Generall 
as the Kinge his Master doth in Golcondah. He liveth 
in great State and Splendor, and hath continually a great 
Retinue of Lifeguard men and Soldiery, being for the 
most part Moors and Persians. Hee keeps many Stately 
Elephants, and a huge number of Concubines, which are 
the 2 Chiefe pieces of State Esteemed On amonge the 
Inhabitants of Asia. 

Having this Entire Sea Coast Under his Command, 
and power Soe great Over the Inhabitants hereof, he can 
in one day raise a Very Considerable army of at least 
ICO thousand fightinge men. 

Vice-roy of Chormondel, who resides at Chickacul, and who super- 
intends that Country for the Mogul...." Pitt in a letter to Fleetwood, 
Sept. 1699, Hedged Diary ^ vol. iii. p. 47, writes, "Wee have taken 
care to manage the affair at Siccacul to the best advantage...." Dunn, 
East Indies Directory^ p. 151, has, "From the point of Conar to 
Ticacoel or Chicacol, the coast trenches N.E. J E. distance 34 miles.... 
Chicacol is by a river near which are 3 or 4 great trees, and some 
palm-trees.'* 

* Sar-i-Lashkar, Indice Sarlashkar, the head of the forces. This 
Anglo-Indianism is not in Hobson-Jobson^ except in a quotation for 
1682 under Lascar. This particular official is constantly mentioned in 
the records of the period. Compare the following: *'The Dutch in 
persuance of their demands upon the Seer Lascar of Gingerlee upon 
his refusall of coming to Agreement with them...." 29th April, 1678, 
Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 2. "They told us that one who 
aforetime was King of Orixa was risen with a great army of 35,000 
Horse upon your coast and country of Gingerlee, who had beseiged 
the Seer Lascar or Gratt [Grail, for General] of the King of Gulcondah 
in a Castle and had taken away 500 laest of Pady of the Dutch 
Companys." Memoriall of Streynsham Master, under date loth April, 
1679, quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna District^ p. 142. "There came 
one Sheake Ahmud to Town with letters from... the Ser Laskar Nabob 
Mahmud Ibrahim." 25th May, 1680, Factory Records^ Fort St George, 
No. 2. "The pagodas 1200... I paid the same day unto the Sharlaskar. 
...The Sarlaskar having considered farther, told me...." Letters from 
the "Braminy*' at Golconda to Fort St George, 21st March and 12th 
June, 1680, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28, pp. 74 and 103. 
"Copy of Mr. Jardin's Cattapa to the Sier Lascar, Sier Lascar's 
Cowle for Vizagapatam given to Mr. Jardin." 15th Oct. 1683. Madras 
Press List. 



126 THE COAST OF GINGALEE 

The Merchants, as alsoe most tradesmen, are of the 
Gentue Cast^ and live for the most parrt in admirable 
Subjection to the Moors^ payinge the King's taxes and 
duties to the Uttermost farthinge, besides many Oppres- 
sions of taxes the Governour and his Mahometan Councell 
lay heavily Upon them, and, which is more grievous, they 
are compelled to beare it with the largest Extent of 
Patience, by reason little or noe justice is to be acquired 
where the Mahometans are Lords Over them ; for, if 
complaint be made to the high Court of Justice, the 
Mussleman', as they call themselves. Shall Certainly carry 
it (if he appeare in Person) Onely with this one Saying, 
Ka Mussleman jute bolta. Will a true believer lye*? 

As for theire Idolatrous way of worship, they Enjoy 
it as fully as in any Other place in the Empire of the 
Grand Mogoll' (or territories of Golcondah), and without 
doubt pay largely for it. They have many delicate groves, 
tanks' of water, and large Fabricks of Stone called Pa- 

^ See note on p. 9. Pringle, Consultations for 1681, p. 64, note 17, 
says, "Gentoo — A corruption of the Portuguese gentio (heathen) as 
opposed to moros (the Moors or Mussulmans). It was suggested in 
Hobson-Jobson that the word might still linger at Madras in the 
limited sense of Telugu Hindus. This is the case, and it seems to be 
very extensively so used even now [1893]. With the singular tendency, 
however, of obsolescent words to pass from stage to stage of degra- 
dation, it is, at this date, applied to the talk of the lowest classes of 
Telugus, in especial to that of sweepers. Among Europeans it has 
fallen out of use." 

2 Muhammadans. See note on p. 10. Pringle, Consultations for 
1 68 1, p. 69, note 78, remarks that it "is much to be regretted that we 
have almost lost this useful word for Mussulmans of whatever race." 

3 Muhammadan. See note on p. 76. Compare the following in a 
letter from the "Braminy" at Golconda to Fort St George, 21st June, 
1680, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28, p. 114, "Verona being 
a Moor man yet he was burnt, which [was] a great dishonour to the 
Mussulman's sect." 

* This expression shows that the writer had really mastered col- 
loquial Hindostani, for the expression would run correctly: Kya? 
Musalman jhut bolta? What? the Musalman speak a lie? 

^ Aurangzeb. See note on p. 10. 

^ A sheet of water. See note on p. 7. See also Thevenot, 
part iii. p. 96, for a description of a "great square Reservatory or 



THE COAST OF GINGALEE \2J 

gods*, more large and of greater Antiquie {sic) then all 
the land of the Hindoos beside doth afford. And, what 
maketh this Countrey most famous, is the Scituation of 
theire most holy and Esteemable Pagod J no. Gemaet^ 
Soe much resorted to by both the rich and Poore from 
thi£ Remotest parts of India and Persia. 

Some of the richest Indian Merchants Inhabit upon 
this Coast; but many of them dare not be knowne to be 
soe, for feare of receiveinge injurie from the Mahometans, 
and for some reasons more, the Chiefe of which is, if any 
of them die, theire Estates in full falls to the Kinge, none 
of his Seed dareinge to claime any of it by right or title^ 
onely lyeth at the mercie -and benevolence of the Kinge 
or Emperour'. 

Theire habit is generally but meane, more like to 
Servants then Masters, theire houses very Ordinary low 
and for the most part thatched over, and are for the 
foregoeinge reasons forced, for the benefit of theire 
Posteritie, to bury the Major part of their treasure in 
the Earth. 

But all Forraigners, more Especially the English and 
Dutch, have great freedome here, the Same wee have in 
Other parts of this King's Dominions, and live Very 
pleasantly Upon the fatt of the land, provisions Vizt. 
Cows, fowle. Sheep, goats, fish, and all Sorts of Venison 
beinge to be had in great abundance and incredibly Cheap 



Tanquie" at Bhagnagar. Compare the Memoriall of Streynsham 
Master as quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna District^ p. 150, under date 
25th April, 1679, "We lodged in a mangoe garden by the tanke side, a 
pleasant green place." 

1 See note on p. 7. 

2 Jagannath, Juggernaut. See note on p. 12. Compare the fol- 
lowing in a letter from Hugli to Balasor, i6th May, 1678, O. C, 
No. 4416 — "Pray write to the Rajah of Jagrenaut to passe our 
Cossids." 

3 The dispute about the creed of Cassa Verona (Kagi Viranna) 
was most probably on account of his wealth. See note on p. 95. 



128 THE COAST OF GINGALEE 

and good. Theire Cows are the largest and fattest I have 
Seen in India. They have Excellent good Pasture ground, 
the fields and trees always green, theire butter and rice 
and Oyle the best in India. Theire Oyle is for the most 
part made of Mustard Seede, and is Vendible all India 
and South Seas over. 

In fine, it is a most delicate countrey for the Use of 
man, the Aire good and comfortable, and the land 
aboundinge with all Necessaries for the Sustainance of 
mankind. 



ORIXA\ 

This Kindome is of noe great Extent, but is an in- 
different pleasant Countrey, Subject to the Great MogolP 
for the most part but not altogeather, by reason of Severall 
Radjas* who (before the Mahometan Conquest of the 
Hindoos*) possessed this Kingdome, some of which are 
not as yet Subdued and brought Under the Moorish 
Yoke, but inhabit the Mountains and woods, and Some 
yea a Considerable part of the plaine land, more Especi- 
ally neare to Point Palmeris*^ the Entrance into the Bay 

^ See note on p. 5. Compare Schouten, vol. ii. p. 142, "The 
4th January, 1664... we came in sight of the low coasts of Orixa." 
Thevenot^ part iii. p. 67, has "Oulesser" for "Ouresser" by a common 
mistake of / for r in Oriental words. 

2 Aurangzeb. See note on p. 10. 

3 See note on p. 39. 

* See note on p. 10. 

* Palmyras. See Hobson-JobsoTiy s.v. Palmyras. Compare the 
Diary of S trey ns ham Master^ under date 22nd August, 1676, p. 44, 
"This night wee lay by, driveing in the Sea off point Palmerasfrom 27 
to 34 fathome water, a fresh gale at Southwest." Compare also Yule, 
Hedges' Diary ^ vol. i. p. 30, "About 2 in the afternoon we doubled the 
point of Palmiras, and between 6 and 7 in the evening we came to an 
anchor in the Bay." Of Point Palmiras, Horsburgh, India Directory, 
ed. 1855, vol. i. p. 607, says, "Point Palmiras (called by the natives 



ORIXA 129 

of Bengala, where, for above lOO miles, the land is divided 
by Rivers and Rivolets into Islands, and thereby become 
Invincible. 

Sea Ports this Kingdome affbrdetli onely one, and that 
none to be admired, affordinge not water Enough for 
a Ship of 200 tunns in burden to goe into the River, and 
to ride out is very Unnecessary and dangerous, by reason 
it is noe better then a very wild Open bay that Extendeth 
it selfe from Point Conjaguaree to Palmeris ; the River 
is called Haraspoore^ Here are considerable quantities 

Mypurra, from the contiguous sandy island of this name)... bears from 
the False Point about N.E. by N. distant 8 leagues.... The land of 
Point Palmeris is low, and clothed with Palmyra-trees, having on each 
side of it, at a small distance the mouth of a river ; that on the South 
side is navigable by boats or small vessels.*' 

^ Haraspore, Harssapore, Arsipore, &c. is first mentioned in 1633, 
when Bruton with seven other Englishmen (who had set out from 
Masulipatam with the design of settling a factory at "Bengalla'O 
landed there. It was the earliest English factory in the Bay of 
Bengal, as is seen by the statement in Walter ClavelPs "Accompt of 
the Trade of Ballasore" {Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. 323) "Harra- 
pore where our first Factory was settled." Yule, Hedges* Diary ^ vol. ii. 
p. 240 and vol. iii. p. 176, identifies the port with Hurrichpore Gurh 
on the coast of the Mahanadi Delta. Wilson, Early Annals^ vol. i. 
p. 2, gives the following additional information: "On reaching Har- 
sapur or Hari9pur, the modern Hari^pur Gar, at the mouth of the 
Patua, in Orissa they [Bruton and party] transferred themselves and 
their merchandise to small hoats, and so ascended the river some eight 
miles, as far as Koslda." In a note on Patua, Wilson says, "This 
river is called R. Pa^ali above, and R. Patua below, Basanta-Patali, 
and at its mouth R. Boita-kuliya, ship-haven, a name significant of 
the former importance of the now sand-barred harbour of Hari9pur.'' 
See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Factory, where the place is given as Arzepore, 
and its existence as a factory is queried. Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. 
pp. 59 and 142, "Afterwards we passed by the Pagoda of Connercon, 
the little Pagoda of Arcsepour, Casigere, and other places... on the 
4th January, 1664... on approaching it [the low coast of Orixa] we fell 
down toward Arsapouro." 

Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 388, "From 
the dommions of Jagarynat [Jagannath] I came into those of Arsepore. 
The Town, where the Raja resided, is named after the Province, and 
there is a fine River that invites Strangers to frequent it for Cotton 
Cloth and Rice, that this Country affords in great Plenty." " Harra- 
pore Sannoes \sanahsY were a class of cotton goods in great repute in 
T. B.'s time. Compare the following in a letter from Hugli to Balasor, 
dated 13th August, 1678, (9. C No. 4480, "Make enquiry among the 
Merchants whether... Sannoes of Mohunpore, Harrapore, and Sura 
Sannos may not bee gotten cheaper." The author's "Point Conja- 

T. Q 



130 ORIXA 

of Callicoes* made and Sold to the English and Dutch, 
but are first brought over land to them to their Factories 
in Ballasore^ in the bay of Bengala. 

These inhabitants are called Ourias', and be a very 
poo re Idolatrous people S poore in general 1 and very low 
Spirited, Save those Radjas and their armies who live by 
the Sword, and will not pay homadge to any Kinge or 
Emperour in the Universe. 

Citties or townes of Note they have very few, Save 

guaree" is perhaps False Point, which is so called by the English because 
it is so easily mistaken for the important Point Palmyras. However, 
Horsburgh, India Directory^ ed. 1855, vol. i. p. 606 says, "Near this 
place [the mouth of the Gonga, called also Cuttack River] other small 
branches of the Gonga fall into the sea, forming low islets, and this 
elbow, or projecting part of the coast, called Cojung Point, has some- 
times been mistaken for the False Point, as the shore from it takes a 
northerly direction i\ or 3 miles, forming a small concavity in the 
land, nearly midway between the Black Pagoda and False Point, 
called Cojung Bay.... In the former charts of this coast, a bay, 3 leagues 
deep and 5 leagues wide, was erroneously delineated in this part." 
In the 1809 edition of the same work, vol. i. p. 353, Cojung appears as 
Codgone, and there is the remark, "Codgone Bay, instead of being 
represented as a small concavity in the coast, about half way between 
the Black Pagoda and False Point, is placed close on the west side 
of this point m the charts, and delineated about 3 leagues deep, and 
5 leagues wide ; the land from the bottom of it being made to stretch 
in a S.E. and southerly direction about 3J leagues to False Point, 
whereas in reality, there seems to be only a very small concavity on 
the west side of that Point, or rather an inlet to the river Gonga." 
By the statement "the river is called Haraspoore" the writer seems to 
refer to the continuous inland channels along the coast from the Devi 
mouths of the Mahanadi to the Maipara and Dhamra mouths of 
the Brahmanl. In the neighbourhood of False Point I find, in a 
collection of old maps: — Arsepoor and Arsepore in 1720: Mirepour 
and Irsepour in 1705, 17 10, 1720 and 1781. What the native name 
for False Point is I have been unable to ascertain. However, in a 
map of that neighbourhood in 1687, I find Segogora and Lonuary 
( = ? Conjaguaree), which seem to explain that Barro's Cabo Segogora 
(1553), quoted in Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Palmyras, is still another cor- 
ruption of the old native name for False Point, whatever that was. 

^ See note on p. 5. 

2 See quotation from Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, in note i on 
p. 129. 

3 Inhabitants of Orissa. See Hobson-Jobsoji, s.v. Ooriya. 

* Compare Thevenoty part iii. p. 67, "The Province of Oulesser,... 
which the Idolaters name Jaganat, because of the famous Idol of the 
Pagod of Jaganat which is there, is inhabited by Gentiles no less 
fanatical in point of Religion than those of Halabas." 



ORIXA 131 

what are inhabited or Governed by the Moors, and it is 
a very troublesome Kingdome for travellers, the Kingdome 
not beinge Setled Under one Goverment^ both parties 
make many pretences to injure the poor travailer. Except 
he goe with a Competent force or traine. 



//■ 



BENGALA^ 

It is one of the largest and most Potent Kingdoms of 
Hindostan», Containing in Circuit noe lesse then English 
miles, blessed with many fine Rivers that Issue out into 
the Sea or Gulph of Bengala*, vizt. between Point Pal- 
meris* (the Entrance thereof) and the Arackan* Shore, 
the whole Extent of the bay beinge about 300 English 
miles Over, Some of which are navigable both for great 
and Small Ships, togeather with many Other conveni- 
ences, this Kingdome is now become most famous and 
Flourishinge'. 

* Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 68, "The Country was kept in 
far better order under the Patan Kings, (I mean) before the Maho- 
metans and Moguls were Masters of it, because then they had 
Uniformity in Religion. It has been found by experience that disorder 
came into it with Mahometanism ; and that diversity of Religions 
hath there caused corruption in Manners." 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Bengal. See also Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. 
p. 347 f 

^ The earliest quotation in the restricted sense of the text given in 
Hobson-Jobson^ s.7/. Hindostan, is 1803. 

* This quotation is valuable as showing exactly what was known 
in the 17th century as the "Bay of Bengal," the limits being so very 
much more restricted than is now the case. 

° See note on p. 128. 

® See Hobson-JobsoUy s.v, Arakan. 

^ Compare SchouieUy vol. ii. p. 153 f. "Bengale is a great and 
powerful country, which was formerly an independent kingdom. At 
present it is under the rule of the Mogol...It is situated in and beyond 
the twenty-first parallel of North Latitude. On the East it is bounded 
by the Kingdoms of Aracan and Ava ; on the North by the provinces 
of Mevat, Patna and Narvat which are part of the same Empire ; on 
the West by the mountains of Ratipore whose vast extent separates 
Bengale from Gusaratte, and by the countries of Indostan, Orixa, and 
Golconda ; on the South by the gulf of Bengale. Th^ G^.xv.^^'5»\x'aN^\'afc'b 



132 BENGALA 

First for the great River of Ganges* and the many 
large and faire arms thereof, Upon the banks of which 
are Seated many faire Villages, delicate Groves and 
FruitefuU lands, affordinge great plenty of sugars*, 
Cottons', Lacca^ honey, beeswax*, butter*, Oyles, Rice^, 

it in the centre from North to South, and it is there, so it is said, that 
Alexander the Great ended his conquests." 

^ This and the quotations later on in this section give the several 
uses of the word in the 17th century, viz.^ for the Hugli River, any 
large mouth of the Ganges in the Gangetic Delta, the Ganges Proper. 

2 Compare Tavernier^ vol. ii. p. 140, "Further, it [Bengale] also 
abounds m Sugar, so that it furnishes with it the Kingdoms of 
Golkonda and Karnates, where there grows but very little. Arabia 
also and Mesopotamia are thence provided with it, by the way of 
Moka and Bussora; and Persia it self, by Bander- Abassy." 

3 Compare Tavernier^ vol. ii. p. i4of., *'As to the Commodities 
of great value, and which draw the Commerce of Strangers thither, 
[to Bengale] I know not, whether there be a Country in the World 
that affords more and greater variety: For, besides the Sugar... there 
is such store of Cottons and Silks, that it may be said that Bengale is 
as 'twere the general Magazine thereof, not only for Indostan or the 
Empire of the great Mogol, but also for all the circumjacent King- 
doms, and for Europe it self. I have sometimes stood amazed at the 
vast quantity of Cotton-Cloth of all sorts, fine and others, tinged and 
white, which the Hollanders alone draw from thence and transport 
into many places, especially into Japan and Europe, not to mention 
what the English, Portingal and Indian Merchants carry away from 
those parts." 

* See note on p. 122. Compare Tavemier^ vol. ii. p. 141, "'Tis 
Bengale, whence fhe good Lacca...do come." 

^ Compare the Diary of Streynsham Master under date 8th Sept. 
1676, p. 57, "[We] sailed up the river Ganges, on the east side of which 
most part of the great quantity of beeswax is made, which is the King's 
comodity and none suffered to deale therein but for his account, and 
Swarmes of Bees flew over our Vessell." 

^ Compare Tavernier, vol. ii. p. 141, "Butter is to be had there 
in so great plenty, that though it be a gross Commodity, yet notwith- 
standing 'tis thence transported into divers places." See the "Janse- 
lone" section of the MS. where the writer says, "butter and Oyle from 
Gingalee or Bengala [to Junkceylon] tumeth to a great accompt." By 
"butter" the old travellers must have meant ^^f, i.e, butter clarified by 
boiling, and so preserved and made fit for transport. 

"^ See the "Janselone" section, "Commodities brought hither 
[Achin]...From Bengala, Rice, wheat, Oyle, butter. Sugar, Sticklack...." 
Compare also Tavernier, vol. ii. p. 140, "It [Bengale] bears Rice in 
that abundance, that it not only furnishes its Neighbours, but many 
very remote parts. 'Tis carried up the River Ganges to Patna ; and 
'tis transported by Sea to Maslipatan, and to many other Ports of the 
Coast of Coromandel. Besides, 'tis sent away into forrain Kingdoms, 
and principally into Ceilan and the Maldives." 



"^^vsar.^ ^^ -fc - 



BENGALA 1 33 

Gramme^ with many Other beneficiall Commodities to 
Satisfie this and many Other Kingdoms*. 

Many both great and Small Ships, both English, 
Dutch, and Portugals doe annually resort to lade and 
transport Sundry Commodities hence, and great Commerce 
goeth on into most parts of accompt in India, Persia, 
Arabia, China and South Seas. 

It is also the abode and Settlement of the Major part 
of those that professe and Embrace the Doctrine of our 
Saviour Jesus^ 

This Kingdome most plentifully doth abound with the 
before mentioned commodities, as alsoe Callicoes* of 
Sundry Sorts, Rammals*, raw and wrought Silks', Opium 



^ See note on p. 121. 

2 Compare Tavemier^ vol. ii. p. 140, "In a word, Bengale is a 
Country abounding in all things ; and 'tis for this very reason that so 
many Portugueses, Mesticks, and other Christians are fled thither from 
those quarters, which the Dutch have taken from them." Compare also 
Delestre^ p. 189 f., "The country, [Bengala] which is one of the most 
beautiful in the world, is extremely fertile; there are a number of 
woods and forests of orange and lemon trees.... Sugar is very common 
there, as well as ginger and long pepper, which is preserved when it is 
green.. ..The pasturage is excellent, and it produces such an abundance 
of milk, that an enormous (quantity of butter and cheese is exported into 
all the adjacent and maritime towns, and even into the most distant 
countries, especially Batavia." See also Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 1 54. 

3 Compare Tavernier, vol. ii. p. 140, "The Jesuits and Augusti- 
nians, that have great Churches there, wherein they exercise their 
Religion with all freedom, did assure me, that in Ogouli alone there 
were no less than eight or nine thousand Souls of Christians ; and 
(which I will easily believe) that in the rest of that Kingdom (Bengale) 
there were above twenty five thousands." 

* See note on p. 5. Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. 
P' 393> "Their Manufactories [in Bengal] are of Cotton in Sannis, 
Cassas, Demeties, mulmuls. Silk, and Silk and Cotton Romals, Gurrahs 
and Lungies.*' 

^ RUmaly kerchief. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Roomaul. Compare 
the following : — In the Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date 
31st Aug. 1676, p. 52, we have "The twelve thousand single peices of 
silke Romalls they offered to furnish at 3^ Rups. the single peece [in 
Balasor]." Again, in a letter from Hugli, 12th Sept 1677, Factory 
Records^ Hugli, No. 4, there is another spelling, "Rohamalls we have 
provided here"; and in O. C, No. 4612, letter from Fort St George to 
Balasor, 23rd May, 1679, we have "the investment...! now desire may 
be half in Rummauls of an old cheap sort." 

® Compare Tavemier, vol. ii. p. 141, "One would not imagine the 



134 BENGALA 

(the best in Indla)^ Muske in Codd and out of it*, Long 
Pepper', and Severall Sorts of druggs, which causeth it 
to be soe admirable well populated and Effected by the 
best European travellers*. 

quantity [of Silks and Silk-Stuffs] that is hence [Bengal] transported 
every year; for this Country furnishes generally all this great Empire 
of Mogol as far as Lahor and Caboul, and most of the other forrain 
parts, whither Cotton-Cloth is carried.... The Hollanders alone have 
sometimes seven hundred or eight hundred men of the Natives at 
work in their Factory of Kassem-Bazar; as the English and other 
Merchants have theirs in proportion.'* Compare also Mandelslo^ 
p. 94, "They drive here [Bengal] a great trade in... Silks, whivJi are 
esteem'd the best in all the Indies." 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Opium. Compare Tavemier^ vol. ii. 
p. 141, "Tis Bengale, whence the good Lacca, Opium, Wax,... do 
come." Marshall, in his MS. Notes and Observations of East India has, 
p. 35, "Best Ophium comes from near Pattana, and that from Mungeer 
IS not nigh so good." Among "Goods from Bengali proper for the 
Coast of Cormandell," Add. ^^6*. 34,123, quoted by Wilson, Early 
Annals^ vol. i. p. 398, is "Anno 1684. Ophium Cost 80 Rs. per md.... 
Ophium, when no ships go from Bengali to Malacca, Sells well." 
Milbum, Oriental Commerce^ vol. ii. p. 219, says, "The monopoly 
in the trade of opium, or the cultivation of the poppy, may be traced 
at least as far back as the commencement of the British influence in 
Bengal." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Musk. Marshall, Notes and Observa- 
tions^ has, p. 17, "From Neopall comes Muske which at Pattana is 
sold for 49 r. per Seere being 16 Pice to the Seere 40 of which pice 
make a great seere of about 31 oz." Wilson, Early Annals^ vol. i. 
P- 378, quotes from Add. MSS. 34,123, "Patna. Commodities pro- 
curable.... Musk — the greatest quantity is bought in the codd, some out, 
but that not considerable... the price usually from rupees 35 to 40 the 
Seer... Musk out of the Codd sold by the Tola from rupees 3 to 6 if 
high price, then its all in small hard Knobs round, if about 3 then dust 
without them." See also Tavemier^ \o\. i. part ii. p. 153. Compare 
the following from the "Chief and Mr Clavell's reply to the Auditor's 
Remonstrance," 29th July, 1670, Factory Records, Miscellaneous, 
No. 3, p. 72, "That the Sear of Muske holds out 30 oz. is a mistake: 
for the weight by which muske is sold differs from all other : it being 
but 16 pice weight to the Scare, where as the Seare for grosse goods 
is 40 pice weight ; and this muske Seare weighs nearest 16^ oz. troy... 
it [muske] being to be bought att Pattana from October to Febniary.'' 

3 Compare Schouten, vol. ii. p. 356, "Bengale, Malabar, and a few 
other countries of Asia produce long pepper which is used more for 
medicine than for ordinary food." Compare also Tavernier, vol. ii. 
p. 141, "Tis Bengale, whence the good. ..Civet, long Pepper do come." 
Wilson, Early Annals, vol. i. p. 380, quotes from Add MSS. 34,123, 
"Hugly...Long Pepper to be bought at said time [December], it 
grows about 16 course [kos"] thence, it may be had at 4 to 5 Rupees 
per maund, and in the shipping it is usually worth 9 to 10 Rupees, but 
much of it must not be bought because Bulkey, and will not vend." 

* Compare Tavernier, vol. ii. p. i4of. and the extracts given above. 



BENGALA 1 35 

Anno Domini 1653 and Even to 1660: 
Vide Chron : of Hindostan and Monseur 
Bernier Historia de Mogol in Octavo:^ 

This Kingdome was Governed by an Absolute and 
lawfull Prince (by name) Sultan Sujah*, One of the Sons 
of Chah Jehan^ (then Emperour of Hindostan) but was 
from this Kingdome defeated as followeth : — 

The Great Emperour of Hindostan had 4 Sons who 
were growne Up to man's Estate, and then did begin to 
Contend who Shold Succeed theire Father in the Throne 
of the Vast Empire (of Hindostan). Whereupon, theire 
Father, Chah Jehan, was not a little grieved, but, after 
Serious Considerations, concludes to Seperate them, by 
Settlinge them in good Goverments, to avoide all such 
Contentions, most Especially before his face, and thereby 
to remove the jealousie they had of Each Other findinge 
himselfe overcharged with all 4 of them, all beinge at 
age, all married, all pretendinge to the Crowne, Enemies 
to one another. 

Hee Sent Sultan Sujah his Secound Son into Bengala, 
his third Son Aureng-Zebe* into Decan*, and his youngest 

1 From this point to the account of Mir Jumla's death the 
writer has followed the translation of Bernier which was published 
in London in 1671, and has made extracts therefrom more or less 
accurately. Vide Constable's edition oi Bernier^ p. xxvii. and pp. 14 — 
115. For other early accounts of this revolution, compare Schoutetty 
vol. i. pp. 194 — 238, and Tavernier^ vol. ii. pp. i — 36. 

'^ Shah Shuja*. 

3 Shah Jahan. The French spelling Chah betrays the origin of 
this Account. 

* Aurangzeb. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Deccan. Compare Thevenot, part iii. 
p. 87, " Decan was heretofore a most powerful Kingdom, if one may 
believe the Indians ; it consisted of all the Countries that are in that 
great Tongue of Land, which is betwixt the Gulfs of Cambaye and 
Bengala, all obeyed the same King ; nay, and the Provinces of Bala- 
gate, Telenga and Baglana, which are towards the North, were 
comprehended within it, so that it may be said that at that time there 
was no King in the Indies more powerful than the King of Decan ; 
but that Kingdom in process of time hath been often dismembred ; 



\ 



136 BENGALA 

Son Morat Bakche^ into Guzaratt*; and to the Eldest 
Dara he gave CabuP and Multan*. 

The 3 first went away Seemingly contented, and acted 
there as Soveraigne Lords and Kings, and wholly retained 
to themselves the Revenues of the Said Kingdoms. But 
Dara Stirred not from his Father's Court, for as he was 
Eldest, soe he Expected the Crowne, which Soon after 
caused bloody Civil warrs in Hindostan. Yett Aurenge- 
Zebe, the Emperour's 3d. Son, haveinge the best Friends 



and in the beginning of the last Age, (when the Portuguese made 

Conq^uests therein) it was divided into many Provinces,... and the 

i^^ Dommions of him (who was called King of Decan) reached no further 

than from the limits of the Kingdom of Cambaye or Guzerat, to the 
borders of the principality of Goa, which did not belong to him neither." 

^ Murad Bakhsh. The spelling Bakche again betrays the French 
/ origin of the statement. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, Goozerat. Compare Thevenot^ part iii. 
p. 6, "The Province of Guzerat, which was heretofore a Kingdom, fell 
mto the Possession of the Great Mogul Ecbar, about.the year 1565.... 
This is the pleasantest Province of Indostan, though it be not the 
largest. The Nardaba, Tapty, and many other Rivers that water it, 
render it very fertile, and the Fields of Guzerat look green in all the 
seasons of the Year, because of the Corn and Rice that cover them, 
and the various kinds of Trees, which continually bear Fruit. The 
most considerable part of Guzerat is towards the Sea, on which the 
Towns of Surrat and Cambaye stand, whose Ports are the best in 
all Mogulistan." 

y 3 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v, Cabul. The quotation is useful for the 

' history of the word. Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 57, "The Pro- 

vince of Caboul or Caboulistan is limited to the North by Tartary, 
from which it is separated by Mount Caucasus, which the Orientals 
call Caf-Dagai. Cachmire lies to the East of it : It hath to the West 
Zabulistan, and part of Candahar ; and to the South the Countrey of 
Multan. Two of the Rivers that run into the Indus have their source 
in the Mountains thereof, from whence they water the Province, and 
for all that, render it nothing the more fruitful ; for the Countrey being 
very cold, is not fertile, unless in those places that are sheltered 
by Mountains : Nevertheless it is very rich, because it hath a very 
great Trade with Tartary, the Countrey of the Usbecs, Persia, and the 
Indies." 

* This passage is quoted almost direct from Bernier. See Con- 
stable's edition, p. 15. Compare Thevenot^ ^2lxX. iii. p. 55, "Multan, 
^ which comprehends Bucor [Bukkur], has to the South the Province 

of Sinde, and to the North the Province of Caboul ; as it hath Persia 
to the West, and the Province of Labors to the East. It is watered 
with many Rivers that make it Fertile... the Province yields plenty of 
Cotton... Sugar, Opium, Brimstone, Galls, and Store of Camels." 



BENGALA 1 37 

att Court, namely of the Omrahs^ and Emperours Coun- 
cell, from whom he had immediate Notice of all trans- 
actions touchinge Soe weighty an Affaire, most Especially 
of Dara's proceedings, Soe that Dara noe Sooner had an 
Army in field, but Aurenge Zebe was in readinesse alsoe, 
and Upon his march towards Agra, the Metropolitan of 
the Empire*, and which added more to his Strength he 
now Enjoys the Assistance of that great and Politick 
Warriour Emir Jemla^ Sometime Generall of the Gol- 
condah forces*. Dara meeteth him with a Very Potent 
army, and noe Sooner mett but a most bloody battle was 
fought, and Aurenge-Zebe proved the Conquerour. Dara 
fled, and was pursued soe. close that he was Slaine some 
few days after*. Whereupon Aurenge-Zebe now marched 
into Agra, the Citty of his Father's Residence, Seizeth 
old Chah Jehan and imprisoneth him. Then, by advice 
of that Politician Emir Jemla, he dissemblingly Submits 
to his Brother Morat Backe, declareinge that he was the 
Onely Emperour both by gift of his Father and consent 
of the Lords and Commons throughout the whole Empire, 
and that what he had done was Onely to Establish him in 
the Throne, by which policie he Overcame him, and they 
joyned forres togeather. Soe that Now Aurenge-Zebe getts 
faire Opportunitie to cutt his Brother's head off, and made 
Use of itt as an advantage. 

1 See note on p. 39. 

2 Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 163, "Agra is the capital of this 
Empire. The fortress is situated in thirty-eight degrees North lati- 
tude, on the banks of the river Jemini, which flows into the Ganges. 
The surrounding country is very agreeable, and is adorned with trees 
that are always green. The town is very large, beautiful, and thickly 
populated with Maures, Persians, Idolaters." See also Tavernier, 
vol. i. part ii. pp. 48 — 50, and Bernier^ p. 284 f. 

3 Mir Jumla. In the MS. records ((?. C Collection) for 1659, he 
appears as " Merjum below, Meerejumbler, Jumbler"! 

* See Bernier^ pp. 16 — 2a 

^ Bernier^s account (pp. 97 — 103) of Dara's end is somewhat 
different, as is also Schouten^s, They both describe the wanderings of 
the unfortunate Prince before he was taken prisoner. 



138 BENGAL A 

Now hath he none to Conquer Save Sultan Sujah (the 
Prince of Bengala), who indeed was Enough for him to 
doe, the Sultan haveing a most invincible Army, and most 
of the, best Military Commanders of Asia to assist him, 
himselfe alsoe beinge a very discreet and absolute Soldier, 
and Certainly had not failed to Overcome Aurenge-Zebe 
to have been absolute Conquerour of him and Emperour 
of Hindostan, had he not been falsely and treacherously 
betrayed, as foUoweth : — 

One of Sultan Sujah's Persian Commanders of the 
horse, called Allah VerdikanS who doubtlesse was gained 
by gifts and large promises of honour to worke the plott, 
Upon the Very Pitch of the battle, Seeinge the whole 
Army of Aurenge-Zebe and Emir Jemla to be much 
disordered and in great Perill, hastened Upon a Persian 
horse toward the Sultan, and called aloud to him in 
these words : 

Moh-barock-bad, Hazarot, Salamet, 
El-hamd-ul-ellah*. vizt. 

God Save your Majestie, you have Obtained the Victorie, 
why Stay you longer Upon your Elephant, in the name 
of God come downe, he hath made you the great Kinge 
of Hindostan ^ 

Sultan Sujah (In the highest measure of Comfort to 
See his Enemies flee, and as it were Utterly rowted, cold 
not then Suspect any thinge of Victorie) confided in this 
perfidious man, and consideringe not or haveinge the least 
Suspicion of treason, lighted off his Elephant, which 
wrought his owne destruction with many Others of his 
loyall Subjects, his owne Army thereat beinge much dis- 

1 *AlT VardI Khan (Alahwirdl Khan, Ilahwirdl Khan). 

2 Quoted direct from Bernier, See Constable's edition, p. 53. 

3 T. B. refers the story to Shah Shuja' in place of Dara. See 
Bernier^ p. 53, and p. Tj^ where he credits *AlI Vardi Khan with 
employing a similar trick to procure the discomfiture of Shah Shuja'. 



\ 



r 



BENGALA 139 

comfited, for they Suddenly missinge him, concluded he ^ 

was Either taken or killed, at which instance of time 

Aurenge-Zebe's army Suddenly advanced, and put the 

Sultan's army to a great Confusion, and with much facilitie 

rowted them. Most of them, without resistance, left off 

and Fled, perceiveinge their Prince they fought for noe 

more in beinge, in Soe much that Sultan Sujah was 

(in a moment of time) from a great Conquerour, and 

the greatest of Emperours, Reduced to a Sudden change, 

brought to a Vaste Straight to flee for his life and libertie, 

with a Small retinue (not Exceedinge 500 persons). Hee 

fled to a Small Villadge Seated upon the banks of Ganges', 

and thence to Dacca* the Metropolitan of this Kingdome, 

where in a Small time he got recruite, but not Sufficient 

to keep him longe there, or of hopes to keep his countrey, 

for moneys and Other large promises from his adversaries 

had soe corrupted the most potent men in the Kingdome 

and Court, that it was now impossible for him to be Safe 

in his own Pallace, the Goverment of which, and the 

Goverment of the 3 kingdoms (namely, Orixa, Bengala, 

and Pattana®) was Established Upon Emir Jemla by 

Aurenge-Zebe (now absolute Emperour) for the terme of 

his life and of his Eldest Son, In Consideration of his 

great fidelitie and Conduct in these great Warrs. 

Sultan Sujah (now in adversitie), destitute of Ships* 
whereby to transport himselfe, his case beinge most de- 
sperate, not knowinge which way lyeth his Safety, he 
sendeth to the Kinge of Arackan*, (a neighbouringe 

1 Monghyr. See Bemier^ p. 80. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, Dacca. 
^ i.e. Patna. 

* See Bernier^ p. 109. 

^ Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 27, "Arackan is 
the next maritim Country to the Southward of Bengal, and in former 
Times made some Figure in Trade. It was into this Country that the 
unfortunate Sultan Sujah came a Supplicant for Protection, when 



140 BENGALA 

Kingdome) craveinge his Assistance and Entertainment 
there, which was readily granted, and not more readily 
then accepted \ The Arackan Kinge Sends a parcell of 
Gylyars^ vizt. Gallys, well fitted and manned with Arac- 
kaners' and Frangues*, who came through the Rivers to 

Emirjemal chased him out of Bengal. He carried his Wives and 
Children with him, and about Two hundred of his Retinue, who were 
rfesolved to follow his Fortune, and he carried six or eight Camels 
Load of Gold and Jewels which proved his Ruin, and in the End, the 
Ruin of the Kingdom of Arackan." 

^ Compare Schouten^ vol. i. p. 219 f. 

2 See Hobson-Jobsotty s,v. Gallevat. See also Ind. Ant.^ vol. xxix. 
p. 408. The text is exceedingly interesting for the history of the 
word and proves its identity with the galley, and also with the Bengali 
iormjaiid. Compare Bernier^ pp. 109, 175, 179, 181, "Sultan Banque 
returned to Dake with a large number of galeasses (as they call the 
half galleys of this King).... They scoured the neighbouring seas in 
light galleys, called galleasses... These also are the identical free- 
booters who... repaired in their galleasses to Daka,... these unworthy 
Portuguese were one day seized with so strange a panic as to embark 
in forty or fifty galleasses and sail over to Bengale,...." Yule, Hedged 
Diary ^ voL ii. p. 184, quotes a letter from Richard Keigwin, under 
date 1 8th October, 1679, O, C. No. 4665, in which the following 
passage occurs, ** the Enemy thinking we were as easily swallow'd as 
the other, came up our steme, with 24 Grobs [see Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. 
Grab], I know not how many Galwets...." Compare also the following : 
"At the retume of the Surviving lascars with some Arracan people and 
Gelliays Mr Everard was buried ashoare." Sloop Princess driven 
ashore on the Aracan coast 25th Dec. 1680. [I have unfortunately 
lost the location of this extract.] "The Govemours Juliars mett with 
William Haggs who left the Ship Degrave some days agoe." Letter 
iroin John Pitt at Masulipatam to Capt. Young, 14th Aug. 1699, O. C. 
No. 6703. Tavernier^ vol. ii. last section, p. 49, says, "1 took one [of 
these barks] with four and twenty men.... These Barks are little Galliots, 
which will undertake to carry you to your journey's end, and name 
your own day...l never made so pleasant a Voyage in my life, nor with 
less trouble. For in these Barks there is a Room where the Sun cannot 
come in, where you may repose in the day time, and sit in the cool Air 
on that side from whence the Breez comes." Schouten has also several 
mentions of the " Jelyasses " of Aracan. " Hardly had the sun risen when 
we descried the Jelyasses or oared-galleys of the King [of Aracan]." 
Vol. i. p. 166. "A little while after this storm,... twelve jeliasses of 
Aracan... anchored at Pipely." Vol. ii. p. 63. "Jeliasses are very 
long and narrow boats, apparently constructed principally with a 
view to swiftness. Indeed they cover long distances on the rivers. 
They carry no sails, but they have as many as thirty-eight or forty 
oars." Vol. ii. p. 66. 

3 The pirates of Aracan, of whom the writer speaks more fully 
later on. 

* See Hobson-Jobsofty s.v, Firinghee. Fryer^ Index, has " Fringi, 



BENGALA I4I 

Dacca, where they received the Sultan, his Wifes and 
Children, &c. necessaries, with about 200 of his Atten- 
dants, great Store of treasure, vizt. Gold and Silver Rupees, 
vast riches in Jewels, namely Diamonds, Rubies, and 
Pearle, which caused a kinder reception then he Expected, 
and Soon after Destruction, Fore one yeare was scarse 
Expired, but the Overthrow of the Prince (and most of 
his retinue) was brought to Effect. 

I have heard it Related 2 ways*, (as followeth), and 
I doe believe they were both put in Execution. The 
Kinge of this Countrey, now Seemingly the Protector of 
the distressed Prince Sujah, is an Idolater, and doth re- 
quest the Sultan's Eldest daughter to wife*. The Sultan 
layeth the thinge plainely downe to him that it is against 
the laws of God and his Prophet Mahomet, he not beinge 
a Mussleman*, ergo begged of him to desist such his 
desires ; at which the Kinge was Sorely displeased, and 
cold not be pacified, but Sought the totall destruction of 
the Sultan and all that appertained to him, and to bringe 
this his malice to perfection, himselfe ordered one part 
of his owne pallace to be Set on fire in the night, and, 

an European," and p. 113, "These [Diamonds cut with a mill] are 
sold most in the Country, they coming short of the Fringies in Fancy." 
Compare the Memoriall of Streynsham Master under date 19th 
March, 1679, quoted by Mackenzie, Kistna* District, p. 130, " Between 
3 and 4 in the morning we sett out and about 9 with easy travailing 
came to Yentapollam, in the way we passed over a place which have 
formerly been inhabited by Portuguese called Fringe Burane : some 
stones with inscriptions lay in the way." Compare also p. 206 of the 
same book, " Near the line of the old Madras road is the spot known as 
Feringhi or Frangula Dibba, the mound of the foreigners, where there 
was once a Portuguese settlement." See also Pringle, Consultations 
for 1684, p. 189, where, in a note on "Castez and Mustez" he quotes 
the following, "the Portuguese, whether of Europe or Brazil, are at 
Goa called indifferently Frangues or Fringuins or Reinoes." Tavernier, 
vol. ii. p. 53, has, "there have always been in the Kingdom of Rakan 
or Moy, some Portugueses... and other Franguis, gather'd from all 
parts." 

^ Copied from Bernier, see p. Ii2f. 

2 See Bemier, p. iiof. 

' See note on p. 76. 



>r 




142 BENGALA 

at the Uproar thereof, gave it out that Sultan Sujah and 
his. Retinue had done the Fact, thereby to accomplish 
some great desine he had in Swayinge the Scepter of this 
Kingdome, which soe incensed the Guards and Soldiery 
of the Citty that next to squenchinge the fire they En- 
deavour to Squench theire thirst with the blood of the 
Sultan and those that appertained to him. The Sultan 
fled towards the Mountains, and his Small traine with him, 
but were soe Severely pursued that the Woody Mountains 
Sbecame theire Sepulchres. 

Much flyinge News arrived att Agra and DellyS and 
most Eminent places in the Empi/e conceminge Sultan 
Sujah, that it was affirmed 2 or 3 years after his death 
that he was alive, and wold by the helpe of God and 
his Prophet, Seeke revenge off his Brother, Aurenge- 
Zebe. 

But, Since it was truely made to appeare that he was 
soe basely Murthered in Arackan, Aurenge-Zebe, now the 
present Emperour, and once the Sultan's greatest Enemie, 
Seeketh revenge for that innocent blood, and will never, 
(as himself hath often Sworne) be at amitie with the Kinge 
or Kingdome of Arackan. 

Emir Jemla hath now the Goverment of Bengala, 
Orixa, and Pattana, firmly by Phyrmand' Setled Upon 
him with an absolute Power and title of Nabobs Hee 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Delhi. It is a pity that Yule did not trace 
the rise of the wrong transposed h in the modem word "Delhi," as it does 
not represent any vernacular form and is not found, so far as I know, 
in any of the old 17th century writers. Compare Thevenot^ part iii. 
p. 40, who gives the h of the Indo-Persian form Dehli in its right place, 
"The Province of Dehly bounds that of Agra to the North, and at 
present the Great Mogul Auran-zeb keeps his Court in the chief City 
of it, which is about fourty five Leagues distant from Agra. In Indo- 
stan it is called Gehan-abad, and elsewhere Dehly." The Hindi form 
is Dilli. 

2 i.e. firman. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Firmaun. This and the quo- 
tations later on are valuable as showing the use of the word for Royal 
Letters-Patent or Charters. 

3 Nawdb, a Muhammadan Viceroy. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Nabob. 



■i^S5 



sass! 



BENGALA I43 

makes Dacca ^ the Metropolitan, beinge a fairer and 
Stronger Citty then Radja Mehal^ the antient Metro- 
polis, the Kingdoms wholy Submittinge to him, Save the 
Radjas of Orixa, Scarce worth his while to Send an army 
against, haveinge greater and more Noble designes in his 
head, and now he is noe Sooner Setled in this Kingdome, 
but begins a warre with the Radja of Acham^ a Stronge 
and Potent Neighbouringe Prince. Makeinge Use of the 
best of time, his army beinge now well Seasoned to warre 
and Martiall Discipline, he makes hay while the Sun 
Shines, and with all speed marcheth into the Countrey, 
ransacks and Subdues all before him, fortifieth many 
stronge holds, and in a Small time brought the Kinge of 
that Countrey to such a Straite that he was forced to flee, 
and leave it to the mercy of this great Heroe*, who next 
purposed to adventure both life and fortune against South 



^ Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 68, "Daca, or Daac, is properly 
the capital City of Bengala ; it lies upon the banck of the Ganges, and 
is very narrow, because it stretches out near a League and a half in 
length, along the side of that River. Most of the Houses are only 
built of canes, covered with Earth : The English and Dutch Houses 
are more solid, because they have spared no cost for the security of 
their Goods : The Augustines have a Monastery there also. The Tide 
comes up as far as Daca, so that the Galleys which are built there 
may easily Trade in the gulf of Bengala; and the Dutch make good 
use of theirs for their Commerce." 

2 Rajmahal, once a place of great importance in Bengal. Com- 
pare Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 54, "Rage-Mehale is a City upon the 
right hand of Ganges; and if you go by Land, you shall find the 
high-way, for a League or two, pav'd with Brick to the Town. 
Formerly the Governors of Bengala resided here ; it being an excellent 
Country for hunting, besides that it was a place of great Trade. But 
now the River having taken another course, above a good half League 
from the City, as well for that reason, as to keep in awe the King of 
Aracan, and several Portuguese Banditti, who are retir'd to the 
mouths of Ganges, and made excursions even as far as Daca it self ; 
both the Govemour and the Merchants have remov'd themselves to 
Daca, which is at present a large City, and a Town of great Trade." 

2 Assam. The spelling Acham does not occur among the quo- 
tations given in Hobson-Jobsotiy s.v. Assam. 

* The author says nothing of Mir Jumla's enforced detention 
during the rainy season, nor of his costly retreat. See Bernier^ 
p. 172 f. 




144 BENGALA 

\ Tartarian ; but Death, the Certaine call of all Mortals, now 

takes away the famous Emir Jemla^ to the great griefe 

J of all wise and Eminent Persons in these kingdoms, not 

a little dolefull to the poore, and the great losse these 
Kingdoms Sustained is Unmeasurable. They lost the 

/ best of Nabobs^ the Kingdome of Acham^ and, by con- 

sequence, many large priviledges. 

The Europeans (Especially the English here resideinge) 
had great cause to Lament his death. He was an absolute 
lover and a most Indulgent Prince to all Ingenuous men, 
very charitable, and a real lover of the English Nation, 
all in generall (that Ever knew him) were Enamoured 
with his perfections,, and a great many admired him in 
a great measure, Esteeminge him as the glorious mirror 
of all Princely Graces*. 

Aurenge-Zebe was Seemingly grieved to heare of his 
Death, although he not longe before repented himselfe 
that Emir Jembla had such an Invincible Power conferred 
Upon him, insomuch that, for Some years before, Aurenge- 
Zebe cold scarse heare of his name, or have the least 
cogitations of him, but wold Shake his head, haveinge 
noe power to retaine his griefe, or Ever thought of the 

1 The authority for this statement is to be found in Bemier^ 
p. 171. 

2 The date of his death was the 31st March, 1663. 

3 See note on p. 142. For an account of the exact extent of 
power enjoyed by a nawdb, see Dow, History of Hindostan, vol. iii. 
p. Iii. 

* For a further account of the Assam campaign, see Tavermer, 
vol. i. part ii. p. 178, and vol. ii. p. 52 f. In vol. i. Mir Jumla appears 
as Mirgimola. 

^ T. B. could hardly have obtained this impression of Mir Jumla 
from the English themselves. The records of the time are full of 
complaints of the exactions of the Nabob. In 1659, he stopped the 
saltpetre boats on their way down from Patna, and hampered the trade 
of the English in every way, besides exacting an annual offering of 
three thousand rupees. See Wilson, Early Annals, vol. i. p. 34 f. 
However, Stewart, History of Bengal, p. 295, says, ** His death was 
even regretted by the Europeans, who had formerly complained of 
his exactions." 



npMvpwvaaaw 



BENGALA 14^ 

flourishinge State of Emir Jemla, but looked Upon it as 
the dismall Coffin in which he himselfe was buried alive. 

Beinge timorous that Emir Jemla's growinge greatnesse 
wold at length tend to his owne prejudice if he shold 
once aime at the Empire, which caused the Emperour at 
the news of his Death (although he Sighed) yet Uttered 
these words, " Now am I absolute Emperor of India"^ 

Emir Jemla's Son Succeeded not his Father (accord- 
inge to Phyrmane); however, the Mogoll was Extra- 
ordinary kind to him in all Other respects, passinge the 
Custome of this Empire, more Especially after the death 
of his Father. He kept him at his owne Court, made him 
one of his Chiefest Omrahs^ and associates, and freely 
gave him all his Fathers Estate and riches into his own 
possession, and to be wholly at his owne disposal^. 

Nabob Shah-hest-Kan* (Soon after the death of the 
Emir) had the goverment of these 3 Kingdoms tranferred 
Upon him** dureinge the Emperour^s pleasure, who thought 
to himselfe that he had now put in one who wold in all 
respects be very Obedient, meerly out of beinge soe neare 
of blood and an antient man, vizt. his owne Uncle®. But 
he, findinge his Revenues to be very great, altogeather 
as much if not Exceedinge the Emperours revenues, that 
he Soone grew insolent, and denied any tribute to Aureng- 

1 See Bernier, p. 173, where, however, the remark is not attributed 
to the Emperor himself. See also Tavernier^ vol. ii. p. 53, who tells 
the same story. 

2 Umara^ Ar. plu. of amtr^ noble. See note on p. 39. Compare 
also Fryer, p. 195, on " Ombrahs." 

3 Here the writer again follows Bernier, p. 173. 

* Shayista Khan. Chah-hestkan is Bernier's spelling throughout. 
See pp. 174 fF. 

^ In 1664. See Hunter, History of British India, vol. ii. p. 238 f. 
According to Bernier, p. 174 (Constable's note) it was in 1666 
that Shayista Khan became Viceroy of Bengal. Stewart, however, 
gives 1664. 

^ His maternal uncle. Shayista Khan was a son of the Vizier 
Asaf Khan, and brother of Shah Jahan's favourite wife, Mumtaz Mahal, 
the eponym of the Taj at Agra. 

T. ^^ 



MHHiMaMM|i 




146 BENGALA 

Zebe, to whome it was due^ By sufficient testimonie, his 
revenue came to a lack vizt. 1 00000 rupees per diem, 
which is 12 thousand 500 pounds Sterlingel The first 
yeare I arrived in India^ he Sent the Emperour 80 lacks 
of rupees, but the Ensueinge yeare, and soe forwards, he 
Seemed to be very Unwillinge to send him any, and re- 
tained the whole revenues to himselfe; soe that now all 
the tribute this great Coesar cold get hence was a Short 
answer that the treasure was as safe in Dacca as in his 
owne Exchequer in Agra or Delly^ 



^ The writer can now no longer follow Bernier^ but writes from his 
own experience or from stories current in his time. There is no con- 
firmation in either Elliot's or Stewart's history for the statement that 
Shayista Khan failed to give the Emperor his due, at any rate during 
the early years of his rule in Bengal. 

2 i.e. placing the rupee at 2s. 6d. at the time of the author. On the 
28th October, 1676, Streynsham Master wrote from Kasimbazar to the 
Court {Diary 0/ Streynsham Master^ p. 221), "This Person [* Shasta 
Chaun'] hath binn Nabob or GoveYnour of Bengala 15 yeares, and 
hath got so great a treasure together as the like is seldome Heard of 
now a dayes in the world, being computed by knowing Persons at 
38 Curore of rupees, each Currore is a Million sterling at 2^. 6d. 
Rupee so his treasure is above 40 millions Sterling and his income 
dayly 2 Lack or 200000 Rupees which is above 20000 lb. Sterling of 
which his expence is above the one halfe, and yett he is every day 
more coveteous then other...." 

3 1669. 

* Here again the writer seems to be repeating the stories afloat 
soon after his arrival in India. Of the covetousness of Shayista Khan, 
there were bitter complaints by the English during the whole of his 
rule. As early as 1665, the Factors at Hugh wrote {Factory Records^ 
Miscellaneous, No. 3), " Dacca could take a large quantity of Europe 
goods if it were under another Nabob, the present being most 
covetous." Compare also another paragraph in the letter from Streyn- 
sham Master quoted above {Diary 0/ Streynsham Master, p. 221), 
"he is every day more covetous then other, soe that to relate to you 
the many wayes that are continually invented by his Duan (one of the 
Craftiest men in the Kingdome) and his Governrs. to bring money in 
to his Coffers wold be as endless as admirable, both for their witt and 
Cruelty...." In the "Accompt of the Trade of Hugly" by Walter 
Clavell, among the papers forming the appendix to the Diary of 
Streynsham Master, pp. 317 — 322, there is the following detailed 
account of the exactions of Shayista Khan: "But since the yeare 
1663 or thereabouts, that Nabob Shasti Chaun the present Kings 
Uncle became Suba or Vice Roy of Bengali, and obtained Hugly as 
part of his Jaggere (or lands assigned him for his Person) his Servants 
being made soe far Governours as to receive all the rents, profitts, 



BENGALA I47 

For now this Shah-hest-Kan hath Entertained such 
false principles to accomodate his haughty humour, that 
he makes no question but it is his right not to obey any 
longer then till he cold get power to Command, and 
concluded that noe method was Unlawfull by which he 
cold make himselfe Supremd. Where upon Aurenge-Zebe 
weighed his Uncles most Unpleasinge actions with most 
serious consideration. 

And, in the yeare 1678, the Emperour's Son beinge 
at age, a fitt and most palpable Opportunity for him to 
reduce this Goverment to a better State, he sends him 
into the Kingdome of Pattana, with proclamations fore- 
runninge, proclaiminge him the true and lawfull Prince 
of Bengala &c., beinge well Satisfied that the Nobilite, 
more Especially the Commonalty, wold be very ready and 
joy full to reverence him their lawfull Prince and Issue of 
their great Emperor. 

Many of the Grandees of these 3 Kingdomes mett 
their Prince at Pattana, and the rest at Radja MehaP, 
who, by behaveinge himselfe courteously towards them, 
soon winne their hearts, soe that now by Joint consent 
they Send to Nabob Shah-hest-Kan to prepare himselfe 
for his Journey to Agra. Hee now beinge Sensible there 
is noe Safety for him, Unlesse he can procure the 
Emperour's favour, hasteneth with all Speed, Openeth 
his (laden) Exchequers of Gold and Silver, and was Soone 
in readinesse for his Journey, soe that he left Dacca before 

Perquisites, fines, Customes &ca of the place, the Kings Governours 
hath little more than the name and for the most part sits Still whilst 
the Nabobs Officers oppress the people, monopolize most Commodityes 
even as low as grass for Beasts, canes, firewood, thatch &ca nor doe 
they want wayes to oppress those people of all sorts who trade, whether 
Natives or Strangers, since what ever they doe, when complained of to 

• Dacca, is palliated under the name and Colour of the Nabobs interest...." 
See Hunter, History of British India^ p. 238 f. who says that all infidels 
suffered alike under the rapacious rule of ** Shaista Khan," the English 

, neither more nor less than others. 

* See note on p. 143. 

10 — 2 



\ 
\ 



148 BENGALA 

the Prince came from Radja Mehall. His treasure was 
now growne to an Incredible height^ He laded 60 Pa- 
tellas* with Silver, and, by credible report, tenne with 
Gold Moors^ each Patella not carryinge lesse one with 
another (besides his lumber of travailinge Necessaries, 
vizt Tents, Palanchinoes*, Servants, Souldiery, &c.) then 
25 or 30 tunns of. Plate. And Now Shah-hest-Kan is 
gone in peace towards Agra, and noe question but may 
Easily make up his peace at Court, carryinge more riches 
with him to present the Emperor with then Ever his 
Forefathers or himselfe Enjoyed att once**. 

^ 

^ See note on p. 146. 

2 Large flat-bottomed boats. 

3 Mohurs. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mohur. Compare the follow- 
ing in a letter from Hugli to Balasor, 14th Oct. 1678, O. C. No. 4502, 
"One John Vander Vail... finding kind entertainment in the Factory 
[at Dacca] in the night opened a scrittore of Mr. Nedhams and stole 
out 25 or 26 gold Mohurs." See Bernier^ p. 60 and Constable's note, 
also p. 476 f. ibid. 

* See note on p. 19. 

^ From contemporary records, we get the following accounts, 
from the English point of view, of Shayista Khan and his recall. 
In Oct. 1677, there is the first mention of "Shasty Cawhns" recall. 
According to rumour, he was summoned to " Dilly " to quiet a disorder 
caused by the "killing of a sonne of a great Rajahpoot." ' Later in the 
month a report was current that the " Nabob" by the "intercession of 
his old Begum" had obtained leave to remain "Subah of Bengali" at 
the cost of a present to the King of "3 Croer" of Rupees. In Nov. 
the factors at Hugli "had advice from the Dutch that Shausteh Caun 
Nabob of Bengali was turned out and that Feddei Caun was appointed 
to come in his place but we can give but little creditt to it as to all 
news of this nature." Four days later there is the record {Factory 
Records^ Hugh, No. i], "By advices this day from Decca are given 
to understand that Nabob Shausteh Caun is called away from the 
Government of Bengali and that another Nobleman named Aazzum 
Caun is deputed and sent by the Emperour in his place, this day write 
to Pattana concerning it ordered them to vissit this new Nabob in his 
way hither and to learne what they could about our Businesse of 
paying custome in those parts and to give us punctuall advice." Again, 
four days later, there is the entry, " This day received advices from 
Cassimbuzar treating of the great difficulty they found to gett our 
Masters peter boats cleered at Meirdadpoore where they have been 
detained ever since the 13th current by Nabob Shausteh Cauns people 
to carry up his luggage to Pattana." In Dec. 1677 "Auzum Cawne'* 
formerly " Phuddy Cawne " the new Suba of Bengal arrived at Hugli. 
In Feb. 1678 "Shaste Cawne" arrived at "Pattana'' and visited the 
Prince and " departed the next day for Dilly." In April the following 



\ 



BENGAL A I 49 

And Now the Prince is Entertained with great Solem- 
nitie and Splendour att his Royal pallace in Dacca. 

The Citty Dacca* is a Very large spacious one, but 

report was current {O. C. No. 4394) "Nabob Shausteh Caun...is now in 
great disgrace at Dacca... how he will come off we cannot tell." On 
the 26th June the factors at Hugli wrote to Balasor (O.C. No. 4444) 
confirming "the Princes having the Government of Bengali bestowed 
upon him and of his entrance into Rajamaull, we have advices that he 
is proceeded thence to Dacca." In June, 1678, news reached Hugli 
"that the king had been to Vizit our old Nabob Shaster Caun where 
he presented him with incredable sums, whereupon he had given him 
Agra and Elohebaud for his Jaggeer or rents, and he is appointed to 
keepe neare the king but is not by reason of his great age made Vizier 
as formerly reported." [Factory Records^ Hugli, No. i.J From these 
extracts it will be seen that gossip was very busy as to the reason of 
the recall of the nawab. From Stewart, History of bengal, pp. 300 — 
307, we get a clear account of Shayista Khan's recall, of his two 
successors, and of his re-instatement in 1679/80. He says, "Shaista 
Khan governed Bengal, with great prudence and vigour, till the end of 
the year 1087 [1677J; when, at his own request, he was recalled to 
Court. On his arrival, he presented the Emperor with thirty lacs of 
rupees (nearly 350,000/.) in specie, some elephants, and a number of 
curiosities. He was most graciously received, and soon after ap- 
pointed Governor of the province of Agra." See also Taylor, 7^?/^- 
graphy of Dacca^ p. TJ. On the return of "Shasteh Caun" orders 
were given at Hugli for him "to be presented with 2 Persian Horses, 
less can't be given him as he will be absolute Govemour having paid 
30000000 rs. for it." Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 2, under date 26th 
Jan. 1680. Shayista Khan resigned the government of Bengal in 
1689 and died at Agra in 1694, aged 93 lunar years. 

^ Compare the description of Dacca by Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. 
p. 55, " Daca is a great Town, that extends it self only in length ; 
every one coveting to have an house by the Ganges-side. The length 
of this Town is above two leagues. And indeed from the last Brick- 
Bridge which 1 mention'd to Daca, there is but one continued row of 
Houses separated one from the other; inhabited for the most part by 
Carpenters that build Galleys and other small Vessels. These Houses 
are properly no more than paltry Huts built up with Bambouc's, and 
daub'd over with fat Earth. Those of Daca are not much better 
built : The Govemours Palace is a place enclos'd with high Walls, in 
che midst whereof is a pitiful House, built only of Wood. He generally 
lodges in Tents, which he causes to be set up in a great Court of that 
Enclosure. The Hollanders finding that their Goods were not safe in 
the ordinary Houses of Daca, have built them a very fair House ; 
and the English have another, which is reasonably handsom. The 
Church of the Austin- Friers is all of Brick, and is a very comely Pile." 
See Thevenofs description quoted on p. 143. Compare also Alex. 
Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 23, "[...must visit Dacca, which lies 
under the Tropick of Cancer, on the broadest and eastermost Branch 
of Ganges. The City is the largest in Bengal, and it manufactures 
Cotton and Silk the best and cheapest. The Plenty and Cheapness 
of Provisions are incredible, and the Country is full of Inhabitants...." 



ISO BENGALA 

standeth Upon low marshy Swampy ground, and the 
water thereof Very brackish, which is the onely incon- 
venience it hath, but it hath some very fine conveniencies 
that maketh amends, haveinge a fine and large River that 
runneth close by the walls thereof, navigable for Ships of 
5 or 600 tunns in burthen, and the water of the River 
beinge an arme of the Ganges is Extraordinary good, but 
it is a great way to be fetched by Some of this Citty, for 
it is not lesse in Circuit then 40 English miles. 

An admirable Citty for it's greatnesse, for it's magni- 
ficent buildings ^ and multitude of Inhabitants. A very 
great and Potent army is here in constant Sallary and 
readinesse, as alsoe many large, Stronge, and Stately 
Elephants, trained Up for a Warlike Service, which are 
kept continually neare to the Pallace. 

Many Elephants, both for Warre and State, are here 
kept by Severall rich m^n, and therefore by consequence 
a Very great Soldiery, for noe man in the Kingdome is 
admitted to ride an Elephant in State, Unlesse he Con- 
tinually keep 500 horse to be ready at the Princes Service. 

The English and Dutch have each of them a Factorie 
in the Citty of Dacca*; yet theire investments are but 

^ Both Mir Jumla and Shayista Khan were great builders. Taylor, 
Topography of Dacca^ p. 78, says, "A considerable number of public 
buildings as mosques, alms-houses &c. were raised by Shaista Khan, 
and judging'from the prevalence of the style of building which is here 
[Dacca] called * Shaista Khany,* a great portion of the large bricks 
built houses of the town appear to have been erected in his time.** On 
p. 95 of the same book, we read, "The palace of the Lall Baug was 
commenced in 1678 by Sultan Mohammed Azim, the third son of the 
Emperor Aurengzebe, and was left by him in an unfinished state to 
Ameer Al Omrah Shaista Khan his successor in the government.... 
Shaista Khan appears never to have completed this structure... the 
little Kuttra...was erected by Shaista Khan in 1663, and is still the 
property of his descendants." 

^ The English Factory was started about the year 1666. In a 
letter to Hugli dated 24th Jan. 1668, the Court comment on infor- 
mation received in the previous year that "Decca is a place that will 
vend much Europe goods, arid that the best Cossaes, Mullmuls &c. 
may there be procured.*' If the factors at Hugli were of opinion that 
the settling a Factory at Dacca would result in a large sale of broad 



s 

\ 



BENGALA IS I 

Small, on each Side beinge very Inconsiderable, and yet 
are of great consequence in Some Other and weightier 
concerns, for here they are neare the Prince and Court, 
Under whom all our Factories in Bengala and Pattana 
hold their Phirmane^ soe that if wee receive any wronge 
or prejudice from a Governour, or Merchant, or Others 
of this Countrey, or any Other Under his precinct, wee 
are heare ready to demand Justice. 

The Secound best Citty that is in this Kingdome* is 
called Cattack", a very decent and more comely Citty then 

cloth, they had liberty given them " to send 2 or 3 fitt persons thither 
to reside." Letter Booky No. 4. From this it appears that the Dacca 
Factory did not receive official sanction until 1668. In 1670 it was in 
full swing with John Smith as chief. During the time comprised in 
T. B.'s "Account" there were two other chiefs, viz. Robert Elwes who 
died there in 1675, and Samuel Hervy who, was assisted by Fytche 
Nedham. In the Diary of Streynsham Master under date 23rd Nov. 
1676, p. 269 f, we find that "Mr Walter Clavell was desired to draw 
up Instructions to Mr Hervy and Mr Nedham for the management of 
the Honble. Company's business at Dacca. ..Mr Hervy representing 
to the Councell that the Companys house in Dacca is very streight and 
not capable to receive and secure the Honble. Companyes goods by 
reason of severall thatcht hovells within and round about the com- 
pound which are very dangerous in respect of fire which often happens 
m Dacca. The Councell did therefore order that brick buildings be 
forthwith erected to secure the Companys Goods not exceeding one 
thousand rupees for this yeare...," Taylor, Topography of Dacca, 
p. 97, says that the only portion of the English Factory now remain- 
mg is the outer wall, and that of the Dutch Factory no trace exists 
except the walled terrace on which it stood. 

^ See note on p. 142. 

2 Orixa, Pattana, and Bengala collectively formed the Muhamma- 
dan Kingdom or Province of Behar. 

3 See Hobson-fobson^ s.v. Cuttack. Compare the following from 
the Diary of Streynsham Master^ 28th Aug. 1676, p. 45, "Mirza 
Wooly the (iovernour of this Towne [Balasor], and yesterday the 
Duan went hence to Cateck the Capitoll citty of Orixa to meet the 
new Governour of that Province one of Shatta Cawnes Sonnes." 
Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. i. p. 390 f. thus describes Cuttack — 
" Cattack is still a large City, walled round, and a good many Cannon 
planted on its Walls, but neither the Wall nor Artillery are kept in good 
Order. The Town is not one Quarter Part inhabited ; but the Ruins 
of many large Buildings shew sufficiently its ancient Grandeur, when 
Kings kept their Courts there. Its Figure is an Oblong for a League 
long, and a Mile broad. It is garrisoned with 5000 Foot, and 500 
Horse. The English Company had once a fine Factory in Cattack. 
Most of its Walls were standing in ^'^^a 1708 and a Garden that 
belonged to the Factory was then -* ^^^ 1687. ^. » 



152 BENGALA 

Dacca, but not one halfe soe large, but much more beauti- 
full, although an Inland one, five days Journey from 
Ballasore, adorned with goode and Sumpteous buildings, 
broad Streets, surrounded with Excellent Ponds and Water 
Springs, delicate Groves of Mango\ tamarind Palmito^ 
Palmero^ and Coconutt trees all very much adorninge. 

The Governour hereof hath a very large traine, a very 
Potent army, and liveth Prince like, and is the next in 
place to the Prince himselfe, and hath the title of Nabob. 

Hee is put into place by the Prince of Bengala and 
his councell. Dureinge theire pleasure he continueth in it, 
but noe longer, which Seldome Exceedeth 3 or 4 years^, 
for feare of his growinge overrich and Powerfull. The 
Revenues and Exactions of this Nabob beinge very in- 
credible, (yet in one respect not^) consideringe the power 
he doth and may take over the richest of Gentues and 
Banjan Merchants, of which this Part of the Kingdom hath 
great Numbers. 

I Remember, in the yeare 1674, when I lived in the 
towne of Ballasore, (the onely Sea Port in the Bay of 
Bengala), a new Nabob was Sent from Dacca to Settle 
in Cattack, the Old one beinge first sent for to avoide 
contention betweene them*. The new Nabob in his 



1 See notes on pp. 48, 22, 46 and 24. 

2 There were five nawdbs in the ten years 1669 — 1679. 

3 The writer does not explain this reservation. 

* The " new Nabob " was " Ruzzeed Chaan " [Rashid Khan] who 

succeeded "Suph Secund Chaan " [Safshikan Khan] in 1674. From 

the Factory Records and O. C. Collection, we get the following 

particulars about the nawdbs of Orixa at this period : In March, 1673, 

"Advises'' were received at Hugli "from Cateck that Nabob Zoflfy 

Chaan [SafI Khan] is come to Pattana in the place of Ibrahim Chaan'* 

who was " jaggered " [granted an estate {jdgir\ pensioned]. A few 

months later " Softy Chaan Jaggeer'd and Saph Secund chaan to 

succeed him in his place." In Dec. 1674, Walter Clavell, chief at the 

Bay, wrote from Balasor, " To Cateck wee have lately a nother Nabob 

arrived of the Pattana Cast in place of Suph Secund Chaan who is 

caled to Court and there advanced to be droga of the Topecanna 

which Answers to ou- *\ t-^^ ***", ance : he was called hence in' hast 

tory at Dacca wouki 

\ 

I 

I 

\ 



BENGALA 153 

Journey tooke all Opportunities to get moneys, in soe 
much that he lett Slipp none whereby he might Enrich 
him selfe Either by legal or Illegal means. He came 
neare to Ballasore, Vizt. within one mile and J of it, where 
he sent for most rich Merchants of Gentues^ and Banjans*, 
commandinge theire Estates, or considerable portions of 
them, att his owne pleasure. His demands off Some were 
ID, 20, 30, 40, 50 thousand rupees, and of Some more, 
accordinge as they were of abilitie, (haveinge Subtle fellows 
near him that had first pryed into their Estates). 

And for noe Other law or reason, but that he told them 
he wanted a great Summ of moneys to welcome him into 
the Place, and (in Short) that he wold have it by one means 
or Other. In soe much that the Merchants can now plead 
nothinge but Poverty, whereby to come off the Cheaper, 
and yet deare Enough too, as for Example — 

One day I was close by his Tent in Company with an 
acquaintance of mine (a Dutch Doctor' then belonginge to 



Personally to attend the King in his advance against the Pattans who 
had made great Incead [? inroad] into Indostan, this Alteration of 
Nabobs and Govemours doth Continually Augment your Charges and 
yet Such is the Persimonious Nature as well of those who are 
Advanced as those that are removed if they do not proportion their 
expences to their Incommodities as the Prince (Shah) Sujah and after 
him Mierjumlah did : nor is it to be hoped that broad Cloath and 
other wolen goods will find any Saile in these parts unless Some 
young Nabob or a Son of the Kings come to succeed the Nabob of 
Decca/' Of the " new Nabob " we have the following accounts : 
" Ruzzeed Caan is a man of so bad a temper that wee have no 
hopes of sending by Narragur [from Kasimbazar] without having greate 
trouble and charge in presents." "We have notice [in 1675] of "ot a 
worse Nabob come to Orissa then the present Ruzzard Chaan who 
robs the hole Country in and a bout Cateck." " Ruzzeed Chaan " 
probably assumed office in May or June, 1674, for in the O, C. 
Collection there is a document in Persian endorsed " Nabob Ruzzeed 
Chaans Phirwanna procured in Ballasore in June, 1674." In Nov. 
1677 "Azzum Caun his Son is to be Nabob of Orixa." The "Nabob 
of Orixa" in Dec. 1678 was "Nouralla Caun" [Nuru'llah Khan]. 

^ See note on p. 6. 

2 See note on p. 24. 

^ Perhaps De Graaf, the Dutch Surgeon who made six voyages 
to the East Indies between 1640 and 1687. See Orme, Historical 



154 BENGALA 

the Campe), att which Juncture of time a great Banjan 
Merchant called Chim Cham\ great broker to the English 



Fragments^ vol. ii. pp. xiv. and xlvii. f., and Voyages de Nicolas de Graaf 
aux Indes Orientales, from which several extracts will be found later 
on in the notes. 

1 "Chimcham and Chintamund" (Khemchand and Chintaman) 
were brokers to the English at Balasor for many years, aitd of the 
former especially there are many notices in the contemporary records. 
The following mentions of the firm, extracted from Factory Records 
and the O. C. Collection, give a fair idea of the position held by these 
two Hindu traders, and of the important part they often played at this 
period. In 1669, "Chim Cham" contracted to supply goods to the 
English at Balasor. In June of the same year, the evidence of " Chim 
Cham Cheife Merchant of Ballasore " is quoted with regard to affairs 
in 1663. In Oct. 1670, the factors at Hugh wrote to the Court, "The 
Cotton Yame and Ginghams... wee have endeavoured this year to 
redress by drawing their provision out of Chim Chams hands whome 
wee find not fitting to bee much longer employed in your business, 
haveing bin so much exalted by former Cheifes who were partakers 
with him." However, in 1672, Chim Cham was still the "cheife 
Merchant at Ballasore," In that year he was mulcted of some of his 
wealth by the faujddr of Cuttack. " Henry Charnock returned from 
Cateck with the new Phirwanna bringing a letter from Burmull in 
answer to that I sent he staying there with Chimcham and Jurradge- 
shaw...the Fousdar detains Chimcham Prisoner att Cateck and his 
Enlargement cannot be purchased for less than 30,000 rupees which 
please to consider and the consequence... these last doings have 
occasioned every house of any Esteeme to Entertain many peons, 
Chimchams house 50... Chimcham returned from Cateck by complying 
and Giving Security to pay rupees 10,000 in 17 days and 20,000 rupees 
in 3 months the which with the Cowries he mentioned to you... will 
rise high... Chimcham... notwithstanding his present troubles he hath 
'estate Sufficient to Indemnify our masters and all others which is 
sufficient for our proceeding in delivering him this day his share of the 
25000 rupees being rupees 7500." In 1673 trade was 1^^^ ^^ Balasor; 
" Chim Cham keepes aloofe oflfand seeing wee have no money to advance 
here is unwilling to take off our goods.... Broad Cloth will not sell. 
Chim Cham alone hath remaining on his hands... Rupees 30000 of 
that Commodity and yet hath not taken off all the last yeare." In the 
Diary of Streynsham Master^ 30th Aug. 1676, there is an allusion to 
the great Balasor merchant : " This forenoon the merchants were sent 
for and treated with... about the investment to be made here this yeare, 
and Chim Cham the Cheife of them was very high and indifferent 
whether he dealt with the Company or not." Terms were made with 
the merchants and Chim Cham was ordered to be security for three 
whose credit appeared to be "faileing." In 16.78, the rich merchant's 
goods were agam seized by a native officer : " This evening Chym 
Cham in his return from Decca came to our Factory... Chim chams 
boate necessaryes being stoped by the Meirbar he sent to have it 
cleered, and the new Muzzareefe demanded what it was, Chim Cham 
replyed, there was nothing but his beding and wareing clothes, the 
Muzzareefe caused it to be searched and some new pieces of cloth and 



BENGALA 155 

East India Company, came out of the Countrey to crosse 
the River about J of a mile from the Campe. The hungry 
Nabob immediately Enquired who that was goinge by with 



stuff being found amongst it (being only what was intended for cloths 
and to carry for his house use) the Muzzareefe caused it to be all 
carryed to the casharee [Kachahri, Kutcherry, Court-house] as forfited 
and would not let them goe...." In Nov. 1678 Chim Cham and his 
fellow merchants obtained leave to build a warehouse in the Factory 
at Balasor "at their own charge '* the said warehouse to be used 
solely for the Company's goods, " except in case of very great exigency 
and then to advise and have licence from Hugly for their soe doing." 
In 1679 Chim Cham's influence as a merchant was still very great : 
In regard to a dispute about a house and piece of ground in Balasor, 
claimed by the Dutch, Mr Edwards was directed to "gett the 
Congoes [kdnidngo's] Chaup if necessary by meanes of Chimcham 
or Cullean [Kalyan] Ray." In the same year Chimcham's partner 
is mentioned : " Wee admire Chimcham and Chintamund should 
refuse to be Security for those persons who provide goods of the 
Investment enordered with you." In March, 1680, "Arrived a ship 
belonging to Chimcham from Tenasseree with Elephants." In July 
of the same year " Chintamundsaw " received a severe reprimand 
from Hugli for "Boggling" about a debt he owed the Company. 
In 1681 tjhe Council at Hugli refused to allow Chintamundsaw any 
share in the Investment "in regard of his being engaged to Nabob 
Russeed Cawne... Chimcham in the meane time being Content to 
Supply him with soe much monyes as Comes to his Shaire in 
hopes the Chiefe and Councell upon his Submission and promise 
will Receive him into favour and Continue him in his Employment 
as formerly." In 1682 Chimcham was still able to dictate his own 
terms to the Company : " We understand Chimcham is mighty hasty 
and declares if he may not receive imprest in proportion to his late 
title of cheife Merchant that he will none." In 1684 news reached 
Hugli that a " Gomasta" in Chintamund's service had purchased large 
quantities of "Cosses** at Dacca "to the great prejudice of the 
Companys affaires there." The agent at Balasor was ordered not 
to " Incourage Such villians in makeing preparations for Interlopers 
they haveing ingaged by promise and bond to the contrary." In April, 
1685, " Chimcham and Chintemanshaw Our merchants" were employed 
to "cleere" an "affaire with the goverment for pease sake,.. .as being 
company marchants." This seems to show that Chintaman was 
restored to favour. But in the following year there was again a doubt 
as to his solvency — " Chintamund Saw being considerably Indepted to 
the Right Honble. Company and there being but little likelyhood of 
Recovering said Debt, without wee attach and Seize what Shipps hee 
has at Sea and a Shipp being arrived in which hee is part Owner, wee 
judge it best... to Seize on Said Shipp to Secure part of his debt... 
Capt. John Nicholson arrived in this Road this morning tooke the 
Ship belonging to Chintmund and Chintamunsaw and came ashore at 
12 at night [i6th Nov. 1686J." Chim Cham disappears from the 
records about this time. His death would explain the summary 
procedure towards his poorer partner. There is a reference to 
Chintamunsaw and his debt to the Company as late as 1695. 



156 BENGALA 

Such a traine. It was answered, Chim Cham the Banjan 
Merchant. The Nabob, like a ravenous Wolfe., caused him 
immediately to be brought before him, which was accord- 
ingly done ; but (e're that) he had pulled of his gold 
Turbant* and Jewels and rings and put on very mean 
cloths, thereby to plead povertie. When he was brought 
to the Nabobs tent dore, he passed the Usual Ceremonie, 
holding Up both hand and downe Upon his heels, Sayinge 
Nabob Salamat, vizt. " Live O Prince ! " 

The Nabob (Smileinge Upon him) demandeth with all 
Speed one lack of rupees, i.e. 1 00000. Chim Cham Seemed 
Melancholy, as great reason he had to part with Such a 
Summ where it was not at all due, and thereupon begins 
to bemoane his sad accident and losse he had lately 
received, for he was robbed of 1500000 rupees in this 
his Journey into the Countrey on purpose to marry his 
Daughter to one of his owne Cast^ which was really soe ; 
but the relation of that added but more Flames to the fire, 
although he pretended it was the most part of what he had 
in the World. 

" Nay, Chim Cham," Said the Nabob, " I am now well 
satisfied as to the report I heard of you Since you can 
afford soe much to the marriadge of one daughter, and 
have Severall Children alive. 

"Now make hast home and Send me the moneys 
I demand towards my marriadge to this part of the 
Kingdome, who am now come to be husband to you all." 
He made many Apologies, and feed Some of the Nabob's 
councell, whereby he got off for 50000 Rupees^ 

The Nabob had now learned the lessons ready off his 



^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Turban. 

2 See note on p. 9, also p. 31 and note. 

2 There is no confirmation of this story in the contemporary 
records, but see above, note on p. 154, for two occasions on which 
Chim Cham was mulcted by the Native Governors. 



BENGALA 1 57 

Master Shah-hest-Kan*, who always kept in his Court 
Sharpe witted fellows that made it theire businesse to 
prye into the Estates of the Hindoo Merchants, which 
fellows he generally preferred for his owne Interests Sake, 
beinge himselfe soe great an Adorer of the riches of this 
World. 

Another transaction, but more worthy of Observation, 

1 was Spectator to the next day, as follows : — The Old 
Nabob of Cattack*, beinge Sent for to the Court at Dacca, 
had left his Chiefe Lady to follow with what leisure She 
thought convenient. Her guard and attendants were about 
looo men, with about lOO Women and Eunuchs, who at 
this time had pitched her tents within one mile of the 
New Nabob, whoe now thought he had another Oppor- 
tunitie fallen into his hand of acquireinge one lack or two 
of rupees. Whereupon he Sent the Lady an accompt of 
his beinge Soe neare her, and demanded noe lesse then 

2 lack of Rupees as a present. She, a most mannish 
woman of these ages, couragiously sends him word she 
owed him nothinge, nor had she Ever received any 
Piscash' from him, whereby to make any retalliation. 
He, out of bravado, Sendeth to her againe to let her know 
she or any that belonged to her Shold [not] passe his 
countrey without Sufficient acknowledgement to him their 
Nabob. 

But she, beinge a most Undaunted couragious Lady, 
Alarams all her foot and horse, set them in battail array, 
mounted one of her husbands warre Elephants and Sends 
him word She wold one houre hence come close by his 
owne tents, and if he wanted any of her moneys it were 
his best way to demand it then, for She had a great 

1 Shayista Khan. 

2 See note on p. 152. 

3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, Peshcush. An obligatory gift to a high 
official. 



IS8 BENGALA 

treasure with her, and wold adventure not onely that, 
but her life and Fortune she wold Expose to the greatest 
of dangers, for the maintainance of the honour of her 
Husband. 

With which Sharpe answer of this Lady's resolution and 
couradge, the Nabob was soe abashed, that immediately he 
removed his whole Campe neare on[e] mile, Pitchinge it on 
this Side the River, within J a mile of the towne Ballasore, 
where now he is in hopes of the English and Dutch to Visit 
him, and not Empty handed \ 

Accordinge to his Expectation, the English and Dutch 
Agents and theire councels went out in State to waite 
upon him, carryinge considerable Piscashes^ with them to 
present him with. But the Dutch, that Study to out doe 
us in all transactions in India, now made greater haste to 
come to the Speech of him then Mr. Walter Clavell (our 
English Chiefe*) did, and made their present 3 or 4 times 



1 The records of the time are unfortunately very incomplete for the 
year 1674, and I have been unsuccessful in finding any trace of this 
story. 

2 See note on p. 1 57. 

3 Walter Clavell, the younger son of an old Dorsetshire family, was 
a somewhat important personage in Bengal when T. B. came in contact 
with him. In 1667, when 28 years of age, he was sent out by the 
Court to Fort St George to assist in reinstating the imprisoned 
Governor, George Foxcroft. Owing to an unusually long voyage and 
a severe illness on his way overland from Surat, Clavell did not reach 
Fort St George until Jan. 1669 when he found his mission was already 
accomplished. He petitioned to go to the "Bay" where he was 
appointed " Second," and, on the departure of Shem Bridges for 
England, became acting " Chief," a post in which he was confirmed 
by orders from Court in Dec. 1672. In June, 1672, Walter Clavell 
procured a " Phirwanna " from " Shaster Caun '^ a copy of which, 
together with the " Nabobs Letter" is to be found in Factory Records^ 
Miscellaneous, No. 3. Another version of this "Phirwanna" referred 
to by Yule in Hedges^ Diary ^ vol. iii. p. 190, is entered at the end of the 
Diary of Streynsha?n Master. The parwana had little effect in 
stopping the exactions of Shayista Khan to whose oppressions and the 
exactions of Malik Qasim, Governor of Hugli, there are frequent 
allusions in the letters of Clavell to the Court in London, and to the 
Council at Fort St George. 

From 1672 to 1676 Clavell was quarrelling with Joseph Hall, 
factor at Kasimbazar, who, if half his accusations were true, must have 



BENGALA 159 

suffered much at the hands of the Chief and the Second (Matthias 
Vincent) at the Bay. Hall was very bitter in his attacks, and wrote 
long letters of complaint both to Fort St George and to certain of the 
Directors in London. He accused Clavell of appropriating the effects 
of Mr Marsh, the Company's servant who died in Balasor, declared 
that the Governor of Hugli was disgusted at his non -residence in that 
place, and further, that neither of the clergy would administer the 
Sacrament to Clavell and his friends, who had " desired it rather for a 
cloak to their knavery then for the Good of their Soules." Other 
charges against Clavell were, that he had ordered " a Pallace " to be 
built for himself at Balasor, and that, in 1675, he was in that town for 
17 days " Leaving his Wife to bee Goverhesse at Hugly." Both Hall 
and Heme, another aggrieved factor, declared that Clavell "Sided 
with the Dutch Directore" in 1672, and, by omitting to visit the 
Governor of Balasor, cost the Company 4000 rupees. In Feb. 1676, 
in the Memorandum given to Major Puckle, who was authorised to 
inspect all the subordinate factories and redress any grievances, we 
find : " Mr. Clavell (now Chief at the Bay) for overrateing the 
Companys Goods 40 per Cent, great private Tradeing, &c. and 
keeping the Generall Books himself contrary to the Companys Order." 
Clavell was at Fort St George at the time, and apparently managed 
to make out a good case for himself, for we hear no more of the 
enquiry. In a complaint brought by Valentine Nurse, another mal- 
content, against Clavell, Major Puckle decided in the latter^s favour. 
No doubt these various charges were somewhat exaggerated, and 
Clavell's position never seems to have been seriously imperilled by 
them. Probably his sudden death saved him from falling into disgrace 
with the Directors, for, in Dec. 1676, they wrote to Fort St George 
that they were "sensible enough .that by divisions in the Bay our 
Business hath been much Impeded for severall years" and also, in 
the same letter, "wee note... that Mr. Clavell and Mr. Vincent doe 
laugh and despise at our Agency at the Fort, and doe expect that you 
have called Mr. Clavell to an account for it." 

In the O. C. Collection, there are two letters from Walter Clavell 
to Richard Edwards "Merchant in Cassimbazar." These are dated 
from Balasor the 3rd and 17th of June, 1673, ^^^^ ^^ very quaintly 
worded. The first runs as follows : " Esteemed Friend I have 
received yours of the 3d May with two paire of Slippers doe exceed 
the measure of my foot a Little however rather than faile they will fit 
my foot most rarely, therefore pray goe on with the Investment and 
when you have shod mee so long till you find I am overbooted charge 
me with a bill and I shall pay it at sight, if as you say you have met 
with a shoemaker that keepes his word you are a happy man you were 
best make much of him you will hardly find his fellow in all this 
Countrey, if you can you have better skill at finding then the rest 
of your neighbours, wee have no news my hearty respects tendred to 
you I Rest Your Assured friend Walter Clavell. Pray send me a 
bottle of Ink. W. C." 

In 1676 Clavell- returned from Fort St George to his post at Hugli, 
in company with Streynsham Masterj who had been appointed 
Supervisor of the dependent factories. At Master's request, Clavell 
wrote an " Accompt of the Trade of Hugly and Ballasore " which is 
very fully quoted by Yule in Hedges^ Diary ^ vol. ii. pp. 238 — 240. 
During the first six months of 1677, Clavell was constantly urged by 
the Council at the "Fort" to use all possible means to obtain a 
farmdn for free trade in the " Bay." But on the recall of Shayista 



l6o BENGALA 

as large, and had present admittance. But before they 
got their Phyrmane^ renewed and Signed, the English 
Merchants came very mildly and requested admittance 
into his tent, which was granted, and they were placed 
above the Dutch. The English Agent, after complementall 
Ceremonies Ended, gave in his Phyrmane to be renewed, 
which was soe kindly taken from the Nabob and his 
Associates, that it was immediately done and delivered to 
Mr. ClaveP, where Upon he gave in his present of fine 
Scarlet^ lookeinge glasses, Sword blades, fine pictures, and 
Some Gold Moors*, without boastinge or commendinge 



Khan, the gentlemen at Fort St George refused to accept the 
responsibility of approaching the new nawab on the subject. Clavell 
does not appear to have made much effort to obtain the farman. 
He resented a proposal that the Council at the " Bay '' should meet 
at Hugli to discuss the matter, and insisted on remaining at Balasor. 
On the 3rd August, 1677, a Council was held at his house there "he 
being very sick." On the following day Walter Clavell died of a fever. 
His wife and "little infant" died the next day. Mrs Clavell is said to 
have succumbed to a "fever caused by excess of grief" for her 
husband's death. On the nth August Messrs Reade and Byam 
at Hugli wrote to Matthias Vincent at Kasimbazar : " This evening 
wee have the Unwellcome news of Mr. Walter Clavells and his Ladies 
decease by Violent feavours Some other English Dead there allsoe 
and 9 or ten more desperate ill of the Same distemper God Almighty 
Graunt wee may make good use of those Examples and prepare us for 
our owne chainge when he shall think fitt to make it." 

W^alter Clavell was twice married. By his first wife Prudence he 
had a son William, who died in 1680, and another child who died 
young. By his second wife Martha Woodruffe, sister to the wife of 
Sir Edward Littleton, he had two sons, Edward and Walter. The 
younger son was baptized at Kasimbazar on the 29th Sept. 1678 by 
"Mr. Samuell Epes minister of Ship Society.''^ In January, 1681, the 
two children were sent to England on the ship President, Edward 
Clavell was Sheriff of Dorset in 1702. He died in 1738, leaving a son 
George, at whose death, in 1773, the Clavell family became extinct. 
(See Hutchins' History of Dorset^ s.v. Clavell.) Walter ClavelPs will 
is in existence at Somerset House, and is a long and interesting 
document. From its contents it is evident that he was a man of 
considerable means. 

1 See note on p. 142. 

2 I can find no mention in the records of this visit of Walter 
Clavell to the " new Nabob of Cuttack." 

3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Scarlet and Suclat. "Scarlet'' in old 
English was " broadcloth " of any colour. 

* See note on p. 148. 



BENGALA l6l 

any thinge in it, (a custome the Dutch are much inclined 
too in India), and soe tooke leave of him gratifieinge his 
guards and attendants reasonable well. 

Soe that now the Dutch are left to boast of their 
Countrie or what else, which they in Such Cases faile not 
to doe, although Credited by none but the Ignorant. But 
now, findinge the day well neare Spent, they request theire 
Phyrmane, but were Sharply answered by the Nabob, whoe 
told them, Since theire owne words made it Evidently 
appeare that they had soe Enriched theire Countrey and 
State by an East India trade, that he was now one of the 
Easterne Lords, and wold have a Considerable reward in 
ready Cash before he wold renew theire Old Phyrmane, 
which if it did displease them, they might begone, and 
pay the whole duty of all their goods Exported the 
Kingdome. 

Soe that now their great boastings cost them 5 or 6 
thousand pounds, and the Charge and trouble of wai tinge 
Upon him and his Attendants 3 or 4 days followinge. 
Some few days afterwards, the Nabob rode through the 
towne of Ballasore in his greatest State, mounted upon 
a Very large Elephant, and thus proceeded towards the 
Citty Cattack^ 

Strange kind of Oppressions are laid Upon the Mer- 
chants of these Kingdoms, more Especially the most Vaine 
and Idle of which were annually put Upon them by the 
Old Nabob Shah-hest-Kan^ who wold not be Satisfied 
that all both rich and poor Shold bow to him, but the 
Ships upon the Water shold doe the like, for the perform- 
ance of which he wold Every yeare Send downe to the 



1 T. B. is no doubt relating what actually occurred during his 
stay in Balasor, but it is very tantalising that the records for the 
year 1674 should be so scanty as to throw no light on these 
events. 

2 Shayista Khan. 

T. II 



l62 BENGALA 

■ 

Merchants in Hugly, Jessore^ Piplo^ Ballasore' for a Ship 

^ A town in Lower Bengal, still known under the same name and 
spelling. 

2 Gabriel Boughton (see Stewart, History of Bengal^ p. 251 f.) 
obtained permission from Shah Shuja' to establish a Factory at Pipli 
in 1634, but there is no evidence that the privilege was made use of. 
On this, see Yule, Hedged Diary ^ voL iii. p. 181. Compare the descrip- 
tion of Pipli harbour and town by Schouten^ vol. ii. pp. 59 and 1 58 : 
" We came to Pipley road, two leagues from the river and from the 
coast, where we were as much exposed as if we had been in the open 
sea ; and as there was very little depth there, we anchored in order to 
protect ourselves from the violence of the tempests... The town of 
Pipley lies four or five leagues beyond the mouth of the river. It is 
of a medium size and fairly well populated ; but it is not walled. The 
chief houses. Pagodas, and other large buildings are surrounded by 
open spaces, gardens, squares of turf, orchards.'* Compare also John 
Marshall, Notes and Observations^ p. 16 (reverse), "At 4 clock [31st 
Dec. 1670] came to Pipley where the Dutch have a hansome Factory." 
Of this Dutch factory Streynsham Master wrote (Diary of Streynsham 
Master^ 20th Dec. 1676, p. 290), " The Dutch have left their Factory 
of Pipley, pulled down their house there, and built a new one at 
Ballasore." If Alex. Hamilton {East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 3) is to be 
believed, a factory was at one time in existence at Pipli : '* Piply lies 
on the Banks of a River supposed to be a Branch of the Ganges, 
about 5 Leagues from that of Ballasore, formerly it was a Place of 
Trade, and was honoured with English and Dutch Factories. The 
Country produces the same Commodities that Ballasore does, at 
present it is reduced to Beggary by the Factory's Removal to Hughly 
and Calcutta, the Merchants being all gone. It is now inhabited 
by Fishers...." ' 

3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Ballasore. Compare Schouten^s descrip- 
tion, vol. ii. p. 159 f., " Bellesoor is five leagues to the west of the river 
of Pipely. Most of the English ships come to anchor here, where 
there is a fine factory.... The harbour is an admirable one the Cape of 
Palmeris protecting it from the boisterous southern winds and con- 
sequent tempests. When the weather is clear, the English vessels at 
anchor in this harbour and ours [the Dutch] in Pipely harbour can see 
each other." Compare also John Marshall's account of Balasor, Notes 
and Observations^ p. 8 and p. 5 (reverse), "Ballasore was formerly 
called Bahagur.... Ballasore, where the English Have a Factory a little 
way from the River side this in the Rain times is very dirty vizt from 
May to October... but after is very pleasant having about a mile from 
the Towne severall very hansome Mango gardens... Ballasore is a 
very great Stragling towne but scarce a house in it but dirt and thatcht 
ones." In the "Accompt of the Trade of Ballasore" by Walter 
Clavell, to be found at the end of the Diary of Streynsham Master^ 
pp. 322 — 325, there are some interesting remarks on the place ; 
" Ballasore begunn to be a noted place when the Portuguez were 
beaten out of Angelin [Hijili] by the moores about the yeare 1636 : 
at which time the trade begun to decay at Piply and to have a 
diminution in other places of these parts and the Barr opening and 
the river appearing better then was imagined. The English and 
the Danes indeavoured to settle Factoryes here, to be out of the 



BENGALA 163 

or two in each respective place of 4, 5, or 600 tunns, to be 
very well built and fitted, even as if they were to Voyadge 
to Sea, as alsoe 10, 20, or 30 gallys for to attend them, 
the Moors Governours haveinge Strict Orders to see them 
finished with all Speed, and gunned and well manned, and 
Sent up the River of Ganges as high as Dacca, where 
(at their arrival!) they come abrest of the Nabob's pallace, 
Strike their topsailes and hall up theire Other Sailes, with 
many flaggs and Pendants flyinge, fire many Gunns, all or 
most part of the whole day. And then they have done 
theire duty; and this he accompted a Salam^; and they 
are Soone after hailed on Shore, and there ly and rott, 
which is all done at the proper Co3t and charges of the 
Banjan and Gentue Merchants*. 



troubles the Portuguez gave to other nations and had themselves, the 
rather because the Cloth of Harrapore where our first Factory was 
settled was without much difficulty to be brought hither by land, and 
the river where our Vessells usually had laine at, being stop't up, it 
was noe easy matter to bring the Cloth by sea, nor soe safe to have 
Vessells ride before that place as here in the roade of Ballasore. 
And the Raja of Tillbichrumbung his countrey lyeing neare this 
place where the greatest quantity of Tester or herba [see Ind. Ant 
vol. xxix. p. 339 fj is procurable, a Settlement was thought the more 
Convenient, because Ginghams, Herba Taffatyes, Herba Lungees 
and other sorts of herba goods might be made neare and brought 
hither, and noe where so good herba goods procurable. The waters 
of Casharry giveing the most lasting dye to them, and within two 
dayes journey of this place...." In the Diary itself under date 
15th Dec. 1676, p. 285, there is an account of the renting of part 
of the town of Balasor for the Company : " This part of the Towne 
wherein the Honble. Companys Factory, The Dutch Factory, the 
English Dutch and most part of the Portuguez houses standes, called 
Dummadapore haveing binn many yeares rented by Mr. Clavell and 
now lately by Mr. Bugden by the Councells advice, to prevent the 
Dutch who were about to take the Farme of it. The Councell con- 
sidering the Conveniency thereof by haveing the sole Command of all 
the People, and that it is a small rent of about 350 rups. per annum 
with charges, and nothing lost thereby, thought fitt that the said 
Farme of Dummadapore be taken for the Honble. Companys account." 
See also the description of Balasor by Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ 
vol. i. p. 393 f. 

* See note on p. 38. 

2 It is quite possible that T. B. is here describing what was meant 
to be a contribution on the part of the mercantile community towards 
the naval defence or power of the country. 

II — 2 



1 64 BENGALA 

The English and Dutch had many abuses put Upon 
them duringe the time Shah -hest- Kan retained the 
Goverment, and often had theire Salt peeter* and Other 
Commodities Stopped both by land and comeinge downe 
the Rivers, when they knew the Ships in the Roade of 
Ballasore stayed onely to lade those goods, soe that they 
were forced to Piscash them accordinge to theire owne 
demands; but such grosse Enormities are Since much 
amended, for the New Prince* is not such a miser, nor 
of Such a base Spirit to contradict what his Ancestors 
freely gave by Phyrmane, but hath Ordered a better and 
more legall Goverment &c. He hath turned out of Office 
all the Governours &c. that the English and Dutch made 
complaint against, and. not onely soe, but punished Some 
of them Severely to their perpetuall ignominie. And hath 
given the English and Dutch large Phyrmanes, and more 
Especially to the English Nation, whose Chi[e]fe here', by 
name Mr. Matthew Vincent*, went up to Radja Mehal 



1 Saltpetre was one of the chief articles of export from Bengal. 
As early as December, 1662, the Court ordered the "Bay Factors to 
yearly get in readiness for the Ships 500 or 600 tons of Saltpetre." 
Letter Book^ No. 2. For the stoppage of the Company's saltpetre 
boats during the rule of Shayista Khan, see Hunter, History of British 
India, vol. ii. p. 238, and ante^ note on p. 148. 

2 Muhammad A'zim. The writer makes no allusion to the short 
rule of Phiddy Cawn (Fidal Khan) who was the immediate successor 
of Shayista Khan, and whose tenure of office was marked by much 
injustice. Stewart, History of Bengal, p. 302 f., says that Fidal Khan 
was only saved from disgrace by his death in May, 1678. His successor^ 
Muhammad A'zim, was the third son of Aurangzeb. 

3 i,e. at Hugli, the head-quarters of the Council at "the Bay." 

* Matthias Vincent, "Chief at the Bay" from 1677 to 1682, entered 
the Company's service as a factor at ;^20 per annum in 1662. In 1667 
he was appointed one of the Council at Hugli, whither he went from 
Fort St George. In 1669 he became ** 3rd at the Bay," and, in the 
same year, " Mrs. Woodroffe who is intended to be a wife for 
Mr. Matthias Vincent" left England for Bengal. On the death of 
John Marsh, Vincent became Chief at Kasimbazar. Joseph Hall, 
who considered himself superseded, was loud in his complaints against 
Vincent and his friend, Walter Clavell. Hall declared that Vincent's 
" Actions will not admitt of the Light, being works of Darkness's and 
therefore all he doth in the Companys Affaires must be in hugger 



BENGALA l6S 

before he arrived at Dacca, to congratulate his comeinge 
into these Kingdoms^ which was soe kindly taken, that he 
gave our Nation more Priviledges then cold in reason be 
requested ^ 

This Kingdome of Bengala (as I said before) is re- 
plenished with many faire and pleasant Rivers, the most 
famous and much admired of which is the great River 



muggur." Hall further said that Vincent was more than a month in 
getting from Hugli to Kasimbazar, "soe long he was in bringing his 
family Consisting of about 20 fringeys and Portugueese and when was 
come then No roome for the Honble. Companys Servants all being 
taken up by his trayne, and his Wifes so that the Servants were 
Lodged out of the Factory, to make roome for a Sort of People, 
whome I have reason to think were not much for your Worships 
interest." It was during his residence at Kasimbazar that Vincent 
was accused of causing the death of Rugo Podar [Raghu, the podii^dr]. 
After an exhaustive enquiry into the matter, held under the superinten- 
dence of Streynsham Master in 1676, Vincent was exonerated from 
blame, though, from the evidence extant, the verdict is not in accord- 
ance with modern ideas of justice. Before the enquiry, the Court had 
written, in Dec. 1675 {Letter Book^ No. 5), "We are informed that 
Our Factory at Cassambazar is frequently visited by Jesuits and 
Romish Priests that goe up and downe to Mr. Vincents wife and 
family. Which We require to bee wholly refrayned if he stay 
and remaine in Our Service. But if Mr. Vincent shall be found to 
have had any hand in the Death of Rugo Podar, or accessary 
thereunto, or hath bin UnfaithfuU in discharge of his trust, that then 
he be discharged of Our Imployment." In August, 1677, on the death 
of Waller Clavell, Vincent became Chief at the Bay. In 1680, he 
became associated with Thomas Pitt, and thenceforth grew into 
disrepute with the authorities at home. For his interloping dealings, 
and alleged practice of witchcraft, see Yule, Hedged Diary^ vol. ii. 
pp. 13 — 18, 284 — 291. Vincent was dismissed the Company's service, 
and sent to England in 1683. His wealth and influential friends were 
probably strong factors in his defence. At any rate his unfaithful 
conduct received but slight punishment. Two years later, in 1685, 
he was knighted. He died m 1688. 

* It was in July, 1678, that Vincent set out from Kasimbazar to meet 
the Prince, in order to procure a " Neshaun for free trade." 

2 In Factory Records^ Kasimbazar, No. i, under date 6th Oct. 
1678, there is the following reference to Vincent's mission: "This 
morning Mr. Matthias Vmcent Cheife of Bengali arrived with us at 
Colcepore bringing with him the Princes Neshaan obtained for the 
Honble. Companys free trade in Bengali and grounded not only on 
our former Customes and Phirwannas &ca but on the Phirmaund of 
Sha Jehaan and the present Emperor Orim Zeeb [Aurangzeb] and 
so well penned that there is now a more Solid ground for our trade in 
Bengali then heretofore and well worth the charge and exceeding 
paines taken by the Cheife in obtaining the same." 



1 66 BENGALA 

Ganges, one of the foure principall rivers in the world, and 
is Supposed to runne up Paradise or the garden of Eden. 
The Other brave and Navigable Rivers are for the most 
part onely branches of this\ 

One of the most admirable of which arms is Hugly 
river. Up and downe the Same a very Considerable 
Merchandize is drove^ and very beneficiall, Especially to 
the English and Dutch Nations, haveinge Excellent con- 
veniences for carryinge theire European Commodities up 
into the inland towns and Citties, and the like for bringinge 

^ Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. i6o : "The celebrated Ganges river 
separates the Western part of the Indies from the Eastern, and 
divides them thus into two parts. Several interpreters of the Holy 
Scriptures believe that this is the river which is called Pison, which 
came from the Garden of Eden, and which surrounded the whole land 
of Havila where there is gold, and which apparently is identical with 
the Indies. At any rate it is certain that this great river is one of the 
most renowned in the world ; that it was as well known in former 
times as it is to-day ; and that it takes its rise in the mountains 
situated in the most northern part of the Indies. Some have stated 
that it rises in Mount Caucasus, and others that it rises in the high 
mountains of Thebet, which are alway covered with snow...." 

2 As the writer remarks, a brisk trade was carried on up and down 
the Hugli river in his day, but it was almost entirely limited to small 
native vessels. For years the Court had been urging the navigation 
of the Hugli in order to spare the expense entailed by trans-shipping 
the Company's goods in Balasor Road. In 1669, the year th^t T. B. 
arrived in India, there also arrived seven men, the pioneers of the 
Bengal Pilot Service, the only one of whom to attain to note was 
George Heron, the pilot mentioned by T. B. on p. 176. See Yule, 
Hedges' Diary ^ vol. iii. pp. 197 flf. In Nov. 1669 Walter Clavell 
wrote from Balasor to the Court {Factory Records^ Miscellaneous, 
No. 3), "Till the River of Hughli be soe discovered that the Com- 
manders will adventure their Shipps therein to Lade, We shall not 
be able Annually to send the first shipp away before the Latter End of 
November," and in October, 1679, " In expectation that your worships 
would positively have obliged the ships to come into this River, wee 
had Severall times employed the Dilligence and Madrass pinnace to 
discover the Channels, which had rendred a couple of the pilots 
William Waters and William Bramston, who Since are both deceased 
this and last month. Sufficiently Capable to have brought up any of 
the Ships this yeare through the midle Channell...." In 1672 Captain 
James brought the Rebecca up to Hugli with the aid of a pilot, and 
earned the extra 20/8 per ton promised by the Court. The lack of 
pilots was the great difficulty, and it was not until after 1679, when 
Captain Stafford brought the Falcon up the Hugli, that it became 
general for the Company's ships to unlade at Hijili instead of at 
Balasor. 



BENGALA 1 67 

downe the commodities purchased in this or some Other 
Kingdoms. 

This River is soe named from the great towne of Hugly 
Scituated Upon the banks of it, neare 1 50 miles up from 
the Braces* or Shoals that lye at the Entrance thereof. 
The towne or Citty of Hugly is a famous and Sumptuous 
place, adorned with many fine Structures, and very populous, 
and what addeth to the beauty hereof, it is well furnished 
with gardens, fine groves, a very large Bazar or markett 
place, one of the finest Chowlteries' (or free lodgeinge 
houses for all travellers) that is contained in this King- 
dome, and, more Especially, the 2 fine European Factories, 
namely the English and Dutch*. But I must needs confesse 
the Dutch building here farre doth Exceed ours, although 



^ Not in Hobson-Jobson. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. p. 352. Com- 
pare the following contemporary references : ** This night wee sailed 
over the sands called the braces, haveing never lesse then three 
Fathome water and a Swelling Sea." Dkiry of Streynsham Master, 
5th September, 1676. "They [the crew of the Falcon] had very 
bad weather in the Road of Ballasour and worse comeing over the 
Braces and were forced to ride betweene the Braces 2 days where 
they lost an Anchor." Letter from Hugh to Balasor, 3rd Aug. 1678; 
O, C. No. 4466. "Mr. Byam arrived there [Balasor] the 13th Currt. 
by way of Kendoa the winds being so strong and contrary that the 
sloop was forced in from the braces to Kedgaree and thence Mr. Byam 
went to Kendoa and. from thence to Ballasore." 26th April, 1679, 
Factory Records, Hugh, No. 2. " It pleased God to Arrive us in 
Safety at this place the 16 Instant notwithstanding the Danger we 
were in by encountring with a Storme of Raine and wind at East when 
we were neare halfe way over the first flatt of the Braces,..," Letter 
from Streynsham Master &c. at Hugli to Balasor, 19th Sept. 1679, 
Factory Records, Hugli, No. 5. "This night about 9 o'Clock we 
anchored in the Braces." 21st July, 1682 ; Yule, Hedges!* Diary, vol. i. 
p. 31- 

* This is one of the earliest forms of this Madras Anglo-Indian 
word yet quoted, but it gives no help towards the derivation. See 
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Choultry. In the Fort St George records, there 
are frequent references to Choultry in its sense of Court-house. 
Carrying this essentially Madrasi word to Bengal in the text is 
curious. 

3 Compare Marshall, Notes and Observations, p. 6 (reverse), 
" Hugly is a very great Towne... great part of the Towne was formerly 
called Satagam, the English and Dutch have each of them a stately 
Factory scituate by the River which is a Branch of the River 
Ganges." 



l68 BENGALA 

theire priviledges and good name by the Inhabitants in 
generall cometh farre Shorts 

The towne is not very Uniforme, but is a very good 
and pleasant place, inhabited with Some of the richest 
Merchants of the Kingdome*; and all Sorts of Commodities 
that Orixa, Bengala, and Pattana doe afford are here dayly 
to be bought and Sold in the publicke Bazar^ commonly 
called the great vBazar, by reason there are many where 
onely Cotton, course Callicoes, provisions, &c. are to be 
Sold. 

The English Factory here in Hugly* is the head or 



^ Compare Streynsham Master's description of the Dutch factory 
at Hugli {Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date 13th Sept. 1676, 
p. 60), "And lesse then 2 miles short of Hugly wee passed by the 
Dutch garden,... then wee came by the Dutch Factory, which is a large 
well built house, standing by it selfe, much like to a Country Seat in 
England.... That part of the Towne which wee passed by was all 
built of thatcht Hovells." 

2 Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 155, "Ougli is fairly large. Its 
length renders it pleasant because it is built on the bank of the 
Ganges. The streets are wide : they are not paved. There are 
pretty walks ; fine buildings after the fashion of the country ; well- 
stocked shops ; convenient houses ; depots for all kinds of merchandise, 
particularly silks; fine linens, and other materials from all the 
provinces in India. There are many Moor merchants there who 
carry on a great trade. There are also a great number of Idolaters, 
Benjanes and Gentives, who live peaceably under the government 
of the Moors." 

3 See note on p. 106. Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ 
vol. ii. p. 20 f. for the extent of trade at Hugli: "This Town of 
Hughly drives a great Trade, because all foreign Goods are brought 
thither for Import, and all Goods of the Product of Bengal are brought 
hither for Exportation. And the Mogul's Furza or Custom-house 
is at this Place. It affords rich Cargoes for fifty or sixty Ships 
yearly, besides what is carried to neighbouring Countries in small 
Vessels ;... To mention all the particular Species of Goods that this 
rich Country produces, is far beyond my skill...." 

* The factory at Hugli was established in 1650 under the/arfndn said 
to have been obtained by Gabriel Boughton. In 1657, Hugli was made 
the head factory in the Bay, the factory of Balasor being subordinate. 
The Factory House in T. B.'s time must have been the one which was 
in process of building in 1665 as described by SchouteUy vol. ii. p. 157, 
"When we were there [in Hugli] the English were building a new 
factory, because the inundations of the Ganges had by degrees mined 
the walls of their old edifice which threatened to fall.*' Delestre^ p. 188, 
says, " A league distant from the Dutch factory [at *Ougly*] the English 



BENGALA I 69 

Chiefe Factory in the 3 beforementioned Kingdoms, and 
residence of the Chiefe in Place. 

The Dutch Factorie is also Scituate upon the banks 
of the River, about one English mile from ours, lower 
downe the River, on a most delicate and Even piece of 
ground, which is comely Enough to be admired, and theire 
buildings noe lesse, beinge a most compact and very decent 
Structure, carryinge the name of the largest and compleatest 
Factorie in Asia, and noe more then in my Judgement it 
deserveth*. 



have one, on the same side of the river, the left going up." In 1676, 
the English factory at Hugli was enlarged and repaired by Streynsham 
Masters orders. In the Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date 
25th Nov. 1676, we read, p. 272: "By reason that the Cheife and 
councell in the Bay will from hence forward reside in this Factory of 
Hugly where there is a want of accomodations and necessary apart- 
ments for soe many married persons, upon a Surveigh of the buildings 
it was judged necessary to remove the cook roome it standing incon- 
venient and being covered with thatch was alsoe dangerous, and to 
build an other with brick to secure the whole, and to sett up necessary 
apartments to make the Factory capable of accomodating four marryed 
persons of the Councell, and also to make a Penthouse to preserve the 
house to the Southward ; and which are wanting the most necessary, 
an office, a Councell chamber and a place for the registers to be kept 
in, out of the five upper roomes, all which the Councell thought fitt to 
be done out of hand and that it be managed with all frugallity, at 
present judging it may not exceed 1200 rups. besides the usuall and 
necessary repairations of the Factory which the late storme hath much 
dammaged by blowing the thatch of the walls. And there being 
many trees about the house which shaded the ground and kept it 
moist and besides have harboured Vermine they were ordered to be 
cut downe that the aire might have freer passage and the heat of the 
sunne keep the earth dry." 

^ Schoutetty vol. ii. p. 156, dilates on the grandeur of the Dutch 
Factory at Hugli : " But there is nothing in it [Hugli] more magni- 
ficent than the Dutch factory. It was built on a great space at the 
distance of a musket shot from the Ganges-, for fear that, if it were 
nearer, some inundation of the waters of this river might endanger it, 
or cause it to fall. It has indeed, more the appearance of a large 
castle than of a factory of merchants. The walls are high and built of 
stone, and the fortifications are also covered with stone. They are 
furnished with cannon, and the factory is surrounded by ditches full 
of water. It is large and spacious. There are many rooms to 
accommodate the Director, the other officers who compose the 
Council, and all the people of the Company. There are large shops 
built of stone, where goods that are bought in the country and those 
that our vessels bring there are placed." Compare also Delesire, 
p. 188: "We arrived at Bengala where the Dutch have a very fine 









I70 BENGALA 

Soe that now they may, and doe largely boast of this 
new and comely buildinge ; but not a word is heard from 
them concerninge the Old Factory that adjoyned to that 
of the English, much about the time of the horrid Massacre 
of the English at Amboyna*. 

Those 2 Factories, then dore neighbours, Stood within 
20 paces of the River Side, on which side the river gained 
much upon the dry land, vizt. upon the Larboard Side 
goeinge up, in soe much that a Stronge fresh, caused by 
the great raines that fall here Sometime before the breake- 
inge up of the Monzoone', came down the River with Such 
Violence that it Seemed to be displeased with all that 
were here, more Especially the Dutch, and Shewed them 
displeasure at once, takeinge away all theire whole Factory, 
Storehouses &c., and hurried them into the River, and 
a great depth too, for in the very place where the Dutch 
Factory stood, wee ride with our Ships and Vessels in 
noe lesse then depth 16 fathoms, and it is called Hugly 
hole*. 



and very rich factory in a place called Ougly, where linen is most 
beautifully woven." Compare also the description of the Dutch 
factory in the Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date 21st Nov. 
1676, p. 263, "This aftemoone Mr. Clavell with my selfe and others 
visitted the Dutch at their Factory which is very large and well built, 
with two Quadrangles, The Directore was very obligeing and shewed 
us the new built warehouses which are three very large, that make one 
side of one of the Quadrangles next to the River side They are 
excellently well timbred which was all brought from the Coast, alsoe 
he shewed us other accomodations of their Factory, their Gardens 
which are very spatious, well kept with Tarrass walks and full [of] 
Lettice and good herbage and adjoyneing to their Factory they have 
offices for all things needfuU to them, as a Carpenters Yard with 
stores of good Timber brought from Batavia, a Coopers yard where 
they make many cask for the Pork which they kill and salt up downe 
the river, a Smiths forge, a Grannary and apartment for a great many 
weavers where they have sett up Loomes for the weaving of saile cloth, 
and a foild to make ropes in...." 

1 Le. 27th Feb. 1623. 

2 See note on p. 5 1. T. B., in his Malay Dictionary y has, *' Moosim, 
a Season of the year." 

3 At a Consultation at Hugli during the second visit of Agent 
Master, 20th Oct. 1679 {Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2), it was 



;v: •:. : : : 
• • ••• •. / 



BENGALA 17 1 

The English Factorie (adjoyneinge to that of the 
Dutch) was by the computation of men very likely 
tsuddenly to follow it, but the Fresh abated and it standeth 
to this day with all Store houses and walls that surround 
it\ 

Rut for feare Such another or worse fresh Shold happen 
and take them Unprovided with necessaries, and time 
whereby to remove the Companies goods &c., they have 
by Order of the said Company, built a very fine new 
Factory* about, a quarter of a mile higher (from the River 
Side), where now the Chiefe and Councill &c. Factors 
of Hugly reside, and the Old one is not as yett become 
Unserviceable*. 

The freshes* are wholy caused by the great rains that 



"Ordered... that there be a large Warehouse built for the Saltpeter 
upon the old Factory ground as far from the River as it can con- 
veniently stand, and a house to keep the Sloopes Stores in near the 
hole where they Ride between the old Factory and the new." In a 
letter from the Council at Hugli to Surat, dated 24th Nov. 1686, there 
is the following reference to Hugli Hole: "At the same time they 
began to display their great gunns from a battery consisting of Eleven 
Gunns that they had lately raised to command our Shipps in the 
Hole." 

^ This building was known as the " Old Factory" in T. B.'s time. 
Compare the following reference which occurs in Factory Records^ 
Hugli, No. 3, under date 29th Sept. 1681 : "The way between the 
New Factory and the Old (which is the Generall Warehouse and 
landing place of all our goods) being broken down by the falling 
of a great tanck of water into the river running the bank down in 
the way thither so that in the time of the raines the principall time of 
receiving goods and transmitting them to the Sub-Factories &ca we 
find that there is no passing without great danger between one place 
and the other which yett the Warehouse keeper or his Assistants are 
obliged dayly to doe, we agreed therefore that a small bridge might be 
built over the said place of brick " 

2 In 1664; see note on p. 168. 

3 See supra^ note i, for the use made of the Old Factory. See also 
the passage quoted below, note 4. 

* Compare the Diary of Streynsham Master^ Consultation at 
Hugli, 25th November, 1676, p. 272: "The old Factory lying by 
the River side being a very convenient place for the reception of the 
Honble. Companyes Saltpeter, lead and other gross and bulky 
Comodityes, That it is the Honble. Companyes Interest and advantage 
to keep it in repaire and the banck well fenc't from the encroachments 









172 BENGALA 

fall at Such and such Seasons of the yeare, not with what 
fall here nor a considerable way further Up, but a great 
way Up as high as Pattana, yea as high as South Tartarian 
which is mountanious, and raineth there for a quarter of a 
yeare togeather, and rusheth downe the Ganges and arms 
thereof with Such Violence that all these rivers afford not 
issue for it, unto the Sea, untill a considerable time be 
spent and an abatement made; but, like Unto the great 
River Nilus, overflowinge its banks in many places for 
some miles Compasse. These waters are at their full 
height generally in the Month September. 

Anno Domini 1676, in the aforesaid Month, I was 
comeinge down Hugly River ^ in a Ship called the Sancta 
Crux*, whereof Under God I was Commander, and driveinge 

of the Freshes and there to build some convenient place to lay up 
stores belonging to the Sloopes and Vessells, wherefore it was thought 
fitt that the said repairs be put in execution before the next raines the 
last Freshes having taken away great part of the Banck and the 
building of a new warehouse (if this should wash down) would be of 
great expence." 

^ Apparently a vague reference to Central Asia including the 
Himalayas. T. B. is probably here recording what he recollected 
of Native accounts of the Eastern and Central Himalayas and their 
heavy rainfall. 

2 In connection with T. B.'s chart of the Hugli, reproduced here, 
it may be noted that there exists at the Horse Guards a map, no. Z 
30/43, entitled " The Mouth of the River Ganges." It shows much 
the same conditions as Bowrey's map. Its date is 1694, and it was 
made by the pilot Davenport for Captain William Gifford of the 
Seymour. With the map are some interesting sailing directions for 
getting out of the Hugli, initialled by Davenport. 

Among the places marked on the right bank in Bowrey's chart, 
Degoon, Wolleberry, and Casuree represent the modem Digano, 
Uluberria and Cajori [Khajurl]. Bowrey's map extends farther up 
the river than Davenport's and contains many more names. 

3 In 1676, when T. B. was navigating the Sancta Cruz, she 
belonged to Portuguese traders. On the 3rd January, 1677, Streyn- 
sham Master found the ship in the Madras Road : " In the roade [of 
Madras] there was rideing the Triplicane and the Sancta Cruz 
belonging to A Portugueez,...." Diary of Streynsham Master, p. 311. 
On the 27th Jan. the Council at Fort St George wrote as follows to 
Arnold White at Bantam {Factory Records, Fort St George, No. 18): 
"We have yours 2d November and 13th October [i676j...we received 
the former by the Sancta Cruz which Ship has been attended with 
many misfortunes in them concerned, her Commander as you advised 



BENGALA 173 

downe at a most Swift and violent rate, beinge timerous of 
driveinge too farre down, vizt. upon the Shoals of the 
River Tombolee^ (where the River is most crooked). 
Now, beinge got into the reach called Jno. Perdo*, where 



deceased with you, and his Successor hardly recovering, her Cheif 
Owner Domingos Perez Banhos dead here suddenly, and the other 
afflicted with a Murder in his family committed by his Sonn in Law 
who lyes here in Irons untill Sufficient power from England to proceed 
against him, however the Surviving Owner Cosmo Lorenzo de 
Madera, desires his humble thanks to be returned for your protection 
and kindness Shewed." From this letter it appears that when T. B. 
was caught in the eddy in Sept. 1676, as described in the text, he was 
taking the Sancta Cruz from Hugli to Bantam. There is no evidence 
to show whether he put in at Fort St George and there relinquished 
charge of the vessel. At any rate, his connection with her must have 
ceased in Oct. 1676, since her Commander, as the letter states, died 
about that time. T. B. was probably only an interim commander of 
the Sancta Cruz for the one voyage. The subsequent career of the 
vessel seems to be forthcoming in that of the Sancta Cruz^ belonging 
to Joseph, brother of the rich Armenian John Demarcora. This ship 
was taken as a prize by the Siamese Government during the war 
between Siam and Golconda, apparently about March, 1685. Some 
months later the Sancta Cruz was rechristened the St George^ and 
sent on a voyage to Mocha [? Moco Moco in Sumatra] as one of the 
King of Siam's ships. See Anderson, Siam, p. 271 f. There is reason 
to think that the ship was recaptured, and her original title restored 
to her, for, in May, 1687, we find {Factory Records, Fort St George, 
No. 4): "Ship Santa Cruise Augustine de Carvalia Master arrived 
at Fort St George from Goa" and "sailed for Bengali" in June. In 
Feb. 1697, there was a Sancta Cruze at Calcutta. In Factory Records, 
Calcutta, No. 2, there are the entries : "Wrote a letter to the Lieut. 
Generall and Councill of Fort St George by Ship Sancta Cruze.., The 
Ship Sancta Cruze Saild for Fort St George." Again, in 1702, there 
is the entry {idid. No. 3) "Ship Santa Cruce David Marcus Com- 
mander arrived from Manilha." Lastly, in the Account of Tonnage and 
Pass Money for ships at Bengal in 17 18 {Bengal Public Consultations, 
20th April, 1 7 19) payment is made by the owner of a Sancta Cruze. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tumlook. Now the Rupnarain running 
into the Hugli at the "James and Mary" Shoal. Compare the Diary 
of Streynsham Master under date nth Sept. 1676: "The... Dutch 
Skipper told us that his shipp was shott by the mouth of this river 
leading to Hugly into that river we call Tumberleen...." Compare 
also the following from Factory Records, Hugli, No. 3, under date 
nth Sept. 1681 : **Mr Stanley and Mr Prickman arrived hither 
[Hiigli] comeing as far as Tumberlee in a small vessel called the 
Margery belonging to Mr Clement Jordan of Madras." 

2 The island Jan Perdo in the Hugli River has now disappeared. 
Compare the Diary of Streynsham Master, nth Sept. 1676: 
" There being noe hope of getting the Sloopes up higher then they 
were which is neare the island Janperdo, by reason of the strength of 
the Freshes,...." Compare also the following from Factory Records, 



174 BENGALA 

I found the Streame of lesse force then before, I lett dropp 
our best bore anchor, and veered 40 fathoms of Cable out; 
I gave the Ship one Sheere, and let fall our Sheet anchor, 
and veered out a considerable length or Scope of each, 
which brought her up (beinge but in depth 8 fathoms). 
It happened at that time for the Space of J an houre to 
be Slack water, but then the fresh came down like a boore, 
and hurried us away into a most impetuous Eddy, where, 
in a moment, our Ship turned round soe often and quick 
withall that not one of us cold Stand to doe any thinge \ 
One cable broke, and the Other Swum like to a piece 
of wood. In the midst of this Extremity, when I thought 
our Ship wold oversett with each Sally She tooke, it 
pleased God a very fresh gale Sprange Up, filled our 
Sailes (that hanged loose in the brailes), and runne her 
out of that Eddy, and by cuttinge away our Other Anchor 
and Cable, got Soon over to the Other Side, where I 
runne her into a Small Creeke, and stayed untill the fresh 
abated, which was 14 days*. 



Hugli, No. I, under date i8th Aug. 1677: "Wee had notice of the 
Sloopes Arrival 2Ln6. Ganges being arrived at Janipardo." The following 
curious spellings occur m the Hugli Diary for 28th Aug. and 14th 
Sept. 1678, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2, "This morning wee had 
notice of the Catch Arrivall being come up to Jarpardorc.At noone 
wee had advise of the Sloope Arrivall being come to Jampadore." 
For the creek and Island of Jan Perdo, see Yule, Hedges Diary ^ 
vol. iii. p. 213. T. B., in his Chart of the River Hugli, marks them as 
" Ri. John Pardo, He John Pardo." 

^ Compare the following from the Diary of Streynsham Master^ 
8th Sept. 1676, p. 57: "This eveping with the tide of flood wee gott 
into that part of the river Ganges that comes from Hugly at the mouth 
of the said River there's eighteen or nineteen fathome water without, 
and but eight or nine fathome within but it sholds gradually shelving 
wise yett causes a great whirling of the water soe that often times 
Ships and Vessells are turned or winded round by it for a good space 
of time but seldome receive dammage thereby (as afterward I saw one 
farther up the river soe winded) but wee comeing neare upon a high 
water gott in without any such winding and they happen at the first of 
the Flood and last of the Ebb." 

2 In other words the writer was caught in an eddy off the still 
dreaded shoal at the junction of the Hugli and Rupnarain Rivers, 
now called the "James and Mary." 



BENGALA 175 

But most of this trouble might Easily have been 
avoided if our Ganges Pilot ^ had been any way ingenuous, 
for this River hath many good and Smooth Places for 
Ships and Vessels to ride, in, out of the way of Streams 
or Eddies, as I have Some time Since found by 
Experience *. 

Another but more Sad accident happened on that day, 
being the 27th of September* 1676. The honourable 
Company's two Ketches *, bound up, came to an anchor in 
the reach that I did, but in a better place to ride out the 
fresh \ Agent Masters was then On board the biggest of 
them^ and Some Younge Gentlemen Factors on board 
the Other ^ one by name Mr. Callaway® (a very good 



^ The only two experienced " Ganges Pilots " at this time were 
George Heron and Samuel Sherman. The former was with Agent 
Master, and T. B. was probably in the hands of a pilot whose know- 
ledge of the river was but slight. The lack of efficient pilots was 
a subject of constant complaint at this period. Walter Clavell in his 
" Accompt of the Trade of Hugly" to be found at the end of the Diary 
of Streynshain Master^ p. 320, remarks : " Our Ships if wee had 
more Pilotts whome wee could oblige to stay after they had obtained 
some experience either by ingageing them in familyes, or by giveing 
them good wages might with much more ease goe over the braces and 
come up Hugly River, then they can goe out of the Downes into the 
River of London, and one maine incouragement would be that the 
ships should sett out of England soe as to be here the begining of 
June, by which meanes they will have true tides to carry them up and 
avoid the freshes, they may alsoe goe up if they come the last of the 
moonzon comeing from the Coast to the Bay in September after the 
freshes are abated...." 

2 T. B. took the Borneo Merchant up the Hugli to Calcutta in 
Aug. 1687 and the Frances in 1688, apparently without the assistance 
of a pilot. Vide Introduction. 

3 According to the Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. 59, the accident 
happened on the nth of Sept. 1676. 

* The Arrival I and the Ganges, 

^ See note on p. 171. 

^ i,e. the ArrivalL 

^ i.e. the Ganges, 

® William Callaway was entertained by the Court as a Writer for 
Fort St George, on the 13th Dec. 1672. He arrived at the Fort in 
1673. He was appointed special assistant to Streynsham Master in 
the tour of inspection in 1676, and accompanied the Agent to Masuli- 
patam and Balasor. On the way to Hugli he was seized with the 



176 BENGALA 

Friend of mine), beinge then Sore Visited with Sicknesse, 
and beinge one that Agent Masters had great respect for, 
he Sent Mr. Herrin^, the master of the Ketch, and the 

fever to which he succumbed. He left instructions as to his effects 
with Mr Douglas, Surgeon of the Eagle^ who had attended him in his 
last illness. The goods were sold at an "outcry" at Hugli on the 
I ith Nov. 1676, and the proceeds sent home to his father. A detailed 
list of Callaway's effects is to be found at the end of the Diary 0/ 
Streynsham Master^ pp. 358 — 361. The list includes ''^'jj gold coate 
buttons, 2 pair of gold buttons for wrists, i pair of silver buckles, 
I Silver Snuff box, i Silver Meddall Oliver Cromwell, 6 Coates, 
4 paires of Breches, i China Escretore, i China Standish, 2 pair of 
Golcondah Slippers, 16 Hatts"; among these are "2 Castor Hatts, 
I Felt Hatt and his weareing Hatt." There is also a note "One 
Hatt Stolen from aboard the Arrivall Sloope," a large number of 
pieces of " Chint," a great many Girdles, &c., &c. 

^ There is a short notice of Heron in Yule, Hedgei Diary, vol. ii. 
p. 199. The connecting link between the forms Heron and Hering of 
this worthy's variously spelt surname is supplied in the text. In 1668 
George Heron is named as the senior of the first batch of apprentice 
pilots sent to the Hugli, under a seven years' indenture. In 1672 
{Factory Records, Hugli, No. 4) George *Hearon' was commanding 
the Madrasse Pinnace. In July of the same year {ibid,) we read, 
" For the better security of the Companys Factory you may appoint 
to William Lux George Heron and their Families roomes apart where 
they may sometimes bee, or as often as they see occasion." In 
November, 1674 {ibid.) George Herron and Thomas Bateman on the 
Arrivall were to receive "Advice" from John Nicholson as to the 
navigation of the Hugli. In March, 1676, "George Herring" took 
Mr Clavell to Fort St George. In October, 1677, "George Herron 
our chief Pilot" was ordered to attend Captain Erwin "on board 
Sloope Sally ^^ and to assist him in his survey of the "Sands and Chan- 
nell" of the Hugli. In 1678, George Herring, then commanding the 
Arrivall, piloted the Falcon from Bamagur into Balasor Road. In 
1679, we find Heron frightening the somewhat disreputable chaplain 
John Evans (a notorious trader and friend of interlopers) from going 
down the river from Hugli to Balasor in a native boat (Yule, Hedges' 
Diary, vol. ii. p. 131). In February of this year. Heron and the other 
pilots were sent "to survey the several depths and Channels of the 
river and over the Braces into Ballasore Roade in reference to 
enabling your Selfes to bring the English Ships which God willing 
may arrive Soe appointed this ensueing yeare." In 1680 Herron (the 
name is also given as Hearine and Herrin) with the Arrivall went to 
Fort St George, and in November advised of his being at " Carango " 
and that his vessel was "very leaky." In 1683 Heron was command- 
ing first the Thomas, and then the Good Hope (Yule, Hedged Diary, 
vol. i. pp. 74, 78). In 1684 the quarrels between Hedges and Job 
Chamock began, and in these Heron was mixed up (Yule, Hedges^ 
Diary, vol. i. p. 78 f ), as he was also in the quarrel between Hedges 
and Trenchfield {ibid, p. 148). In 1685 Heron does not appear to 
much advantage after Hedges' fall and dismissal {ibid,, p. 176). In 
1686 we find him much more worthily employed in compiling the 



BENGALA 177 

Minister^ to pray by him, and a younge man ', if in case 
they found him in a desperate condicion, to Seale Up 
his trunks and boxes, which was accordingly done. But 



earliest known sailing directions for the Hugli (/^/V/., vol. iii. pp. 201, 
204) and thus laying the foundation for the pilotage and topography of 
that river. In 1687 *' George Herron was cruiseing in the River Alley 
betwixt that and Kedgerry^' and wrote to Sutanuti from "the River 
Sautguary." It was at this time that Heron's brother Samuel, also a 
pilot in the Company's service, was seized by his mutinous crew, 
turned adrift in an open boat on the coast of Sumatra, and rescued by 
our author {vide Introduction). In 1688 George Heron appears as a 
somewhat important personage during William Heath's fatuous pro- 
ceedings at Chittag^ong when he gave some sound advice at a " Con- 
sultation Extraordinary." (Yule, Hedged Diary ^ vol. ii. pp. 83, 85.) 
About this time Heron ceased to be a servant of the Company, and 
henceforth we find him engaged in trading voyages on his own 
account. In 1691 he was commanding his own vessel "laden with 
Armenians &ca. Merchants Goods." He arrived at Sutanuti in Oct. 
1 691 "having been several months at Chattigaum." In 1702 George 
Heron's name occurs in a "List of Freemen Inhabitants in Fort 
St. George " with the note, " marry'd a Georgian [Armenian]." In the 
same year he signed a petition begging for letters of reprisal on 
Arabs who had seized ships in which he was concerned. From this 
time until his death Heron seems to have lived at Fort St George. 
He died on the 2nd May, 1727, aged 81, and was buried in the old 
cemetery, where his monument still stands. {See Mrs Penny, Fort 
St George, pp. 54, 195.) 

^ The "Minister" was the Revd. Josiah Darley who was "enter- 
tained as Chaplain in the Bay at ;^5o per annum and £^0 gratuity " in 
March, 1674 (Letter from the Court to Hugli, 13th March, 1674, Letter 
Book, No. 5). On the 20th Nov. 1674, the Council at Fort St George 
wrote to the Directors (Fort St George " Generall," O. C. No. 4044) 
" Mr. Darley proceeded for the Bay by shipp Lancaster where he was 
much wanted, and appearing to be a very discreet and learned man, 
will with Gods blessing be a meanes of much good there ; your agent 
having desired him to do his endeavour to quiet the differences 
amongst them." On the 29th of August, 1676, while at Balasor, 
Streynsham Master and Mr. Darley agreed to alter the hours for daily 
prayer {Diary of Streynsham Master, p. 48), "Mr. Darley the Chap- 
laine and my selfe agreed that the most convenient houres for prayer 
would be at 7 a Clock in the morneing and at 8 at night, the former 
custome being the same time in the morneinge and 4 a clock in the 
aftemoone which being found inconvenient was now altered." Streyn- 
sham Master's account of the accident which caused Mr. Darley's 
death is quoted in note 3 on p. 178 below. 

2 The "younge man" was Nathaniel Whetham, entertained by 
the Court as a writer, and specially appointed to assist the Agent, 
Streynsham Master {Court Book, 1675). Whetham's goods were sold 
at "Outcry" in Hugli on the 13th Nov. 1676. A detailed list, with 
the amounts realized, is to be found at the end of the Diary of Streyn- 
sham Master, pp. 362 — 364. 

T. 12 



178 BENGALA 

they hallinge on board theire own Ketch againe, did over- 
set the boat, and the minister and the younge man were 
drowned. The rest drove away on the bottom of the boat. 
My Purser, Mr. Clement Jordan^, was just then come downe 
with a Small Olocko^; wee Sent her away and looke them 
Up, beinge 5 in number, the Master and 4 Seamen I 

^ Clement Jordan, afterwards known as Clement du Jardin, was, 
like T. B., a "freeman" trading on '* country" vessels at this time. 
He may possibly have come to India at the same time as our author. 
Later, Jordan entered the Company's service. The following is a 
brief account of his career in India, as gathered from the MS. records 
at the India Office. In 1674 Mr "Jourden" went from Balasor to 
Hugh. In 1676 he was with T. B. on the Sancta Cruz as described 
in the text. In 1678, and early in 1679, Clement Jordan was at 
Balasor settling his account with Rogiram [RajaramJ. In 1679 he 
went on a trading voyage to Kedah and Achin with John Bugden, 
brother of Edmund Bugden, the Company's servant at Balasor. They 
sold the ship at Kedah and embarked with Mr John Smith in his ketch. 
Smith sailed to the "South Seas" and was murdered by his men. 
Jordan and Bugden were called upon to give an account of the murder 
and were acquitted of any complicity in it. In 1680 Clement Jordan 
was living as a freeman in Fort St George. In the same year he 
went to Hugh, Kasimbazar, and Malda. In 1681 he was in the " Bay" 
with his ship Margery. In 1682 he is styled Clement du Jardin, and 
is mentioned as visiting Masulipatam and Madapollam in his own 
vessel. In the same year Jordan entered the Company's service, and 
was entertained as a factor. In 1683 he was sent to Vizagapatam, 
apparently as second of the factory. (See p. 123, note 2.) He dis- 
agreed with George Ramsden the Chief, and in 1683 was recalled to 
the Fort, where he arrived in March, 1684. In Sept. he was sent on 
the Amoy Merchant on a voyage to Sillebar whence he returned 
in 1685. Meanwhile his conduct at Vizagapatam had incurred the 
censure of the Court and he was dismissed the service in 1686. The 
Council at Fort St George, however, appear to have had a great 
regard for du Jardin, and as had previously happened in the case of 
William Jearsey, the orders from Court were evaded. Du Jardin was 
sent to Indrapoora and the West Coast, and his conduct while there 
was favourably reported on. The Court refused to be influenced in 
du Jardin's favour. They wrote, "Mr. Du Jardin is a huffing, swag- 
gering, ignorant, avaritious prodigall Person, and we are sorry to see 
such men so much in your favour... he is not a man to be trusted with 
mony, nor with the Conduct of any ship or Sloope." In 1687 du 
Jardin died at Indrapoora and the Council at Fort St George ex- 
pressed their regret for his loss, "being a fitting active man among 
those people." He left a widow who, at the time of his death, was at 
Fort St George. 

2 i.e. ulak^ a cargo-boat. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Woolock. Com- 
pare the following : " It being a quick Oolauck you are upon." 
Letter from Kasimbazar to Patna, 5th November, 1675, ^•^' No. 4126. 

2 The following is the account of the accident as given in the 



BENGALA 1 79 

The Nabob and Some Merchants here and in Ballasore 
and Piplo have about 20 Saile of Ships of considerable 
burthen, that annually trade to Sea, Some to Ceylone, Some 
to Tanassaree*. Those fetch Elephants, and the rest, 6 or 7 
yearly, goe to the 12000 Islands called Maldiva* to fetch 

Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date nth Sept. 1676, p. 59 : 
"This afternoone Mr. Douglas the Chyrrugeone of the Eagle who 
looked to Wm. Callaway very sick on board the Ganges sent to 
Mr. Darley to come to him beleiving he was neare his end, whereupon 
Mr. Darley very willingly went accompanyed with Mr. Bonnell Robt. 
Littleton and Nathll. Whetham and George Heron the master of the 
Arrival!^ the boate they went in being veered a Sterne by a rope from 
the Arrivall to the Ganges^ after they had binn there a small time 
Mr. Darley ha veing performed the last office for Mr. Calloway he dyed, 
and then the partyes before mentioned with Mr. Dbuglas and Thomas 
Read the Dyer went into the boate to retume againe aboard the 
Arrivall^ and as they were putting off from the Vessell, by some 
unhappy accident the boate cast thwart the Streame (which runn 
very Swift) and filled with water, the Ganges boate being fast to her 
Sheered up into the other boate, and beate the men into the water, In 
which sad mischance, Mr. Darley and Nathll. Whetham were drowned, 
all the rest it pleased God were saved and also the boates, the 
Arrivalls boate breaking loose Swam with her Keel upward and the 
Lascarrs upon it, which George Heron followed with the Ganges boate 
some miles downe the river, till they came to the Dutch Flyboate, 
where they were refreshed with meate and Drinck and clothes and 
there saved the boate and brought them both aboard againe this 
night." The " Dutch Flyboate" here mentioned must have been the 
Sancta Cruz. Either Master must have been mistaken as to her 
nationality, or else she must have been sailing under Dutch colours 
for the purpose of trading to some Dutch factory. Master seems to 
be a little confused in his account. On the 6th Sept. (p. 57) he says 
he overtook a " Dutch Flyboate," which must therefore have been going 
up the river. On the i ith Sept. (p. 58) he says that the skipper of the 
"Dutch Flyboate we overtooke" came to him with a request. He then 
goes on to relate a story that exactly fits in with T. B.'s adventure 
described above : "The said Dutch Skipper sayd he was a Yorkshire 
man, he told us that his shipp was shott by the mouth of this river 
leading to Hugly into that river we call Tumberleen and that he had 
lost an anchor two kedg anchors and 200 fathome of Hawser but there 
was noe want of such things up at their Factory." Then, in the account 
of the accident, Master says that his men were rescued by "the Dutch 
Flyboate" evidently alluding to the same vessel he had mentioned 
before. The explanation seems to be that Master met T. B. on his 
voyage down the river, possibly under Dutch colours, and that he also 
overtook a Dutch Flyboat going up the river and, in his account of 
the accident, he confused the two vessels. It is at any rate clear that 
the survivors of the overturned boat were rescued by T. B.'s men and 
taken on board the Sancta Cruz, 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Tenasserim. 

^ See note on p. 104. 

12 — 2 



l8o BEN GALA 

cowries^ and Cayre*, and most commonly doe make very 
profitable Voyages. 

The Prince' now (neither did the Nabob before him) 
not in the least concerne themselves with their Ships, onely 
acquaints the Governour of Each respective Sea Port that 
they will have Soe many Elephants of such a comelinesse 
and Stature brought them that yeare, and for the rest it is 
wholy left to the discretion of the Governour. 

The Elephants of Ceylone * are best Esteemed of here 
and all Hindostan over; they are generally large and well 
Sett, of a most hardy constitution, and Endowed with more 
Sence and reason then those of Tanassaree, Queda, or Syam^ 

They are bought from the Dutch (who have in a 
manner fortified the Island Ceylone quite round®) in 



^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Cowry. Compare Alex. Hamilton, East 
Indies^ vol. i. p. 347, for the " catching of Couries." 

2 See note on p. 42. Compare the following in a letter from Hugli to 
Balasor, 3rd April, 1678, O. C. No. 4392 : "I give you thanks also 
for endeavouring to get some Coro Maldiva and if you had payd 
10 rupees for one Tola should have bin content." 

2 Muhammad 'Azim. 

* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Ceylon. 

^ For the superiority of Ceylon elephants, compare Schouteriy 
vol. ii. p. 31 : "They are looked upon as the finest and most intelli- 
gent [animals] in the world.... it is said that the elephants of other 
countries recognize them, and that, as a mark of respect, they fall on 
their knees before them." 

® Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 5 : " Before the Portuguese, who 
were the first among the Christians to navigate the Indies, had dis- 
covered it [Ceylon], the Sarrasins, the Turks, and the Ethiopians 
traded thither, and got from it pearls, precious stones, and above all a 
quantity of cinnamon. After them the Portuguese made settlements 
there ; and, finally, the Dutch have made themselves masters of it. 
At least, all the commerce is in their hands*, and they possess the sea 
ports with the greater part of the towns and fortresses." Compare 
also Delestre^ p. 126 : "The hatred of this King [of Candy] towards 
the Dutch is well-grounded, not only because they have established 
themselves in his country against his will, and because they have built 
fortresses, the most considerable of which is four leagues from the Bay 
of Trinquemale, but because of their usurpations over his subjects...." 
The Dutch had been invited by the King of Candy to assist in the 
expulsion of the Portuguese. In 1658 they became masters of the 
island and retained possession of it until 1796, when it was taken by 
the English. 



.*«? 



BENGALA l8l 

GalaS or Colomba^ or Japhnapatam^ The Dutch take 
them in the Woods* and tame them, and dispose of 
them to the merchants of Bengala in Exchange for 
Rice, butter*', wheat, Opium ®, raw and wrought Silks or 
Callicos ^ that they bringe yearly hither ; and these huge 
Annimals are delivered them at theire Ship Sides in the 
Roade, brought hither in great broad lighters that are 
built for the Same purpose, where they are hove On board 
with good Capstants, runners and tackles, and Secured in 
hold as beforementioned fol. 38, 39^ 

The Kingdome of Bengala hath had a longe and 
tedious warre with the Danes, who might have ruined 
all theire Forraigne Commerce with their owne Ships or 
Junks*, had they Either been ingenuous or Industrious, 

^ See note on p. 75. On the 19th April, 1676, the Council at Fort 
St George wrote to Hugli that the Dutch complained of a " Ship with 
English Collours abusing... a Mores Ship of Bengala off of Punto De 
Gali." Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 18. Compare Milburn, 
Oriental Commerce^ vol. i. p. 350: "Point de Galle ranks next to 
Colombo in point of trade. It was here that the Dutch used to ship 
the cinnamon and other produce of the Island for Europe." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Colombo. The transition spelling in the 
text is valuable. 

3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Jafna. Compare SchotUen^ vol. ii. p. 9 : 
"The town and celebrated fortress of this island of Jaffanapatnam, 
which lies forty-eight leagues from Colombo, on the East, are situated 
in a fertile and agreeable country. Both were brought into sub- 
mission to the Company [of Holland] in June 1658 by the arms of 
General van Goens." N, and E, in a list of passes granted to ships in 
1680, p. 47, has " Japnapatam." 

* See Schouten, vol. ii. p. 33, for a description of capturing 
elephants by the Dutch in Ceylon. 

^ i.e. ghi. See note on p. 1 32. 

* See note on p. 134. 

'^ See note on p. 5. 

8 These figures refer to the pages in the MS. The passage alluded 
to will be found on pp. 73, 74 of the text. 

® See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Junk, where Yule says, "1673. Fryer 
also speaks of * Portugal Junks.* The word had thus come to mean 
any large vessel in the Indian Seas." Here we have Danish "Junks," 
evidently in the same sense. Compare the following in Fort St George 
" Generall " to the Court, 12th Nov. 1668, O. C. No. 3238, "Mr. Jear- 
sey and Council in Mechlepatam...have ordered the cheife and Factors 
in the Bay to send upon Juncks...at least 800 tons of Salt peter." In 



1 82 BENGALA 

but for want of knowinge men in theire Service, the trade 
[of] the Moors of Bengala hath very much encreased. 
An accompt of all theire^ losses were Summed Up in the 
yeare 1674, and then they had lost but 30 Saile of Ships 
and Vessels in 32 years warre. 

That very yeare the Danes came from Trincombar* 
(a fine Garrison of the Kinge of Denmarks), the onely place 
they have in Asia, 40 English leagues to the Southward of 
Fqrt St George's. They came Upon a treaty of peace ^ 

letters from the Court to Fort St George, 13th Dec. 1672 and 29th 
Feb. 1684, Letter Books 5 and 7, there are the following allusions to 
"Junks"; "Buy a Couple or Three Small Jouncks that are good 
sailers [for fire ships]." "Any Junck that goes to Zeilon for Beetle 
Nutts may bring you Plants and seeds of the Cinnamon Tree, as well 
as pepper plants." 

^ " Theire " refers to the Moors. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Tranquebar. The Danes settled here in 
1620. Compare the following accounts : Schouten^ who visited the 
place in 1660, thus describes it (vol. i. p. 486) "Tranckebare is two 
and a half leagues to the North'of Carcal. It has a fine appearance 
from the sea shore whence is seen the Danish fort, the walls of which 
are built of very white stone, and which has four bastions. This is the 
chief of the places in which the Danes have established their trade. 
They built this fort a long time ago. However, vessels of their 
nation are very rarely seen in the other ports of India... The fort is 
inhabited by more people of the countVy than by Danes... their trade 
in this place as- in other parts of India is of little consequence, and 
very much impeded by the Moors their enemies, with whom they have 
ancient quarrels that cannot be made up." Delestre, p. 105 f. describes 
the place twelve years later : " This town [Tranquebar] is a very 
pleasant one, situated on the sea shore, and belongs to the Danes. 
The natives completely sacked it a few years ago which is the reason 
that merchants have not yet firmly re-established themselves there. 
The town is watered by a fine river. When I was there [in 1672] it 
was not entirely walled in, but by this time the work must be completed 
as over 1000 blacks were employed in it.. .The garrison consists of 200 
Danes without reckoning the blacks who mount guard day and night." 
In the Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date 3rd July, 1676, there 
is a reference to the Danish fort: "In the morning we saw the 
Danes Fort at Trincambarr, and severall ships along the shoare." 

3 There is but scanty mention of the Danes and their affairs in the 
contemporary MS. records at the India Office, but the following 
extracts taken from Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4, seem to show that 
negotiations for peace began in 1673. On the loth June, 1673, 
Walter Clavell wrote from Balasor, "The Danes as yet have not made 
a pea<!:e having demanded their Prisoners they have here to bee set at 
liberty, till that is graunted they will treat no further, this the Moors 
cannot consent unto without the licence of Nabob Zoffy Chaan 



BENGALA I 83 

(which if they had good Successe in, they resolved to Settle 
Factories in this Kingdome), in hopes also of acquiringe 
Some Satisfaction for the unsufferable wrongs theire 
Nation received off Meleck Beaked Father to this Melecjc 
Cossum*, who is the present Governor of Hugly. 

The Danish Nation were formerly well Setled in this 
Kingdome, theire Chiefe Factory in Ballasore', and had 
yearely Ships of very considerable burthen arrived from 
Europe, untill Some Unhappy troubles arose at home, 
which constrained the Kinge of Denmarke to keep his 
Ships and men at home, which animated the Said Meleck 
Beake to injure the resideinge people here, the which he 
did in the basest degree of Nature. 



[Nawab Sufi Khan] on whose account they were taken.'' On the 27th 
of June in the same year Walter Clavell writes, "A Guzerat Ship was 
surprized in the Roade [of Balasor] by two Danes Vessells who came 
hither with intentions to make peace but as yet nothing is effected nor 
is likely to bee, the Moores having detained three of their people 
prisoners who were forced ashore the last yeare by a storme on the 
Coast of Gingerlee where they were seized on by Nabob Zoffy Chaan's 
people being then Nabob of Kateck and secured untill they had made 
satisfaction for a vessell the Danes tooke of his, and the Moores 
pretend they cannot surrender these Prisoners without the order of 
the Nabob." 

^ Malik Beg was Governor of Hugli for twenty years or more. He 
is first mentioned in the records in 1647, and appears to have still held 
his post as late as 1667-8, though the last direct reference to him, in 
his official capacity, is in 1665. The name is variously given as 
"Malybeeg, Malla beeg, Meirza Mallibeague, Merza Maleeck beeg, 
Malick Beake." He was apparently more favourable to the English 
than was his son and successor, Malik Qasim. Malik Beg took the 
part of the English against the Dutch, and settled the differences 
between the two nations in favour of the former (O. C Nos. 3071, 
3095, 3096). 

2 Malik Qasim was Governor of Hugli from about 1668 until the 
end of the year 1672, when he lost his post. However, by means of 
the payment of a heavy bribe, he procured the government of Balasor, 
which he held for two years, and then re-obtained the government of 
Hugli, an appointment which he retained until 1681. 

3 Walter Clavell, in his "Accompt of the Trade of Ballasore" at 
the end of the Diary of Streynsham Master^ p. 322, says, " Ballasore 
begunn to be a noted place when the Portuguez were bekten out 
of Angelin [Hijili] by the Moores about the year 1636 : at which 
time.. .the English and the Danes endeavoured to settle Factoryes 
here..." 



1 84 BENGALA 

They had a great quantitie of goods and moneys by 
them, which the Villaine coveted, and, in fine, brought 
his most diabolicall purposes to passe. He Poysoned all, 
bQth younge and Old, that belonged to the Affaires of 
Denmarke, and they were near 40 in number of the Danish 
Nation, Seized upon all their goods, and demolished the 
Factory, soe that when the next Shippinge arrived from 
Denmarke, they found but course Entertainment in 
Bengala, nor any Satisfaction, which forced them to 
warre, and with a just cause, which might have tended 
to the great Enrichinge of Denmarke had it been well 
prosecuted \ 

The Danes, findinge Small gaines to Issue from this 
warre, did. Anno Domini 1674, come downe from their 
Castle of Trincombar (with one Shipp of 16 gunns and 
a Sloope) into the bay of Bengala, upon a treaty for 
peace, thereby to Settle a trade, as the English and Dutch 
have in Bengala and Pattana. 

Now, beinge Assured in themselves of Obtaininge a 
Very honourable peace, with this Nation (who they 

• 

^ No details of this massacre have come to light among the 
contemporary records at the India Office, but that the Danes were 
in conflict with Malik Beg, the following extract from A Short 
Declaration of sevrall passages in Bengalla by Richard Hudson 
in Dec. 1647, O. C No. 2056, clearly shows: "Att our first arrivall 
at Ballasara we were to appearance kindly wellcome till newes 
of the Danes arrivall who were come to force satisfaction of wrongs 
formerly sustained, when Zoe Millick Beague prohibits our [word 
illegible] the howse, some few dayes after the Danes came into 
the Roade, and seizeth one of the Moores shipps with 8 Ellephants, 
whereupon hee Millick Beague sends the Sheckdarr [shiqdar^ revenue- 
officer] with all the Merchants to intreat us to Vissitt him, some time 
was spent and with much intreaty after we had made them eate their 
words, we condiscended and went to Beagues howse, some daies after 
he gave us a Vissitt, and the morrow following desires us to come to 
his howse where meeteing he brought us to intercede with the Danes 
for release of the Elliphants and Jounck, we went on board and dis- 
charged our parts very honestly, but to no purpose the Danes replying 
they came not hither with five Vessells to quit what they seized for faire 
words, a second time we went to as much purpose as first, Beague and 
the rest seeing our words prevaild no more they tell us then that sith 
we are Christians, and the Danes the same, you shall Sattisfie the 
Damage wee susteine with many words pro and con...." 



BENGALA I 85 

thought did not a little dread them) were very much 
mistaken, for the Cunninge and Subtile Meleck Cossum^ 
did first out witt them, and Soon after laughed at them, 



^ The records of the time shew the character of Malik Qasim in a 
most unfavourable light. In Dec. 1672 (^Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4) 
in a "General!'' from the Bay to the Court, we have the following: 
"The troubles wee have met with from Mellick Cossum the Governour 
of Hugly wee have yearely given you advice off in denying distucks 
\dastaksy signed documents] when and as often as we complyed not with 
his greedy and petulant desires in giving him presents m selling him 
your goods at his owne rates Transporting his goods betweene Hugly 
and Ballasore in your vessells and pilating his Vessells in and out the 
River Ganges in all these as farr as we found reasonable wee did gratifie 
his requests but could not without an extraordinary Charge comply in all, 
nor prodigally lavish your estates to make presents &ca Charges to 
equalize the Dutche's though by the Government expected... Mellick 
Cossum is turned out of his government of Hugli... Mellick Cossum 
hath with the expences of threescore thousand rupees procured the 
Government of Ballasore...." On the 31st of March they wrote from 
the Bay (ibid.\ " Mellick Cossum is lately arrived here and pretended 
Friendship for us what it is wee have already experienced and feare 
all his actions here will bare some proportion with what hee did in 
Hugly." In Sept. 1673 i}bid.) Mr Elwes at Dacca was ordered to 
acquaint the diwan "that the Towne [of Balasor] is likely in short 
time to be ruined ; but two Vessells come here this yeare belonging to 
Strangers... that their usage hath been such they intend never to come 
here againe...and that as long as hee [Malik Qasim] is here wee nor 
no Strangers can hope for any safety for our Ships, that wee have 
forborne all manner of Trade in this place this yeare, and shall as long 
as this man stayes here and it may bee bee forced to leave this place." 
In Dec. 1674, the factors at the Bay wrote to the Court {ibid.\ "Mellick 
Cossum Governour of Ballasore... hath in a little time after his removall 
re obtained the Government of Hugly in his Sons name and the com- 
mand of the Kings forces there abouts in his owne so that he is now 
become one of a more absolute command then ever in these parts, and 
may if the Nabob live in few years geet up all his former losses, there 
being little expectation that the Nabob will be removed as long as he 
lives...." In 1678 Malik Qasim was in less favour at Court, for, in 
a letter from Hugli to Balasor ((9. C. No. 4403), we read, "The 
Nabob is deadly sick at Dacca some say irrecoverable soe that tis 
uncertain whether Mellick Cossim (who now is certainly in a low 
condition and in great disgrace at Dacca) will be jaggeered from 
Ballasore as he is from hence [Hugli]." However, it was three years 
later before the English finally got rid of Malik Qasim. In November, 
1 68 1, they wrote from Balasor {Factory Records ^ Balasor, No. i) 
"This day Mellick Cossim who was lately Jageerd came to vissitt us 
before his goeing to Decca." In a Dutch map of Hugli dated 1679 
(Map No. 1 102 Leupe's Catalogue, in the Map Room at the India 
Office), there is marked just outside the town "Garden of Melkassum 
[Malik Qasim] formerly also fausdar [faujddr^ or Governor of 
Hoogly." 



1 86 BENGALA 

All through the Simplicitie of a Mechanick^ fellow that 
the Danes Entitled theire Comadore, who rendred him- 
selfe, as he was really, a most ridiculous man, to the 
mightie disgrace of there whole Nation and Fortification 
of Trincombarre. 

This Commadore, as they called him, at his arrivall 
in the Roade of Ballasore, to our Judgements, seemed to 
be blest with a great Share of good Fortune, but let it Slip 
for want of discretion or couradge, the latter of which it 
cold not well be, for a vessell with 2 or 3 gunns, and onely 
8 or 10 men might have acted more in that respect then 
there was any occasion for. 

Hee found 5 Saile of Bengala Ships in the roade, 
newly arrived from Ceylone and Maldivae Insulae*, whose 
Cargoes were very Considerable. The Moors that be- 
longed to them tooke to theire boats ^d runne into the 
River, leaveinge Ships and goods for a Prey to the Danes; 
but they cold not perswade theire Commadore to make 
Seizure of them, which, had he done, it wold have been a 
great inducement to the Moors to have granted to them 
a most Noble pe^ce; but if, on the Contrary, they might 
have carried away their prises, a greater enrichinge to them 
then any Factories they may have in this Kingdome will 
afford in their Small trade for many years to come. 

And, which added more disgrace to them, Meleck 
Cossum, by advice of the Merchants, meerly out of feare 
of looseinge those 5 Saile and 6 or 7 more dayly Expected, 
sent a Very noble peace off to him, which he refused. 
The Articles of agreement tendred to the Danes were but 
few, but contained great freedom to them, vizt. — 

Art. I. That the Danish Nation Shold henceforward 
Enjoy the Same liberty of traffick and commerce in 
Bengala and Pattana as the English Nation doth. 



^ i.e. vulgar. ^ See note on p. 104. 



BENGALA I 87 

Art. 2. That the Moors wold build them a Factory in 
Ballasore as large as they please, and where. 

Art. 3. That Meleck Cossum wold give to the Danes 
5 or 6000 Rupees towards bearinge theire Expences Untill 
they were well Setled. 

Meleck Cossum Sent a very Eminent man (one of his 
owne councell) on board the Danes Ship (then rideinge 
with a flagge of truce), and gave him many faire Sentences 
to deliver by word of mouth, as alsoe very complementall 
letters Signed and Sealed by him and his Councell, all 
which instanced nothinge but great Friendship, protest- 
inge what he meant not to doe, that he wold assist them 
in all that lay in his power, and that they were in his 
breast the most welcome of all Europeans that Ever came 
into Bengala, and that Ever Since he arrived to the height 
of this present Government, he coveted nothinge more 
then the Society of the Danish Merchants or Factors ; and 
thus, with many faire wheedles, and comeinge downe in 
person to the barre, with Store of Elephants, Palanchinoes^ 
&c., pretendinge to waite for kissinge of the Commadore's 
hand, he deluded him on Shore, where he thought him- 
selfe Sure of the beforementioned peace, with an addition 
of 1 00000 rupees towards Satisfaction for theire great 
injuries received at the hands of this Governour's Father^ 

This Worthy Commadore (a Taylor by trade) did now 
display himselfe in his owne colours. He went on Shore, 
but Sorely neglected to Stitch up the Peace, when all the 
necessaries were brought to him Upon his own Shop- 
board. He was Seemingely courteously received by Meleck 
Cossum and his hypocriticall Crew, by whom he was 
conducted to his house, and theire, after Some wilfull 
Silly questions asked concerninge Denmafke, England, 
Holland, &c.. The Commadore mentioned the treaty of 

^ See note on p. 19. ^ ue. Malik Beg. 



I 88 BENGALA 

Peace, att which the Moor's Governour Seemed to be 
Struck with an admiration, and told him he knew of noe 
warre ; but one discourse bringinge on another, the 
Governour now began to Speake a little Sharply to him 
and his Companions that accompanied him On Shore, and 
demanded Satisfaction for the 30 Saile of Ships they had 
taken duringe the warre, rateinge each Ship and Cargo at 
noe lesse then 10 thousand pounds Sterlinge, soe that the 
whole amounted to more then Ever the Danes had, or 
(in my Opinion) will have in all the East Indies or 
South Seas^ 

The Commadore and his associates began now to 
consider theire Errour in Comeinge On Shore, findinge 
themselvs in noe better condition then at the mercy of 
Meleck Cossum, the Issue of him that had noe mercy on 
the Danish Nation, in soe much that now they are forced 
to give faire Speeches, and condescend to anythinge, for 
feare of Sufferinge imprisonment or death. 

And now the Moors come Upon them for Satisfaction 
for a great Number of Musslemen^ they had killed and 
taken Prisoners, declareinge they had lost tenn times soe 
many as the Danes lost in Bengala — a very Slender piece 
of Satisfaction. 



^ i.e. the trading places in the southern part of the Indian Ocean, 
e.g. the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, &c. Compare the following : 
"Use all diligence... to putt in as much Saltpeeter as you can in all 
Ships that as need requires wee may take out of them at their retume 
to the Fort to make provision for the South Seas.... Prepare and 
provide what goods you can fitting for the South Sea trade." Factory 
Records^ Fort St George, No. 16, 26th Aug. 1668 and 19th Sept. 1669. 

2 An interesting early example of a mistake still sometimes made. 
Compare Fryer^ P- 9I) who has a similar error : " Here [Surat] are a 
sort of bold, lusty, and most an end, drunken Beggars, of the Mussle- 
men Cast," and the following from the Hugh Diary of 25th May, 1677 
(Factory Records^ Hugli, No. i) "This morning wee sent our Mahazor 
[mahzar^ application] to Dacca signed only by 4 MoguU and Mus- 
sullmen and 6 Hindoes." The author, in his Malay Dictionary^ ha^, 
" Moosulmawn, a Mahometan, or true Believer as esteemed by the 
Mahometans." See also notes on pp. 76 and 126. 



BENGALA 1 89 

And with all told them in good Earnest, that if they 
wold or did Expect any favour in these Kingdomes, they 
must goe up to Dacca to Nabob Shah-hest-Kan ^ and 
treat with him concerneinge theire affaires. 

Meleck Cossum knew well Enough they wanted 
moneys whereby to make theire addresses to Such a great 
person, who made noe body welcome without it; therefore 
that piece of advice was onely to Jeere them. 

TheDanishCommadoreExcused himselfe from that, and 
by great Submission to the Governour here, obtained the 
Liberty to take a house to live in, vizt. for him and his people, 
untill they heard Farther from the Castle of Trincombar. 

The which was noe Sooner requested, but immediately 
granted, and a promise made to them that they shold not 
be treated like Enemies, but Shold be free to buy and Sell 
and bringe theire Ship up to the towne Side and Stay Six 
months with great freedom, and then (the Monsoone" 
beinge shifted) to goe away with theire Ship and Sloope 
where they pleased, but that the Commadore and 4 or 5 
Factors shold reside in Ballasore until a better Under- 
standinge was made betweene the Kinge of Denmarke and 
theire Nabobs 

1 Shayista Khan. 

2 See notes on pp. 51 and T},, Compare the following curious 
spelling in a letter from Balasor, 25th Jan. 1675, Factory Records^ 
Hugli, No. 4, " The Mounsoon drawing neere to an end." 

3 The only allusion to this episode, so fully described by T. B., 
that has come to light among the India Office Records, is the following 
extract from a letter to the Court written by Walter Clavell at the Bay 
on the 28th Dec. 1674, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4: "The Deanes 
have for borne to trade in these parts and had Warr from 1640 to this 
present year now they are come two new termes and are like to have a 
little interest here on the Condition that all pretence of dammage shall 
be lade by on all Sides that the Deanes shall be free of custom as wee 
are, and that they shall have a place alloted them to build a Factory 
on, and have Rupees 3000 Allowed them towards the Building thereof, 
hether two these particulars are but Slenderly performed there being 
nothing advanced towards the erecting there Factory nor have they 
though they have long Since Chosen a plot of ground proceeded to 
erect any wall or to lay a foundation, the Deanes seeme not to be con- 
tented with there Setlement here nor the mores to pay any part of 



I90 BENGALA 

Againe, in the yeare 1676, they Sent downe the Same 
Ship and a brave new Sloope upon the Same Errand; 
but now they durst not meddle with any Moors Ships, by 
reason of their men that were On Shore under the Moors 
Government. They went up to Ballasore with their Ship, 
and theire New Commadore, Captain Wilkins^ came Up to 
Hugly in the Sloope, thence tooke Budgaroe * for Dacca, 
carryinge a present to the Nabob. This Wilkins beinge 
a very talkative man, and his present not soe great as 
Expected, the Nabob did but meerly Scoffe at him, 
Especially when he demanded the Same priviledge the 
English Nation Enjoyed, and asked if the like the Dutch 
had wold not Serve. He answered noe, but was forced 
to accept of lesse, and I question not but they purposed 
to take Opportunity to depart this Kingdome, and begin 
the warre afresh \ 

the promissed mony, unless they can perswade any towne Merchant 
whose perticular benefit the Governor pretended it will be to advance 
the mony, however the name of peace being now spred here and no 
warr thought of with any people who trade at Sea, the owners of 
Shipping doe begin to leave of to by any Ordinance but Seeke to finde 
ameanes to Settle Some of what they have in the Country.'' In answer 
to this letter, the Court wrote, 24th December, 1675, Letter Book^^o. 5, 
" We observe what you say about the settling of the Danes in the Bay, 
you ought to have opposed that so far as it might have been done 
without our Prejudice." 

^ Streynsham Master calls him Wilk Wygbert. "The Danes 
Cheife by name Wilk Wygbert gave mee a vissit." Diary of Streyn- 
sham Master^ under date 30th Aug. 1676. In Factory Records^ Siam, 
No. I, there is a reference on the 8th May, 1679, to "Captain Wilkin 
Wigbers lately in the Danes service bearer of a letter [from Fort 
St George to Siam]." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Budgerow. See the end of the section 
on " Bengala " for a description of this kind of boat. Compare the 
following : " I got up to Bamnegur wheare I mett Mr. Vincent coming 
downe the river in his Buggera." Letter from Hugh to Balasor, 
6th Feb. 1679, (9. C. No. 4573. 

3 It was at this time, about 1676, that the Danes established them- 
selves at Serampore near Hugli. To this second treaty, as described 
by T. B., there are the following references in the contemporary MS. 
records : " The Danes by plying up and down only with their small 
vessells half man'd with Blacks and sometimes catching a few of their 
[the "Bramanys"] ships and Boates alongst the Coast of Gingerlee, 
have brought them as well as the Bengallers to as good complyance 



BEN GALA IQI 

A great Multitude of Portugals^ inhabit the Kingdome 
of Bengala, Especially in Hugly and Some Other Creeks 
or Rivolets of the River thereof. Many of them are filias 
d^ Lisboa (as they call them selvs), vizt. Europeans borne, 
but many more of them are filias de Indies. They have 
a very large towne, about one English mile above the 
English Factory; it is called the Bandell*. I judge it is 

as they can desire." Fort St George "Generall," 23rd July, 1676, 
O. C. No. 4215. **This evening I visited the Cheife of the Danes 
Wilke-Wygbert at their factory, by whome I was informed that he 
had formerly binn a Skipper in the Dutch Companys service, in their 
great ships out and home, and lost his legg at Macasser, afterward, 
upon discontent of some ill usage left their service in Holland, and in 
the yeare 1670 came out in the King of Denmarkes service to make 
purchase upon the People of Bengala, but after him came out other 
persons of Quallity who had concluded a peace with these people 
which he did not esteeme soe advantageous as the other way, the 
tearmes where these, this their Factory and the ground and houses 
about it (which is a good Compass^ and a handsome spott) was given 
them free and three thousand Rupees in mbney to repaire and build a 
house, all which the merchants of this towne Contributed Alsoe he 
acquainted me that at Dacca from whence he was lately returned he 
had procured the Nabob Shaster cawne's Phyrwanna \J>arwdnd\ for 
the Danes nation to trade free of custome in Bengala and Orixa, and 
the Merchants alsoe that buy their goods and that his charges in 
procuring the same stood them in between 4 and 5 thousand rupees.... 
The Danes are granted a Phyrwand In every perticuler like as ours, it 
is now in the Rayes [rajahs] hands who will not deliver it without a 
present." Diary of Streynsham Master under date 2nd Sept. and 
1 8th Dec. 1676. 

On the 7th May, 1677, the Council at Fort St George wrote to the 
Bay {Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 18), "We have now yours 
15 February... whose contents observe and therein the continuing 
Severitys of the great men.. .and all seeming to be occasioned by the 
Danes Suing for a Phirmaund \Jarmdn\ like ours, and that eluded by 
the Crafty Mores alledging the Honble. Companys paying of 2 per 100 
at Surratt, and prosecuting the instance against them in Bengala allsoe 
2 birds with one Stone." 

In Hague Transcripts^ No. 2, under date i8th Oct. 1677, we find, 
"The Danes have been very clever in obtaining permission to trade 
over the whole district of Bengal, but we do not think they will find 
it very profitable, as we are informed, that since the foundering of 
their East Indiaman, the Company have neither men nor money for 
equipping another vessel, neither have they any credit and the Share- 
holders refuse to put in further capital." 

^ See note on p. 3. Compare John Marshall, Notes and Observa- 
tions^ p. 6 (reverse), " Hugly is a very great Towne in which live very 
many Portuguese." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Bandel. Bandel = ^<««^<«r, i.e. the port. 
Wilson, Early Annals^ vol. i. p. 62, in his description of Hugli circ. 



/ 



192 BENGALA 

2 English miles in circuit, very populous of men, women 
and children. They are for the most part very poore^ 
but are much to be commended for their Industrie, in 
acquireinge a livelyhood by honest means, much more 
commendable and honourable then for Christians to begge 
in a heathen Country. 

They knitt Stockins of silke and Cotton,^ they bake 
bread for the English and Dutch Factories and particular 
dwellinge houses, and for theire Ships and Vessels; they 
make many Sorts of Sweetmeats, vizt. Mangoe', Orange, 
Lemon, Ginger, Mirabolins*, Ringo Roots*, &c. Severall 



1679, says, "North of it was Bandel the ill-fated colony of the Portu- 
guese." Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 20 f. : 
" Hughly is a Town of a large Extent, but ill built. It reaches about 
2 Miles along the River's Side, from the Chinchura before mentioned to 
the Bandel, a Colony formerly settled by the Portugueze...The Bandel 
at present, deals in no Sort of Commodities." 

^ Compare the following from Walter Clavell's "Accompt of the 
Trade of Hugly," at the end of the Diary of Streynsham Master^ 
p. 322 : " The Portuguez, though numerous in Hugly, yett are reduced 
to a very low and meane Condition, their trade not worth mentioning, 
their Subsistance being to be entertained in the Mogulls pay as 
Souldiers." 

2 See note on p. 48. 

3 See Hobson-Jobsotiy s.v. Myrobalan. A variously spelt and pro- 
nounced term for astringent dried fruits of several species. 

* Apparently for "dringo root." Craufurd, Malay Dict.y has 
^^ daringgu (Jav. dringo\ name of a plant, Acorus terrestrisJ^ And 
T. B., in his Malay Diet, gives " Dirringo, Calamus aramaticus, or a 
Sweet smelling reed in India." See also Valentyn^ vol. iii. p. 246, 
who says, " The Deringo^ or Acorus, otherwise called Calmus, but by 
no means the same as Calamus Aromaticus, is found here also [in 
Amboyna], being one long creeping root, which is scarcely a finger 
thick." Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense^ vol. v. pp. 178 — 180, has 
a chapter on "Acorum. Deryngo." From this I have extracted the 
followmg as to the designation, habitat, and use of the plant : ^^ Nomen, 
Latine Acorum et Acorus... In Bengala Boos, in regionibus Malaien- 
sibus Deryngo, quod Portugalli Diringo scribunt... Loeus. In India 
Orientali copiosissime et elegantissime crescit in aquosa regione 
Bengalae inferioris... Usus. Quum Acorum in hisce fervidis pro- 
veniens regionibus ingratum magis et acorem habeat saporem, q^uam 
quod in frigidis crescit locis, hinc non ita aptum est, ut condiatur 
quam istud. Recentes jussi radices primo rite decorticare et depurare, 
per tres dies primum in aqua, ac dein per tres alios dies in aqua 
saccharata maceravi, ac tum cum saccharo excoxi, saporem tamen 
servabat austerum, comperi autem post annum elapsum melioris esse 



\ 



BENGALA I 93 

Sorts of Achar\ as Mangoe, Bamboo, Lemon, &c. very 
good and Cheape^. Many of the men Use the Sea in 
English or Moors Ships and Vessels", soe that these 
people live very happily, better then in most places in 
Asia, all Sorts of provisions beinge here very Cheape. 
A Very good Cow is Sold for foure Shillings Six Pence, 

notae. Salubris sunt hae radices mensibus pluviosis..." Stevens, 
Guide to East India Trade^ p. 146, has "Rangoes" among a list of 
goods brought from the East Indies, and in a list of "manufactured" 
goods, p. 144 (among which is "Bamboe Atchar") he has "Arrangoes." 
These " Rangoes " may refer to the same product as that mentioned 
by T. B. Indeed, it is not at all unlikely that a product jointly of 
Bengal and the islands of the Malay Archipelago had a Malay 
commercial name, just as Rangoon oil nowadays comes from America ! 
See Watts, Diet, of Economic Products of India^ s.v, Acorus. Godhino 
de Eredia in his Malaca^ has a chapter, p. 39 f., on the medicaments 
of the Malays. He says, "The plants and herbs most generally 
used are the following: nutmeg, cinnamon... dringo...'' Premier 
Livre de PHistoire de la Navigation aux Indes Orientates par les 
Hollandois^ 1609, gives on fol. 41, in describing the voyage of 1595, 
an excellent plate of the "Calamus Aromaticus en Malaique dit 
Diringuo" making it look like ginger. I am indebted to Mr Donald 
Ferguson for putting me on the right track for hunting down the 
term "dringo." 

^ A char is the ordinary vernacular for pickle. The Premier 
Livre ^ etc., quoted in the preceding note, says, fol. yj^ that " Mangas 
d'Achar" was used in place of olives. Dampier^ vol. i. p. 391, calls 
dchar a "sawce" from its use as a digestive or stomachic. See 
Hobson-fobson^ s.v. Achar. Compare the following : " If you can 
meet any Jarres of Pegue buy mee some of that sort which usually are 
for Mangoe Achar." Letter to Balasor, 13th May, 1678 ; O. C. 
No. 4414. " Four jarrs which I send downe to you... to be filled with 
mangoe Attchar.'* Letter to Balasor, 12th August, 1678 ; O. C, 
No. 4473. 

" Achar Wee would have you to provide for us every Year \o Jarrs 
of Acharr Vizt. 3 of your best Mango Pacherees, 3 of Radish. ..the other 
Four in Lime [fruit] Acharr, We would not have you to Chinamb 
\chunam^ plaster with lime] the top of them over." Letter from the 
Court to Fort St George, loth March, 1682; Letter Book^ No. 6. 
Hugh was written to on the same date to provide 20 small Jars of 
"Acharr" yearly, " 10 of best Mangoe 6 of Lyme [fruit] and the other 4 
of [edible] Bambo." 

2 Compare Bemier^ p. 437 f. : "Bengale...is celebrated for its 
sweetmeats, especially in places inhabited by Portuguese, who are 
skilful in the art of preparing them... Among other fruits, they preserve 
large citrons, such as we have in Europe, a certain delicate root 
[? dringo] about the length of a Sarsaparilla, that common fruit of 
the Indies called amba [mangoe], another called ananas [pine-apple], 
small mirobolans, which are excellent, limes and ginger." 

3 e.g, Petro Loveyro, the " antient Portugueze" mentioned on p. 75. 
T. 13 



194 BENGALA 

vizt. 2 rupees, a good hogg for | of a Rupee, 45 or 50 
fowls for one Rupee, fish alsoe in great plenty, by reason 
of which plenty of all Sorts of belly timber* and cloths 
fittinge for the Climate very Cheape alsoe, this Kingdome 
is soe well inhabited Especially by Foraigners^ which 
maketh Bernyer's Opinion of it to be to the purpose — 
That the Kingdome of Bengala hath many dores into it, 
and but one out of it^ which is very true, For thousands 
that were borne in Other Countries doe live and Ends 
theire days with Old age in Bengala. 

The Portugals are admitted to live in any part of the 
Kingdome with freedome Enough, but not soe much as 
Some of their richest men, Fidalgas as they call them, 
vizt. Gentlemen, doe Expect, for they doe and must pay 
custome and Other duties, the Same the Merchants of the 
countrey doe, and great respect to the Mahometan 
Governours alsoe; but againe they are free from any 
absurd Exactions, such as are laid heavily Upon the 
Gentue and Banjan Merchants. 

Nevertheless, the Moors doe take all advantages to 
Screw moneys out of them, as for instance, Anno Domini 
1676, the Portugueeses haveinge collected a good Summ 
of moneys to the End they might build a very large and 
decent Church, they now make preparation to begin the 
worke. Haveinge provided Stone, brick, lime, timber, they 
pull downe the Old one, and begin the new foundation, 

^ i.e. Provisions. Compare the following in a letter from Hugli to 
Fort St George, 17th April, 1682, "Surratt, a place fam'd for its 
frugallity or rather pinchingness in belly Timber." 

2 Compare Bernier^ p. 438 f. : " Pigs are obtained at so low a price 
that the Portuguese, settled in the country, live almost entirely upon 
pork.... Fish of every species, whether fresh or salt, is in the same pro- 
fusion. In a word, Bengale abounds with every necessary of life ; and 
it is this abundance that has induced so many Portuguese, Half- 
castes, and other Christians, driven from their different settlements by 
the Dutch, to seek an asylum in this fertile kingdom." 

2 " The Kingdom of Bengale has a hundred gates open for entrance, 
but not one for departure." Bernier^ p. 439. 



BENGALA I 95 

but ere one fourth finished the Moors, by Order of theire 
Governour stopped the worke, commandinge the workmen 
Upon paine of imprisonment not to proceeded to the 
great griefe of the Fathers*, and alias. The Mahometans 
did it not for Religions Sake, but for lucre of moneys, for 
I GOG pound Sterlinge will admitt of 2 or 3 churches in 
most places in the Kingdome or Empire'. 

I judge, and am well Satisfied in it, that there are noe 
lesse then 200CX) Frangues * of all Sorts in the Kingdom 
of Bengala, and above ^ of them inhabit near Hugly 
River^ 

The Way that is most used by the Moors for the Exact 
accompt how the day and night passeth away is very 
remarkable, beinge soe different from any in Europe. 
They use noe © dialls *, clocks, or watches, nor glasses, for 
indeed I thinke they are not soe ingenuous to make them, 
but consideringe that, they have invented a very good 
method for the certaine noteinge how that precious Jewell, 
time, hasteth away. 

They fill a great bowle or bason with very cleare water, 
and a Small Coppar dish that will hold between ^ a pint 
and a pint, made very thinne and a Small round hole 
drilled through the bottom, the which Set Empty (Swim- 
inge on the great bowle of water) very boyant, which 
gradually filleth and then doth immediately Sinke. The 
tender thereof, for there must be continually one to Sit 



^ I have been unable to find any confirmation of this story in either 
printed or MS. records of the period available. 

2 i.e. Padres, priests. 

3 See note on p. 11. * See note on p. 140. 

^ Compare Bernier^ p. 439: "The Jesuits and Augustins, who 
have large churches and are permitted the free and unmolested 
exercise of their religion, assured me that Ogouli alone contains from 
eight to nine thousand Christians, and that in other parts of the 
kingdom their number exceeded five-and-twenty thousand." 

^ Sun-dials. See note on p. 85. 

13—2 



vAjL.:3M^t.> 




196 BENGALA 

by it, immediately taketh it up and Setteth it floating- 
(as before), and Striketh — One, and when [it] Sinketh 
againe, he Striketh — two, and soe on to 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. And 
When he hath Strucken Seven, he then Striketh i, vizt. 
One PoreS and when [it] Sinketh againe, he Striketh i, 
Vizt. One gree*; and soe Onward, 2, vizt. 2 gree and then 
one, vizt. one Pore; then 3, vizt. 3 gree and i, vizt. i Pore; 
and Soe to 7 ; and then Striketh 2, vizt. 2 Pore, vizt. mid- 
day, or midnight; as 9 in the morneinge Is one Pore, 12 
att Noone 2 Pore, 3 in the afternoone 3 Pore, © Settinge* 
4 Pore, and soe of the night. They Strike not with or 
Upon a bell, for the Mahometans Use none, but it is a 
round flatt of one foot and a halfe, or two foot Over, 
(Some are very much larger) made of fine Gans of Pegu *, 
vizt. a very good Sort of bell mettle. It is hunge up by a 
Stringe through a hole on one Side thereof, Soe as to take 
it's free Swinge, and is called a Gonge*. They Strike 
thereon with a Small Mallat of wood, and yieldeth a most 
Excellent Sound and Echo. Most Mahometans &c. of 
accompt in Hindostan Use them at theire doors in the 
Street where they have generally a Porch built, when 
2 men are continually kept to attend it, one Sleepeth while 
the Other waketh and tendeth the Gree. The English and 
Dutch have them at the Gates of all there inland Factories 



^ Pahr. 2 Chart. ^ Sunset. 

* See Hobson-Jobsofiy s.v, Ganza = bell-metal. Compare the fol- 
lowing: "Tell him [my Cousin Greenhill] I will make good 7 cwt. 
10 lbs. received of the Porgo man account his gance." Letter from 
Hugli to Balasor, 7th April, 1678, O, C. No. 4395. "The Longpepper 
and Gance...! would have them disposed of being the one is perish- 
able and of the other sort more may come from the fort or Metchle- 
patam shortly." Letter from Hugli to Balasor, 28th May, 1678, O, C. 
No. 4430. " I have desired Mr. John Heathfield in Metchlepatam to 
lade on the first Vessaile bound thence for your Port a Parcell of Pegu 
Gance... being about 30 candyes." Letter from Fort St George to 
Balasor, 21st Feb. 1679, O, C. No. 4580. 

^ T. B. in his Malay Dictionary has "Goong, a Goong or China 
Bell." 



BENGALA I97 

in this Kingdome or Others in Hindostan, Verifieinge the 
Old Proverbe, Cum fueris Romae, &c. * 

The Bengalas (vizt. the Idolatrous people of the 
Countrey) have very Strange ways of worshippinge their 
Gods, (or rather Devils) they Set up in their Pagods, as 
alsoe in theire owne houses, which images are of a most 
hideous Shape, that these poore Ignorant Souls doe soe 
much deifie, and torture theire owne persons for the Silly 
humors they hold of adoreinge them, one of which as 
followeth : — 

In the Month February, they publickely Shew theire 
Earnest devotions, and what they will Suffer for the Sake 
of their Irreligious Molten Gods. They Place a great 
Powle in the Earth, not unlike to a maypowle, on the top 
of which is placed another Very longe powle, which is soe 
fixed upon a Speendle as to runne round (with great 
facilitie) at each end of which is fastened a 3 inch rope, att 
the lowermost end for the multitude of Idolaters to lay 
hold on and runne the powle round; that at the Upper- 



^ The author is here endeavouring to describe the Indian clepsydra 
or water-clock, and the accompanying bell for striking the time indi- 
cated by the clock. There are many contemporary accounts of this 
prominent instrument. Indian time reckoned 60 hours {ghari^ gree) 
of 24 minutes to the full day instead of our 24 hours of 60 minutes. 
There were nominally 8 gharfs to the watch {pahr^ pore), the watch 
being a fourth part of the night. But strictly the right relation between 
ghari and pahr never worked out, and one of the night watches was 
made to consist of 9 or 7 gharis according to the season. The instru- 
ment struck was called a gharidl or ghantd (bell) and by Europeans 
a gong, itself an Oriental word. The water-clock was also called a 
ghari. 

See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Ghurry, Puhur and Gong. Compare 
Fryer^ p. 186, and the following description by Thevenot^ part iii. 
p. 100, "That Gary is pretty pleasant, though it be only rung with a 
stick, striking upon a large Plate of Copper that is held in the Air; 
but the Ringer strikes artfully and makes Harmony with it ; the Gary 
serves to distinguish time. In the Indies the natural day is divided 
into two parts, the one begins at break of day, and the other at the 
beginning of the night, and each of these parts is divided into four 
Quarters, and each Quarter into eight Parts, which they call Gary.*' 
John Marshall, Notes and Observations^ p. 13, has a long paragraph 
on "Gurries." 



198 BENGALA 

most end hath a Steele hooke fastened to it of good 
Substance. The bewitchinge Brachmans, haveinge intoxi- 
cated severall people, they Voluntarily come and desire 
to be hooked and Swunge^ round to the publick View 
of many hundred Spectators, which is immediately done, 
and they are Swunge round with great rejoyceinge to the 
Gentues' that behold as alsoe to the parties themselves 
Seemingly, for they laugh and through flowers downe to 
the people, notwithstandinge the hooke is runne through 
their flesh, by which all the rest of the body doth 
hange, Some by the Sholder, some by the Small of 
the back, and Some by the buttock, as here described. 
[Plate XI.] 

The Actors and Promoters of this Sort of Cruell 
Penants accompt themselves most religious. The Pro- 
moters are the wicked Brachmans ^ the Sufferers the 
Ignorant Gentues and Orixas*, who thinke it meritorious, 
and a winninge of the favour of God and man, a poore 



^ In "Extracts from the Agent's Journey to Masulipatam by Land," 
given in N. and E, for 1679-80, p. 33, we find, "14th April [1679] 
PollicuU. Description of a great Pagoda there and of the Swinging 
Festival ; some of the Agent's people went and saw 20 people hung up 
by the back by the skin with Iron Hooks attached to the end of 
a long pole." 

Compare also the description by Tavernier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 181, 
"The eighth of April, being in a City of Bengala called Malde, the 
Idolaters made a great Feast, according to the particular Custom of 
that place ; they all go out of the City, and fasten Iron hooks to the 
boughs of several Trees, then come a great number of poor people 
and hang themselves, some by the sides, some by the brawn of their 
backs, upon those hooks, till the weight of their body tearing away the 
flesh, they fall of themselves. Tis a wonderful thing to see that not 
so much as one drop of blood should issue from the wounded flesh, 
nor that any of the flesh should be left upon the hook ; besides, that in 
two days they are perfectly cur'd by such Plaisters as their Bramins 
give them." John Marshall, Notes and Observations^ is very full on 
this swinging festival, which he saw at Patna on the 29th March, 
167 1, "a great day of penance amongst the Hindoos." See also 
Dubois and Beauchamp, Hindu Manners^ Customs and Ceremonies^ on 
" Hook-swinging," p. 605. 

2 See note on p. 23. 

3 See pp. 13 and 23. * See note on p. 130. 



BENGALA 1 99 

ignorant people that know noe better. And of all 
Idolaters in India the Orixas are most ignorant, and are 
held by the rest to be of a lower Cast then they, in soe 
much that the Others, namely the Gentues and Banjans, 
will scarsely live neare any of them\ soe that they 
are, as it were, Seperated from any towns or Pagods of 
Note. They doe, for the most part, live in Small Cottages 
that adjoyne to the Sea or Rivers, gettinge theire lively- 
hood by fishinge or makeinge Salt^. Many of them resort 
to the creeks and Rivolets at or about the Entrance into 
the Ganges, to make Salt att the dry Season of the yeare, 
vizt. May, June, July, August, where they make there 
abode soe longe, and then remove to theire old Stations, 
the ground here beinge lovy and Swampy, and much fre- 
quented with wilde beasts, vizt. Tygers, Bears, Rhinocerots, 
&c., which alsoe dreadeth the poore Orixas, whoe Indeed 
I may well call poore (and ignorant too). I have often 
been in theire Villages, and where there have been more 
then 20 families of them, they cold not all change one 
Rupee into Cowries, whereby to be paid for a little milke 
or fish (or what else wee had of them) in the currant moneys 
of this Kingdome and Orixa and Arackan, and withall soe 
ignorant that they know not Silver from Tootanagga^ 

^ See p. 41 for similar caste distinctions. 

2 Compare the Diary of Streynsham Master^ under date 8th 
September, 1676, p. 57, "This day wee passed by.. .the river of Rogues 
[running into the lower Hugli]...we alsoe passed by great numbers of 
salt pitts, and places to boile salt." 

^ i.e. spelter. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Tootnague. The "white 
copper" of China is meant in the text. The same trick as that hinted 
at by T. B. is still played upon the Nicobarese, who cannot usually dis- 
tinguish between silver and tootnague, i.e. German silver. See also 
Ind. Ant. vol. xxvi. p. 222 f., for a similar trick on Java by the Chinese 
in the 17th century. Compare the following in a letter from Hugli to 
Balasor, 20th April, 1678, O. C. No. 4401, "I request you to get made 
for mee a handsome midle sized Aftaw and Chillumchee [ewer and 
basin] of Tetanague well set out with brass about the Edges." Writing 
to Balasor on the 12th August, 1678, O. C. No. 4476, the Council at 
Fort St George request " 30 Candy of Tuttenag in 644 slabbs." T. B. 
in his Malay Diet, has, " Tootanag or the China pewter." 



2CX) BENGALA 

Cowries^ (all the moneys knowne to the ignorant 
Ourias) are Small Shells, brought from the Islands of 
Malldiva^. A great quantitie passe for one Rupee, not 
lesse then 3200, as shall be shewed more largely in the 
moneys of this Kingdome. 

The Ourias ' are a Very Strange Sort of Phisicians to 
theire Sick people, to Father, Mother, Wife, children, or 
any Others, in soe much that theire Medicines are almost, 
if not altogeather incredible, to any man that hath not 
Seen theire Actions. 

When any Party (man or woman) is visited with Sick- 
nesse, which brings them soe low that they cannot Eat in 
2 days time, they are then in a manner given over for 
dead, as very well they may, consideringe how roughly 
they are dealt with, enough to kill a Sound person, as 
follbweth : — 

The Sick party is carried downe to the River Side in 
a hammaker, or course piece of Dungaree Cloth *, where he 



^ See note on p. 180. See also Ind. Ant. vol. xxvi. p. 290 ff. ; 
vol. xxviii. p. i7off. ; vol. xxix. pp. 38, 41. Compare the following 
reference in Delestre^ p. 195, "They [the inhabitants of Bengala] have 
a particular kind of money that they call caulis which are little shells ; 
they give you eighty-four for a fanoux \fulus\ \|prth five sols." Com- 
pare also the following in a General letter from the Court to Fort St 
George, dated 22nd February, 1660, " Bowgees or Cowries, being here 
in some request, wee desire you to lade on board the Smirna mer- 
chanty to the quantity of about 20 tonns." 

2 See note on p. 104. Compare the following extract from "A de- 
scription of the Maldivas, 1683," O, C. No. 4916, " The Maldive Islands 
are said to contain 12000 Islands that are above Water, with many 
Shoals and banks whereon they take their Cowries having on them 2, 
3 or 4 foot Water... .Cowries are to be had at any time of the year, but 
in November and December most, by reason they are brought to the 
Kings Island to Lade the Bengali Shipping...." 

3 See note on p. 130. 

* i.e. coarse cotton. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Dungaree. On the 
17th Nov. 1675, Messrs Fleetwood and Hatton wrote from Nouraspo- 
ram (Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 10), that they had received 
"311 ps. of Dengarees," and on the 8th Aug. 1678 the Council at Fort 
St George wrote to Masulipatam {ibid.) that "The Honble. Company 
had required 12000 Peeces Dungarees... 1200 Peeces is but a very 
Small quantity of such cours goods...." N. and E. p. 22 for 3rd June, 
1680 has, " Dungarees and Market Clouts every 16 patch pay i fanam." 



BENGALA 201 

is laide upon the ground Even at the brinke of the water. 
They lift up his head and back, and keep poureinge River 
water down his throat, untill they make his belly Swell 
by fillinge him soe full of that Element, a great quantitie 
of the Sick parties kindred and Friends sittinge by howl- 
inge and cryinge. Even as the wild Irish Used to doe for 
theire parents deceased. 

They then carry the Sick man up to highwater marke, 
and there he is accompanied with his nearest ' relations. 
The next day (if not dead) he is Served soe againe, 
and Soe, day after day, untill Either dead or they 
See some palpable Signes of recovery; but I thinke they 
Seldome Obtaine the latter. When dead theire Carcasses 
are throwne into the River\ 

Dureinge the tinxe of Sicknesse, the Brachmans, some 
of them, are very diligent to sitt by them and pray, 
Seldome leavinge off Untill the Party be quite dead, 
Especially to put the party in mind of the Pagod, to leave 
to it accordinge to his abilitie ; and thus all the Ouria 
Sicke folke are Served. 

^ Compare Schouteriy vol. ii. p. i6i, "They even carry sick folk to it 
[the Ganges], and they water them also, or rather they place a portion 
of their bodies in the water, in order that their health may be re- 
established. If any of them chance to die during this operation, or a 
short time after, they have no doubt as to their salvation. Further, they 
even carry the water of the Ganges to be made use of by the sick 
who cannot be brought to the river, and they attribute no less virtue 
to it than do the Romish Christians to their most precious relics." 
Compare also Yule, Hedged Diary ^ vol. i. p. 86 f., "This evening 
[loth May, 1683] I left Muxadavad, and just as I passed by Ray 
Nundeloll's Tent, I saw him lye halfe way in the Water, and that 
very moment he died. Order was immediately given to make prepa- 
ration for his being burnt, and about 2 houres after we saw a great 
fire at Muxadavad, which we concluded to be his burning." Compare 
also Dow, History of Hindostan^ vol. i. p. xxxv., "People of rank and 
those of the higher casts burn their dead and throw some incense into 
the pile. Some throw the bodies of their friends into the Ganges, 
while others expose them on the high ways, as a prey to vultures and 
wild beasts. There is one cast in the kingdom of Bengal who bar- 
barously expose their sick by the river's side to die there. They even 
sometimes choak them with mud when they think them past hopes of 
recovery. They defend this inhuman custom by saying, that life is 
not an adequate recompence for the tortures of a lingering disease." 



202 BENGALA 

Theire foolish fancie in it is thus, that all Shall be 
assuredly Saved, vizt. theire Souls Shall Enter into the 
bodies of good creatures (in Paradise) that dye with theire 
bodies well filled with the holy water of the Ganges^ or 
any of the arms thereof, or that dye upon the banks 
thereof; for they accompt the mudde to be Sanctified as 
well as the Water: Ergo, the Orixas bury not theire dead, 
nor burne them as the Gentues doe, but heave them naked 
into the Rivers, where they Serve for a Prey to the ravenous 
Alligator ^ 

The River Ganges and it's branches is held in soe 
great adoration by these ignorant heathens^, that they 
make many Sacrifices thereto, and one Extraordinary and 
generall feast per annum, to which doe resort many 
thousands of men Women and Children, where att the 
houre appointed by the Brachmans, they all throw them- 
selves into the River, some carryinge flowers of divers 
colours, pots of rice, butter, Oyle, &c. and sett them float- 

1 Compare Sonnerat, Voyages to the East Indies and China^ 1774 — 
1 78 1, vol. i. p. 199 f., "It is universally known that this river (the 
Ganges) is held in great veneration throughout India: the Gentoos 
believe that it proceeds directly from the feet of Brouma. This sacred 
origin gives it great privileges. Those who die on the banks of the 
Ganges, in drinking its salutary waters are exempted from the painful 
task of returning to this world, and retaking a new existence; for 
which reason as soon as an Indian is given over by the physicians, 
they hurry him down to the banks of the river, where his relations 
make him drink repeated draughts. They even force the mud into 
his mouth, and the unfortunate person is choaked by the religious 
operation. Sometimes the body is entirely plunged into the river; 
which becomes its grave." 

2 Compare the following from the Diary of Streytisham M aster y 
on his way from Hugli to Kasimbazar, under date 21st Sept. 1676, 
p. 63, " This night wee Sup't and lay at Biggehaut a place where the 
river is low, where there lyes some hundreds of dead bodies that have 
been thrown into the river and the Doggs, Jackalls and Vultures, and 
other birds of prey come and feed upon them." 

3 Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 161, "Those who live on the shores 
of it [the Ganges] attribute so much sanctity to it that they call it 
celestial, as much as to say that it comes from heaven. There are 
thousands of idolaters who make pilgrimages to it, imagining that 
when they have bathed in it, all their sins will be effaced." See also 
Deles tre^ p. 194. 



BENGALA 203 

inge on the river for a Sacrifice. This is done some 
2 miles above Hugly, where they thronge into the River 
in Such numbers, that they Spread a mile or two, and soe 
thick that many of them that hy beinge longer in the 
water then they can Endure, that they are forced to Stay a 
great deale longer, for by beinge wearied, and one pullinge 
another Striveinge to get to land, many are drowned, and 
when soe they are not att all lamented for, but theire 
relations are mightilie Encouraged by the Seduceinge 
Brachmans, who confidently assure them they are most 
happy that departed this life in that most Sacred Element*. 

Before they Enter the River att this washinge Festivall, 
they prostrate themselves on the banks thereof with great 
devotion and many bows to the Water, mutteringe words 
to themselves, not much unlike to the Mahometan Custome 
when they pray to the Sun \ The Gentues of this King- 
dome doe burne the Carcasses of theire dead people, and 
the Wifes and Concubines with the deceased husband, 
Even as they doe upon the Coasts of Choromandell ^ and 
Gingalee, onely this one Ceremonie added thereto, vizt. 
their Ashes are throwne into the River*. 

Yett Some of these Brachmans are more cruell then 



^ The festival here described is the "Mela at Saugor" which is still 
held annually in the month of January. See H. H. Wilson, Essays 
on the Religion of the Hindus^ vol. ii. pp. 164 — 167, for a full account 
of the ceremonies connected with it. John Marshall, Notes and 
Observations^ p. 15, thus describes the festival, circ. 1669. "At this 
place [Ganga Saugor], when Hindoos come to wash which is about 
November they all carry away some water in potts out of the River 
Ganges to their friends though 4 or 500 Course \kds'\ or 1000 miles, 
and with that water wash their parents who are old... At this meeting 
of such a great concourse of people and all washing in one morning 
and endeavouring to wash as neare as they can in the place where 
these two Rivers meete, severall are yearly crowded to death." See 
also Schouteny vol. ii. p. 241. 

2 Muhammadans, of course, never pray to the sun. The remark 
has its rise in their being observed, in India, to turn to the West, 
i.e. towards Mecca, at evening prayer. Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 149 
for the conduct of the "Gentives" after bathing in the Ganges, "After 
having bathed and cleansed themselves they turn towards the rising sun, 
and adore it, with bows, contortions, and other strange ceremonies." 

^ See pp. 14, 35 — 40. * See note on p. 35. 



204 BENGALA 

those, as for instance Some that I beheld. A Gentue 
in Hugly died, and was brought downe to the River Side. 
His Widdow was brought downe in a Palanchino, with 
very great attendance after their manner. Att the brinke 
of the River, where Store of combustible Stuffe lay pre- 
pared, they laid the dead Corps in the midst thereof, and, 
before they put any fire thereunto, these wretched Villains 
laid the woman upon her dead husband. She, dreadinge 
the fire that might soe gradually torment her, Strugled, 
and refused to be burnt ; but they laid violent hands upon 
her, pressed her down, and laid a large heavy powle Upon 
her, where they held her downe untill they had Set fire on 
theire ingredients and they burnt soe farre as to disable 
her comeinge forth, where the poore Creature perished in 
a most lamentable manner. 

Some few months afterwards I saw another Gentue 
woman burnt about 6 miles above Hugly, which was the 
pleasantest 1 ever Saw. The Woman wold not at all deny 
to burne, knowinge any deniall to be of noe Effect, and 
although She was unwillinge thereto, yet She knew it now 
fell to her lot, therefore bore it patiently, and Stood very 
couragiously neare the place of torment (the fiery flames); 
whereupon the Brachmans gave Order for the fire to burne 
very furiously that the Sooner she might be dispatched, 
and they were very Joy full to See the woman Undaunted ; 
biit when she was, accordinge to theire Expection, to 
have leaped into the fire, she refused it. Whereupon the 
Brachmans were very yeare^ to take hold of her; but the 
first that laid hands on her. She laid as Sure hands upon 
him, and threw herselfe headlonge into the fire and the 
Brachman with her, where they both perished in a moment. 
Thus one of those Diabolicall Priests perished in the Pitt 
he had digged for another*. 

^ ? desirous. Apparently connected etymologically with "yearn." 

2 These frequent notices of saft{see pp. 35 — 40) seem to be genuine, 
and are valuable therefore as evidence. 



BENGALA 205 

The Brachmans of this Kingdome are great Students 
in the Magick art ^ and make theire Sorceries more appa- 
rent then they of any Other Kingdome in Asia. 

They are a people very much dreaded by the Moors 
as well as the Idolaters. They infinitely inhabit this 
Kingdome, but most Especially on the back Side thereof, 
vizt. towards Arackan, where they Enjoy a great part of 
the Countrey with great freedom, none dareinge to molest 
them. I have heard of Some Mahometans and Persians, 
resolute fellows, that have attempted to goe amongst them 
on purpose to Molest them by force of arms, but when they 
have come thither neare theire very houses and Pagods, 
they have Stood like to as many Naturalls gazeinge one 
Upon another, many of them dyinge very Suddenly, and 
those that returned never came to be well in theire Senses, 
nor indeed lived above one yeare after, lingringe away 
most lamentably. 

They are Reputed to be very wise Philosophers*, and 
doe really and with great Zeale Study the Pithagorean 
Philosophy. They are alsoe great Students in the art of 
Poyson soe much in Esteeme amonge the Eastern in- 
habitants. In fine, they are reverenced by the common 
Natives more like Gods then men*. And by the wisest 



^ Compare Tavemier^ vol. i. part ii. pp. i6i, 179, "The Bramins 
...are the Successors of the ancient Brachmans, or Indian Philosophers, 
that stud/d Astrology. You may also meet with some of their Ancient 
Books, in reading whereof the Brammins spend all their time ; and 
are so vers'd in their observations, that they never fail a minute in the 
Eclipses of the Sun and Moon... Every Bramin has his Magick Book, 
wherein are abundance of Circles and Semicircles, Squares, Triangles, 
and several sorts of Cifers." 

2 See p. 28. Compare Fryer^ pp. 33 and 191, "Their Doctors of 
Divinity are the Brachmins, who instruct them in their Law, to preserve 
all Creatures that are beneficial, and teach them the old Pythagorean 
Metempsychosis, Transmigration of Souls, out of one body into 
another... Sciences in esteem among them are principally Magick and 
Judicial Astrology, one of the Sectators of which on all accounts are 
consulted, as well by Moors as Gentues." 

3 See p. 23. 



206 BENGALA 

Europeans that Sometime doe converse with them with 
great freedom, they are said to be great Astronomers and 
Philosophers, as before mentioned, and are called (very 
properly) Gimnosophists \ 

I Commend them not at all for theire Sorceries, nor 
Enchantments, nor Others theire Devilish inventions, but 
for theire ready and admirable discourse and civilities to 
all Europeans and Christians in generalP, for they will 
Scorne to doe any of us the least Injurie in word or deed, 
if wee doe not first put Some grosse affront upon them. 

Many of these Gymnosophists are dispersed into most 
Villages in the kingdome, and have the tuition both of the 
Gentues and Orixas, both being an Idolatrous people. 
What differences are betweene them is chiefely in theire 
funeralls as beforementioned. In most Other Idolatrous 
Ceremonies they agree, in Worshippinge Gods of Sundry 
Shapes and Mettles ^ much adoreinge their Brachmans, 
Owneinge the Transmigration of Souls, and doe in general! 
Worship the Cow with great reverence *. 

Now a word or two of theire Women. Moneys is now- 
adays soe much coveted, that by many people it is not 
much prick of conscience how it is acquired, and hath soe 
corrupted good laws that most Governours in Asia (for 
theire owne interest's sake) doe allow that any woman 
(Moore, Gentue, or Ouria) unmarried may lawfully turne 
common Whore, and leave her relations, and take her 
habitation amonge Other Whores in Small Villages Separ- 
ated from any married folkes houses, payinge soe much per 
mensem to the Governour of that part of the Countrie, and 



^ The old term for the Indian philosophers because of their scanty 
clothing. 

^ See p. 32. 3 See pp. 6 and 15. 

* See p. 8 and note. Compare Fryer^ p. 33, "The Soul of a Good 
Man is believed to depart into a Cow, wherefore 'tis Sacrilege with 
them to kill a Cow or a Calf." 



BENGALA 20/ 

Every thursday night repaire to the Governours and Catt- 
walls^ I.e. the Justice of peace his house, before whom they 
doe and must dance and Singe, and make many Salams^. 
Then the handsomest of them must Stay all night to Sup- 
presse the Leachery of him and his Punes^ a very hand- 
some preparative for the next day which is theire Sabbath*. 
Yet, if a married Woman commit the fact of Adultery, She 
is punished with death. 

Neither the Moors nor Gentues of accompt ad mitt theire 
Wifes or Concubines to gad abroad, but keep them within 
doors, attended with Eunuchs and younge Girles^ They 
adorne them with rich Jewels and attire, haveing great 
Sheckles of Gold upon theire leggs and wrists, Chaines of 
Gold and necklaces of pearle about their necks, rich and 
very costly pendants of Gold sett with Diamonds or Pearle 
in theire Ears ; some have rings quite round the Eare &c.* 



^ See Hobsoti'Jobson^ s.v. Cotwal. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, 
"Catawal, a Marshall, or chief Officer of a City under the Govemour, 
to keep the Peace." Sckouten, vol. i. p. 421, has, "The Catoal who 
was the civil Judge." Compare Fryer, p. 97, "delivered to the Catwal, 
or Sheriffs Men," and the following from the Hugh Diary of the 
19th August, 1678 {Factory Records, Hugli, No. i), "The new Catwall 
sent to us to buy a quarter of a yard of Scarlet which we gave him 
because he has had no present since the Droga put him in"; also the 
following from the Diary and Consultation Book of Fort William for 
23rd Feb. 1705, quotedby Wilson, ^r?r/>/.<4««^/f, vol. i. p. 266, "There 
having been several robberies committed in the Black Town, ordered 
that a corporal and six soldiers be sent to lodge in the Catwall's house, 
to be upon call to prevent the like in future." 

2 See note on p. 38. Compare Schouten, vol. ii. p. 193, "The 
salutation which they [the natives of Hugli] make, when they meet 
each other, is called Salamma." 

^ See note on p. 83. * See Sckouten, vol. ii. p. 196. 

^ Compare Fryer, p. 31, "The Moors are by Nature plagued with 
Jealousy, cloistering their Wives up, and sequestring them the sight of 
any besides the Tapon [Capon, i.e. eunuch] that watches them." 

* Compare -Fr^^r, p. 31, "Their [the Gentue] Women are manacled 
with Chains of Silver (or Fetters rather) and hung with Ear-rings of 
Gold and jewels, their Noses stretch'd with weighty Jewels, on their 
Toes Rings of Gold, about their Waste a painted Clout, over their 
Shoulders they cast a Mantle; their Hair tied behind their Head 
(which both in men and women is naturally very long) : a-top a Coronet 
of Gold beset with Stones." 



208 BENGALA 

The Ourias (as I said before)^ are very poore, weare 
noe better habit then a Lungee^ or a white cloth made 
fast about theire waste, with great brasse Sheckels upon 
theire arms and leggs, and great brasse rings Upon 
theire tows I Many of them have the Shackles on theire 
arms made of Chanke*, a great Shell brought from Tuta- 
cree (a Dutch Factorie neare the Cape Comorin)*. The 



^ See p. 199. 

2 See note on p. 56. 3 See p. 35. 

* This is an early instance of the European corruption of sankha^ 
the vernacular name for the conch shell. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, 
Chank. Compare the following contemporary references: "Your 
Chancke as I have formerly advized cannot for the present yeild any 
good price here, [Dacca] till the Contract made amonge the Chanck 
men expire." Letter to Balasor, 26th June, 1673, ^- ^' No. 3805. 
"The Dutch have... had another [ship] from Zeylone laden with Beetle 
nuts and Chank." Letter from Hugli, 31st March, 1674, Factory 
Records, Hugli, No. 4. "In the after noone George Herron came to 
the Factory adviseing the Sloope Arrivall was at Tannah...haveing a 
load of Chanck upon fraught." Edward Reade's Diary at Hugli, 
8th April, 1677, Factory Records, Hugli, No. i. "A Dutch ship Arrived 
from Zielon with Beeteell nutts Chank &c." Hugli Diary, 12th March, 
1680, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2. "On yesterday arrived in the 
Roade a small ship of Chimchams and Chintemanshaw coming last 
from Concherina \1 copyist's error for Cochin China] with 5 Eliphants 
some shanck and a few cloves." Balasor Diary, ist April, 1684, 
Factory Records, Balasor, No. i. 

^ The Chank or Chunk {i.e. Conch-shell) Fishery still has its head- 
quarters at Tuticorin (Tuttukkudi), which was a Dutch Factory from 
1658 off and on to 1825. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tuticorin. It was 
the last possession of the Portuguese on the Coromandel Coast. 
Compare Schouten, vol. i. pp. 311, 312, 314, "The next day [20th 
November, 1661] about noon, we passed by the little town of Tutocorin, 
celebrated for the pearl-fishery, in which there are only two other 
places which can compare with it, namely Ormus...and Aynan on the 
coast of China... the Portuguese formerly made great profit from the 
fishery at Tutocorin... Tutocorin is quite open, having neither walls 
nor ramparts, so that it was not difficult for the Dutch to obtain 
possession of it when they attacked it in the year 1658.'' The English 
chiefly valued Tuticorin on account of the pepper it produced, but 
their factory there was not a success. In 1664 a ship was sent from 
Fort St George to fetch away the "remaynes" {^Letter Book, No. 3, 
p. 448) and it was decided to leave only one or two young factors in 
the place to prevent the Dutch from taking possession of it. In Jan. 
1665 {O. C. No. 3037 -hi) the Council at Fort St George wrote to 
England, "A Factory at Tutacorey may be advantagious." No steps 
however appear to have been taken to settle the place. In Aug. 1668 
{Letter Book, No. 4) the Court ordered the Factors at Fort St George 



\ 



BENGALA 2O9 

Shell is as bigge or bigger then a man's fist, hollow, and 
are Sawed into rings, and soe worne by the people of 
Orixa and Bengala. Some weare them white (theire 
Naturall colour), and Others will have them painted redd, 
but both are esteemed highly as a rich Ornament. 

The River of Ganges is of large and wonderful! Extents 
Once I went through a Small rivolet of it called Dobra 
within the Isle of Cocks, and came into the great River, 
which rather deserves to be called the Sea of Ganges. The 
breadth of it there I cannot certainely affirme, but judge 
it is not less then 10 English leags broad, which is about 
40 miles within Ganga Sagar, or the mouth of it^ Many 



"to procure what Pepper possible from Tutticorie" but gave no 
further directions as to the re-establishment of a Factory. Compare the 
following curious contemporary spellings of the name of the place : 
"October the 9th [1673] We fell In with the Land of Tutucroyn.*' 
Journal of CapU Wm. Basse, O. C No. 3983. "Tentecorrey where the 
Dutch have a small Fort." Letter from Calicut to Suratin 1678, O. C. 
No. 4389. See also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. iri. p. 334. 

^ See note on p. 166. 

2 By the Ganges the writer means the Hu^^li, the westernmost 
mouth of the great river, but his remarks show his personal acquaint- 
ance with the Hugh estuary. In the very many changes that have 
taken place since his day the "Isle of Cocks" has merged, with the 
Isle of Dogs, into Saugor Island. Saugor is properly called Ganga 
Sagar, so that our author not only knew the proper name but by an 
accident spelt it as it would be transliterated at the present day. For 
Cock Island, Cock's Island, Coxe's Island, with translations I. de Gale, 
Island de Gallo, I. de Galinha, see Yule, Hedged Diary^ vol. ii. p. 207. 
To the information there given I would add that I. de Galfe occurs in 
two maps circ. 1720 and again in 1745 and 1785. In a French map by 
Pierre Mortier of Amsterdam circ, 1720 it occurs as Igale, and m a 
map by Rennell, 1 781, as Coxes's I. I would further remark for the 
history of the word that Valentyn (1660), vol. v. p. 152 ff. has "Ilha de 
Gala which is one mile in circumference... and Sagor," and further, 
p. 159, he has "Sagor or Ilha da Galinha." Schouten^ vol. ii. p. I42f. 
has (Jan. 1664) "We saw... the isles of Gale and of Lagor [probably a 
misprint for Sagor]." About 1668, Bernier^ p. 176, has "island of 
Galles near Cape das Palmas," but meaning the Isle of Cocks. De 
Graafy the Dutch surgeon, has ( Voyages aux Indes Orientales, p. 43, 
Oct. 1669) "Near the Ilho de Gale we went up the Ganges." In the 
Diary of Streynsham Master under dates 7th Sept. and 2nd Dec. 1676, 
pp. 57 and 275, we find, "This morning wee came faire by the Arracan 
Shoare and by the Dutch boyes, and came to an anchor at the mouth 
of the River neare the ile of Coxes... We sailed by Kedgeree and the 
Island of Ingerley leaving the ile of Cockes and the Arracan shoare 

T. 14 



2IO BENGALA 

incredible reports I have heard concerninge this River, which 
are not now incredible to me, since I have Seen much of it 
my Selfe. Certain it is that this is the great River Ganges 
that Alexander the great Sailed downe in time of his great 
conquests in Asia, &c.^ It disperseth its Streams through 

on our Larboard side to the East." In a letter from Hugli to Balasor, 
4th Jan. 1679, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5, we have, "Wee admire 
the Falcon was not arrived with us... She being seen by the Ganges 
then Comeing hither off the Isle of Cocks" ; and in another letter from 
Hugli, 19th June, 1680 {^Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28) "Had 
she [the Bengali Merchant^ gone as intended through the great 
Channell by the Isle of Cocks, she might have obtained the Freight 
ere the Europe ships had departed thence for England." Our author 
in his chart of the "River of Hugly," made in 1687, has, on the left 
bank, "Sagor, Cox's lid., Rogues, River of Rogues." Sir Edward 
Littleton in 1704, called the place Isle of Coxe's, see Yule, Hedged 
Diary ^ vol. ii. p. 204. In the Log of the King George^ Marine 
Records^ No. 402 B, under dates 27th Dec. 1718 and 6th Jan. 17 19, we 
have, "This day having Received an Order of the Govr. and Councill 
of a Pilott to Carry me from Rogues River to Cox's I took my Leave 
of Calcutta... Att \ past 3 Anchored at Coxs's in 6 Fathoms, Langtialu 
creek East and the West end of Sago S b E ^ East." Alex. Hamilton, 
East Indies^' wo\. ii. p. 4, says that "Coxes and Sagor Islands" are 
more remarkable than the rest. Compare Horsburgh, India Directory^ 
ed. 1809, p. 360, "Sagor or Sanger Island... bounds the great en- 
trance of the river Hoogly on the east side, being 7 or 8 miles in 
length, and about half that in breadth... The Brahmins call the island 
Gongo-Sagor, but the natives generally understand Gongo-Sagor to 
be the whole of the land that separates Channel Creek from the] 
western branch of Hoogly River, except the small island contiguous! 
to the north end of Sagor, called Coxe's Island, which is near a league; 
in lengthj and two miles broad, and bounds the N.E. side of Sagor 
Road." { 

I gather that the Dobra "ri volet" is the narrow stream shown '\r^ 
the 1703 "Pilot" map behind Cocks Island. In Mortier's map abov^ 
mentioned occurs Dbril in the same situation, but as an Island. \t\ 
Rennell's map, 1781, occurs in the neighbourhood the "Doo-Agra R.i 
the passage through to the Sunderbunds." The creek East of Cock 
Island is called by Hedges the "Oyster River," see Yule, Hedged 
Diary, vol. i. p. 68, where we find "This afternoon [nth March, 1683] 
we stood off towards Sagor, and anchored between Cock Island and 
the Oyster River." 

May not the terms Galinha, Gallo, Galle, Cock, however, refer to 
the Portuguese themselves, considering the neighbourhood and the 
depredations therein by Magh and Portuguese half-castes? In Terry's 
Voyage to East India, 1655, we find, p. 153, "The truth is that the 
Portugals, especially those which are bom in those Indian Colonys 
most of them a mix'd seed begotten upon those Natives are a very 
low poor-spirited people, called therefore Galiinas dell Mar, the Hens 
of the Sea." 

^ Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 145, "The next day [17th Jan. 



BENGALA 211 

many Spacious deserts and multitudes of Kingdoms, and is 
knowne to be of greater breadth in many places Up in the 
Countreys of Pattana^ and South Tartarian 

Formerly, yea not many years agoe, the Inhabitants on 
the Northerne parts of Bengala trained up their Children 
(from theire infancie) to Eeat raw fish and flesh, and when 
growne Up Sent them upon travaile to discover the great 
Ganges, to find out the garden of Eden (by Order of theire 
Kings), but few or none Ever made returne, ergo now quite 
left off as a thinge Impossible to be accomplished. 

Many Isles there be in the mouth of the Ganges, not 
inhabited more then with wild beasts*, the Natives much 



1664] we again set sail, and we passed the wood called Sandri, where 
it is said that Alexander the Great formerly stopped, on seeing the 
great and dangerous rivers that he had to pass in order to get to a 
country which was unknown to him; so that he thought it best to 
limit his conquests, and he went back to Macedonia. It is held to be 
a fact in these countries that he had conquered India as far as this 
famous river of the Ganges, and that he reached as far as this wood." 

^ John Marshall, the Company's Factor at Balasor, who died in 
1677, in his Notes and Observations of East India^ 1668 — 1672, 
Harleian MS,^ British Museum, No. 4254, differs from T. B. in his 
estimate of the width and grandeur of the Ganges. He says, " The 
Ganges river is in some places about a mile broad, and in many not 
halfe a mile, and in some not a quarter of a mile, and in two or one 
places about \ of mile broad when the water is low as in Aprill when 
the river is almost dry in many places from one side of it to the other, 
and very Shallow in many places not 3 foot deep, soe that boats have 
much to doe to pass, however without great trouble not knowing 
where is deepe where is shallow, but when the water is at its height 
which is about middle September, then it is very broad and deep. In 
this River untill come about Rojimall [RajmahalJ are many Alligators, 
and as far as Pattana, very many Porpoises, also towards Pattana very 
many Pellicans and other great birds." 

? See note on p. 172. 

^ Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 143, "The sixteenth of January 
[1664] we passed by the river of Jillisar, which was on our left. Here 
the shores of .the Ganges are covered with bushes, thickets, and little 
woods, which extend some distance inland and in which there are 
many serpents, rhinoceroses, wild buffaloes, and especially tigers. 
For this reason the people of Bengala do not dare to dwell in those 
parts of their country nearest to the sea. Therefore, on our way we 
only saw one little clay fort, where some negroes were existing wretch- 
edly enough." Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. 
p. 4f., "There are no Inhabitants on those Islands [at the mouth of 

14 — 2 



/ 



212 BENGALA 

dreadinge to dwell there, beinge timerous of the Arack- 
aners with theire Gylyars^ who many times have come 
through the Rivers and carried away Captive many poore 
families of the Orixa folke^ 

Some 20 leags from the Sea and Soe Upwards this 
Countrey is blessed with many faire Villages and Markett 
towns, fine green banks, and delicate Groves, with Store of 
brave fish ponds, good Store of Venison and wilde fowle. 



the Ganges] for they are so pestered with Tigers, that there could be 
no Security for human Creatures to dwell on them ; nay, it is even 
dangerous to land on them, or for Boats to anchor near them, for in 
the Night they have swimmed to Boats at Anchor, and carried Men 
out of them, yet among the Pagans, the Island 3agor is accounted 
holy, and great Numbers of Jougies go yearly thither in the Months 
of November and December to worship and wash in Salt-water, tho' 
many of them fall Sacrifices to the hungry Tigers." See also Bernier^ 
p. 442 f. 

^ For many forms of the word Gylyar {jalid\ war-boat, see note 
on p. 140. 

2 Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 143, **We saw on our right another 
large river... which came from the Kingdom of Aracan. We there 
espied some jeliasses of that country, which were in that region in 
order to make seizures.'* 

In the Diary of Streynsham Master^ pp. 1 15 and 275, there are 
two allusions to the "Arackaners": "This day [8th Sept. 1676] wee 
passed by the river which goes to Chittygom and Dacca which the 
English call the river of Rogues by reason the Arracaners used to 

come out thence to Rob Tannay is distant from Hugly about 

40 miles by water and twenty miles by land, there stands an old Fort 
of mud walls which was built to prevent the incursions of the 
Arracaners, for it seemes about ten or twelve yeares since they were 
soe bold that none durst inhabit lower down the river then this place, 
the Arracanners usually takeing the People off the shoare to sell 
them at Pipley." Compare also the following: "This day [24th Dec. 
1678] came a general! Letter from Dacca dated the i6th Current 
ad vising... That the Arracaners had taken 14 boates about Chata- 
gaum." Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 2. In a letter from Hugh to 
Dacca, nth May, 1679, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5, the Council 
at Hugli objected to lend the Compan/s sloops "on all Occations to 
fight against the Aracanners till they are Conquerd which according 
to all likelihood will never be." On the 28th Sept. 1687, Letter Book^ 
No. 8, the Court wrote to Bengal, "We are not affraid...of the worst 
the Mogull can do against us there [at Chittagong] while we have the 
Raccaners to friend and can let their War Boats loose to prey upon 
the Moors in all parts of the Ganges." 



BENGALA 21 3 

COSSUMBAZAR. 

A Very famous and pleasant towne, famous in many 
respects, first and Chiefely for its great commerce and 
plenty of very rich Merchants, the onely market place in 
this Kingdome for all Commodities made and vended 
therein, whence it received this name, Cossum signifieinge 
the husband or Chiefe, and Bazar a markett\ 

The English and Dutch Companies have each a very 
Stately Factorie here, but the English out doe them here 
both in trade and alsoe in theire Factorie and Factors too 2. 



^ Kasim is, however, a common Muhammadan proper name, and 
the town had its name no doubt from some eponymous Kasim Khan. 
See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, Cossumbazar. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxviii. 
p. 294. 

2 The English Factory at Kasimbazar was established in 1658 with 
John Ken as Chief. Compare Tavernier^ vol. ii. (last chapter), on The 
Commodities brought out of the Dominions of the Great Mogul: 
"Kasembasar, a Village in the Kingdom of Bengala, sends abroad 
every year two and twenty thousand Bales of Silk ; every Bale weigh- 
ing a hunder'd pound.. .The Hollanders usually carry away six or 
seven thousand Bales." In the Diary of Streynsham Master there 
are references to Kasimbazar on the 23rd Sept. and 8th Nov. 1676, 
pp. 63 and 259, *'Att nine a Clock wee sett forward and at noone mett 
Senr. Verburg the Cheife of the Dutch at Cassambazar and three 
others with him. By the river side about the middle of the Towne wee 
passed by the spot of ground aloted to the French. Att three a Clock 
m the afternoone God be praised wee arrived safe at the Honble. 
Company s Factory at the farther end of the Towne of Cassambazar... 
Whilst I was at Cassambazar which was about six weekes time the 
water did fall in the river about five fathome right up and down. All 
the Country or great part thereof about Cassambazar is planted or 
sett with Mullberry trees the leaves of which are gathered young to 
feed the wormes with and make the silk fine, and therefore the trees 
are planted every yeare...The Towne of Cassambazar is about two 
miles long and in some places the streets where the marketts are kept 
are soe narrow that a Pallanqueen can but just passe in them." Of 
Kasimbazar, Alex. Hamilton, -fe^j/ /«^/>j, vol. ii. p. 21, says, **Cassem- 
bazaar, about 200 Miles above Hughly, where the English and Dutch 
have their respective Factories... The Town is large, and much fre- 
quented by Merchants, which never fails of making a Place rich. The 
Country about it is very healthful and fruitful, and produces industrious 
People, who cultivate many valuable Manufactories." 

John Marshall, Notes and Observations^ p. 20 (reverse) says of the 
Dutch Factory at Kasimbazar, "[It] is made of brick, very large and 
hath handsome gardens belong[ingJ to it, it is about a mile from the 
English Factory." 



214 BENGALA 

Our Honourable East India Company hath a very 
Considerable investment annually in this place, more 
then in all the Kingdome besides. The Chiefe here 
is Secound to all their Affaires in Orixa, Bengala, and 
Pattana\ Hee keepeth many tradesmen att worke here 
by Order of the Company, as dyers, Weavers, throw- 
sters, &c. beinge English men sent on purpose for the 
Orderinge theire Silks after the English Custome*, and 

^ Compare Alex. lia.m\lton, East IndieSy vol. ii. p. 21, "The English 
and Dutch have their respective Factories [at Kasimbazar] ; and, by 
their Companies Orders, the Seconds of Council ought to be Chiefs of 
those Factories." The Chiefs at Kasimbazar during the 10 years 
comprised in T. B.'s "Account" were John Marsh, Matthias Vincent, 
and Sir Edward Littleton. 

2 At the end of the Diary of Streynsham M aster ^ pp. 326 — 330, 
there is an account, by Matthias Vincent, of "The manner of the Silk 
and TafFaty Investments in Cassambazar." He says. Para. 7, "In 
dyeing the silk black looses about \ and the Colours \ of what it 
weighed when delivered the Dyer, when the silk comes from the Dyer 
it is charged with the same value it was in the whole, when put downe 
to be dyed, the dyed Silk both Orgazine and tram are delivered as 
they come from the Dyer to the weaver, who winds and warps them 
and fits the same himselfe for his worke... for his whole workmanship 
he receives one rupee twelve annaes per peece of 20 Covids longi 
whether \\ or 2 Covids wide...." There are frequent references to 
the "diers and Throwsters" at Kasimbazar in the contemporary re- 
cords. In 1668 Roger Fowler was sent out by the Court as a dyer to 
Kasimbazar at a salary of £(yo per annum. Orders were given "to 
treate him civilly... hee being an ancient person, and one who hath 
lived in good repute in London till it pleased God to make him a 
Sufferer in the late dreadful fire." Letter Book, No. 4, p. 202. In 
many cases the "diers and Throwsters" went to India as soldiers or 
sailors and afterwards obtained permission to change their occupa- 
tions. The lads, too, who were designed for the pilot service, fre- 
quently proved too weakly for "the river" and were sent up to the 
silk factory at Kasimbazar. Among the dyers, we find, in 1677, "John 
Nayler Silk dier came out in 1670 under contract to serve 4 years 
at ^50 per annum"; "Richard Mosely came out a Souldier" in 1669, 
and in 1671 became a Dyer at "souldiers pay"; Anthony Smith came 
out soldier in 1672, and became a dyer in 1674. Many of the 
weavers were natives, but there were exceptions, e.g. Michaell Loveney, 
who came out a soldier in 1672 and became a Silk Weaver in 1675. 
In March, 1676, the Council at Fort St George wrote to Hugli {Factory 
Records^ Fort St George, No. 18), "Wee have... given leave for one 
Throwster... to goe downe along with Mr. Clavell for the Honble. 
Companys Service at Cassumbazar." And in the Hugli Diary for 
25th Oct. 1678 {Factory Records^ Hugli, No. i), we find, "We wrote 
to Mr. Littleton &c. and sent up a Throster which we procured out 
of the Faulcon to make tryall of and if good at the Trade we would 



/ 






BENGALA 21 5 

for dyinge a good black, a colour the Natives cold never 
dye we\\\ 

Wee goe up by water from Hugly, vizt. through the 
Rivers, I judge it is 150 miles up, commonly 3 days 
goeinge Up, very pleasant all the way, a fertile Soyle and 
a delicate Aire, beinge a most healthy Climate*. 

Not farre above the towne of Cossumbazar doe inhabit 
many of the Earnest and devout Idolatrous Priests (called 
Brachmans)', who are much reverenced all Asia over, in soe 



get the Captain to Clear him for our Masters Serviss." On the 14th Nov. 
1678 the factors at Kasimbazar wrote to Hugh {Factory Records, Hugli, 
No. 7), "John Gryffeth our former throoster... intends to retume home 
...Soe that wee Shall have occasion for one to minde that imployment." 
The output from Kasimbazar was considerable. Entries like the 
following are frequent: "In the afternoone [31st July, 1676] arrived 
five boates with 309 bales Silke and 7 Chests of ordinary tafFatyes 
from Cassumbazar." Factory Records, Hugli, No. i. 

^ The Directors at home lost no opportunity of urging their servants 
in India to perfect the art of dyeing at Kasimbazar. In Dec. 1671, 
they wrote {Letter Book, No. 4, p. 506}, " Wee are glad to see that our 
Factory of Cassambazar is so well improved, \Vee now give you 
directions for our Investments and also send you pattemes of Taffaties, 
Wee see the fancy of that people are much upon mixt collours, and 
that they have not skill to dye good Blacks and Greenes and Watch- 
etts. But wee hope our Dyers hath soe farr improved, that wee shall 
receive some Competent supply...." When this letter reached Bengal, 
Vincent wrote from Kasimbazar to Clavell at Hugli {Factory Records, 
Misc. No. 3), "Wee have shewed the Patterns Come on the Rebecca 
to our Weavers, whoe all with one Voyce Say, they can only make of 
the Deepe yellow and Sallow Collours, the Greene, Carnation, Pinck, 
Sky couUer and black they can no wayes make good. A redd, though 
far short of the Carnation Some of them Say they Can Make...." 
In Dec. 1672 Robert Coale "experienced in dying of Blacks" was sent 
to the "Bay," and in Dec. 1674 John Edwards "whome we hope will 
be more SuccessfuU in bringing to perfection the dyeing of Blacks 
and Green Silks." Letter Book, No. 5. 

2 Compare the Diary of S trey ns ham Master,^. 259, 8th Nov. 1676, 
"The soile of Bengala is very fertile being a kmd of loose fat earth 
and in some places a fatt sand. There is not one mountaine or Hill 
to be seen about Hugly or Cassambazar the Country being all plaine 
and Levell and tho any thing will grow by reason of the fertileness of 
the soile yett firewood is scarce and timber bad and very deare." 

Hunter, Imperial Gazetteer of India, s.v. Kasimbazar, says, p. 81, 
"The decay of Kasimbazar dates from the beginning of the present 
century, when its climate, which had previously been celebrated for 
salubrity, underwent an unexplained change for the worse, so that the 
margin of cultivation receded and wild beasts increased." 

3 See pp. 13, 23, 33. 



2l6 BENGALA 

much that the water and mudde of the Ganges Sent from 
them with theire Choppe^ or Scale Upon it is accompted 
Sacred, Even sOe farre as Persia. When in the yeare[?]* 
I went from Bengales thither, wee had Severall Mortavan' 
Jarrs on board, some full of water, Others of Mudde of the 
River Ganges, sent as presents to the great Merchants of the 
Banjan Cast* in this Kingdome, and Sealed with the great 
Brachmans Choppe (otherwise of noe Esteeme)'. Att our 
arrivall in Gombroone®, Severall of them came on board 
soe Soone as [they] heard of the holy present, and carried 
them on Shore with great reverence. There they Used it 
Very Sparingly ; onely Sprinklinge some Upon theire face 
and bodies when they went to prayer, and puttinge a little 
of the Mudd Upon their forehead breast and arms, be- 
lieveinge it added much delight to theire Souls. 

Such is the Ignorance of these men, whoe are soe 
ripe witted in most affaires of worldly businesse. But the 
greatest delight the Mahometans take is in keepinge Whores 
and Elephants [Plate XI.], the greatest Easterne State. 

The Coyned Currant moneys of this Kingdome are 
rupees^, halfe rupees, and quarters — a very good Sort of 

^ See p. ii8 and note. 

2 The gap in the MS. is very tantalizing. Had the date been given, 
it might have been possible to find among the India Office records 
some note of the writer's movements during the first ten years of his 
stay in India. 

3 Martaban. See p. 8i and note. * See p. 27. 

^ Compare Tavemier, vol. i. part ii. p. 181, for the use of Ganges 
water at weddings: "But the greatest expence to those that live 
three or four hundred Leagues from it, is to get the water of Ganges ; 
for in regard they account that water sacred, and drink it out of 
devotion, it must be brought them by the Bramins, and in Earthen 
Vessels, glaz'd within side, which the chief Bramin of Ingrenate 
[? Juggernaut] fills himself with the purest Water of the River, and 
then seals up with his own Seal...." 

^ The old name for Bandar Abbas in the Persian Gulf. See 
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Gombroon. Agent Thomas Rolt was Chief of 
the English Factory at Gombroon during the greater part of the time 
comprised in T. B.'s "Account." 

'^ See p. 114 and note. 



i 



BENGALA 21/ 

fine Silver moneys Coyned in the Mint at Dacca, and are 
of the Same Value of those in Guzaratt or Golcondah. 

They alsoe Coyne Rupees here of the finest refined 
Gold, which are called gold Moors\ They are of the same 
Stampe, magnitude, and weight the Silver ones are, but, 
beinge gold of the highest Matt", they passe very currant 
at 15J and 15^ rupees each. 

They weigh per the Maund', Seere*, | Seere, and 
J Seere, but theire weight in most places of accompt 
differ, although not in name, yet in quantitie. 

The Ballasore Maund contains 75 pound weight. 

The Hugly Maund contains but 70 pound weight. 

Cossumbazar maund contains but 6S pound weight 
Graine, butter, Oyle, or any liquid thinge, all the River 
of Hugly over, allows but 68 pound to the maund. The 
Maund, bigg or little, is Equally divided into 40 Equall 
parts, and are called Seers, which alsoe are halfed and 
quartered'. 



^ Mohurs. See note on p. 148. Compare the following from 
Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5, "For the Silk you had best putt off 
Mohurs otherwise you will be put to great Inconvenience.... Mohurs 
being as you see fallen 2rs. 5a. per Mohur...Wee alwaies Looked upon 
Gold as Merchandize it being soe even when coined into Mohurs"; 
Letters from Hugli to Kasimbazar, 15th Feb. and 4th March, 1679, and 
22nd Oct. 1680. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Matt. Matt meant the "touch of gold." 
N. and E, has (p. 17) a good quotation for 6th May, 1680: "The 
payment or receipt of Batta or Vatum [difference in exchange] upon 
the exchange of Pollicat for Madras Pagodas prohibited, both comes 
being of one and the same Matt and weight, upon pain of forfeiture of 

24 Pagodas for every offence together with loss of the Batta." 

^ See note on p. 116. 

* See Hobson-Jobsoftj s.v. Seer, the well-known Indian weight, 
standardized now-a-days at, roughly, 2 lbs. 

^ The big maund (Bengal) was 82 lbs. and the little maund (Madras) 

25 lbs. : so the seer should have varied between 10 and 33 oz. Com- 
pare John Marshall, Notes and Observations of East India, "25 pound 
make a Maund [at Masulipatam] 25 Maunds make a Candy soe 
625 pounds make a Candy... At Ballasore the Maund which is 40 seer 
is 74 j or 75 pound English... At Hugly the Maund is 40 seer or 
73 pound, and Cowries 5, 6, and some times 10 per Cent, dearer than 
at Ballasore. At Pattana the maund is 40 seer or 78 pound, besides 
the custom of the place is to allow 2 seer in every maund.'' 



2l8 BENGALA 

They measure timber, planke, brick or Stone walls, 
Callicoes, Silks, &c., per the Guz^ (each Guz doth contain 
27 inches), and by the Covet* which contains 18 inches, and 
is called hawt^ 

They very Seldome Sell graine but by weight 
The Gold Moore is Valued att 01 lb. 14s. lojd. 
The Rupee att 00 lb. 02s. 03d.* 

Theire Small moneys called Cowries', beinge Small Shells 
taken out of the Sea, passe very currant by tale. 
One Gunda* is 4 Couries 

5 Gundas is one burrie^ or 20 cowries 

4 hurries make i Pone® or 80 cowries 

16 Pone make i Cawne* or 1280 cowries 

2 Cawne &^ make i rupee or 3200 cowries^^ 

^ See Hobsoti'Jobson^ s.v, Gudge. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, 
"Gaz, a measure about a yard long." John Marshall in his Notes and 
Observations of East India^ says, "The measure by which English cloth 
is sold is a Guzz which is 4if English inches... here is also [at Patna] 
a little Guz called the Taylors Guz which is but 32I inches." Compare 
also the following in a letter from Ambrose Salisbury to Masulipa- 
tam, 26th Dec. 1672, Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 9, "I must 
desire you to Send 6 Guzz or yards of Scarlett against my retume." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Covid. The covid is a cubit or ell. In 
the Hugli Diary, under date 6th June, 1679, Factory Records, Hugli, 
No. 2, there is the entry, "Wee wrote to Ballasore advising that wee 
should want about 20 Timbers of about 18 Covads long." 

Compare John Marshall's account of measures in Notes and 
Observations, p. 9, "In Indostan they measure by Barly comes place- 
ing the small ends of them together so that they touch each other and 
then they are circular, 8 Barlicomes breadth so placed make one Angle 
\anguli\ or finger breadth, 24 Angles make one Covet or measure 
from the Elbow to the end of long finger, 4 Covets make one Dun 
\dhanu\ 2000 Duns make i Course \kd5\ in Indostand which is about 
2^ English miles." 

3 i.e. hath. See Hobson-Jobson, s,v, Haut. 

* Compare John Marshall, Notes and Observations on East India, 
"Rupie... valued here [Balasor] in the Companys books at 2.6 per 
piece but in no other place valued at more than 2.3." 

^ See pp. 180 and 200 and notes. See Ind. Ant, vol. xxvii. pp. 38 
and 41. 

® Neither Gunda, Burrie, Pone nor Cawne is to be found in 
Hobson-Jobson, The word is ganda. See Ind. Ant, vol. xxvii. p. 17 1 f. 
for the system of counting by gandas or quartettes. 

'^ i.e, baurt, ^ i.e, pan. Op, cit, loc. cit, ^ i.e, k&han, 

^^ This is a valuable contemporary account of the cowry. The 
table intended here is, 4 kauris = i gandd, 5 gandtls^ i baurl, 4 baurls 



BENGALA 219 

They Seldome rise or fall more then 2 Pone in one Rupee, 
and that onely in Ballasore at the arrivall of the Ships 
from Insulae Maldivae^ 

The Woods of this Kingdome are well replenished with 
wild beasts, most Especially with Tygers and Bears of 
Vast largenesse, and the most fierce of any in the knowne 
world : those about the Ganges are Soe accompted. They 
are of Such a bloody Salvage Nature, that if they meet 
with a Cow, a deere, or any Other Annimal that hath been 
newly killed by Shot, or what else, they will not meddle 
therewith, but will rather Suffer most rageinge hunger, by 
reason they had not the killinge of it themselvs*. 

Many of the poore Ourias' are destroyed by them, 



= 1 pan^ 16 pans—\ kdhan^ i\ kahans^i rupee. See Ind. Ant.^ 
vol. XX vi. p. 290 f. Compare John Marshall, Notes and Observations 
of East India, " All the small Money is Cowries which rise and fall 
according to the plenty or scarcity of them, some times 31, 37, 38, 
39, 40 Pond going for a Rupie, every Pond always consisting of 80 
Cowries.'' This statement varies greatly from T.B.'s. His rise and 
fall is 6J per cent., but Marshall's is 22^ per cent. Compare also the 
following in "Instructions to Mr. Stanley for the Maldevees" from the 
Court, 20th Sept. 1682, Letter Book, No. 7, "Cowries are sold by tale 
and not by weight... 80 Cowrees is a Pome, and 40 Pome or 42 as you 
can agree, may be bought for 6 or 7 Annees at Maldevees, and in 
a peece of 8/8 are accounted there 32 Annees : So that for the value 
of a peece of 8/8 you may buy 2400 [240] or 250 pome : And according 
to the best account which we have from Surratt as they are usually 
bought there, they cannot cost above 2 pieces of 8/8 per Cwt. or 
thereabouts." The above figures are not exact, but they show a great 
profit in the Cowry traffic, as they were purchased at the Maldives at 
9,000 to 10,000 the rupee and sold in Bengal at 2500 to 3200 the 
rupee. 

^ See notes on pp. 104 and 200. 

2 Compare Schouten, vol. ii. pp. 278 — 281, "Tigers and leopards, 
which are very common in the whole of India, have also their lairs in 
the woods, and especially in these low lying districts of Bengal, which 
have not yet been cultivated.... The tigers of Bengal are as large as 
calves.... The tigers even dare to attack men on horseback, and 
the most powerful buffaloes, which they tear in pieces alive." T. B., in 
his Chart of the Hugli, marks oa the right bank, " Ri. Tygers." N, and 
E, p. 40, for 27th Aug. 1679, has, "On the voyage [from Hugli to 
Balasor] an Englishman belonging to the Ganges being ashore on 
an Island shooting, was carried off by a tiger, the Master of the vessel 
seeing him but not being able to help him." 

3 See note on p. 1 30. 



220 BENGALA 

Especially of those that get a Hvelyhood by makeinge 
Salt or cuttinge wood neare the mouth of the Ganges^ 
Upon my returne of a Voyadge to the Maldivae^ I lost 3 
men by theire Salvagenesse. I sent them On Shore upon 
Cocks Island' to cut wood, well armed and with Order to 
keep togeather near the boat : but they carelessly dispersed 
themselves, and 3 were torne in pieces by the Tygers, vizt. 
two Moors and one Portuguees. 

The Bears in the woods and on the Mountains of this 
Kingdome are, many of them, an incredible bignesse. I 
have Seen many of them Cole black, and as large as an 
Ordinary heifer ; and those woods that afford most plenty 
of Peacocks, are generally frequented with these Uglyest 
of Annimals. Some they tame in this Kingdome, and lead 
them about to Shew, but none of the large ones. I have 
often shot att them, yet never soe but they got away into 
the Woods againe. 

Infinite Number of Wild hogge in this countrey as alsoe 
a creature called a Jackall*, resemblinge both dogge and 
fox, and are as large as good Ordinary hounds in England, 
beinge a most bold and mischiefous Annimall. They doe 
great prejudice to the Standinge corne, tearinge it up by 
the roots, and are soe bold in the night to come and walke 
the Streets of a towne like tame doggs, on purpose to gett 
Opportunities to runne away with geese, henns, ducks, or 
the like. I have Seen Severall of them togeather, but by 
night heard the Noise of Some hundreds at once. 



^ See p. 199. ^ See notes on pp. 104 and 200. 

3 See note on p. 209. 

* Compare Deles tre^ p. 190, "Troops of wild elephants, buffaloes, 
boars, stags, gazelles, squirrels are seen there [in Bengal]." John 
Marshall, Notes and Observations^ p. 5 (reverse), says, "At this place 
[Ramchandrapore] are plenty of wild Deer very larg, wild hogs. Pea- 
cocks, cocks and henns, Jackalls and Tygers. See Schouten^ vol. i. 
p. 480, for a description of " Jackhalses or Jachals." For illustrations 
of the "Tyger," "Bear," "Wild Hogge," and "Jackall," see Plates XI. 
and XII. 



PATTANA 221 



PATTANA. 

A Very large and potent Kingdome^ but longe Since 
become tributarie to the Emperours of Hindostan (or Great 
Mogol). This is a Countrey of Very great Trafficke and 
Commerce, and is really the great Gate that Openeth into 
Bengala and Orixa, and soe consequently into most parts 
of India, vizt. from the Northerne Kingdoms or Empires 
(by land), namely, Persia, Carmania*, Georgia*, Tartaria*, 
&c. The Commodities of those countries are transported 
hither by Caffila*, who alsoe Export the commodities 
brought hither by the English and Dutch, as alsoe of this 
Kingdome. 

The Chiefe Citty whereof is called Pattana', a very 

^ Compare Thevenot^ part iii. p. 68, " Patane is a very large Town, 
lying on the West side of the Ganges in the Countrey of Patan, where 
the Dutch have a Factory. Corn, Rice, Sugar, Ginger, long Pepper, 
Cotton and Silk, with several other Commodities, are plentifully pro- 
duced in that Country, as well as Fruits ; and especially the Ananas, 
which in the out side is much like a Pine-Apple." 

* i.e. Kirman, the Province of Persia nearest to India. 

3 Compare Fryer ^ p. 284, "The next Neighbours, if not the same 
with the Armenians, were the Iberians, now called Georgians... Their 
Country at this time bears the Name of Gurgestan, from whence they 
are christen'd Georgians ; not from the famous St. George, but because 
they follow Husbandry." 

* See note on p. 172. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Cafila. Compare Mandelslo^ p. 8, "These 
last [the Dutch] come thither by Sea, but all the others by Land, with 
the Caravans, which they call Caffilas." Fryer^ p. 120, has "When 
any Caphala or Treasure passes, they hire Soldiers to guard it." 
Compare also the following, "Some of the Raiahs yeelded [to Futtercon, 
ue.^ Fatteh Khan, representative of Ala'uddin Khilji], others flying to 
retyrements impregnable, lay in the Mawe of the Countrey, and could 
not be conquered euen to this day, but making outroades, prey on the 
CafFaloes passing by the way." Lord's Discoverie of the Sect of the 
Banians^ p. 81. 

^ See Hobson-fobson^ s.v, Patna. Compare De Graaf s description 
of Patna, Voyages^ p. 62 f, " This town [Patna] is very near the water 
as are a number of other towns of the Moors. It has a large and 
beautiful castle with boulevards and towers. There are fine houses. 



222 PATTANA 

large and Spacious one indeed, and is Scituate neare to 
the River of Ganges, many miles up, not lesse then locx) 
or I lOO miles above the towne Hugly. There are many 
delicate groves and plaines adjoyneinge thereto; the Woods^ 
in this Kingdome afford great Store of those deformed 
Annimals called Rhinocerots [Plate XII.], and many of 
them are taken younge and tamed*. There be of them in 
4:he Woods of Bengala, but noe wild Elephants in these 
Kingdoms^ although the Kingdome of Arackan is well 
stored with them, and is but a neighbouringe Country to 
that of Bengala. 

gardens, pagodas and other grand buildings. It is situated on rising 
ground because of the great inundations of the Ganges so that when 
the water is moderately high, in order to go from the shore to the town, 
in some places you must climb 20, 30, and sometimes 40 stone steps. 
On the landward side there are a good many redoubts and towers, which 
serve more for ornament than defence. From one end of the town to 
the other, throughout the whole of its length, stretches a large street 
full of shops where a great trade in all kinds of things is carried on and 
where are to be found very clever workmen. This street is intersected 
right and left by several others, some of which lead to the country and 
the others to the Ganges. At the farthest end of the town and in the 
highest part of it there is a great square for the market, also a very 
fine palace where the Nabob lives and a large Kettera [katrd, a 
market-place] where are to be found a number of people of divers 
nations as well as all kinds of merchandise." 

Compare also Tavemier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 53, " Patna is one of the 
greatest Cities of India, upon the Bank of Ganges, toward the West ; 
not being less than two Leagues in length. But the Houses are no 
fairer than in the greatest part of the other Cities of India, being 
cover'd with Bamboux or Straw." 

1 "We ordred you formerly to make a contract for petre with 
those salt men who come with great droves of oxen yeerly through 
the Woods from Pattana ward to Orixa." Letter to Balasor, 12th 
April, 1679, O.C. No. 4596. 

2 De Graaf, Voyages^ p. 73, has the following account of a rhino- 
ceros : " The Director Jaques Verburg having been some time at 
Ougli on the Compan/s business, returned to Cassambasar. A 
present was made to him of a young rhinoceros which some hunters 
had taken in a wood, after having killed the mother. • This rhinoceros 
was about five feet in height. It was of a pearl grey colour. The 
skin was furrowed and rough like that of an elephant ; but it had nO 
scales, as it is said to have. The head was large and thick, and its 
muzzle very large and wide ; the horn was beginning to grow. This 
animal was a sight worth seeing." 

3 Delesire^ however, says that Bengal abounded with wild elephants. 
See note on p. 220. 



PATTANA 223 

Soe that soe farre as is reported of them to be Utter 
Enemies to the Elephant I doe confide in^, for in all 
Kingdoms where are found the Rhinocerot the Elephant 
is not found wild there, nor dare the tame ones frequent 
the Woods, As for instance, Pattana, Bengala, and Java 
Major. 

Many of our Countreymen and Others in Europe doe 
take this Creature to be the Unicorne, and will very hardly 
be convinced from that theire Opinion, And will make 
no Scruple to Say that our Fore Fathers mistooke in 
Limninge his true Shape, which, if soe, was a very grosse 
mistake indeed, for noe 2 Creatures in that can be more 
different. But I doe rather Condemne the Errour of this 
present age, holdinge with them not any further then this, 
that this is a Unicorne as it is a one horned beast, but 
I cannot Say that it is the Unicorne. For Example, I saw 
a home of about 13 or 14 inches longe, in the very forme 
and Shape that wee picture or carve a Unicorn's horne^ ; 
it was of a very darke gray colour. I happened acci- 
dentally both to See and handle the Same, which gave me 
more Satisfaction as to the Unicorne then I had before, 
which Shall be Spoken of more at large in the accompt of 
Mocho in the Red Sea^ 

The English East India Company have a Factory in 
Pattana, adjoyneinge to the Citty, whence wee have all (or 



^ Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 277 f., " It is also believed that they 
[rhinoceroses] are enemies of the elephants, and that they sharpen 
their large horn against flints in order to make it pierce the belly of 
the elephants, where their skin is most tender." 

2 Probably a horn of the black buck. Compare Schouten, vol. ii. 
p. 276 f., ** Some have thought that this animal [the rhinoceros] is the 
veritable unicorn that so many people have sought without being able 
to find. For my own part I am persuaded that I have seen elsewhere 
a real unicorn's horn. It was much larger, longer, and of quite a 
different shape from that of the rhinoceros ; what I remark here is 
only my own opinion, and it does not establish the point as a cer- 
tainty." 

3 The writer has not carried out his intention to describe Mocha 
in this MS. See note on p. 103. 



224 PATTANA 

the most part) of the Saltpeeter Sent yearly for England ^ 
The English Chiefe (by name) Job Chanock* hath lived 
here many years and hath learned the Persian (or Court) 
Languadge as perfect as any Persian borne and bred, and 
hath lived wholy after their Custome (save in his Religion), 
by which he hath obtained vast priviledges, and love of 
the Grandees that Sway the Power of the Kingdome, 
and is dayly admitted into the Nabob's presence. 

^ On the 1 2th December, 1669, the Council at the Bay wrote to 
Fort St George {Factory Records^ Misc. No. 3), "The Factory house 
we desired your Licence to build without Pattana was instead of that 
built since Mr. Blake being Cheife att Singee and levelled by the 
Rains. Pattana it selfe is not a place to manage the Peter trade in, 
yet that being the Residence of the Nabob that Governs that Countrey, 
the Chiefe must sometimes repaire thither... if the Factory be without 
the Cittie, nigh the place where the peter is made, the Convenience 
will be very great in Encreasing the Investments and Securing the 
peetermen from Selling what we have bought of them to others....'* 

At the end of the Diary of Streynsham Master ^ pp. 331, 332, there 
is an " Accompt of Pattana " by John Marshall, dated in Balasor, the 
loth Dec. 1676. Rewrites, "Pattana lyes in the Latitude of 25 degrees 
and [?] minutes inter Gangem, and in Pleasant place, the Honble. 
Company have no Factory here, but what hire, nor doth the Cheife 
usually reside there, by reason the Nabobs Pallace is in the Citty, and 
his servants and officers are constantly craveing one thing or another, 
which if not given, though they have what they desire, yett they 
are not satisfied therewith, but creat trouble, and if given what they 
desire will be very chargeable, which inconveniency is prevented by 
Liveing at Singee, which lyes North of Pattana about ten or twelve 
miles. Extra Gangem, and is Scittuated in a pleasant but not whole 
[wholesome] place, by reason of its being most Saltpeter ground, but 
IS convenient by reason thereof, for Saltpeter men live not far from it, 
besides the Honble. Company have a Factory at Nanagur which lyes 
to the east of Pattana (extra Gangem) about 4 or 5 miles, there 
remaynes Generally a banian or sometimes only Peons, to receive 
the Peter from the Peter men, which lyes there abouts, to avoid 
carrying it to Sing^ee, which would be chargeable, and when what 
there is received m, its weighed and put aboard the Peter boates 
there. There is alsoe another place about 15 or 16 miles to the 
westward of Singee, whether is brought all the Saltpeter neare that 
place, and put aboard the boates there...." 

"Wee exceedingly want the Peter you have ready.. .we would have 
the Warehouse Keeper see the weighing of all Peter." Letter from 
Hugli to Patna, 25th Jan. 1679, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 5. 

2 Job Chamock, the celebrated founder of the English settlement 
at Calcutta, arrived in India in 1655, and was appointed 4th at 
Kasimbazar in 1658. He became a Senior Merchant in 1666, and was 
Chief at Patna during the whole time comprised in this "Account." 
See Yule, Hedged Diary ^vo\, ii. pp. 45 — 100, for full details concerning 
Job Chamock. See also Wilson, Early Annals, vol. i. p. 92, note. 



PATTANA 225 

The Dutch have a Factory here alsoe^ for procureinge 
of Saltpeeter, but live with little freedome or Enjoyment of 
any worldly pleasures here, dareinge not to presume to 
Enter any of the Gates of the Citty without leave from 
Some of the great Officers^ 

All the Saltpeeter is Sent hence to Hugly in great flatt 
bottomed Vessels, of an Exceedinge Strength, which are 
called Patellas^; each of them will bringe downe 4, S, 6000 
Bengala maunds*. 

They are built very Stronge, by reason of the most 
impetuous Eddies they meet with in some places, that 
force them many times Upon one Shoale or Other, soe 
that, were they not Stronge and very flatt, they wold be 
in greater peril of wringinge to pieces or turning bottom 
up. Yet some years both the English and Dutch doe 
Suffer very Considerable losses by them'. 

Many Patellas come downe yearly laden with Wheat 
and Other graine, and goe Up laden with Salt and bees 
wax, the Kings onely commodities®. 

^ Compare Tavemier^ vol. i. part ii. p. 53, " The Holland Company 
have a House there [Patna], by reason of their Trade in Saltpeter, 
which they refine at a great Town call'd Choupar [Chuprah], which is 
also scituated upon Ganges, ten Leagues above Patna." 

2 This remark seems to have its foundation only in the prejudice 
of their English competitors. 

3 patela. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Pattello. The writer is more 
accurate in his transcription of the patela, a large flat-bottomed boat, 
than are his contemporaries. Compare the following : " Take out all 
the goods out of the Pratelloes and relade them aboard such small 
Prattelloes or other boates as may bee necessary." Letter from 
Hugh, 1 2th Dec. 1673, FcLctory Records, Hugli, No. 4. " Dispatch 
Mr. Allen Catchpoole to Meirdanpore with directions if the Pattelloes 
Can by Lightning themselves with their Small boates get over the 
Severall Shoaldes in the way hence to Hugly that then he offer them 
gratuity soe to doe." Letter from Hugli, 9th Dec. 1679, Factory 
Records, Hugli, No. 5. 

* See pp. 116 and 217, and notes. 

^ In the records we find frequent entries like the following : " In 
the storm which hapned upon the first of January [1681J there was 
a Porgo laden with the Companys Petre drove ashore m the Bay 
about Peply." Factory Records, Fort St George, No. 2. 

® See pp. 132 and 199 and notes. 
T. 15 



226 PATTANA 

Notwithstandinge Pattana be soe fertile to afford graine 
to Such a plentifull countrey as Bengala, yett in the yeare 
of our Lord 1670 they had as great a Scarcitie, in soe 
much that one Pattana Seere weight of rice (the plenti- 
fullest graine in the country) was Sold for one rupee the 
Seere containing onely 27 Ounces^ and, in a few months, 
there was none at all to be had at that rate, in soe much 
that many thousands of the Natives perished in the Streets 
and open feilds for want of food, and many glad to Sell 
theire own children for a handfull of rice^. 



^ ix, 6 oz. short weight. See p. 217 and note. 

2 John Marshall, who was at Patna at the time of the famine, fully 
endorses T.B.'s remarks as to the privations suffered by the inhabitants. 
In his Notes and Observations of East India^ he chronicles the extent 
of the famine from May to August, and gives various details concerning 
it, as the following extracts will show : "In latter end of May 1671 
there dyed of If amine in Pattana about 100 persons dayly and had so 
for 3 or 4 months, come was then (vizt) Wheate 7.\ Rupees per 
Maund, Barley 2 rs.. Rice fine 4 rs.. Rice Course i\ rs., Beefe i^ r.. 
Goat flesh 2 rs., Butter or Gee 7J rs., Oyle 7 rs. per maund which 
consists of 80 lb. English Averdepoiz...June the 19th we came to 
Pattana from Singee, I see upon one peece of sand about the middle 
way betwixt the City and the River about 32 or 33 persons ly dead 
within about 10 yds. compass from the middle of them, and so many 
by the River side that could not come on shore but by very many 
dead corps, also aboundance upon the sand besides, now Rice for 4 rs. 
per Maund, beeing a little while since 4 rs. 7 an. being somthing 
cheaper. Wood for firing 4J md. per Rupee, Henns 5 and Chickins 8 
per Rupee, tis reported that since the beginning of October there 
have died of Famine in Pattana and the suburbs about 20000 Persons, 
and there cannot in that time have gone fewer from the City than 
150000 persons... great number of slaves to be bought for 4 an. and 
5 an. per peece and good ones for i r. per peece, but they are 
exceedinge leane when bought and if they eat but very little more 
than ordinary of rice, or eat any flesh, butter or any strong meat, their 
faces hands and feet swell immediately exceedingly so that tis esteemed 
enough to give them at first \ seer of rice, and those very leane \ seer 
per day to be eaten at twice. The Famine reacheth from 3 or 4 dayes 
journey beyond Bonarres [Benares] to Rojamaul [Rajmahal]....In 
Pattana about 23rd July there dyed about 250 or 300 Persons Dayly 
of Famine in and about the City of Pattana Rice being 5 rs. 5 an. 
per Maund best sort... August. Before the famine there were 4000 
houses inhabited in Hodgipore [HajTpur], and but now 1800 inhabited, 
and out of them many have dyed.... In Pattana in 1671 August 8th 
now dy dayly here of Famine 2 or 300 persons in City and Suburbs, 
rice now 7 seer per Rupee or 5 rs. 11 an. per Maund of best sort and 
sometimes none to be bought nor bread m the Bazar... upon the 7th 



PATTANA 227 

And yett, at that time, the Nabobs Chiefe Wife had 
Severall very large Storehouses full of graine, and wold 
not dispose of any, unlesse they wold give the weight of 
Silver in one Scale of its weight of rice or wheat in the 
Other. But it pleased God to frustrate her Covetous 
designe, and Sent them as great plenty as Ever they 
had^ 

Severall Sorts of boats that Use the 
Rivers, whose Shapes are as tiere 
followeth. [Plates XIII. and XV.] 

This is called an Olocko'. They row Some with 4, 
Some with 6 owers, and ply for a faire as wherries doe in 
the Thames. 



[August] 2 Merchants in Pattana threw themselves into a common 
well and drowned them selves, now a terrible sad cry of poor in the 
Buzzar...no course rice to be bought... some dayes neither rice nor 
bread to be bought in the Bazar...." Here follows a quaint remark, 
" Such was the laziness of workmen in the time of Famine, That in 
the time of making one Casmeer boat for the Company, Six of the 
Carpenters died of Famine.... In Pattana and the Suburbs died in 
14 months last past ending 6th November 1671 of the Famine 135400 
persons....! received [nth Dec. 1671] an Account in writing out of 
the Coatwalls Chabootree [kotwdl ka chabutrd^ sherifTs office] wherein 
was writ that in the 12 months last past there had died in Pattana 
and the Suburbs of the Famine 103000 Persons (vizt) 50000 Mussulmen 
and 53000 Hindoos which were taken notice of in their bookes of 
Records." On another page the number is given as 90720. 

^ John Marshall, Notes and Observations^ says, " The most of the 
poore that go hence [Patna] go to Dacca for victualls, though there is 
thought to be great quantities of Rice in these parts, yet through the 
Nabobs roguery here is a Famine, and also somthing from the Drynes 
of the last yeare." I have been unable to find any allusion to the 
action of the "Nabobs Chiefe Wife" as related by T.B. 

2 uldk. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Woolock. Compare the following 
contemporary spellings : " I have sent you upon this Oolauck Rs. 
500," Letter from Dacca to Balasor, O. C. No. 3809. " Seaventeen 
chests of treasure which wee have sent two good Oolocks to fetch," 
Letter from Hugli to George Herron, 15th Aug. 1680, Factory Records^ 
Hugli, No. 5. "You are hereby enordered...to lade the Same \i,e. 
Timbers] upon U Hocks and Borees," Letter from Hugli to Capt. 
Hussey, 9th Sept* 1684, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 6. "Ten or 
twelve WooUocks to unlade these boats.'* Bengal Public Consulta- 
tions^ Range i. vol. i., loth Jan. 1704. 



228 PATTANA 

A Budgaroo* Or Pleasure boat, wherein the English 
and Dutch Chiefe and Councill goe in State Upon the 
water, in Use alsoe by the Moors Grandees or Governours. 

A Purgoo*. These Use for the most part between 
Hugly and Pyplo* and Ballasore. With these boats they 
carry goods into the Roads On board English and Dutch 
&c. Ships. They will live a longe time in the Sea, 
beinge brought to anchor by the Sterne, as their* Usual 
way is. 

A Boora' being a Very floaty light boat, rowinge with 

^ bajra. See note on p. 190. Compare the following : ** Basaras, 
which are a kind of large boat, fairly clean, the centre of which forms 
a little room.'' Luiller, Voyage au Golfe de Bengale, quoted in Provost, 
Voyages^ vol. xiii. p. 80. " If you have noe Budgrees with you 'twill 
be necessary to bring 2 or 3 Purgoes downe for the carriage of our 
necessarys," Letter to Balasor, i8th Aug. 1679, ^•^- No. 4644. "You 
have done very well since your Factory Budgroe [is] out of repaire to 
keep our Budgroe (that wee lent hence to carry up Mr. Meverell and 
his Wife) with you," Letter from Hugh to Patna, 26th April, 1682, 
Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 6. 

2 This word of doubtful origin probably represents an Indian 
corruption of the Portuguese barca^ a barge and also a sailing-boat. 
See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Porgo. See Ind. Ant.^ vol. xxx. pp. 160 — 162, 
for the history of the word. There are frequent references to this 
kind of boat in the contemporary records. Compare the following : 
"Advise us betime by land that wee may have Porgoes and Pilots 
ready at the Barr foote to bring her [the Ganges] over at her coming 
here." Letter from Balasor to Hugli, 13th Jan. 1673, Factory Records, 
Hugli, No. 4. "Tell Mr. Peachy... his goods are on board of a 
pergoo for Ballasore." Letter from Hugli to Balasor, 13th Nov. 1674, 
O. C. No. 4038. "This day the Purgoes or boates (which were ordered 
to goe on board the Shipes upon Saturday last when I came ashore) 
returned bringing such goods and Treasure as was sent for." Diary 
of Streynsham Master^ Balasor, ist Sept. 1676, p. 53. "What exquisite 
theives the Porgomen are, all who have lived anytime at Ballasore can 
make the Honble. Company... sensible of" Edmund Bugden's defence, 
19th Aug. 1679, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2. In 169 1, 1695, and 
1698, we find the word spelt "Porgoe," " Porkoe," "Porka." 

3 Pipli. See note on p. 162. 

* " their " refers to the native boatmen. 

^ bhar, a lighter. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Bora, where the word is 
derived from bhada. Compare the following references to this kind 
of boat : " He [Luiller] met more than 500 Bouries which are large 
Indian boats very badly built." Provost, Histoire des Voyages, vol. xiii. 
p. 83. " You did well having an opportunity to let out the Company's 
Borae to fraight." Letter from Balasor to Hugli, Factory Records, 
Hugli, No. 4. " By the Boraes that Carried Goods hence send hither 
good sail \sat\ timbers of 12 in. 13 Covids for Beames and rafters for 



PATTANA 229 

20 or 30 Owers. These carry Salt peeter and Other Goods 
(from Hugly) downewards, and some trade to Dacca with 
Salt ; they alsoe Serve for tow boats for the Ships bound 
up or downe the River. 

A Patella ^ The boats that come downe from Pattana 
with saltpeeter or Other goods built of an Exceedinge 
Strength and are Very flatt and burthensome. 

The onely Commodities of this Kingdome that are 
yearly Sent for England are Saltpeeter*, of which great 
quantities are sent to England and Holland, with a 
Considerable investment of each Nation in Codde Muske*, 
which is here found to be very good. It is in generall taken 
from a Small deere of about 2 foot high, of which this 

Countrey doth mightilie abound*. They take it out Upon 

3 

the Warehouse here." Letter from Hugli to Balasor, 27th Dec. 1678, 
Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5. " Ordered that what Boras or great 
open boates can be gott be taken up to carry the peter aboard the 
Ships.'' Hugli Diary, 27th Oct. 1679, Fcu:tory Records^ Hugli, No. 2. 

^ See notes on pp. 148 and 225. 

^ Compare Bernier^ p. 440, " Bengale is also the principal emporium 
for saltpetre. A prodigious quantity is imported from Patna. It is 
carried down the Ganges with great facility, and the Dutch and 
English send large cargoes to many parts of the Indies, and to 
Europe." On the i8th Dec. 1676 the Court wrote to Hugli {Letter 
Book, No. 5, p. 383), " Wee would have you send a sufficient Stock to 
Pattana to be there in a readines, that all Opportunities may be 
taken for buying Salt Petre, and it being procured to send it away by 
all Opportunities to Hughly, That soe wee may have a quantity 
alwaies ready for dispatch of our ships.... Wee would have you send 
what Salt Petre you can to the Fort by these ships... send us yeerly 
home twenty tunns of refined white Petre." In the Hugli Diary, 
under date 4th Dec. 1679, is the entry {Factory Records, Hugli, No. 2), 
" Ordered to endeavour to take up Rs. 20000 for to Pay the Petree 
expected to be bought." 

3 See note on p. 134. 

* Compare De Graaf's description of this animal. Voyages, p. 72, 
"The Director returned to Cassambasar in order to examine and buy 
some bales of silk. A present was made to him of a sort of curiosity. 
It was the skin of one of these animals which produce musk. The 
skin had been dried and filled with cotton. This animal was the size 
of an ordinary goat or sheep. It had on its head two little horns black 
as jet, of about a span long. The bag in which the musk was enclosed 
was still attached to the belly of the animal." Marshall, Notes and 
Observations of East India, p. 29, has a very quaint account of the 
** Muske Deere." 



230 PATTANA 

the full of the Moone*, but not every full Moone out 
of the Same deere, by reason it cometh not to maturitie 
in Soe Short a time. It is the Navle of the deere, which 
although cutt out, doth wonderfully grow as before. 

The Great quantities of Muske brought from Cochin- 
China and China it selfe is for the most part taken from 
this little Annimall whose shape is as followeth [Plate XIII.]. 

From Dacca The Chief Commodities brought are fine 
Cossas', commonly called Muzlinge*. 

From Cossumbuzar, Sundry Sorts of raw and wrought 
Silks*, fine Sashes' and Stripes' interwoven with gold and 
Silver. 

^ This seems to point to a superstition similar to that still pre- 
vailing in some parts of Dorsetshire, where farmers' wives will not 
have a pig killed when the moon is waning for fear that the bacon 
should shrink and turn out soft. 

2 khdssa^ a cotton cloth still used in India, softer than longcloth, 
and closer than muslin. T.B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Cassa, Lawn 
or Muslin " ; and Wilson, Early Annals, vol. i. p. 187, has, ^'' khdsa, a 
kind of fine muslin." Luiller, Voyage au Golfe de Bengale, quoted in 
Provost, Histoire des Voyages, vol. xiii. p. 80, says, "The Company 
gets from its factory at Ougly...Casses, which we call double muslin.*' 
See HobsoH'Jobson, s.v, Piece-Goods, p. 707. Compare the following : 
"[In] 1679 we Sent away Cassaes to the amount of rupees 72189. 3. 1 1." 
Letter from Dacca to Hugli, 13th Nov. 1680, Factory Reeords, Misc. 
No. 3, p. 152. "The Cossaes by which are meant Tangeebs Jelosies 
and such like Cloth... loooo ps." Letter from Hugli to Dacca, Factory 
Records, Hugli, No. 5. "This year 1681 the Honble. Company 
endeavored [? ordered] 23000 ps. of thin white cloth as Cossaes and 
Mullmulls &ca to be provided at Maulda and Decca.'' Hugli Diary, 
nth April, 1682, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 3. 

3 See note on p. 5. 

* In 1676 (letter dated i8th Dec, Letter Book, No. 5) the Court 
ordered from the "Bay" 31000 ps. Taffaties "so as they be of good 
blacks Colours and whites according to our former advices." 

^ Turban-cloths. In the Journal of Peter Mundy, I.O. Copy, 
under date April 1637, Relation 23, p. 37, we have, "A Soldier in Red 
...a Shash on his Head part gold." Compare also, Marshall, Notes 
and Observations, p. 20 (reverse), "Muxidavad [Murshidabad]...here to 
be bought... Girdles and Sashes which come from Bonarres [Benares]"; 
and the following in a letter from Balasor to Hugli, ist June, 1672, 
Factory Records, Hugli, No. 7, "Another night appeared Severall men 
in Armes behind our factory all in black Coates and Shashes." See 
also Yule, Hedges^ Diary, vol. iii. p. 179. 

^ ue. Cotton cloth interwoven with gold and silver. " The parcel! 
sky colour'd gold strip'd stuff your note mentions, I believe Mr. 



PATTANA 231 

From HuglyandBallasore, Sanas^Ginghams^Orammalls^ 

Richards made Use of himselfe.'* Letter to Kasimbazar, 19th June, 
1674, 0,C* No. 3972, In the " List of Goods to be provided at the 
Bay'' in 1681, Letter Book^ No. 6, we find, "Stript Muslings fine 
(Doreas) 21 yds. long i\ yd. or Ell wide, better made at Hughly, 
Santapore and Maulda.'' 

^ Wilson, Early Annals^ vol. i. index, s,v. Sanah, has, " sanahs^ a 
kind of fine cloth." Luiller, Voyage au Golfe de Bengale^ c[uoted in 
Prdvost, Histoire des Voyages^ vol. xiii. p. 80, says, " Balassor is a place 
celebrated for trade in fine white Calicoes called Sanas." Sanahs 
were, apparently, not a popular commodity in England. On the 
1 8th Dec. 1676, Letter Book^ No. 5, p. 387, the Court wrote to Hugli, 
** Wee finde you have this yeer sent us of Sannos 34630 ps. more then 
Ordered, and so you doe yeerly, notwithstanding all wee have written 
to the Contrary." With reference to this letter, the Council at Fort 
St George wrote to Hugli on the 7th June, 1677, Factory Records^ 
Fort St George, No. 18, "They [the Honble. Co.] take great notice 
of your exceeding so much in Sannoes and being so short in Nillaes, 
Cassaes, Humhums &c." On the 4th Jan. 1679, ^^ Chief and 
Council at Hugli wrote to Balasor, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5, 
" The sending home Sannas we hope will not be unacceptable to our 
Honble. Employers in that you Could not procure the quantity of 
Ginghams," and on the 25th April, 1682, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 6, 
"Your Sannaes they [the Honble. Co.] say are also generally to yellow 
they should be better drest and the conjee [starch] have more blew 
in it, if you could have them drest as white and as fine as the Beetelaes 
at the fort they would sell much better, as they now come some of the 
buyers have been forced to send them over to holland to have them 
new whited or bleached and brought back again to England to sell.** 
There is reason to think that the cloth known as sanah in the 
17th cent, still exists as sdlu^ a, cheap, fine cloth, generally red, in 
common use in Bengal. 

2 See Hobson-Jobsofiy s,v. Gingham, an Indian Cotton cloth. It is 
an old English name, probably of Indo-European origin, for a stuff 
made of cotton yarn dyed before being woven. " Striped Ginghams of 
lively colours " were a favourite variety in the i8th century. See Ind, 
Ant.^ vol. xxix. p. 339, for the spelling "Gengam" in 1746. On the 
i8th Dec. 1676 {Letter Book^ No. 5) the Court wrote to Hugli, "Wee 
would have you directly observe to send us the goods wee order and 
if you exceed in any, let it be in Taffaties Silk, Nillaes, fine Cossaes 
and Coloured Ginghams... the Colored Ginghams sent are all Grayes 
stiff and without gloss ; for the future you must mix them with Hair 
Colour, Green, yellow and Tawny, to make them more soft. Gentle 
and Glossy." Among the goods to be provided for the 1679 shipping 
were "Coloured Ginghams (of divers cloth colours) ten thousand 
pieces, and as many peices of Nillees." O. C, No. 4502. 

3 rumdl. See note on p. 133. Compare the following; "The 
Musters [samples] of Rhumalls we have received and finde to be of 
the same sort wee have this year contracted for here." Letter from 
Hugli to Balasor, 3rd Sept 1680, Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 5. 
" Having received a muster of a mullmuU ground handkercheif from 
Dacca which they call a Rhumaul, on consideration as it soe much 
differs from a Rhumaul in every respect, we think it not fitt to buy' 
any for our Masters account this yeer." Hugli Diary, 3rd Oct. 1681, 
Factory Records, Hugli, No. 3. 



232 PATTANA 

Cotton yarneS &c., which goods are Embailed in the 
beforementioned Factories, and, accordinge to Order from 
the Honourable English East India Company, are Sent 
On board the English ships that yearly doe arrive and 
anchor in Ballasore Roade, and thence doe Sett Saile 
in the Month December, bound up to Metchlipatam and 
Fort St. Georg's, where theire full ladeinge is prepared, 
and in a few days Shipped On board, and about the latter 
End of January doe Saile intendinge (God assistinge them) 
for England. 

The Staple Commodities brought into these 3 Kingdomes 
(namely Orixa, Bengala, and Pattana) are Scarlet^ broad 
Cloths of divers colours, Vermilion, quick Silver', Brim- 
stone, Lead, Coppar, Ryals of 8*, and Corall. 

All which, although they produce but little per Cent, 
yet they are here as good as ready Rupees in procureinge 

^ On the 26th Aug. 1667, the Court wrote to Hugli {Letter Booky 
No. 4, p. 97), "The Cotton yarne received from your parts is crosse 
reeled and too great hancks or skeynes, and too hard twisted, there- 
fore wee desire it may bee in small hancks or skaines and reeled straight 
and something softer twisted," and on the 17th Au^. 1674 {Letter Book^ 
No. 5), " Cotton Yarne, if you can procure that which is very good and 
not too hard throwne you may send 50 or 60 bales provided the price 
exceed not 14 rupees per maund." On the 24th Dec. 1675 the Court 
ordered, Letter Book^ No. 5, '* 50 or 60 Bales Cotton Yarne each 3 
maunds." 

2 See note on p. 160. Compare the following: "Make a hansome 
Present in our Name to Yecknam Cawne...And doe it as much in 
Scarlett... as may be acceptable." Letter from the Court to Fort 
St George, 29th Nov. 1670, Letter Book^ No. 4. "We have here in 
the Godowne 2 Peeces Scarlett, and 2 Peeces read Cloth, but noe 
green cloth." Letter from Masulipatam to Fort St George, 3rd Oct. 
1678, Factory Records, Masulipatam, No. 10. "The present to Shasteh 
Caune the Nabob... Scarlet 10 peeces. Crimson Cloth 15 yds." Letter 
from Hugli to Dacca, ist March, 1680, Factory Records, Hugli, No. 5. 

3 The demand in Bengal for vermilion and quicksilver was not 
large enough to please the authorities at home. On the 12th Jan. 
1665, the Council at Fort St George wrote apologetically to the Court, 
" Quicksilver and Vermillion are Dull Commoditys, from the Bay they 
required, by their advises but 60 Mds. of the First and 30 of the latter." 
Factory Records, Misc. No. 3. In 1679, however, we find in a letter 
from Dacca to Hugli on the 3rd June {Factory Records, Hugli, No. 7), 
" Wee have had enquiries often for Vermillion if you please to furnish 
us therewith." 

* See note on p. 114. 



PATTANA 233 

the best of good[s] in the Kingdome without any losse, 
but rather 15 or 20 per Cent gaine, where to bringe 
Europe vizt. English, Dutch, or French Coyned moneys, 
the losse is more then soe much per Cent. But the 
Voyadge homeward doth make sufficient amends*. 

In the beforementioned places in these 3 Kingdoms, 
the English Nation in generall hath freedome of in- 
habitinge and tradinge free from all manner of taxes 
and customes in or out, the like priviledges hath noe 
Other Nation besides. 

All which was procured by the Ingenuitie of Mr. Gabriel 
Bowden, one of our owne Nation, and a very Eminent 
Doctor of Phisick, sometime Doctor in Ordinary to the 
great Warriour Emir Jemla, who tooke a very great 
Affection towards him, and was most courteous and Free 
to him, and Especially Upon a Notable Cure of his owne 
Lady performed (Under God) by the Doctor, the Nabob 
callinge for him, Ordered him att that instant to demand 
what he wold have given him or had most likeinge to and 
it Shold be granted in Consideration of his Loyal Service 
and care of the best of his familie. The Doctor, highly 
Surprised with this great Person's Generositie, yet soone 
considered Upon it, yett soe as not to be greedy of any 
present gaine (onely for himselfe), and now in the best of 
time, requested that the English Nation might Settle 
Factories in what parts of the Kingdomes they pleased 
and be free off all duties and Customes, which then was 
4 per Cent in and the like out for all goods dealt in. The 
which was noe Sooner demanded but as readily granted ^ 

^ The author is a competent judge of the lucrative nature of Indian 
trade at the time, for, as he states in his Will {^vide Introduction), he 
amassed his fortune, which was by no means inconsiderable, by trading 
in India. 

2 Yule quotes this passage in Hedged Diary ^ vol. iii. p. 183, and 
remarks: "Indeed this MS. curiously illustrates the inexactitude of 
even twenty years' tradition. For it seems impossible that Mir Jumla, 
who did not come to Bengal till 1659 should have been the Mahom- 



234 PATTANA 

with Phyrmanes* in the Persian Languadge that the 
English Nation Shold hold that Priviledge soe longe as 
they pleased to live and Settle in their Dominions, and 
many Other rewards Liberally bestowed Upon the Doctor 
(One beinge rare amonge the Mahometants)*. 



medan patron from whom Boughton (who died some years earlier) 
obtainea trading privileges for his countrymen." T. B.'s version of the 
way in which Boughton obtained a farfndn is given in all good faith 
by Stewart, History of Bengal , pp. 251 and 252, and the arguments 
against it are to be found in Yule, Hedged Diary, vol. iii. pp. 167 and 
168. See also Wilson, Early Annals, vol, i. pp. 23 — 29. However, 
the following passage from the Court Book of 1674, vol. 29, under date 
4th September in that year, seems to prove that Gabriel Boughton's 
farman was a reality, although not granted by Mir Jumla: "On 
reading a Report from the Committees for the Coast and Bay touching 
the phirmands granted to the Company for trading in the Bay of 
Bengala, According^ to an order of Court dated the of We 

have discoursed with Mr. Bridges and others concerning the Phir- 
maund or patent for trade granted the English by the Prince of 
Bengala ; and we find that it was first procured by one Mr. Bowden 
a 'Chyrurgeon, and gave the English onely libertie to trade paying 
Custom according to the Kings phirmand but was altered and made 
to pay noe Custom according to the Kings Phirmaund. That after- 
wards there was another Phirmaund thought to be more advantageous 
to the trade of the English procured by Mr. Gauton and Billidge..." 

^ farm&n. See note on p. 142. 

2 Here the MS. suddenly breaks off and there is a blank of two 
pages. Then follow the three headings arackan, pegu and tanas- 
SAREE. It was evidently the authors intention to write at length 
on these places as spaces are left for the purpose. The missing 
descriptions may have figured in the "Ms in a green cover" be- 
queathed to the East India Company {vide Introduction), or the 
incompleteness of the 1669— 1679 "Account'' may be due to the 
death of the author while engaged in the work. 



JANSELONE 235 



Oedjange = Salange, commonly called 



JANSELONE^ 

Is an Island that lyeth to the Southward of all the Isles of 
Tanassaree^, nearest middway betweene that and Queda. 
The North end of it lyeth in Lattitude North 08° 50" ; the 
South End in 07° 35'' Lattitude North. It is almost in 



^ This is a valuable contribution to the history of the word. The 
modem term Junk-Ceylon no doubt takes its name from Ujung 
Salang, i.e. Salang Head, the southern extremity of the island Salang. 
Crawfurd, Desc. Diet, of the Indian Is., s.v. Ujung, says, " Ujung in 
Malay and Javanese, signifies point, or sharp end, and is also fre- 
quently applied to a point of land, or headland, promontory, or tongue 
...We have an example of it in the name of the island called by 
Europeans Junk-Ceylon ; and which is in reality the name of a 
promontory of that island, called by the Malays Ujung-Salang, or 
the point of Salang." Other derivations are as follow : 

Forrest, Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago, remarks on the deriva- 
tion of "Jan Sylan^" p. 30, " Probably the name was given to it before 
it became an island at high water, and before it was disjoined from 
the cohtinent as it is at present : the word oojong being a Malay word 
signifying point, and the inhabitants in general speaking Malay, from 
their mtercourse with that people, had it been considered as an island, 
the word pulo, signifying island in the same tongue, a word of easy 
pronunciation, if once affixed to it, would most probably never have 
left it." 

In Hobson-Jobson, ed. 1903, we find, on the other hand, s.v. Junk- 
Ceylon, " Mr. Skeat doubts the correctness of this (the hitherto 
accepted derivation). " There is at least one quite possible alternative, 
i.e. Jong salang, in which jong means 'a junk,' and salang, when 
applied to vessels, * heavily tossing.' Another meaning of salang is 
*to transfix a person with a dagger,' and is the technical term for 
Malay executions, in which the kris was driven down from the collar- 
bone to the heart." " 

In a collection of maps reproduced in vol. 27 of Annates du Musde 
Guimet (Le Siam Ancien), it is curious to note that up to 1688 Junk- 
Ceylon is marked as a town on the mainland. In a map of the middle 
of the i6th century we have "Jusalam"; in a map by Van Langren 
1595, "Jungalaon"; in a map of 1613, "Junsalam"; in a map by 
Placide, circ. 1688, "Junsalaon," for the first time as an island; in a 
map by Gneudeville 171 3 — 1719, "Junsalan"; and, finally, in a map 
by Robert, 1751, " Jonkseilon." "Junsalaon" is an "island" in Ralph 
Fitch's journey, 1583 — 91, in Hakluyt, reprint, vol. v. p. 498. 

^ i.e. the Mergui Archipelago. 



236 JANSELONE 

the forme of the Island Ceylone but not more then a Sixth 
part soe larger 

I[t] wholy belongeth to the Kinge of Syam, and he 
hath a Governour here, whom the Natives Entitle Radja 
(vizt.) Kinge*, as indeed he is a Vice Kinge to the great 
Kinge of Syam*. 

The Inhabitants Up in the Countrey are Naturall 
Syamers*, for the most part a very Civil good humored 



^ Compare the following differing descriptions of the size of this 
island : Dunn, East-Indies Directory^ p. 337 f. says, " The body of 
Junk-seilon Island lies in latitude 8** 15' N. Its shape is irregular; 
extending from north to south about 18 leagues. On the east side of 
it are very good harbours which you may safely put into." Forrest, 
Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago^ p. 29, gives the extent of "Jan 
Sylan" as "about 40 miles long and 15 broad." Milbum, Oriental 
Commerce, vol. ii. p. 291, says, "Junkceylon. This island is divided 
from the continent by a narrow isthmus of sand, about a mile in 
length, and half a mile in breadth, and is covered at high water ; it 
shuts up, on the north part, an excellent harbour called Popra where 
a vessel drawing 20 feet water may get in on the springs over a mud 
bar. The island extends from the latitude of 8° 9' to 7° 46' North, and 
is about 24 miles long, and 10 broad." In Bowring's Siam, vol. i. 
p. 32, we find, " Salanga or Junk Ceylon, in lat. 8", is sixteen miles in 
length and six in breadth ; on the east it has several harbours.'* 
Lancaster {Hakluyt, reprint, vol. vi. p. 398) in 1592, "departed thence 
[Malaca] to a Baie in the kingdom of Junsalaom, which is between 
Malacca and Pegu eight degrees to the Northward." 

2 For Raja see pp. 39, 108, 128, and note on p. 39. 

^ T. B. in the "Dialogues" at the end of his Malay Diet, has, 
"Junsalon to the North of Quedah, is under the Government of the 
King of Siam, the people and Language is Malayo." Alex. Hamilton, 
East Indies, vol. ii. p. 68, says, " The next Place of any Commerce on 
this Coast [after Mergui], is the Island of Junkceyloan, it lies in the 
Dominions of the King of Siam." 

When Forrest visited Junk-Ceylon in 1784, the Viceroy from 
Siam had three assistants: "Terowa...here resides Peepeemont, the 
governor, or viceroy, from the court of Siam. This governor, when 
I was there in 1784, had three assistants, or perhaps rather colleagues, 
as they partook of his power : their names were Pee-Tukerat, Pee- 
Siring, and Pee-Lancrac. Each of these officers had about sixty 
followers, a kind of retainers, who in a great measure live on the 
community ; for, receiving little pay, they oppress the inhabitants." 

In 1785 the Burmans attempted to gain possession of Junk- Ceylon, 
but were repulsed with loss. In 18 10 they made a more successful 
attempt, but only retained possession of the island for a few months, 
when the Siamese recaptured it. 

* Compare De Chaumont, Embassy to the Court of Siam^ 1687, 
p. 85 f, "The Siamoises...are a People very docible, which proceeds 



JANSELONE 237 

people; but downe att the Sea Ports most of the In- 
habitants are Malay ars*, a very roguish Sullen ill natured 
people, and Seldome or never that any Ship or Vessell 
doth arrive here to trade with them, but there is Either 
robbery or Murther comitted by them, to the damadge 
of the Forraigner ; and then immediately they give it out 
that the Saleeters' came up to the towne in the night and 
committed that and many more Villanies, when I my Selfe 
have knowne it to be the Malayers themselvs that dwell 
here, namely in Banquala. 

The Saleeters^ are absolute Piratts, and are often 

rather from their nature which desires cjuiet, than any other cause." 
Mandelslo^ p. 103, thus describes the Siamese : " The Siameses are 
comely and well proportioned, but ill Souldiers, though cruel and 
insolent enough after victory. They are rather black then brown, 
ingenious in Commerce, but they are cautious, diffident, dissemblers, 
unconstant, false, and lyars. The Men are lazy, and care for no 
employment which requires labour, such they leave to their Women 
and Slaves, leaving affairs and husbandring of land to their charges, 
while they walk the streets or make their addresses at Court." 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Malay. Crawfurd, Did. of the Indian 
Islands^ s.v. Malay, says, "The word is correctly Malayu in the 
language of the Malays them selves... A people of the brown com- 
plexioned race, with lank hair, speaking the Malay language is found 
m greater or lesser numbers all over the Archipelago." In his Embassy 
to the Court of Siam, p. 346, Crawfurd also remarks, "The Siamese are 
favourably distinguished from their neighbours, the Malays,... by the 
absence of that implacable spirit of revenge which forms so prominent 
a feature in the character of the latter." 

2 The Saleeters are evidently identical with the people called by 
the Portuguese writers Cellates and Saletes. Crawfurd, Diet, of 
the Indian Islands^ s.v. Malacca, quotes from De Barros' account 
of the foundation of Malacca: "A fugitive from Java... arrived in 
Singapore... The prince received him hospitably, but in requital was 
assassinated by him, with the aid of his Javanese followers and of a 
certain people called Cellates... Eventually, along with 2000 Javanese 
followers he settled at Malacca, on the invitation of some of the 
Cellates, who had themselves taken refuge on the banks of the river 
of that place." Crawfurd goes on to say, " Who these Cellates were is 
certain enough. The word is a Portuguese formation, from the Malay 
word Sdlat^ a strait or frith, and at full length in this language would 
be orang'Sdlaty or men of the narrow seas... The Cellates were, in fact, 
the well known orang-laut^ or men of the sea," of the present time, 
famous all over the Archipelago for their piscatory and predatory 
habits. They are correctly described by De Barros, who calls them 
" a people who dwell on the sea, and whose occupation it is to rob and 
to fish." Godinho de Eredia, Malaca, VInde Meridionale^ translated 



238 JANSELONE 

cruiseinge about Janselone and Pullo Sambelon* &c. Isles 
neare this Shore. They are Subject to noe manner of 
Goverment, and have many cunninge places to hide them- 
selves and theire men of warre Prows* in Upon the Maine 
of the Malay Shore. 

There are 3 Sea Ports Upon this Island, vizt. Banquala, 



into French by Janssen, says, p. i, " Before the foundation of Malaca, 
Saletes, a fishing people, gathered in this neighbourhood, in the 
shadow of the trees which produce mirobolans. These fishermen 
made use of pointed javelins called * soligues,' and threw them with 
so much skill that they transfixed the fish at the bottom of the sea 
with them." 

Of the " Saleeters " Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 68 f 
says, " Between Merjee [Mergui] and Jonkceyloan there are several 
good Harbours for Shipping, but the Sea-coast is very thin of In- 
habitants, because there are great Numbers of Freebooters, called 
Salleiters, who inhabit Islands along the Sea-coast, and they both rob, 
and take People for Slaves, and transport them for Atcheen, and there 
make Sale of them, and Jonkceyloan often feels the Weight of their 
Depredations." 

Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Islands^ s.v. Malay Peninsula, p. 257, 
speaking of a river- tribe near Singapore, says, " This tribe takes its 
name, Saletar, from a creek in the island of Singapore." This creek 
must be the same meant by Alex. Hamilton when he says, vol. ii. 
p. 93, " The smallest [entrance into the river] is from the Westward, 
called by Europeans the Streights of Sincapure, but by the Natives 
Salleta de Brew. It runs along the Side of Sincapure Island. for 5 or 
6 Leagues together, and ends at the great river of Johore." 

The modem Saletar, however, differs widely from his namesake 
of three centuries ago, and is very far from rising to the dignity of 
a pirate. 

The following, quoted by Yule, Hedged Diary ^ vol. iii. p. 107, may 
refer to the once dreaded Saletars: "An other Pyrat took [in 1707] 
two vessells from Bengali bound for Acheen and Junk Ceilone off 
Negraise, the other wee don't hear of yet, but are in paine for our 
China Ships." 

A possible derivation for Saleeter is Sri-lohita^ the Rdmdyana 
name for the Andaman Sea and the Straits of Singapore, which the 
Arabs transliterated by Shelaheth^ and the modem Malays through 
the Arabs into Selat or the Straits, whence the Portuguese may have 
got Cellates for the inhabitants of the Straits. 

^ A small group of islands on the South-west coast of the Malay 
Peninsula, so called from the Malay word sambilan^xixn^. 

2 Prow, praUy a generic term for any kind of sailing vessel, 
especially for those taking cargoes and passengers to and from the 
early travellers' ships. See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Prow. See also Ind, 
Ant.^ vol. XXX. p. 161 f. for an exhaustive article on the prow. Damfiier^ 
vol. i. p. 298 f, has a long description of "Proes, a sort of Indian 
Boats.'*^ 



JANSELONE 239 

Buckett, and Luppoone \ all very Excellent roads, but the 
barrs or Entrances into the Rivers are Very Shoale, not 
affordinge more then 7 foot*. 

The Whole Island affordeth nothinge Save Some 



^ The absence of any early maps of the Island of Junk-Ceylon 
makes it very difficult to identify T. B.*s three ports with any 
certainty. The only one about which there seems very little doubt 
is Buckett (Malay ^«^//=hill) which appears as Puquet in an early 
1 8th century map {Add. MS, 15319, Nos. 11 and 15), and still exists 
as Puket or Tonkah Harbour. It lies on the East of the island, with 
the town of Puquet situated on a narrow inlet. 

Banquala {dan, village, kwala^ mouth of a river) was probably so 
called from its situation. T. B. says, later on, that it was on the 
S.W. of the island, and therefore it may be identical with the present 
Khelong Bay, which however is almost due South. 

In the early i8th century map, noted above, the only two ports 
marked besides Puquet, are Putom on the West and Lampacao on 
the South. Putom is mentioned by Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ 
vol. ii. p. 69, " The North End of Jonkceyloan lies within a Mile of 
the Continent, but the South End is above three Leagues from it 
Between the Island and the Continent is a good Harbour for Shipping 
in the South-west Monsoons, and on the West Side of the Island 
Puton Bay is a safe Harbour in the North-east Winds." Putom now 
appears to be called Ban Karon, a sea-port on a stream flowing into 
Au Karon or Karon Bay. There is, however, no ground for connecting 
it with Banquala. 

Luppoone presents another difficulty. T. B. speaks of two places 
bearing this name, the port mentioned above, and, later on, an mland 
place in the middle of the island, the residence of the raja. I am 
inclined to think that the port Luppoone is only T. B.'s rendering of 
the Malay word labuhan, i.e. the harbour, and that this particular 
harbour is the present Tharua Harbour on the East of the island. 
From Tharua a small river leads inland to the town Tharua (the 
Terowa of Forrest). Close by this place are the villages Ban Lipon 
and Ban Lipon Thai, i.e. the Village of Lipon and the Siamese (Thai) 
Village of Lipon. It seems reasonable to conjecture that, in T. B.'s 
time Lipon was the capital of the island, and that he either confused 
Lipon with Labuhan, and pronounced them both alike, or that, as is 
the case at the present day, the chief town and the harbour nearest to 
it bore the same name. 

2 Compare Horsburgh, East India Directory.^ vol. n. p. 26f , ed. 181 1, 
" The western coast of Junkseylon, stretches nearly North and South ; 
on the East side there are several bays, and the chief one where the 
harbour is situated about 4 leagues from the South East point of the 
island is opposite to the small river where Terooa the principal town 
stands about i\ mile up the river. The great passage into the harbour 
is on the East side of the two Lalan islands, which lie off* the entrance 
in lat. 7" 56' north ; and the anchorage is to the North West of them 
in 4 or 4^ fathoms mud, with the little Lalan or northernmost island 
East by South i mile..." 



240 JANSELONE 

Elephants and tinne* (that are fitt for transportation), 
and tinne they have in abundance, and, were they indus- 
trious might have tenne times see much. All the traffick 
wee have here is to trucke Callicoes* blew and white, Iron, 
Steele, knives and Scissars, Small Cushin Carpets*, Sugar 
&c. commodities for tinne, which doth here passe very 
Currant for ready moneys. 

Very few Elephants are hence transported by reason 
the Duty laid Upon them is very great, neare soe much as 
the Elephant doth cost, soe that now adays none are 
Shipped ofif by any Merchant that hath not the Kinge of 
Syam's Phyrmane* granted him ; if soe they are custome 
free. 

They have noe Sort of coyned monies here, save what 

• 

1 T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, has, 
" Junsalon...its Merchandize is only Tin, of which it yields about 
Four Hundred Bahar Yearly." In his list of words he gives, "Calang, 
tin." Compare De la LoublrCy pp. 14 and 94, "this Tin, or Calin...is 
soft and basely purified, and a specimen thereof is seen in the common 
Tea Boxes or Cannisters which come from this country [Siam]...All 
the Calin is his [the King of Siam]... excepting that which is dug out 
of the mines of Jonsala on the Gulph of Bengal: for this being a 
remote Frontier, he leaves the Inhabitants their ancient Rights, so 
that they enjoy the Mines which they dig, paying a small profit to this 
Prince." 

Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 69, "The 
Island [Junk-Ceylon] affords good Masts for shipping and abundance 
of Tin, but few people to dig for it, by reason of the aforementioned 
Outlaws [the Saleeters], and the Governors being generally Chinese, 
who buy their places at the Court of Siam, and, to reimburse them- 
selves, oppress the People, in so much that Riches would be but a 
Plague to them, and their Poverty makes them live an easie indolent 
Life." 

Crawfurd, writing in 1828, Embassy to Siam^ p. 418, says, "The 
richest mines of Siam exist in the island of Junk Ceylon, and... the 
mines are probably not inferior to those of the latter [Banca] in 
fertility." 

In Miscellaneous Papers relating to Indo-China^ vol. i. p. 185, we 
find that, in 1886, the population of Junk- Ceylon was reduced to about 
6000 souls, and the annual yield of tin was only about 20 tons, 
as against the 80 tons in T. B.'s time, and the 500 at the time of 
Capt. Forrest's visit. 

2 See note on p. 5. 

3 i.e, " divans," the cushioned seats of the East, gaddt in India. 
* See note on p. 142. 



JANSELONE 24I 

is made of tinne, which is melted into Small lumps^ and 
passe very currant provided they be of their just weight 
allowed by Statute ; and are as followeth : — 

One Small lumpe or Putta' valueth here 3d English 

One great Putta is 2^ Small ones Value y^d English 

which is theire Currant moneys and noe Other ; but if wee 
bringe Silver or Gold massy or Coyned, the rich men will 
trucke with us for tinne and give Some advance, 10 or 15 
per Cent upon the moneys. 

When wee have a considerable quantitie of these Smal 
pieces of tinne togeather, wee weigh with Scales or Stylyard 
52 pound weight and ^, and melt it in a Steele panne for 
the Purpose, and runne it into a mold of wood or clay, and 
that is an Exact Cupine^ 8 of which are one baharre* 
weight of Janselone or 420 English pound weight. 

In any considerable quantitie of goods Sold togeather, 
wee agree for soe many Baharre or soe many Cupines ; 
when a Small parcell, then for soe many Viece*, or soe 



^ Compare Forrest, Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago in 1783, 
" Certain pieces of tin, shaped like the under half of a cone, or sugar 
loaf cut by a plane parallel to its base, called poot^ are used on the 
island [Junk-Ceylon] as money; weighing about three pounds, with 
their halves and quarters of similar shape : if attempted to be exported 
without paying duty, they are seizable. This encourages smuggling. 
The value of tints from 12 to 13 Spanish dollars the pecul of 1331b. 
put on board clear of duty." 

2 This word is not in Hobson-Jobson. It is Malay patah^ a. frag- 
ment ; patah kdchil, small fragment, patah bdsar, large fragment. 

3 Cupine {taping). T. B. in his Malay Diet, has " Coopang, the 
name of a Coin passable in many parts of India." Crawfurd, Malay 
Dict.^ has, " Kupang (Du. cupori) a copper money, estimated at 
10 doits, or the decimal of a Spanish dollar." The Japanese kobang 
has no connection with the Malay kaping of very low denomination. 
See Ind. Ant. vol. xxxi. p. 51 ff. 

* Baharre {bahar). T. B. in his Malay Diet, has "Bahar is a 
weight used in many parts of India and the South Seas, the Bahar 
at Achee is 396 1. iioz. 14 gr. Averdupoizc.the Bahar [of Junk- 
Ceylon] is 445 Pounds English " ; but see above in the text, where 
the Junk-Ceylon bahar is given as 420 lbs. 

^ Viece (viss). See note on p. 116. 
T. 16 



242 JANSELONE 

many great or Small puttas. 4 great puttas make a Viece, 
10 Small ones is a Viece\ 

The Custome is here, as Soone as any Ship or Vessel 
doth anchor in the Roade, which is generally in the Roade 
of Banquala, wee goe up to towne with our boat which is 
about 4 or 5 miles Up the River^ As Soone as wee come 
Up, wee are invited into a house, where Speedily come to 
waite Upon us the Shabandar^ and the King's Secretary, 
with Some Others, Some to looke Upon us, and Others to 
heare news. They Civilie aske many questions, as whence 
wee came, and what Sorts of goods wee have brought, 
of what burthen wee are, how many men and boys, and of 
what Nation they be, how many gunns, what Store of 
Small arms, powder and Shott; to which questions our 
answers are all written downe in the King's booke, as alsoe 



1 This gives a table (of some value for old uncoined Malay ratios) 
for Junk-Ceylon in 1669 — 1679 as to weights in tin, taking the viss at 
its most persistent standard of 3^ lbs. Av. 

2^ puttas small make i putta large 

4 puttas large i viece 
15 viece i cupine 

5 cupine i bahar of 420 lbs. 

See /nd. Ant. vol. xxxi. p. 51 f. 

2 Milburn, Oriental Commerce, vol. ii. p. 291, says, "The place 
where ships generally anchor [in Junk-Ceylon], is in a good road, well 
sheltered behind a small island, joined to the main at low water, in 
latitude 8" 10' North... on the S.W. side of the island is another good 
harbour [? the Banquala of T. B.], where vessels occasionally stop." 

3 This, and the several references which follow, show clearly that, 
in the Malay States, the Shahbandar was a high officer controlling 
the seaborne trade. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Sha bendar, 
Custome-House Officer in Chief." See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Shabunder. 
Godinho de Eredia, Malaca, p. 30, has " Xabandar, Officer in Chief." 
Compare De la Loublre, p. 83, "Some have assured me that the 
Siameses have the Humanity not to appropriate anything to them- 
selves of what the Tempest casts on their Coasts by Shipwrack ; 
yet Ferdinand Mendez Pinto relates that Lewis de Monteroyo, a 
Portuguese, having suffer'd Shipwrack on the Coast of Siam near 
Patana, the Chahbandar, or Custom-house Officer, which he names 
Chatir, confiscated not only the Ship and its Cargo, but Monteroyo 
himself, and some Children ; alledging, that by the ancient Custom of 
the Kingdom whatever the Sea cast upon the Coasts, was the profit 
of his Office." 



\ 



JANSELONE 243 

the Commander's name, and is Sent Up to Luppoone^ 
(the Place of the Radja's Residence), Which is the Chiefe 
towne, and in the very middle of the Island, where all 
the Circumstances are read before him and his councill, 
which are lo or 12 in number ; and Immediately 2 or 3 of 
the King's Elephants are Sent downe with a Considerable 
parcell of his lifeguard to waite Upon the Commander up 
and whom he pleaseth to bringe alonge with him, which 
is a Very tedious days Journey, through the Woods and 
Swampy places, in soe much that the guider often doth lose 
his way, and the most Sensible Annimall* of his owne accord 
and Sense findeth it againe to admiration. And were they 
not a very Sure footed Creature, the riders wold often be 
in very great perill climeinge Up and goeinge downe those 
slipery mountains, which are in many places soe Steep up 
and downe that the Elephant is constrained to hall him- 
selfe Up, and againe to ease himselfe downe by layinge 
hold of roots and bulks of trees with his trunke, and more 
then soe in many places where the Woods and Bamboos 
grow very thicke, Soe that not any roade or Path way is 
to be discerned. He, to gett passadge through, breaketh 
the bows and cleareth the Way without the least damadge 
to his Riders^ 



^ Probably Lipon. Se&note on p. 239. When Capt. Forrest visited 
Junk-Ceylon in 1785, Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago^ pp. 29 — 36, 
the Governor resided at Terowa (the present Tharua, a little to the 
south of the villages of Lipon). Forrest describes Terowa as being on 
a creek a few miles from the coast. He says, also, that the Governor's 
country house was 8 miles inland ; this was most probably on the 
spot known as "Luppoone" in T. B.'s time. 

2 i.e. the elephant. Compare De la Loubere^ p. 39, " Besides the 
Ox and Buffalo.. .the Elephant is their sole Domestick Animal. ..for 
ordinary service they use only the Female Elephants : the Males they 
design for the war. Their Country [Siam] is not proper for the 
breeding of Horses." 

3 Compare Forrest, Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago^ p. 31 f., 
" I travelled thither [from Terowa to the Governor's country house, 
eight miles inland]... on an elephant, through a path worn like 
a gutter, in some few places, where it was over a flat rock, the 
path being worn by the elephants feet, and so narrow as not to be 

16 — 2 



244 JANSELONE 

When wee come Up to Luppoone, the King*s Servants 
that are appointed to waite upon us, carry us to a house 
that is allotted us by Order of theire Master, and is indeed 
their temple of Idols placed as follows^ with 2 or 3 tombs 
of the deceased Vice Kings adjoyneinge therunto in form 
followinge, whither they bringe us great plenty of very 
good provisions, very decently dressed after the Syam 
manner, both fish, goat, henns, ducks &c. and in very 
good Order. The Shabandars^ and what Others of the 
Chiefe of the King's Officers wee invite, doe very Sociably 
sit downe and eat and drinke with us, as it is theire 
Custome not to abstaine from any thinge that God hath 
given for the food of mankind, weaveinge all manner of 
Superstition Used by most Idolaters besides in Asia. 

The Next morninge wee are Sent for to come into 
the Radja's presence, where he and his council demand 
a multitude of Questions, the most important of which is 
whether wee have the Kinge of Syams Phyrmane* to trade 
there or noe. If he finde wee have it not, nor the Coppy, 
he demandeth and will have 10 per Cent custome for all 
the goods wee have On board our Shipp or Vessell, 
Although he knoweth very well that The English Nation 
in generall is free from all Such duties in the Kingdom of 
Syam and all the Provinces and Isles thereto appertaineinge, 
neither dare he take it if wee wold give it him, although 
he pretends the Kinge of Syam hath given him this Island 
for soe many years ; but all this is onely to get a consider- 



above an inch or two wider than his hoofs : I wondered how the huge 
animal got along." Compare also Bowring, Siam^ vol. i. p. 220 f., 
"Without the aid of the elephant, it would scarcely be possible to 
traverse the woods and jungles of Si am. He makes his way ds he 
goes, crushing with his trunk all that resists his progress ; over deep 
morasses or sloughs he drags himself on his knees and belly... He 
descends into ravines impassable by man, and by the aid of his trunk 
ascends steep mountains." 

^ There is no illustration of this temple in the MS. 

2 See note on p. 242. ^ See note on p. 142. 



JANSELONE 245 

able thing given him as a present, which wee are forced to 
doe to the Value of 100 or 120 pieces of 8^ or he will find 
one way or Other to hinder us in a greater measure in the 
Sale of our goods^ 

Aftej wee have come to a Composition he fea'steth us 
royally a day or two, or more if wee be free to Stay ; and 
dismisseth us downe with many Complements and great 
attendants, and giveth us a convenient house to dwell in 
dureinge our Stay, and doth often Send us henns, ducks, 
coconuts^ Plantans^ &c., and beats the Gunge*^ for all 
people that please to buy our goods, before which they 
dare not buy any. 

Two of the Grandees of his Councill must alsoe be 



^ See note on ryalls, p. 114. 

2 With regard to customs payable by foreign vessels, De la Loub^re, 
p. 83, remarks, " In the Maritime Governments, the Tchaou-Meuang 
sometimes takes Customs of the Merchant Ships, but it is generally 
inconsiderable. At Tenasserim it is eight per Cent, in the kind, 
according to the Relation of Foreign Missions." 

The English had no factory or settlement at Junk-Ceylon, and the 
references to the island in the period covered by this " Account *' are 
scanty in the extreme. Bruce, Annals^ vol. i. p. 24, says that, at the 
beginning of the 17th century the Portuguese had a station at 
" Junkselon." 

In the "Account of the Trade of Metchlepatam " by Christopher 
Hatton, at the end of the Diary of Streynsham M aster ^ pp. 337 — 339, 
we find that the native ships carried on a trade between Masulipatam 
and Junk-Ceylon, "Arrivmg first in the yeare 1657 at which time 
I found this place [Masulipatam] in a very flourishing condition 
20 Sayle of ships of good burden belonging to the Natives Inhabitans 
here constantly imployed on Voyages to Arracan, Pegu, Tenassery, 
Juncceloan, Queda, Mallaca, Johore, Atcheen, Moca, Persia and the 
Maldiva Islands..." 

3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Coco. 

* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Plantain. See p. 73, where the writer 
describes a " Plantan tree " as " beinge a Very liquorish thinge 
naturally." Compare Dampier, vol. i. pp. 311 — 316, "The Plantain 
I take to be the King of all Fruit, not except the Coco it self The 
Tree that bears this Fruit is about 3 foot, or 3 foot and an half round, 
and about 10 or 12 foot high... When the Tree is full grown, the leaves 
are 7 or 8 foot long, and a foot and half broad... the Fruit... is so 
excellent that the Spaniards give it the preheminence of all other 
Fruit, as most producing to Life... It is of a delicate taste, and melts 
in ones mouth like Marmalet..." 

^ i.e. sends out the town-crier. For "gunge" see note on p. 196. 



246 JANSELONE 

Piscashed^ with 6 pieces of fine Callicoes or Chint^ each of 
them, and the Shabandar of Banquala with 3 pieces Idem. 

The most Proper and beneficiall Commodities which 
are for this place be blew Callicoes, vizt. Longecloth' or 
Sallampores*, Cambayas* of 8 Covets* longe Checkered 
with blew and white with red Striped heads and borders'. 
Fine and course Chint of very Small flowrs, Sugar, Cushin 
Carpets ^ Sope, Iron, Steele, knives, Scissars, &c. But 
20 bailes of Chint and Callicoes is Enough for J a yeare 
for the whole country. What else wee bringe hither are 
Ryalls of 8* which wee alsoe trucke for tinne, att the rate 
of 28 dollars per baharre ready moneys, and 40 upon 
trucke for our Goods^^ 

Provisions here are not very Plenty, beinge not over 
well Stocked with Cattle nor fowle, but Coconuts and fish 
they have in abundance" ; also they have an Excellent 
Sort of rice here, but Scarcely Enough to Subsist with the 



^ i.e. presented. See note on p. 157. ^ See note on p. 71. 

3 See note on p. 55. * See note on p. 56. 

^ T. B. in his Malay Diet, has " Cayin gaja, Long-cloth, a sort of 
Callico." See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Comboy. Compare the following 
in a letter from Fort St George to Masulipatam {Factory Records^ 
Fort St George, No. 16), "Wee shall provide a considerable pro- 
portion of the Cargo ordered... vizt... Salempores...Camboye9 as many 
as we can." N, and E, p. 16 for 8th April, 1680, has "about 20 peeces 
of Cambayas." 

• See note on p. 218. ^ See note on p. 230. 

8 See note on p. 240. ^ Dollars. See note on p. 114. 

10 These rates do not tally with those quoted on p. 241. If the 
"putta small was 3^. English," then at ^s. the Spanish dollar (Ryall 
of 8) the bahar = 60 dollars. But the author paid 28 dollars in cash = i \d, 
for the putta or 40 dollars in kind = 2d. for the putta. However, 
Milburn, Oriental Commerce, vol. ii. p. 291, says that the tin in his 
day sold at Junk-Ceylon at "from 12 to 16 Spanish dollars per pecul.*' 
Three pecul (pikul, picul)=one bahar: therefore at 36 dollars the 
bahar the price was 2\d. the putta, and at 48 dollars the bahar it was 
^d. the putta. Wilson's table makes the price ^d. the putta. For an 
examination of Malay bullion weights, see Ind. Ant. vol. xxvii. p. 37 ff. 

" Compare De la Loub^re, p. 35, "The Sea affords them [the 
Siamese] very delicate small Oysters, very excellent small Turtles, 
Lobsters of all sizes, and admirable Fish, the sorts of which are 
unknown to us." 



JANSELONE 247 

whole yeare. Yet rice from the Coast^ or Bengala will not 
Sell Very well here by reason 'tis not soe fine and good as 
theire owne is, yett butter* and Oyle from Gingalee or 
Bengala turneth to a great accompt. 

It is a Very Mountaneous and Woody Countrey^ not 
one tenth part of it made Use of more then by the Wild 
Elephants and Tygers. The best, and indeed all the fruite 
this countrey affordeth is Coconutt^ Plantan*, Sam cau*, 
and Betelee Areca*, Save the wild Calabashes' &c. that 

* ue, the Coromandel Coast. 

* Compare De la Loubkre, p. 37, "Butter does hardly take any 
Consistence there [Siam] by reason of the Heat ; and that which is 
brought from Suratt and Bengale, through Climates so extremely hot, 
is very bad, and almost melted in arriving there." 

3 Crawfurd, Embassy to Siam, p. 9, thus describes the Western 
side of Junk-Ceylon, "The aspect of the country presents a perfect 
succession of hills or mountains, apparently so close upon each other, 
that there can be little room for extensive valleys capable of affording 
room for profitable cultivation. The whole appeared covered with an 
immense forest, and not a single habitation or a single patch of culture 
was discernible." 

* See notes on p. 245. 

^ This fruit appears to be the large orange, known as the pommelo 
or shaddock. T. B., however, in the " Achin " section has a separate 
description of the " Pumple Moose." Yet, in his Malay Diet, he makes 
the fruits identical, for he has, "Samaca, a Poomplemous, a fruit in 
India." Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense, vol. li. p. 97, says that 
" Jamboa," a term equivalent to the Portuguese " Samboa," was used 
by the Malays for the " Pomplemoes." T. B.'s " Sam cau " may be a 
variation of "Samboa." Compare De la Loubhre, p. 23, "Amongst 
the sweet Oranges the best have the Peel very green and rough ; they 
[the Siamese] call them Soum-keou or Crystal Oranges.... They give 
of these Soum-keou to their sick." Bowring, Siam, vol. ii. p. 255, has, 
^'' Som, orange; Som-kiou-wang, small orange." Dampier, vol. ii. 
p. 23, in describing the oranges of Tonquin, says, ^^Cam in the Ton- 
quinese Language signifies an Orange.... The Cam-chain is a large 
Orange of a yellowish colour.. .the inside is yellow like Amber.. .they 
are not denied to such as have Fevers and other sick people." In the 
Premier Livre de Vhistoire de la Navigation aux Indes Orientates, par 
les Hollandois, 1609, in a description of Java (1595), fol. 38, we have: 
"En lava est un fruit, qu'ils nomment Samaca, grand comme un 
Citron, de couleur tirant sur le verd rougeastre, de goust aigre et plein 
de jus, ayans dedas des grains noirs : les feuilles assez semblables a 
celles de citron mais un petit plus rondes : il a un goust aimable : on 
le confit en sucre, et on I'use comme les Tamarindes contre toute 
inflammation et fi^vres chaudes." 

*^ See note on p. 30. 

^ Pumpkins. The word is not in Hobson-Jobson, 



248 JANSELONE 

grow in the Woods, an Excellent food for the Wild 
Monkeys, but noe fruit soe plenty here as the Plantan 
and Samcau whose figure here follow [Plate XIV.]. The 
Samcau is not a whit pleasant to the tast Unlesse it be 
boy led in fish or flesh broth or else Stewed ^ 

There are Severall wild Elephants^ in the Woods here, 
but more Especially Tygers. Once when I was up att 
Luppoone, Severall of the Natives went out (by Order of 
the Radja), and Set a trapp for a Tyger that often resorted 
to a place where the Radja's goats were kept, which are 
not very plenty here. However they tooke one of the 
Smallest and place[d] him for a baite to Trapan the 
Tiger, and caught him alive by the leggs, which done 
they Seized fast his mouth as alsoe his paws, and brought 
him to the Radja's house. He Sent for me to looke Upon 
him, and although I thought the Sight of a Tyger noe 
novelty to me (that had Seene soe many), yet this proved 
one, by reason of his colour which was cole black ^ and 
although his body was but of an Ordinary Size, much lesse 
then Some I have Seen in Bengala, yet his teeth and claws 
were the largest that ever I saw, which caused mee to 
looke much upon them, and the Radja perceiveinge that, 
ordered one of his Soldiers to knock out the teeth and 
claws, and gave them to me, which I thankfully received 
and as a great raritie. 

The Woods that adjoyne to the Sea and the Rivers are 
Extraordinary full of wild monkeys, some of them of a 
very large Stature and have huge great teeth. Where any 

^. This description of the "Sam cau" does not tally with that oiDe la 
Loub^re given above (note 5 on p. 247). It is possible that the writer is 
confusing the water-melon with a fruit of the orange kind. Crawfurd, 
Malay Diet., has " Samangka (J). The water-melon, Citrullus edulis.^^ 

2 In Forrest's time the wild elephants had disappeared. He says, 
Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago, p. 32, " They have a good many 
elephants [at Junk-Ceylon] which they get from Mergui ; none wild, 
no horses.' 

3 The animal referred to was probably a black panther. 



JANSELONE 249 

wild fruit doth grow, they will be as thick as Ever they 
can Stand Upon the bowes, and I have Often Seen them 
att low water Swimme from the brinke of the River over 
to 2 or 3 banks of Oysters and Mussles that come adry 
att three quarters Ebbe, and theire (sic) breake the said 
Shell fish and eat them, and pick out the fish of Some 
dead ones. And once I saw a very pretty passadge 
amongst them. One of these active creatures, pickinge 
at Every thinge he thought Eatable, put his hand into a 
pretty large Oyster that gaped, thinkinge to pull out the 
fish, but the Oyster closed and held him fast, and growinge 
to many Others he cold not dragge them away. Where- 
upon I Sent our Small boat and fetched him on board, soe 
that he now paid for his pickinge. 

Upon this Island (in many places) grow abundance of 
Bamboos, Especially on the Sides of the hills for above 
2 or 3 miles in Circuit, and grow mighty thick togeather, 
soe that it is very difficult for one of the Natives to goe 
through them. They are more Serviceable then all the 
Wood in the countrey besides. There be 2 Sorts of 
them, called the hee bamboo and She bamboo^ The 



^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Bamboo. T. B., in his Malay Dicty has 
** Bamboo, is a sort of cane, and also the name of a concave measure, 
used at Atchee on Sumatra." Marshall, Notes and Observations^ P- 25 
(reverse), says, " Here [Gurguttee] many Lottees \lathi^ cudgel, staff J 
or hee Bamboes to be bought great ones 4 for a pice, or 28th part of 
Rupee, but they are not of so good a cast as are at Pattana for they 
will never be red though never so much rubbed with oyle." Compare 
the following in a letter from Hugli to Balasor, 5th Oct. 1674, O. C, 
No. 4015, "The people here say those he bamboos are procureable 
about Rage Maull [Rajmahal]." Compare also De la Loublre^ p. 11, 
" One of their [the Siamese] most eminent Trees is a kind of Reed, 
called in Indian, Mambou^ in Portuguese, Bambou, in Siamese Maipai. 
...This Tree resembles the Poplar, it is strait and tall, and the Leaves 
thereof few, pale and longish. It is hollow, and grows in shoots like 
our Reeds, and its shoots are separated from one another by knots : 
but it has branches and Thorns, which our reeds have not. It grows 
very close, and the same Roots do shoot forth several stems, so that 
nothing is thicker or more difficult to pass than a Forest of Bambou." 
Male and female bamboo are still common terms distinguishing the 
solid and hollow varieties. Watts, Diet, of Economic Products of 



250 JANSELONE 

first hath little or noe hollownesse in him, is very Pon- 
derous and of an Exceedinge Strength. 

The She bamboo of which there are more plenty are 
very hollow and light, but joynted as the Other are. They 
grow to a great length, 20, 30, 40 foot longe, and gradually 
taperinge Upwards. 

Most of theire houses, both here and all this Coast 
over, all [Pare] wholy built with them and Rattans* to 
Seize the pieces togeather. They grow as followeth 
[Plate XIV.]. 

The Dutch for Severall years Untill Anno Domini 
167s did continually keep a Ship of 16 or 20 guns and 
two or 3 Sloops to cruise about this Island. The Ship 
Used to lye at anchor (for the most part) in the Roade of 
Banquala, vizt. on the S. West Side the Island^ and a 
Very Safe Roade almost land locked, and then wold they 
admit noe Ship or Vessell to trade here without thjeire 
leave, by which means they gott this tinne trade wholy 
into theire owne hands ; but by theire too much pre- 
sumption and Encroachinge, as theire Usuall way is in 
every place they doe gett footinge in, they Utterly 
lost it. 

When I was in Janselone, Employed by Mr. William 



India, s.v. Bambuseae, has a long article on the Bamboo. He says, 
P- 373» " The term ' male bamboo ' may be said to be applied to any 
solid bamboo used for spear or lance staves, walking-sticks, &c. ; it is 
more particularly applicable to Dendrocalamus strictus. The stamens 
and pistil being on the plant, it is difficult to see why the term ' male ^ 
should be given to a solid and * female ' to a hollow bamboo, but they 
are expressions in frequent use in India." 

^ See note on p. 74. Mandelslo, p. 107, makes a curious mistake 
about the rattan, under date 1639 • " From their Neighbours they [of 
Patani] fetch timber to build withall, Rottang, that is Cordage of 
Cocoe. 

2 This seems to settle the point that Banquala is the present 
Khelong Bay, for Karon Bay (the Puton of Hamilton) is quite open, 
while the term " land-locked " can correctly be applied to Khelong 
Bay. See p. 239 and note. 



JANSELONE 2$ I 

Jearsey\ an Eminent English Merchant att Fort St. 
Georges, a great prow^ of about 40 tunns in burthen 
had gott in privately and traded for tinne. The Dutch 
perceiveinge her to be neare laden, thought to make prise 



^ William Jearsey was a well-known character of the time, and 
there is a very brief account of him among the biographies in Yule's 
Diary of William Hedges^ vol. ii. p. 199. The MS. records at the 
India Office contain ample material for a whole volume on the doings 
of this worthy during the thirty odd years in which he either served or 
defied the Company. The outlines of the career of this fiery and 
interesting individual are as follows. In 1650 Jearsey sailed on the 
Ruby to Pegu as accountant for the Company. In 1652 he returned 
to Fort St George in a ''Moores Junck." From 1653 to 1655 he was 
Chief at Sirian, the Company's settlement at Pegu. On the withdrawal 
of the Factory, Jearsey remained at Sirian, in defiance of orders, and 
was dismissed the Company's service. Then, till 1662, he was a 
freeman at Masulipatam and Fort St George, and a thorn in the side 
of the Council. In 1662, he was reinstated in the Company's service 
and appointed Chief of Masulipatam, a post which he held for seven 
years. In the interval, he fell foul of Sir Edward Winter chiefly 
because he had backed Foxcroft whom Winter had imprisoned. 
•While Chief at Masulipatam, Jearsey carried on trade in the Ruby^ 
the Adam and Eve, the Consent, the Advice, the Nonsuch, the 
Adventure, the New Shipp, the Diamond and the Martin, one of 
which vessels T. B. must have commanded for him. This extensive 
private trading roused the Company's ire, and in Dec. 1669 Jearsey 
was again dismissed the service, ordered to produce his accounts, 
and to return to England. But, so great was his influence in India 
that, for sixteen years, he openly defied the Directors, whose angry 
remonstrances grew yearly more feeble. At length, realising their 
powerlessness to enforce their commands, they left their servants at 
Fort St George to come to an arrangement with their recalcitrant ex- 
chief. Some of Jearsey's vessels and their cargoes had been seized 
by Mohun, his successor, ostensibly to satisfy the Company's claims, 
and for these he claimed compensation. Eventually, he agreed to 
accept 3000 pagodas, and in October 1686 a formal release was sig^ned, 
and the defiance of all orders from England since 1669 practically 
condoned. Jearsey continued to reside as a freeman in Fort St 
George, occupying his own house in Charles Street. In Sept. 1688 
he lost his wife, a Dutchwoman, who, judging by her conduct while 
at Masulipatam, was as fiery-tempered and as overbearing as her 
husband. In spite of his high-handed behaviour, Jearsey was un- 
doubtedly a favourite at Fort St George, and it was owing to his 
many friends that he was able at last to come out victorious in his 
struggle with the Directors at home. Jearsey never again saw his 
native land, but died at Fort St George in Dec. 1690. Nine years 
later the Company bought his house for a " Beating Godown and 
Granary." 

2 See note on p. 238. T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his 
Malay Diet, says that the " Dutch hav^e a great city near the kingdom 
of Johor called Mallacca to which go many Traders in Praus." 



252 JANSELONE 

of her in time (before they cold Steale out as they came 
in), and, for this purpose, they came up to the towne with 
one Sloop very well fitted, and, by order of theire Chiefe 
Merchant there, Seized the Prow, not for that they came 
in without leave, but as She was an Enemy of theirs, an 
Achiner^ 

The Merchants &c. inhabitants of Banquala did (in 
a Very Civil way) desire the Dutch not to molest any. 
Especially to make prise of them, soe longe as they were 
Under the Radja of Janselone's protection and in theire 
River. But the Dutch Swelled Up with ambition, told 
them plainely that all Roads and Rivers of Janselone were 
theirs, and therefore that Prow and her goods were theire 
lawfull Prize. 

Whereupon the Malay inhabitants, a Very resolute 
people*, stood up for the Achiners', and tooke the Prow 
and her goods by Violence out of the hands of the Dutch, 
and in the broile one of the Dutch men on board the 
Sloope fired off a Musquet and killed two of the Jan- 
seloners, who indeed never had any reall kindnesse for 
the Dutch, and now have a brave Opportunitie to be 
revenged on them, and soe intent they were upon it that 
without any leave or Order from the Radja or any of his 
councell, they gathered att least 200 of them togeather 
and divided them into 3 companies, 100 to Stopp the 
way up to the Radja that they Shold not flee to him for 
Succour, the Other 2 fifties tooke to the Woods, halfe on 
one Side the River and halfe on the Other. And when 
they were come halfe way downe, where the River was Very 
narrow, they cutt downe 20 or 30 very great trees that fell 

^ There was constant friction between the Dutch and the people 
of Achin in Sumatra. 

^ See note on p. 237. 

^ Compare the following in a letter from Achin to Surat, Nov. 1663, 
Factory Records^ Surat, No. 104, " The Dutch being masters of Pirah 
[Perak]... suffering none others to trade there but naturall Acheeners." 



JANSELONE 253 

athwart it, and blocked it Up, soe that not any passadge 
is left for Sloope or boat. The Dutch findinge the way 
into the Countrey too hott for them, betooke themselvs 
to theire Sloop to be gone out into the Roade, but found 
themselves very much mistaken, soe that when they came 
downe to this Stoppadge, they cold neither goe downe 
nor come up againe. Then had they nothing to trust to 
but theire fire arms, which cold not help them very longe, 
for the Malayars overpowred them, and cutt them off 
every man and pulled theire Sloop in pieces, which soe 
Squashed the Dutch Designes over this place that they 
went away with theire Ship and Other Sloope and never 
molested Janselone any more. 

The Dutch were very forward in makeinge theire ad- 
dresses to the Kinge of Syam, yet not Sooner then the 
Radja and councel of Janselone, who indeed had first given 
an ample accompt thereof, which highly incensed the 
Kinge against the Dutch. Insoemuch that he Sent a 
Tarrah^ to the Radja and all Officers whatsoever upon 
the Island of Janselone, which gave a most Severe and 
Strict charge unto them never to come to any compo- 
sition with the Dutch nor Suffer them to Sett footinge 
in any of his Ports on the West side of his Dominions, 
although he wold grant them a free trade (payinge the 
Duties of the Kingdome) in Syam. 

Hee likewise in the generall letter to the Radja &c. 
gave positive Orders that each of the 3 Sea Ports Shold 
build and fitt out to Sea 2 men of warre Prows*, each to 

^ Letters-patent, from the Malay tera^ the royal seal, stamp or 
impression. This word is not in Hobson-Jobson, though it frequently 
occurs in the old records in the sense oi fartndn. Compare the 
following from Factory Records,, Java, No. 6, "The King hath bin 
pleased to graunt us his Tarra or patent of Indulgence that none shall 
buy tinne at Chaya Capampone Tatong and Sumping but onely the 
Company." Letter from Bantam, 4th June, 1676. Compare also the 
following in De la Loub^re^ p. 85, "There is an Officer in every 
Tribunal to read the Tara or Orders from the King to the Governor." 

2 See note on p. 238. 



254 JANSELONE 

carry lO gunns and Pattareros^ and well manned and 
fitted with Small arms. And when they were att Sea they 
Shold keepe two and two togeather, and if they Shold 
meet a Single Dutch Shipp they Shold fight her and give 
noe quarter. If they mett with a fleet they Shold runne 
in and give intelligence for the Countrey to be up in arms, 
and not Suffer any Sloops to come up theire Rivers or any 
of them to land, neither Shold they Observe any flagge of 
truce or have the least converse with them. 

All which Orders if not most Strictly and Speedily put 
in Execution, the Radja and 2 of his chiefest councellours, 
with the 3 Shabandars*, Shold lose theire heads, and theire 
Estates fall to the Kinge. 

I was discoursinge with the Radja when this Tarrah^ 
arrived*, which Startled him and his Councell soe much 
that they immediately Sent the 3 Shabandares and 40 or 
50 Soldiers to presse all Carpenters, and Set them to 
worke and Employed Severall men to bringe in their 
labouringe Elephants* to carry downe the Gunns, fire 



^ Swivel-guns, from Spanish pedrero. On this word Mr Donald 
Ferguson remarks that " though the dictionaries rightly derive it from 
SpsLii. pedrero, lit. a stone-thrower, the English forms seem confused 
with petard,^^ Fryer, p. 108, has " Camels of war with Patereroes on 
their Saddles marched with a Pace laborious to the Guiders," and in 
his " Explanatory Index" he has " Peterraro, a Gun." In Yule, Diary 
of Wm. Hedges, vq\. i. p. 67, we find the following, "nth March, 1683. 
Being got up with Kegaria (Kedgeree) we went on shore in our Boats 
and landed at an old ruined Castle with mud walls and thatched. We 
saw one small Iron Gun mounted and an Iron Pateraro." A ship 
belonging to the King of Siam taken in the river Hugli in Dec. 1687 
contained " Brass Patereroes 7 with 14 chambers, weight 7 cwt, at 
50 rs. per cwt., 350 rs." 

2 See note on p. 242. ^ See note on p. 253. 

* All this is most circumstantial, and argues a good deal of ill- 
feeling against the Dutch. It was about 1674 that the King of Siam 
freed himself from the close toils that the Dutch had wound round 
him and began to treat with the English for trade. Unfortunately, 
no confirmation of T. B.'s story has come to light among the con- 
temporary records. 

^ See note on p. 243, where it is said that only female elephants 
were employed as draught beasts. 



JANSELONE 255 

arms, Shot, powder, thereby to have all things in a 
readinesse, and they had them built and fitted out to Sea 
in a months time. The 2 att Banquala were out before 
I came thence. They were in Figure as here described^ 
[Plate XVIII.]. 

A Few Months afterwards the Kinge of Syam tooke 
it into consideration that an Austere man, one that had 
been bred a Warriour, was a fitter person to Governe this 
Island then the Syamer that now did, and thereupon he 
sent a New Radja (a Mogol* bred and borne) by name 
Mahomud Beake* and his Brother Ishmael Beake* to be 
his Secound. They were both of very comely personage, 
and Endowed with much discretion, but were much mis- 
taken in the Goverment this countrey required, which 
wrought theire owne destruction. 

Anno Domini 1677 I Voyadged once more to Janselone, 
and was kindly Entertained by the New Radja and his 
Brother, but Especially by Some of the Old Shabandars*^ 
and merchants in Banquala. But I found the most 
Eminent men, both Syamers and Malayars, to complaine 
very much and grumble one to another of theire hard 
measure they received from this present Radja and his 
councell, men altogeather of another Nation®, and that 



^ See Ind, Ant, vol. xxx. pp. 160 — 163 for an article on Malay 
boats. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Mogul. An Indian Muhammadan of 
the ruling class. 

3 i.e. Muhammad Beg. * /'.<?. Isma'Il Beg. 

^ See note on p. 242. 

^ Ten years after T. B.'s second visit to Junk-Ceylon, in 1687, the 
French obtained the ascendancy in the island. D'Orl^ans, Voyages^ 
quoted in Provost, Voyages, vol. xii. p. 178, says, "The French in 
Siam... agreed [in 1687]... to put themselves in a position to make the 
Siamese listen to reason... in order to execute the first of these projects, 
they have gone to seize the Isle of Jonsalam, belonging to this King- 
dom." Foumereau, Le Siam ancien, p. 33, says that one of the results 
of the Jesuit missions in 1687-8 was " to obtain for the French per- 
mission to work mines in the Isle of Jongsalang." From De la 
Loubhre^ p. 91, we learn that Brother Ren^ Charbonneau who designed 



256 JANSELONE 

they wold not longe be tyranized Over at Such rates as 
to labour hard in Cuttinge downe the Woods, buildinge 
houses, Under the pretence that they were by Order and 
for the Use of the Kinge of Syam, which were noe Sooner 
built but were given to one Chuljar^ or Other, the Radjas 
favourites. 

And to burne and beat Lime for the buildinge a Stone 
Fort, which things seemed tedious to them, that were not 
allowed soe much as theire Victuals for theire paines, soe 
that they Soon began to Sleight the worke, which vexed 
the Radja soe much that he began to threaten them if soe 
bee soe much worke was not performed in soe many days, 
he wold force theire Wifes to worke alsoe, which was a 
most severe and haynous punishment to the Malayars, 
which are in generall Mahometans. And, againe, the 
hearts of the Syamers in generall were wholy sett against 
this Sort of Goverment, for the Radja had noe Sooner 
Seated himselfe in his place in Janselone, but he imme- 
diately turned out of Office most of the Syamers, both 
Councellours, Secretaries, Shabandares*, Bandarees', &c., 



the wooden fort on the frontier of Pegu " was afterwards three or four 
years Governor of Jonsalam by Commission, and with great appro- 
bation... Mons. Billi, the Master of Mons. de Chaumont's Palace 
succeeded him in the employment of Jonsalam." 

^ Madras Muhammadan. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Choolia. This 
and the quotations on the pages following are remarkable for the 
period, and valuable for the history of the name and for the accuracy 
of the description of this class of adventurous Muhammadans from 
the East Coast of Madras. T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his 
Malay Diet, says that "Achee is frequented by Portugals, Moors, 
Chuleas, Chineses and others." Compare Finlayson, Mission to Siam^ 
p. 13, "A considerable proportipn of the motley group congregated 
on the beach, consisted of Malabar Mahomedans, called Chuliahs, 
who... were readily to be recognized by their manner partaking as 
much of idleness as of expectant curiosity." The Editor, about 1890, 
found the Chuliahs a hard-working but turbulent people in Rangoon. 

2 See note on p. 242. 

3 T. B. in his Malay Diet, has " Bendaree, a Treasurer," and 
" Bandaree, a Pay-master." The word is from the Skr. bandahdra^ a 
treasurer. The Bendahdra was a very high degree of nobility amongst 
the Malays ; the bendahart were the treasury-officers. 



JANSELONE 257 

men of Antient Standinge and choice men of all the 
Countrey, both for Estates and publick good, and very 
well . approved of by the people, and in theire Stead he 
placed Chulyars^ 

Whereupon the Malayars and Syamers rose Up in 
arms with joynt consent, and on a Sudden beset the 
Radja's house and killed him, and with [him] his Brother 
Ishmael, and all his household Save the Women and 
Children, and all the Moors and Chulyars Upon the 
Island Save 2 that made theire Escape to Bangaree^ and 
thence to Queda. There were Servants to Mr. William 
Jearsey^ therefor the more favoured. I judge they killed 
in this insurrection 70 or 75 Moors and Chulyars, none 
resistinge Save the Radja and his Brother, whoe, although 
Surprised in the house, yet killed 6 of the most resolute 
Malayars. For which cause the whole Countrey beinge in 
Such a Confusion, I went away into the Roade and Sailed 
for Queda. 

The Chulyars are a People that range into all 
Kingdoms and Countreys in Asia, and are a Subtle 
and Roguish people of the Mahometan Sect, but not 
very great Observers of many of his laws*. Theire 
Native land is Upon the Southermost parts of the 
Choromandell Coast, vizt. Porto Novo', Pullicherrie*, 

^ See note on p. 256. 

2 A town and estuary on the north-western coast of the Malay 
Peninsula. Horsburgh, £as^ India Directory^ vol. ii. p. 25, ed. 1805, 
says, "In latitude about 8** 53' North, there is an inlet to a lagoon or 
bay, where Bangri a place of some trade, and frequented by the 
coasting vessels is situated." " Bangarie " is marked to the north of 
Junk- Ceylon in the map to chapter xxxv. vol. ii. p. 26 of Alex. 
Hamilton's East Indies, 

3 See note on p. 251. 

* This is the most accurate of all contemporary accounts of these 
people. 

^ See note on p. 82. 

® This is earlier than any quotation in Hobson-Jobson for Pondi- 
cherry, and gives an accurate rendering of the common native form. 
The French established themselves at Pondicherry in 1675, after the 

T. 17 



2S8 JANSELONE 

Negapatam*, &c. They by theire rangeinge much (before 
they content themselves with a place for theire abode), 
doe learne to write and Speake Severall of the Eastern 
languages, whereby they very much delude the people, 
and not a little cheat them. They are likewise a very 
great hinderance to us, for, wherever these rascalls be, 
wee cannot Sell any goods to a Native of the Countrey, 
but they creep in alonge with them, and tell them in 
private what our goods cost upon the Coast, or in Suratt*, 
or Bengala, or elsewhere, which doth many Christians a 
great Prejudice. 

For these and Some Other of theire Villanies, I am 
not at all Sorry for this Massacre, but doe rather wish 
they were Served soe in Bantam', Achin, Queda, Johore*, 
Syam, and many other Places they are crept into. 



recapture of St Thorn ^, under M. Martin. " When the French arrived 
there this place was called Boudoutschery." Prdvost, Histoire des 
Voyages^ vol. xiv. p. i6 «. Compare the following contemporary 
references : " In your way to Porta Nova you are to touch at Pulli- 
chery." Instructions given to Mr Walton, of the Diligence^ 5th Nov. 
1668, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 16. "The Dutch... have 
yet another [ship] which in the last Storme was at Pudicherry a 
little beyond the Violence of it." O. C, No. 3966, 20th May, 1674. 
" Having no conveyance hence [Masulipatam] to Policherry." 12th 
Jan. 1676, Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 28. 

"There is a report that the Dutch have taken Pudycherry from 
the French, as yet no certainety." Letter to MadapoUam, nth Sept 
1678, O.C. No. 4491. 

" Our Peon returning from PoUicherry tells me Mounsr. Deletore 
the French Cheife with three or foure more French men &ca went 12 
dayes past to the great Subidar Hargee Raja to Tirumucote with a 
considerable present, which he could not learn the particulars, but 
that their cheife business was to gett the government of PoUicherry 
Towne which now is under an Avaldar, their Factory is seated near a 
River and some distance from the Sea, to which they have two BuU- 
warks Fortyfied....Some of their black Merchants came here to see 
me of whom I enquired their trade, which they told me, has been and 
is little...." Extract from Elihu Yale's Memoriall^ Dec. 1681, O.C, 
No. 4776. 

^ See note on p. 2. ^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Surat. 

3 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Bantam. 

* A well-known Malay state in the neighbourhood of Singapore. 



QUEDA 259 



QUEDA. 

A Kingdome (soe called) Upon the Malay Coast, the 
Chiefe Roade and River called of the Same from the Chiefe 
towne or Citty thereof \ 

It is the largest and most Navigable River in this 
Kingdome, very large and deep within and upon it's barre 
affordeth water Enough for a Shipp of 250 tunns in 
burthen (Upon a Springe tide) and Navigable att any 
time up to the towne of Queda, which is not lesse then 
60 English miles above the barre thereof*. 

It is now the residence of the King's Son (by the 
Natives stiled Sultan)', but the Old Kinge taketh up his 
residence att Solla*, a very large towne in the very middle 
of his Kingdome, which Kingdome is none of the greatest 
containing in Circuit not more then English miles, and 

not one fourth part inhabited, more then with wild beasts, 



^ See Hobson-Jobsotty s.v. Quedda. Dunn, £as^ Indies Directory^ 
p. 338, says, "About 45 miles S.E. of Junk-Seilon, you find the port 
of Quedah : there is a trade for calin, or tutenague, and elephants' teeth, 
to export to different parts of the Indies." 

2 T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, says, " The 
City of Quedah is two Days going with a Boat up a good River, is 
Moderately peopled, Has a King, and Yields about one Thousand 
Peculs of very good Pepper, and about Five Thousand Peculs of Tin 
Yearly...." Horsburgh, East India Direetory, vol. ii. p. 255, ed. 1855, 
says, " Queda Town in latitude 6° 6' N. stands on both sides of the 
river, which although fronted by a mud fiat, has sufficient depth of 
water within for sloops and brigs to anchor at the Rajah's residence, 
about 10 or 12 miles above the town." 

3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Sultan. The above is a valuable quota- 
tion, as showing that in the Malay States it sometimes meant the 
heir-apparent, "second king," SVy. yuva-rdja^ Pali upa-rdja (corrupted 
by the way into "Upper- Roger" by_old writers on Burma, a term which 
should be in Hobson-Jobson\ the Eng-she-min of Burma, Xh^Jubrdjoi 
Manipur and so on. 

* This place seems to be identical with the town now known as 
Padang Salla, a place about 10 miles inland, situated on the north 
bank of Kedah River, opposite to the present capital, Alos Star. See 
Denny s, Dese. Diet, of Brit. Malaya, s.v. Kedah. 

17 — 2 



26o QUEDA 

neare the Sea very low Swampy ground and full of woods, 
and up in the Countrey Mountaneous*. 

There are Severall men in Office that doe governe here, 
and beare great Sway over the people (Under the Sultan 
or Younge Kinge) even as his Father had that yet liveth, 
but is very antient, and hath given most things of Import- 
ance to his Son, yett hath an Eye over him that he 
behave himselfe well, next to whom are the Leximana*, 
Orongkays' and Shabandars*, as in Achin' Johor* &c. 

^ Compare Sckouten's description of Kedah, vol. ii. p. 135 f., "Six 
and a half degrees further north [than Perak] is the kingdom of Queda, 
which like Perach, was formerly flourishing with regard to trade. But 
the wars which it has waged against the kings of Achin have been very 
prejudicial to it, and, finally it was conquered by that monarchy. The 
soil of these two kingdoms [Perak and Kedah] would be very produc- 
tive, but, as there are a great many woods, wild districts, mountains 
and swamps, where the inhabitants fear to expose themselves to wild 
beasts and to other dangers which threaten them in such spots, those 
who would like to devote themselves to agriculture dare not undertake 
it. J'or this reason, very fertile tracts remain uncultivated." 

Sir John Bowring, who visited Kedah in 1855, found the country 
very similar to what it was in T. B.'s time. Compare the following in 
his Siam, vol. ii. p. 49, "A high range of mountains divides it [Kedah] 
from Songkhla and Patani. It is covered with vast forests, which 
have never been penetrated by man, and which are crowded with wild 
animals, and particularly tigers. The population, which does not 
exceed from 60,000 to 70,000 souls, is principally composed of Malays 
...Quedah has many rivers, of which several are navigable." 

2 See Hobson-Jobsorty s.v, Laximana. The word is usually trans- 
lated by "admiral" in the old books. In the following extracts from 
a letter from Kedah to Surat in Jan. 1674, O, C. No. 3917, the title is 
mistaken for a proper name : " They dare not speak before the king 
for our Debts... for feare of him and Orankay Loximana...they being 
hid and protected by Loximana... thereupon gave order to Loximana 
to deliver them...." 

3 See Hobson-Jobson^ s*v. Orankay. A personage, noble, high 
official among the Malays. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has " Orancaya, 
a rich man, a Lord.'' Compare the following from the contemporary 
records : " The 22d February received a present of Oranges and Fruite 
from the Queen and Govr. of Patanny accompanied with one of the 
chief Oran Cayes." Letter to Siam, 23rd March, 1679, factory 
Records, Siam, No. i. "Being at Sea and finding the grabb very 
deep requested of an Oran Keay Syammer to admit 120 parras on 
board his Mervah." Letter from Siam, i8th Jan. 1682, Factory Records^ 
Java, No. 6. 

* See note on p. 242. 

* See under the "Achin" section of this volume. 

® See Crawfurd, Desc. Diet, of the Indian Islands, s,v, Johor. 



QUEDA 261 

Malay Countries ^ but come nothing nigh to the Splendour, 
State and riches of Achin. 

Yet this Countrey Exceeds for plenty of Provisions, 
and the people in Generall that Serve him on Shore are 
very Submissive to their Superiours*, as indeed very well 
they may, for they have for many years Enjoyed peace 
and quietnesse att home, haveinge one of the most peacable 
Kings that Ever reigned, and the most mercifull one that 
Ever Swayed this Scepter". 

Indeed a great deale too Mercifull to many of his 
people, which hath caused them (not longe agoe) to En- 
croach Upon his prerogative, and goe out upon Piracy and 
bold[l]y come in againe, after many Spoiles and robberies 
committed, and have (Upon theire bare promise never to 
be guilty of the like fact) easily gott theire Pardons, untill 
such time as they began to robbe the English, a Nation 
this Kinge doth highly Esteeme of, and then noe more 



^ This quotation shows that the West side of the Malay Peninsula 
was known as the " Malay Coast," and, later on, it will be shown that 
the term was also applied to the East side of the Peninsula. 

2 Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 119, says of the people of Kedah and the 
adjacent countries that they resemble those of Java, but are neither so 
perfidious nor so sanguinary. 

3 This "old King" must be the one in whose time the English 
made an ineffectual attempt to settle a factory at Kedah. In Nov. 
1668, the factors at Surat wrote to the Court {Factory Records^ Misc. 
No. 2, p. 30), " The Dutch have got several ports and contracted for 
Tynn &c.... There is now left open onely Atcheen on the Coast of 
Sumatra, and a port Called Queda uppon the Maine of Mallacca 
which the Dutch have layen before, and blockt upp these Three 
yeares ; But the King of the place still holds out in expectation of our 
Comminge; that we shall use some means or other, that they may 
heare from us ; And if possible, send thither this yeare ; It is a Hope- 
full port, and the people have so great affection for us, that Uppon 
Assurance we will deale with them, and Supplye them with Commo- 
dityes, they will never suffer the Dutch to have any footing among 
them ; It lying uppon the Mayne, we are Informed by a Merchant that 
is well acquainted with the Countrey, there may be a great Trade driven 
and Very profitable, when once the Inland Merchants shall finde they 
may be yearly furnished with goods proper to them." After much 
correspondence on the subject, a settlement was attempted at Kedah 
in 1669. See note on p. 267 f. for the failure of the scheme and the 
withdrawal of the factory. 



262 QUEDA 

pardons were to be granted Either to theire Ringleaders 
or Common people, if they cold be apprehended. 

But many rogues lye Sculkinge about the Islands of 
Queda and about the River of Old Queda, that commit 
many Villanies and are hard to be taken. I am confident 
Some of them are soe bloody minded, as to murther theire 
owne relations if they cold Surprize them with any con- 
siderable Purchase. 

Anno Domini 1675. A Small Vessell belonginge to 
the English was Sent from Achin hither laden with very 
fine goods, and was mett with the Pyrats commonly called 
Salleeters\ neare to the Roade of Queda. They Sett Upon 
her and killed Samuel Ware* the master and two more of 
his men, and tooke the Vessell, which done, they Sent away 
the Other Seamen in a Prow* bound for Achin and came 
boldly Up to Queda and Sold the goods to Sarajah Cawn*, 
a Chulyar^ and chiefe Shabandar* of Quedah, and rogue 
Enough too. This Rogue by reason he bought them very 
Cheape made noe question how they came by the goods, 
although he Saw English marks and Number upon Each 
particular bailed 



^ See note on p. 237. 

* This was probably the Samuel Ware who was one of the crew of 
the Company's ship Dilligence in 1669. After the entry of payment of 
wages to him {^Marine Records^ Misc. No. 13), there is the note "run 
away." Between 1669 and 1675 he seems to have prospered, and when 
he met his untimely end, was master of his own ship. He may have 
been related to the Richard Ware who went out to India on the Richard 
and Martha in Dec. 1667. This man appears to have held a post at 
Bantam in 1678, and was living as a freeman in Fort St George, and 
"married to a musteez [half-caste]" in 1683. 

3 See note on p. 238. * i.e, Suraj Khan. 

^ See notes on pp. 256 and 257. ® See note on p. 242. 

^ The contemporary records contain no account of the taking of 
this particular vessel, but the following reference to Suraj Khan in 
a letter from Queda to Surat, dated Jan. 1674, O. C. No. 3917, seems 
to show that T. B.'s epithet of "rogue" was not undeserved: "Ser 
Rajah Chawn soone after the departure of the Prowes to Junsalone 
demanded of us 120 Dollars for the Kings Prowes which was only a 



QUEDA 263 

The yeare followinge Mr. James Horner^ (who owned 
most of the goods) voyaged to Queda, where being informed 
of Such transactions, demanded his owne off Sarajah Cawne, 
but got very little or noe Satisfaction, beinge outwitted by 
this Cunninge Chulyar. 



trick of his unknowne to the king to pick some mony out of us, 
he was much troubled that we would not lett him Lade his fresh goods 
on those Prowes though we offered him (if he would goe halves with 
the Company in that Voyage) the goods at a very reasonable rate, but 
he refused and sent some goods privately by Deria whom he corrupted, 
Wee found him all along to hinder us in our business, our men con- 
fessing that they dare not speak before the king for our Debts or on 
other business for feare of him and Orankay Loximana who is the 
greatest Debtor, also he suffered noe other Merchants but himself and 
those by his order to come into our Compound (as we were divers 
times informed) which we found to be true by Experience for those that 
came came by night for feare of him, In this manner he served us al- 
though Wee treated him with all civility Imaginable being so ordered 
by the President." 

^ James Homer was a freeman, who is frequently mentioned in 
the Madras Records from 1677 to 1687. In Jan. 1677, when the 
Company's orders, requiring all freemen not in the Company's service 
to reside at Fort St George, were read at Masulipatam, "James 
Horner freeman " was absent, probably at Kedah, as stated by T. B. 
On the 1 2th March he arrived at Masulipatam from Kedah "with 
Nyne Elephants, haveing been from this Place upwards of three 
Yeares." In May, 1678, he was accused of having, while voyaging 
from "Acheen to Quedah, unduly possessed himself of an estate 
of from 7 to 8000 Pagodas belonging to Peter Van Deelen of Zealand." 
In the same month James Homer applied for the release of his goods 
detained by the Banksall officers. As the Company's " Dubass " was 
ill, Mr Horner "being very ready and skilled in the Indostan language" 
was allowed to go to the Governor with three or four of the Factory 
peons and state his case. He cleared his goods, and on the loth May, 
"Ship 5/. Mary^ Mr. James Homer Commander sailed out of the 
Road [of Masulipatam J bound to Quedah." In May, 1679, Homer 
returned with eleven elephants, and obtained permission to go to 
Golconda to sell them there on giving a bond of 500 pagodas. He 
was permitted to take his wife, on condition that she should be brought 
back to reside in Fort St George before the end of January, 1681. 
While at Golconda, Homer acted in concert with the Company's 
"Braminy Vira Ragavaya." In Nov. 1680 the Council at Fort St 
George sanctioned the payment of 157 Pagodas disbursed at Golconda 
by Mr Horner for procuring the "Nabob's Rucca [note, memorandum] 
to Lingpapa." In Jan. 1681 Homer returned to Masulipatam, and in 
Sept. "Saild in a Sloop of his own for Tenasseree." In 1687 Horner 
was at Porto Novo, whence he wrote desiring a pass for his ship. 
Four years later, we find a petition to the Council at Calcutta from a 
Mrs Homer, probably James Homer's widow, praying "to be invested 
in possession of a house to which she is heir as next akin." 



264 QUEDA 

Another piece of Villanie was acted soon after the 
former, as followeth. A Portuguees Shipp bound from 
Goa^ to Macau* In China, happened to fall in with this 
Coast a little to the Southward of Queda River, and Sent 
theire boat On Shore to cutt wood for fireinge, and they 
were Surprized by Some Malayars who lay Sculkinge in 
every creeke and corner', whoe tooke these portugueeses 
and carried them to Queda, where by advice of that rogue 
Sarajah Cawn, they were made Slaves on and Sold in the 
markett place, but they did not longe remaine in Slavery 
before they tooke a fitt Opportunitie to make their Escape 
in a Prow well fitted*. They tooke her in the night and 
ranne away to Malacca', a Dutch Garrison Upon the South 
Side of this Coast, all of them togeather Save a Very 
handsome and well favoured boy of about 1 1 years of age, 
whoe for his good countenance the Kinge kept in his 
Pallace att Solla*, yett Soon afterwards Upon the request 
of Mr. Alexander Ogilby, an English Merchant', the Kinge 



^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Goa. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v, Macao. T. B. is careful not to confuse 
the then famous but now forgotten Macao on the Pegu River with the 
Chinese port of the same name. 

3 See p. 237 and note. See also Dampiery vol. ii. p. 128, for a 
description of the " Malayars." 

* I have been unable to find any confirmation of this story. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Malacca. 

^ See note on p. 259. 

^ The first mention of Alexander Ogilby or Ogilvy is in 1670, when 
he was sent on a trading voyage to Mocha by the Surat Council. In 
1 67 1, in a letter from Bombay to Surat {Factory Records, Surat, 
No. 105) under date ist Jan., we find the remark, "Mr. Ogilvy not 
being bred a soldier is very unwilling to carry a Muskett and soe hath 
petitioned to goe up to Surat, he is a discreet young man, soe we 
cannot but recommend him." In 1678 "Alexander Ogleby" was a 
freeman residing at Bombay. In 1679 he was at Fort St George, 
where he was a witness to the attestation of Derick Onderhill con- 
cerning the murder of John Smith on the Good Hope. In 1680 
Alexander "Oglevie" and Isabella "Oglevie" are named in the list 
of "freemen" at Bombay. The name is also spelt "Oyglesby" in 
O. C. No. 4687. 



QUEDA 265 

gave him to him freely, and after a true relation how basely 
the Portugals had been Used by the people of Queda, 
Sarajah Cawne and Some Others received a Sharpe Checke 
from the Good Old Kinged 

Whoe is accompted by all Christian people (that come 
or ever did since he began to reigne, to trade in Queda) the 
honestest and most courteous Kinge that all the Kingdoms 
of Asia Enjoyeth, besides he is well contented with what 
God hath been pleased to give him, not a whit covetous, 
Especially abhorringe any thinge acquired by Oppression 
or any Unlawfull means, soe that his Subjects are most 
happy in Such a Prince, and have the disposeinge of theire 
owne Estates as Seemeth them best, a thinge not customary 
in Easteme Monarchies and Kingdoms*. 

Hee hath always been a great peacemaker amonge the 



^ The Company's servants had not so high an opinion of "the 
Good Old Kinge." His control over Suraj Khan was very slight, 
if we may judge from the following taken from O, C, No. 3917, extracts 
of which have been already quoted in notes on pp. 260 and 262 : 
" The Tindall and i Lascar that came from Surat for the sloope Died 
soone after their arrivall from Junsalone, and here being the Tindall 
and 6 Lascars that ran from the George, upon some differance with the 
Master, wee with some trouble at last got them to saile in the sloope, 
and paid them 4 months wages beforehand, so that if they have bin 
with you for mony they abuse us, wee could not get them in 4 months 
time during the stay of the ship to goe in the ship, they being hid and 
protected by Loximana and Ser Raja Cawne, being by them promised 
great rewards if they would stay with them and goe in their prowes. 
The Master at his taking leave of the King demanded his men. The 
King promised that if he would pardon and not beate them he should 
have them, provided he would give it under his hand, and thereupon 
gave order to Loximana to deliver them, but they not coming he was 
forced to saile without them, although wee used our uttermost en- 
deavours for them to saile on said shipp." 

2 T. B. is evidently sincere in his admiration of the " old Kinge " 
from whom he doubtless met with courteous treatment. The con- 
temporary records contain no details about this monarch, but the few 
allusions to him imply that he was good-natured but weak. Alex. 
Hamilton says of the King of Kedah in his time, probably T. B.'s 
"younge Kinge," that he "shews no Marks of Grandeur, besides 
arbitrary governing... is poor, proud, and beggarly" {East Indies, 
vol. ii. p. 73), but Hamilton was perhaps only speaking in his usual 
ill-natured manner. 



266 QUEDA 

Neighbouringe Kings Vizt. Pattany* and Johore', and hath 
reigned in peace not lesse then 60 years, beinge now old 
and full of days, past all manner of Publicke Negotiation, 
but Serveth for a most Excellent and WonderfuU Coun- 
cellour to his Son the younge Kinge, aged now about 
20 years. 

This Kingdome hath lived Under a happy Goverment 
in peace many years with all Nations Save the Hollander, 
whoe have warre with Queda (through theire owne Seekinge), 
whoe wold not be satisfied in that they Encroached all or 
most of the Tinne trade into theire owne hand, but wold 
domineere over the best of his Subjects, and not onely Soe 
but wold, as of late years they intended to have done in 
Janselone, vizt. hinder all Others from tradeinge into his 
Kingdome, and lay claime to the River of Queda, which 
ambition of theirs threw them out this Country, as I believe 
it will out of Some Others in a very few years^ 



^ Patani is the Malay state which bounds Kedah on the East. In 
1 67 1 the English factors at Kedah wrote to Surat, "Warrs between 
the Queen of Patana and the king of Singora continue still " {^Factory 
Records^ Surat, No. 105). The King of "Pattany" mentioned in the 
text probably succeeded this queen. 

2 See note on p. 258. T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his 
Malay Diet, has, " Kings of the Malayo country are those of Quedah, 
Johor, Patanee and many more." In O. C No. 3917, quoted in note 
on p. 265, we find, " Here offers little news [at Kedah in Jan. 1674], 
the Jambys have plundered and burnt Jehore, drove the Kmg up into 
the woods, taken Mr. Lock and given his ship to the Dutch, and 
carry ed him as a slave in Irons into their Country [East Coast of 
Sumatra]." 

3 It was owing to the encroachments of the Dutch that the King 
of Kedah encouraged the English to trade with his country in 1669. 
Writing from Kedah in Nov. 1670 {Factory Records^ Surat, No. 105), 
Messrs Davis and Portman remark, " The Dutch hath blocked up this 
port." The Dutch vigorously opposed the English in Kedah, and, in 
1673, took their ship George on her return voyage to Surat, and carried 
her to Ceylon. In O. C, No. 3917, Jan. 1674, we read, "In January 
came before the Barr 3 Dutch ships and 20 Syam Prowes, the Report 
here was that the Syamers came to fight with the Kin^ (he oweing 
them 3 years tribute) and that the Dutch came to their assistance, 
great preparations were here made against them, but the Syamers and 
I Dutch ship soone left the Barr, and the 2 Dutch ships that remayne 
much hindred the trade of this Place in not suffering any Prowes to 



QUEDA 267 

The English Nation is here highly in Esteeme, both 
with the Old and younge Kinge and most of [the] Men in 
Office, and very civily dealt with by most of the Com- 
monalty resident in Queda towne, the place of greatest 
Commerce in the Kingdome^ 



goe out or come in, The Merchants here had the greatest part of their 
goods remayning on their hands, so that wee were very much dis- 
heartned in seeing our goods lye on our hands without expecting any 
Vent for them and expecting more goods in 4 months time, for all the 
time that they lay here wee scarce sold one piece of goods which 
made us to Examine Our Sloope, and finding that she might be made 
Capable to voyage downe this Coast without doubling, we with the 
help of the Carpenters and Caulkers of Mr. Garretts ship... with some 
trouble and charge, fitted her for her intended Voyage to Perack, 
Joshua Burroughs was to goe upon her to Endeavour the sale of the 
Companys goods. There was laden on her for their account 109 tale, 
she Fell into the hands of the Dutch aboute the Rivers mouth, we not 
dreaming of warrs with them, Joshua Burroughs comeing downe the 
River in a smale prow heareing timely news, with nought but the 
Clothes on his back escaped their hands, but they carryed away 
Charles Gold and Jos. Cocke who were then aboard but not intended 
for the Voyage, at the same time also (being aboute the middle 
of February) they carryed away a smale shipe and sloope of Mr. 
Garretts." 

^ T. B. gives an optimistic view of English trade at Kedah. The 
contemporary records, however, tell a different tale. As stated in 
note on p. 261 a settlement was attempted in 1669, and Mr George 
Davies was appointed to be the Company's agent there. The follow- 
ing are extracts from his commission, dated 25th April, in Surat, O. C. 
No. 3267 : " Wee shall proceed to acquaint you what further wee can 
learne of the place, and their manner of Commerce for having not yet 
had any dealings with them, we are constrained to take the greatest 
part upon trust... their manner of Dealing it Seemes is altogether in 
trucke for Tynn which is the only Commodity, for wee cannot heare of 
a Second... Wee have had great encouradgment to enter upon this 
Voyage, as well for the profitablenesse thereof as in regard they doe 
very much covett a trade with our nation in hopes whereof (wee are 
tould) they utterly disowne to have any trade or Commerce with the 
Hollanders who to bring them under Subjection, blockt up their Port 
with their shipping for some years together till they were wearied out, 
besides there is the Port of Pelock [? Perak] upon the same Continent 
that affoards good Quantities of Tynn and other Commodityes, which 
wee are advised would be brought thither if they had assurance 
of yearly Barter in Lieu of it, and lastly there is a great Citty some 
dayes Journey up in the Countrey from whence alone will resort 
Merchants that as we now apprehend it, there wants only a Constant 
concourse of Shipping for the supply of their wants." Mr Davies was 
empowered, if he found it necessary, to remain at Kedah until he had 
investigated "the whole trade that if it be worth the while we may 
appropriate it wholy to the Company." A provision of goods amount- 
ing to between twenty and thirty thousand rupees was made for Kedah 



268 QUEDA 

on the Charles^ and Mr John Portman was appointed to serve under 
Davies. In Sept. 1669 the following unfavourable report was written 
to Surat, O. C No. 3346, " Wee found here [Kedah] no howse of the 
Company s but an old Warehouse built by Meange [Mianji, a title] 
which wee propt up the best wee could and housed there the Com- 
pany's Goods." The factors themselves lodged with an old Armenian 
m whose charge Meange had left "the Companys Ground." The 
letter went on to say that it was not worth while to build a house, 
"this Trade drawing to an end and not worth our Residence here... 
We visited the Orankay Puglah Lemah Bunder... his pride would not 
permitt him to take much notice of us but wee understood from him 
that wee should enjoy the same priviledges as those before us." 

On receipt of this discouraging report, the Surat Council wrote to 
the Court excusing themselves for having undertaken a commercial 
voyage to Achin and Kedah. They stated that they had no idea at 
the time how greatly the Dutch had obstructed the trade in those 
parts. The Charles returned to Surat in Feb. 1670, "much Deffective 
and Leaky." It was then decided to send the George to Kedah to 
recover debts, and, if necessary, to bring back the factors from that 
place. It was left to Mr Davies to judge of the advisability of con- 
tinuing the factory. On the 17th Nov. \t^o {Factory Records^ Surat, 
No. 105) Messrs Davies and Portman wrote, "A small quantity of 
Cloth yearly will supply the Markett [of Kedah] and doth not admit 
of two sellers... the rivers are in several places soe shoale and winding 
that the shipps cannot goe up... The old king hath sent a Piscash to 
Mahmud Alle... which we desire may goe Freight free." In Feb. 167 1 
Davies wrote again from Kedah {Factory Records^ Surat, No. 105), 
"We suppose the king hath made you very large promises in his 
last... however we think it Convenient... that you wouLd desire him to 
make some absolute agreement with us ratifying it with his Chop." 

By this time the Surat Council had realized that the Kedah settle- 
ment was a failure, and they decided to recall Davies, " the business 
bein^ small, and Mr. John Portman ordered to remayne Cheife and 
Mr. Charles Ward second, and that the Factors be like wise Ordered 
to sell off all the Companys Goods at Price Current." Davies was 
blamed for keeping the goods at Kedah " in hopes of better marketts," 
though the Council admitted, " Wee beleive he doth it out of a good 
intention." The "other Merchants Sold their goodes there to reason- 
able proffitt," as probably T. B. did in 1677. On the 7th Nov. 1671 
the Surat Council wrote to the Court (O. C. No. 3574), "Since the 
Georges departure Wee have received no news from Quedah, Wee 
hope she will bring us full returns of your estate there together with 
Mr. Davies whome wee have recalled, and then wee Shall not ad- 
venture any more goodes thither without further order from you.'* 
But things had gone from bad to worse. In F'eb. 1672 they wrote 
from Surat, O. C. No. 3624, "Your Shipp George arrived to Swally 
hole the 29th past from Quedah being two thirds laden with freight 
goods which yet will make no inconsiderable Freight, though pot 
neare what She made last yeare, but as to your owne estate wee have 
no accompt as yet, nor doe wee heare of any goodes laden for your 
account, more then 14 Piggs of Tynn, nor doe wee know certainly what 
goodes are Sould, or what remayning ; for Wee have no gennerall from 
your Factors, the reason of this neglect and evill State of your affaires 
there is caused by the unhappy deaths of Mr. George Davies and 
Mr. John Portman... Mr. George Davies... sometime before his death 



QUEDA 269 

he had totally lost his memory being Insensible, and uncapable of any 
business, caused by drinking of Strong Arrack as tis Supposed." As 
the Council at Surat could get no information of the state of things at 
Kedah beyond the fact that " the greatest Parte " of the Company's 
"g^oodes was consumed by the Worme by meanes of Mr. Davies 
willfull breach of order," they decided to send Mr Francis Capell on 
the George to Kedah in April, 1672, to take "an exact account of what 
goods are Sold, and Sell off what are remayning." Francis Capell was 
accompanied by Joshua Burroughs. These unfortunate factors reached 
Kedah to find the whole Malay coast in a disturbed state. Dutch 
ships blocked the ports, and they could do nothing but send piteous 
appeals to Surat for help. On the 2nd Sept. 1673 the Council wrote 
{Ij. C. No. 3844), "Wee have herewith sent a letter to the King of 
Quedah, desireing his Protection of you during your stay in his Port, 
Hee cannot expect that wee can send a Person with it, in such tymes 
as these, when wee are not assured that our Letters will come safe to 
you or the Provisions wee send you, but wee have given caution to the 
Persons who carry them, who have promised their care... Wee pray 
God keepe you in that temper of Spiritt, that you may not be discouraged 
by your state there since it is not in our power to bring you thence, 
you will beare it the more patiently especially remembring you are not 
so unhappy as many others that are fallen into the Enemies hands att 
Batavia and Mallacca." 

On the 1st Jan. 1674 Capell and Burroughs sent a long and detailed 
account of their misfortunes to the Council at Surat. The letter is 
entitled "Quedda General to Suratt," O. C. No. 3917, parts of which 
have already been quoted. The following are the most interesting 
paragraphs : " Wee have received yours of the 22nd Aprill and 2nd 
September by the Jounck Selimony with those provitions sent on her for 
our refreshments which are very welcome to us. Now these goe by a 
King ship bound for Porta Nova which will bring you but sad tidings 
of this our unfortunate Factory, It hath pleased God to take from us 
all that the Dutch had left by a suddain fire on the 20 May last, all 
that we had both in our hbuse and warehouses, wee saveing nothing, 
but some few goods pulled out of the fire in the Companys warehouse, 
which were after sold for 2 tale 12 mace, 6 bahar of tinne in the ware- 
house and a small scrittore wherein was Copie of the Georges account 
freight and 5 tale loj Mace in mony. The fire was so fierce and 
vehement that wee saved nothing else Escaping only in our Shirts and 
drawers, and Blessed be God that wee Escaped with our lives for had 
wee bin in our beds (as wee were goeing to repose when wee found 
it) little less then a Miracle would have saved us, which sad accident 
happened either by Rogues without the house or by the carelessness 
of a boy with a Candle within, wee had a sad warning aboute 2 months 
before by a dismall fire which in less then 2 houres consumed down to 
the ground one halfe the Towne being all one side of the Buzar The 
houses here being made of Huttops (which are no more then leaves of 
trees) do take like tinder in the dry times. For Prevention in the like 
accident to us as also of Rogues at such time wee thought fit to make 
a strong Pagar about the Town, but at the time of the fire it was not 
quite finished... By her (the Georges) miscarring and the miscarrage of 
Mr. Garretts smale ship that parted hence in February last, you were 
deprived of our advises, though they were of little concernment for wee 
could not sell but a very few goods by reason of the great quantities 
of fresh goods brought on freight, so that these Merchants would not 



270 QUEDA 

look upon our old goods... At our first arrival and delivering our Letters 
to the king wee complained to him of the great quantityes of our goods 
that had bin here so long unsold, and craved his assistance in the 
disposall of them in Barter for Tinn, according to his Phirmaund at 
2 tale per Bahar. His answer was that he was sorry to hear it, and 
that it was none of his fault but our owne, our bringing of Merchants 
was the cause that wee did not find that quick sale for our goods as we 
expected, and that if we did not bring them, they could not come here 
and that if we ourselves brought merchants that would give more than 
2 tale per Bahar how could we expect otherwise but that wee must 
give the like. 

" At our Examining the warehouse we found the goods lye in sad 
Condition and in a most confused manner, Great quantityes Damaged 
rotten and without papers, wee made sortings before a just account 
could be taken, and according to the Ballance of Mr. Da vies his bookes 
(which wee here ballanced) wee found many wanting of which Charles 
Ward gave us no other account but that they were throwne into the 
River in Mr. Davies his time, and that he never received any account 
and therefore could not give any. 

" Our Endeavours were not wanting in the promoting the sale 
of them, for finding no vent for them here, we (by the advice of several 
Merchants) thought fit to transport them, and accordingly (by the help 
of the King who lent us a Prow), sent to the Valine of 2600 Rupees on 
2 Prowes by Charles Ward to Junsalone (it being his own desire) and 
also our great desire to send something home on our Honble. Masters 
account. The Voyage did not prove soe successful as was expected 
occationed by his long passage, by reason of foule weather by which 
the goods received Damage which at the best were in a bad condition 
so that he could not dispose of them all but left the goods in the hands 
of one Deria a Chulia of this place... soone after Deria arrived here 
with a small parcell of Tinn, but brought no other account then that 
he had left most of the goods unsold in the hands of one Musa...from 
whom since we have received no other account but that the Dutch 
have binn there, and plundered the house of all both Tinn and goods 
that we left. ..Soone after the... departure of the Dutch wee went to the 
King and entreated him to take of all the goods, and to help us with 
prowes to carry us to Achen hopeing that there wee might finde a 
passage for Surat, for that as long as these warrs held we could not 
expect a ship here for that we did not conceive ourselves safe here for 
that they might as well take us out of our house, as take our sloope 
out of his River, his answer was that now we had warrs we could not 
safely goe, neither could he answer it, for if any ill or mischeif befell 
us the Company would lay the blame on him, and that our stay here 
should be safe, pretending much Love to us, that he would rather 
suffer his Country to be distroyed, and Die himself then deliver us to 
the Dutch, or suffer them to take us... The greatest part [of the Com- 
panys estate] is still abroad in debts about which wee have no smale 
trouble, wee have oft moved to the King that wee may have allowance 
for the non-payment; and oft received denyalls but still persisting 
in our demands he at last promised that wee should receive our tinne 
at the rate of 3 tale per Bahar... but when wee shall receive it is 
uncertaine for in this Country is neither Justice nor equity; they 
receiving piscashes of both parties, but nothing effected save many 
fair words and promises... Our living here longer upon dead Charge 
will soone cleare that little the Company has left, so that there must 



QUEDA 271 

The Priviledges allowed to the English Merchants here 
are very considerable and Sociable, as well to one as 
another Company or noe Company. When the Companie's 
Shipp arriveth from Suratt, as generally there doth one 
every yeare (if not more), the Cape Merchant^ when he 
Cometh Up to towne visiteth the Orong-kay*, who kindly 
welcometh him on Shore, and prepareth Some of the 
King's boats, and goeth alonge with him in Person to 
Solla^ (the place of the Old Kings residence). Most part 

be some course taken for our remo vail... Wee doe hope and almost 
Impatiently wait for your answer and orders by returne of this ship, 
our stay here is most uncomfortable we two being the only Christians 
in this Country, and we by the fire are deprived of all our English 
books, so that should it please God to send sickness we are as well 
destitute of Phisick for soule as body... wee doe not keep more 
servants then are mearly necessary, this Country being dangerous by 
reason of theives wee are forced to keep a watch in the night, 
God in mercie grant us a happy and honourable Peace... we in the 
meane time relying upon God for our Comfort in this comfortless 
Country...." 

Before the receipt of the above letter from Capell and Burroughs 
the Council at Surat had written to Kedah in April, 1674 {Factory 
Records^ Surat, No. 87, p. 148), telling their unfortunate servants that 
there was no immediate hope of procuring their departure, and inform- 
ing them that Charles Ward, who was taken on the George by the 
Dutch, had returned to Surat. At the end of June the Kedah letter 
of Jan. reached Surat. On the 21st Sept. the Council wrote, " Wee 
hope you may be imbarqued on Mirza Mozums Jounck, haveing 
received from Malacca the good newes of an Honourable peace with 
the Dutch... Wee have here inclosed sent you a letter to deliver to 
the king of Quedah to permitt your departure, letting him know our 
just resentments for the many obstructions you have there mett with 
in your business, occatioped by his Ministers Ser Rajah Chaun 
and others." Another year, however, elapsed before the ill-starred 
factory at Kedah was finally abandoned. In 1683 the question 
of settling "a small factory at Cudda or Jehore" was debated by 
the Court, but in 1686 the Directors finally decided against the 
project, "Wee will have no Factory settled for us at Pegu, nor 
at Quedah nor any of those little places where we cannot bring our 
great Ships." 

1 i.e, supercargo. Compare the following in "Instructions given by 
the Court," dated 9th Oct. 1663, O. C. No. 2994, "We are resolved to 
send a Cape Merchant to voyage on every ship from hence forward, 
who shall bee accomptable to us for all transactions during the time of 
the voyage." Mr Matthew Gray went "Cape Merchant" on the 
Nugdy^ and Mr George Davies " Cape Merchant " on the Charles to 
Kedah and Achin in 1669. 

2 See note on p. 260. ^ Sgg ^Q^e q^ p 259. 



272 QUEDA 

of the way they goe by water, and then mount the Elephants 
prepared for them, and goe Straightway to pay their respects 
to the Kinge, who after a most welcome manner doth give 
them Entertainment. The English Merchant presenteth 
him with a piscash^ not Valueinge lesse then 50 pound 
Sterlinge, in gold baftos*, silks, &c. The Kinge in Person 
doth receive them and feasteth them very Nobly and 
Royally accordinge to the Custome of Queda, and never 
faileth to returne the full Value of what he received in 
Agala wood'. 

When the Said Merchant cometh downe to Queda, he 
Piscasheth^ the younge Kinge alsoe with almost soe much 
in Value as he did the Old one, and he faileth not to follow 
his Father's rules in the way of retalHation, the which 
transported to Suratt yields more advance then any Such 
quantities of goods Sold here to the Merchants. 

If any Ship or Vessell come from the Coast of Choro- 
mandell or Bengala, as yearly there doth one if not more*, 
they follow the Same beforementioned rules, for by longe 
Usinge they are become an absolute Custome not to be 



^ See note on p. 157. 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Bafta. See Ind, Ant vol. xxix. p. 337. 
" Blew Baftas, Broad Baftas and Gold Baftas " were much in request 
in England in T. B.'s time. Murray, Oxford English Diet, has, "Baft. 
A kind of coarse and cheap (generally cotton) fabric, originally of 
oriental manufacture, but now made in Great Britain for export, 
especially to Africa." 

3 This is the Aquilaria Agallocha, commonly known as Calambac, 
Aloe-wood or Eagle-wood. See Watts, Economic Products of India, 
vol. i. p. 279. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Agila-wood or Lignum- 
aloes." Compare Dampier, vol. ii. p. 8, "The merchants of China 
do... fetch from thence (Cochin China) Lignum Aloes, and Aguala 
Wood, which is much esteemed for its rare scent." See also Ind. Ant, 
vol. xxviii. p. 196 and vol. xxix. p. 335. 

* These ships were private trading vessels, such as those com- 
manded by T. B. for William Jearsey or on his own account. John 
Bugden, Clement Jordan and John Smith made voyages to Kedah 
between 1676 and 1680. In these trading voyages goods for the 
Company, as well as separate consignments for the factors, were 
usually carried. 



QUEDA 273 

Violated ; and they have the retalliation put to theire choice 
whether Agala^ or Elephants, soe that if theire Ships be of 
any considerable burthen they choose Elephants, which 
Annimal if they conduct safe to the Other Side yieldeth 
abundance of Profit*. 

Here are Elephants more Plenty and Sold at much 
cheaper rates then in any Countrey or Kingdome besides. 
One of 5 cubits and an halfe is a very Siseable and a 
Merchandable Elephant, and such are Sold here for 200 
pieces of 8' which transported to Metchlipatam or Bengala 
will yield 3000. It is very rare to gett leave to transport 
an Elephant that Exceedeth in Stature 6 Cubits (vizt. 
9 English feet.)* 

Many Strange Passages I have heard and read of Con- 
cerninge this Creature, which are for the most part horrid 
Romances (vizt.) That they if [they] ly downe cannot rise 
againe, and of the ways of ketchinge alive and tameinge 
these Monstrous Annimals, and of theire goeinge to warre 



^ See note on p. 272. 

2 Alex. Hamilton visited Kedah in 1694 and in his East Indies y 
vol. ii. p. 73 f. gives a very different account of the country, its govern- 
ment and methods of trade: "The King... never fails of visiting 
stranger Merchants at their coming to his Port, and then, according 
to Custom, he must have a Present. When the Stranger returns the 
Visit, or has any Business with him, he must make him a Present, 
otherwise he thinks due Respect is not paid to him, and in Return of 
these Presents his Majesty will honour the Stranger with a Seat near 
his sacred Person, and will chew a little Betel, and put it out of his 
royal Mouth on a little gold Saucer, and sends it by his Pa^^e to the 
Stranger, who must take it with all Signs of Humility and Satisfaction, 
and chew it after him, and it is very dangerous to refuse the royal 
Morsel." Hamilton adds, after his usual ill-natured manner, an un- 
savoury scandal about the "young king," reflecting on the close 
intermarriage common among the Royal families of most Further 
Indian nations. 

3 i.e. Spanish dollars. See note on p. 1 14. 

* Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. T^^ "Quedah...Its 
Product is... Elephants, and Elephants Teeth." Crawfurd, Desc. Diet, 
of the Indian Islands^ says s,v. Queda, "The name, correctly written 
Kadah... signifies in Malay *an elephant trap.'.. .Among its wild animals, 
the elephant is very numerous, and is used as a beast of burthen — even 
bred, and occasionally exported to the Coromandel coast." 

T. 18 



274 QUEDA 

with towers and Gunns mounted upon their backs\ with 
many other Fictions that I can make bold to gainesay, for 
they doe ly downe when they ingender, the Female upon 
her back and the Other Upon her, as alsoe att many other 
times, and doe rise with a great deale of Ease, and as for 
the ways in takeinge them alive and Civilizeinge them, they 
are thus. 

The tamed Elephants goe into the woods (where the 
Wild ones resort) and feigne themselvs as mad as they, 
and by that means they delude them into a very Stronge 
pound or fence made for the Same purpose, and when 
5 or 6 tame Elephants have gotten one or two wild ones 
in, they fall upon them and beat them severely, untill the 
Keepers come and put theire leggs in the Stocks, by which 
means, and having the tame Elephants by them, and good 
Store of victuals, as plantrees', younge bamboos^ and the 
like, they alsoe in the Space of 30 or 40 days become 
tame, but they never ingender after they are once tamed*. 

And as for theire way of fightinge in an army, ['it] is 
neither with towers nor guns*, yet those trained Up for 
warre will by theire Valour doe very great Execution. 
They fight with very great Ec^ernesse and couradge, theire 



^ T. B. had evidently never seen a war elephant. See Dampier^ 
vol. ii. p. 73. Compare De la Loublre^ p. 92, "They [the Siamese] 
very much rely upon the Elephants in Combats, though this Animal 
for want of Bit and Bridle, cannot be securely governed, and he 
frequently returns upon his own Masters when he is wounded. More- 
over he so exceedmgly dreads the fire, that he is never almost 
accustomed thereto. Yet they exercise them to carry, and to see 
fired from their back little pieces about three foot long, and about 
a pound of Ball." 

2 The contemporary form of plane-tree, the plantain or banana. 
This is a valuable quotation. 

3 See note on p. 249. 

* Compare De la Lotiblre^ p. 44 f , for a somewhat different method 
of entrapping wild elephants. See also Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 33 f., for 
the method of catching elephants in Ceylon. Elephants do occasionally 
breed in captivity. 

* See note i above. 



QUEDA 275 

onely weapon is a Chaine of 18 or 20 foot longe, made fast 
to one of theire foremost leggs, the which they Coyle up 
like a rope upon theire tronke, and when they come neare 
the Enemy, Flinge out the Said Chaine with Such Violence, 
that they knock downe and bruise to pieces all they reach 
both horse and man, and Some times disorder theire 
adversaries army very much. 

The Stocks they put them into to civilize them are 
very Substantiall ones, as indeed they ought to be ; they 
afe noe lesse then very greats (stc) trees, with holes that 
are cutt throught the bodies of them fitt for theire leggs to 
runne into, and then they drive in wedges, and Seizeinge 
goe from one legge to another. 

The tallest and best Sett Elephant that ever I beheld 
was in Janselone, and I never saw any come neare his 
height by 6 inches at least, and be proportionable Every 
way as he was. His height was 14 English feet, and was, 
Soone after I saw him, Sente to the Kinge of Syam as a 
present very rare and most highly Esteemed of \ 

The Kinge of Queda is Tributary to him of Syam^, 
although the tribute he payeth be but inconsiderable in it 
Selfe, beinge noe more then annually a gold flowre^ not 



^ See Balfour, Cyc/. 0/ India, s.v. Elephant, for a long article on the 
subject. Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 62, "The most remark- 
able things about it [the palace at Achin] are two or three Elephants 
kept for State, these they get from Pegu or Quedah, where are 
abundance of them, 1 have seen fifty in one Garden at Madrass, 
brought thence in a Season, valued from 200 to 800 Pagodas each." 

2 When Schouten visited the Malay Peninsula in 1663, Kedah was 
subject to the King of Achin, "A portion of the Malay countries is 
under the dominion of the King of Siam...But the Kingdoms of Pera 
and of Queda are subject to the King of Achin." Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 125. 

^ Compare the following from Journal ou Suite du Voyage de Siam, 
p. 289, " The Kings of Camboge, of G^or, of Patani, of Queda, and of 
Jambi, are tributaries to the King of Siam, and pay him every year a 
bouquet of gold flowers." Mandelslo, p. loiB, speaks of similar tribute 
paid at Patani, "Not many years since there reigned a Queen [at 
Patani], that sent him [the King of Siam] no more then once a year a 
Flower of Gold, and some Silk-Stuffes and Scarlet." Compare also 
De la Loub^re, Siam, p. 82, " For Tribute she [the Queen of Patani] 
sends to the King of Siam every three Years two small Trees, the one 

18—2 



276 QUEDA 

Exceedinge 20 pieces of 8^ in Value, yet he must Send it 
him or incurre his displeasure; the like all the Kings Upon 
the Malay Coast must doe. This good Old Kinge is 
timerous that the Syam Kinge Shold Send an army to 
invade his land, more Especially Anno Domini 1677, meerly 
through flyinge news thereof, he with his Son and all his 
household, accompanied with most Eminent men in the 
Kingdome, fledd up to the Mountains and left Queda, 
Solla, and many other places destitute of inhabitants, for 
Some time, untill a Tarra' came from Syam with letters 
and a Gold Cappe for a present to him, after a friendly but 
Monarchiall manner, bidding him live, poore Slave, and 
Enjoy his Countrey in peace. As indeed I believe he may, 
for any prejudice the Kinge of Syam^ purposeth to doe 
him or his people, haveinge a warre of greater consequence 
in hand, namely with the Kinge of Pegu*. 

This Countrey Affordeth considerable quantities of 
Pepper^ which indeed is admirable good, and not without 
desert accompted the best in India* or the South Seas^ 
being very Sound and Stronge and very cleane and largely 
corned. There is not any that groweth Upon the maine 
land of this Kingdome, but Upon an Island about 30 or 

of Gold, the other of Silver." Crawfurd, who visited Kedah in 1822, 
says {Embassy to Siam^ p. 29) that, " by immemorial usage, the King 
of Queda sends to Siam...a triennial token of submission, in the form 
of a little tree of gold." For gold and silver trees as tribute see Ind, 
Ant, vol. XXV. p. 289. These "trees" were really incidental to the 
process of castmg metals in natural sand moulds for coinage. 

1 See note on p. 114. ^ See note on p. 253. 

8 This was Phrai Narai, i656--i6$8, the ally of Louis XIV. of France. 

* This war was probably the occasion of building the "wooden 
fort" mentioned by De la Loub^re. See note on p. 278. 

^ Bowring, Siam^ vol. ii. p. 49, f. n., says, " Camoens speaks of 
Quedah as the principal district for the production of pepper." 
Mandelslo, p. 112, says, "The places which produce most of it 
[pepper] are...Quida." T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his 
Malay Diet, has, "Quedah... yields about one Thousand Peculs of 
very good Pepper... Yearly." 

• Mandelsloy however, says, p. 112, "The Pepper of Sumatra s 
without doubt the best in the Indies." 

^ See note on p. 188. 



QUEDA 277 

40 English miles in circuit, called Pullo Ladda, vizt. Pepper 
Island. Pullo in the Malay tongue Signifieth Island and 
Ladda pepper\ It is 8 leags to the NW. of Queda River's 
mouth. Black and white Pepper groweth as followeth. 
[Plate XV.] 

They have Longe Pepper* in great quantities that 
groweth Upon the Maine, but it is noe great commoditie 
to be transported to the Coast or Bengala, by reason 
Bengala Supplieth all that Countrey with Plenty Enough 
thereof, and better then this they have here. They put 
it to little or no Use, onely for theire Elephants to 
Eat. They accompt it hearty and good for them, and 
doe frequently give them thereof to Eat. It groweth as 
followeth. [Plate XV.] 

Theire buildings in this Generall are but of a very 
meane Sort built of Bamboos' and Rattans*, and Stand for 
the most part Upon Stilts of wood, because of the great 
riseinge of the waters in time of the raines*, which happen 
for the most part in the Months October and November. 

^ T. B. in his Malay Diet has, ^^Pooloo^ an island, Lada^ pepper." 
Wilkinson, Malay Dict.^ gives " Pulau^ An isolated patch of anything, 
an island. Lada^ A generic name applied to pepper." 

In a letter to Surat, dated i6th Nov. 1670 {Factory Records^ Surat, 
No. 105), the factors at Kedah wrote, " Send 5 or 6 more [men] to goe 
to Pullo Ladda or Purles, which are places belonging to this King [of 
Kedah], where Tinn and pepper may be bought at cheaper rates then 
here." 

Of the Laddas, Horsburgh, East Indies Directory^ vol. ii. ed. 1805, 
p. 148, says '*The Laddas... are high rugged Islands, of barren aspect. 
Capt. Forrest calls the large central Island Pullo Ladda, which generally 
bears the name Lancava; and to the Westernmost large Island com- 
monly called Pulo Ladda he gives the name of Lancaway." 

Pepper is no longer grown in any quantity in these Islands. 

2 Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Is,, has, s,v. Pepper (Long), "This 
is the chabe of the Javanese, and the lada panjang of the Malays.. ..This 
commodity is probably a native of Java." 

3 See note on p. 249. 

* See notes on pp. 74 and 250. Compare T.B.'s remark in the 
Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, " Here [Kedah] is also Ratans, 
Damar...and a few Elephants Teeth." 

* Compare the description of Siamese houses by De la Loub^re, 
Siam, p. 29, "Their Houses are small, but surrounded with pretty 



278 QUEDA 

They have but very few garrisons in this Kingdome. 
I never Saw more then two wooden Forts of 12 or 14 guns 
each^ They are built neare the River Side some 10 miles 
above the barre. 

They have Severall Sorts of very good Fruit in the 
Countrey, vizt. Limes, Lemons, Duryans^, Mangoes^ and 



large Grounds. Hurdles of cleft Bambou, oftentimes not close com- 
pacted, do make the Floors, Walls and Roofs thereof. The Piles, on 
which they are erected to avoid the Inundation, are Bambous as thick 
as one's Leg, and about 13 Foot above the Ground, by reason that the 
Waters do sometimes rise as much as that. There never is more than 
four or six, on which they do lay other Bambous across instead of 
Beams. The Stairs are a Ladder of Bambou, which hangs on the 
outside like the Ladder of a Windmill. And by reason that their 
Stables are also in the Air, they have Climbers made of Hurdles by 
which the Cattle enter therein." 

1 De la Loublre^ P- 9i> explains the lack of fortresses in Siam, an 
explanation which probably also applied to the dependency of Kedah, 
"The Kingdom of Siam being very strong by its impenetrable Woods, 
and by the great number of Channels, wherewith it is interspersed, 
and in fine by the annual Inundation of six Months, the Siameses 
would not hitherto have places well fortified for fear of losing them, 
and not being able to retake them ; and this is the reason they gave 
me thereof. The Castles they have would hardly sustain the first 
shock of our Soldiers ; and though they be small and ugly, because 
they would have them such, yet is it necessary to employ the skill of 
the Europeans to delineate them. 'Tis some years since the King of 
Siam designing to make a wooden Fort on the Frontier of Pegu, had 
no abler a person to whom he could entrust the care thereof, than to 
one named Brother Ren^ Charbonneau." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Uurian. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, 
^^ Dooreun^ a Prickly fruit in India." See Mandelslo^ p. 120, for a long 
description of this fruit. Compare the quaint account by Schouten'^ 
vol. ii. p. 358, "The Dutch give the name of Stinkert, or Stinker, to 
the Durion, which is a fruit with an odour closely resembling roasted 
onion, or rotten garlic, so that it does not attract those who have 
never tasted it, but when they happen to eat it, they are greatly 
astonished to find it so good. When it is ripe it is generally about the 
size of the head of an eight year old child. The skin is very thick, and 
furnished with sharp spines ; and as this skin, or rather bark, is easily 
separated, they are usually opened with the feet. Inside are found 
four or five cavities, separated by skins, which are filled with a pulp, 
soft, delicate, and of excellent flavour. They have three kernels as big 
as chestnuts. They are so good that one cannot help eating them to 
repletion. They are considered very wholesome, especially for people 
of a cold and moist temperament." 

See also Watts, Diet, of Economic Products of Indiay s.v. Durio. 

3 See note on p. 48. 



QUEDA 279 

Pines^ of which last they have in great abundance, more 
then in any Other Countrey that Ever I was in. The 
Figure of the Pine Apple as followeth. [Plate xvi.] 

All Sorts of Provisions are here in Plenty Enough, 
vizt. Cocks and henns, Cows, buffoloes, wild hogge, and 
very great plenty of fish (Especially neare the Sea), but 
noe ducks or geese to be had, nor Swines flesh tamed alive, 
by reason they are all of the Mahometan Faith'*. Rice 
they have in great plenty*, and as I said before, much fish 
caught neare the barre and there Sold for little or nothinge. 
Here followeth the Shapes of Some Strange fishes I have 
Seen caught here in Queda. [Plate XVI.] 

The Maine Land of this Kingdome in Generall with 
the Adjacent Isles are very woody* ; and [on] the maine 
is very plenty of Wild beasts, vizt. Elephants, Tygers, 
Bufifolos, and Monkeys. I have been by Severall informed 
that there are Lions here alsoe, but I never Saw any of them. 

The Buffolo'' is here both wild and tame. The wild 

^ T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, ^^ Ananas, a Pine- Apple." See 
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Pine Apple and Ananas. 

2 Compare Mandelslo, p. 108, "The Inhabitants breed no Swine, 
[at Patani], but the Forrests are so full of wild ones, that they are 
forc'd to hunt them to prevent the destruction of their Rice ; which 
being taken, they bury them in the ground, as being Mahumetans, and 
eat none themselves, nor suffer others." 

3 Forrest, Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago, p. 25, gives a similar 
account of the products of Kedah in 1783, "At Queda there is great 
plenty of rice, bullocks, buffaloes, and poultry ; but not such abundance 
of fruit and vegetables as at Acheen... Queda is a fiat country, favour- 
able for the cultivation of rice." 

* Compare Crawfurd, Embassy to Siam, p. 28, "The character of 
this territory [Kedah] in general is that of being extremely woody, 
marshy, and mountainous... In the range of hills in the interior, there 
are many mountains of a great height." 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Buffalo. Compare Fryer's amusing de- 
scription of this animal, p. 118: "A Buffola is of a Dun colour, and 
are all as big as their largest Oxen ; they love to wallow in the Mire 
like an Hog; there are of them wild, which are very Fierce and 
Mischievous, Trampling a Man to Death, or Moiling him to Pieces 
it^ith their Foreheads ; their Horns are carelessly turned with Knobs 
around, being usually so ordered, or rather disordered (for they retain 
no certain Form) that they lie too much over their Heads to do any 
harm with them. Their Flesh is reckon'd Hotter and Courser than 



28o QUEDA 

ones are very furious and of great Strength. I have heard 
Some very Credible men in this countrey averre that many 
times they have Seen a Wild buffolo to Encounter with a 
Very large Tiger and worst him. The Buffolo is not much 
Unlike to a Cow or Bull, but are of Stature larger, and 
for want of haire and haveinge Such a Wild looke and 
great Stareinge horns he Seemeth much more deformed. 
[Plate xvill.] There be abundance of tame ones in most 
places of India and South Seas, and the Malayars doe 
often kill and Eat them, but they are grosse meat and 
very hot. 

This Kingdome in it Selfe affordeth noe Gold or Silver 
or any minerall Save tinned yet Gold is here indifferent 
plenty^ soe that most Merchants that buy our goods doe 
pay us in very good Coyne. Most or all of it is brought 
from Pattanie', a Kingdome that is near neighbour to this 
lyinge on the East Side of this great Neck of Land called 
the Malay Coast*. 

The Coyne is good gold and in Small pieces and are 
called Copans*, 3 of which Value one Royall of 8* or 
4s. 6d. English. 



Beef, which is the most common Sustinence of the Moors, as their 
Milk and boiled Butter is of the Gentues." 

Of the buffalo, Crawfurd, Embassy to Siam^ p. 432, remarks, "The 
Siamese Buffalo in all respects resembles the same animal as it exists 
among the Eastern Islands, and unless the Rhinoceros and Hippopot- 
amus be excepted, is, after the Elephant, the largest of all quadrupeds." 

^ See notes on pp. 259 and 267. Compare the following from 
Factory Records^ Hugli, No. 4, under date 3rd June, 1673, "The Dutch 
endeavour to make Ti/i a Drugge" by sendmg home most of what 
they get from "Pera, Jehoar, Kedea." 

2 T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, says, 
"Queda... yields some little gold." 

3 See note on p. 266. * See note on p. 261. 

^ See note on p. 241. See Ind, Ant, vol. xxvii. p. 223 f. and 
vol. xxxi. p. 51 if., where I have gone fully into the history of the word. 
The gold kobang here mentioned, worth about \s, 6^/., was evidently a 
local coin. 

Wilkinson, Malay Diet., has ^^ Kobang (Kedah). A coin of the 
value of 2^ cents. Also gobang. Possibly a variant of kupang,^^ 

^ See note on p. 114. 



QUEDA 281 

4 Copans is one mace\ 
16 mace is one Tailed 
Noe Other Coyned moneys in this Kingdome, Save Small 
Coppar moneys tinned over^ called Tarra*, 96 of which 
make one Copan. 

Theire Weights and measures are the Same with 
them of Aching Onely there they measure by the 

^ See note on p. 115. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Mas, gold" 
and " Mas, a weight for gold used in many parts of India." Compare 
Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 42, "A Quarter of a Mace is called a 
PoUam or Copang, Imaginary." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Tael. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxvii. p. 37 ff. 
T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, " Tial, a weight for gold used in many 
parts of India and China." The word Taile is from the Malay tali, 
which Wilkinson, Malay Diet., gives as " a money value representing 
.about an eighth of a ryal or ancient dollar of 60 cents." 

3 Compare Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 6, "The Money of the King 
of Cheda and Pera. This Money is of Tin, and is coined by the King 
of Cheda and Pera. He coins no other Money than Tin. Some years 
since he found out several Mines, which was a great prejudice to the 
English. For the Hollanders and other Merchants buy it, and vend it 
all over Asia. Formerly the English brought it out of England, and 
furnished great part of Asia, where they consum'd a vast quantity ; they 
•carried it also into all the Territories of the Great Mogul, as also into 
Persia and Arabia; for all their Dishes are of Copper, which they 
cause to be Tinned over every month. Among the meaner sort of 
people, there is little to be seen but this Tin-money, and the Shells 
call'd Cori." 

* This tarra is quite a different coin to that described in Hobson- 
Jobson, s.v. Tara, Tare, which in the 1903 ed. is derived from "Malayal 
tarani, defined in the Madras Gloss, as 'a copper coin, value i^ pies.'" 
Dennys, Dese. Diet, of British Malaya, s.v. Money, gives the deriva- 
tion for the coin mentioned in the text from Malay tera {vide note on 
tarrah on p. 253). He says, p. 241, "The small coins of Kedah are of 
tin. These go under the name of tra, which is, however, only the 
word 'stamp' or 'impression.' Of these, 160 are filed on a filament 
of rattan, of which 8 strings, or 1,280 coins, are considered equivalent 
to a hard dojlar." 

^ There is no special paragraph on coins in the " Achin " section of 
this MS., but in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet. T. B. 
gives an account of the weights and measures of Achin, which is worth 
quoting. He says, "The Weights and Measures of this Place is 
accounted so. 

The Weight is the Bahar Malayo, Pecool, Cattee, Booncal, Miam, 
-which they account so 

16 Miams i Booncal 

20 Booncal i Cattee 

100 Cattee i Pecool 

2 Pecool I Bahar Malayo. 



282 QUEDA 

bamboo^ and here by the Gantange^. One Gantange 
contains Exactly 2 Achin Bamboos. 

This Countrey is noe very great place of trade haveinge 
but little by Sea and much lesse by land'. There are not 
above 4 or 5 Ships and Vessels per annum from Suratt, 
Choromandell and Bengala that Use this Country*, with 
5 or 6 great Prows yearly from Borneo*, and about 30 or 



The Bahar contains of English Averdupoiz weight, 396 1. 1 1 oz. 
00 dw. 14 gr. 

The Booncal contains of Troy weight, i oz. 8 dw. 23 gr. 
The aforesaid is the Malayo weight, but they also use the China 
(Dachin) or Stilliard for great Weights, which is accounted so 
Conderin, Mas, Tial, Cattee, Pecool, Bahar. 
10 Coonderin i Mas 

10 Mas I Tial 

16 Tial I Cattee - 

100 Cattee i Pecool 

3 Pecool I Bahar Malayo. 

The China Pecool contains of English Averdupois weight, 131 I. 
13 oz. 12 dw. 

The Tial contains of Troy weight, i oz. 4 dw. i gr." 
This table compares very well with that given by Dampier^ vol. ii- 
p. 132 for Achin. See also Kelly, Universal Cambist^ p. 97. 

^ T. B. in the account of the weights and measures of Achin quoted 
above, note 5, p. 281, adds, "Rice, Oil, Butter, and some other Mer- 
chandize is sold by a Measure called a Bamboo. 

The Bamboo contains of English Wine Measure 3J Pints. 

The long Measure which is used here, and in all Places of the 
South Seas is the Cubit, which contains Eighteen Inches English." 
The joint of a bamboo was one of the units of Malay and Javanese 
measures. Compare Dumpier, vol. ii. p. 134, "A Mess [mace] will 
buy 14 or 15 Bamboes of it [rice]: whereas when Rice is scarce, you 
will not have above 3 or 4 Bamboes for a Mess. A Bamboe is a small 
seal'd measure, containing, to the best of my remembrance, not much 
above half a Gallon." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Canton. Kelly, Universal Cambist, p. 108, 
says that, at Malacca "The Can tang, rice measure, weighs 61b. Dutch 
troy, or 6^ lb. avoirdupois nearly." Dennys, Desc. Diet, of British 
Malaya, has, s.v, "Can tang. A Malay gallon = 4 chupaks, which are 
now by law 4 Imperial quarts." Wilkinson, Malay Diet, defines Gantang 
thus : "A measure of capacity ; a vessel representing that measure of 
capacity... (7^«/<a:«^ is also a measure of weight for gold equal to one 
bongkal.^^ 

3 See the account of the abortive attempt to settle an English 
Factory at Kedah in note on p. 267. 

* These were, for the most part, private trading vessels. 

^ See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Borneo. The Dutch monopolised the 
trade with Borneo from 1606 till 1669 when they were compelled to 



QUEDA 283 

40 Prows they have that belonge to Queda, that constantly 
trade to Bangaree*, Janselone', and Pera', some few to 
Achin. They carry hence Salt, Tobacco, Pepper, Tamarin* 
and Mannison' (a Sort of honey). As I said before, the 
English are very well beloved here and have very con- 
siderable priviledges allowd to Encourage them to Encrease 
a trade hither*'. The Kinge taketh a mighty care that 
none of us be defrauded here, as for instance, When the 
Merchant (or Commander) declareth he is almost ready to 
Saile, the Kinge giveth positive Order to the Shabandare' 
to See the Gunge* beaten round the citty, with a lowd and 
Severe Proclamation vizt. If any person standeth indebted 
to Such an English Merchant (or any that belonge to him 
or his Ship) any Summe of moneys or goods, let him with 
all Speed repaire into the presence of the Said merchant 
and ballance accompts justly, and with all Speed. 

Otherwise if theire Obstinacie or neglect cause any Com- 



withdraw from the country, chiefly through the intrigues of the English 
who settled a factory in 1704, from which they also were forcibly 
expelled in 1707. See Crawfurd, Desc. Diet, of the Indian Isiands^ s.v. 
Borneo. See also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. ii. p. 144 if. 

^ See note on p. 257. 

2 i.e. Junk-Ceylon. See ante, pp. 235 — 258. 

3 Perak is a Malay State having about 100 miles of coast-line on 
the west of the Malay Peninsula. The Dutch made ineffectual attempts 
from 1650 to 1690 to establish trading stations at Perak. The word 
perak means silver in Malay. Compare the following in a letter from 
the factors at Kedah to Surat under date 17th Nov. 1670 {^Factory 
Records, Surat, No. 105) "Perah the first noted place [after Kedah]... wee 
sailed to this by the river v.. he [the king of Perak] durst not trade with 
us [without the sanction of the Queen of Achin]." 

* See note on -p. 22. Crawfurd, Desc. Diet, of the Indian Is., s.v. 
Tamarin, says "The Malays call the tree and fruit Asdm-fawa, that 
is, the acid of Java." 

^ The Malay word is manisan from manis, sweet. T. B. in his 
Malay Diet, has, ''^Manisan, sweet meats." Crawfurd, Desc, Diet, of 
the Ind. Is. says, s.v. Honey and Wax, " The native name for honey is 
ntanisan-ldbah, 'the sweet of the honey-bee'." 

® The English factors were not of T. B.'s opinion. See note on 
p. 265. 

^ See note on p. 242. ^ See note on p. 196. 



284 QUEDA 

plaint of nonpayment, they, theire Wifes, theire Children, 
and all theire goods and Chatties Shall be Seized Upon, 
and forfeited to the Kinge who will Satisfie the Creditor, 
and make them Ser[v]e in Perpetuall bondage. But it 
Seldome falleth out soe ill to them, for they Observe to be 
rather beforehand, which is the wisest coursed 

This River of Queda is a Very good River, and soe is 
that of Old Queda that lyeth to the Southward of this. 
They are both well replenished with Very good and Excel- 
lent Sorts of fish*, and not a little filled with the deformed 
creatures commonly called Alligators. They resemble a 
Crocodile, and are very ravenous and great devourers of 
mankind, and breed abundantly. They lay theire Eggs in 
the Sand (Even as Turtle doe), and hatch with the heat of 
the Sun. I have often taken of theire Eggs when they 
have been ready to hatch. Alsoe I have Shot Severall 
Alligators of 6, 7, 8, 9 foot longe, and killed them by 
Observinge to hitt them Exactly Under one of the fore 
paws, where it is very Soft, for the back and Sides of them 
are Very like Unto Scales of brasse for theire hardnesse. 
I have often Seen a brace of bullets rebound upon the 
Sides of a large Alligator ^ 

Some of them are Monstrous great Ones, one of which 
beinge taken, I measured him, and he exceeded 22 feet in 
length, and 9 foot round the belly. His teeth and claws^ 



^ The English factors made great complaints of their inability to 
get in their accounts. See note on p. 262. It would seem that the 
author met with special marks of favour at the hands of the King of 
Kedah. Hence his roseate view of the monarch and his kingdom. 
Voluntary slavery in liquidation of debts is an old and widely spread 
Far Eastern custom. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxix. p. 86. 

2 See Dennys, Desc. Diet, of British Malaya^ s.v. Fish, for a long 
list of the various kinds obtained in the rivers and on the coast of the 
Malay Peninsula. 

3 Dennys, Desc. Diet, of British Malaya^ s.v. Alligator, says, "By 
a common error all reptiles of this family are usually termed alligators 
(Spanish el legarto^ the lizard), but the ten species known are all 
American." T. B.'s alligators must therefore have been crocodiles. 



QUEDA 285 

were of a great and admirable length. The fatt of this ill 
looked creature is Esteemed on highly by the best of 
Indian Doctors, who Say it is a most Soveraigne remedy 
for any Old aches or Paines in the bodies of men and 
Women. 

I Opened one that wee took amongst the Fish yards, 
att the mouth of Queda River. He [w]as about 15 foot 
longe, and I laid him and his Taile open in the Sun Upon 
Some deale boards, and Saved what Issued from it by the 
heat of the Sun onely, and had 5 pottles of the Said fatt as 
cleare as Springe water. Here followeth the Forme of one 
of these Deformed Creatures. [Plate XVI.] 



ACHIN. 

The Citty Achin is Upon the North End of the great 
Island Sumatra^ which Extendeth from 05" 40' South 
Lattitude to 05° 40' North Latitude, soe that the Equi- 
noctial! Line divideth this Island into 2 Equall parts^; and 
the Citty Achin is the Metropolitan of the Whole, a very 
pleasant and healthy place, very populous'*, famous as it is 



^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v, Sumatra. Compare Alex. Hamilton, 
East Indies, vol. ii. p. loi, "Sumatra fronts all the Coast of Malaya, 
from Quedah to the Promontory of Johore, and reaches above 15a 
Leagues farther. It is one of the greatest Islands in the world." 

2 This description is another proof of the writer's accuracy. 

' Compare the description by Schouten, who. was at Achin in 
Nov. 1663 (vol. ii. pp. 127 — 132), "The Island [Sumatra] is divided 
into several kingdoms, the most powerful among them being Achin,^ 
on which depend the towns and kingdoms of Pedir, Pacem, Daia, 
Barros, Passaman, Ticou, Priaman, Padang, and even the kingdoms 
of Queda and Perach on the other side of the water.... A Queen was 
Regent while we were in that country. It was said that she wanted to 
marry a Dutchman, but the Governor of Batavia would not consent to 
it.... Their buildings, Pagodas and houses are raised on wooden piles 
and built of light materials.,., The capital city.. .is built in the Indian 
fashion and situated by a pleasant river, in a plain, a league and a half 
from the sea. The air there appears to be better and more temperate 
than it is on the Southern side of the Island." 



286 ACHIN 

the place of residence of theire Virgin Queerie, with all 
her Lords and most of the Nobilitie of the Kingdome, as 
alsoe for theire good laws and goverment, and the great 
Traffick and Commerce from most parts of India, China, 
and South Seas\ 

I Suppose the Citty may be some 15 or 16 miles in 
Circuit, Scituated Upon a very pleasant and fertile Soyle, 
Enjoyinge an Excellent aire, and a very fine river that 
runneth through the Citty that addeth very much to the 
benefit and beuty thereof. Vessels of 60, 70, or 80 tunns 
may come Up to the towne Side 2 or 3 miles within the 
barre, beinge the place where the Customehouse standeth*. 

It hath likewise, a very Excellent Roade or bay in 
which there is roome Enough for many hundreds of Ships 
and in great Safety', where they may ride in 12, 10, 8, 6, 4 



^ In the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Dict,^ T. B. says of 
Achin, "Achee is a large City, and populous for these parts of the 
world. Inhabited by the Natives and many Foreign Merchants as 
English, Portuguese, Moors, Chuleas and others... the Port... is never 
without Ships of English, Danes, Portugals, Moors, Chuleas, Chinesses 
and others. ..all these come in their proper Seasons, with the several sorts 
of Goods of Surat, the Coast, Bangala, China, and many other places.. .." 

2 Compare Mandelslo, p. no, "The City of Achin stands in a wide 
Plain upon the side of a very broad River, but so shallow, that the 
least Boats get in with difficulty. It hath neither Gates nor Walls, the 
Houses all built on piles, and covered with Coco-leaves. The Castle, 
or Palace Royal, stands in the middle of the Town, which on two sides 
hath most excellent pleasant Forrests, well stored with Apes, Hems, 
and all manner of Birds." 

3 T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, says, "The 
City [Achin] stands about two Miles from the Port, which is never 
without Ships... and many Praws, which usually go into the River." 
Compare the description hy Dampier, vol. ii. p. 122 f., of the "Road of 
Achin," ** Besides what belongs to Achin upon the Continent, there are 
also several Islands under its Jurisdiction, most of them uninhabited; 
and these make the Road of Achin.... [They] lye in a semicircular 
form, of about 7 Leagues diameter.... Between Pulo Gomez, and the 
Main are 3 or 4 other small Islands; yet with Channels of a sufficient 
breadth between them, for Ships to pass through ; and they have very 
deep water. All Ships bound from Achin to the Westward, or coming 
from thence to Achm, go in and out thro' one or other of these 
Channels.... There is good riding in all this Semicircular Bay between 
the Islands and Sumatra: but the Road for all Ships that come to 



ACHIN 287 

fathoms depth \ very cleare ground, and almost land 
locked with the head of Sumatra*, Pullo Way', and Pullo 
Gomus*, and 2 or 3 Small Islands and rocks. The land is 
all Mountainous and woody Save where the Citty Standeth, 
more Especially the 2 Islands Way and Gomus, haveinge 
noe low land about them, nor are they inhabited more then 
with Some banished Cripples Sent from the Citty*. 

Many Ships and Vessels doe att all Seasons of the 
yeare arrive in this Port from Severall places, namely 



Achin is near the Sumatra Shore, within all the Islands. There they 
anchor at what distances they please, according to the Monsoons or 
Seasons of the Year." 

^ T. B. resided for some time at Achin {vide Introduction), and had 
ample opportunity of becoming fully acquainted with the capacity of 
Achin Harbour. 

2 Compare Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 112, "Between 
Atcheen Head an high steep Promontory, and the South End of 
Gomus Islands, there are two Chanels to come from the Westward 
into the Road." 

3 Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 122, *' Pulo Way... is the Eastermost 
of a Range of Islands, that lye off the N.W. end of Sumatra. It is 
also the largest of them." Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. iii, 
says, "Pullo-wey, an Island about four Leagues to the North-eastward 
of Atcheen, and there they [banished criminals] cultivate the Ground, 
and breed Poultry for the Use of the Town." There are three islands 
called Pulo Way in the Malay Archipelago. Crawfurd conjectures 
that the name means "Water Island." See his Diet, of the Indian Is.^ 
s.v. Way. 

* Compare Datnfiier, vol. ii. p. 122, "Pulo Gomez is another large 
Island about 20 mile West from Pulo Way, and about 3 Leagues from the 
N.W. point of Sumatra." Compare also the following from "Abstract 
of Captain Atkins Journal," 0,C. No. 4045, " 1 5th April 1675. As soon as 
wee were shott without the Island Polo Gomos, wee mett with a strong 
stream." Horsburgh, East India Directory ^ vol. ii. p. 42, ed. 1805, has 
" Pulo Gomez, where there are regular soundings and good anchoring 
ground, from 10 to 17 fathoms." 

^ These cripples were malefactors, who, according to the laws of 
Achin, had been mutilated for their crimes, and then banished. Com- 
pare Dampier, vol. ii. p. 122, "It [Pulo Way] is inhabited by Male- 
factors, who are banisht thither from Achin." Compare also Lockyer, 
Trade in India^ p. 38, " A Thief detected is punished with the Loss of 
a Member, from a Finger to an Arm, and Banish'd to some of the 
Islands off the Head: Pulo Gomes, and Pulo Wary are the chief 
Receptacles of these unfortunate Wretches, whence they often return 
to the City, and are common in the Streets without Hands or Arms : 
The greatest Badge of Infamy." 



288 ACHIN 

Suratt*, Malabar Coast ^ or Coast of India, Fort St. Georg*s, 
Metchlipatam', Bengala, Pegu, Syam, China, Java Major* 
and Borneo, with infinite Numbers of Prows from the 
Malay Shore and West Coast of this Island Sumatra. 

The Chiefe Commodities brought hither from Suratt 
are Some Sorts of Callicoes", vizt. Baftos white and blew* 
with gold heads and borders. Cotton and Cotton yarne, 
course Paintings^ quilts and Carpets'. 

From the Coast of India and Choromandell are brought 

^ See note on p. 258. Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 122, "And 
because shipping comes hither [Achin] from the Coast of Surrat, one 
of these Channels which is deeper than the rest, is called the Surrat 
Channel." 

* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Malabar. This quotation is very valuable 
as showing the meaning of the term in the 17th century. 

3 i.e. Masulipatam. 

* Compare MandelslOy p. 112, "Java, an Island commonly called 
Java Major, to distinguish it from another less of the same name, which 
lies hard by it, is South-East from the Isle of Sumatra." 

^ See note on p. 5. Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 35, says, "From 
Surat the Moors imploy two large Ships a Year to import the Produce 
of that Country [to Achin]." 

* See note on p. 272. Compare Taverniery vol. i. part ii. pp. 31 
and 137, "In Brampore, as over all the Province, there is made a pro- 
digious quantity of Calicuts very clear and white.... There is another 
sort of Linnen which they never dye, with a stripe or two of Gold or 
Silver quite through the piece, and at each end from the breadth of 
one inch to twelve or fifteen, in some more, in some less, they fix 
a tissue of Gold, Silver, and Silk, intermixed with Flowers, whereof 
there is no wrong-side, both sides being as fair the one as the other.... 
They make at Brampour also other sorts of Cotten-Linnen....The 
Bafta's, or Calicuts pamted red, blue, and black are carried white to 
Agra.. ..All the Cahcuts or Bafta's. ..are of two sorts: for some are 
broad, some are narrow." 

^ See note on p. 106. Compare also Tavernier,vo\. i. part ii. pp. 31, 
33, 132, 133, "There are some ['Calicuts 'J which are painted with 
several colours, with flowers... the same Cahcuts serve for Coverlets of 
Beds... painted Calicuts... are called Chites....The Workmen will make 
these prints upon their Cottons, according to the Patterns which the 
Forreign Merchants give them.. .As for their Calicuts d/d blew or black, 
you must take care that the Workmen do not knock them after they 
are folded, to make them look sleek... It is easy to distinguish between 
the printed and the painted Calicuts." 

^ Compare Tavemier, vol. i. p. 126, "[In] Amadabat... they make 
Carpets of Silk and Gold, others of Silk and Silver, others all of Silk : 
for the Worsted Carpets are made at Vettapour, some twelve leagues 
from Agra." 



ACHIN 289 

hither Rice\ butter and Oyle in Jarrs', Longcloth', Salam- 
pores white and blew*, fine Chint* of Metchlipatam, Striped 
Stuffs*' of Golcondah and Pettipolee, Cushin Carpets^ &c., 
togeather with Some Commodities from England, vizt. 
Scarlet ^ broadcloth, knives, Scissers, &c., most Especially 



good Spanish dollars Stamped 600 . They passe Current 



at 5 masse* per dollar. Some times 5 and J. From Bengala 



1 Compare Dam/ner, vol. ii. p. 134, "The Road [of Achin] is seldom 
without 10 or 15 sail of Ships of several Nations. These bring all 
sort of vendible Commodities, as Silks, Chints, Muzlins, Callicoes, 
Rice, &c., and as to this last, a man would admire to see what great 
quantities of Rice are brought hither by the English, Dutch, Danes 
and Chinese." 

2 See pp. 128 and 132, and note on p. 132. Compare also Dampier^ 
vol. ii. p. 146, " He had at this time about twenty great Jars of Bengal 
Butter, made of Buffaloes Milk ; and this Butter \ghi\ is said also [as 
now] to have Lard or Hogs fat mixt with it, and rank enough in these 
hot Countries, tho much esteemed by all the Achinese, who give 
a good price for it." 

^ See note on p. 55. 

* See note on p. 56. T^ B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Salamporee, 
a sort of Callico made in India." Compare also the following in a 
letter from Fort St George to Masulipatam, dated 17th June, 1669, 
Factory Records^ Fort St George, No. 16, "We shall be able to invest 
all our Stocke...in Long Cloth, Salempores, Morees, Percalls, Batilles." 
See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Salempoory. 

^ See note on p. 71. Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 34, 
"The Commoditys imported [to Achin] are Ophium, Saltpetre, Rice, 
Gee \^ht\ or Buffalos Butter tum'd to Oyl; and all sorts of Cotton 
and Silk Manufactures from Bengali. Tobacco, Onions, Callico and 
Muslin, especially brown and blew long Cloths, and Sallampores, 
with several sorts of Chints for Clouts, and sometimes Gunpowder 
from Madrass." 

^ See note on p. 230. See also note 6 on p. 288. Compare the 
following in a letter from Robt. Freeman at Masulipatam to Richd. 
Edwards at Balasor, i6th March, 1670, O.C. No. 3413, "Pray if possible 
procure me a boy if not a good peice of Silke Striped with Silver." 

^ See note on p. 240. 

^ See note on p. 160. Compare the following in a letter to Masuli- 
patam, 7th Feb. 1672, Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 9, "For the 
fine Scarlett I take notice of your order therein." 

^ See note on p. 115 and compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 132, "Of these 
(Cash), 1 500 make a Mess [mace], which is their other sort of Coin, 
and is a small thin piece of Gold, stampt with Malayan Letters on 
each side. It is in value 15 pence English." 

T. 19 



290 ACHIN 

Rice\ wheat, Oyle, butter, Sugar, Sticklack'*, Cambayas', 
Elaches*, Oromals*, Mulmuls^ Slave boys and Girls, &c. 

From Pegu, Rice, Gans^ Motavan Jarrs^ and very 
Excellent Sticklack. 

From Tanassaree, Janselone, Queda, Pera, &c. on the 
Malay Coast, little Save Tinne*. 

From Syam, Tinne, Coppar^®, China Wares, Rice^®, and 
Screetores" both plaine and lackared", &c. 

The like. Save Tinne, are brought from China, with 



I See note on p. 132. ^ See notes on pp. 122 and 132. 

8 See note on p. 246. 

* A silk cloth, more generally known as AUeja. The term in the 
text represents the vernacular aldcka. 

^ See note on p. 133. Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 43, 
"Ordinary Bengali Romalls of o Pagodas at Madrass [sold at Achin] 
for 5 Tale per Corge of 20 Pieces." 

8 Muslin. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Mulmull. The term "mulled 
muslin" is still in use at the present day in England. Compare the 
following in a letter from Hugli to Balasor, 2nd April, 1678, O.C, 
No. 4387, "As to the price of Mulmull sent down you may if the 
Merchants are very much discontent allow them 5 rs. 14 a. or 
Rups. 6." Compare also the following from Luiller, Voyage au 
Goife de Bengaky quoted in Provost, Histoire des Voyages^ vol. xiii. 
p. 80, "The Company gets from its factory at Ougly various kinds 
of MallesmoUes." 

^ See note on p. 196. Compare De la Loub^re^ p. 14, "Vincent 
le Blanc relates that the Peguins have a mixture of Lead and Copper, 
which he calls sometimes Ganze, and sometimes Ganza." In the MS. 
records this commodity frequently figures as "Gaunts." 

® See note on p. 81. Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 35, 
"Nor are the Mallays [of Achm] themselves wanting in Trade with 
large Proes to Pegu, Quedah, Jahore, and all their own Coasts : 
whence they are plentifully suppl/d with several Necessarys, they 
otherwise must want : As Ivory, Bees- wax, Mortivan and small Jars, 
Pepper, &c." 

^ See note on p. 240. 

^^ Compare the " Report on the Trade of Siam written in 1678 " 
quoted in Anderson's Siam^ Appendix E. p. 424 f., " Wrought Copper, 
being severall Sorts of Potts... are used here and exported to the 
Malayan countreys....This Countrey is the general Granary for the 
adjacent parts equalling if not exceeding any parte of the world in 
abundance of Rice, wherein the neighbouring Malayan Coast is 
yearely supplyed as far as Malaccah..." 

II See note on p, 71. 

12 See Danipier^ vol. ii. p. 61 f. for a description of the method of 
lacquering as employed at Tonquin. 



;.W:^ 



ACHIN 291 

Striped and flowred Silks^ Totanagga^ Gungs', Steelepots 
and Pans. 

From Java Major, Sugar, Sugar Candid*, Rice, Cassia 
Fistula*, &c. 

The Borneo and Macassar^ Prows for the most part 
bringe Slaves^ both men, women and children, some 
Diamonds and Saphir^ The Diamonds of Landock* (upon 
Borneo) are accompted the best in the World^°. 

^ Compare Dampier^ vol. i. p. 409, "They [the Chinese] make very 
fine lacquer-ware also, and good Silks." 

2 See note on p. 199. Compare the following in a letter from Hugli 
to Balasor, 8th July, 1678, O.C, No. 4458, "Your Tootanague have sold 
here att 16 rupees per maund." Other contemporary spellings are 
"Tutanagg" and "Tothanag." Compare also De la Loubhre^ p. 14, 
"This Tin... is soft and basely purified, and a specimen thereof is seen 
in the common Tea boxes or Cannisters, which come from this Country 
[Siam]. But to render it harder and whiter, like that of the finest Tea 
Boxes, they mix it with Cadmia, a sort of Mineral easily reducible to 
powder... And 'tis this white Tin which they call Tontinague." 

3 i.e. gongs. See note on p. 196. 

* Sugar in large very sweet crystals is a common product in India 
and the Far East. 

^ Watts, Diet, of Economic Products of India^ has, s.v. Cassia 
Fistula, vol. ii. p. 218, "The name Cassia Fistula... was first applied to 
a form of cinnamon very similar to the Cassia Lignea of the present 
day, the name Fistula having been given because of the bark being 
rolled up." T. B. may be referring to this tree, rather than to the 
Indian Laburnum or Cassia Fistula of the present day. Compare 
Mandelslo^ p. 109, " Sumatra. ..is wealthy in. ..Cassia, and divers other 
Drugs used in Medicine." 

^ See Hobsofi'fobson^ s.v. Macassar. Compare Tavernier^ vol. i. 
part ii. p. 191, "The Kingdom of Macassar, otherwise call'd the Isle of 
Celebes, begins at the fifteenth degree of Southern Latitude.... The 
Capital City bears the name of the Kingdom, and is situated upon the 
Sea. The Port is free ; for the Vessels that bring great quantities of 
goods from the Adjacent Islands, pay no Customs." 

^ Compare Dumpier^ vol. i. p. 456, " Macasser is not very far from 
hence [Bouton Island], one of the chiefest Towns that the Dutch have 
in those parts. From thence the Dutch come sometimes hither to 
purchase Slaves." 

^ Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 148, in his description of 
Borneo says nothing of sapphires being found there. Of the Borneo 
diamonds he remarks, "They have small Diamonds, but their Waters 
being inclined to be yellow, are not so much in esteem as those of 
Golcondah." 

^ In T. B.'s Malay Diet, there is "A Map of the Countries where 
the Malayo language is spoken." In this map " Landa," in Borneo, is 
marked. Landak is on the western side of Borneo. 

^® See above, note 8. 

19 — 2 



292 ACHIN 

From the West Coast of this Island, Store of very- 
Excellent Benjamin ^ Camphir'*, Brimstone', Pepper*^ 
Rattans', and Dammar', as alsoe very good Bezar Stone''. 



^ ue. Benzoin, incense. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, Benjamin. T. B. 
in his Malay Diet has "Benjamin, a sweet gum in India." Compare 
the following in a "Generall" from Fort St George to the Bay, 7th Oct. 
1669, 0,C, No. 3350, "50 Maunds of Black Benjamin which hath long 
layne in your bookes." Schouten^ vol. ii. p. 129, says, "Barros is also 
on the west coast of Sumatra, a league inland, on a large river, between 
Passaman and Achin. It produces pepper, camphor and benjoin.'* 
Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Is.^ s,v. Benzoin, says, "Styraz Benzoin 
...the plant is the peculiar product of the islands of Sumatra and 
Borneo.'' 

2 Compare Mandelslo^ p. 109, "Sumatra... is wealthy in Diamonds 
and other precious Stones, Silks, Spices, Wax, Honey, Camphire....'* 
Compare also Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 126, "The chief of their Drugs is 
Camphire, of which there are quantities found on this Island [Sumatra], 
but most of it either on the borders of this Kingdom to the Southward, 
or more remote still, without the precincts of it." Lockyer, Trade in 
India^ p. 40, says, "The Camphor this Country [Sumatra] affords, is 
found among the Sindy Islands only." 

^ See Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Islands^ s.v. Sulphur. He says> 
" It is hard to say to what use the natives of the Malay Archipelago 
could have put sulphur, before the introduction of fire-arms, unless to 
the manufacture of fire-works [and medicine]." 

* Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 127, "There are many other profit- 
able Commodities on this Island: but some of them are more peculiar 
to other parts of it than to Achin, especially Pepper." Compare also 
Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. pp. iii — 118, on the "trading 
ports on the West Coast of Sumatra." He says, "Bencolon... their 
trade lay all on their Pepper.... Lampoun...The English had a good 
Pepper Factory there, but... that Factory was lost... in Anno 1683." 

^ See notes on pp. 74 and 250. See also Dampier, vol. ii. p. 167 f., 
for a description of "rattan cables." Rattan cables, ropes and "fenders" 
are still used by the seafaring population round the Bay of Bengal. 

^ See Hobson-fobson^ s.v. Dammer. See also Ind. Ant. vol. xxx. 
P' 337- T. B. in h\s Malay Diet, has, "Damar, a Torch, the Gum of 
a Tree. Damar batoo, unboiled, raw Damar, it is the Gum of a tree 
in India, which being boil'd with Oil, makes Pitch or Tar." Compare 
the following from Faetory Reeords^ Hugli, Nos. 4 and 5, under date 
13th Nov. 1675 ^J^d 17th July, 1680, "No Dammers is yet come to hand 
we are expecting a quantity every day part ware of shall be sent you 
for your use... Those Knee Timbers, planck, Dammer, Iron worke &ca 
shipp stores wee enorder you... to send them upon the Ganges 
or Arrivall.^^ Compare also Dampier^ vol. i. p. 514, "The gum of 
a Tree beaten to powder, called by English D rammer, which is used 
instead of Pitch in many parts of India." 

^ See Hobson-fobson^ s.v. Bezoar. See Ind. Ant. vol. xxvii. p. 336. 
Compare Tavernier, vol. i. part ii. p. 154, "As for the Bezoar which 
breeds in Apes, as some believe, it is so strong, that two grains work 
as effectually as six of Goat's-Bezoar ; but it is very Scarce, as being 



ACHIN 293 

The Dammar of Sumatra is accompted, and I know it 
by Experience to be better then any other in India or 
South Seas^ Wee make all our pitch and Tarre with 
Dammar and Oyle as followeth. 

One third dammar and Oyle, well boyled togeather, 
make very good tarre, but not serviceable for any ropes by 
reason of the Oyle. ' 

Again f Dammar and J Oyle make a very Excellent 
Sort of pitch, not inferiour to the best wee use for our 
Shippinge in England. And indeed wee have noe Other 
Pitch or tarre in any of the Easterne parts of the knowne 
World. 

This Citty is the fairest and most populous of any that 
Ever I saw or heard oP that is inhabited by Malayars* or 
Javas*, but indeed it cometh farre Short for decency and 
buildings and Uniformitie of the meanest Cittie in Arabia, 
Persia, or the maine land of India; but the good Soile, 



only found in those Apes that breed in the Island of Macassar. This 
sort of Bezoar is round, whereas the other is of several fashions... As 
the Apes Bezoar is stronger, and scarcer than the Goats, so it is dearer, 
and more sought after ; a piece as big as a nut being sometimes worth 
a hunder'd Crowns." See also Lockyer, Trade in India^ pp. 49-51. 
Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Islands^ s,v. Bezoar, says that the stones 
are mostly brought from Borneo. 

1 See note on p. 188. In the Dialogues at the end of T. B.'s Malay 
Diet, there is the remark, " Does Achee afford no Commodities for 
Trade? Very little of its own, but it abounds with all sorts of 
Merchandize of India and the South Seas, which is brought 
thither." 

2 See notes on pp. 285 f. Compare also Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 129 f., 
"The City of Achin is the chief in all this Kingdom. It is seated 
on the Banks of a River, near the N.W. end of the Island, and about 
2 miles from the Sea. This Town consists of 7 or 8000 Houses j and 
in it there are always a great many Merchant-strangers, viz. English, 
Dutch, Danes, Portuguese, Chinese, Guzarats, &c. The Houses of 
this City are generally larger than those I saw at Mindanao, and better 
furnished with Houshold Goods. The City has no Walls, nor so much 
as a Uitch about it. It has a greater number of Mosques, generally 
square built, and covered with Pantile, but neither high nor large." 

3 See note on p. 237. 

* The use of this word for the people as well as the country is 
remarkable. 



294 ACHIN 

wholsome Aire*, and plenty of Gold' doth adde very much 
to the goodnesse of the place. Few or none of the Natives 
are poore. I never Saw any begge that had theire lims^ 
though never soe younge or Old. And this great plenty of 
gold causeth many Sorts of food or rayment to Sell here at 
very good rates, for of themselves they will Scarse till the 
ground, although it be Excellent land for Some miles neare 
the Citty and in many other places, Especially for rice*. 

^ Compare Dampier^ vol. li. p. 148 f., "Achin... their weather is 
much the same as in other Countries North of the Line, and their dry 
Seasons, Rains, and Land-floods come much at the same time... I did 
not find the heat there any thing different ffom other places in that 
Latitude ; tho I was there both in the wet and dry Season. 'Tis more 
supportalDle than at Tonquin ; and they have constantly the Refresh- 
ment of Sea and Land Breezes every 24 hours." 

* Compare the Jour7iall of Peter Mundy under date April 1637, 
Relation 23, p. 36, India Office Copy, "Achein. This place lyeth on 
the North-end of the great Island of Sumatra, by the Ancients named 
Triprobana : which by Some is thought to be that Ophir from whence 
King Solomon [had] his Gold Apes and Peacocks." T. B. in the 
Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, says, "All these [foreign 
ships] come... with the several sorts of Goods.. .all which is Sold here 
[Achin] for Rock-Gold which is found in the inlands in great plenty.'* 
Compare the description of the **Gold Mines of Achin" by Dampijer^ 
vol. li. p. 133 f., "This Gold they have from some Mountain a pretty 
way within Land from Achin, but within their Dominions, and rather 
near to the West Coast than the Streights of Malacca...!... was told 
that none but Mahometans were permitted to go to the Mines: That 
it was both troublesom and dangerous to pass the Mountains before 
they came thither... That at the Mines it was so sickly that not half of 
those that went thither did ever return again... I was told also by all 
that I discoursed with about the Gold, that here they dig it out of the 
Ground ; and that sometimes they find pretty large lumps." Lockyer 
and Alex. Hamilton, however, speak only of gold dust at Achin. 
Hamilton says {East Indies, vol. li. p. 108), "Atcheen affords nothing 
of its own product fit for Export, but Gold Dust, which they have 
pretty plentiful, and of the finest Touch of any in those Parts. They 
do not dig for it, but catch it in Gullies, or little rivulets, as it washes 
off the Mountains...." 

^ Compare Dampier, vol. ii. p. 128, "The Natives of this country 
[Achin] are Malayans. They are much the same People with those of 
Queda...and they are of the same Mahometan Religion, and alike in 
their haughty humour and manner of living... They are very lazy, and 
care not to work or take pains." Compare also Lockyer, Trade in 
India, p. 54, "The Natives [of Achin] are Mallayans...They are of 
a middle Stature, proud and lazy, especially the meaner sort, tho' they 
are better set, and of stronger Growth than the Indians of the Coro- 
mandel Coast, of whom here are so many. Slaves to the great Men 
and Merchants... To these the Acheenes owe the greatest part of their 



ACHIN 295 

There are Severall Radjas^ Upon Sumatra that doe 
take Upon them the absolute Title and assume the absolute 
Goverment of Kings, Especially those of Jambee^ An- 
drogeero* and Pryaman*, and pay a much Slenderer homage 
to the Crowne of Achin then formerly they have done*. 

Achin is now and hath a Considerable time been 
Governed by a Queen, ever Since the time that the discreet 
and Pious Kinge James of happy memorie Swayed the 
Sceptre of great Brittaine, France and Ireland^ 



Husbandry in managing their Crops of Paddy, or Rice, which was 
hardly known on this part of the Island, till these were driven hither by 
Famine from Fort St. David, and other Places on the Coromandel Coast." 

^ See notes on pp. 39 and 108. 

2 Jambi is a Malay State on the North-east of Sumatra. Compare 
the account of the place by Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. 
p. 123 f, "From Pullambam there are no Places of Commerce on the 
Coast, till we come to Jambee, which is about 100 English Miles. 
Here formerly the English had a Factory on an Island near its River's 
Mouth, called Barella." 

3 This place is Indragiri to the North-east of Sumatra. T. B. in 
the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, has, "From Barros along 
the S.W. coast and to Lampoon, Palimbam, Jambe, and to Andregeree 
on the N.E. side is many places which produce pepper." On the 
19th Dec. 1660 the Court wrote to Bantam {Letter Book^ No. 2), "Both 
you and wee know that formerly large quantities of pepper hath beene 
procured at Andragera, which place you may now again take into 
consideration, and if you can find a convenient opportunity, make 
a Tryall." On the 25th May, 1664, in an abstract of a letter from 
Jambi, Factory Records^ Misc. No. 3, we find, "They have writt to the 
King of Androgheree [that is, a raja as stated by T.B.] for Engageing 
him for all his pepper to bee Delivered Qualla \i.e. in the estuary or 
port], which they say if could draw Andragheree and PuUimbang 
people to would be of great advantage to the Company.*' Moor, Notices 
of the Indian Archipelago^ p. 98, says, "Indragerie, which means in 
Sanskrit the mountain of Indra, is one of the few Hindu names found 
on the North coast of Sumatra." See also Crawfurd, Diet, of the 
Indian Islattds, s.v. Indragiri. 

* Compare Schouten^ vol. ii. pp. 126 — 128, "The eastern coast of 
the island [of Sumatra] is the most unhealthy ; but Ticou and Priaman 
are more so than all the other places both for natives as well as 
for foreigners... Priaman is fairly well populated, and has no lack of 
provisions. It produces, moreover, a great deal of pepper... it is 
dependent on Achin." 

* That is, than they did in the time of the "Tyrannicall King" 
described in the following paragraphs of the text. 

^ T. B. is in error. There were kings of Achin from 1521 till 1641, 
when the tyrant king died, and a Queen apparently assumed office, 



296 ACHIN 

In soe much that the very name of a Kinge is longe 
since become nautious unto them, first caused through the 
Tyrannicall Goverment of theire last Kinge ; and indeed, 
by the accompt they give of him, he was the cruelest 
Tyrant that many ages afforded\ Some of his Cruelties as 
folio we th. 



first as regent, and afterwards as absolute monarch. Her reign was 
not extraordinarily long, only 28 years, but the idea that female rule in 
Achin had prevailed for many years soon became common belief. 
Dampier^ who was in Achin at the time of T. B.'s residence there (in 
1688), is evidently in doubt as to whether there had ever been a king 
of Achin. He says, vol. ii. p. 143, "I think Mr. Hackluit or Purchas, 
makes mention of a King here in our King James I. time. But at 
least of later Years there has always been a Queen only, and the 
English who reside there, have been of the Opinion that these People 
have been governed by a Queen ab Origine\ and from the antiquity 
of the present constitution, have formed notions, that the Queen of 
Sheba who came to Solomon was the Queen of this Country." 

In the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, T. B. repeats his 
mistake as to the length of time there had been Queens at Achin. 
"The City and Kingdom has for above an Hundred years been 
governed by Queens and Twelve Lords." That there was a king at 
Achin in the reign of James I. is proved by the fact that a "letter from 
the Sultan of Achin to James I. of England dated a.h. 1024 (a.d. 161 2)" 
still exists. There is a copy of this letter in Xhe Journal of the Straits 
Branch R.A,S.^ No. 31, July, 1898, p. 123. Bruce, Annals^ vol. i. 
p. 180, says, "Captain Best carried letters from King James to the 
king of Acheen and formed in 161 5 a treaty with this chief." Capt. 
Lancaster had previously, in 1602, delivered letters from Queen Eliza- 
beth to the King of Achin, though Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. 
p. loi repeats T. B.'s mistake and calls the monarch a Queen. This 
King must be the one described in Voyage pour la Compagnie cT Octroi 
des Indes Orientates^ 1603, p. 527 f., as follows, "With regard to 
political government all the inhabitants [of Achin] are as subject to 
the king as if they were slaves... Justice is very severely administered 
and the punishment of crimes is harsh and terrible ; the Dutch saw 
there a number of persons who had only one foot or one hand... These 
tortures are not confined to the lower classes... for even at the Court 
there was seen the king's son-in-law, son of the young king's mother, 
who, as a punishment, had had his nose, ears, and upper lip cut off. 
The old king no longer leaves his palace on account of his great age." 
De la Loubkre, p. 82, and Fryer, p. 45, w^re both, like T. B., under the 
impression that a Queen was a settled institution in Achin. 

^ Schouten is alluding to this tyrannical monarch when he says, 
vol. ii. p. 131, "They [the people of Achin] respect their King from 
a spirit of servitude and slavery and from servile fear, more than from 
any love they have for him. They have reason to fear him for he 
exercises a very tyrannical power over them, so much so that for very 
slight causes which could not be considered crimes, he has their hands 
and feet cut off. Capital offences are not treated with more humanity. 



ACHIN 297 

Hee, for a Very Small Offence of any Eminent Person 
in the Kingdome, wold cause him or them immediately to 
be apprehended and brought into the Pallace yard, where 
a fire was prepared, and there must hold a Pot of Rice and 
water over the fire Upon theire right hand naked, untill the 
rice were boyled or theire hand burnt off, which wold 
certainly doe in a Short time, and many more inhumane 
cruelties he dayly Offered upon his poor Subjects, and was 
soe cruel that he put to death most of his owne kindred, 
and for many years he delighted in Nothinge but the 
Sheddinge of Innocent blood, which doubtlesse made his 
people weary Enough of him. 

I have heard Some of the most Noted men now in 
Office declare many of his inhumane Cruelties, one of which 
was a most Strange One, vizt. 

When he had tyrannized many years Over his people, 
and was well Striken in years, and haveinge been a little 
mercifull in leaveinge himselfe one Son alive, he called him 
to him, and Seriously demanded of him how he thought 
to rule and Governe Such a Multitude of Stiffe necked 
people. The Younge Prince knowinge his Father hated 
any Clemency towards them, answered Tyrannically alsoe, 
(but 'tis Supposed he meant not soe to doe) that he wold 
Governe them with Ease Enough and yet inflict more 
cruelty on them then Ever his Father did, and told him 
he wold make them boyle rice upon theire bare Sculls, 
whereas he onely made them doe it on their hands, Which 
soe enraged the Old bloody Tyrant, that he drew his 



He always inflicts the death penalty and in a very cruel fashion." 
Schouten is apparently relating stories that were still current at the 
time of his visit to Achin, for, when he was there, in 1663, he says that 
a Queen regent was in office. 

Crawfurd, Diet, of the Indian Islands ^ s.v, Achin, says that the name 
of the King who reigned from 1606 to 1641 (the monarch described by 
T. B.), was '^Sekander muda, a title half-Arabic and half- Malay, which 
may be translated 'Alexander the Younger'." 



298 ACHIN 

Creest^ and Stabbed his Son dead, himselfe Utteringe 
words to this Sence, that future ages Shold never have 
cause to Say that a more Severe or bloody Tyrant then 
himself did Ever Sway the Scepter of Achin. 

Not longe after death tooke away the Tyrant^ to the 
great Joy of many thousands, and it is to be admired that 
his Owne Subjects let him live Soe longe, and reigne 
in Such wickednesse. They buried him decently in the 
Pallace Royall amongst his Ancestors Tombs, and built 
over him a very Stately one too, and covered it with Massy 
Gold as some of the rest are, but withall guarded well the 
Pallace, the Citty, the Garrisons and all Stronge holds, 
fortyfyinge themselves well against all Kingly Goverment ; 
and the wisest men assembled and chose to themselvs 
a Queen, the next heiresse to the Crowne, but Enacted 
Such laws that her issue need not be dreaded*. 

I. That the Queen Shold never marry or know the 
Use of man. 



^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Crease, the Malay dagger or kris. The 
form in the text may be compared with the spelling Christ! adopted 
by the translator of De la Loubkre, p. 15, where the passage runs, 
"They [the Siamese] wear the Poniard on the left side, hanging a little 
before. The Portuguese do call it Christ, a word corrupted from Crid, 
which the Siameses use. This word is borrowed from the Malayan 
Language... and the Crids which are made at Achim in the Isle of 
Sumatra, do pass for the best of all." Compare also the following in 
a letter from Bantam, 1682 {Factory Records^ Java, No. 6), "In the 
Agents clossett was found just after his decease... four Creasses which 
were Sealed with Mr. Benjamin Crockfords Seale...andfowre Creasses 
Scabbards." T. B. in his Malay Did. has, "Creis, a Poniard, dagger,'* 
and Dampier, vol. i. p. 401, "Cressets, or little Daggers." 

2 i.e. in 1641. Compare the account by De Graaf, Voyages aux 
I tides Orientales, p. 24, "While I was at Achin [in 1641], the king died 
which caused great commotion among the great men, and cost the 
lives of a great many people for each one wished to be king... Finally 
the queen was proclaimed regent of the kingdom, and she has reigned 
for several years." 

3 It seems, from the statements of Schouten and De Graaf (see 
note on p. 296 and note 2 above), that the appointment of a queen 
was at first only a provisionary arrangement, and that until her 
position was absolutely secure, she was looked upon as a regent of 
the kingdom. 



ACHIN 299 

2. That noe man in the Kingdome Shold presume to 

have a Sight of her after Chosen Queene. 

3. That the Lords and Justices &c. Shold cause noe 

act or law (now Established) to be Violated, or 
any Other to be made without the Queen her 
Consent and good likeinge thereunto. 

4. That her Attendants Shold not be lesse then 500 

women and Eunuchs. 
With many Others all diligently Observed ^ 

The Men in Office that (Under theire Queene) governe 
this Kingdome are Entitled as followeth. 

The Meer Raja* vizt. the Lord Treasurer, the Lexi- 
mana'* the Lord Generall, and the great Orongkay is Lord 
Chiefe Justice. There are other Orongkays* and under 
this, as alsoe Shabandars under them* and the Queen's 
greatest Eunuchs, but are all very Submissive and re- 
spective to the Queen, not dareinge to act or doe any 
businesse of importance before they have throughly 
acquainted the Queen thereof She hath Severall Eunuchs 
of very acute witt about her that advise with her to con- 
descend to what is requesite. Not one man, Woman or 
Childe is admitted to get a sight of her, Save the Women 



^ Compare Dumpier^ vol. ii. p. 142, "The Queen of Achin, as 'tis 
said, is always an old Maid, chosen out of the Royal Family. What 
Ceremonies are used at the chusing of her I know not : Nor who are 
the Electors ; but I suppose they are the Oronkeys." 

2 Compare Meer Moonshee. These terms are not found in Hobson- 
Jobson, though they are as worthy of note as Mem Sahib. For amir 
and raja^ see notes on p. 39. 

3 See note on p. 260. 

* See note on p. 260. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, "Oran chookee, 
Custome-house officer.'' 

^ See note on p. 242. Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 141, "This 
Country [Achin] is governed by a Queen, under whom there are 
12 Oronkeyes, or great Lords, These act in their several precincts 
with great power and authority. Under these there are other in- 
feriour Officers, to keep the Peace in the several parts of the Queen's 
dominions. The present Shabander of Achin is one of the Oron- 
keyes." 



3CX) ACHIN 

and Eunuchs that are of her attendants, and Some Eunuchs 
her chiefe Councellours^ but when businesse with her doth 
present, the great Orongkay or Some of the Others doe 
come into the Pallace and declare theire businesse to some 
of her Councell, who informe her thereof; and if She con- 
descends thereunto, She Sendeth downe to them her Chopp 
i,e, her broad Seale', and then it is granted accordinge to 
theire request. If the Chopp cometh not downe to them, 
they must desist from the businesse in hand and mind 
Somethinge else. 

The Chopp is made of Silver 8 or lo inches longe, and 
like to a Mace which openeth on the topp where the Signet 
is Enclosed*. 

Before any forraigner can land in this Port he must 
receive this Chopp, and then hath he freedom to buy and 
Sell and land his goods at pleasure. The like must be 
done when he is almost ready to depart the Countrey, by 
the Master or Commander onely, else it is taken as a most 
grosse Affronts 



^ Compare Dajnpier^woX. ii. p. 142, "After she [the Queen of Achin] 
is chosen, she is in a manner confin'd to her Palace ; for by report, she 
seldom goes abroad, neither is she seen by any People of inferiour 
rank and quality, but only by some of her Domesticks." 

2 See note on p. 118. Compare the following extracts from Factory 
Records, Fort St George, No. 28, under date 19th June and 2nd August 
1680: "Your Ocoon [Akkun] had put his chaup or seal to the 
Certificate as well as the Dustuckt [rfastak] or handwriting... The Chop 
that you Chop your letters now of late with is not the same you did 
use to Chop before, but of a new Chop." Compare also Dumpier^ 
vol. ii. p. 16, "The Governor or his Deputy [at Tonquin] gives his Chop 
or Pass to all Vessels that go up or down." 

3 Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. H. p. 103, thus describes the 
"Chopp": "On my Arrival [at Achin] I took the Chap at the great 
Rivers Mouth, according to Custom. This Chap is a Piece of Silver 
about 8 Ounces Weight, made in Form of a Cross, but the cross Part 
is very short." 

* Compare the experience of Captain Atkins who anchored in the 
**Road of Atchine" on the loth April, 1675 {O.C, No. 4045), "nth 
Sunday in the morning sent our Purser in our Penace to desire leave 
and to fill some water, and to procure some provisions, but no Ad- 
mittance of anything, till Receiv'd the Queens Chopp: 12th I went on 



ACHIN 301 

The way wee take it is thus. Soe Soone as any Ship 
or Vessel doth anchor in the Roade of Achin, there is Sent 
ofif from the Custome-house a small flyinge Prow^ that 
Cometh on board and demandeth of the Master whence he 
came and of what Nation he is, and whether he come to 
trade or not, or purpose to come On Shore. If he doth, the 
Prow goeth on Shore againe and acquainteth one of the 
Shabandares, who applyeth himselfe to the Great Orongkay 
and the Choppe is made ready about 9 or 10 the next 
morninge, and brought to Quala^ vizt. the barre att the 
River's mouth by one of the Queen's Eunuchs attended 
with Some of the Custome-house Officers, and commonly 
the English Dubashee', and the Commander is Sent for on 

Shoar to theire Guard where mett with some English Marchants and 
notice given to the Oran Koye, one of the Queens Cappons [eunuchs, 
O.E. capun\ brought downe the Chopp which when Received according 
to theire manner of Seremonies, had then free leave or Liberty granted 
to water or to buy what provission or Necessaryes theire Country 
aforded." 

^ i,e, an outrigged canoe. Compare Dumpier^ vol. ii. p. 131, "They 
[the Achinese carpenters] are also ingenious enough in building Proes, 
making very pretty ones, especially of that sort which are Flying- 
Proes ; which are built long, deep, narrow, and sharp, with both sides 
alike, and outlagers on each side, the Head and Stem like other Boats 
...and will sail very well: for which reason they had that name given 
them by the English." Compare also Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 45, 
"Their flying Proes [at Achin] are only for fishing, coasting, and 
visiting the Islands thereabouts : Sometimes, I am told, they run out 
to the Nicobar Islands, which is the longest Trip they make. These 
are so narrow, two Men cannot stand a breast in the widest part of 
them ; the Bottom is a long Canoe, or Tree hoUow'd without a Keel, 
the Sides are raised with Planks about 3 Foot above it, bending a little 
inward, till near the Top, where it turns out bell-wise. The Planks 
within half a Foot of each end, are left as sharp as possible, not 
pointed like a Wherry, but perpendicular with an Edge ; the Canoe 
jets out beyond the other part of the Vessel, and when loaden is quite 
under Water ; the Rudder is like a wooden Knife, with which they 
stear very dexterously : To keep them up-right, they have Outlayers 
on each Side, with Planks of light Wood at the Ends of them, which 
secure them so well from over-setting, that they will bear the greatest 
Sea, and when an English Primace [? pinnace] with two Sails will go 
five Miles an Hour, these with a small one will run a dozen." 

2 i.e, kuwala^ the mouth or estuary of a river ; the point of junction 
of a tributary stream and a river ; Wilkinson, Malay Diet. See also 
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Calay (foot-note). 

3 i.e. interpreter. See note on p. 37. 



302 ACHIN 

Shore, and received by them with many Complements, and 
the Chopp is delivered tp him. He must receive it in both 
hands and lift it up to his Forehead as makeinge Obey- 
sance to the Queen, which done he hath free liberty as 
afore Said^; onely when he cometh up to towne he must 
goe to the Custome-house, and there Sitt and discourse 
with the Chiefe officers there, and one of the Chiefe of the 
Eunuchs is there alsoe. The maine discourse held is of 
what Foraign news, and I judge the Queen is soon made 
acquainted thereof. 

And there wee pay for the Chopp 3 pieces of very 
fine callicos or Muzlinge^ or 4 tailes in moneys vizt. 
four pounds Sterlinge*. 

The Same day or on the morrow followinge, he must 
goe and pay his respects to the Orongkay*, and with noe 



1 Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ P* 35 f> "On the Arrival of 
a Ship [at Achin], the Shabander must be apply'd to for the Liberty to 
trade. At the great Quala or Rivers Mouth, those that go first a Shore 
are examin'd by the Cards, who presently give notice of their coming, 
to the Officers, whose Province it is to settle the Preliminarys ; which 
is only a formal Oath to observe the Articles, made between the 
Company and the Achines, by Mr. Henry Grey ; and to be faithful to 
the King and Country during their stay. This is administred by the 
Shabander, or his chief Officer's lifting, very respectfully a short 
Dagger in a Gold Case, like a Scepter, three times to their Heads; 
and is called receiving the Chop for Trade. It ought to be performed 
by the gravest, most knowing, and Men of the best Appearance ; in 
consideration of the ill Consequences a false Step in the Beginning 
might render one liable to in managing one's Affairs at Court after- 
wards." 

2 See note on p. 5. Compare the following in a letter from Achin 
to Surat, 28th Sept. 1669, Factory Records^ Surat, No. 105, "The 22nd 
[May, 1669] the Queens Chop came aboard of us according to Custome, 
to Licence our coming on shore, to whom we presented 2 peeces Baftas 
of vallew 3 tale 1 5 man [? mace]." Compare also Lockyer, Trade in 
India, p. 36, "Two Pieces of fine Cotton Cloth at the first coming, and 
two more on departure to the King [of Achin]." 

3 See note on p. 281. T. B. must mean a tael in gold, and if the 
gold tael was worth £1 sterling as he states, then gold valued in the 
Malay States at £1 the oz. and the ratio of silver to gold there varied 
between 4 and 3 to i, a remarkable but by no means impossible 
occurrence. 

* Compare the following from the Kedah letter already quoted on 
p. 263, "The 28th [May, 1669] visited the Orankay Puglah Lemar 
Bunder... his pride would not permit him to take much notice of us." 



ACHIN 303 

Small reverence, first Observinge to pull off his Shoes 
(although never soe cleane) and leave them att the doore or 
in the Court Yard. When that is done, he is invited to Sitt 
downe Upon Carpets^ but after theire owne fashion crosse 
legged, to any new comer very Uneasie, but not soe to 
those of this countrey that doe Sit thus with a Naturall 
facilitie. 

Here must he waite an hour or two before the Orongkay 
will appeare, but in the interim the Shabandar and Du- 
bashee and one or Other belongeinge to this great man 
doth accompanie him and discourse most friendly ; and 
there are Sett before him Store of Betelee Areca'* to eat, 
and tobacco to Chaw, a Custome used all India and South 
Seas over. If wee be not accustomed thereto, yet in the 
way of civilitie and respect to them wee must take Some 
into our hands, or they will be very angry, and will not 
Easily be pacified, and hinder us in the Sale of our good[s] 
in a very great measure, although Seemingly they be our 
good Friends. 

Here the Orongkay must be presented with one piece 
of Baftos* to the Value of 2 tailes, and 3 or 4 or 6 bottles 
of rosewater. He discourseth about one houre, askinge 
many questions, Some of which are ridiculous Enough if 
they came not from the mouth of a person of soe great 
a qualitie. 

And withall wee make agreement with him how much 
wee must pay to the Queen for the landinge our Cargoe. 
The Contract been [? between] us and the Court of Achin 
hath been of longe Standinge 50 tails per Ship, if laden 



^ See note on p. 240. 2 See note on p. 30. 

3 Compare Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 36, "Two Pieces of Callico 
or Silk to the Shabander, and head Oronkoy or chief Minister of 
State... these give each a fat Capon in return. If one would be 
very exact, I am told, 'tis five Tale Fees, two Pieces of Taffitea 
of two Tale each to the Shabander, and two more to the head 
Oronkoy." 



304 ACHIN 

with fine goods (admitt the Ship be great or Small)\ But 
againe, if wee have a quantitie of course goods On board, 
vizt. Rice, gramme^ Wheat, Oyle, butter*, or the like, they 
are to make an abatennent of lo, 15, or 20 tails, accordinge 
as the quantitie is, and noe Other duties are payable by 
any of the English Nation Except the Chopp in and out, 
neither are any of our goods carried to the Custome house 
as all Other peoples are, which is a great helpe and honour 
to our Nation. These priviledges were granted to our 
Nation above 100 years agoe*, and are Still confirmed by 
Every New Queen as She cometh in place', Which causeth 
the people in Generall to respect us very much, and 
Entertaine us with abundance of Civilities and Court Ship. 
The Betelee Areca* is here in great plenty and much 



^ Lockyer, Trade in India^ p. 36, says that in his day sixteen or 
seventeen taels covered the value of the presents and the "acknowledg- 
ment for Custom." 

2 See note on p. 121. Compare the following from Factory Records^ 
Masulipatam, No. 9, under date 27th April, 1672, "Pray send us as 
soone as possible 50 Candy of horse Gram for the stable, that of these 
parts [Fort St George] being neither good nor Cheape." 

3 See notes on pp. 132, 247, and 289. 

* T. B. is evidently alluding to the concession obtained by Captain 
Lancaster from the King of Achin in 1602. See Foster, Letters re- 
ceived by the East India Co., vol. i., Introduction, p. xxv. and pp. i — 4 
for this document. In 1669 Mr Henry Gray obtained for the Company 
from the Queen of Achin a renewal and modification of these privileges. 
In the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet., T. B. says, "The 
English are free of all Custom by ancient agreement, only a Present 
to the Queen, and some small Port charges, all other Nations pay great 
Customs." Compare Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 36, "Other Nations 
pay five to eight per Cent. Custom on their Cargos...But the English 
are at no other Charge than the usual Presents to the King and 
Courtiers." 

^ T. B. was in Achin at the time of the death of the second of the 
four Queens of Achin, and his statement probably arises from the fact 
that the "New Queen" carried on the policy of her predecessor towards 
the English. 

^ See note on p. 30. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, " Beetle-leaf is 
much eaten in India. Beetle-nut is eaten with the leaf." Compare 
De la Loub^re, p. 23, " The Areca, which the Siameses do call Plou^ 
is a kind of great Acorn, which yet wants that wooden Cup wherein 
our Acorn grows. When this Fruit is yet tender, it has at the center 
or heart a greyish substance, which is as soft as Pap. As it dries it 



ACHIN 305 

better then in many Other countries of the East and 
South Seas. Very few houses here but have Severall 
trees of it growinge that beare all the yeare longe, and the 
inhabitants in Generall doe Eat thereof, prepared thus : 
They cutt the Areca nut into very thin Slices, and put 
about one halfe of a nut into their mouth, and then one 
betelee leafe or two (accordinge as they are in bignesse), 
and Spread a little qualified lime thereon, which by them 
is called Chenam^ which folded up togeather they eat 
with the Nut, which after a little Chewing doth produce 
very much Liquorish moisture in the mouth, which for the 
most part they Swallow downe, and after a good while 
chewinge untill it is dry, they spit it out and take more 
that is fresh, and thus will they almost all day longe chew 
betelee Areca. They hold it good for the Stomach, and 
keepinge the breath Sweet, the latter of which I am very 
well Satisfied in, but if the Nut be green, which here is 
very much in Use, they onely cutt the nutt in 2 pieces and 
paringe off a little of the green rine, eat it with betelee 



waxes yellower and harder, and the soft substance it has at the heart 
grows hard too: It is always bitter and savory. After having cut 
it into four parts with a knife, they take a piece every time, and chew 
it with a Leaf resembling Ivy called Betel by the Europeans which 
are at the Indies, and Mak by the Siameses. They wrap it up to 
put it the more easily into the mouth and do put on each a small 
quantity of Lime made of cockleshells and redded by I know not 
what art." 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Chunam. See Ind. AnL vol. xxx. p. 136. 
Compare the following from an article in the Mad. Man. Admn. vol. iii. 
s.v. Choonam, "Choonam...Lime whether slaked or unslaked, but 
the former is generally meant... The finest choonam from oyster shells 
(chippy choonam \sipi chunam^ shell lime]) is chewed with betel-leaf 
There is a Tamul proverb: 'The essence of paun is in the choonam.'" 
Compare also Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 54, "The Betle Leaf is the great 
entertainment in the East for all Visitants ; and 'tis always given with 
the Arek folded up in it. They make up the Arek in pellets fit for use, 
by first peeling off the outer green hard rind of the Nuts, and then 
splitting it length ways in 3 or 4 parts, more or less, according to its 
bigness. Then they dawb the Leaf all over with Chinam or Lime 
made into a Morter or Paste, and kept in a Box for this purpose, 
spreading it thin." 

T. 20 



306 ACHIN 

as the Other, which doth eat much more pleasant then the 
Old ones doe'. 

The Leafe is the betelee', a broad leafe not very much 
Unlike to an Ivie leafe, only Somethinge thinner, and 
groweth resemblinge the Vine, as followeth [Plate XVII.]. 

Areca^ vizt. commonly called betelee Nut, doth grow 
Upon a very comely Streight and Slender tree, taperinge 
in joynts, and the nutt groweth out of the body thereof 
below the branches as followeth [Plate xvil.]. It is a very 
hard wood, and much Used by many in India to make 
lances and pikes On. 

All Masters of English Ships and Vessels are very 
Nobly Entertained here, they Still retaininge the Civilities 
at first Settlinge in Use, and I hope wee Shall never give 
them cause to the Contrary. 

When all our Merchandise &c. is accomplished, and 
wee are in readinesse and willinge to be gone, wee Send to 
the Custome house the English Dubashee^ to informe the 
Officers there that wee are ready and want onely the 
Queen's Chopp *. They Straight ways give the Orongkay 



^ Compare Dampier^ vol. i. p. 319, "Every Man in these parts 
[Mindanao] carries his Lime-Box by his side, and dipping his Fmger 
mto it, spreads his betel and Arek leaf with it... The Betel-Nut is most 
esteem'd when it is young, and before it grows hard, and then they 
cut it only in two pieces with the green husk or shell on it... It tastes 
rough in the Mouth, and dies the Lips red, and makes the Teeth 
black, but it preserves them, and cleanseth the Gums. It is also 
accounted very wholsom for the Stomach ; but sometimes it will cause 
great giddiness in the Head of those who are not us'd to chew it. 
But this is the effect only of the old Nut, for the young Nuts will 
not do it. I speak of my own Experience." Dampier here confuses 
the areca nut with the betel leaf, a mistake which he rectifies . in 
vol. ii. p. 54. 

^ i.e, the Betel Vine or Sirih (chavici betel). Compare Bowring, 
Siam^ vol. i. p. 113, "The betel {betel piper) is a creeping plant, pro- 
ducing a long and somewhat fleshy leaf, nearly resembling a heart 
in shape, of a sharp and aromatic flavour." 

3 i,e. the Areca palm, areca catechu. See Watts, Diet, of Economic 
Products of India^ s.v. Areca. 

* See note on p. 37. ^ See note on p. 118. 



ACHIN 307 

Notice of it, and he repaireth to the Pallace, and hath 
an Order granted that it may be made ready that day. 
Sometimes it is referred a day or two, accordinge as 
businesse at Court happeneth. Wee then goe to Visit 
him (but not Empty handed), for it is the Custome with 
these great men in Office to aske what you have brought 
them (if you readily tender it not to them), and when they 
come to Visit us, which often they doe, they have the like 
confidence to aske what you will give them, but for what 
given to the Orongkay there is little lost by it, for at our 
arrivall he presenteth us with fowle and great Store of 
fruit*, and before wee come to take leave of him, he 
carrieth us to the Pallace, where wee are Entertained Upon 
fine Carpets, fruit, and betelee Areca &c. Set before us, 
where wee Sitt with our faces directly towards the Queens 
Lodgeings, and from her is Sent to the English Com- 
mander a Silke Suite of cloths with a turbant* after the 
Malay fashion. He must receive them with great rever- 
ence, Standinge Up and makeinge a Sumbra^ to the 
Queens Windows, She all the while looketh upon us, 
although wee cannot See her. The great men doth helpe 
to dresse the Commander, for at that very instant he must 
put them on, and then, after many complements, taketh 
leave of the Orongkay, beinge the chiefe man concerned 
in all the Affaires of the Shipps and Commerce*. 

In the Pallace yard is provided a Very Stately warre 



^ See note on p. 303. ^ See note on p. 156. 

3 This word is not in Hobson-Jobson, It is the Malay sembaky 
which Wilkinson, Malay DicL^ defines as " A salutation, a respectful 
address ; the actual act of salutation or homage consisting in raising 
the hands to the face." 

* Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 142 f., "The present Shabander of 
Achin is one of the Oronkeyes...all Merchant Strangers at their first 
arrival, make their Entries with him, which is always done with a good 
Present: and from him they take all their dispatches when they 
depart ; and all matters of importance in general between Merchants 
are determined by him." 

20 — 2 



308 ACHIN 

Elephant richly adorned with his trappings and his 
Pavilion [Plate XVII.], his teeth tipped with Coppar gilded 
over, but carrieth not his Chaine*. Upon this Elephant 
the Commander must ride to his house where he dwelled, 
or to the English Factory^ (accompanied with one or more 
of the Grandees of the Kingdome), and Severall pipes, 
drums, flaggs, &c. carried before them by foot men, order- 
inge all persons whatsoever to Stand out of the way 
Immediately. If any refuse to Obey that command, they 
Spare not to lance him to the ground, that dares to hinder 
him of a free and cleare passadge that the Queen respects. 
Many of the Merchants bringe rosewater to throw upon 
them as they ride through the Cittie, which here is ac- 
compted a great piece of honour and respect. When they 
come to the English house appointed, they light off the 
Elephant and walke in, where abundance of their Cere- 
moniall Complements and good wishes are Used, and Soe 
take leave of each Other; and thus all the Ceremonies are 
ended for that Voyadge, onely once more he must goe to 
the Custome house and there take the Chopp^ for his 
departure, and then may immediately goe on board and 
Saile if they please, or Stay as longe as they please after- 
wards, but it is the custome not to take leave untill fully 
resolved to Saile in 2 or 3 days. The State wee ride in 
from the Pallace is as here demonstrated [Plate XVII.]*. 



^ See page 274 f. and note. 

2 When T. B. lived at Achin {circ. 1687), the English trade was 
in a more flourishing condition than when Matthew Gray wrote to 
Surat, 28th Sept. 1669, Factory Records^ Surat, No. 105, "We found 
here [Achin] no house of the Companys but an old Warehouse built 
by Meangee [Mlanji, a title, probably of some merchant of the place, 
see p. 263], which wee propt up the best we could, and housed there 
the Companys Goods... We finding this trade drawing to an end, and 
not worth our Residence here were unwilling to put the Honble. 
Company to the charge of Building a house..." 

3 See note on p. 118. 

* T. B. undoubtedly speaks from personal observation and ex- 
perience. Compare Dmnpier^ vol. ii. p. 144 f., "Captain Thwait, 
according to custom went with his Present to the Queen, which she 



ACHIN 309 

When a Present is Sent to the Queen from the Presi- 
dent of Suratt^ or Agent and Governour of Fort St. Georg's, 
soe Soone as the Grandees have any certain Intelligence 
there of, they make it known to the Queen (by her 
Eunuchs), and She appointeth a certain day for the 
reception thereof, which is then performed with very great 
State, haveinge all (or the Major, part) of the Grandees of 
Achin to attend it to the Pallace. The English Merchant 
and Commander, and any of his Friends (of his owne 
Nation) ride Upon Stately Elephants as beforementioned. 
When they Enter the Pallace, the English are Very Royally 
Seated Upon Carpets of Persian worke^ very rich and 
beautifull to behold, and behind them are placed the 
Grandees, then the Ordinary Officers belongeinge to her 
Majesties guards and Customehouse in a very great 
retinue, all Frontinge the Queen's Windows, who, as 'tis 
Said, doth earnestly behold them, Especially the English, 
and doubtlesse cold She have her owne will, wold have 
more then a Sight of some of them. Now is a Great Gold 
betelee box* as bigge as one of [the] eunuchs can well 

accepted, and complemented him with the usual Civilities of the 
Country ; for to honour him he was Set upon an Elephant of the 
Queens to ride to his Lodgings, drest in a Malayan Habit, which 
she gave him ; and she sent also two Dancing Girls to shew him 
some pastime there." 

^ This is another instance of T. B/s accuracy. The " Presidency" 
was not transferred to Bombay till 1687. 

2 Fryer, p. 263 f., has, " Ispahaun...Silk Buzzars...set apart for 
choice commodities... Persian carpets, both Woollen and Silk, inter- 
mixed with Gold and Silver very costly, which are the peculiar manu- 
facture of the Country." 

^ See note on p. 30. Compare Dumpier, vol. ii. p. 54 f., " Chinam, 
Betle and Arek...the Mandarins, or great men [at Tonquin] have 
curious oval Boxes, made purposely for this use, that will hold 50 or 
60 Betle Pellets. These Boxes are neatly lackered and gilded, both 
inside and outside, with a cover to take off ; and if any stranger visits 
them, especially Europeans, they are sure, among other good enter- 
tainment, to be treated with a Box of Betle. The Attendant that 
brings it holds it to the left hand of the stranger; who therewith 
taking off the cover, takes with his right hand the Nuts out of the 
Box. 'Twere an affront to take them, or give or receive any thing 
with the left hand [as in India]..." 



/ 



3IO ACHIN 

beare in his arms, brought downe and placed before them, 
and they must eat thereof, although never Soe little, which 
is accompted as great an honour here, as knighthood in 
the Courts of European Kings there. 

The present of fine Callicoes\ Cloth of Gold, or what 
else, is carried up in great State Upon Golden Vessels, 
borne by the greatest of the Eunuchs with Gilded Pavilions 
carried over them, and the letter to the Queens Majestie is 
carried up by it Selfe in great State and royally attended 
by Some of her Speciall favorites. 

Then with great feastinge, with Varieties of Victualls, 
bottles of wine and Sweetmeats, the time is passed away 
for one houre or two, haveinge many Sorts of Excellent 
fruit Set before us, and which to us is most delightable is 
the Warre Elephants* are brought into the Pallace yard, 
where they fight in very great fury, graplinge with theire 
teeth and Strikeinge with all their force with theire trunks 
the Bufifolos ^, and fight with each other and with admirable 
courage. They alsoe Use cocke fightinge in a Very great 
measure*, and will lay very great wagers on that Game. 

After a great many Such Sports and Exercises, the 
English are carried home in as great State as they came, 
and word is sent them from her Majestie not to forget her 
answer, which before they goe is done both by retalliation 
and alsoe her letter to the Said English Governour that 
was soe kind to write to her Majestie. 

Her attendants are Said to be lOO Eunuchs and looo 
of the comliest women the Countrey or Citty affordeth. 
They Show themselvs Openly Every day, and to my 
thinkinge many of them are very comely and much whiter 
then the Common Sort of Natives are. 



^ See note on p. 5. 2 See note on p. 274. 

3 See note on p. 279. 

* Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 184, "The Malayans here are great 
lovers of Cock-fighting.'' 



ACHIN 311 

Anno Domini 1675 the Old Queen of Achin died, and 
in her Old age,- for she might well be called Old, haveinge 
Reigned Queen Ever Since the Death of theire Tyrannicall 
Kinge, which was noe lesse then Sixty odde years ^ in soe 
much that many thousands of the Natives cold scarse be 
posest with a beliefe they had a Queen for many years 
before her death, but that it was the policie of the Grandees 
to make them to believe it. But now she was certainly 
dead, they all in Generall were Satisfied that a Queen had 
Governed them soe longe and in peace. I was then in 
Achin when She died, and saw a generall mourning for 
her. Some did it willingly, but those that did not were 
after a Strange manner Compelled to it. The mourninge 
of the female Sect was to cut the haire of theire heads, 
which was performed, but to many of them by Violence, 
for those that wold not doe it were taken out into the 
market place and there compelled to doe [it] in publicke, 
without any respect to theire ranke and qualitie. 

The men mourned 3 Months in Old garments, and 



^ T. B. is here repeating his previous error. As stated before, 
note on p. 295, the tyrant king did not die till 164 1. Crawfurd, Diet, 
of the Indian Is., s.v, Achin, says, " Four of the Achinese sovereigns 
in succession, over a period of sixty years, were women, the puppets 
of an oligarchy of the nobles." This period, we find, embraced the 
years 1641 to 1700, for Lockyer, Trade in India, says, p. 57, **They 
[the Achinese] are at present \circ. 1710!, under the Government of 
a King which has not been long." Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, vol. ii. 
p. 102, fixes the date of the close of female government, for he tells 
us that, on the death of the Queen of Achin in 1700, a king was 
chosen. The four queens appear to have succeeded as follows: — 
The first reigned from 1641 till 1669. Her death is mentioned in 
a letter from Fort St George to Surat, 24th August, 1669 {Factory 
Records, Surat, No. 105), where we read, *'Wee have bin informed 
that the Queene of Achine being dead they are there embroyled in 
Civill warrs." The second queen died in 1675, as stated in the text, 
after a reign of only six (not sixty) years. The death of the third 
queen is recorded by Dampier, vol. ii. p. 143, in 1688, she having 
reigned thirteen years. The fourth and last queen died in 1700, 
according to Hamilton, who, however, says nothing of the death of 
T. B.'s "Old Queen" in 1675, although he describes an attack made 
on her by the Dutch in that year. 



312 ACHIN 

were forbidden all manner of gameinge and Sports dureinge 
the Said time. 

This Old Queen was Sore Visited with Sicknesse five 
weeks before She died, duringe which time there was 
great Suspicion and feare of a Rebellion with Some of the 
inhabitants of Achin, Assisted by many of the inland 
people, but as great care as possible cold be and means to 
prevent it were Used by the Grandees, who caused the 
Citty to be more then doubly guarded, more Especially 
the Pallace that was guarded with Some thousands of 
armed men, and 600 warre Elephants diligently attended, 
and Opium 3 times a day given them to animate them 
in the highest degree S and Severall resolute and well 
Effected people to this Goverment put into Office both in 
the Citty and in the Fortifications of this Country some 
miles Eastward of Achin I 

Noe Sooner was a Period put to her days on Earth, 
but the Lords placed another in her Stead, who then 
Immediately Stept into the Throne, and [was] Immedi- 
ately proclaimed Queen, and all the Gunns were fired in 
theire Forts and Castles to welcome into place theire New 
Queene, scarcely mentioninge the Old ones death untill 
10 days afterwards when they found all was in peace and 
quietnesse, and then a fast and mourninge were generally 
proclaimed, and very Strictly Observed. Yet they found 



1 Compare Fryer^ p. iii, "The Pattamars...the Wrestlers... use 
Opium to make them perform things beyond their strength.'* 

^ There were no fortifications at Achin when De Graaf visited the 
place in 1641. He says, Voyages^ p. 22 f, "Acjiin is about 2 miles in 
circuit, but it has neither bastions nor walls. Outside the city are 
to be seen some ruined fortifications and a few pieces of fine cast 
cannon without carriages lying on the sand. These cannon were 
formerly taken from the Portuguese and the King of Johor." The de- 
scription by Dumpier in 1688 is very similar. He says, vol. ii. p. I29f , 
" The City [of Achin] has no Walls, nor so much as a Ditch about 
it... The Queen has a large Palace here...Tis said there are some 
great Guns about it, 4 of which are of Brass, and are said to have 
been sent hither as a Present by our K. James the ist." 



ACHIN 313 

for a truth her death caused noe alteration of Sex to 
Governed 

The Inhabitants up in the Countrey not above 20 or 
30 miles off Achin are for the most part disaffected to this 
Sort of Goverment, and Scruple not to Say they will have 
a Kinge to rule and beare dominion over them^ and that 
the true heire to the Crowne is yet alive and hath Severall 
Sons, and him they will obey. He is one that liveth 
amongst them, a great promoter of a Rebellion, and often- 
times doth much prejudice both in Citty and Countrey, 
although I believe it is and will be past his reach or 
Skill Ever to Obtaine the Goverment of Achin. Yett I 
have l?een in Achin when about 700 of these insolent 
highlanders have come downe to the Citty, and on a 
Sudden rushed into the Pallace Royall, and plundered 
it, to the great Astonishment of all the Citizens, Especi- 
ally the Lords, who were soe affrighted with soe Sudden 
and desperate attempt, that theire onely care for the 
present was to Secure theire Owne Persons. They^ carried 
away above 100 Picul* of fine Gold out of the Treasury, 



^ The succession in Dampier's time was not accomplished so 
quietly. He says, vol. ii. p. 143 f., "While I was on my Voyage to 
Tonquin [in 1688], the old Queen died, and there was another Queen 
chosen in her room, but all the Oronkeys were not for that Election ; 
many of them were for chusing a King. Four of the Oronkeys who 
lived more remote from the Court, took up Arms to oppose the new 
Queen and the rest of the Oronkeys, and brought 5 or 6000 men 
against the City : and thus stood the- state of affairs, even when we 
arrived here, and a good while after. This Army was on the East 
side of the River, and had all the Country on that side, and so much 
of the City also, as is on that side the River, under their power : But 
the Queen's Palace and the main part of the City, which stands on 
the West side, held out stoutly." Dampier left Achin before "these 
stirs" were at an end. 

2 See above, note i. ^ i.e, the thieves. 

* See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v. Pecul, the Malay cwt. See Ind. Ant, 
vol. xxviii. p. 37 ff. r. B. in his Malay Diet, has, " Catee is a Weight, 
100 makes a Pecool," and " Pecool, a weight used in many parts of 
India, the Malay Pecool contains Averdupoiz, 1. 198, oz. 5, dw. 9, gr. 10." 
Compare the following in a letter from Masulipatam, 19th April, 1678, 
O. C, No. 4397, " The weight in Siam was 7 pecull and every pecull 



314 ACHIN 

but were too covetous in Striveinge for more, which 
caused Such a delay in theire flight that wrought the! re 
overthrow, for the Citty rose up in arms and fell Upon 
them, and killed and tooke prisoners above 500 of them. 
Those taken alive were put to death every man Save One 
who Upon his Examination was found to be a Mola^ or 
Mahometan Priest, for which reason he was by the Siddy^ 
or Bishop of Achin freed from the death his consorts died, 
but not from Severe Punishment, for the law tooke Such 
hold of him that he was Served as Other petty thieves in 
this Citty are for the first and Secound fault, which was to 
have both hands and feet cut off in the joints, and his cure 
taken care for, his goods and Chatties confiscated, and he 
turned out a begginge for meat and drinke, the which was 
fully Executed upon him^ 

There be many of them in this Citty ; some of them are 
soe ingenuous that they can goe very well with Crutches, 
haveinge a joynt of a large bamboo * fitted for each legge, 
as in figure followinge [Plate xviil.]. 



to way one hundred and thirty pound." Compare also Dampier^ 
vol. ii. p. 132, "To proceed with their Weights [at Achin], which they 
use either for Money or Goods, 100 Catty make a Pecul, which is 
132I. English weight." 

^ See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Moollah. Compare Tavernier, who, in 
describing his visit to the King of Bantam, says, vol. i. part ii. p. 198, 
** There was a Moulla then read to him, who seem'd to interpret to 
him something of the Alcoran in the Arabick language." 

2 See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Seedy, a corruption of Saiyyid. This 
reference is valuable for the history of the Anglo-Indian term, now 
in common parlance an East African negro. Compare Alex. Hamilton, 
East Indies^ vol. ii. p. 102, "This Harmony continued till the Year 
1700, that the Queen [of Achin] died, and a Seid or Preacher getting 
a strong Party, was made King, promising to do wonders." 

3 This is a circumstantial account, and T. B. was no doubt an 
eye-witness of the scenes he describes. I can, unfortunately, find no 
contemporary confirmation of this raid on the Queen's Palace. 

* See note on p. 249. Compare Dampier, vol. ii. p. 139, "On Pulo 
Way there are none but this sort of Cattle : and tho' they all of them 
want one or both hands, yet they so order matters, that they can 
row very well, and do many things to admiration, whereby they are 
able to get a livelihood: for if they have no hands, they will get 
somebody or other to fasten Ropes or Withes about their Oars, so 



ACHIN 315 

The Laws of this Kingdome are Very Severe in many 
respects, Especially for theft, more cruel then for murther, 
for then 'tis death without any tediousnesse, but for theft it 
cometh gradually on with great affliction. 

If a Thiefe be apprehended that hath Stolen any thinge 
to the Value of 4 mace^ vizt. 05s. English, he is with all 
Speed carryed to the Pallace, and before the Chiefe Orong- 
kay's face both his hands are cutt off in the joynts, for the 
Secound Small crime his feet, and, upon his committinge 
a third, his head. Yet, if the first crime be any thinge 
considerable vizt. to the Value of a Cow or Buffolo, 
which Exceedeth not 30s. English, it is present death, 
more welcome to them then the former punishments, but 
that is to make Examples forOthers^ 

And very Strangely they are Executed, as followeth. 
Soe Soone as apprehended, they are the same day or the 
next at furthest, Examined before the Lord Chiefe Justice 



as to leave Loops wherein they may put the stumps of their Arms ; 
and therewith they will pull an Oar lustily. They that have one hand 
can do well enough : and of these you shall see a great many, even 
in the City." Compare also Alex. Hamilton, East Indies^ vol. ii. p. in, 
" When their Hand or Foot is to be cut off, they have a Block with 
a broad Hatchet fixt in it with the Edge upwards, on which the Limb 
is laid, and struck on with a wooden Mallet, till the Amputation is 
made, and they have an hollow Bambow, or Indian Cane, ready to 
put the Stump in, and stopt about with Rags or Moss, to keep the 
Blood from coming out..." 

^ See notes on pp. 115 and 281. 

2 Compare Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 138 f., "A Thief for his first offence, 
has his right hand chopt off at the Wrist : for the second offence off 
goes the other ; and sometimes instead of one of their hands, one or 
both their feet are cut off; and sometimes (tho' very rarely) both 
hands and feet. If after the loss of one or both hands or feet they 
still prove incorrigible, for there are many of them such very Rogues 
and so arch, that they will steal with their Toes, then they are banish'd 
to Pulo Way, during their lives : and if they get thence to the City, 
as sometimes they do, they are commonly sent back again ; tho' some- 
times they get a Licence to stay... Here at Achin, when a member 
is thus cut off, they have a broad piece of Leather or Bladder ready 
to clap on the Wound. This is presently applied, and bound on so 
fast, that the Blood cannot issue forth. By this Means the great Flux 
of Blood is stopt, which would else ensue ; and 1 never heard of any 
one who died of it..." 



3l6 ACHIN 

and his Councell, and if found guilty are with great 
Expedition delivered to the Executioners^ who lead the 
Malefactor through the principal Streets of the Citty with 
his hands bound behind him, and choose any place where 
they will to Execute him in, where he may hange fairely 
for a prospect Some 24 hours after his death, which they 
cause thus: they make two Sticks fast one athwart his 
windpipe, the other his neck, of about 3 foot in length each, 
and before they Seize them togeather, some of his Friends 
or acquaintance bringe him betelee Areca' to Eat and 
water to wash his hands and face, att which one Mola' or 
Other Uttereth 2 or 3 Sentences to him, to noe other 
purpose then to trust in God and Mahomett their onely 
Prophet for his Soul's health, which done, the Executioners 
frapp* the Sticks togeather with Splitt rattans ^ laying the 
Malefactor Upon his belly, and when they have neare 
Strangled him, one of them, with a Sharpe Knife cutteth 
a hole in his drawers or lungee*, and driveth a Sharpe 
Stake Up his fundament, which runneth in at least 10 or 
20 inches, and then is placed in the ground a Stake of 10 
or 12 foot longe, to which they make the body fast, to 
hange in forme of a Crucifix, where he must hange by law 
untill the Same houre the next day, and then any of his 
Friends may take him downe that will, and doe with his 
body as Seemeth them best. But if the Said party have 
noe Friends or relations to doe it, after 2 or 3 days the 



^ Compare Dumpier^ vol. ii. p. 138, "The Laws of this Country 
[Achin] are very strict, and offenders are punished with great severity. 
Neither are there any delays of Justice here; for as soon as the 
Offender is taken, he is immediately brought before the Magistrate, 
who presently hears the matter, and according as he finds it, so he 
either acquits, or orders punishment to be inflicted on the Party 
immediately." 

2 See note on p. 306. ^ See note on p. 314. 

* Another of the many nautical terms in this MS. Murray, Ox- 
ford Eng. Dict.y s,v. Frap, gives, as one meaning, " naut. To bind 
tightly." 

^ See notes on pp. 74, 250, 277. ^ See note on p. 55. 



ACHIN 317 

Executioners must do it by the law of the Countrey^ 
And yet, notwithstandinge the Utmost Severity of the 
laws here are inflicted Upon the ofifendinge parties, many 
here take very little warneinge thereby, for I believe there 
is scarse one week passeth, but Severall persons are con- 
demned and Executed, and those that have Suffered the 
losse of hands or feet or both can Scarse refraine from 
offendinge further', but will boldly adventure the neck to 
boot As for instance : 

A fellow that had been deprived of both hands and 
feet yet came into the English Factory, and in the 
night did rippe open a baile of fine blew baftoes^ and 
thereout he tooke 7 pieces, and hid them Under his 
arme, covered with his clowte that he wore over his 
Sholders, and beinge a Cripple that used often to come 
a begginge thither, none of the Servants at the gate 
Suspected him. But, in the markett place. Some of the 
Citty guards meetinge him, tooke him up for a Stragler 
att Such unseasonable hours, and upon Examininge him, 
and layinge hands on him, found he had somethinge more 
then Ordinary about him, and Upon that Secured him 
Untill the morninge, and then carried him (and his 
purchase) before the great Orongkay*, and there the goods 
were knowne by theire marks, and he condemned to dye. 
Whereupon the Chiefe of the English Factorie * was Sent 

^ See Schouten^ vol. i. p. 233, and Dampier, vol. ii. p. 140, for 
similar descriptions of these tortures. 

2 Compare the following in the Commission from the Council at 
Surat to Matthew Gray, April, 1669, O, C. No. 3266, " Wee are informed 
that place [Achin] is very much haunted by night theevs that doe not 
only robb but are otherwise mischeifous in flinging fire upon the tops 
of the Houses which being built of Combustible stuff is apt to receave 
it, whereby too frequently great mischeife is done.*' Compare also 
Alex. Hamilton, £as^ Indies^ vol. ii. p. no, ** No Place in the World 
punishes Theft with greater Severity than Atcheen, and yet Robberies 
and Murders are more frequent there than in any other Place." 

3 See note on p. 272. * See note on p. 260. 

^ This may have been Henry Chowne, who was in charge of the 
Company's affairs in Achin in 1670. 



3l8 ACHIN 

for, where to admiration found he was robbed by such 
a piece of man, and was well pleased with the fancie, 
withall he did mightilie intercede for the fellows pardon, 
which cold not by the Orongkay be granted, but had the 
liberty granted to Petition the Queen, who in favour of 
our Nation granted the man's life, a thinge rare in Achin. 
The English Chiefe gave the Queen and all the Court 
many and hearty thanks for the honour done him; and, in 
the presence of the Orongkay gave the fellow 5 tailes\ vizt. 
five pounds sterlinge, and chargeinge him never soe boldly 
to adventure any more, and if he wanted a mace* or two 
at any time he wold Supply his wants, all which clemencie 
was very well taken by the Grandees &c. of Achin. 

The English Factorie doth Stand in a very fine level 
place neare to the Custome house, and is very well fenced 
in, and is a very large and good Spot of ground very 
Commodious for the Merchants to buy and Sell in. Not 
many years agoe there was a most Sumptuos buildinge 
beinge the dwellinge house for the Chiefe and his Factors, 
but was consumed by fire, and the Company never Since 
were willinge to be at the charges to build it up againe, by 
reason now adays very few English men doe reside here 
all the yeare but returne in the same Ships they come in, 
and leave the Factory to a Servant or two to looke after it ; 
yet there is a reasonable good dwellinge house in it, and 
Storehouses Enough for 2 Ships Cargoes I 



^ See notes on pp. 281 and 302. ^ g^g notes on pp. 115 and 281. 

3 A Factory was settled at Achin in 161 5, but continuous Dutch 
opposition caused it to be abandoned in 1646. Intermittent trade 
between the Company and Achin went on until 1658 when a re- 
settlement was discussed. In May of that year, the Court wrote to 
Bantam, Letter Book ^ No. i, "The intimation which you have given 
us relating to the proceedings of the Queen of Acheene against the 
Dutch, and the Invitation given by her to our Nation for the enjoy- 
ment of a trade in her ports hath given encouragement unto the 
Company to send a ship for that place, with Commission to endeavour 
the Settlement of a trade and Factorie under her protection, which 
wee hope will come to a desired issue.*' In consequence of this order 



ACHIN 319 

Capt. William Curtis was sent to Achin with the Mayflower on a 
trading voyage. In December, 1662, in a letter to Fort St George, 
the Directors remarked {Letter Book^ No. 2), " Wee observe what you 
have written us concerning the Ann Friggatt now called the Hope 
her unprofitable Voyage to Acheene, whose marketts as you advise 
us are soe clogged that nothing can bee sent that will produce the 
prime Cost." After this disappointing report, nothing further was done 
for a time, but in 1664 it was decided to attempt to check the growing 
monopoly of trade by the Dutch. At a Consultation in Surat in March 
of that year, it was agreed ** to be necessary to continue a factory at 
Acheen were it only to keep a footing there," and, in accordance with 
this decision, two Factors were sent on the Vine to re-settle the Factory. 
At the same time the Council at Surat wrote to the Court {Factory 
Records^ Misc. No. 2, p. 18), "The Queen of Acheen is very respec- 
tive to your Servants that Voyage thither, and is very Desirous our 
nation would undertake the whole trade of her Dominions ; she is in 
great thoughts what the Dutch Intend... It is thought they intend 
warr to bring the Queen and other Princes of the Island of Sumatra 
to oblige them not to admitt the English into their ports, or to sell 
a Corne of pepper unto them, and this is Certainly their drift; It is 
a Rich Island, and affords many brave Commodityes that yeeld great 
ad vantages... The Queen hath wrote your President a very kinde 
letter, wherein she makes Large proffers if you would undertake the 
whole Trade ; but then she will expect you protect her from the 
Dutch, but you are not in a Condition to doe one or other however 
we shall hold her in Expectation, and acquaint her we have advised 
you of it, and await your Order." 

The Vine was wrecked, and, in spite of an interchange of presents 
between the Queen of Achin and Charles II., nothing further was 
done towards re -settling the Factory until 1668, when a Commission 
was given to Matthew Gray as Chief, and to Henry Chowne and 
Charles Ward as Second and Third. In this Commission the Surat 
Council stated {O. C. No. 3266), that "The Queen Some years since 
did send us a kind of Embassy making great promises of graunting 
us the whole trade of Acheen, Jeco, Priaman, &ca but it was then in 
a time when we could not accept it, being in the heat of the Dutch 
warr." Gray and his colleagues were ordered to find out **if the 
Dutch tyranny" extended to all the ports of Achin. The Council 
further stated that the Queen in former times had expressed great 
favour to the English but " her bounty to us hath been much abused 
by the Orankayes about her that take the advantage of her being 
a woman to Impose more unreasonably on us then it is her will and 
Pleasure they should. Wee doe acknowledge that Mr. Henry Gary 
did contract to give the Queen yearly a present of 100 lb sterling 
but then it was thought wee might have 2 or 3 Shipps yearly, in 
which she had graunted the custome free of all the goodes belonging 
to our nation, and likewise the fifth parte of customes for all other 
Fraighters goodes, which were our trade so great would be well worth 
such a present, but we having but one Shipp and that a small one, 
lesse then the halfe may well serve her turne, besides this of a present 
is an accustomary duty which she requires from all vessells that come 
into her Port, and makes retumes to the full amount of what is given 
her upon the coming away of the shipp or Vessell thence, and there- 
fore since this [is] so common, wee hope she will not use us worse 
then others that expect much more grace and favour from her and 



320 ACHIN 

therefore press her to show some particular kindness to the Company 
for our future encouradgment." 

Gray anchored in "Acheene Roade" on the 22nd May, 1669. In 
September he wrote to Surat {O. C. No. 3346) that "The Dutch... are 
almost Sole Masters of all the ports and trade of this Island [Sumatra] 
there are but 2 ports to the westward of this [Achin] open from 
whence is brought only Coconut Oyle Dammer wax Rice and other 
provisions." 

On hearing that orders had been sent to Fort St George to make 
a settlement at Achin, the Surat Council recalled Mr Gray, in Nov. 
1669, urging as an excuse that "our fort freinds want the growth of 
those Countrys Pepper &ca more then we doe here." When Matthew 
Gray left Achin on the " Jounk Nugdy^^ he reported that "the Atcheen 
trade is Breathing its last " and he held out no hopes either to Surat 
or to Fort St George of the practicability of settling a factory 
there. He left Henry Chowne and Charles Ward in charge of the 
Company's remaining property. 

The Council at Fort St George were loth to repeat the failure of 
the Surat Council. Although urged by the Court to write to the 
" Queen of Atcheene composing your letter in such a complasent 
method as may bee most acceptable unto her and therein to advise 
her from us, that God willing the next yeare, wee shall order some 
shipping to come to her Port for trade, and some person to make 
Addresses to her Majestie," Agent Foxcroft replied that, since the 
matter had been left to their judgment, he and his Council were of 
opinion that the re-settlement of a factory at Achin would not be 
worth the cost, especially as the procuring of " good store of pepper " 
was one of the chief conditions. 

After these repeated disappointments, the Directors gave up the 
idea of settling a permanent factory at Achin. In November, 1670, 
they wrote to Fort St George, " Wee have laid aside the thoughts of 
any Factory at Acheene, finding what you advise by experience, in 
that which was sent from Surratt that it is not worth the Setling." In 
April, 1 67 1, we read, in a "Generall" from Surat, "The Factory of 
Acheen is Dissolved according to your order." 

Although the business done at Achin did not warrant the employ- 
ment of a permanent staff of factors, yet trading voyages were 
sufficiently lucrative to make it advisable t6 retain the Company's 
house and one or two representatives. In the Diary of William 
Puckle while at Masulipatam, Factory Records^ Masulipatam, No. 12, 
we have, p. 35, the following account of trade at Achin in 1675 : 
*• Acheen. There is an Arminian that lives in the Honble. Companys 
house there by leave of the president who keeps the House in repaire 
and gives Lodging to any of their ships Company and servants that 
come there but refuses to do so to strangers. The Queen hath great 
kindness for the English. A Strangers ship shall ly 2 mos. before 
unloaden and then every parcell strictly examined. The English by 
agreement pay a certayn Sum for each Ship whether little or great 
and have their dispatch presently... By Information when the Com- 
pany had a Factory there it was usall to send thither a vessell with 
16 or 20 pieces of goods for their account and the rest of the vessells 
hold fild up with particular private trade." T. B., not being a servant 
of the Company, had a house of his own at Achin {vide Introduction), 
as, no doubt, had many another private trader. 

In 1683, after the loss of Bantam, the Directors again suggested 



ACHIN 321 

This part of the Citty of Achin Standeth Upon very 
Even low ground, soe that all the houses Stand upon 
Pillars of wood some 6, some 8, 10 or 12 foot from the 
ground, by reason in the Season of great raines, there 
is a very great inundation, which generally happeneth in 
September or the full Moone in October, at which time for 
many days wee goe from house to house in boats\ All that 



{Letter Book, No. 7) a settlement at Achin, and wrote to the Queen 
on the subject. In the following year (1684), Richard Mohun was 
granted leave to occupy the old factory house at Achin on condition 
of keeping it and the Godowns in good repair. Achin, however, was 
not destined to replace Bantam as a ** Subordinate Factory." Ben- 
coolen, on the west coast of Sumatra, was fixed on for a settlement, 
and Achin remained, as far as English trade was concerned, in the 
condition described in the text. 

^ Compare the following descriptions of the town of Achin : In 

Voyage pour la Compagnie iV Octroi des Indes Orientates^ 1603, p. 527, 

we have, " The town [of Achin] is half a league higher up [than the 

harbour] and is built all along the river side. The houses are of mud 

and raised on long piles because the river often overflows all the town. 

The dwelling rooms are reached by steps. The walls are covered with 

reeds or straw as are the roofs." De Graaf, who visited Achin in 1641, 

thus describes it, Voyages, p. 22 f., "The town of Achin is... situated on 

a level district about 3 miles from the mountain whence a river flows 

up to the town. There the river makes a bend and divides the town 

into two, after which it discharges itself into the Sea by 3 mouths. The 

largest and most important part of the town is on the N.W. side. 

Nearly all the houses are of reed, Bamboo, or cane, only a few being 

of stone. They are all built on piles of Bamboos raised 4 or 5 or 

even 6 feet from the ground, because the high tides flood the town 

nearly every year so that one is obliged to go by boat from one house 

to another... There are two large spaces for holding a market, one in the 

middle of the town and the other at the northern end. Here are found 

the merchants, both Moors and Idolaters, provided with all kinds of 

merchandise." Dampier, who was at Achin in 1688, gives, vol. ii. 

pp. 129, 148 and 149, some additional particulars about the town, 

"Their Houses are built on posts as those of Mindanao... The City 

of Achin... is seated on the Banks of a River... and about 2 miles from 

the Sea. This Town consists of about 7 or 8000 Houses ; and in it 

there are always a great many Merchant Strangers... as Achin lies 

within a few Degrees of the Line so upon the Suns crossing the Line 

in March, the Rains begin a little Sooner there than in Countries 

nearer the Tropick of Cancer: and when they are once set in, they 

are as violent there as any where. I have seen it rain there for 2 or 

3 days without intermission ; and the River running but a short course 

...it soon overflows; and a great part of the Street of the City shall 

on a sudden be all under water; at which time people row up and 

down the Streets in Canoas. That side the City toward the River 

especially, where the Foreign Merchants live, and which is lower 

ground, is frequently under water in the Wet Season : a Ships Long- 

T. 21 



322 ACHIN 

piece of land whereon standeth the PallaceS the great 
Mosquee^the Orongkays house and many Others neare the 
great Bazar' is a great deale higher and not at all Overflowne. 

For the most part Every man's house hath a fence 
about it*, and Sometimes 3 or 4 houses in one fence, but 
then the ground belongeth to one man. The houses wee 
live in are neare the River Side and consequently Stand as 
aforesaid (Upon Stilts) as followeth' [Plate XIX.]. 

This Countrey afifordeth Severall Excellent good fruites^ 
Namely Duryans^ Mangastinos^, Oranges the best in India 

boat has come up to the very Gate of our English Factory laden with 
Goods ; which at other times is ground dry enough, at a good distance 
from the River, and moderately raised above it." See also Lockyer, 
Trade in India, p. 37 f. 

^ Compare De Graaf, Voyages, p. 23, " There is [at Achin] a Large 
royal palace built in the Indian fashion. It is almost entirely of stone 
with very beautiful apartments and gardens where are fine pyramides, 
several tombs of the kings. Canals and a large house for the king's 
wives." After the rule of Achin passed into the hands of queens, the 
palace was closely guarded against intrusion. Dampier, vol. ii. p. 130, 
says, "The Queen has a large Palace here, built handsomely with 
Stone : but I could not get into the inside of it." 

2 Both De Graaf and Dampier speak of a number of Mosques in 
Achin but make no mention of any specially large one. 

3 For the two bazars, see the extract from De Graaf's Voyages in 
note I on p. 321. 

* Compare Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 37 f , " The Houses are not 
join'd as in other Cities, but Pallizado'd every one by it self; except 
in two or three of the chief Streets, where the Bazar is kept, and the 
China camp, or Street where the Chines live. Europeans live as near 
one another as they can, and tho* their Houses do not join, yet a few 
Bamboos only part their Yards : Whence they have a long Street near 
the River wholy to themselves." 

^ The unfinished state of this, the last illustration in the MS., seems 
to point to some sudden interruption in the work {vide Introduction). 

® T. B. in the Dialogues at the end of his Malay Diet, has, "The 
City [Achin] is indifferently supplied with Provisions, as Beef, Goats, 
Fowls, Fish, Rice, and plenty of many good Sorts of Fruits." 

'^ See note on p. 278. Compare also Dampier, vol. i. p. 319 f, "The 
Trees that bear the Durians are big as Apple Trees, full of Boughs. 
The Rind is thick and tough; the Fruit is so large that they grow 
only about the Bodies, or on the Limbs near the Body, like the Cacao... 
The largest of the Fruit may be as big as a Pullets Egg: 'Tis as 
white as Milk, and as soft as Cream, and the taste very delicious to 
those who have been accustomed to them... This Fruit must be eaten 
in its prime." See Plate xix. 

* See Hobson-Jobson, s.v, Mangosteen. Compare Dampier, vol. ii. 



ACHIN 323 

or South Seas, comparable with the best of China, Lemons, 
Limes, RamastinesS Coconutts^ Plantans', Pineapples*, 
Mangoes \ Mirablines *, Bolangos ^ Monsoone plums ^ 



p. 125, " Of all these sorts of Fruits [in Achin], I think the Mangastan 
IS without compare the most delicate. This Fruit is in shape much 
like the Pomegranate, but a great deal less. The outside rind or shell 
is a little thicker than that of the Pomegranate, but softer, yet more 
brittle ; and is of a dark red. The inside of the shell is of a deep 
crimson colour. Within this shell the fruit appears in 3 or 4 Cloves, 
about the bigness of the top of a man's thumb. These will easily 
separate each from the other ; they are as white as Milk, very soft and 
juicy, inclosing a small black Stone or Kernel." See Plate xix. 

* I.e. ramdu/aHf the nephalium lappaceum = ^*'\t*ic\i^^^^ (litchi). 
See Hobson-Jobson^ s,v. Rambotang, and Watt, Did. of Economic 
Products^ s.v. Nephelium. Compare the following from W. Funnell's 
Voyage to the South Sea, &c.. Collection of Voyages^ vol. iv. p. 197, 
" The Rumbostan is about the Bigness of a Walnut, when the green 
Peel is off. It... hath a pretty thick tough outer Rind, which is of a 
deep Red, and is full of little Knobs of the same Colour. Within the 
Rind is the Fruit which is quite white, and looks almost like a Jelly 
and within the Fruit is a large Stone. It is very delicate Fruit, and 
though a Man eat never so much yet it never does him any harm, 
provided he swallow the Stones as well as the Fruit...." 

2 See note on p. 245. See also Dampier^ vol. i. pp. 291 — 296 for 
a full description of the Cocoa-nut and its uses. 

3 See note on p. 245. * See note on p. 279. 

^ See note on p. 48. Compare Dampier^ vol. i. p. 391, " Mangoes 
...The fruit of these is as big as a small Peach; but long and smaller 
towards the top ; it is of a yellowish colour when ripe ; it is very juicy, 
and of a pleasant smell, and delicate taste. When the Mango is 
young they cut them in two pieces, and pickle them with Salt and 
Vinegar, in which they put some Cloves of Garlick...The Mangoes 
were ripe... and they have then so delicate a fragrancy, that we 
could smell them out in the* thick Woods if we had but the wind of 
them." 

^ See note on p. 192. 

'^ Apparently a curtailment of the term conbalingua^ combalenga^ 
well-known at this period for the pumpkin. See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. 
Conbalingua. 

^ This is clearly the well-known and widely-spread Oriental fruit 
of the Zizyphus Jujuba^ called Rhamnus fujuba by Linnaeus and the 
older botanists. The common Indian name for it is ber. It is a small 
round yellow fruit of the size of a plum, though Rumphius calls it the 
Indian apple. The writer confused its Portuguese name maqdo^ as 
adopted by the Malays {tnasdna^ mansana\ for the common current 
word "monsoon" for "the season." 

Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense^ vol. ii. book ii. chapter 44, 
p. ii7f, on the " Indische Appel-Boom,'' says, "Nomen. Latine 
Malum Indicum juxta Portugallicum Mansana vel Massana da India 
Acostae, uti et in India quoque dicitur Veteri, et juxta ilium scriptorem 

21 — 2 



324 ACHIN 

Pumple Mooses\ &c., and the trees beare fruite both 
green and ripe all the yeare alonge*. 

And now I shall give a relation (admirable) of their 
new Queen' goeinge abroad, although her Voyadge was 
not very farre, yet most Sumptuous even to admiration, 
which gave very great Satisfaction to all Loyall Efifectors 
of this Sort of Goverment, and more Especially to the 
favorites and relations of theire old deceased Queen, Of 
which as folio weth : 

Some fourty dales after the decease of the Old Queen, 



Ber et Bor. Malaice Vidara^ vocaturque in Macassara ac porro in 
hisce adjacentibus insulis Balis Buckel. 

Locus. Plurimum occurrit haec arbuscula per totam veterem 
Indiam, ac porro in Bengala, Aracana, et Malacca usque in Javam 
et Baleyam, unde translata est in Celebem et Moluccos, hie vero et 
in Banda raro reperitur multumque degenerata." 

^ The largest variety of the orange. See Hobson-Jobson^ s.v, 
Pommelo. T. B. in his Malay Diet, has, " Poomplemoos, a Fruit in 
India, is called at Berbadoes, a Shaddock.'' Compare De la LoublrCy 
p. 23, " Pampelmouses have the taste and shape [of * sowre ' oranges], 
but... are as big as Melons, and have not much Juice." Nieuhof, Het 
Gezantschap Der Neerlandtsche Oost-lndische Compagnie^ has, under 
" Vruchten in Sina," p. 144, "a certain fruit, which by the Chinese is 
called Venku^ by the Portuguese Jamboa^ and by the Dutch Pompel- 
moes.^^ Compare also Dainpier^ vol. ii. p. 125, "The Pumple-nose is 
a large Fruit like a Citron, with a very thick tender uneven rind. 
The inside is full of Fruit: it grows all in cloves as big as a small 
Barly-corn, and these are all full of juice, as an Orange or a Lemon, 
tho' not growing in such partitions. Tis of a pleasant taste, and tho' 
there are of them in other parts of the East- Indies, yet these at Achin 
are accounted the best." Rumphius, Herbarium Amboinense, vol. ii. 
pp. 96 — 99, has a long article on this fruit in which he gives the 
various names by which it was known : " Nomen. Latine Limo De- 
cumanus feu Malum Assyrium Decumanum: Malaice Lemon Cas- 
somba h. e. Limo ruber ab incarnato colore, quidam Malaice vocant 
Jamboa juxta Portugallicum Samboa, quod proprie Pomp-sires feu 
Adami poma Hispanis denotat, a quo tamen haec mala Indica multum 
differunt ; Javanis dicitur Djurru feu Djerru vel Djerru Matsjang h. e. 
Limo tigrinus : Macassarensibus Lemon Calucku h. e. Limo Calap- 
parius, ob magnitudinem et formam Calappi. Belgice pompelmoes 
vocatur. Sinensibus vero Ju, vel Noay." See also note on Sam Cau 
on p. 247. 

2 Compare De la Loublre^ p. 23, "All the other Fruits continue 
only a time. 'Tis at Achem only at the North Point of the Isle of 
Sumatra, that Nature produces them all at Every season." For 
illustrations of a "Mangastine Tree" and a "Durian Tree," see 
Plate XIX. 

3 See note on p. 311. 



ACHIN 325 

This Younge, or indeed more properly may be called New 
Queenie, for that She was not lesse then 60 years Old when 
She was Established in the Throne \ She went downe the 
River of Achin in soe admirable a Grandure of Worldly 
State, that the like I believe was never paralelled in the 
Universe*. 

Her own Person went downe in a most Stately barge 
most bravely carved and gilded from one end thereof to 
the other, with a very Stately Summer (or pleasure) house 
in the midst thereof, the which was covered with Massy 
Gold of incredible Substance and Value, and Surrounded 
with very Stately Pillars covered with the richest cloth of 
Gold hangings. Others, but a great deale inferiour to 
this, attended, yet very rich ones, in their proper Stations, 
vizt. One right ahead, one upon each quarter, all rowed by 
women, and seemed to doe it both with great reverence 
and rejoyceings, with Varieties of musick, and delicate 
Voices, that Sange to the great Honor and Majestie of 
their great Virgin-Princess. These were to admiration 
adorned with Flaggs and Pendants and fine tapestrie, with 
500 of the Queen's most warlike Elephants (rigged in the 
greatest State) followed the barges very close (and in the 
water), for which reason they rowed the Easier. Above 
icx) of the riders, yea those that kept near the Queen's 
barge (or that wherein it was said the Queen was) were 
Eunuchs of her own houshold. Each of them wore his 
Turbat* after the Arabian mode of beaten pure Gold, and 



^ This must have been the "Old Queen" whose death, in 1688, is 
noted by Dampier (see note on p. 311). 

2 The "State Ride" seen by T. B. was more public than the 
annual "Ride" described by Dampier^ vol. ii. p. 142, "The Queen of 
Achin... seldom goes abroad... except that once a Year she is drest 
all in white, and placed on an Elephant and so rides to the River 
in state to wash her self: but whether any of the meaner sort of 
People may see her in that progress I know not." 

3 See note on p. 156. Compare Fryer^ p. 18, "On his Head he 
wore a large White Turbat.'* 



326 ACHIN 

very large Shakels of beaten Gold quite up their arms and 
leggs, and bore each of them a lance of beaten gold of 
7 or 8 foot longe, and proportionately thick. The Other 
riders were Said to be Lords and Gentlemen of the Citty, 
and very richly attired in Cloth of gold, and armed with 
Creest^ and Lance. And Upon the banks of the River on 
each Side went 500 or more of the delicatest horses in the 
Kingdome ; their Saddles, Stirrops, bits and buckles were 
of pure gold, their Saddle cloths and bridles and Crupars^ 
richly beset with many Diamonds, Rubies, Pearle, and 
Saphir of im-' 



^ See note on p. 298. 

2 i.e. cruppers. 

3 Here the MS. breaks off abruptly. 




LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS AND 
MANUSCRIPTS QUOTED IN THE FOOT- 
NOTES AND INTRODUCTION. 



Anderson, J. A., M.D., F.R.S. English Intercourse with Siam in the 
Seventeenth Century (Triibner's Oriental Series). London, 1890. 

Annales du Mus^e Guimet, vol. 27. Le Siam Ancien par Lucien 
Fournereau. Paris, 1895*. 

Balfour, Edward, Surgeon-General. The Cyclopaedia of India and 
of Eastern and Southern Asia. 3 vols. London, 1885. 

Beauchamp, Henry K. See Dubois. 

Bemier, Francois. Travels in the Mogul Empire, 1656-58 (Constable's 
Oriental Miscellany). London, 1891. 

Bilgrami, Hossain, and Wilmott, C. Historical and Descriptive 
Sketch of H.H. the Nizam's Dominions. 2 vols. Bombay, 
1883-84. 

Bowrey, Thomas. Dictionary of English and Malayo. London, 170 1. 

Bowrey, Thomas. A Grammar of the Malay Tongue. Compiled 
from Bowrey's Dictionary, and other authentic documents, manu- 
script and printed. London, 1800. 

Bowring, Sir John. The Kingdom and People of Siam. 2 vols. 
London, 1857. 

British Museum, MS. Department: 

Add. MS. 15319, Nos. 11 and 15. Charts of "Junk Seilon." 
Add. MS. 28,140, ff. 31 — 33. " Proposall for taking Baldivia in 

the South Seas," by Thomas Bowrey. 
Harleian 4252. Log of the Unicorn^ 1668. 
Harleian 4254. Notes and Observations of East India, per 

John Marshall, 1668 — 1672. 
Sloane 5222, Nos. 6 — 17. Twelve charts by Thomas Bowrey. 

Bruce, John, M.P., F.R.S. Annals of the Honourable East India 
Company, 1600 — 1707/8. 3 vols. London, 18 10. 

Bumell, A. C. See Yule. 

Calendar of State Papers. Domestic Series. London, 1875 &c. 

* The extracts used have been translated into English. 



328 LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS, ETC. 

Carmichael, D. F. Manual of the District of Vizagapatam. Madras, 
1869. 

Ghamnont, Mons. de C, Knt. A relation of the late Embassy to the 
Court of the King of Siam. London, 1687. 

Constable's Oriental Miscellany. See Bemier. 

Crawfurd, John, F.R.S. Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands 
and adjacent countries. London, 1856. 

Crawford, John, F.R.S. Journal of an Embassy to Siam and Cochin 
China. London, 1828. 

Crawford, John, F.R.S. Malay Dictionary; a Grammar and Dic- 
tionary of the Malay Language. London, 1852. 

Dalenc^. See Delestre. 

Dampier, William. A New Voyage round the World. 2 vols. London, 
1698. 

De Chaomont. See Chaumont. 

De Graaf. See Graaf. 

De la Loub^re. See Loub^re. 

Delestre. Relation ou Journal d'un voyage fait aux Indes Orientales. 
Paris, 1677. " Par grace et Privilege du Roy en date du 24 Dec. 
1676. Sign^ Dalenc^ il est permis &c." (This is the edition from 
which the extracts used in this work are taken. The copy at the 
India Office Library is catalogued as by Delestre, while the same 
edition at the British Museum is catalogued as [By Dalenc^], and 
the edition of 1698, which only differs from the 1677 ed. in having 
a scanty index, is catalogued as [By De I'Estra?]. For the present 
work I have translated into English all the extracts used.) 

Dennys, N. B., Ph.D. Descriptive Dictionary of British Malaya. 
London, 1894. 

Diary of Strejnisham Master. See India Office Records, s,v. Factory 
Records, Miscellaneous. 

Dow, Alexander. History of Hindostan. 3 vols. (Translated from 
the Persian.) London, 1768 — 1772. 

Dobois, Abb^ J. A. Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, trans- 
lated and edited by Henry K. Beauchamp. Oxford, 1897. 

Donn, Samuel. A New Directory for the East Indies. London, 1780, 

Donstan, James. The History of the Parish of Bromley St Leonard, 
Middlesex. London, 1862. 

Eliot Papers, The. Compiled from family papers by Eliot Howard. 
2 vols. Gloucester, 1893/4. 

Endowed Charities (County of London), Parish of Limehouse, 
St Anne, 1895. 

Eredia. See Godinho. 

Finlayson, George. The Mission to Siam and Hu^. London, 1826. 

Fitch, Ralph. The Voyage of... to Goa in the East India and all the 
kingdoms of... the great Mogol. (Hakluyt's Collection of the early 
voyages, vol. 5.) London, 1809 — 18 12. 



LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS, ETC. 329 

Forrest, Thomas. Voyage from Calcutta to the Mergui Archipelago, 
• '&c. London, 1792. 

Fort St (George, Ancient Records of. See Press List. 

Foster, Wm. Letters received by the East India Company from its 
Servants in the East. Vols. 2 &c. London, 1897 &c. 

FoumereaiL See Annales du Musde Guimet. 

Fryer, John, M.D. A New Account of East India and Persia, in 
Eight Letters. Being 9 years Travels, Begun 1672. And 
Finished 1681. London, 1698. 

Funnell, Wm. Voyage round the World. London, 1707. 

Godinlio de Eredia. Malaca, L'Inde M^ridionale et le Cathay (1613), 
MS. orig. autographe de, reproduit et traduit par L. Janssen. 
Bruxelles, 1882*. 

Graaf, Nicolas de. Voyages aux Indes Orien tales et en d'autres lieux 
d'Asie. Amsterdam, 1719*. 

Gribble, J. D. B. History of the Deccan. London, 1896 &c. 

Hakluyt Society's Publications: 

Hedges. Diary of Mr (afterwards Sir) William in Bengal, &c. 

1 68 1 — 1688, edited by Col. Henry Yule, C.B. 3 vols. 

London, 1886 — 1889. 
Lancaster, Sir James. Voyages of, to the East Indies during 

the 17th cent. Edited by Clements R. Markham, C.B., 

F.R.S. London, 1877. 

Hamilton, Alexander, Captain. A New Account of the East Indies. 
2 vols. Edinburgh, 1727. 

Harleian Society's Publications: 

Allegations for Marriage Licences issued by the Vicar General 
of the Archbishop of Canterbury, vol. 3 1 . London, 1 890 &c 

Hedges' Diary. See Hakluyt Society's Publications. 

Herbert, Sir Thomas. Travels into Africa and Asia the Great. 
London, 1677. 

Hobson-Jobson. See Yule and Burnell. 

Horsburgb, James, F.R.S., &c. The India Directory or Directions 
for Sailing to and from the East Indies. 2 vols. London, 1809 — 
1811, 1855. 

Howison, James, M.D. A Dictionary of the Malay ton^e as spoken 
in the Peninsula of Malacca &c. in Two Parts, to which is prefixed 
a Grammar. London, 1801. 

Hunter, Sir William Wilson, K.C.S.I. History of British India. 
2 vols. London, 1897. 

Hunter, Sir William Wilson, K.C.S.I. Imperial Gazetteer of India. 
14 vols. London, 1887. 

Hutchins, John. The History and Antiquities of the County of 
Dorset. 2 vols. London, 1774. 

Indian Antiquary, The, a Journal of Oriental Research. Bombay, 
1872 &c. 

* The extracts used have been translated into English. 



330 LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS, ETC. 

India Office MS. Records : 

Bengal Public Consultations, Range i, vol. i. 

Factory Records : 

Balasor, vol. i. 

Calcutta, vols. 2 and 3. 

Fort St George, vols, i — 5, 14, 16, 18, 20, 21, 28, 30. 

Hugli, vols. I — 7, II. 

Java, vol. 6. 

Kasimbazar, vol. i. 

Madapollam, vol. 3. 

Masulipatam, vols, i, 2, 6, 9, 10, 12. 

Miscellaneous, vols. 2, 3, 3 a, 14 (Diary of Streynsham 

Master). 
Siam, vol. i. 

Surat, vols. 3, 87, 104, 105. 
Letter Books (Copies of Dispatches from the Court of 

Directors to the various Factories), vols, i — 8. 
Original Correspondence (known as the O.C. collection, 

being letters from India with collateral documents 

originating at any place between England and Japan), 

vols. 18 — 47. 

General Records: 

Abstracts of Letters received from the Coast and Bay, vol. i. 
Court Books (Minutes of the Proceedings of the Court 

of Directors), vols. 26 — 38. 
Dutch Records: Hague Transcripts, vol. 2. 
Home Series Miscellaneous, vol. 2. (List of Adventurers.) 

Marine Records: 

Ships' Logs, vols. 75 and 492 B. (Logs of the President 

and King George}) 
Miscellaneous, vol. 13. ("A Book of Entertainment of 

Mariners.") 
The Joumall of Peter Mundy (a late copy). 

Journal ou Suite du Voyage de Siam* par Mr L. D. C. Amsterdam, 
1687. 

Kelly, P., LL.D. The Universal Cambist and Commercial Instructor. 
2 vols. London, 1835. 

Lancaster. See Hakluyt Societ/s Publications. 

Lane-Poole. See Rulers of India Series. 

Luiller. See Provost, Voyages. 

Lockyer, Charles. An Account of the Trade in India, &c. London, 
1711. 

Lord, Henry, Sometime resident in East India and Preacher to the 
Ho**^® Company of Merchants trading thether. A Display of two 
forraigne Sects in the East Indies vizt. The Sect of the Banians 
the Ancient Natives of India And the Sect of the Persees the 
Ancient Inhabitants of Persia together with the Religion and 
Manners of Each Sect Collected into two Bookes. Imprinted at 
London for Francis Constable and are to be Sold at his Shoppe 
in Paules Church yard at the signe of the Crane, 1630. 

* The extracts used have been translated into English. 



LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS, ETC. 33 1 

Loub^re, De la. A New Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam. 
Done out of French by A. P. Gen. R.S.S. London, 1693. 

Lysons, Daniel, F.R.S. The Historical Account of the Environs of 
London. 4 vols, and supp. London, 1792 — 18 11. 

Mackenzie, Gordon. A Manual of the Kistna District. Madras, 1883. 

Madras Manual of Administration. A Manual of the Administra- 
tion of the Madras Presidency in illustration of the Records of 
Government and the Yearly Administration Reports. 3 vols, 
(vol. 3 Glossary.) Madras, 1893. 

Madras Press List. See Press List. 

Mandelslo, J. Albert. Voyages and Travels of, into the East Indies, 
rendred into English by John Davies of Kidwelly. London, 1669. 

Marco Polo. See Yule. 

Marsden, William, F.R.S. A Grammar of the Malayan Language 
with an Introduction and Praxis. London, 181 2. 

Marshall, John. See British Museum MSB., s,v, Harleian, 4254. 

Milbum, Wm. Oriental Commerce, &c. 2 vols. London, 18 13. 

Moor, J. H. Notices of the Indian Archipelago and adjacent countries. 
Part I. Singapore, 1837. 

Morris, H. A Descriptive and Historical Account of the Godavery 
District. London, 1878. 

Murray, James A. H., LL.D. A New English Dictionary. Oxford, 
1888, &c. 

Nieuhoff, J. Gezantschap aan den Grooten Tartarischen Cham, of 
Keizer van Sina. Amsterdam, 1670*. 

Notes and Extracts from the Government Records in Fort St George 
(1670— 1681). Parts I. II. III. Madras, 1871-73. 

Orme, Robert. Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire, &c. 
2 vols. London, 1782. 

Oxford English Dictionary. See Murray. 

Penny, Mrs. Fort St George, Madras. London, 1900. 

Premier Livre de THistoire de la Navigation aux Indes Orien- 
tales, par les HoUandois et des choses a eux advenues Par 
G. M. A. W[illem] L[odewijcksz]. Amsterdam, Comille Nicolas, 
1609. 

Press List of Ancient Records in Fort St George. Nos. i to 6 
(1670 — 1699). 

Prevost, Antoine Francois. Histoire Gdndrale des Voyages*. 25 vols. 
La Haye, 1747-80. 

Pringle, A. T. Selections from the Consultations of the Agent, 
Governor, and Council of Fort St George, 1681. 4th Series. 
Madras, 1893. 

Pnngle, A. T. The Diary and Consultation Book of the Agent, 
Governor, and Council of Fort St George, ist Series, 1682 — 
168^. 4 vols. Madras, 1894, &c. 

* The extracts used have been translated into English. 



332 LIST OF FULLER TITLES OF BOOKS, ETC. 

Risley, H. H. The Tribes and Castes of Bengal. 2 vols. Calcutta, 
1891. 

Balers of India Series. Aurangzib; by Stanley Lane-Poole. Oxford, 
1893. 

Rumphins, Georg. Everhard. Herbarium Amboinense. 7 vols. 
Amstelodami, 1741. 

Schonten, Gautier. Voiage aux Indes Orientales 1658 — 1665. 2 vols. 
Traduit du HoUandois. Amsterdam, 1707*. 

Smsrth, W. H., Admiral. The Sailors' Word Book. London, 1867. 

Somerset Honse, Documents at. 

Wills. 
Administrations. 

Sonnerat. Voyages aux Indes Orientales et h la Chine. Translated 
by F. Magnus. 3 vols. Calcutta, 1788. 

Stevens, Robert. The Complete Guide to the East India Trade. 
London, 1766. 

Stewart^ Charles. The History of Bengal. London, 18 13. 

Tavemier, E. T. Collection of Travels, &c., being the Travels of 
Monsieur Tavemier, Bemier and other great men. 2 vols. 
London, 1684. 

Taylor, James. A Sketch of the Topography and Statistics of Dacca. 
Calcutta, 1840. 

Terry, Edward. A Voyage to East India. Reprint from edition 
of 1655. London, 1777. 

Thevenot, Melchizedek. Les Voyages en Europe, Asie et Afrique. 
Newly done into English. London, 1687. 

Triibner's Oriental Series. See Anderson. 

Valentyn, Fran9ois. Ouden Nieuw Oost Indien. 5 vols. Amsterdam, 
1624. 

Watt, G. A. A Dictionary of the Economic Products of India. 
10 vols. Calcutta, 1889-93. 

Wheeler, J. Talboys. Madras in the Olden Time... compiled from 
Official Records. 3 vols. Madras, 1861. 

Wilkinson, R. J. A Malay-English Dictionary. Singapore, 1901. 

Wilson, C. R. Early Annals of the English in Bengal. Vol. i. 
Calcutta, 1895. 

Wilson, H. H. Essays on the Religion of the Hindus. London, 1862. 

Tnle, Col. H. See Hakluyt Society's Publications. 

Tule, Col. H. The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian, concerning 
the Kingdoms and Marvels of the East. 2 vols. London, 1875. 

Yule, Col. H., and Bumell, A. C. Hobson-Jobson ; being a Glossary 
of Anglo-Indian Colloquial Words and Phrases. London, 1886 
and 1902. 

* The extracts used have been translated into English. 



INDEX. 



Aazzum Caun, Auzum Cawne. See 
A'zim Khan 

Abassee, Abassin. See Coins 

Abdoul-Coutu-Sha. See Abdullah 
Qutb Shah 

Abdula Hossein. See Abu'l Has- 
san Shah 

Abdullah Qutb Shah, rise of, 109 
n. I ; 6th king of Qutb Shahi line, 
113 n. i; his tomb, 113; date of 
his death, 113, 113 n. 2 

Abu'l Hassan Shan, king of Gol- 
conda, 88 «. 2 ; farmdn granted 
by to the English, 93 w. i 

Acham. See Assam 

Achar^ pickle, 193, 193 w. i ; bamboo, 
192 n, 4, 193 ; mangoe, 193 «. i ; 
radish, 193 n. i ; lime, 193 n. 1 

Achee, Acheen, Achein, Achim. 
See Achin 

Achin, xvi, xxii, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxix, 
xl, 1, 72 n. 2, 82 n. I, 97 n. 3, 237 
n, 2, 260, 261 n. 3, 262, 268, 270; 
port of, xxii, xxxviii, xxxix, xl, 286, 
286 n. 3, 287, 289 n. I, 300 n. 4, 
301 , 320 ; Jordan goes on a trading 
voyage to, 1 78 «. i ; weight of 
bahar of, 241 n, ^\ trade of, 245 
n. 2, 283, 286, 286 n. I, 289 n. i ; 
bamboo measure at, 249 «. i ; 
number of foreigners at, 256 n, i, 
286 n. I ; Chulias at, 258 ; riches 
of, 261 ; royal palace at, 275 n. i, 
286 «. 2, 313, 314, 322, 322 n. I ; 
fruit and vegetables plentiful at, 
279 «• 3' 322, 323, 324 «. 3; 
weights and measures of, 281, 281 
n. 5, 282 ; coins of, 281 «. 5 ; T. B.'s 
description of, 285-326 ; capital of 
Sumatra, 285 ; situation of, 285, 
286 ; Schouten*s description of, 285 
n, 3 ; dependencies of, 285 n, 3, 
286 «. 3, 295, 295 «. 4 ; river of, 



286 ; buildings at, 285 n, 3, 286 n. 2, 
321, 321 n. I, 322, 322 «. 4 ; T. B. 
resides at, 287 n. 1 ; malefactors at, 
whither banished, 287, 287 n. 5 ; 
malefactors at, how punished, 287 

«• 5» 315. 315 «• 2, 317, 317 n. 2 ; 
imports of, 288-292, 293 n. i ; 
most populous city in Malay Archi- 
pelago, 293 ; produces few com- 
modities, 293 n. I ; Dampier*s de- 
scription of, 293 n, 2, 321 «. I ; 
Mundy's description of, 294 «. 2 ; 
prosperity of, 294 ; soil and climate 
of, 286, 293, 294, 294 n. I ; gold at, 

294, 294 /^. 2 ; belief in a perpetual 
female dynasty at, 295 n. 6 ; people 
of, 293, 294 n. 3 ; government of, 

295, 295 n, 6, 299 n, 5 ; chief 
ministers at, 299 ; ministers at, pre- 
sents given to, 302, 303 ; customs 
paid by English vessels at, 303, 
304, 304 n, I ; privileges to English 
at, 304 n, 4 ; English merchants at, 
ceremony on departure of, 307, 
308 ; Shabandar of, 307, 307 n, 4 ; 
history of English factory at, 308, 
3i7» 3'8, 318 n. 3, 319, 320; 
English trade at, 308 n, 2, 320 ; 
sports at, 310; fortifications of, 
312, 312 n. 2; disaffected inhabi- 
tants at, 312, 313, 313 «. I ; trou- 
bles in, at death of 3rd Queen of, 
313 «. I ; town attacked by rebels, 
3'3> 3 '4 5 execution of insurgents 
at, 314 ; Bishop of, how punished, 
314; cripples at, 314, 314 «. 4; 
cruel laws at, 315, 316 «. i ; exe- 
cutions at, 315, 316; story of a 
thief at, 317, 318; English chief 
at, 3i7» 317 «• 5; floods at, 321 ; 
De Graafs description of, 321 «. i ; 
mosque at, 322 ; bazaar at, 322 ; 
illustration of house at, 322 



334 



INDEX 



Achin, Bishop of. See Siddy 
Achin, king of, at war with Kedah, 
260 n. I ; Kedah subject to in 
1663, 275 ft. 2 ; Sekander muda, 
his tyranny, 295 n, 6, 296-298 ; 
letter from to James 1, 295 n. 6 ; 
cruelty of, 295 n. 6, 296, 296 n. 1, 

297 ; murders his son, 297, 298 ; 
death and burial of, 298 ; De Graafs 
account of death of in 1641, 298 
«. 2; concession obtained by Capt. 
Lancaster from, 304 ;/. 4 ; succeeds 
4th queen circ. 17 10, 311 n. i 

Achin, queen of, xxiii, xxxviii ; Perak 
subject to the, 283 n. 3; acting 
regent in Schouten*s time, 285 n. 3, 

298 n. 3 ; mistake as to length of 
reign of the, 295, 295 n. 6 ; chosen 
on death of Sekander muda, 298, 

299 n, I ; her power restricted by 
enactments, 298, 299 ; her coun- 
sellors and attendants, 299, 299 
^- 5> 300, 310; her treatment of 
foreigners, 300-304 ; her seclusion, 
300, 300 n. I ; her chap necessary 
in order to land at Achin, 300; 
present to, how delivered, 309, 
310 ; illness and death of the second, 
311, 312; mourning for the, 311, 
312 ; history of from 1 641- 1700, 

311 n. I ; the third proclaimed, 

312 ; death of the third, 313 «. i ; 
invites the English to settle a fac- 
tory, 318 «. 3 ; exchanges presents 
with Charles II, 319 ; her fear of 
Dutch aggression, 319 ; contract 
between Henry Gray and the, 319 ; 
letter ordered to be sent to from 
Fort St George, 320 ; her kindness 
to the English, 306, 307, 320 ; her 
royal progress, 324-326, 325 n. 2 

Achinese, Achiners, the, 252 n. 3; 
at Junk-Ceylon, assisted by Malays 
against Dutch, 252 ; their pros- 
perity, 294; their laziness, 294 
ft. 3 

Achin Head, 287 ft. 2 

Acorus^ Acorum (dringo root), 192 
ft. 4 

Acorus terrestris (dringo root), 192 
ft. 4 

Adam aftd Eve, the, Wm. Jearsey's 
ship, 251 ft. 1 

Adveftture^ the, Wm. Jearsey's ship, 
251 ft. \ 

Advice^ the, pink, 1 ; Wm. Jearsey's 
ship, 251 ft. I 

Africa, Bowrey's knowledge of coast 
of, xli 

Aftdba^ an ewer, 96 /;. 2, 199 /;. 3 



Aftowel, Aftaw. See Aftabd 
Aga Gilloll, Agga Geloll, Aga Tel- 
loll. See Agha Jalal 
Agala, Aguala wood. See Agila 

wood 
Aga Telloll. See Agha Jalal 
Agents, of the English in India. 
See s.v. Winter, Foxcroft, Lang- 
home, Gyfford,Clavell,Vincent,.etc. 
Agha Jalal, Governor of Masulipa- 
tam, 63 ft. I, 81 ft. 2, 99 ;/. 6; 
exchanges visits and presents with 
Streynsham Master, 8r ft. 2 ; his 
retinue and importance, 83 
Agila wood, 272, 272 ft. 3, 273 
Agra, 20, 39 ft. 2, 142, 142 ft, r, 
146, 147, 148, 288 ft. 6, 288 ft, 8 ; 
the metropolis of Akbar and Jahan- 
gir, 18 ; the capital of Shah Jahan, 
137 ; its fortress, 137 ft. 2 ; de- 
scription of, 137 ft. 2; the Taj, at, 
145 «. 6; rents of, given to Shay- 
ista Khan, 148 ;f. 5 
Aguala wood. See Agila wood 
Aguilaria Agallocha, See Agila wood 
Ahmad Maraikkar, xxxvi ; Bow- 
rey's quarrel with, at Porto Novo, 
xxxi-xxxiii 
Aiderabad. See Haidarabad 
Ainsa Bhainsa. See Jansa Bhainsa 
Akbar, 109 ft. 2 ; his tolerant treat- 
ment of the Hindus, 10 ft. 5, 11 
ft. 2 ; Agra his metropolis, 18 «. 2 
Akhuftf 300 ft. 2 
Alachah^ a silk cloth, 54, 71 ft. 3, 

122 ft. 3, 290, 290 ft. 4 
Alacor. See Halalcore 
AlahwirdT Khan, Ilahwirdi Khan. 

See *Ali Vardi Khan 
Ala'uddin Khilji, 221 ft. c^ 
Alcoron, the. See (Al) Koran, the 
Aleppo, xxxviii 

Alexander the Great, limit of his 
conquests in India, 131 ft, 7, 210, 
210 ;/. I 
*A1T Vardi Khan, Persian com- 
mander of Shah Shuja', 138 ; be- 
trays his master, 138 
(Al) Koran, the, 95, 314^. i ; written 

in Arabic, 95 ; much esteemed, 95 
Allahabad, 130 ft. 4, 148 ft. 5 
Alleja, a silk cloth. See Aldchah 
Alley, river, 176 ;/. i 
Alligators, in the Ganges, 202, 211 
ft. 1 ; description of, 284, 285 ; 
crocodiles mistaken by T. B. for, 
284 ft. 3 ; illustration of, 285 ; oil 
obtained from, 285 
Alligese. See Aldchah 
Aloe-wood. See Agila wood 



INDEX 



335 



Alos Star, present capital of Kedah, 

259 ft. 4 
Alvedore. S^e HavilcUlr 
Amadabat, Ahmadabad, 388 n, 8 
Amad Marcar. Seg Ahmad Maraik- 

kar 
Amad Mercawn. See Ahmad Ma- 

raikkar 
Amba. See Mangoe 
Amboyna, 170, 192 n. 4 
Ambrose, a companion of Dampier, 

xxxviii 
Ameer Al Omrah. See Amir-ul- 

Umard 
America, Bowrey's knowledge of 

coast of, xli, xliii ; Rangoon oil 

from, 192 ;/. 4 
Amir J Ameer, 39, 145 n. 2, 299 

«. 2 
Afnir-ul-Ufnard, Shayista Khan so 

styled, 150 n. i 
Amord Mercawne. See Ahmad 

Maraikkar 
Amoy, 118 «. I 
Amoy Bay, Chart of by Bowrey, 

xxix, 1 
Amoy Merchant y the, 178 «. i 
Ananas. See Pineapple 
Anantram, broker to the English at 

Kasimbazar, 30 n. 2, 32 n. 2 
Anctent, Ancient. See Flag 
Andaman Is., 1 
Andaman Sea, 237 n. 2 
Anderson, J. A., acquainted with 

the T. B. MS., XV ; his "English 

Intercourse with Siam " referred 

to, XV ft, I, 91 ft. I, 173 ft. 3, 

290 ft. 10 
Anaragera, Andregeree, Andraghiri. 

See Indragiri 
Androgeero, Androgheree. See In- 
dragiri 
Angelin. See Hijili 
Angerang, 123 ft. 4 
Angle. See Aftguli 
Anglo -Indians of the 17th century, 

T. B.'s references to, xviii 
Aftguli, a finger-breadth. 5^^ Weights 

and Measures 
Anna. See Coins 
'*Annales du Mus^e Guimet,'' 

referred to, 235 ft, i 
Aftfte, the, afterwards the //o/et 73 

Antelope, description of an, 59 ; 

manner of taking the, 59 ». i ; 

illustration of an, 119 
Afttehpet the, xxiv 
Apes. See Monkeys 
Apes' bezoar, 292 ft, 7 



Apocrypha, The story of Bel and the 
Dragon referred to, 23 

Aquilaria Agallocha. See Agila wood 

Arabia, li, i, 5, 71, 132 ft. 2, 133, 
281 n. 3, 293 

Arabic language, the, 314 ». i ; 
the (Al) Koran written in, 95 

Arabs, the, 237 ft. 2 ; seize Heron's 
ships, 176 ft, I 

Arakan (Arackan, Aracan), xvi, 61 
ft, 3, 72 ft. 2, 73, 131, 131 ft, 7, 
140 ft. 2, 199, 205, 209 ft. 2, 212 
ft. 2 ; rivers of, 74 ; situation of, 
'39 ^* 5 ) Shah Shuja' takes refuge 
in, 139, 139 «. 5, 140-142; Firing- 
hees at, 140 ». 4 ; wild elephants 
in, 222 ; no description of by T.B., 
234 ft. 2 ; trade with, 245 ft, 2 

Arakan, king of, protects Shah Shu- 
ja', 139-141 ; quarrels with his 
guest, 141 ; causes Shah Shuja's 
death, 142 

Arakaners, Arackaners, 1 40 ; pirates 
of Arakan, 140 ft, 3, 212; their 
depredations, iiift, 2 ; Company's 
sloops employed against them, 212 
ft. 2 

Arbre Triste (Arbol Triste, Arbor 
Tristis, Arbor Triste), description 
of, 49 

Arch Brahmin, at Jagannath pagoda, 
12 ft, I 

Areca, Arek, 30, 307, 309 «. 3; 
grown in Junk-Ceylon, 247 ; nut 
of, chewed at state calls, 303 ; plen- 
tiful in Achin, 304 ; description of, 
304 ft. 6 ; nut of, how prepared 
for chewing, 304 ft. 6, 305, 305 ft. i ; 
its beneficial qualities, 305, 306 ft. i ; 
appearance of when growing, 306 ; 
illustration of, 308 ; wood of tree, 
how used, 306 

Areca Catechu, areca palm, 306 ft. 3 

Armaghaum. See Armagon 

Armagon (Armaghaum, Armegam, 
Arumukam, Doogarauzpatam, Du- 
raspatam, Monapollem), 3 »• 5 ; 
history of, 25 ft. 3 ; pagoda of, 25 ; 
shoal near, 25 «. 3 ; factory of, 25 
ft, 3 ; headquarters of the English, 
1628-1630, 53 ft. I ; deserted for 
Fort St George, 53 

Armenian, John Demarcora an, 172 
ft, 3; Heron married to an, 176 
ft, I ; an, in charge of Company's 

f round at Kedah, 268; an, at 
English house in Achin, 320 
Armenians, 221 ft, 3 ; numerous in 

Golconda, i\\ ft, i 
Arrack, 68 ». 2 ; made by the Gen- 



336 



INDEX 



tues in Masulipatam, 77; forbidden 
to Muhamniadans, 77; how dis- 
tilled, 77, 78; different kinds of, 
77 '*• 3» 7^ "• ' ' ^ generic term for 
spirits, 77 ;/. 3 ; Davies' death 
attributed to, 269 

Arrangoes (Pdringo root), 192 ». 4 

ArriTolly the, sloop, 173 n. 2, 176 
ti. I, 208 //. 4, 292 ;/. 6; piloted 
by Heron, 175 ;/. 4, 175 n. 6, 175 
n. 8 ; her boat overset, 1 78 n, 3 

Arsipore, Arzepore, Arcsepour, Ar- 
sapouro. See Harsapur 

Articles of Agreement, between 
Malik Qasim and the Danes, 186, 
187; between the English and 
Achinese, 302 n. i, 303 

Arumukam Mudaliar, Armagon 
named from, 25 //. 3 

Arundell. See Roundel 

Asaf Khan, father of Shayista Khan, 
145 n. 6 

Asdm-Jawa. See Tamarind 

Asia, I, 14, 20, 27, 125, 169, 182, 
i93» 205» 257> 281 n. 3; extent of, 
2 ; women of, 31 ; garments of 
women of, 32 ; children of women 
of, 32; central, 172 n. i ; Alex- 
ander the Great's conquests in, 210 

Assam, M!r Jumla makes war on 
rdjd of, 143; conquest and loss of 
by Aurangzeb's forces, 143, 144 

Astrology, studied by the Brahmins, 
205 n. I, 205 n. 2 

Astronomers, reputation of Brah- 
mins as, 206 

Atchar. See Achdr 

Atchee, Atcheen. See Achin 

Atchein. See Achin 

Atkins, Captain, his Journal referred 
to, 287 ;/. 4 ; his account of his 
landing at Achin, 300 n. 4 

Augustmian Friars, their churches 
in Bengal, 133 //. 3; at Hugli, 

195 «• 5 
AQ Karon, 239 //. i 

AurangzSb, the Great Mogul, third 
son of Shah Jahan, 18 «. 2 ; ap- 
pointed Viceroy of the Deccan, 
108 n, 7, 135 ; his friends inform 
him of Dara's movements, 136, 
137; overthrows Dara in battle, 
137; imprisons his father, 137; 
beheads Murad Bakhsh, 137; de- 
feats Shah Shuja', 138, 139; be- 
comes Emperor, 139, 142; swears 
to avenge Shah Shuja's death, 142 ; 
his jealousy of Mir Jumla, 144 ; 
his pretended grief at Mir Jumla's 
death, 144, 145 ; his treatment of I 



the Hindus, 10 n. 4, 10 n. 5, 11 
«. 2 ; changes the name of Porto 
Novo, 82 ff . I ; Orissa and Pattana 
subject to him, 128, 221 ; his court 
at Delhi, 142 m. i ; his kindness to 
Mir Jumla's son, 145 ; makes 
Shayista Khan nawdb of Bengal, 
145 ; recalls Shayista Khan, 147 ; 
makes his son ftawdb of Bengal, 
147, 150 «. I, 164 «. 2 ; famtdn of, 
165 n. 2 
Aureng-Zel)e. See Aurangzeb 
Austin -Friars, church of, at Dacca, 

J49 n. I 
Australia, chart of coast of, by 

Bowrey, xlix 
Ava, 131 n. 7 
Avaldar. See Havilddr 
Aynan. See Hainan 
Ayscue, Sir George, xxiv 
'Azim Khan. See Fidai Khan 
A'zim Khan, son of Rashid Khan, 
to be nawdb of Orissa, 152 ». 4 

Bafta, piece-goods, 288 n, 6, 302 
»• 2, 303 ; blue, 272 n. 2, 288, 317 ; 
broad, 272 n, 2; gold, 272, 288; 
where now made, 272 w. 2 ; white, 
288 
Bafto. See Bafta 
Baglana, province of, 135 n, 5 
Bagnagar. See Bhagnagar 
Bahagur, former name of Balasor, 

162 «. 3 
Bahar. See Weights and Measures 
Baharre. See Bahar ^ s,v. Weights 

and Measures 
BahmanT dynasty, 109 n. i 
Bajrdt a boat used for pleasure and 
state journeys, 190, 190 /i. 2, 228 ; 
description of, 228 «. i ; illustration 
of, 228 
Balagate, province, 108 n, i, 135 

ft. 5 
Balasor, xix, 32, 56 n» 2, 68 n, 3, 
87 n. 2, 90 n» I, 104 n, i, 124 n» 3, 
129 n. 1, 130, 148 n, 2, passim; 
T. B. a resident in, in 1674, 152 ; 
the only seaport in the Bay of 
Bengal, 152 ; Rashid Khan's extor- 
tions at, 153, 154, 154 ft. I, 155, 
156* 158; trade bad at, 154 ft, i ; 
English factory at, 154 ft. i, 162 
^- 3 ; English agent at, 154 ft. i ; 
Clavell's **pallace" at, 159; native 
governor of, 159, 183 ft. 2, 185 ft. i; 
letters from Walter Clavell at, 159; 
"Accompt" of the trade of, 159, 
162 ft. 3 ; Walter Clavell dies at, 
160 ft. ; ftawdb of Cuttack rides in 



INDEX 



337 



state through, i6i ; Schou ten's 
description of, 162 «. 3; Marshall's 
description of, 1 62 n. 3 ; its pro- 
sperity owing to its convenient 
situation, 162 n. 3; part of the 
town rented by the Company, 162 
n. 3 ; Portuguese houses at, 162 
n. 3 ; subordinate to Hugli, 168 
n. 4 ; hours of prayer at, altered, 
177 «. i; Danish factory at, 183, 
183 n. 3; trade of, ruined by 
Malik Qasim's exactions, 185 «. i ; 
commodities from, 231 

Balasor Road, xxxvii, 68 n, 3, 
92 n. I, 164, 167 n. I, 182 n, 3, 
232 ; its safety and convenience, 
162 «. 3 ; Company's cargoes trans- 
shipped, at, 166 n. 2 

Baldivia, Bowrey's proposal for 
taking, xliii 

Balfour, E., his "Cyclopaedia of 
India" referred to, 275 n. 1 

Ballasore. See Balasor 

Bamboo, 86 n. 2, 87, 243, 274, 314, 
314 «. 4, 322 n. 4; houses built of, 
at Dacca, 149 ;{. r, at Achin, 321M. i; 
dcAdr made from, 193, 193 «• i ; 
houses at Patna roofed with, 22in.6; 
plentiful at Junk-Ceylon, 249 ; two 
kinds, male and female, 249, 249 
//. I, 250; description of, 249 ;f. i ; 
used for building houses, 250, 
277, 277 n. 5; illustration of, 250 

Bamboo, a measure. See Weights 
and Measures 

Ban, a village, 239 «. i 

Banana, 274 n. 2 

Banarous. See Benares 

BandahdrOy a treasurer, 256 «. 3 

Bandar y a harbour, \oo n, i, 191 //. 2 

Bandar Abbas (Gombroon), 132 
n. 2, 216, 216 n. 6 

Bandarees. See Bendakdft 

Bandel, the Portuguese Colony in 
Hugli, 191, 191 n. 2 ; meaning of, 
191 n. 2 

Bang. See Bhdng 

Banga. See Bangaree 

Bangala. See Bengal 

Bangala Merchant^ the. See Bengali 
Merchant^ the 

Bangaree, liv, 257, 283 ; situation 
of, 257 n. 2 

Bangha. See Bhdng 

Bangkok, 91 ». i 

Bangri, Bangarie. See Bangaree 

Banhos, Domingos Perez, chief 
owner of the Sancta Cruz^ 172 «. 3 

Banian. See Banyan 

Banjan. See Banyan 



Ban Karon, in Junk-Ceylon, 239 

n. I. See also Putom 
Banksall, 88 n. 3, 93 m. i, 263 n, i 
Ban Lipon, village of Lipon, 239 

n, I 
Ban Lipon Thai, Siamese village 

of Lipon, 239 n. i 
Banquala, a port in Junk-Ceylon, 

^37» 238, 242, 242 n. 2, 246, 250, 

25 2 > ^55 « its situation and present 

designation discussed, 239 n, i, 

250 n. 2 
Bantam, 1, li. Hi, 71 n, 3, 90 n. i, 

91 n. I, 118 n, I, 172 «. 3, 258, 

295 «• 3» 298 n, I, 314 «. I, 318 

«. 3 ; loss of, 320 
Banyans, a Hindu caste, 194, 224 

n, i; social characteristics of, 24, 

27> 30» 3i».32, 34» 3.S 4^; mer- 
cantile abilities of, 2\n. 2 ; religious 
characteristics of, 27, 28, 29, 30, 
31, 35; language of, 27; moral 
characteristics of, 27, 28, 29 ; food 
of, 28 ; clothes of, 32 ; appearance 
of, 32 ; merchants of the, at Dacca, 
oppressed by the nawdb^ 152; 
money extorted from the, at Balasor, 
153 ; merchants of, compelled to 
build ships for the nawdby 163 ; at 
Hugli, live peaceably under the 
Moors, i68 «. 2 ; of higher caste 
than Uriyas, 199; in Persia, 216 

Banyan-tree, 7 «. 2 

Baratta. See Dustoor 

Barbadoes, 324 n, i 

Barbary, 94 

Barbers, of Gentue caste to be sent 
to St Helena, 9 «. 4 

Barbor, Robert, to be employed on 
Bombay fortifications, xxv 

Barca, probable origin of Purgo, 
228 n. 2 

Barella, 295 n. 2 

Barnagar, Barnnegur, 176 «. i, 
190 ;/. 2 

Baron, Monsieur, 66 n. 1 

Barros, Jo5o de, 129 «. i, 237 
n. 2 

Barros, kingdom of, 285 n. 3, 292 
n. I, 295 n. 3 

Basanta-Patali, 12^ n. i 

Basara. See Bajrd 

Basse, Captain William, 208 n. 5 ; 
his account of the naval action 
with the Dutch, 91 «. i 

Batavia, xxvii, I, li. Hi, 92 n. i, 
269, 285 n. 3; butter from Bengal 
exported to, 133 n. 2 ; timber 
brought from, to Hugli, 169 «. i 

Bateman, Thomas, 176 «. i ; an 



T. 



22 



338 



INDEX 



apprentice-pilot, xix ; pilots the 
Dilligence to Hugli in 1675, '^ix; 
wrecked in returning to Balasor, 
xix ; death of, xix 

Batilles. See Betteela 

Batta, difference in exchange, 217 
n. 2 

Baupautla, 54 

Baurt, See Weights and Measures 

Bay, the. See Bengal 

Bazaars, at Masulipatam, 106 ; at 
Hugli, 167, 168; at Patna, 226 ». 2; 
at Achin, 322, 322 n. 4 

Bazar y a market, 213 

Bears, figures of, in pagodas, 6 ; 
figures of, carved on the chariot of 
Jagannath, 1 7 ; infest swamps near 
the Ganges, 199, 219; their fero- 
city, 219; size and colour of in 
Bengal, 220; illustration of, 222 

Beaufort^ the, xxxvii 

Beejapore. See Bijapiir 

Beeswax, 290 n. 8; the king's 
monopoly, 56, 56 n, 2, 132 n. 5, 
225 ; plentiful in Bengal, 132, 134 
n. I 

Beetle. See Betel 

Begum, of Shayista Khan, intercedes 
for him, 148 «. 5 

Behar, kingdom of, how composed, 
151 n. 2. 

Bel and the Dragon, allusion to 
story of, 23 

Bellesort, Bellesoor. See Balasor 

Bells, not used by Muhammadans, 
106 

Belly timber, 194, 194 n. i 

Below, meaning ' north,* 99, 108 

Benares, 226 «. 2, 230 «. 5 ; Pagoda 
of, 12 n. I ; festival at pagoda of, 
17 n. r 

Bencoolen, Bencolen, xl ; pepper 
from, 292 n. 4 ; English settlement 
at, 318 n. 3 

Bendahdra, a degree of nobility among 
Malays, 256 «. 3 

Bendahdrty treasury-officers, 256 

Bendaree, Bandaree. See Ban- 
da hdr a 

Bengal, Bengala, Bangala, xvi, xxii, 
xxvii, xxxix, xl, 5, 10, 12 «. i, 23, 
32, 33 n. 1, 48 «. I, 61 n, 3, 104 
W.I, 124;;. 3, 129 «. J, lyi passim \ 
productiveness of, 21, 132, 133, 134; 
exports from, 122 n. i, 132, 133, 
247; description of, 131-220; ex- 
tent of, 131, 131 ft. 7 ; rivers of, 
131, 132; prosperity of, 131; trade 
of, 132 n. 3, 133; manufactures of, 
132 «. 3» 1 33 J government of. 



135-149; rebellion in, i35-'39» 
governors of, see Shah Shuja', Mir 
Jumla, Shayista Khan, Fidai Khan ; 
Schouten's description of, 1 3 1 «. 7 ; 
former independence of, 131 «. 7; 
number of Christians in, 133, 133 
n. 3 ; Mir Jumla made governor of, 
139; Shayista Khan made nawdb 
of, 145, 146 n. 2, 146 n. 4; 
Aurangzeb's third son made nawdb 
of, 147, 148 «. 5 ; reports con- 
cerning governors of, 148 «. 5 ; 
Shayista Khan reinstated as 
governor of, 148 n. 5 ; English 
factories in, hold their farmdns 
from the Mogul, 151; Walter Clavell 
Chief of the English factory in, 1 58 ; 
rivers in, 165; Hugli, the dep6t for 
commodities of, 168 ; settlement of 
the Danes in, 1 84 ; cheapness of 
provisions in, 193, 194, 194 «. 2 ; 
noted for sweetmeats made by the 
Portuguese, 193 n. 2 ; resorted to 
by foreigners, 194, 194 n. 2 ; 
Bemier's saying concerning, 194, 
194 n. 2 ; natives of Northern, 
their search for the source of the 
Ganges, 211; its fruitful villages 
and towns, 212, 215, 215 n, 2; its 
natural productions, 212; current 
money of, 216-218; measures used 
in, 217, 218; woods of, infested 
with wild beasts, 219, 220 n. 4; 
imports of, 232; ships from, fi-e- 
quent Achin, 288 ; commodities 
from, exported to Achin, 289, 290 

Bengal, Bay of, 108 n. i, 131, 131 
^' 7» 135 «• 5; limits of in i7ih 
century, 131 «. 4 ; Balasor the only 
seaport in the, 152 ; Danish ships 
come to, on treaty of peace, 184 

Bengala. See Bengal 

Bengala, Sea of. See Bengal, 
Bay of 

Bengal Butter. See Ghi 

Bengali Merchant^ the, 209 «. 2 ; 
Bowrey returned to England on, 
xxi, xl, lii 

Benjamin, Benjoin. See Benzoin 

Benzoin, incense, imported to Achin, 
292, 292 n, I ; black, 292 n. i ; 
where obtained, 292 n. i 

Ber. See Zizyphus Jujuba 

Bemier, Fran9ois, Bowrey's acquaint- 
ance with his writings, xviii, 135- 
144; his "Travels referred to, 
21 «., 33 n, I, 34 «. I, 36 n, I, 
48 «. I passim ; his account of the 
revolution in Bengal followed by 
Bowrey, 135-144 



INDEX 



339 



Best, Captain Thomas, 295 n, 6 

Beteelis. See Betteela 

Betel, Betelee, Betle, 107 n. i, 273 
n. 2, 304 n, 6, 306 n. i, 306 n. 2, 
309 H. 3 ; a token of kindness, 
30 «. 2 ; gardens at Karedu, 36 
n. 3 ; nuts (areca), 208 n. 4 ; leaf 
of, how used with areca-nut, 305 
n. 1 ; description of, 306 ; illustra- 
tion of, 308 ; offering of, from the 
Queen of Achin, an honour, 310 

Betelee Areca, 247, 303, 304, 305, 
307 ; composition of, 30 w. 2 ; used 
in marriage festivities, 30; much 
used by Muhammadans, 97 ; given 
to malefactors before execution, 
316. See also s.w. Betel, Areca 

Betelee boxes, 309, 309 n. 3 

Betella. See Betteela 

Betel-nut (areca), 30 n. 2 

Betel piper^ 306 n. 2 

Beths, 34 n. i 

Betteela, fine muslin, veiling, 55 n. 2, 
122, 231 n, r, 289 n. 4; Oringall, 
71 n. 3, 122 n. 3; described, 
122 n. 3 

Bettelee, Betteleez. See Betteela 

Bezoar, 292 ; different kinds of, 
292 n. 7 ; price of, 292 n, 7 

Bhada, See Bhar 

Bhagnagar, capital of Golconda, 
108 n. 7 ; extent of, strength of 
Golconda fort at, no; called 
Golconda by T. B., 108, 109, iii ; 
resort of native and foreign mer- 
chants, III, III n. i; European 
inhabitants at, in the king's service, 
in; European soldiers at, in dis- 
repute, in; tank at, 126 n. 6 

Bhdngy Indian hemp, 77 ; where 
grown, 78 

Bhar, a lighter, description of, 228, 
228 n. 5 ; derivation of, 228 n, 5 ; 
for what used, 229; illustration of, 
228 

Bhavani, the black, of Tuljapur, 
119 /I. I 

Bible, the, references to in the MS. See 
s.v. Apocrypha, David, Garden of 
Eden, Solomon, etc. 

Biggehaut, 202 n. 2 

BTjapur (Beejapore, Visiapour, Vise- 
pour), 20, 51 «. I, 72 n. 2, 108 «. i; 
extent of 20 n. 2 ; ports of, 20 n. 2; 
king of, 20 «. 2, 38 w. 3 ; queen of, 
20 w. 2 ; coast south of Porto Novo, 
subject to king of, 82 

Bilgrami and Wilmott, their 
** Nizam's Dominions " referred to, 
113 ft. I, 113 n. 3 



Bilgrami, Syed Hossain. See Bil- 
grami and Wilmott 
Billi, Mons., his official post in 

Junk-Ceylon, 255 «. 6 
Billidge, Billedge, Thomas, 233 n. 2 
Billingsby, John, Company's servant 

at Balasor, 66 n. i 
Bimlipatam, Bimlepatam, Bimlia- 
patam, Bemilipatnam, 93 n. i, 123, 
124 n. I, 124 n. 3 ; trade of, 122 
n. I ; Schouten's description of, 
123 «. 3; Dutch factory at, 123 
n. 3 
Binnilapatnam. See Bimlipatam 
Bisnagar. See Vijayanagar 
Bizipatam. See Vizagapatam 
Black, colour, native dyers unable 

to produce a good, 215, 2 1 5 «. i 
Blackmoor, the, 121 n, 3 
Black Pagoda, 12 n. i, 108, 129 
n, 1 ; sailor's name for temple at 
Kanarak, 108 n. 2 
Black Town at Calcutta, 207 «. i 
Blackwood's Harbour, 25 n. 3 
Blake, William, 32 n, 2, 224 n, i 
Blanc, Vincent le, 290 n. 7 
Bodick, village near Surat, 49 «. i 
Boita-kuliya, river, 129 «. i 
Bolango, a pumpkin. See Conba- 

lingua 
Bombay, 264 n. 7 ; Presidency 

transferred to, 309 n, \ 
Bonarres. See Benares 
Bongkal. See Weights and Measures 
Bonnell, Mr, 178 n. 3 
Booncal. See Bongkal, s.v. Weights 

and Measures 
B5os. See Dringo 
Bora, Boora, Bourie. See Bhar 
Bomeo,xxii, xxxix,xlix,lii, liv, 1,282, 
291, 292 n, I ; ships from, frequent 
Achin, 288 ; Dutch trade at, 282 
^- 5 ; English factory at, 282 n. 5 ; 
expulsion of English from, 282 «. 5 ; 
diamonds of, 291, 291 n. 8; bezoar 
from, 292 n. 7 
Borneo Merchant^ the, Bowrey's ship, 
xxvii, xxviii, xxix, xxxvi, 175 «. 2; 
wrecked, xxxvii, xxxviii 
Boudoutschery. See Pondicherry 
Boughton, Gabriel, obtains leave to 
settle a factory at Pipli, 162 «. 2 ; 
Hugli settled undery^rwa« obtained 
by him, t68 n, 4; physician to 
Mir Jumla, 233; cures the nawab's 
wife, 233 ; obtains exemptions and 
privileges for the English, 233, 234 ; 
reasons for doubting his connection 
with Mir Jumla, 233 «. 2 
Bouree, Mr. See Bowrey, Thomas 



22- 



340 



INDEX 



Bouton, island, 201 n, 7 

Bouverie^ the, xlvii 

Bow, Middlesex, xlvi 

Bowden, Gabriel. See Boughton, 
Gabriel 

Bowgee. See Cowry 

Bowl Punch Tree, li 

Bowrey Almshouses, erected under 
the provisions of Mary Bowrey's 
will, xlvi-xlviii ; Chancery suit in 
connection with, xlvii; situation of, 
xlviii ; inscription over, xlviii ; sale 
of, xlviii ; present administration of 
Bowrey charity, xlviii 

Bowrey, Elizabeth, widow of Thos. 
Bowrey, senior, xxv 

Bowrey, John, Johannes, wounded 
on the Unity, xxiv ; commands the 
Hunter, the Death and the Drake, 
xxiv ; recommended by Pepys, xxiv ; 
certified as Master, xxiv ; accusa- 
tions against, xxiv ; effects of, ad- 
ministered, xxiv 

Bowrey, Juditha, widow of Johannes 
Bowrey, xxiv 

Bowrey, Mary, wife of Thomas 
Bowrey, xli ; executrix of Thomas 
Bowrey, xliv ; assisted by Peter 
Briggins, xlv ; will of, xlv, xlvii 

Bowrey, Matthias, soldier, xxvi ; 
living in Bombay in 1670, xxvi 

Bowrey, Thomas (T. B.)» i ; account 
of life of, xxiv-xlv; probable rela- 
tions of, xxiv ; a sailing master, 
xviii, xix, xxi, xxvii ; an inde- 
pendent trader, xix ; his arrival in 
India, xviii, xxi, 4 n. i, 166 n. 2; 
length of his stay in India, xviii, 
xxi, xxvi, 2 «. I ; no mention of 
him in E. I. Co. records before 
1682, xxiii; his voyages 1672-1677, 
xxvi ; commands one of Jearsey's 
ships, xxvi ; his encounter with 
Streynsham Master, 175, 176 ; 
pilots the Sancta Cruz, xix, xxvi ; 
caught in an eddy off the James 
and Mary shoal, 173, 174 ; goes to 
Batavia, xxvii ; negotiates sale of 
pepper at Fort St George, xxvii, 
xxix ; buys the Conimeer sloop, 
xxvii, xxviii ; goes to Achin, Balasor, 
and Porto Novo, xxviii, xxix ; com- 
plaint against him by Capt. Heath, 
xxviii ; makes restitution, xxviii ; 
pilots the Govr. of Tranquebar, 
xxix ; gets permit to return to 
England on the Shrewsbury^ xxix ; 
goes to Porto Novo, is imprisoned 
there, xxix-xxxvi ; his wrongs re- 
ferred to Fort St George, xxx ; 



blamed for acting independently of 
Cuddalore Council, xxx, xxxiv; 
petitions the Cuddalore Council to 
procure his release, xxxi-xxxiii; his 
explanation of the quarrel at Porto 
Novo, xxxi ; his sufferings at Porto 
Novo, xxxiii; bond required of 
him in return for Company's assist- 
ance, xxxiv; his release, xxxiv- 
xxxvi ; sails for Achin, xxxvi ; 
obtains no compensation for ill- 
treatment, xxxvi ; goes to Bengal 
with Samuel Heron, xxxvii ; returns 
to Fort St George, xxxvii ; loses 
the Borneo Merchant, xxxvii ; his 
relations with Dampier, xxxviii, 
xxxix ; resides at Achin, 287 ». i ; 
sails to the Nicobar Is., xxxix ; 
writes from Borneo to Mindanao, 
xxxix; sails to Bengal, xxxix; takes 
news of massacre at Mergui to Fort 
St George, xl; sails for England, 
xl ; goods and money delivered to 
him by the Company, xl ; marriage 
of, xli ; his opinion as to a settle- 
ment in the South Seas, xlii ; a 
tenant and acquaintance of Peter 
Briggins, xlii; makes suggestions 
regarding East Indian trade, xlii f. ; 
his proposal for a settlement on the 
coast of South America, xliii ; 
death and burial of, xliv; will of, 
xvii, XX, xxiii, xliv; bequests of, 
xliv f. ; his identity with T. B. 
proved, xviii, xxiii ; acquainted with 
many 17th century Anglo-Indians, 
xviii ; title, condition, and hand- 
writing of his MS., XV ; abrupt 
ending of his MS., xvii; value of 
his MS. and drawings, xv, xvii, 
xviii ; charts of, xxi, xlviii-li ; his 
knowledge of colloquial Hinddstani, 
1 26 «. 4 ; his Malay Dictionary, 
xvii, xxi, xxii, xxvi, xl, xli, xlii, li, 
lii, liii, liv, Iv, Ivi, 97 n. 4 ; other 
writings of, xx, xxiii, xli, xlviii-li 

Bowrey, Thomas, senior, commended 
by Capt. Potter, xxv ; commands 
Roe ketch and Constant Warwick, 
xxv ; engages with a Spanish pirate 
ship, xxv ; goods of, administered, 
xxv 

Bowring, Sir John, his " Kingdom 
of Siam " referred to, 236 n. i, 243 
«. 3, 247 «. 5, 260 n, I, 276 «. 5 

Bo wry. Captain, to assist in fortifica- 
tions at Bombay, xxv, xxvi 

Bowry, Mr (? Bowrey, John), master 
of the Antelope, xxiv ; discharged, 
xxiv 



INDEX 



341 



Bowrye, Joseph, goods of, adminis- 
tered, XXV 

Bowrye, Margareta, widow of 
Joseph Bowrye, xxv 

Boy. See Boyi 

Boyi (Telugu) caste, 87 «. 2, 88 n, 3 

Braces, the, ij^n. 1; shoals in the 
Hugh, 167 ; various mentions of, 
167 n. 1 

Brachman. Se^r Brahmin 

Brahma, 34 /;. i ; the Ganges said 
to flow from the feet of, 202 n. i 

Brahmani, River, 129 «. i 

Brahmins, a Hindu caste, g, 12 n. i^ 
15 ft. I, 16, 17, 25 n. I, 36, 38, 39, 
88 n. 3, 107 ft. I, 120;^. I, 121 ft. 4, 
125 ft. 1, 126 ft, 3, 202; their 
sorceries deceive the Gentues, 10, 
23» 24* 3^* 205 » number main- 
tained at Jagannath Pagoda, 13; 
their immorality, 24 ; their mode 
of performing marriage ceremonies, 
29, 30; their mark esteemed by the 
Gentues, 32 ; author's discourse 
with, 32 ; their explanation of an 
eclipse, 33, 34 ; their ignorance of 
astronomy, 34; their cruelty to 
Gentue widows, 40, 203, 204 ; en- 
courage saitf and intoxicate victims, 
36-38 ; in Golconda, assume pri- 
vileges of rdjdSf 108 ; intoxicate 
victims at the Swinging Festival, 
198 ; their speedy cure of victims 
of the hook, 198 «. i ; extort money 
from dying Uriyas, 201; students 
of astrology, 205, 205 ft. i ; dreaded 
by the Moors, 205 ; district in- 
habited by, 205, 215; their wisdom, 
205, 205 ft. 2 ; reverence of the 
natives for, 205 ; called Gimno- 
sophists, 206 ; their civility to 
Europeans, 206 ; teachers of the 
Gentues and Uriyas, 206 ; value of 
their cAap on Ganges water, 216 

Bramminy. See Brahmin 

Brampore, 288 ft. 6 

Bramston, William, pilot, deceased, 
166 ft. 2 

Breton, Mr, part owner of the 
Loyall Subject^ 90 ft. i 

Breton^ the. See Great Breton^ the 

Brick-bridge, 149 ;t. i ; at Hugh, 
171 ft. I 

Brick buildings, at Dacca, 150 
n. 2 

Bridges, Shem, 32 ft, 2, 75 ft. i, 
233 n. 2 

Briggins, Peter, xxiii ; a Quaker, 
XX ; original owner of T. B. MS., 
XX, xxii ; no relation to Bowrey, 



XX ; diaries of, xx, xlii, xliii ; his 
connection with Bowrey, xx, xlii, 
xliv ; his kindness to Mrs Bowrey, 
XX, xlv 

Brimstone, 232, 292, 292 ft. 3 

Britafiftia^ the. See Great Bretoft^ 
the 

British Museum, the. mss. at 
referned to, xxi, xxvi, xliii, xlviii 
ft. 4, 134 ft. I, 134 ft. 2, 134 ft. 3, 
239 ft, I 

Broad cloth, 88 ft. 3 ; no sale for, in 
Bengal, 152 m. 4 ; no sale for, in 
Balasor, 154 ft, i; imported to 
Achin, 289 

Brokers, to the English, at Balasor, 
32, 154, 154 ft. I 

Brouma. See Brahma 

Browne, Captain Arnold, Com- 
mander of the Loyall Subject .> 90 
ft. I 

Bruce, John, his "Annals" referred 
to, 245 ft, 2, 295 ft. 6 

Bruton, William, lands at Harsapur, 
120 /{. I 

Buckett. See Puket 

Buckridge, Nicholas, inspector of 
factories on Coromandel Coast, 
53 «. 2; his report of Madapollam, 
100 ft. I 

Bucor. See Bukkur 

Budgerow, Budgaroe, Budgaroo, 
Budgree, a boat. See Bajra 

Buffalo Butter, 289 n. 2 

Buffaloes, 243 ft. 2, 315 ; Mahesha 
Asura assumes shape of a, i ig ft. i ; 
on shores of the Ganges, 2 1 1 «. 3 ; 
at Kedah, 279, 279 ft. 3; Fryer's 
description of, 279 «. 5 ; wild, in 
Kedah, 280 ; tame, their flesh 
eaten, 280; butter made of milk 
of, 289 ft. 2 ; fight with elephants, 
310; illustration of, 314 

Bugden, Edmund, 75 «. i, 228 ft. 2; 
Company's servant, xix, 178 ft. i; 
rents Dummadapore in Balasor, 162 

«• 3 

Bugden, John, 272 ft. 4; independ- 
ent trader, xix ; reasons for sup- 
posing him to be the author of the 
MS., xix f.; brother of Edmund 
Bugden, 1 78 «. i ; goes on a trading 
voyage with Clement Jordan, 178 
ft. I ; examined as to the murder 
of John Smith, 178 «. i 

Buggera. See Budgerow 

Bukit^ a hill, 239 «. i 

Bukkur, 136 fi, 4 

Bulls, figures of carved, on the chariot 
of Jagannath, 17 



342 



INDEX 



Buncus, Bunco, Buncoos. See 

Bunko 
"Bundalela" Shah, Governor of 

**Carera," 36 //. 3 
Bunder. See Bandar 
Bunko, a cigar, xvii, 97 ; earliest 

quoted instance of, 97 «. 4 
Burghess, Michael, liii 
Burma, xvi 
Burmull, 154 ». i 
Bumeo Merchant^ the. See Borneo 

Merchant^ the 
Burning of Hindu women. See 

Sail 
Burrie. See Bauriy s, v. Weights and 

Measures 
Burroughs, Joshua, 271 «. ; escapes 

from the Dutch, ^()^ n. 3 ; sent to 

Kedah with Capell, 269 ; his sad 

plight at Kedah, 269 
Bussorah, 114 n. 6, 132 n, 2 
Butter (ght)y 20, 122, 181, 289, 289 

n. 2, 290, 304 ; excellence of, on 

Gingalee Coast, 128, 132 n. 6; 

exported from Bengal, 132, 132 

n, 6, 133 n, 2, 247 ; how preserved 

for transport, 1^2 n. 6 ; price of, in 

Patna during the famine, 226 «. 2; 

imported to Junk-Ceylon, 247 n. 2 ; 

sold by the bamboo at Achin, 282 

n. I 
Byam, John, 158 n, 3, 167 «. i 

Caboul. See Kabul 

Caboulistan. See Kabul 

Cabstant. See Capstan 

Cachemire, 136 /i. 3 

Cadjour. See Khajur 

Cadmia, 291 n, 2 

Caf-Dagai. See Caucasus, moun- 
tain 

Cafila, caravan, 221, 221 n. i 

Cahar. See Kah&r 

Cair. See Coir 

Calabash, pumpkin, 247 

Calambac. See Agila wood 

Calamus aroma ticus. See Dringo root 

Calang, tin, 240 n. i 

Calay. See Kuwala 

Calcutta, 1 20 «. 4, 162 n, 2, 172 
n. 3, 209 n. 2, 263 n. i 

Calendar of State Papers, Domes- 
tic Series, referred to, xxiv, xxv 

Caletaer, 124 ;;. i 

Calico, Callicoe, cotton cloth, 5, 55 
n. 2, 106, 106 n. 2, 181, 246, 289 
^' 5» 303 «• 3 ; made at Peddapalle, 
56; made at and exported from 
Masulipatam, 7 1 ; large quantity 
made at MadapoUam, 100 ». i ; 



exported from Golconda, 1 1 1 ; ex- 
ported from Gingalee Coast, 122; 
exported from Harsapur, 130; ex- 
ported from Bengal, 133; coarse, 
sold at Hugli, 168; imported to 
Junk-Ceylon, 240; **blew," 246; 
imported to Achin, 288, 289 n, i ; 
fine, 302, 310 

Calicut, 208 n, 5 

Calicut, white and painted. See 
Paintings 

Calin, tin, 240 n. i, 259 n. \ 

Callaway, William, a friend of the 
author, 175 ; appointed special 
assistant to Streynsham Master, 
175 «. 8 ; illness of, 176, 178/1. 3; 
dies on the Ganges in Hugli river, 
1 78 «• 3 ; sale of his goods, 7 1 «. 3, 
175 n. 8; list of his effects, 175 
n, 8 

Callingapatam, 124 ;/. i 

Callor Vissina, complaint of, 4 
n. 2, 123 n, 4 

Calmus. See Dringo root 

Calvar, village, 108 ». i, 108 /t. 6 

Cambay, i^ n. 2 

Cambay, Gulf of, 135 n. 5 

Cambaya. See Comboy 

Cambodia, tributary to Siam, 275 
n. 3 

Camboge. See Cambodia 

Camoens, his reference to Kedah, 
276 n. 5 

Camphor, 292, 292 n. i ; where 
found, 292 n. 2 

Canara, 93 n, i 

Canary wine, 88 n. 3 

Cancoply. See Conicopoly 

Candahar, 1^6 n. 3 

Candareen. See Weights and Mea- 
sures 

Candil. See Weights and Measures 

Candy. See Weights and Measures 

Candy, Candia, king of, opposed to 
the Portuguese, 75 «. 3; king of, 
hates the Dutch, 180 «. 6 

Cange. See Congye 

Cannabis Indica, See Bh&ng and 
Ganja 

Cannan, William, sailor on the De- 
fence^ xxviii 

Canoe, canoa, xxxix 

Capell, Francis, sent to Kedah to 
sell off Company's stock, 269; his 
sad plight at Kedah, 269, 271 n» 

Cape- Merchant, supercargo, 271, 
271 «. I 

Caphala. See CaBla 

Capon, eunuch, 207 n, 5, 300 n. 4 

Capon, fowl, 303 n, 3 



INDEX 



343 



Capstan, 75, 181 

Capun^ capon, eunuch, 300 n, 4 

Caraid. See Karedu 

Carcal, 182 n, 2 

Careda. See Karedu 

Carera, Carrera, Careero. See 

Karedu 
Carmania. See Kirman 
Carmichael, D. F., his *' Vizagapatam 

District" referred to, 123 n. 2 
Carnatic Coast, xlix, 51 n. i 
Carpets, imported to Achin, 288, 

303; silk and worsted, 288 «. 8; 

Persian, 309, 309 n. 2 
Carreas, caste of fishermen in Ceylon, 

42 n. I 

Carvalia, Augustine de, master of 

the Sancta Cruz, 172 «. 3 
Cash. See Coins 
Casharee. See Kachahri 
Casharry, water at, suitable for 

dyeing, 162 n, 3 
Casigere, 129/2. i 
Casmeer? boat, 226 n. 2 
Cassas, Cossaes. See Khassa 
Cassa Verona. See Ka9u Viranna 
Cassia, 291 n. 5 
Cassia Fistula, 291, 291 n, 5 
Cassia Lignea, 291 n. 5 
Caste, 19, 20, 22, 27, 28, 29, 31 «., 

41*83, 156, 199, 216; restrictions 

of, 9, 117; loss of, 1 1 ; means to 

regain, 12, 13 
Castez, \^Q n. 4 
Castor hats, among Callaway's 

effects, 175 n. 8 
Casuree. See Khajuri 
Catamaran (Cattamaran, Cata- 

marou), 44, 47 ; description of, 

43 ; illustration of, 44 
Catawal, Catoal. See Kotwdl 
Catch. See Ketch 
Catchpole, Allen, 96 n, 2, 225 

n. 3 
Cateck. See Cuttack 
Catee. See Catty, s.v. Weights and 

Measures 
Catry. See Khattrt 
Cattack. See Cuttack 
Cattapa, 125 n. i 
Cattee. See Weights and Measures 
Catwall. See Kotwal 
Catysol. See Kittysol 
Caucasus, mountains, \7JS n, 3 ; 

supposed source of the Ganges, 

166 n, I 
Caulis. See Cowry 
Cawn, Caun. See Khan 
Cawne. See Kdhan, s.v» Weights 

and Measures 



Cdyln gaja. See Comboy 

Cayre. See Coir 

Ceaser, the, 91 «. i 

Ceilan. See Ceylon 

Celebes, Island, xlix 

Cellates, derivation of, 237 «. 1* 
See also s.v. Saletars 

Central Asia, 172 ». i 

Ceremonies, on departure of English 
commanders from Achin, 306- 
308 ; when a present is received by 
the Queen of Achin, 309, 310; on 
taking betel, 309 n. 3, 310; at the 
mourning for the Queen of Achin, 

31^ 3" 
Ceylon, 42 «. i, 65 n, 2, 66 n, i, 

73» ^79» 180, 186, 208 «. 4, 266 
«. 3 ; chart of, by Bowrey, xxvii, 
xlix, 1 ; rice imported from Bengal, 
^32 n. 7; elephants from, the best 
in India, 180, 180 n» 5; early 
traders at, 180 n. 6; Portuguese 
settlement at, 180 n. 6; Dutch 
expel the Portuguese at, 180 fi. 6 
Chabe. See Long Pepper 
Chahbandar. See Shahbandar 
Chah-hestkan. See Shayista Khan 
Chah Jehan. See Shah Jahan 
Chamberlin, Sir Thomas, Deputy 

Govr. of the E.I. Co., 84 n. 2 
Champain. See Champion 
Champion (level, open country), 

120, 120 n. 2 
Chandragheri, rdjd of, grants land 

to the English, 53 n. i 
Chank, Chunk, 208, 208 n, 4, 208 
n. 5 ; shells worn as ornaments by 
Gentues and Uriyas, 209 
Channel Creek, 209 n, 2 
Chap, a seal, 154 /f. i, 216, 268, 300 
n, 2, 304 ; a protection for travellers, 
118; of the Brahmins, its value, 
216; of the Queen of Achin, 300, 
300 n, 3, 300 «. 4, 301, 302 n. I, 
302 n, 2, 306, 308 ; at Tonquin, 
300 ft. 2\ at Achin, ceremonies on 
receipt of, what paid for it, 302, 
302 n 2 
Char. See Coir 

Charbonn^, Brother Rene, Govr. of 
Junk-Ceylon, 255 n, 6; designs 
fort for King of Siam, 278 «. i 
Charles, the, 271 «. i ; sent to Kedah, 

268 ; her return to Surat, 268 
Charles II., exchanges presents with 

the Queen of Achin, 319 
Charles Street, Fort St Geoi^e, 

Jearsey's house at, 251 «. i 
Chamock, Henry, 154/1* i 
Chamock, Job, xxxvii, 85 n, 4, 176 



344 



INDEX 



ft, I ; chief at Patna, 224 ; his 
knowledge of Eastern customs, 
224 ; his privileges, 224 ; founder 
of Calcutta, 224 ». 2 ; his appoint- 
ments in India, 224 n, 2 

Chatagaum. See Chittagong 

Chatir. See Shahbandar 

Chattigaum. See Chittagong 

Chaumont, Monsr. de C, 255 n, 6; 
his *' Embassy to Siam" referred to, 
236 n. 4 

Chaup. See Chap 

Chavici betel. See Betel 

Chay, red madder, 106 n. 2 

Chaya Capampone, 253 n. i 

Checracole. See Chicacol 

Cheda. See Kedah 

Cheese, forbidden food of Banyan 
caste, 29 

Chenam. See Chunam 

Chene Pelle Mirzah, besieges Fort 
St George, 51 n. i 

Chengy, Chenji, Khan of, 20 n, 2 

Cheroot, a cigar, xv «., xvii, 97 

Chiali, xxxii 

Chicacol, Chicacole, 124, 124 n, i, 
124 «. 3; residence of King of 
Golconda's Viceroy, 124 n, 3, 125; 
most famous town on Gingalee 
Coast, 125 

Chickacul, Chickeracole, Chickre- 
cole. See Chicacol 

Chilambaram, intercedes for Bow- 
rey, xxxii 

Chilamchtt a basin, 96 n. 2, 199 

«• 3 
Chili, xliii 

Chillimbrum. See Chilambaram 
Chillumchee. See Chilamchl 
Chim Cham, Khemchand, xviii, 
208 n. 4; broker to the English, 
154 ; mulcted of 50,000 Rs. by the 
nawdb of Cuttack, 155, 156; mar- 
riage of his daughter, 156; in 
partnership with Chintamund, 154 
n, I ; in Company's service for 
about 20 years, 1 54 n, i ; mulcted 
by the /fl«;'(a55r of Cuttack, 154 «. i; 
his wealth and independence, 154 
n. I ; becomes security for other 
merchants, 1 54 n. i ; his goods 
seized by a native officer, 154 «. i ; 
has leave to build a warehouse in 
Balasor, 154 «. i ; dictates his own 
terms to the Council, 1 54 n. i ; 
employed as intermediary with the 
native government, 154 «. i 
China, xxii, 1, 5, 71, 133, 272 n, 3, 
281 «. 2, 286, 286 n, I, 290, 323; 
tootnague from, 199 n» 3; musk 



from, 230; ship from, frequent 
Achin, 288; silk from, 290, 291, 
2pi n, I 
China bell. See Gong 
China camp, at Achin, 322 n, 4 
Chinamb. See Chunam 
China ware, 290 
Chinchura, 191 n, 2 
Chinese, the, ships of frequent the 
port of Achin, xxii, 286 n. i ; many 
of, residents at Achin, 293 n. 2, 
322 n. 4 
Chinnapatnam (Madras), 107 n, i 
Chintamund, Chintaman, 208 n. 4 ; 
broker to the English at Balasor, 
154 «. I ; in partnership with 
Chim Cham, 154 n, i; in debt to 
the Company, f 54 «. i ; his solv- 
ency questioned, 154 «. I ; his ship 
seized in payment of debt to the 
Co., 154 «. I 
Chintamundsaw, Chintemanshaw. 

See Chintamund 
Chintz, 5 «. 5, 9 n. 5, 55 n, 2, 106 
rt. 2, 175 n. 8, 289 «. 5; trade in 
at Masulipatam, 61 «. 3, 71, 72, 
289; plural of chint, 71 n. 4; 
fine, 246, 289, 289 /;. i ; coarse, 
246 
Chites, printed calico, 61 n. 3, 71 

«. 4, 288 n. 7 
Chittagong, 176 n. i, 212 n, 2 
Chitty, caste, 77 «. 2 
Chittygom. See Chittagong 
Choonam. See Chunam 
Chop, Chopp, Chaup. See Chap 
Choromandel. See Coromandel 
Choultry, at Peddapalle, 54; at 
Hugli, 167; derivation and use of 
the word, 167 n. 2 
Choupar. See Chuprah 
Chowltery. See Choultry 
Chovs^ne, Henry, second at Achin 

factory, 317 «. 5, 319, 320 
Chowra, Island. See Sombrero 
Christians, numerous in Bengal, 

133. 133 «• 3 
Chulias, Chuleas, Madras Muham- 

madans, xvii, xxii, xxxiii, 256, 262, 

263, 270; definition and character 

of, 256 «. I, 257, 258 ; favoured by 

Muhammad Beg, 257; massacre of 

in Junk-Ceylon, 257; escape of 

two, 257 ; their native land, 257 ; 

good linguists, 258; at Achin, 286 

n, I 

Chuljar. See Chulia 

Chunam^ lime, plaster, 193 n. i, 304 
«• 6, 305, 305 n, I, 306 «. I, 309 

«• 3 



INDEX 



345 



Chupak. See Weights and Measures 

Chuprah, Dutch refine saltpetre at, 
225 n. I 

Chyna Vincatadry, his house at 
St Thomas* Mount offered to the 
Co., 45 n. I 

Cicacola. See Chicacol 

Cinnamon, 291 n. 5 ; from Ceylon, 
180 //. 6, 181 n. I 

Cirkell. See Sarkil 

Citron, 324 n. \ 

Citrullus eduHsy water-melon, 248 n. i 

Civet, 134 «. 3 

Clapton Magna, Essex, xlvi 

Clavell, Edward, son of Walter 
Clavell, sent to England on the 
President ^ 158 n, 3; sheriff of 
Dorset in 1702, 158 n. 3; death 
of, 158 n. 3 

Clavell, George, son of Edward 
Clavell, 158 n. 3 ; last of the 
Clavell line, 158 n, 3 

Clavell, Martha, second wife of 
Walter Clavell, 158 «. 3; dies at 
Balasor, 158 n. 3 

Clavell, Prudence, first wife of Wal- 
ter Clavell, 158 «. I 

Clavell, Walter, xviii, 68 n. 3, 73 
n. 2, 75 n. I, 150 n, 2, 164 «. 4, 
169 «. I, 176 «. I ; his "Accompt 
of the Trade of Ballasore," 129 «. i, 
158 n. 3, 162 n. 3, 183 n. 3; his 
'* Accompt of the Trade of Hugly," 
146 n. 4, 158 «. 3, 175 «. i; 
obtains renewal oifarman from the 
nawdb of Cuttack, 158, 160, 160 
n. 2 ; parentage of, 1 58 «. 3 ; ap- 
pointed on special mission to Ft St 
George, 158 «. 3; second in Ben- 
gal, 158 //. 3; obtains a paru'dna 
from Shayista Khan, 158 n. 3; 
rents Dummadapore in Balasor, 
162 n. 3; quarrels with Joseph 
Hall, 1587;. 3 ; accusations against, 
158 «. 3; Major Puckle decides in 
favour of, 158 n. 3 ; chief at Hugli, 
158 n. 3; two letters to Richard 
Edwards from, 158 n. 3 ; writes to 
the Court as to the navigation of 
the Hugli, 166 n. 2; instructed to 
obtain a new farmdn^ 1 58 n. 3 ; 
dies of fever at Balasor, 158 «. 3; 
his two wives, and his children, 
158 «. 3; his will, 158 «. 3; his 
news of the Danes in India, 182 
n. 3, 189 n, 3 

Clavell, Walter, junr., son of Walter 
Clavell, 158 n, 3; baptism of, 158 
n, 3 ; sent to England on the Presi- 
dent ^ 158 «. 3 



Clavell, William, son of Walter 
Clavell, 158 «. 3 

Clepsydra, water-clock, 197 «. i 

Cloth, cotton, 9; gold and silver 
striped, 10 

Cloth of gold, 310, 326 

Cloves, 208 n. 4 

Coale, Robert, a dyer, 215 «. i 

Coast, the. See Madras 

Coatwalls Chabootree. See Kot- 
wdl kd chabatra 

Cobden, Alexander, sailor on the 
Defence^ xxviii 

Cocanada, 120 n. 4 

Cochin China, 208 n. 4, 272 ;{. 3 ; 
musk from, 230 

Cocke, Jos., taken by the Dutch, 
266 n. 3 

Cock-fighting, at Achin, 310, 310 
n. 4 

Cocks, Isle of. See Coxe's Island 

Cocoa-nut tree, 46, 245, 323, 323 
n. 2 ; used for bubble bubbles, 97 
n. 3 ; coir cable made from husk 
of, 103 «. 4, 104; groves of, at 
Cuttack, 152 ; abundant at Junk- 
Ceylon, 246, 247 

Cod gone. See Cojung 

Coffee, 97 

Cogan, Andrew, abandons Armagon, 

25 «• 3 

Cogee. See ^ Khwdjdjt 

Coins, Abassin, 114; Anna, 114 
n. 8, 214 n. 2, 218 n, 10, 226 n. 2 ; 
Cash, 114, 115, 116, 289 n. 9; 
Cowry, xvii, 154 n. i, 180, 200, 
217 n, 5, 218, 218 n. 10, 281 n, 3; 
Dollar, 246, 246 n, 10, 262 n, 7, 
281 n. 2; Fanam, 42 n. i, 114, 
115, 200 n. 4; FulHsf 200 y* :. ; 
Kdping, 241, 241 «. 3, 242 n, i; 
Kobang, 241 n. 3, 280, 280 «. 5, 
281, 281 n, i; Mace, xxxix, 115, 
269, 281, 281 «. I, 281 n. 5, 289, 289 
n, 9, 302 n. 2, 315, 318; Mohur, 
148, 148 «. 3, 160, 217, 217 n, I, 
2i8; Pagoda, xxvii, xxviii, xxix, 
xxx, xxxi, xxxii, 19 n» 4, 30, 

5i> 51 «• 3> 57i 64 «. I, 80 «. 2, 
81 n. 2, 88 «. 3, 93 n. i, 105 
n. 2, 106 n. 4, 1 12, 114, 115, 115 
n. 2, 217 n, 2, 251 n. i, 263 n, i, 
275 «. I, 290 n, 5 ; Patah, 241 «. i, 
241 n, 2, 242, 242 n. r, 246 n, 10; 
Pican, 116 ; Pice, 134 «. 2 ; Rupee, 
114, 122 n, I, 133 n, 5, 134 «. I, 
134 n. 2, 134 n, 3, 146, 146 n, 2, 

148 «. 5» 154 «• ^ 156, i57» i59» 
199, 214 ». 2, 216, 218 n, ro, 226 
n, 2, 291 «. 2 ; Ryall, Royall, 77 



346 



INDEX 



n. 7, 112, 114, 218 ft. 10, 232, 241 I 
n. I, 245, 246, 246 n. 10, 273, 276, ; 
280, 281 tt. 2, 289; Sol, 200 n. I ; 
Tale, Tael, 122 n. i, 266 n. 3, 269, 
270, 28r, 281 n. 2, 281 n. 5, 290 

«• 5» 30^» 302 «• ^. 303* 303 «• 3» 
304, 304 n. I, 318; Tical, Tictil, 

115; Tra^ 281, 281 n. 4 
Coir (Cair, Cay re, Coy re), rope of 

cocoanut husk, 42, 43 n. i, 103, 

104 ; how made, 103 n. 4, 104 n. i ; 

strength of, 105; rotted by fresh 

water, 105; from the Maldive Is., 

180, 180 n. 2 
Cojung, Point, 129 n. i ; Bay, 129 

n. I 
Colbome, Mr, 54 
Colcepore, 165 n. 2 
Coleer, Seftor, Governor of Pulicat, 

Collepelle, 55 n. i 
Colombo, 75 /I. 3, f8i, i8f ». I 
Comboy, 246, 246 n. 5, 290 
Comorin, Cape, 208 
Conar, 124 n. i, 124 n. 3 
Conbalingua^ Combalenga^ pumpkin, 

3^3. 3^3 «. 7 
Concherina. See Cochin China 

Conch -shell. See Chank 

Conderine. See Weights and 

Measures 
Congoe. See K&nungo 
Congye, Congy, Cange, Conjee, 29, 

117, 231 ;/. I 
Conicopoly {kanakkapillai, Canco- 

ply, Conecopola, a clerk), 25, 41 

n. 2 
ConimeeTy the, sloop, xxvii 
Conjaguaree Point, 129 
Conjee, to stiHen, 29 n. 3 
Connare. See Conar 
Connercon, pagoda of, 129 ». i 
Consent, the, William Jearsey's ship, 

251 n. I 
Constant Warwick, the, xxv 
Coodaloor. See Cuddalore 
Cooke, Sir Thomas, a Director of the 
• E. I. Co., xlii 
Cook-room, at Hugli factory rebuilt, 

168 n. 4 
Coonemerro, 82 «. i 
Coopang. See Kaping 
Cooraboor, 82 ». i 
Copan, gold. See Kobang, s.v. Coins 
Copper, 232, 281 n. 3, 290 ; wrought, 

290 n. 10 
Cor. See Corge 
Coral, 232 

Corango. See Coringa 
Corge, a score, 71 «. 3 



Cori. See Cowry 

Coringa, Corango, i, ^i n. i, 98 
n. I, 120 n. I, 120 n. 4, 123, 176 
n. i; bay. 3, 120 

Cormandell. See Coromandel 

Com, from Patna, 221 n. i, 225; 
price of, during famine at Patna, 
226 n. 2 

Coro Maldiva. See Coir 

Coromandel, coast, xvi, 2, 10, 12 
n. I, 43 n. 2, 52, 98 n. i, 120 n. i, 
134 //. I, 208 n. 5, 247, 257 ; de- 
scription of, 2-107; extent of, 2, 3; 
inhabitants of, 106; no prohibition 
as to trade on the, 107; ships from, 
to Kedah, 272 

Cosmo Lorenzo de Madera, part 
owner of the Sancta Cruz, 172 
;/. 3 

Cossae. See Khdssa 

Cossid, Cossit. See Kdsid 

Cossum, chief, 213 

Cossumbazar. See Kasimbazar 

Cotton, from Patna, 221 n. i; im- 
ported to Achin, 288 

Cotton cloth, 9, 302 n. 2 ; made by 
the Dutch at Pulicat, 52; quantity 
produced in Bengal, 132, 132 n. 3, 

133 "• 3 
Cotton yarn, 154 n. i, 232, 232 

n. I ; imported to Achin, 288 

Cotup Sha. See Qutb Shah 

Cotwal. See Kotw&l 

Country, meaning "Indian," xix, 
xxi, 61, 61 n. 2, 178 n. i 

Course. See Kos, s.v. Weights and 
Measures 

Covid, Covad, Covet. See Weights 
and Measures 

Cow, 315 ; figures of, in pagodas, 6, 
16; reverence for, 8, 26, 206, 206 
n. 4 ; indispensable in marriages 
and commercial dealings, 9; sale 
and slaughter of, forbidden, 9, 27; 
20,000 maintained at pagoda of 
Jagannath, 12 n. i ; importance of 
tail of, 28 ». I, 29 ; excellence of, 
on Gingalee Coast, 1 28 ; price of a, 
in Bengal, 193 

Cowie, a written engagement, 82 ». i, 
124 n. 3, 125 «. I 

Cowries, xvii, 154 n, 1, 199, 281 
n. 3; from the Maldive Is., 180, 
200 ; number of, to a rupee, 200 ; 
when most plentiful, 200 n. 2 ; 
sold by tale, 218, 218 n. 6; rise 
and fall of, 2 19 ; profit on traffic in, 
218 «. 10. See also s.v. Coins 

Coxe's Island, 209; merged into 
Sagar Island, 209 n. 2 ; various 



INDEX 



347 



names for, 209 n. 2 ; derivation of 
discussed, 209 n. 2 ; T. B.'s men 
killed by tigers at, 220 

Coyr. See Coir 

Cozee. See Qdzi 

Crawfurd, John, his " Dictionary of 
the Indian Is. "referred to, 77 n. 3, 
78 n. 4, 79 n. 2, 122 «. I, 235 n. i, 
237 "• »> passim*, his ** Malay 
Dictionary " referred to, 192 n. 4 ; 
his "Embassy to Siam" referred 
to, C37 n. I, 240 n. I, 247 n. 3, 
275 «• 3» 279 n. 4, 279 «. 5 
passim 

Crease, Creese, Creis, Cresset. See 
Kris 

Grid. See Kris 

Criminals at Achin, how punished, 
3 14-3 1 7 ; crippled, illustration of a, 
314; numerous, 317; their dex- 
terity, 314 «. 2 

Crockford, Benjamin, 298 «. i 

Crocodile, called Alligator by T. B., 
284, 284 n. 3 

Croft, Captain William. See Cruft, 
Captain William 

Crore. See Weights and Measures 

CruflFe, Captain William. See Cruft, 
Capt. Wm. 

Cruft, Captain William, commander 
of the Unity f 91 ; honoured by the 
king of Golconda, 90 n. i ; censured 
by the Court of Directors, 91 «. i ; 
dismissed from, and restored to the 
Co.'s service, 91 ;/. i; desertion 
and complaints of his crew, 91 «. i ; 
his conduct during the naval fight 
with the Dutch, 91 «. i 

Cubit. See Weights and Measures 

Cudda. See Kedah 

Cuddalore, xxviii, iniiji, ^ m j^v, xxxvi ; 
Council at, their action in 
of Bowrey, xxxii-xxxvi 

CuUean Ray. See Kalyan Ray 

Cummun, 88 n. 3 

Cundapella, 88 n. 3 

Cupine. See Kdpingy s.v. Coins 

Cupon. See Kdping^ s.v. Coins 

Curore, Croer. See Crore 

Curtis, Captain William, sent to 
Achin, 319 

Cushin Carpets. See Divans 

Custom-house, at Achin, 302, 304, 
308, 318; officers of the, 309 

Customs, payable on the Coro- 
mandel Coast, 107 ; levied at Gol- 
conda diamond mines, 112 n. 2 ; 
English free of, in kingdom of 
Siam, 244 ; what levied on foreign 
vessels in Siam, 245 n. 2; English 



free of, at Achin, 304 n. 4 ; what 
levied on ships entering port of 
Achin, 303, 304, 304 n. r 
Cuttack (Cattack, Cateck), xvi, 154 
n. I, 161; capital of Orissa, 151 
n. 3 ; Hamilton's description of, 151 
n. 3; English factory at, 151 n. 3; 
T.B.'s description of, 151, 152; 
Governor of, his state and exac- 
tions, 1 52 ; old naivdb of, goes to 
Dacca, 152, 157; old nawdb of, 
his wife, story of, 157, 158; new 
nawdb of, his exactions, 152-157 ; 
other nawdbs of, 152 n. 4; new 
nawdb of, rides in state through 
Balasor, 161; Danes kept prisoners 
by nawdb of, 182 «. 3 
Cuttack, River. See Gonga 
Cutterye Caste. See Khattri 
Cuttiwaukum backwater, 44 n. i 
Cyrus, King of Persia, alluded to, 

n 

Dacca, xvi, 97 n. 3, 140/1. 2, 146, 146 
n. 4, 148 n. 5, 152, 154 n. i, 157, 
1 85 ;;. 1 , 1 89 ; capital of Bengal, 1 39 ; 
Shah Shuja' flees to, 139; Shah 
Shuja' goes from, with his train, to 
Arakan, 141; made capital of Ben- 
gal by Mir Jumla, 1 43 ; Thevenot's 
description of, 1 43 n. i ; Prince 
Muhammad A'zim arrives at, 149, 
165 ; description of city of, 149, 
150 ; Tavemier's description of, 
149 n. r ; English factory at, 
149 n. I, 150, 150 n. 2; Dutch 
factory at, 149 n. i, 150, 150 «. 2; 
Hamilton's description of, 149 ». i ; 
productions at, 149 «. i ; very popu- 
lous, 149 n. I, 150; magnificent 
buildings at^iso^i^ow. ij,,jarrmy 
^?!?iTis ill, r^o^; manu- 
factures at, 150 «. 2; residence of 
the prince and court, 151 ; brick 
buildings at English factory at, 150 
n. 2 ; English chiefs at, 1 50 «. 2 ; 
nawdb of, 152 «. 4 ; ships built by 
the nawdb^s order brought up to, 
163; mint at, 217; commodities 
from, 230, 230 n. 2 

Dachin. See Steelyard, s. v. Weights 
and Measures 

Daia, kingdom of, 285 n. 3 

Damar. See Dammer 

Damar batoo, raw dammer, 292 n. 6 

Dammer, xxii, 277 n. 4, 292, 320 ; 
how made, 292 n. 6 ; excellence of, 
in Sumatra, 293 ; mixed with oil, 
for pitch, 293 

Dampier, William, his mistake re- 



348 



INDEX 



garding female dynasty at Achin, 
xxiii ; visits Capt. Bowrey at Achin, 
xxxviii ; starts for the Nicobar Is. 
with Bowrey, xxxviii, xxxix; returns 
to Achin, xxxix ; Bowrey's genero- 
sity to, xxxix ; his ** Voyage round 
the World " referred to, xxxix, 79 
n. 2, 97 n. I, 120 n. 2, 193 n. 1, 
247 n. 5, passim 

Dancing snakes, exhibition of, at 
Peddapalle, 59, 60 

Dancing women, 14, 30; privileges 
of, 14 

Danes, the, ships of, frequent the 
port of Achin, xxii, 286 n. i ; at- 
tempt a settlement in Balasor, 162 
«. 3; their war with Bengal, 181 ; 
cause of failure in contest with 
Bengal, 182 ; their attempt to make 
peace with the Moors, 183, 184 ; 
their wrongs at the hands of Malik 
Beg, 183, 184; their first settle- 
ment at Balasor, 183, 183 n. 3 ; 
outwitted by Malik Qasim, 185-189; 
incapacityof their Commodore, 186; 
articles of agreement offered to and 
refused by, 186, 187; their Com- 
modore inveigled . on shore, 1 87 ; 
Moors demand satisfaction from, 

188 ; terms eventually obtained by, 
from Malik Qasim, 189 ; their 
second attempt to settle a factory 
in Balasor, 184, 190; their visit to 
the nawdb at Dacca, 190; their 
cool reception at Dacca, 190; seize 
a ship of the Moors, 184 n, i ; 
Commodore of, a tailor, 187 ; hos- 
tages for, detained in Balasor, 189; 
their factory at Balasor not built, 

189 «. 3 ; concessions obtained by, 
^90 n, 3 ; their want of credit in 

Indiar^CXA;,^ y^^'^y/^U at Achin, 
293 n, 2 

Dara, eldest son of Shah Jahan, ap- 
pointed governor of Kabul and 
Multan, 1 36 ; his expectation of the 
crown, 136 ; his defeat by Aurang- 
zeb, 137 ; his flight, and subsequent 
death, 137, 137 «• 5 

Daringgu. See Dringo 

Darley, Josiah, Chaplain at the 
"Bay," 177 n. i ; his character 
from the court, 177 «. i ; goes to 
visit Callaway, 177, 178 «. 3; alters 
the hours for prayer at Balasor, 177 
n. I ; drowned in the Hugli, 178, 
178 «. 3 

Ddrogha, a native officer, 152 «. 4, 
207 n. I 

Dastakf 185 «. I, 300 n, 2 



Davenport, Francis, pilot, his chart 
of the "Mouth of the River Ganges," 
172 n. 2 

David, King, 8 

Davies, George, 266 «. 3, 271 «. i ; 
Company's agent at Kedah, 267 
n. I ; his commission, 267 n. i ; his 
report of Kedah trade, 268 ; re- 
called from Kedah, 268 ; his death, 
268 ; his mental incapacity, 269 ; 
his books imperfect, 270 

Davis, John, Chief at Cuddalore, 
xxviii, xxix, xxxi, xxxiii ; writes to 
Fort St George about Bowrey's im- 
prisonment, XXX, xxxiv 

Day, Francis, founder of Fort St 
George, 53 n. i 

Dbril Island, ?Dobra, 209 n. 2 

Deathy the, xxiv 

Decca. See Dacca 

Deccan, the, 20 n. 2, 108 n. i, 108 
n. 7, 119 «. i; Aurangzeb ap- 
pointed Viceroy of, 135 ; early 
history of, 135 n. 5 ; dismember- 
ment of, 135 «. 5 

Deelen, Peter van, 263 n i 

Defence^ the, xxviii 

Degoon. See Digano 

De Graaf. See Graaf, Nicolas de 

Degrave, the, 140/2. 2 

Dehly, Dehli, Delly. See Delhi 

De la Haye. See Haye 

De la Loub^re. See Loubere 

Delestre, his "Relation d'un voyage 
fait aux Indes Orientales," referred 
to, 2 ;;., 45 ;;., 46 «., 47 «., 68 «., 
passim 

Deletore, Monsr. (? Dehor), Chief of 
the French at Pondicherry, 257 «. 6 

Delhi, 20 n. 2, 33 n. i, 39 n, 2, 48 
n. I, 146 ; Court removed from 
Agra to, 18 «. 2, 142 «. I ; other 
iiames for and spellings of, 142 n. i ; 
situation of, 142 n. 1 ; Shayista 
Khan summoned to, 148 «. 5 

Dehor, Peter, 51 n. i ; second at 
French Factory at Masulipatam, 
64 w. I, 70 «. I ; sheltered by the 
English at Fort St George, 64 
n. I 

Demarcora, John, a rich Armenian, 
172 n. 3 

Demarcora, Joseph, owner of the 
Sancta CruZy 172 w. 3 

Demeties. See Dimities 

Dengaree. See Dungaree 

Denmark, king of, misfortunes of his 
Company in India, 183 ff. 

Dennys, N. B., his "Dictionary of 
Biitish Malaya" referred to, 259 



INDEX 



349 



n. 4, 281 n. 4, 282 n, 2, 284 n. 2, 
284 n. 3 

De Rebr6. See Rebr^ 

Deria, 262 «. 7; a Chulia at Junk- 
Ceylon, 270 

Deryngo, Dirringo. See Dringo 

Deuta (godling), 34 n. i 

Devi, mouths of the Mahanadi, 129 
n. I 

Devil, the, worship of, by the Gentues, 

Dhamra, mouth of the Brahman!, 

Dhani (Dhunnie) palm. See Nipa 
Dhanu. See Weights and Measures 
Diamond, the, William Jearsey's ship, 

251 n. I 
Diamonds, 140 n 4, 292 ;^. 2 ; three 

in the figure of Jagannath, 12 «. i ; 

in eyes of Jagannath, 16; from 

Golconda, in, 291 n. 8; from 

Borneo, 291, 291 n. 8 
Digano, 172 ;/. 2 
Dilli. See Delhi 
Dilligence^ the, Company's sloop, xix, 

257 n. 6, 262 n. 2 ; employed to 

discover navigable channels in the 

Hugli, 166 n. 2 
Dimities, 133/2. 4 
Diringuo. See Dringo 
Dispatch, the, sloop, 120 «. i 
Distuck. See Dastak 
Diu, Dio, Due, Divy, Point, 55, no; 

Island, 55 n. i 
Divans, imported to Junk-Ceylon, 

240 n. 3, 246 ; imported to Achin, 

289 
Diivan, xxxii, 185 «. i ; at Porto Novo, 

satisfaction to be required from him, 

xxxiv, XXXV ; at Cuttack, 146 n, 4 ; 

of Balasor, 151 n. 3 
Dobra, a rivulet of the Ganges, 209, 

209 n. 2 
Dogs, Isle of, merged into Sagar, 

209 n. 2 
Dollars. See Coins 
Domingos, Perez Banhos, chief 

owner of the Sancta Cruz, 172 «. 3 
Doo-Agra, river, 209 n, 2 
Doogarauzpatam. See Armagon 
Doorean. See Durian 
Dorea. See Doriya 
Doriyd, striped cloth, 12^ n, 2 ; fine, 

230 n. 6 
Dorset, Edward Clavell, sheriff of, 

158 n. 3 
Douglas, Mr, 178 «. 3; surgeon of 

the Eagle, visits Callaway, 178 n. 3 ; 

receives Callaway's last instructions, 

175 n. 8 



Dow, Alexander, his " History of 
Hindostan'* referred to, 144 n. 3, 
201 n, I 

Downs, the, 91 n, i, 175 «. i 

Drake, the, xxiv 

Drammer. See Dammer 

Dringo Root, 192, 192 n. 4; its 
various names, habitat and uses, 
192 ;/. 4 

Droga. See Ddrogha 

Duan. See Diwdn 

Dubash (Dubass), interpreter, 25 
«• If 37»97 »• 3» 263 n. i, 301, 303, 
306 ; at Porto Novo, xxx, xxxii 

Dubois, J. A., his ** Hindu Customs 
and Ceremonies " referred to, 198 
n. I 

Duchess, the, xlvii 

Due. See Diu 

Du Jardin, Clement. See Jordan, 
Clement 

Dummadapore, a part of Balasor, 
162 n. 3 ; rented by Clavell, Bug- 
den and the Company, 162 «. 3 

Dun. See Dhanu, s. v. Weights and 
Measures 

Dungaree, coarse cotton cloth, 71 
n. 3, 88 n. 3, 200, 200 n. 4 

Dunn, Samuel, his "East Indies 
Directory" referred to, 56 «. i, 
124 n. I, 236 «. I, 259 n, I 

Dunstan, James, his ** History of 
Bromley St Leonards " referred to, 
xlviii 

Duraspatam. See Armagon 

Durea. See Doriyd 

Durian, Duryan, the, 322; plentiful 
at Kedah, 278 ; description of, 278 
n. 2, 322 n. 7 ; illustration of, 323 

Dustoor, Dustoory (dastur), custom, 
19 ». 4, 25 n. I 

Dustuck, Dustuckt. See Dastak 

Dutch, the, lii, 51 ; engagement with, 
xxiv; take Negapatam, 2 n. ^, ^; 
allied with the Moors, 38 «. 4 ; 
attack the French at St Thom6, 47 ; 
their factory at Peddapalle, 54 ; 
their quarrel with the English at 
Fort St George, 64 n. 1 ; attack the 
French at sea, 65 ; allied with the 
Moors against the French, 66 ; 
compel the French to evacuate St 
Thom^, 66 ; agree to resign St 
Thom6 to the King of Golconda, 
66 n. I ; take the Great Fleming 
from the French, 68, 68 n. 2 ; take 
Point de Galle, 75 «. 3 ; treatment 
of, by the Moors, 88 ; their prepara- 
tions for King of Golconda's visit, 
88 «. 3 ; King of Golconda goes 



3SO 



INDEX 



on board their ship, 88 n. 3 ; put 
their flag above that of the English 
and French, 88 n. 3 ; insolence of, 
reported to the Court, 88 n. 3 ; 
ignore the complaints of the English, 
88 «. 3 ; naval engagement with the 
English, in 1674, 91 n. i ; their 
iron factory at Narsapur, 98 «. i ; 
their factory at PalakoUu, 105, 
105 n. 2 ; their pronunciation of 
*Shah Hussain,' 119 «. 1 ; their 
factory at Bimlipatam, 123 n. 3; 
their trade in Bengal, 132 n. 3i 133; 
native silk -weavers employed by 
them at Kasimbazar, 133 n. 6; dis- 
pute about ground in Balasor, 154 
n. I ; their visit to the nawdb of 
Cuttack, 158; their farmdn not 
renewed, 160, 161 ; ' Directore' of, 
158 «• 3 ; the cost of their boastful 
bearing, 161 ; \\i€\x farmdn renewed 
at great expense, 161 ; their factory 
at Pipli, 162 n. 2 ; abandon Pipli 
for Balasor, 162 n. 2 ; prevented 
from renting a part of Balasor, 162 
n. 3 ; their boats stopped by 
Shayista Khan, 164; their factory 
at Hugli, 167, 168, 168 «. I, 169; 
visited by Streynsham Master and 
W. Clavell, 169 «. i; their garden 
at Hugli, 168 n. i, i6g n. i ; in- 
undation at Hugli, destroys their 
old factory, 170; their possessions 
in Ceylon, 180; hatred of the, by the 
King of Candy, 180 «. 6 ; in Ceylon 
exchange elephants for commodities, 
181 ; their factory at Tuticorin, 208 
n. 5 ; their factory at Kasimbazar, 
213, 213 n. 2; their factory at 
Patna, 221 n. i, 225, 225 n. i; 
their exports from Patna, 229, 229 
n. 2; their gun-boat in Banquala 
harbour, 750; attempt to monopo- 
lize tin trade in Junk-Ceylon, &c., 
250, 261 n. 3; their settlement at 
Malacca, 251 n. 2 ; seize an Achin 
prau at Junk-Ceylon, 252 ; lay 
claim to ships in Junk-Ceylon rivers, 
252 ; attacked and overpowered in 
Junk-Ceylon, 252, 253; at variance 
with Achin, 252, 252 n. r ; abandon 
Junk-Ceylon, 253; complain to the 
King of Siam, 253; block up the 
ports of Kedah, 261 n. 3, 267 n. i, 
269 ; people of Kedah antagonistic 
to, 261 «. 3 ; attempt to monopolize 
the trade of Kedah, 266, 266 n. 3 ; 
expelled from Kedah, 266 ; take 
the English ship Georgr, 266 n. 3 ; 
allied with the " Syamers " against 



Kedah, 266 n. 3 ; seize English 
goods at Junk-Ceylon, 270 ; peace 
concluded with, 271 «. ; glut the 
European markets with tin, 280 n. i, 
281 n. 3; their ineffectual attempts 
to settle at Perak, 283 n. 3 ; get 
slaves from Macassar, 291 n. 7; 
many of, at Achin, 293 «. 2 ; their 
description of the King of Achin, 
295 n. 6 ; their attack on the Queen 
of Achin, 311 n. i; oppose the 
English at Achin, 318 n. 3 ; Queen 
of Achin seeks English protection 
from, 319; their power in Sumatra, 
320 

Dutch Doctor, probable identity of, 
153, 153 n. 3 

Duties. See Customs 

Dyeing of silks, instructions as to, 
215 n. I 

Dyers, at Kasimbazar, 214, 214/2. 2; 
in the Company's service, formerly 
soldiers, 214 n. 2 

Eagle, the, 25 n. 3, 175 n. 8, 178 
n. 3 

Eaglet^ the, ketch, xxiv 

Eagle wood. See Agila wood 

Earving, — , Purser's mate of the 
Sampson^ gi n. i 

East India Company, the, xvii, 4; 
goods of, stopped by the Moors, 
5 1 ; Mss. bequeathed to, by Thos. 
Bowrey, xxiii, xli, xliv; sends an 
expedition to Coromandel Coast 
in 161 1, 98 ^. i; Chim Cham 
broker to, 155; their investment 
at Kasimbazar, 214; their factories 
in India, see s.v. Balasor, Dacca, 
Hugli, Kasimbazar, Fort St George, 
Masulipatam, Peddapalle,etc.; their 
ships sail for England in January, 
232 ; abandon the idea of a settle- 
ment at Achin, 320 

East India Merchant, the, 91 «. i 

East India Stock, Briggins a holder 
of, XX, xlii ; Bowrey a holder of, xli 

East Indies, 188 

Ebony furniture, made at and ex- 
ported from Masulipatam, 71 

Ecbar. See Akbar 

Eclipse, of the moon, 33 ; Brahmins' 
behaviour during, 33, 33 «. i ; of 
the sun, 33 w. i ; reasons given for, 

.^3» 34 «• I 
Eddy, T. B. caught in one, in the 

Hugli, 174 
Edelumburoo, 106 n. 2 
Eden, Garden of, Ganges supposed 

to run through, 166, 166 n. t, 211 



INDEX 



351 



Bdwards, John, a dyer, 215 n. i 

Edwards, Richard, 64/2. i, 66 n, i, 
75 «. I, 96 w. 2, 124 w. 3, 154 n. I, 
289 «. 6; merchant in Kasimbazar, 
158 «. 3 

£ggs, forbidden food of Banyan caste, 
29 

Elaches. See Aldchah 

Elephantiasis, disease common to 
the Christians of St Thomas, 50 
«. 2 ; supposed to be a punishment 
for the martyrdom of St Thomas, 
50 n. 2 

Elephants, 161 ; figures of, in pa- 
godas, 6; figures of, carved on the 
chariot of Jagannath, 17; ships for 
transport of, 73; food of, while at 
sea, 73 ; means of getting on board, 
73> 73 ^- 3« 74; one sinks a ship, 
74, 75; means employed to land, 
75 ; rate paid for landing alive, 76; 
affection of, for their own kind, 76; 
possession of several, a sign of rank, 
125; for war and state at Dacca, 
150; qualifications for riding state, 
150; war, 157; from Tenasserim, 
179; of Ceylon, 180, 180 n. 5, 181; 
how transported from Ceylon, 181; 
from Cochin China, 208 n. 4 ; illus- 
tration of an, 219; none wild in 
Bengal, 222 ; not found with rhino- 
ceroses, 223; few exported from 
Junk-Ceylon, 240 ; indispensable 
for travelling in Siam, 243 n. 3 ; 
attend foreign commanders up to 
Luppoone, 243; their sure-footed- 
ness, 243, 243 n, 3; females only 
used as draught beasts, 243 n. 2, 
254; males used for war, 243 n. 2; 
at junk Ceylon, 247, 248; Horner's 
trade in, 263 n. i ; sent to attend 
foreign merchants to Solla, 772 ; 
much profit made on, 273; numerous 
and cheap at Kedah, 273, 273 n. 4; 
restriction as to exportation of, 273; 
incorrect stories of, 273, 274; how 
trained and prepared for war, 274, 
275; how caught and tamed, 274, 
274 n. 4, 275 ; their weapon in war, 
274 «. I, 275; largest seen byT.B., 
275; for slate at Achin, 275 n. i, 
308 n. 4, 309, 325 ; exported to 
Madras from Pegu and Kedah, 275 
n. r ; wild, at Kedah, 279; state, 
provided for English commanders 
at Achin, 308 ; state, illustration 
of, 308 ; war, fight with buffaloes, 
310; war, kept in readiness at 
Achin, 312 

Elephants' teeth, 277 n. 4; trade 



in, 259 n. I ; from Kedah, 273 
n. 4 

Elizabeth, Queen, sends letters to 
king of Achin, 295 n. 6 

Elohebaud. See Allahabad 

Elwes, Robert, 185 «. 1 ; chief at 
Dacca, 150/2. 2 

Emirjemal. See Mir Jumla 

Emir Jemla, Emir Jembla. See Mir 
Jumla 

** Endowed Charities," referred to, 
xlviii n. 3 

England, commodities from, im- 
})orted to Achin, 289 

English, the, their ships frequent 
the port of Achin, xxii, 286 n, i ; 
in India, treatment of by the Moors, 
88 ; their want of courage, 88 ; 
marks of favour to, from the king 
of Golconda, 93; charter granted 
to, by king of Golconda, 93 ; their 
exports from Bengal, 132 n. 3, 133; 
regret Mir Jumla's death, 144 n, 5 ; 
their complaints of Shayista Khan, 
146 n, 4, 164; visit the nawdb of 
Cuttack, 158, 160; make a settle- 
ment in Balasor, 1 62 «. 3 ; farmdn 
granted by Muhammad A'zim to, 
164; their exports from Patna, 229; 
their privileges in India, how ob- 
tained, 233 ; their immunity from 
taxes in India, 233; their privileges 
in Junk-Ceylon, 244; how enter- 
tained in Junk-Ceylon, 243 — 246; 
encouraged to trade at Kedah, 266 
n. 3 ; esteemed in Kedah, 267 ; 
many of, at Achin, 293 n. 2 ; 
merchants of, exchange presents 
with Queen and chief officers at 
Achin, 303 n. 3, 307 ; privileges of, 
at Achin, 304, 304 n. 4; captains 
of ships of, how treated in Achin, 
306 ; temporary residents at Achin, 

318 
Eng-she-mifiy 259 «. 3 
Ennore (Ennur^ Enoor, Enore), 

xxvii, 44, 44 ». I ; Beacon, 44 n. i 
Ennur. See Ennore 
Epes, Samuell, minister of ship 

Society^ 158 n. 3 
Erwin, Captain, 176 «. i 
Escritoires, Escretore, 71 w. 5, 269, 

290 ; manufacture of, at Masuli- 

patam, 71 
Ethiopians, 35, 180 n. 6 
Eunuchs, 207 ; of wife of nawdb of 

Cuttack, 157 ; of Queen of Achin, 

299' 30o» 30'. 302, 309, 310, 325, 
326 
Europe, for ' European,' 105, 209 n. 2 



352 



INDEX 



European^ the, io6 n. 2 

Bvans, John, Chaplain in the "Bay," 

176 «. I 
Bverard, Mr, 140 «. 2 

Fackeer. See Fakir 

Factories, English. See s,v. Balasor, 
Dacca, Fort St George, Harsapur, 
Hugli, Kasim bazar, Madapollam, 
Masulipatam, Narsapur, Patna, 
Peddapalle, Vcrasheroon, Vizaga- 
patam, etc. 

FaljfTrs, 19, 95 n. i ; meaning of 
name, 20 n. i\ immunity of, from 
the law, 20 ; habits of, 20-23 ; 
clothes of, 22 ; where most numer- 
ous, 2 1 ; reasons for their mode of 
life, 22; vows made by, 22; illus- 
trations of, 22, 32; paid by T.B. 
to mix a dose of gdnja, 80 

Falcon^ the, 166 n, 2, 167 n. i, 209 
n. 2 

False Point, 128 «. 5, 129 ;f. i; 
why so called, 129/1. ' 

Fanam. See Coins 

Fanoux. See FuiiiSy s,v. Coins 

Fardle, parcel, 83 n, 3, 97 n. 4, 106 
n. 2 

Farman, 61 n. 3, 158 n. 3, 161 ; 
obtained from king of Golconda, 
88 n. 3, 93 n. i ; two versions of 
king of Golconda's, 93 «. i ; ap- 
pointing Mir Jumla naw&b of 
Bengal, 142; use of the word, 142 
n. 2 ; granted by Muhammad A'zim 
to the English and Dutch, 164; of 
Shah Jahan, 165 «. 2 ; of Aurangzeb, 
165 n. 2 ; obtained by Gabriel 
Boughton, 168 n. 4; Danes at- 
tempt to obtain one like the English, 
190 ft. 3; from Mir Jumla to the 
English, 233 n. 2, 234; of the 
king of Siani, 240, 244; of the 
king of Kedah, 270 

Fasts, the Muharram, 119 «. i 

Fatteh Khan, 221 n, 5 

Faujddr, a military governor, 82 ;f . i ; 
of Hugli, 96 n. 2, 185 «. I ; of 
Golconda, 124 n. 3 

FaulcoHy the, 214 n. 2 

Fausdar. See Faujd&r 

Feasts, festivals, 19 n, 2 ; of the 
Hindus, 16, 17, 118, 119; hook- 
swinging, described, 197, 198, 198 
n. I ; the Mela at Saugor, 202, 203, 
203 n. I 

Feringhi Dibba, Frangula Dibba 
(mound of the foreigners), a Portu- 
guese settlement, 140 «. 4 

FidaT Khan, succeeds Shaylsta Khan 



as naw&b of Bengal, 107 n. i, 164 

n. 2 ; his short and unjust rule, 

164 ft. 2 
Fidalgas, 194 
Field, John, chief at Madapollam, 

100 ft. I 
Finlayson, George, his "Mission to 

Siam" referred to, 256 ft. i 
Firinghee, a foreigner, 140, 140 ft. 4 ; 

number of, in Vincent's train, 164 

ft. 4; 20,000 in Bengal, 195, 195 

«• 5 
Fish, abundant in Junk-Ceylon, 246; 

in Achin, 322 ft. 6 ; on coast of 

Siam, 246 ft. 1 1 ; on coast of Kedah, 

279; strange kinds of, at Kedah, 

279 

Fishers* Town at Fort St George, 
42 ft. I 

Fitch, Ralph, his ** Voyage" referred 
to, 235 ft. I 

Flag, English, insulted by the Dutch, 
88 ft. ^f go ft. I 

Fleetwooa, Charles, 124 «. 3 

Fleetwood, Margery, 71 «. 5 

Fleetwood, Robert, 57 ft. 2, 81 ft. 2, 
200 ft. 4; chief at Madapollam, 
100 ft. I 

Flemming, Thomas, commands the 
Borfteo Merchaftt^ xxviii 

Floris, Peter Williamson, a Dutch- 
man, 98 ;;. I ; a factor in the E. I. 
Co.'s service, 98 ft. i 

Flyboat, 92 ; meaning of, 92 «. i ; a 
Dutch, 178 «. 3 

Flying Prow, an outrigged canoe, 
301 ; descriptions of, 301 ft, i 

Foot-boy, 83, 83 ft. 3 

Formosa, chart of, by Bowrey, 
xxxvii, 1 

Forrest, Thomas, his "Voyage to 
the Mergui Archipelago" referred 
to, 235 ft. I, 236 «. I, 236 «. 3, 
241 ft. I, 243 ft. 3, 248 ft. 2 passim 

Fort, the. See Fort St George 

Fort St David, Indians from, migrate 
to Achin, 294 ft. 3 

Fort St George, xvi, xxii, xxxviii, 
2 ft. 2, 6, 13, 25 ft. I, 36, 44, 55 
^' 2» 57> 91 ^' i» '^2 «. 3, 123 «. 4 
passim ; Council at, their action 
regarding Bowrey's imprisonment, 
xxxvi ; description of, ^ ft, ^^ forti- 
fication of, 3 ; letters from Agent 
and Council at, 3 ;i. 2, 8 ft. i, 20 
ft. 2, 43 ft. I, 51 ft. I, 66 ft, I, 
82 ft. I, 106 ft. 2 passifft; governor 
of, see s.v. Foxcroft, Langhorne, 
Winter, Gyfford ; climate of, 4 ; 
cheapness of provisions at, 4; trade 



INDEX 



353 



of, 4, 5 ; heathen town of, 6 n. ^; 
attacks on, by the Moors' forces, 
50 f. , 51 n. I ; Fishers' Town at, 
42 ». I ; Round Point at, 42 n. i ; 
dedication of churches at, 50 «. i ; 
impositions on English at, 51; first 
settlement at, 53 n. i ; Council at, 
send provisions to De la Haye, 66 
n. I ; discussion as to strengthening 
fortifications of, 00 n. i ; Council 
at, reproved by the Court, 93 «. i ; 
coips current at, 114; ships from, 
frequent port of Achin, 288 ; present 
from agent of, to Queen of Achin, 

309 

Foster, William, his "Letters re- 
ceived by the E. I. Co." referred 
to, 304 n. 4 

Fournereau, L., his **Le Slam 
ancien" referred to, 255 n. 6 

Fouzdaar. See Faujddr 

Fowler, Roger, appointed dyer at 
Kasimbazar, 214 ;/. 2; salary of, 
214 n. 2 

Fowls, plentiful at Achin, 322 n. 6 

Foxcrott, George, 158 «. 3; agent 
at Fort St George, 4 «. i, 84 w. 2, 
\oo n. I ; his imprisonment by 
Sir Edward Winter, 4 «. r, 84 
n. 2 ; his release, 84 n. 2 ; his 
policy weaker than Winter's, 88 
n, I ; his cause espoused by Jearsey, 
251 w. I ; unwilling to attempt a 
settlement at Achin, 320 

Frances^ the, Bowrey's ship, xxxviii, 
xl, 175 w. 2 

Frangue, Fringe, Fringi. See Firin- 
ghee 

Frangula Dibba. See Feringhi 
Dibba 

Franks, the, numerous in Golconda, 
III n. I 

Frapp, to bind, 316, 316 n, 4 

Freeman, Robert, 289 n. 6 

Free merchants, in India, xxxiv, 
III n. I . See also Bowrey, Thomas ; 
Horner, James; Jordan, Clement; 
Ware, Samuel ; Bugden, John ; 
Ogilvy, Alexander 

French, the, enemies of the Moors, 
46 ; taking of St Thome by, 46 n. 4, 
47, 48 n. ; their factory at Masuli- 
patam, 64 «. i ; chief and second 
of, at Masulipatam, fight a duel, 64 
n. I ; abandon Masulipatam, 64 
n. I ; scour the Malabar Coast with 
their squadron, 65 «. i ; evacuate 
St Thome, 66, dd n. i ; terms of 
capitulation granted them by the 
Dutch, 65, ()(i^ dd n. I ; establish 

T. 



themselves at Pondicherry, d^ n, i, 
257 n. 6; attempt to take Masuli- 
patam, 67; spies of, murdered at 
Narsapur, 67; chief of, at Masuli- 
patam, killed by the Moors, 70 ; 
complain at Dacca of the taking of 
the Great Flemings 68 n. 3 ; driven 
from Hugli by the Dutch, 68 «. 3 ; 
ground allotted to them at Kasim- 
bazar, 213 n. 2; their power in 
Junk-Ceylon, 255 «. 6 

Frenchpettah, site of French factory 
at Masulipatam, 64 n. i 

Freshes, the, 173 «. 2, 174; destroy 
the Dutch factory at Hugli, 170; 
how caused, 171, 172; damage 
done by, 171 n. 4 

Fringe Burane, Feringhi Dibba, a 
Portuguese settlement, I40 «. 4 

Fringie, Frangue, Fringuin. See 
Firinghee 

Fruits, preserved by the Portuguese, 
192; of Achin, 322, 322 «. 6 

Fryer, John, sailed in the Unity to 
India, 91 ». i; his mistake regard- 
ing the Queen of Achin, xxiii ; his 
"Account of East India" referred 
to, 3 «., 6 ;/., 9 ;/., 15 «., 16 «., 
20 «., 27 w., 28 «., 30 «., 33 «., 
45 w., 47 «., 48 «., 49 «., 50 n. 
passim 

Funnell, W., his "Voyage round the 
World " referred to, 323 n. i 

Further India, close intermarriage 
common among natives of, 273 «. 2 

Furza, custom-house, 168 n. 3 

Futtercon. See Fatteh Khan 

Futty Cawn. See Fidai Khan 

Gaddty a throne, cushioned seat, 240 

«• 3 
Gala. See Point de Galle 

Galeasse, Galleasse, Jelyasse. See 
Jalia 

Galiinas dell Mar, Portuguese half- 
castes, 209 n, 2 

Galinha, Gallo, Galle. See Coxe's 
Island 

Galle. See Point de 

Gallevat, Galley, Galevet, Galliot. 
See Jalid 

Gandd. See Weights and Measures 

Gangah. See Ganja 

Ganga Sagar, 203 n. i, 209, 209 
n. 2 

Ganges, river, xvi, xix, 33 n. i, 
56 «. 2, 131 n. 7, 137 n. 2, 149 
«. I, 163, 174 n. I ; sacredness 
of water of the, 12 «. i, 21, 201 
n. I, 202, 202 n. I, 202 n. 3, 216, 

23 



354 



INDEX 



216 n. 5; renders Bengal famous, 
'3i> 132 J uses of the word in the 
17th century, 131 n, r ; beeswax 
made, on east side of the, 132 //. 5 ; 
one of the four principal rivers oif 
the world, 166, 166 n. i ; its sup- 
posed identity with Pison, 166, 166 
n. I ; its branches, 166; separates 
the Indies into two parts, 166 n. r ; 
its source unknown, 166 «. i ; over- 
flows its banks, 172 ; pilots of the, 
i75» '75 ^' I > salt obtained from 
the, 199, 199 71. 2 ; sick folk carried 
to banks of the, 201, 201 n. i ; 
festival in honour of the, 202, 203, 
203 n. I ; offerings made at festival 
of the, 202 ; Gentues' belief as to 
its source, 202 n. i ; advantages of 
dying on its banks, 202 n. i ; mud 
of the, sacred, 202 n. i, 216 ; dead 
bodies in the, 202 «. 2 ; water from 
the, carried long distances, 203 n. i, 
216; its extent, 209; breadth of the, 
209, 211; reports concerning the, 
2io; tributaries of the, 210, 211; 
ineffectual search for its source, 
2 n ; islands at the mouth of the, 
211, 211 n. 3, 212; wild beasts on 
shores and islands of the, 211, 211 
n. 3; Marshall's description of the, 
211 ;/. I 

Ganges i the, sloop, 104 n. r, 173 
n. 2, 175 n. 4, 178 ;/. 3, 219 n, 2, 
228 n. 2, 292 n. 6 

Gdnjdy hemp, 77, 78 ;/. 4; where 
grown, 78 ; its appearance, 78 ; 
its effect, 78-81 ; Dampier's de- 
scription of, 79 «. 2 ; price of, 80 ; 
different ways of using it, 79; 
effect of, on T. B. and his com- 
panions, 81 ; its seductiveness, 81 

Ganjam (district), 124 «. 3 

Crans, Gance. See Ganza 

Gantang, Gantange, Ganton. See 
Weights and Measures 

Ganza, bell-metal, 196, 196 n. 4, 
290, 290 n. 7 ; from Pegu, 196 
n. 4 

Garce, Garse. See Weights and 
Measures 

Gardiner, Frances, mother of Mary 
Bowrey, xlv ; bequests to her, xlvi ; 
executrix to Mary Bowrey's will, 
xlvii ; death of, xlvii 

Gardiner, Mary, wife of Thomas 
Bowrey. See Bowrey, Mary 

Garrett, Mr, his sloop taken by the 
Dutch, 266 n. 3, 269 

Gary. See Chart 

Gary, Henry (? Gray, Henry, q.v.). 



Company's servant at Achin, 73 
n. 3; his contract with the Queen 
of Achin, 319 

G aunts. See Ganza 

Gauton, Gawton, George, 233 n. 2 

Gee. See Ght 

Geldria. See Gueldres 

Gengam. See Gingham 

Gentile, Gentoo. See Gentue 

Gentues, a caste of Hindus, xvii, 6, 
^3* 32» 61 «. 3; social character- 
istics of, 6, 9, 15, 24, 25, 26, 27, 

32, 34, 35» 38. 41, 98; religious 
characteristics of, 6, 11, 12, 14, 15, 
18, 25, 27, 29, 32, 35, 36; moral 
characteristics of, 10, 29; physical 
characteristics of, 14 ; former ex- 
tent of power of, 10; subjection of, 
to the Muhammadans, 10, 11, 39, 
76, 77, 94 5 pilgrimage of a mer- 
chant of, to Jagannath pagoda, 
18-20; number of fakirs among 
them, 23; commercial abilities of, 
24, 25 ; origin of, 25 ; pagodas of, 
25; dwellings of, 26; clothes of, 
26, 32, 97; appearance of, 32; at 
Pulicat, 52 ; at Peddapalle, 55 ; 
supply Masulipatam with fish, 6 1 ; at 
Masulipatam, 72 ; excel as artisans, 
77; language of, see Hindostani; 
food of, 97, 279 «. 5 ; their manner 
of smoking, 97 ; their hostility to 
European and Muhammadan ship- 
carpenters, 102, 103; their clever- 
ness in handling ships, 103, 104; 
in Golconda, assume dignity of 
rajas ^ 108 ; merchants of the, on the 
Gingalee Coast, heavily taxed, 1 26 ; 
suffer injustice from the Moors, 
1 26 ; purchase religious privileges, 
126; meaning of the name, 126 
;/. I ; merchants of, compelled to 
build ships for the nawdb^ 163; 
at Hugh, live peaceably under the 
Moors, 168 «. 2; heavily taxed, 
194; their Swinging Festival, 198; 
Uriyas, of lower caste than, 199; 
treatment of their dead, 202 ; their 
belief as to the source of the Ganges, 
202 n. 1 , 202 n. 3 ; practise satiy 
203; differences between Uriyas 
and the, 202; women of the, how 
adorned, 207, 207 n. 6; their wives 
secluded, 207 

G6or. See Johor 

George, the, 265 n. i, 271 «. ; taken 
by the Dutch, 266 «. 3, 269; sent 
to Kedah, 268 

Georgia, 221, 221 n, 3 

Ghantdy a gong, 197 «. i 



INDEX 



355 



Gharl^ an Indian hour, 196, 197 «. i ; 
a water-clock in general use in 
India, 196, 197 n. i; Thevenot's 
description of, 197 n, i 

Gharidl, a gong, ig'j n. i 

Ghl^ clarified butter, 132 n. 6, 181, 
289 n. 2, 289 n. 5; price of, in 
Patna, during the famine, 226 n. 1 

Ghurry, Gurry. See Chart 

GifFord, Captain William, 172 n. 2 

Gimnosophists, Brahmins so called, 
206, 206 n. I 

Gingalee, coast of, xvi, xvii, 4 «. 2, 
120 n. I, 125 n. I, 182 n. 3; great 
rice trade on, 98 ;;. i ; description 
of, 120-128; good harbours on, 
120; fertility, extent, and physical 
features of, 120, 121; nawdb of, 
1 20 n. I ; towns and fortifications 
on, subject to King of Golconda, 
124 ; under rule of Viceroy of King 
of Golconda, 125; famous for Ja- 
gannath Pagoda, 127; merchants 
on, conceal their wealth, 127; 
English and Dutch living on, un- 
molested, 127; provisions plentiful 
on, 127; butter and oil from, im- 
ported to Junk- Ceylon; 247 

Ginger, preserved, 193 n. 2 ; from 
Patna, 221 n. i 

Gingerlee, Gingerly, Ginglee. See 
Gingalee 

Gingerlee (town), 123 n. 4; its iden- 
tity with Vizagapatam discussed, 
123 n. 2; orders from Court to 
settle a factory at, 123 n. 2 

Gingham, 71 n. 3, 122 n. 3, 162 
^^' 3» 231, 231 n. i; history of the 
word, 231 n. 2; striped, 231 n. 2; 
directions from England as to, 231 
n. 2 

Girdles, 230 n. 5 

G/ode, the, 61 n. 3; anchored at 
Peddapalle in 1612, 53 «. 2; com- 
manded by Capt. Hippon, 98 n. 1 

Gneudeville, his map of Mergui 
Archipelago referred to, 235 n. i 

Goa, 20 ;/. 2, 48 n. i, 135 «. 5, 172 
n. 3, 264; arrack, chief manufacture 
of, 77 n. 3; Portuguese at, how 
called, 140 n. 4 

Goala. See Gowdla 

Goats, bezoar from, 292 n. 7 ; at 
Achin, 322 n. 6 

Gobang. See Kobang^ s.v. Coins 

Godavari, Goodaware, Godavery, 
river, 3 //• i, 98 n. i ; point, 3, 120, 
123 n. 4 

Godinho de Eredia, his "Malaca" 
referred to, 1 92 n. 4, 237 n. 2, 242 n, 3 



Godown, 232 n. 2; Jearsey's house 
sold for a, 251 «. I ; of the English, 
at Achin, 321 n. 

Goens, Ricklof van, General of the 
Dutch forces, 68 «. 2 ; takes Jafna, 
181 n. 3 

Golcar, 108 n. 7 

Golconda, fortress of, 108 n. 7, iii 
n. 5 ; fanciful derivation of, 108 
n. 7 ; Thevenot's description of, 1 10 
n. 2 ; confused by T. B. with 
Bhagnagar, 108, 109, no 

Golconda, king of, 16, 20 ». 2, 51, 
103; destroys groves at foot of Mt 
St Thomas, 46 ; sends forces against 
the French at St Thome, 46 «. 4; 
preparation for visit of, to Pedda- 
palle, 54; Masulipatam subject to, 
61 n. 3, 62, 82 ; his ships trade for 
elephants, 73; not responsible for 
oppressions of Moors, 88 ; his visit 
to Masulipatam, 88-93, 93 «. 1 ; 
goes on board two English ships, 
88-93 ; his retinue, 88 n. 3^ details 
of his visit to Masulipatam, 88 w. 3 ; 
guns fired in honour of, 88 «. 3; 
cost of his entertainment at Masuli- 
patam, 88 «. 3 ; gives a farnidn to 
the English, 93 ; land at Madapol- 
1am granted by, to the English, 100 
n. I ; takes customs from independ- 
ent rdjds, 108; his power, 108 «. i ; 
his Viceroy on the Gingalee Coast, 
125 n. I 

Golconda, kingdom, xvi, 7 n. 2, 12 
n. I, 13, 21, 48 n. I, 72 n. 2, 120 
n. I, 124 n. 3, 125, 126, 131 n. 7, 
132 n. 2, passim \ situation of, 13; 
Omras of, 39 n. 4; Dutch Com- 
pany's factory in, 72 «. 2 ; descrip- 
tion of, 107-119; extent of, 108, 
109, 1 10 ; boundaries of, 108 «. 6 ; 
its origin, 109 ; borders of, go- 
verned by private lords, 108 «. 6; 
capital of, 108 n. 7 ; its climate, 
productions and fortresses, no; 
governors of, Muhammadans, no; 
manufactures of, 1 1 1 ; fertility of, 
won, I ; noted for diamonds, iii, 
112, 291 n. 8 ; royal tombs in, 112, 
114 n. i; coins current in, 115, 
217; good roads in, 117; accom- 
modation for travellers in, 117, 117 
». 2 ; at war with Siam, 172 «. 3 ; 
Homer, a resident in, 263 n. i ; 
striped stuffs exported to Achin 
from, 289 

Golconda, mines of, xvii ; where 
situated, iii, in m. 5 ; Ta vernier's 
description of, in n, 5 ; land at, 

23—2 



3S6 



INDEX 



how let out, 112; duties claimed by 
the king at, 112, 112 n. 2 

Gold, none afKedah, 280, 280 ;/. 2 ; 
brought from Patani to Kedah, 280; 
at Achin, 294, 294 ;/. 2, 326 

Gold, George, taken by the Dutch, 
266 n. 3 

Gold flowers, tribute of states de- 
pendent on Siam, 275 ;/. 3 

Gold Moors. See Mohur, s.v. Coins 

Goldsmiths, prohibited from en- 
tering Jagannath pagoda, 12 ;/. i 

Gomasta. See Gumdshtah 

Gombroon. See Bandar 'Abbas 

Gomez, Gomus. See Pulo Gomez 

Gondegam, 56 n. i 

Gong, 196, 196 ;/. 5, 291 ; how used, 
196, 197 71. i; beaten, to advertise 
goods of the English in Junk- 
Ceylon, 245 ; beaten, to collect 
debts, 283 

Gonga, river, 129 ;/. i 

Gongo Sagor. See Ganga Sagar 

Goodaware. See Godavari 

Goodera. See Gudiir 

Good Hope^ the, ketch, 176 n. i, 264 
71. 7 ; taking of, xxxvii 

Goodlad family, the, history of, 90 

71. I 

Goodlad, William, master of Trinity 
House, 90 ;/. i 

Goodlad, William, commander of 
the Loyall Subject, 90, 90 ;/. i ; 
life of, 90 ;/. 1 ; takes part in con- 
sultation at Fort St George, 90 ;/. i ; 
letter from, describing king of Gol- 
conda's visit, 90 w. i ; voyages to 
Fort St George, Bengal and Bantam 
on the Loyall Subject^ 90 ;/. i ; 
death of, 90 «. i 

Goodman's Fields, xlvi 

Goong. See Gong 

Goozerat. See Gujarat 

Gorse, Garse, Garce. See Weights 
and Measures 

Gottenburg, xxiv 

Gowdla, the cow-keeper caste, bearers 
in Bengal, 87 «. 2 

Graaf, Nicolas de, a Dutch surgeon, 
'53 ^' 3 J his identity with T. B.'s 
"Dutch Doctor" suggested, 153 
71. 3 ; his " Voyages " referred to, 
'53 ^^' 3» ^09 n. 2, 221 ft. 6, 222 
71. 2, 229 ft. 4, 298 71. 2, 312 n. 2 
passim 

Grab, Grob, 140 n. 2, 260 71. 3 

Gram, Gramme, pulse, 121, 121 //. 3, 
121 71. 4, 304; black, 121 71. 3; 
red, 121 71. 3; exported from Ben- 
gal, 133; horse, 304 «. 2 



Grand Brittaftia^ the. See Great 

Bret 071^ the 
Gra7td Fle7tii7igoe^ the. See Great 

Fletnifigi the 
Gratt, for Grail, i.e. Generall, 125 

n. I 
Gray, Henry, makes agreement for 

the English with the Achinese, 302 

71. I ; obtains privileges for the 

English at Achin, 304 ;/. 4 
Gray, Matthew, **Cape Merchant," 

271 71. I, 317 «. 2; his report of 

trade at Achin, 308 «. 2, 320; his 

commission, 319; recalled to Surat, 

320 
Great Breto7i, the, 67 ; escape of De 

la Haye from the Dutch on, 68 

«. 2 
Great Fletni7ig, the, 67 ; taken by the 

Dutch, 68 ft, 3 
Great Mogul, Grand Mogul. See 

Aurangzeb 
Gree. See Ghari 
Green, colour, native dyers unable to 

produce a good, 7.\^ 71. i 
Greenhill, Mr, 196 ;/. 4 
Grey, Henry. See Gray, Henry 
Greyhouftdy the, commanded by Capt. 

Wm Goodlad, 90 ft. i 
Gribble, J. D. B., his " History of the 

Deccan " referred to, 82 ;/. 2, 88 7t. 2 
Grierson, Dr, his evidence before the 

Hemp-Drugs Commission, 78 7t. 4 
GryflFeth, John, throwster at Kasim- 

bazar, 214 ft. 2 
Guala, a palankeen-bearer, 87. See 

also s.w. Gowdla and Kahdr 
Gualloe. See Cowdla 
Guddorah. See Gudur 
Gudge. See Guz, s.v. Weights and 

Measures 
Gudur, xvi, 63 ft. i, 76, 81 «. 2, 99 

ft. 6; part of Masulipatam, 63; 

bridge at, 63, 63 ft. i, 84, 84 «. 2; 

houses at, 63 ; destroyed by flood 

in 1679, 1^ ^' 'J usual residence of 

the native governor, 76 ft. i 
Gueldres, fort at Pulicat, 51 ft. 4, 52 
Guggemat. 5^^ Jagannath 
Guinea, coast of, 106 ft, 2 
Gujarat, 131 «. 7, 135 «. 5, 182 ;/. 3; 

Murad Bakhsh appointed governor 

of, 1 36 ; description of province of, 

136 ft. 2 ; money of, 217 
Gulconda. See Golconda 
Gumdshtah^ 154 ». i 
Gumlack, from Patna, 122/2. i 
Gunda. See Gaft^^ s,v, W^eights 

and Measures 
Gundore. See Gudur 



INDEX 



357 



Gunge. See Gong 

Gunja. See Gdnja 

Gunny, 121 n. 3 

Gunpowder, 289 n. 5 

Guntur, 56 «. i 

Gurgestan. See Georgia 

Gurguttee, 249 n. i 

Gurrah, unbleached cloth, 133 ;/. 4 

Guz, Guzz, Gaz. See Weights and 

Measures 
Guzarats, many at Achin, 293 ;/. 2 
Guzerat, Gusaratte. See Gujarat 
Gwalie. See Guala, Gowdla 
Gyfford, William, Governor of Fort 

St George, xxx, xxxiv, xxxvii 
Gylyar, Juliar, Gelliay. See J alia 

Hackluit, Richard. See Hakluyt, 
Richard 

Haggs, William, 140 n. 2 

Haidarabad, capital of Golconda, 
108 ;/. 7, III ;/. 5 

Hainan, 208 n. 5 

Haines, John, 85 n. 4 

Haiyat Bakhsh Begam, daughter 
of Ibrahim Quli Qutb Shah, 113 w. 
I ; mother of Abdullah Qutb Shah, 
113 ;/. i; wife of Sultan Mahomed, 
113 ;;. i; buried at Golconda, 113 
;/. I 

HajTpur, 226 «. 2 

Hakluyt, Richard, 295 n. 6 

Halabas. See Allahabad 

Halalcore (Alecor, Alacore, Holol- 
core), a scavenger, 11; duties of a, 
1 1 ;/. 4 ; boy of that caste shot, 1 1 
n. 4 

Hall, Joseph, factor at Kasimbazar, 
158 n. 3; quarrels with Walter 
Clavell, 158 //. 3; his complaints 
against Vincent, 164 71. 4 

Hall, Mr, companion of Dampier, 
xxxviii 

Hamilton, Alexander, his mistake 
regarding the Queen of Achin, 
xxiii ; his " East Indies " referred 
to, II ;/., 12 «., 15 «., 16 «., 17 w., 
25 ;/., 36 ;/., 45 w., 46 w., passim 

Hammilm, stout cotton-cloth, 231 
;/. I 

Hanchparra, li 

Harac. See Arrack 

Haraspoore, Harssapore. See Har- 
sapur 

Hargee Raja, 257 n. 6 

Hari9pur Gar. See Harsapur 

Harleian Society, publications of, 
referred to, xli 

Harrapore. See Harsapur 

Harsapur, 129 ; first mention of, 



129 ;/. I ; earliest English factory 
in Bay of Bengal, 129 «. i ; pagoda 
of, 1 29 71. I ; residence of the rdjd^ 
129 «. I ; saTiahs made at, in great 
esteem, 129 n. i ; reason for 
abandoning factory at, 162 n. 3 

Hassan Hossein, 119 n. 1 

Hath. See Weights and Measures 

Hatton, Christopher, 54. 72 ;/. 2, 
200 ;/. 4 ; chief at Madapollam, 
100 w. I ; his '• Accompt " of the 
trade of Masulipatam, 245 n. 2 

Haut, Hawt. See Hdth^ s.v. Weights 
and Measures 

Havila, land of, its identity with the 
Indies, 166 ;/. i 

Havilddr^ 98 «. i ; of Porto Novo, 
ill-treats Bowrey, xxix, xxxi, xxxii, 
xxxiii; of Masulipatam, 120/1. i 

Haye, De la, Monsieur, General of 
the French, taking of St Thome by, 
46 7t. 4; assisted by Agent Lang- 
horne, 46 ft. 4 ; evades the Dutch, 
46 71. 4; his attempt, and failure to 
increase French trade in India, 
65-70 ; loses his squadron, 65, 68 

Heath, Captain William, 176 «. i ; 
complains against Bowrey, xxviii ; 
his men restored to him, xxviii 

Heathcote, Sir Gilbert, a Director 
of the E. I. Co., xlii 

Heathfield, John, 196 ;/. 4 

Hedges, William, " Diary " of, re- 
ferred to, XV, XX, li, 106 ;/., 124 tt., 
128 «., passitu 

Hegira, the, li 

Hemp, Indian. See Bhdfig and 
Gdnjd 

Herba goods, where procurable, 

162 71. 3 

Herbert, Sir Thomas, his "Travels " 
referred to, 1x4 ;;. 8 

Heme, Mr, his accusations against 
Clavell, 158 «. 3 

Hems, Herons, 286 ;/. 2 

Heron, George (Herrin, Bering, 
Hearon, Herron, Hearine), 20^ 
fu 4 ; pilot in the Company's service, 
xxxvii, 166 71. 2, 175 71. I ; brings 
Streynsham Master up the Hugli, 

1 75 «• I » 1 76 ; one of the first batch 
of apprentice pilots, 176 w. 1 ; 
separate rooms in Hugli ordered 
for, 176 «. I ; surveys the Hugli, 

176 «. I ; pilots various vessels, 
176 «. I, 178 «. 3 ; mixed up in the 
quarrels between Hedges and Char- 
nock, 176 «. I ; member of a 
** Council Extraordinary," 176 «. i ; 
becomes an independent trader, 



358 



INDEX 



1 76 w. I ; a •* freeman " residing at 
Fort St George, 176 «. i; marries 
a Georgian (Armenian), 176 «. i ; 
demands letters of reprisal, 176 
«. I ; death and burial of, 176 «. i 
Heron, Samuel, pilot in the Com- 
pany's service, 1 76 n, i ; master of 
the Good Hopfy xxxvii ; brother of 
Capt. George Heron, xxxvii ; cast 
adrift by his crew, xxxvii, 176 n. i ; 
brought from Achin by Bowrey, 
xxxvii 
Hervy, Samuel, chief at Dacca, 150 

n. 2 
Hijili, xix, xxxvii, 209 n. 2 ; Moors 
drive the Portuguese from, 162 n. 3, 
'^3''- 3'' Company's ships unlade 
at, 166 ;/. 2 
Hill, John, prisoner at Siam, xl 
Himalayas, mountains, 172 ;/. i 
Hindostan, n, 17, 131, 131 n. 3, 
131 n. 7, 132 n. 3, 180, 218 n. 2 ; 
chronicles of, 135 ; civil vv^ar in, 

135-144 

HindostanT, 263 n. i ; study of, en- 
couraged by East India Company, 
80 n. 2 

Hindostan language. See Hindo- 
stani 

Hindus, xvii, 6 n. i, 23 «. i, 25 w. 2 ; 
power of, in S. India destroyed, 
10 w. 2, 128 ; their fighting abilities, 
10 n. 2 ; their treatment by Akbar 
and his successors, 10 n. 4, ion. 5, 
10 ;/. 6, II n. 2; religion of, taxed, 
II, 39; their pilgrimages to the 
pagoda of Jagannath, 12 n. i ; 
festivals of, 16, 17, 197, 198, 202, 
203, 203 n, I ; merchants of the, 
their wealth ascertained by Shayista 
Khan's agents, 157; dead bodies of 
the, how treated, 201 n. i ; their 
sick, how treated, 202 n. i ; number 
that died of famine at Patna, 226 
n. 2 

Hippon, Anthony, Captain, com- 
mander of the Globes 53 «. 2 ; sent 
out to trade on Coromandel Coast, 
p8 ;/. I 

Hippopotamus, 279 n. 5 

Hobson-Jobson. See Yule and 
Burnell 

Hodges, Mr, prisoner at Siam, xl 

Hodgipore. See Hajipur 

Hogs, wild, in Bengal, 220, 220 n. 4; 
wild, in Kedah, 279, 279 n. 2 ; 
not eaten by Muhammadans, 279, 
279 n. 2 

Hollanders, the. See Dutch 

Hololcore. See Halalcore 



Hon, Joseph, sailor on the Defence, 

xxviii 
Honey, 292 n. 2; plentiful in Bengal, 

»32 
Hoocar, Hooka, Hoocka, 96, 97 ; 

illustration of a, 104 

Hope, the, ship, 73 n. 3, 319 

Hopkins, Mr, second at Peddapalle, 
106 n. 2 

Homer, James, known to T. B., 
xviii ; a free merchant, 1 1 1 «. 1 , 
263 ; a resident at Golconda, 1 1 1 
n. I ; demands satisfaction for goods 
taken from S. Ware, 263 ; his trade 
in elephants, 263 «. i ; accusation 
against, 263 n. i ; skilled in the 
"Indostan language," 263 n. i; 
acts with the Company's "Braminy'* 
at Golconda, 263 n, i ; his trading 
voyages, 263 n. i 

Homer, Mrs, goes to Golconda, 263 
n. I ; her petition, 263 n. i 

Horsburgh, James, his" India Direc- 
tory" referred to, 56 n. i, 128 «. 5, 
129 «. I, 209 n. 2, 257 n. 2, 259 
n. 2, passim 

Horses, of Queen of Achin, how 
adorned, 326 

How, William, 71 «. 5, 81 «. i 

Howard, Eliot, owner of the T. B. 
MS., XV, xxii ; disproves the Bugden 
theory, xx ; supplies the Bowrey 
clue, XX ; *' Eliot Papers " by, 
references to, xx, xlii 

Howison, James, liv; his "Malay 
Dictionary," liv-lvi ; copies from 
Bowrey, Iv 

Hubble-bubble, 97; canes for, 97 
;/. 4 

Hudson, Richard, 184 n. \ 

Hudson's Bay, "Dictionary of the 
Indian language of the," xli, liii 

Hughli. See Hugli 

Hugli, xvi, II «.4, 23, 56 n 2, 85 n. 4, 
87 n. 2, 96 n. 2, 104 n. i, 124 ». 3, 
129 n. I, 146 ^2. 4 passim ; number 
of Christians at, 133 w. 3 ; part of 
Shayista Khan's jagir, 146 n. 4 ; 
factors at, present Shayista Khan 
with Persian horses, 1 48 n. 5 ; 
Council at, refuse Chintaman a 
share in the investment, 154 «. i ; 
Governor of, 158 «. 3, 183, 185 «. i ; 
English chiefs at, 158 «. 3; native 
merchants in, compelled to send 
ships to Dacca, 162, 163 ; the great 
bazaar at, 168 ; Mogol*s custom- 
house at, 168 w. 3 ; ships, numbers 
yearly laden at, 168 n. 3; date of 
establishment of English factory at, 



INDEX 



359 



1 68 n. 4; English factory house at, 
when built, 168 n. 4 ; enlargement 
and repair of English factory house 
at, 168 ;/. 4; trees cut down near 
English factory at, 168 w. 4; head- 
quarters of the Company in Bengal, 
164 n. 3, 168, 168 «. 4; description 
of, 167, 168, 168 n, 2 ; English 
factory at, 167, 167 n. 3, 168, 168 
n. 4, 171 ; Dutch factory at, 68 
n. 3, 167, 167 n. 3, 168 n, i, 160, 

169 n. i; inhabitants of, 168, 108 
n. 2 ; commodities sold at, 168, 
168 ;/. 2, 168 n, 3, 231 ; flood de- 
stroys old Dutch factory at, 170; 
new English factory built at, 171 ; 
Council and factors reside in new 
factory at, 171 ; brick bridge built 
between Old and New English 
factories at, 171 n. 1; old factory 
(English) at, how used, 171 «. 4; 
Dutch map of in 1679, '^5 ^^' * » 
number of Portuguese at, 191, 191 
n. I ; Ganges festival held near, 
203; description of j^7/f at, 204 

Hugli Hole, 170, 170 «. 3 

Hugli river, xvi, xvii f., xix ; Bowrey's 
chart of, xvii f., xxxvii, 1, 172 n. 2, 
173 «• 2, 209 ;/. 2, 219 n. 2 ; in- 
cluded in the Ganges, 132 «. i ; 
chief arm of the Ganges, 166, 167 ; 
trade on its waters, 166, 166 n. 2; 
navigation of the, urged by the 
Court, 166 n. 2 ; pilots sent from 
England for the, 166 n. 2 ; lack of 
pilots for, 166 n. 2, 175, 175 n. i ; 
the Company's ships brought up 
the, after 1679, 166 «. 2 ; why so 
called, 167 ; T. B. nearly wrecked 
in, 172-174 ; James and Mary 
shoal in, 174 n. 2; earliest sailing 
directions for, 176 n. i; T. B.'s 
personal acquaintance with, 209 
;/. 2 

Humhum. See Hammdm 

Hungerford, John, trustee to Mary 
Bowrey's will, xlvi ; legal adviser 
to the E. 1. Co., xlvii 

Hunter, Sir William, his ** Imperial 
Gazetteer " referred to, 105 n. 2, 
215 «. 2; his ''History of British 
India" referred to, 145 «. 5, T46 
;/. 4, 164 n. I 

Hunter^ the, fireship, xxiv 

Hurrichpore Gurh. See Harsapur 

Hutchins, John, his *' History of 
Dorset'* referred to, 158 //. 3 

Huttops, houses at Kedah made of, 
269 

Hyde, Thomas, liii, Ivi 



Iberians, called Georgians, 221 n, 3 

Ibrahim Khan, nawdb of Cuttack, 
succeeded by Safi Khan, 152 n, 4 

Ibrahim Quli Qutb Shah, con- 
solidates kingdom of Golconda, 
109 ;/. I ; fourth king of Qutb 
Shahi line, 113 «. i 

Idols of the Hindus in Bengal, 197 

Igale. See Coxe's Island 

Inchiquin, Lord, xxiv 

India, li, r, 4, 5, 50, 71, 133, 145, 
158, 293 ; coast of, xv ; East, 2, 39 ; 
author's arrival in, 146; trade in, 
lucrative, 233, 233 n, 1 

"Indian Antiquaiy," The, refer- 
ences to, 3 //. 1, 26 «., 36 n.y 42 «., 
114 n. 2 passim 

Indian Apple. See Zizyphus Jujuba 

Indian Sea, 108 

India Office Records, Factory Re- 
cords, references to, xix, xxvi, 
xxviii, XXXV, xxxvi, xxxvii, xl, 1«., 
5 «., 12 ;/., 25 «., 36 n. passim \ 
Marine Records, references to, xxvi, 
12 «., 209 n. 2, 262 n. 2 ; Madras 
Public Consultations, referred to, 
xxviii ; Original Correspondence, 
references to, xxv, xxxvii, 3 «.> 
21 «., 25 w., 32 ;/., 43 n. passim'; 
Court Books, referred to, xli, xlii, 
90 71. I, 233 ;/. 2 ; Home Series, 
Miscellaneous, referred to, xli ; Letter 
Books, referred to, 9 «., 53 «., 55 «., 
57 ;/. passim 'f Coast and Bay Ab- 
stracts, referred to, 100 n. i 

Indostan. See Hindostan 

Indostan language. See Hindo- 
stanl 

Indra, 20)5 n. 3 

Indragiri, liv; raja of, his power, 
295, 295 n. 3 ; noted for pepper, 
295 «. 3 ; a Hindu name, 295 «. 3 

Indrapoora, 178 «. i 

Indulgeficey the, king of Golconda*s 
ship, 88 n. 3 

Ingerley. See Hijili 

Ingram, Ralph, Company's servant 
at Cuddalore, xxxi, xxxv 

Ingrenate. See Jagannath 

Intermarriage, between different 
trades prohibited, 31 

Inzipatam. See Vizagapatam 

Iron, 240, 246 

Irsepour. See Harsapur 

Isarees, drawers, trousers. See Izdr 

Ishmael Beake. See Isma'il Beg 

Isma'Tl Beg, appointed second in 
Junk-Ceylon, 255; killed in the 
insurrection at Junk-Ceylon, 257 

Ispahaun, 309 ;/. 2 



36o 



INDEX 



Ivell, Seftor Axell, Governor of 

Tranquebar, xxix 

Ivory, 290 n. 8 

Izar^ drawers, trousers, 71 ;/. 3 

Jackals, description of, 220, 220 n. 4; 
depredations of, 220 ; illustration 
of, 222 

Jafna, Dutch fortress in Ceylon, 181, 
181 n. 3 

Jagannath (Guggerhaut, Jaggerynat, 
Jagranaught, Jaguernate, Jakernot, 
Jno. Gemaet), 7, 8, 15, 24, 37 «. 2, 
130 n. 4; carried in procession, 7, 
17, 18; pagoda of, xvi, 11 n. 2, 12, 
13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 24, 108, 121, 
127 ; revenue of pagoda of, 12 «. i ; 
description of the idol, 12 ;/. i, 15, 
16; diamond stolen out of the eye 
of, 12 //. i; votive offerings to 
pagoda of, 12 n. i, 20; festival at 
pagoda of, 1 6, 1 7 ; attempts of kings 
of Golconda against, 16; chariot of, 
17, 18; immolation under chariot 
of, 18; pilgrimage of rich Gentue 
merchant to pagoda of, 18-20; il- 
lustration of, 22 ; his omniscience, 
34; chief Brahmin of, 216 «. 5 

Jagannath, district, 129 n. i, 130 
n, 4; raja of, 127 n. 2 

Jagaree. See Jaggery 

Jaggeer, Jaggere. See Jagir 

Jaggernat, Jaggerynat, Jagernate, 
etc. See Jagannath 

Jaggery, coarse sugar, 78 

Jagir, a pension, 146 n. 4, 152 n, 4, 
185 n. I ; Agra given to Shayista 
Khan as, 148 n. 5 

Jagrenaut. See Jagannath 

Jahangir, emperor, son of Akbar, 18 
n. 2 ; his treatment of the Hindus, 
10 n. 5 

Jakernot. See Jagannath 

Jaksom Baksom, Dutch corruption 
of " Kz Hassan^ yd Httssain,'''' 119 
n. I 

Jaiidf a boat, 140, 212 ; various forms 
of the word, 140 n. 2; Tavemier's 
comments on, 140 ;/. 2; Schouten's 
description of, 140 it. 2 

Jambi, Jambe, Jambee, liv, 295 n. 3; 
a state in the East of Sumatra, 166 
n. 2, 295 n. 2; raja of, his power, 
295 ; English factory at, 295 n. 2 

J am bo a. See Pommelo 

Jambys, inhabitants of Jambi, 266 n. 2 

James, Captain, brings the Rebecca 
up the Hugli, 166 n. 2 

"James and Mary," shoal, 173 n, i, 
174 n. 2 



James I. of England, 295; letter 

from King of Achin to, 295 n. 6; 

his present of cannon to Achin, 312 

n, 2 
Janavad, 96 n. 2 
Jan Perdo, island, 173, 173 «. 2; 

other spellings of, 173 «. 2 
Jansa Bainsah, a giant, 1 19; festival 

in honour of, 118, 119; illustration 

of, 119 
Janselone. See Junk-Ceylon 
Janseloners, inhabitants of Junk- 
Ceylon, 252 
Jan Sylan. See Junk-Ceylon 
Japan, Bengal commodities exported 

to, 132 n, 3 
Japnapatam, Japhnapatam. See 

Jafna 
Jardin, Clement Du. See Jordan, 

Clement 
Java Major, xxii, Hi, liv, i, 199 ». 3, 

223> 237 ^' ^» 247 ^' 5» 261 n. 2, 
277 n. 2, 283 n. 4, 291 ; chart of, 
by Bowrey, li ; ships from, frequent 
Achin harbour, 288; why so called, 
288 n. 4 

Javas (Javanese), 293 

Jazia, capitation tax, 10 n. 4, 39 n. 3 

Jearsey, Catherine, wife of William 
Jearsey, her character, 251 n, i 

Jearsey, John, betrothed to Mistress 
Povey, 90 n. r 

Jearsey, William, 9 n. 5, 100 n, i, 
178 71. I, 181 n. 9, 272 n. 4; em- 
ploys T. B. on a trading vessel, 
xviii, 251; his house, 64 n. i, 251 
«. I ; in India for thirty years, 251 
«. r ; in Company's service, 251 «. i ; 
twice discharged by the Court, 25 1 
n. I ; defies the power of the Court, 
2ffi n.i\ chief at Siriam and Masuli- 
patam, 251 n. i; charges l>rought 
against him, 251 n. i; his quarrel 
with Sir Edward Winter, 251 ». i; 
his private trade, 251 ;/. i ; claims 
against him finally settled, 2$in. i ; 
his wife a Dutchwoman, 251 n. i ; 
dies at Fort St George, 251 n. i ; 
two of his servants escape massacre 
at Junk-Ceylon, 257 

Jeco, 319 

Jehore. See Johor 

Jeliasse. See Jalid 

Jelosie (?stout cotton-cloth for blinds), 
230 n. 2 

Jemini, river. See Jumna 

Jentives. See Gentues 

Jessore, 162 

Jesuits, the, 41; their churches in 
Bengal, 133 «. 3; Mrs Vincent 



INDEX 



361 



said to encourage, 164 n. 4; their 
missions in India, 255 n. 6 

Jews, 94 ; resemblance of the Brahmins 
to, 28 

Jillisar, river, 2 1 1 w. 3 
yogi, 211 n. 3 

John Gernaet. See Jagannath 

Jno. Perdo. See Jan Perdo 

Johor, Johore, xxii, 72 n. 2, 82 n. i, 
251 n. 2, 258, 258 n. 4, 260, 266, 
271 «., 285 n. I, 290 n. 8; burning 
of, 266 n. 2; tributary to Siam, 275 
;/. 3 ; tin from, 280 n. 1 ; king of, 
312 «. 2 

Johore, river, 2^57 w. 2 

Johr, peak of, xlix 
Jong, a junk, 235 w. i 

Jonkseilon, Jonkceylon. See Junk- 
Ceylon 

Jordan, Clement (afterwards Du 
Jardin), a "freeman," 178 w. i; 
associated with John Bugden, xix; 
T.B.'s purser, xix, 178, 178 n. i; 
his position at Vizagapatam factory, 
123 «. 2, 178 ;/. I ; obtains a cowle 
for Vizagapatam, 125 n. 1 ; examined 
as to John Smith's death, 178 n. i ; 
called Du Jardin in 1682, 178 «. i ; 
disagrees with George Ramsden, 
1 78 «. I ; recalled to Fort St George, 
178 «. I ; sent to Sillebar, 178 «. i ; 
dismissed the Company's service, 
178 n. I ; dismissal not enforced, 
178 n. i; sent to Indrapore, 178 
n. I ; Court's opinion of, 178 n. 1 ; 
death of, 178 «. i ; leaves a widow, 
178 H. I 

Jougie. See Jogt 

Jounck. See Junk 

"Journal ou Suite du Voyage de 
Siam," referred to, 275 n, 3 

Jove, Brahmins' prayer to, during an 
eclipse, 33 f. 

Jubraj, 259 «. 3 

Judaism, 15 

Juggernaut. See Jagannath 

Jumna, river, 137 n. 2 

Jun9alaon, Junsalaon. See Junk- 
Ceylon 

Juncanner, customs officer, 93 w. i 

Junckan, transit-duty, 82 n, i 

Junkceyloan. See Junk-Ceylon 

Junk-Ceylon (Juncceloan, Jan Sylan 
etc.), xvi, 1, 72 «. 2, 262 «. 7, 283, 
290; value of T.B.'s description of, 
xviii ; its produce tin and elephants, 
xxii ; insurrection at, xxvi ; de- 
scribed, 235-258; situation and ex- 
tent of, 235, 236 ;/. I ; history of 
the word, 235 n. i ; marked on the 



mainland in old maps, 235 n. i ; 
shape of, 236, 236 n. i ; dependent 
on Siam, 236; how governed, 236; 
inhabitants of, 236, 236 n. 3, 236 
n. 4, 237 ; language of, 236 n, 3 ; 
ineffectual attempt of Burmans 
against, 236 n. 3; seaports on, 238, 
239; shallowness of its harbours, 
239; elephants and tin chief pro- 
ductions of, 240, 240/2. I ; imports 
of, 240 ; money current at, 240, 

241 ; heavy taxation at, 240 ;/. i ; 
bahdr of, 241 n. 4; chief officers 
at, 242, 244; treatment of foreigners 
at, 242, 243 ; table of coinage at, 

242 n, I ; raja of, his reception of 
foreigners, 244-246; presents given 
to raja of, by foreigners, 244, 245 ; 
no English factory at, 245 n. 2 ; 
presents given to officers at, 246 ; 
imports suitable for, 246; provisions 
not plentiful at, 246 ; physical 
features of, 247, 247 n. 3 ; fruits 
indigenous to, 247 ; houses at, how 
built, 250; raja of, reports Dutch 
outrage to Siam, 253; T.B.'s second 
visit to, 255 ; disaffection at, on 
account of Muhammadan rulers, 
255 ; murder of Moors and Chulias 
at, 257 ; English goods from Kedah, 
sale of, attempted at, 270; large 
elephants at, 275 

Junks, 181, 269, 271 w.; of the Moors, 
burned by the French at Masulipa- 
tam, 68 n. 2 ; of the Moors, for 
transport of elephants, 73 n, 3 ; 
meaning of, 181 w. 9; of the Moors, 
one taken by the Danes, 184 «. i 

Junsalam, Jiisalam. See Junk- 
Ceylon 

Junsalon. See Junk-Ceylon 

Jurradgeshaw, 154 n. i 

Kabul, province of, 136 n. 3, 136 
n, 4; Dara appointed governor of, 
136; description of, 136 n. 3 
ICachahri, Court-house, 154 n. i 
Ka9u VTranna (Cassa Varena, Cassa 
Verona), 48 w., 85 n. i, 126 «. 3; 
death and burial of, 95 n. 1 ; re- 
ligion of, 95 w. I, 127 w. 3 
Kodak, an elephant trap, 273 n. 4 
Kdhan, See Weights and Measures 
Kahar, the bearer-caste, 87 n. 2 
Kalyan Ray, a native merchant, 

154 n. I 
Kanakkapillai, clerk. See Conicopoly 
Kanarak Pagoda. See Black Pa- 
goda 
ICdnungo, 154 w. i 



362 



INDEX 



Kdpingy a Malay coin of low de- 
nomination. See Kdping^ s.v. Coins 

Karapar, mountain, 124 //. 2 

Karedu (Caraid, Careda, Carera, 
Careero, Carrera), xvi, 36, 36 //. 3 ; 
factory to be settled at, 36 «. 3; 
derivation of, 36 n. 3; Betel gar- 
dens at, 36 n. 3; festival at, 36 n. 3 

Kamates, 132 n. 2 

Karon Bay, 239 n, i, 250 n. 2 

Kartikeya, the Hindu Mars, pagoda 
of, 123 «. 2 

Kdsid^ 124 n. 3 

kasim, a Muhammadan proper name, 
213 «. I 

Kasimbazar, xvi, 11 n. 4, 87 n. 2, 
158 n. 3; Dutch factory at, 133 
«. 6, 2 13, 213 «. 2 ; T. B. s descrip- 
tion of, 213-215; why so called, 
213, 213 «. i; English factory at, 
213, 213 n. 2; silk exported from, 
213 n. 2; ground allotted to the 
French at, 213 n. 2; Streynsham 
Master's description of, 213 n. 2; 
mulberry trees at, 213 n. 2; Hamil- 
ton's description of, 213 n. 2; large 
investments of E. I. Co. at, 214; 
rank of head of the Factory at, 214, 
21^ n. I ; many English workmen 
at, 214; output of silk from, 214 
n. 2; English dyers necessary at, 
215, 215 «. I ; climate of, 215; 
decay of, 215 n. 2 ; commodities 
from, 230 

Kassem- Bazar. See Kasimbazar 

Kateck. See Cuttack 

ICatrd, a market-place, 221 n. 6 

Kaitumaratn^ catamaran, 43 ;/. 2 

Kdvai, a palankeen -bearer in Madras, 
87 n. 2 

Kedah, city of, its situation, 259 ; 
residence of the heir-apparent, 259 ; 
description of, 259 //. 2; crew of a 
Portuguese ship sold as slaves at, 
264; chief place of trade in the 
kingdom, 267 ; Company's house 
at, in decay, 268 ; Company's goods 
at, spoiled, 269; distress of English 
factors at, 269; letter from English 
factors at, 269; English factory 
house at burnt, 269 ; half the town 
burnt, 269; factors at, appeal to 
the king to dispose of their goods, 
270; factors at, get no help from 
the king, 270; factors at, unsuc- 
cessful efforts of to sell Company's 
goods, 270; Company's goods at, 
damaged and rotten, 270; factors 
at, petition the king for help to go 
to Achin, 270; factors at, complain 



of want of justice, 270; many thieves 
in, 27 1 «. ; English factory at, aban- 
doned, 271 n.\ flight of '* young 
king" from, 276 

Kedan, king of, resides at Solla, 259 ; 
resigns the government to his son, 
260; his mild rule encourages 
piracy, 261 ; invites the English 
to make a settlement, 261 tt. 3, 
267 n. i; favours the English, 261, 
262; liberates Portuguese lad, 265; 
reproves Suraj Khan, 265; his 
courtesy and uprightness, 265; his 
justice to his subjects, 265 ; a peace- 
maker, 265; T.B.'s high opinion 
of, unsupported, 265 n, i, 284 
n. I ; unable to enforce his com- 
mands, 265 n. I ; T. B.'s admira- 
tion for, 265 n. 2, 266; contempo- 
rary notices of, 265 n. 2 ; Hamilton's 
remarks on, 265 n. 2; his conflict 
with the Dutch, 266; the "Old" 
and the **New," their favour to 
the English, 267 ; his peshkush to 
Mahmud Alle, 268; his protection 
requested for English factors, 269; 
lends a prau to the English, 270; 
promises safety to English factors, 
270; letter sent from Surat to, 
271 n.', welcomes English mer- 
chants at Solla, 272 ; present made 
him by English merchants, 272; 
feasts and presents given by, to 
English merchants, 272; Hamil- 
ton s account of visits paid to by 
merchants, 273 n, 2; his tribute to 
the king of Siam, 275, 275 n, 3, 
2 76 ; his fear of the king of Siam, 
276; his flight in 1677, 276 

Kedah (Queda, Quedah), kingdom 
of, xvi, xxii, 1, 72 «. 2, 75, 82 «. I, 
178 n. I, 180, 236 n. 3, 245 n. 2, 
258, 285 n. r, 285 w. 3, 290, 290 
n. 8, 294 n. 3 ; two Chulias escape 
from Junk-Ceylon to, 257 ; T. B.'s 
account of, 259-285; size of, 259; 
sparsely peopled, 259, 260 n. 1 ; 
wild beasts in, 259, 260 n. i, 279; 
trade at, 259 n. i, 282; physical 
features of, 260, 260 n. 1 ; ruling 
officials at, 260 ; provisions plenti- 
ful at, 261, 279, 279 n. 3; good 
government at, 261 ; inferior in 
wealth to Achin, 261 ; its injurious 
wars with Achin, 260 n. i ; rivers 
of, 260 //. I, 268; inhabitants of, 
261 n. 2; English attempt to settle 
a factory in, 261 n, 3; reports as 
to trading facilities at, 201 n. 3; 
many pirates in, 262 ; English trade 



INDEX 



363 



at, paralysed by the Dutch, 266 
n. 3 ; T. B.'s view of English trade 
at, unsupported, 267 n. i ; English 
factory at, its settlement, failure, 
and abandonment, 267 «. i ; tin its 
chief commodity, 267 n. i ; method 
of trade at, 267 n. i ; English make 
large investments at, 267 n. 1 ; un- 
favourable report by the English, of 
trade at, 268 ; English goods in, to 
be sold off, 268; privileges to 
English merchants in, 271, 283; 
foreign merchants visiting, go by 
water to SoUa, 272 ; *' young " king 
of, present made to, 272; meaning 
of the word, 273 n. 4; elephants 
from, 275 n. i ; formerly subject to 
Achin, 275 n. 2; pepper good and 
plentiful in, 276, 276 n. 5; long 
pepper at, 277 ; description of 
houses at, 277; heavy rains at, 
277; fortifications of, 278; fruits 
of, 278, 279; no ducks, geese 
or pigs in, 279; illustration of 
"strange fishes" of, 285; woods 
of, 279, 279 «. 4; buffaloes in, 279, 
280; tin, the only mineral in, 280, 
280 n. I ; gold imported from, 
Patani to, 280; current money of, 
280, 281, 281 n. 3; weights and 
measures of, 281, 282; exports 
from, 283 ; debts of foreigners, 
how collected at, 283 

Kedah, river, 259 ;/. 4, 264, 277; its 
width, 259; how far navigable, 
259 ; full of fish and alligators, 
284, 285 

Kedgaree, Kedgerry, Kedgeree, 167 
n. I, 176 «. I, 209 n. 2, 254 «. 1 

Kegaria. See Kedgaree 

Keigwin, Richard, 140 n. 2 

Kelly, P., his '* Universal Cambist" 
referred to, 281 «. 5, 282 n. 2 

Ken, John, chief at Kasimbazar, 213 
n. 2 

Kendoa, 87 n 2, 167 w. i 

Kenn, John, his "Advices about 
Bengali," 122 11. i 

Kerbela, 11^ n. i 

Ketch, a boat, 173 n. 2, 178 

Ketri. See Khaitri 

Kettera. See Katrd 

Khairatabad, empty mosque at, 113 
n. I 

Khairat-un-Nissa Begam, her 
body exhumed, 113 n. i 

Khajur^ wild date-palm, 108 «. 6 

Khajuri, 172 n. 2 

Khan, of Chengy, 20 n. 2 

Khassa, muslin, 133 n. 4, 154 n, i, 



231 w. I ; good quality of, at 
Dacca, 150 n. 2, 230; description 
of, 230 n. 2; fine, 231 n. 2 

Khattrt caste, 83 n. 5 

Khelong Bay, 250 «. 2; its identity 
with Banquala discussed, 239 «. i 

Khemchand. See Chim Cham 

Khwajdjt, chief merchant, 118 n, i 

King George^ the, 209 n. 2 

King's Head Inn, Southwark, rented 
by Thos. Bowrey, xlv; owned by 
Peter Briggins, xliv; leasehold in- 
terest of, bequeathed to F. Gardiner, 
xlvi 

Kirman, a province of Persia, 221, 
221 n, 2 

Kishna. See Kistna 

Kistna, river, 54, 55 n. \ ; extent of, 
no; waters Golconda, no 

Kittesale. See Kittysol 

Kittysol, 85, 85 n. i, 85 n, 4; in- 
ferior to a roundel, 86 

Knives, imported to Junk-Ceylon, 
246 ; to Achin, 289 

Kobang, a Japanese coin. See Coins 

Koran, the. See (Al) Koran, the 

K5rangi. See Coringa 

Kosy 134 n. 3, 203 n, i 

Kosida, 129 /;. I 

Koiwdl^ judge, 88 n. 3, 207, 207 n, i ; 
of Peddapalle, visits Streynsham 
Master, 54 

Kotwdl kd chabutra, sherifTs office, 
226 n. 2 

Kris, a dagger, 235 n, 1, 298, 326; 
good quality of, at Achin, 298 n, i 

Kulbarga, log n. i 

Kupan^. See Kobang, s.v. Coins 

Kutcherry, court-house, 154 ;/. i 

Kuttra, the little, \f^o n, i 

Kuwdla^ mouth of a river, 239 n. r, 
295 ^- 3' 30i> 30^ ^- 2' 302 n. I 

Labuhan^ a harbour, 239 //. r 

Laburnum, Indian, 291 n. 5 

Lac, Lacca, 122, 122 n. i, 132; 
good quality of, from Bengal, 132 
n, 4, 134 ;/. I 

Lac, Lack. See Weights and Mea- 
sures 

Lacquer-ware, 290, 290 n. 12 

Lacre. See Lac 

Lada, Ladda, pepper, 277, 277 «. i 

Lada panjang. See Long Pepper 

Laddas, Is., 2TJ n. i 

Laest, Last. See Weights and 
Measures 

Lagor. See Sagar 

La Haye. See Haye 

Lahore, 133 «. 6, 136 n. 4 



3^4 



INDEX 



Lalan, Islands, 239 ;/. 2 
Lall Baug, palace, 150 n. i 
La Loub^re. See Loub^re 
Lampoun, Lampoon, 295 n, 3; 

pepper factory at, 292 n. 4 
Lancaster, Sir James, 295 n, 6; his 
** Voyages" referred to, 236 «. 1; 
obtains concessions from king of 
Achin, 304 n. 4 
Lancaster^ the, 177 «. 1 
Lancava, island, 277 ». i 
Lancaway. See Pulo Lada 
Landa, Landock. See Landak 
Landak, in Borneo, liv, 291, 291 

;/. 9 
Langham, Sir William. See Lang- 
home, Sir William 
Langhome, Sir William, agent at 
Fort St George, 4 «. i, 36 «. 3, 
63 n, I, 70 n, I, 71 «. 5, 73 w. 2; 
accused of assisting the French, 
48 n. ; refuses to expel Frenchmen 
from Fort St "George, 5 1 w. i ; his 
policy weaker than Winter's, 88 
//. I 
Langren, Van, his map of Mergui 
Archipelago referred to, 235 n. i 
Langtialu creek, 209 n, 2 
Lascar, 90 71, i, 125 n. i, 140 n. 2, 

178 n. 3, 265 n. I 
Last. See Weights and Measures 
Lathi ^ cudgel, staff, 249 «. i 
Laws against crime, at Achin, 315, 

315 n. 2, 316 n. I 
Laximana, a Malay official, 260, 
260 n. 2, 262 n. 7, 29^; at Kedah, 
bribes sailors away from the En- 
glish, 265 n. I 
Leachee (litchi). See Rambutan 
Lead, 232 

Le Blanc, Vincent, 290 n. 7 
Lee, Blackheath, xliv n. i, xlv Jt. i ; 

Bowrey married at, xli 
Leghorn, xxiv 
Leigh Church, Essex, Goodlads 

buried at, 90 /;. i 
Lemons, at Kedah, 278; at Achin, 

323 
Leopards, 219 n. 2 

Lethioulier, Mr, owner of the 

Unity ^ 91 n. i 
Leupe's Catalogue of maps, 185 n. i 
Leximana, Loximana. See Laximana 
Lignum -aloes. See Agila wood 
Lime. See Chunam 
Limes (fruit), dchdr of, 193 «. i ; at 

Kedah, 278; at Achin, 323 
Linen, fine, sold at Hugh, 168 n. 2; 

woven at Hugli, 169 n, i 
Lingapa, 121 n, 4, 263 n. i 



Lions, at Kedah, 279 

Lipon. See Luppoone 

Littleton, Robert, 178 n. 3 

Littleton, Sir Edward, 209 n. 2, 214 
n. I ; factor at Kasimbazar, 11 /i. 4 ; 
connected by marriage with Walter 
Clavell, 158 «. 3 

Lock, Mr, taken prisoner, 266 n. 2 

Lockard, Hannah, bequest to, xlvi 

Lockyer,Charles,his"Tradein India" 
referred to, 43 w. i, 77 w. 2, 12 1 n. 4, 
287 n. 5, 288 n. 5, 289 n. 5, passim, 

Longcloth, 5 n, 5, 55, 88 n. 3, 122 
n, 3, 246, 289, 289 n. 4; brown, 
55 n. 2, 289 n. 5; fine, 55 n, 2, 
7r n. 3; blue, 55 n. 2, 289 n. 5 

Long Pepper, 133 n. 2, igo n. 4; 
exported from Bengal, 1 34, 134 n. 3 ; 
its use, 134 n. 3, 277; how sold, 
134 n. 3; from Patna, 221 ;/. 1; 
at Kedah, 277, 277 «. 2 ; illustration 
of, 277 

Lonuary, ? Conjaguaree, 129 w. i 

Loonghee. See Lungi 

Lord, Henry, his " Discouerie of the 
Sect of the Banians " referred to, 
83 n. 5, 221 n. 5 

Lords Trees, li 

Lottee. See Lathi 

Loub^re, De la, his " Historical Rela- 
tion of Siam " referred to, 29 «., 83 
^i' 5* '15 ^^' 4) 240 n. I, 242 n. 3, 
243 n. 2, passim 

Louis XIV, sends fleet to Coroman- 
del Coast, 65 w. 2 ; king of Siam, 
his ally, 276 w. 3 

Loveney, Michaell, weaver at Kasim- 
bazar, 214^ n. 2 

Lower Bengal, 162 w. i 

Lowest, meaning ** most northerly," 

98 

Loximana. See Laximana 

Loyall Advaiture^ the, wreck of, 
xxxvii 

Loyall Subfecti the, detained at Ma- 
sulipatam for the king's visit, 88 
n, 3; king of Golconda goes on 
board of, 88 n. 3, 90, 90 n. i ; 
crew of, sickly, 90 ;;. i ; burthen 
of, 90 ». I 

Loyal Merchant, the, xxvi ; mistakes 
her course, 3 «. 2 

Luiller, voyage of. See Provost 

Lungee. See Lungi 

Lungi, 55, 106, 208, 316; various 
articles applied to, 55 «. 2 ; Herba, 
162 n, 3 

Luppoone, a port, its present desig- 
nation, 239, 239 n. I 

Luppoone, 243 ;/. i, 248; its situa- 



INDEX 



365 



tion, 239 n. I, 243; residence of 

the raj a of Junk- Ceylon, 243 ; 

chief town in Junk-Ceylon, 243 ; 

fiagoda at, allotted to foreigners, 

244 
Lux, William, pilot in the Company's 

service, 1 76 «. i 
Lysohs, Daniel, his "Account of the 

Environs of London " referred to, 

xlviii V,. I 

Mofdo. See Ztzyphus yujuba 

Macao, in China, 264 

Macao, in Pegu, 264 ;/. 2 

Macassar, 190 n. 3, 291, 292 n. 7; 
kingdom of, 291 n, 6 ; capital of, 
291 71. 6; custom free, 291 n, 6; 
slaves from, 291 n. 7 

Macau. See Macao 

Mace, Mase. See Coins 

Macedonia, iio n, i 

Machaut, Monsieur, captain of the 
French, 68 n. 3 

Machhli, 61 n. i 

Mackenzie, Gordon, his "Kistna 
District" referred to, 54 w., 55 «., 
56 «. , 61 n. 3, 63 n. I, passim 

Macoshull, Commander. See Ma- 
chaut, Captain 

Macquau. See Mukkuvar 

Madapollam, xvi, xxvii, 1, 57 n. 2, 
85 n. 3, 88 n. 3, 93 n. i, 98/2. i ; 
Council at, sells Coninieer sloop, 
xxvii ; English factory at, 100, 100 
«. I ; a sanatorium for the English, 
\oon. I, 10 1 ; a shipbuilding centre, 
100 n. I, 102-104; manufactures 
at, 100 n. I, 102; factory at, sub- 
ordinate to Fort St George, 100 n. i ; 
difference of opinion as to the value 
of the factory, 100 n. i ; chiefs at, 
100 «. i; visited by Streynsham 
Master, 100 n. i; two factory 
houses at, 100 n. i ; best port on 
Coromandel or Gingaiee Coast, 
102 ; timber and iron plentiful at, 
102; T. B.'s visits to, 103 n. i; 
a ship at, how docked for repairs, 
103; fine white piece-goods, named 
from, 100 n. i 

Maddana, 88 n. 3 

Madera, Cosmo Lorenzo de, part 
owner of the Sancta Cruz^ 172 n. 3 

Madhavayapalem. See Madapol- 
lam 

Madras, xvi, xxi, xxvii, xxviii, 2 //. 2, 
8 w. 1,52; heathen town of, 6 «. 3; 
records at, quoted from, xxviii — 
XXXV ; elephants imported to from 
Kedah, 275 «. i 



Madras^ the, pinnace, 9 n, 5, 99 n. 7, 
176 «. I ; employed on the Hugli, 
166 n. 2 

"Madras Manual of Administra- 
tion," references to, 8 «., 26 «., 
36 «. , 43 w., 44 n. passim 

Madras Merchant^ the, xxvi 

Madraspatam. See Madras 

''Madras Press List," references to 
the, xxvii, xxviii, 100 «. i, 124 «. 3 

Madras Road, 172 n. 3 

Madu Banjee, minister of king of 
Golconda, 93 n. i 

Madura, 38 n. 3; pagoda of, 12 ». i 

Magellan, straits of, xliii 

Magh half-castes, 209 n. 2 

Mahanadi river. Delta of, 129 n. i 

Mahazor. See Mahzar 

Mahegasura, 119 n, i 

Mahesha Asura, a monstrous buf- 
falo, I I Q «. I 

Mahesha Bainsa, effigy, 119 n. 1 

Mahmud Alle, 268 

Mahmud Ibrahim, tiawdb, 125 n. i 

Mahmud Izzufif, Governor of Bala- 
sor, 32 n. 2 

Mahmudpet, 98 n. i 

Mahomed Beague. See Muham- 
mad Beg 

Mahometan. See Muhammadan 

Mahomet Bander. See Porto 
Novo 

Mahomud Beake. See Muham- 
mad Beg 

Mahoua. See Mahwd 

Mahtvdj tree, ro8 n. 6 

Mahzar^ application, 83 n. 5, 188 
?t. 2 

Main waring, Matthew, complaint 
against, 4 «. 2 ; chief at Masulipa- 
tam, 88 n. 3, 90 n. i, 123 n. 4; 
obtains a farmdn from the king of 
Golconda, 93 n. i 

Mainwaring, Mrs, 71 n. 5, 81 
;/. I 

Maipai. See Bamboo 

Maipara, mouth of the Brahmani, 
129 ;/. 1 

Maisur, 119 ». i 

Mak. See Betel 

Malabar Coast, xxii, 41, 134 n. 3, 
288, 288 n. 2 ; rdjds of, possess 
sea coast of Bijapurf 82 n. i 

Malabars, 6; description of, 6, 41, 
98 ; language of, 6 w. 2 ; religion of, 
6, 41 ; customs of, 35 ; differ from 
Banyans and Gentues, 35, 41 ; 
ornaments worn by, 35 ; of Coro- 
mandel Coast dull and stupid, 41 ; 
not allowed to associate with Ban- 



366 



INDEX 



yans and Gentues, 41 ; of Malabar 
Coast clever but quarrelsome, 41 ; 
occupations of, 42; story of one 
cast adrift, 44 ; subject to ele- 
phantiasis, 50 n. 3; supply Masu- 
lipatam with fish, 61 ; their man- 
ner of smoking, 97 ; food of, 97 ; 
clothes of, 97 

Malacca, liv, 72 //. 2, 236 n. i, 
237 //. 2, 245 //. 2, 261 n, 3, 269, 
271 »., 282 //. 2, 290 n. 10, 294 n. 2 ; 
Dutch settlement at, 264 

Malay Archipelago, 192 //. 4, 287 

Malayars, the, 255, 293 ; descrip- 
tion of, 237, 237 n. I ; at Junk- 
Ceylon, re-capture a prau from 
the Dutch, 252 ; overpower and 
kill the Dutch at Junk-Ceylon, 253; 
in Junk-Ceylon, their insurrection, 
^5^> ^57 > inhabitants of Kedah, 

260 //. I ; pirates of, take a Portu- 
guese ship, 264 ; eat buffaloes' flesh, 
280 ; of Achin, 290 n, 8, 294 n. 3 ; 
lovers of cock-fighting, 310 n. 4 

Malay Coast, 259, 201, 280, 285 
n. I, 290; what meant by the term, 

261 n. i; the Dutch masters of 
the, 269 ; kings of the, their tribute 
to Siam, 276; ships from, numerous 
at Achin, 288 

Malay language, Malayo, li — liv, 
37 ;/. I, 236 n. 3, 277; countries 
where spoken, 291 n. 9 

Malay Peninsula, xvi, 188 n, i, 
261, 275 n. 2, 302 «. 3; fish on the 
coast of, 284 ;/. 2 

Malda, 178 n. i, 230 n. 2, 230 n. 6; 
Swinging festival at, 198/1. i 

Maldive Islands, 57 n. 2, 66 n. i, 
72 n. 2, 75 «. 2, 105, 186, 218 n. 10, 
219, 245 n. 2; cocoa-nuts from, 97 
n. 3 ; best coir cable brought from, 
103 n. 4, 104; cowries the chief ex- 
port of. 104 n. I, 179, 200; ships 
built from cocoa-nut trees at, 104 
n. I ; rice imported from Bengal, 
132 n. 7; description of, 200 n. 2 

Malik Beg, 187; father of Malik 
Qasim, 183; Governor of Hugli, 
183 «. I ; various renderings of his 
name, 183 «. i; favourable to the 
English, 183 «. I ; poisons the Danes 
at Balasor, 184; his relations with 
the English in 1647, 184 //. i ; his 
antagonism to the Danes, 184 n. i 

Malik Qasim, Governor of Hugli, 
his exactions, 158 n. 3, 183, 183 
n. 2 ; Governor of Balasor, 183 /i. 2 ; 
outwits the Danes, 185-189; cha- 



racter of, 185 n. I ; complaints by 
the English of, 185 ». i ; tumejd 
out of Hugli, 185 //. I ; buys 
government of Balasor, 1 85 /i. i ; 
re-obtains government of Hugli, 
185 n, I ; in disgrace at Dacca, 
185 n. i; pensioned, 1S5 n. i; 
garden of, at Hugli, 185 n. i ; oflfers 
articles of peace to the Danes, 186; 
his emissary and specious promises 
to the Danes, 187; demands satis- 
faction of the Danes, 188, 189 

Mallesmolle. Sg£ Afalma/ 

Malmal^ muslin, 133 n, 4, 230 n, 2, 
231 n. 3, 290, 290 n, 6; good 
quality of, at Dacca, 150 /». 2 

Mambou. See Bamboo 

ManchaL a kind of palanquin, 86 n, 2 

Mandarins, at Tonquin, 309 n. 3 

Mandelslo, J. A., his ** Voyages*' 
referred to, 15 /i., 20 /». 2, 38 n, 4, 
49 n. I, 76 n, 2, passim 

Mangastino. See Mangosteen 

Mangoes (Mangue), 46, 48, 48 /». i, 
323; groves of at Cuttack, 152; 
gardens of at Balasor, 162 n. 3; 
sweetmeats of, 192; dcAdr of^ 193, 
193 n, I, 193 //. 2 ; at Kedah, 278; 
Dampier's description of, 323 «. 5 

Mangosteen, 322; description of, 
322 n. 8; illustration of, 323 

Manicapatnam, Manichapatam. 
See Manikpatam 

Manikpatam, Manikpatnam, 124, 
124 n. 2 

Manila (Moneela), 5, 172 n, 3 

Manipur, 259 n. 3 

ManiSy sweet, 283 n, 5 

Manisan^ exjKjrted from Kedah, 283, 
283 n, 5 

Manisan-idbah^ honey, 283 n, 5 

Mannison. See Manisan 

Mansdna. See Zizyphus yujuba 

Mansfen, Mr, takes news of Bow- 
rey*s release to Fort St George, 
xxxiv, XXXV 

Mansulman. See Mussulman 

March, Mr, 83 /». 3 

Marco Polo, referred to, 56 n, i 

Marcus, David, commander of the 
Sancta CruZj 172 n. 3 

Margery^ the, Clement Jordan's ship, 
173 n, I, 178 n. I 

Marine Square. See Wellclose 
Square 

Markall, Mercaul. See Weights and 
Measures 

Marriages, Hindu ceremonies of, 
29, 30; wealth necessary for, 30; 
with different trades forbidden, 31; 



INDEX 



367 



age when contracted, 31; Ganges 
water used at, 216 n. 5 

Marsden, William, Iv; his "Malay 
Grammar," Iv; his comments on 
Bowrey's " Malay Dictionary," Iv ; 
his criticism of Howison's *' Malay 
Dictionary," Ivi 

Marsh, John, Company's servant at 
Balasor, 159; chief at Kasimba- 
zar, 164 n. 4, 214 ;/. i; death of, 
164 n. 4 

Marshall, John, his "Notes and 
Observations " referred to, 11 ^n, 8, 
134 n. I, 162/2. 2, 162 n. 3, 167 n. 3 
passim '., his "Accompt" of Patna, 
224 n. r; his description of the 
famine at Patna, 226 n. 2 

Martaban Jar, Martavane Jar. See 
Pegu Jar 

Martin, Monsieur, chief of the 
French at Masulipatam, 70 w. i ; 
chief of the French at Pondicherry, 
66 n. 1, 257 n. 6 

Martin^ the, William Jearsey's ship, 
251 n. I 

Mas. See Mace 

Masana. See Zizypkus yujuba 

Masjid^ mosque, 11 n. i, 112 
n. 5 

Maslapatam. See Masulipatam 

Massapore. See Narsapur 

Masse. See Mace, s,v. Coins 

Massen, Mr, his connection with 
Thos. Bowrey, xxix 

Massenburd^ the, 91 n, i 

Massiere, Monsieur, agent for the 
Dutch in India, 68 «. 2 

Massoola. See Mussoola 

Master, Streynsham, xix; his de- 
scription of the factory at Armagon, 
25 n. 3; his "Diary" referred to, 
12 «., 30 w., 42 «., 52 «., 56 n. pas- 
sim; his "Memorial! " referred to, 36 

«• 3' 54 '^-t 55 «•> 63 «., 81 n. 2 
passim ; his visit to Peddapalle, 
54 ; his visit to Masulipatam and 
Agha Jalal, 81 n. 2; his regula- 
tions as to the carrying of roundels, 
86 n. I ; his visit to Narsapur, 
98 n. I ; his visit to MadapoUam, 
TOO /;. I ; his visit to and remarks 
on Palakollu, 105 n. 2 ; his remarks 
on Shayista Khan, 146 n. 2, 146 
n. 4; his visit to Hugli, 159; ex- 
amines the case of Raghu the 
podddr^ 164 «. 4; encounters a 
storm near the Braces, 167 n, i; 
visits the Dutch factory at Hugli, 
169 n. 1 ; alters the hour for prayers 
at Balasor, 177 n. i; T. B.'s en- 



counter with, in the Hugli, 175 ; his 
confused account of the Sancta 
CruZy 178 n. 3 

Mastin, Mr. See Mansfen, Mr 

Masulipatam, xvi, xxii, 3 ;;. 2, 
4 n. 2, 36, 40, 55 n. 2, 57, 57 
n. 2, 67, 85 ;/. 3, 90 «. I, 92 n. i, 
93 w. I, 99, 100 n. I, 106 «. 2, 122 
n, 3, 123 w. 4, 129 n. I, 273; 
governor of, 55, 81, 83, 88 it. 3; 
deserted for Armagon, 53 n. i ; 
English factory at, 53 n. 2, 6i, 
81 «. 2; subordinate to Fort St 
George, 71; centre of trade on 
Coromandel Coast, 54, 61, 72 ; 
reason for the name, 60, 61 ; T.B.'s 
description of, 61-64; Schouten's 
description of, 61 n. 3 ; Dutch 
factory at, 61, 61 n. 3 ; subordinate 
to Pulicat, 71; Danish factory at, 
61 n. 3, 64 w. I ; early history of, 
61 n. 3; Hamilton's, Ta vernier's, 
Thevenot's description of, 61 n. 3; 
factory at temporarily withdrawn, 
61 n. 3; bridges at, 62, 63 «. i; 
houses at, 63 ; taken by the French, 
61 «. 3; re-taken by the English, 
61 n. 3 ; English garden at, 63 
n. i; French factory at, 64, 64 
«. I, 70 «. I ; Moors in conflict 
with the English at, 84 n. 2; 
fort erected at, by the Moors, 
68; unsuccessful attempt of the 
French against, 68; a populous 
town, 71; manufactures at, 71; 
Hatton's account of the trade of, 
72 ;/. 2; chief inhabitants of, Mu- 
hammadans, 76; restrictions as to 
carrying roundels at, 86 n, 1 ; king 
of Golconda's visit to, 88 n, 3 ; 
preparations at, for the king's visit, 
88 w. 3; liberty of conscience al- 
lowed at, 94; great bazaar at, 106 ; 
road of, 110; coins current in, 115; 
rice imported to, from Bengal, 132 
;/. 7 ; ships from, numerous at 
Achin, 288; fine chintz exported 
from to Achin, 289 

Masulla. See Mussoola 

Matchulipatam. See Masulipatam 

Matt, touch, 217, 217 n. 2 

Matura. See Madura 

Maund. See Weights and Measures 

Maure. See Moor 

Mayflower, the, 319 

Mazar. See Mahzar 

Meange. See Mianji 

Measures, used in Bengal, 218, 
218 n. I. See also s.v. Weights 
and Measures 



368 



INDEX 



Mecca, 112, 113 n. i, 203 //. 2 

Mecha. See Mecca 

Meeke, John, 75 n, i 

Meer Cung Marcar. See Meer Jang 
Maraikkar 

Meer Jang Maraikkar, implicated 
in Bowrey's quarrel at Porto Novo 
xxxii 

Meer Moonshee, 299 n. 2 

Meer Raja (Mir Raja)y Lord 
Treasurer, 299 

Meir Abdulla Baker, 63 n. i 

Meirbar. See Mirbahr 

Meirdadpoore, Meirdanpore, 148 
;/. 5, 225 n. 3 

Mela, the, at Sagar, many worship- 
pers drowned at, 203, 203 //. i ; 
ceremonies observed at, 203 ; when 
held, 203 ;/. i ; Marshall's descrip- 
tion of, 203 n. 1 

Meleck Beake, Malybeeg, Maleek 
beeg, etc. See Malik Beg 

Meleck Cossum. See Malik Qa- 
sim 

Meliapour (St Thome), 38, 45 n. i 

Melkassum. See Malik Qasim 

Mellick, 98 n, i 

Me.lA!?iv .4"*V 'M *' - 

Mem Sahib, 299 n. 2 

Mercaul, Mercall. See Weights 
and Measures 

Merge. See Mergui 

Mergui, 237 n. 2, 248 ;/. 2; mas- 
sacre of the English at, xl; trade 
from, to Masulipatam, 115 n, 4 

Mergui Archipelago, 235 n. 2 

Merjee. See Mergui 

Merjumbelow, Meerejumbler, Jum- 
bler. See Mir Jumla 

Mervah, a boat, 260 n. 3 

Mesopotamia, sugar imported from 
Bengal, 132 n. 2 

Mess. See Mace 

Mestick. See Musteez 

Metchli. See Machhlt 

Metchlipatam, Metchlepatam, 

Mechlapatam. See Masulipatam 

Mevat, province, 131 n, 7 

Meverell, Mrs, 228 n. i 

Meverell, Samuel, 228 n, i 

Mexico, 5 

Miam. See Weights and Measures 

MianjI, an Armenian, 268, 308 n. 2 

Milburn, William, his "Oriental 
Commerce" referred to, 56 «. i, 
134 n. I, 181 n. I, 236 n. i, 242 
n. 2, 246 7t. 10 

Mindanao, xxxix, 293 h. 2, 306 
n. I, 321 H. I ; chart of by Bowrey, 
xlix 



Mirabolin, Mirabline. JS'^^Myrobalan 

Mirbahr y harbour -master, Chim 
Cham's goods stopped by the, 
154 n. I 

Mirepour, 129 «. 1 

Mir Jumla, Mirgimola, 152 n. 4; 
artillery of, 1 1 1 n. 2 ; joins Au- 
rangzeb's forces, [37 ; former 
general of the Golconda forces, 137 ; 
made governor of Orissa, Bengal 
and Pattana, 139, 142 ; makes 
Dacca the capital, 143 ; makes war 
on Assam, 143; his exactions on, 
and oppression of the English, 
144 n. 5; his death, 144; his 
character, 144, 144 it. 5; his son 
kindly treated by Aurangzeb, 145; 
his buildings, 1 50 «. i ; his kind- 
ness to Gabriel Boughton, 233 

Mirobolan. See Myrobalan 

Mirza Mozum, 271 n. 

Mirza Wooly, governor of Bala- 
sor, 151 n. 3 

Moca, in Sumatra, 72 n. 2, 103 7i. 2, 
172 «. 3 

Mocha, in Arabia, 103, 132 «. 2, 
223, 245 n. 2, 264 n. 7 

Moco Moco. See Moca 

Mogol, an Indian Muhammadan of 
CiV^ ruling class, 255 n. 2 

Mogol, the orcifJ; 10 ;/. 4, 10 n. 5, 
126; conquers Bengai' zR^d Orissa, 
10; penalises the Gentue reA^ion, 
1 1 ; territory of, 20 ; exacts 
ment for the practice of sa/T, 39 , 
beeswax and salt his monopolies, 
56 n. 2 

Mogolistan, Mogulistan, 108 n. i, 
108 w. 6, 136 n. 2 

Mohun, Richard, 57 «. 2 ; Salis- 
bury dies at his house, 57 n. 2; 
chief at Masulipatam, 100 n. i ; 
seizes Jearsey's vessels, 251 n. i; 
occupies factory-house at Achin, 
321 n. 

Mohunpur, 129 n. i 

Mohur. See Coins 

Mokurruf/ij Muharram^ the, a Mu- 
hammadan fast, 119/2. I 

Mola. See Mullah 

Molucca Is., 5 

Monapollem. See Armagon 

Moneela. See Manila 

Monghyr, 134 «. i; Shah Shuja' 
flees to, 139 

Monkeys, 294 n. 1 ; in Junk-Ceylon, 
248; story of a, 249; in Kedah, 
279; in Achin, 286 n. 2 

Monsoon, the (Monzoone), xxvii, 
5i» 73» 99 «• 4. 170 «• 2, 189, 




INDEX 



369 



189 n, 2, 286 n. 3, 323 n, 8; 

breaking-up of, 170 

Monsoon Plum, 323; identified 

with the Zizyphus yujuha^ 323 «. 8 

Montepoly, Montapolee. See Mo- 

tupalle 
Monteroyo, Lewis de, 242 n, 3 
Monthly pay, 8.^, 83 n. 4; custo- 
mary, for all soldiers of the Com- 
pany, 4 
Monzoone. See Monsoon 
Moollah, Moulla. See Mullah 
Moon, the, eclipse of, 32-34; reason 
of eclipse of, 34; superstition re- 
garding, 230 n. I 
Moor, gold. See Mohur, s.v. Coins 
Moor, J. H., his ** Notices of the 
Indian Archipelago" referred to, 
295 n. 3 
Moore, Mr, a Director of the E.I. Co., 

xlii 
Mooree, Moory. See Muri 
Moors (Muhammadans), the, 10 
n. 3, 16, 52, 6r «. 3, 76, 95 n. i, 
1 06; ships of, frequent the port of 
Achin, xxii, 286 n. i ; subdue the 
Gentues, 10, 16; take St Thom6 
from the Portuguese, 38 n. 4, 45 
n. I ; rebuild St Thome, 45 n. i\ 
driven from St Thome by the 
French, 46, 46 n. 4, 47, 65 ; murder 
French spies at Narsapur, 67; their 
ships burnt at Masulipatam by the 
French, 68; kill the French chief 
at Masulipatam, 70; their skirmish 
with Sir Edward Winter at Gudur 
bridge, 84 ; their treatment of Euro- 
peans, 88; their haughtiness, 97 
n. 3; at Chicacol, 125 ; oppress Gen- 
tues on Gingalee Coast, 126 ; govern 
Orissa, 131; drive the Portuguese 
from Hijili, 162 n, 3; merchants 
of the, their trade at Hugli, 168 
n. 2 ; increase of their trade in 
Bengal, 182 ; refuse to liberate 
Danish prisoners, 182 n. 3 ; flee 
from the Danes, in Balasor Road, 
186; demand satisfaction from the 
Danes, 188; their water-clocks, 195, 
196; their fear of the Brahmins, 
205; Friday, their Sabbath, 207; 
their wives, seclusion of, adorn- 
ment of, 207 ; two killed by tigers, 
220; in Junk-Ceylon, killed in the 
insurrection, 257 ; chief food of, 
279 w. 5; their trade from Surat 
to Achin, 288 n. 5; at Achin, 
321 n, I. See also s.v. Muhamma- 
dans 
Moosim. See Monsoon 

T. 



Mootapilly. See Motupalle 

Moqua, Mockua. See Mukkuvar 

Morat Bakche. See Murad Bakhsh 

More. See Moor 

Moree. See Muri 

Morocco, li 

Morris, H., his "Godavery Dis- 
trict" referred to, 98 w. i, 120 n, ^ 

Mortavan Jarre, Martaban Jar. 
See Pegu Jar 

Mortier, Pierre, his map referred to, 
209 n. 2 

Mosely, Richard, soldier and dyer 
in the Company's service, 214 ;/. 2 

Mosque {masjtd), 112 n. 5; Gentues 
prohibited from worshipping near 
the, 1 1 ; Muhammadans attend the, 
four times daily, 95; at Achin, 293 
n. 2, 322 

Mossel. See Mussoola 

Mosulla. See Mussoola 

Motavan Jar. See Pegu Jar 

Motupalle, Motupalli, 56; Marco 
Polo landed at, 56 n. i 

Mount St Thomas. See St 
Thomas' Mount 

Moy. See Arakan 

Muckwa, Muck war. See Mukkuvar 

Mucoa. See Mukkuvar 

Muddoo Verona, adopted son of 
Ka9u Viranna, 85 n, i 

Muftili. See Motupalle 

Muhammad (Mahomet), the pro- 
phet, 96, 316 

Muhammadanism, 15, 94, 279 

Muhammadans (Moors), 10 n. 3, 
1 6, 28, 294 n. 2 ; discountenance 
satt, 39; seclude their women, 63, 
64; their insolence, 76; their ar- 
rogance to the Gentues and Mala- 
bars, 76, 94; their religious con- 
sistency, 94, 95, 96, 141; their 
moral characteristics, 94; their 
social characteristics, 96 ; credited 
with praying to the sun, 203 n. 2 ; 
their fear of the Brahmins, 205 ; 
their chief delight, 216. See also 
s.v. Moors 

Muhammad 'AzTm, son of Au- 
rangzeb, appointed nawdb of Ben- 
gal, 147 ; received by the princes 
at Patna and Rajmahal, 147; enter- 
tained at Dacca, 149 ; begins the 
Lall Baug, \^o n. i ; his rule more 
just than that of Shayista Khan, 
164 ; turns out corrupt officers, 
164; grsints /armdns to the English 
and Dutch, 164 ; his reception of 
Mr Vincent, 164, 165; his demand 
for elephants, 180 

24 



370 



INDEX 



Muhammad Beg, 63 tt. i ; ap- 
pointed raja of Junk-Ceylon, 255; 
his severe and unpopular rule in 
Junk-Ceylon, 256; his injustice at 
Junk - Ceylon, 257 ; insurrection 
against, 257; killed, 257 

Mukkuvarsy a caste of fishermen, 42 

Mulberry trees, at Kasimbazar, 
213 n. 2 

Mullah, a Muhammadan priest, 95 
n. 2, 314; attends condemned 
criminals at Achin, 316 

Mulmuls. See Malmal 

Multan, 136 n. 3; Dara made go- 
vernor of, 136; description of, 
136 n. 4; productions of, 136 «. 4 

Mumtaz Mahal, Shah Jahan's fa- 
vourite wife, 145 «. 6 

Munchal. See Manchdl 

Mundy, Peter, his "Joumall" re- 
ferred to, 230 n. 5, 294 n. 2 

Mungeer. See Monghyr 

Murad Bakhsh, son of Shah Jahan, 
appointed governor of Gujarat, 136; 
deceived and murdered by Aurang- 
zeb, 137 

Muri (Murree, Moree, Mooree, Moo- 
ry), blue cloth, 55, 71 n. 3, 122 w. 3; 
289 //. 4; red, 55 n. 2; coarse, 55 
n. 2; fine, 55 «. 2 

Murray, James A. H., LL.D., ac- 
quainted with T. B. MS., XV ; his 
** Oxford English Dictionary" re- 
ferred to, XV «., 92 n, I, 97 n, 4, 
272 ;/. 2, 316 n. 4 

Murrees. See Muri 

Murshidabad, 201 n. r, 230 /;. 5 

Musa, English goods left with him 
at Tunk-Ceylon, 270 

Musi, river, tributary of the Kistna, 
wo n. 4 

Music, an accompaniment to mar- 
riage ceremonies, 30; an accom- 
paniment to a sati^ 38 

Musk, exported from Bengal, 134; 
codd, 134, 134 «. 2; how sold, 
134 n. 2; exported from Pattana, 
229; whence procured, and when 
taken, 229, 230 

Musk-deer, 229; De Graafs de- 
scription of, 229 n. 4; illustration 
of, 228 

Muslin, Muzlin, a fine calico, 5, 
122, 230, 289 n. I, 289 n. 5, 290 
n. 6, 302; striped, 123 «. 2 

Musseet. See Masjid 

Mussleman. See Mussulman 

Musslemen, 188, 188 n, 2. See 
also s.v. Mussulman 

Mussoola, Massoola, Mossel, Mo- 



sulla, 42 n. I, 48 n. ; description 
of, 42, 43 ; illustration of, 86 
Mussulaman. See Mucoa 
Mussulman, a Muhammadan, 76, 
95 n. I, 126, 141, 188 n. 2 ; number 
that died of famine at Patna, 226 
n. 2 
Musteez, Musteza, a half-caste, 

3 ^- 5> 1 33 '*• 2» '40 ^' 4» 262 n, 2 
Muxadavad. See Murshidabad 
Muzzareefe, 154 n. i 
Mylapore. See Meliapour 
Mypurra, 128 w. 5 
Myrobalan, a fruit, 192, 192 n. 3, 

193 n. 2, 237 n. 2, 323 
Mysore, derivation of, 119 «. i 

Nabob. See Nawab 

Nagavali, river, 124 «. 3 

Naglewanch, 4 w. 2 ; Diitch factory 
at, 105 «. 2 

Naik, a Hindu governor, 38, 38 n. 3, 
39, 51 n. I 

Naique. See Naik 

Nalla Bakr Maraikkar, xxxiii 

Nanagur, near Patna, English factory 
at, 224 n. I 

Narayan Das (Narrandasse), broker 
at Balasor, 32 n, 2 

Narbada, river, 136 w. 2 

Nardaba. See Narbada 

Narragur, 152 n. 4 

Narsa, the author's dubash^ 37; a 
dubash to the Dutch, 37 n, 2 

Narsam Cawn. See Nasib Khan, 
Nazim Khan 

Narsapore. See Narsapur 

Narsapur, xvi, 63 «. i, 81 «. 2, 93 
n. I, 105 n. 2, 106, 121 n. 2, 123 
n. 4 ; murder of French spies at, 67 ; 
situation of, 98, 98 «. i ; Morris's 
description of, 98 «. i ; destructive 
flood at, 98 «. I ; excellent harbour 
at, 98 n. I ; Dutch iron factory at, 
98 ;«. I ; English factory at, 98 ». i ; 
subject to Masulipatam, 98 ;«. i ; 
decline of trade at, 98 «. i ; visited 
by Streynsham Master, 98 «. i ; 
manufactures at, 98 ;«. i; river at, 
99, 99 «. 4; governor of, a Mu- 
hammadan, 99 ; new Dutch factory 
at, 99 ;«. 4; coins current at, 116 

Narsapur Peta. See Narsapur 

Narsingue. See Vijayanagar 

Narvat, province, 131 n. 7 

Naseeb Cawne, Naseb Cawne, Na- 
seeb Chaan. See Nasib Khan 

NasIb Khan, merchant at Hugli, 
74 ». 3; shahbandar at Balasor, 

74 «• 3 



INDEX 



371 



Nasir Mahmud, khan of Chengy, 
20 n. 2 

Naurasporam. See Nourasporam 

Nawab^ a Muhammadan viceroy, of 
the Camatic, 51 n. i ; of Masuli- 
patam, 88 w. 3; title of, given to 
Mir Jumla, 142 ; extent of power of 
a, 144 n. 3; of Bengal, 148 n. 5, 
179; ofCuttack, 152-161; of Patna, 
story of his chief wife, 227 

Nayler, John, dyer at Kasimbazar, 
214 «. 2 

Nazim Khan, 74, 74 n. 3 

Nedham, Fytche, 148 n, 3; factor 
at Dacca, 150 n. 2 

Negapatam, 2, 258; taken by the 
Dutch, 2 «. 4, 3; description of, in 
1672, 2 n, 4 

Neglawanch. See Naglewanch 

Negrais, 237 n. 2 

Nellore (district), 25 «. 3, 55 n. 2 

Neopall. See Nepal 

Nepal, 1^4 n. 2 

Nephalium lappaceum. See Ravibutan 

Nerule, 78 n. 2 

Neshaun. See Nishan 

Netherlands East India Company, 
complaint to, 88 n. 3 

New Kedah, liii 

New Pagodas, 93 jt. i, 114. See 
also s.v. Coins 

New Queda. See New Kedah 

New Shippy the, William Jearsey's 
ship, 251 n. I 

Nicholson, John, Captain, xxxvii, 1, 
176 «. i; commands Company's 
ship Advice^ 1 ; to seize Chinta- 
mund's ship, 154 w. i 

Nicobar Is., xxxviii, 1, 68 n. 3, 
120 ;/. 2, 301 n. I 

NieuhofT, J., his ** Het Gezantschap 
&c." referred to, 324 ;/. i 

Nile, river, 172 

Nillaes, blue cloth, 231 «. i, 231 n. 2 

Nipa, the, a thatching palm, 78 n. 2 

Nipa de Goa, 78 

Nishan, Vincent obtains a, 165 w. i, 
165 ;/. 2 

Nizampatam (Peddapalle), 53 n. 2 

Noftsuch, the, William Jearsey's ship, 
251 n. I 

Norricoel, li 

N orris, Sir William, English am- 
bassador, xl 

** Notes and Extracts from Govern- 
ment Records at Fort St George " 
referred to, 3 «., 6 «., 19 ;;., 29 w., 
36 w., 37 «., 41 «., passim 

Nouralla Caun. See Nuru'Uah Khan 

Nourasporam, 98/1. i, 200 n, 4 



Nugdy, the, 271 n. i, 320 

Nulla Buckoor Marcar. See Nalla 

Bakr Maraikkar 
Nursapore. See Narsapur 
Nurse, Valentine, complains against 

Clavell, 159 
Nuru'Uah Khan, nawab of Orissa, 

152 n, 4 
Nyshampatnam. See Peddapalle 

Oakum, 21 

Oath, *'by cow," for important mat- 
ters, 9 

Ocoon. See Akhun 

Oedjange (Salange). See Junk- 
Ceylon 

Ogilby, Ogleby, Alexander. See 
Ogilvy, Alexander 

Ogilvy, Alexander, known to T.B., 
xviii ; an English merchant, 264 ; 
obtains liberation of a Portuguese 
slave- boy, 264, 265 ; sent on a trad- 
ing voyage to Mocha, 264 n. 7; 
goes to Surat, 264 w. 7 ; a freeman, 
at Bombay, 264 n. 7 ; a witness, at 
Fort St George, 264 «. 7 

Oglevie, Isabella, 264 w. 7 

Ogouli. See Hugh 

Oil, 20, 289, 290, 304; used by 
Gentues for anointing their bodies, 
32 ; used for increasing the fire at a 
sail, 38 ; exported from Bengal, 132, 
132 n. 6; price of, in Patna, during 
the famine, 226 n, 2 ; imported to 
Junk-Ceylon, 247 ; sold by the 
bamboo at Achin, 282 n, i ; used 
with dammer, 293; cocoanut, 320 

Old Fish Street, London, xli 

Old Kedah, liii, 262; its situation, 
284; its river, full of fish, 284 

Old Pagodas, 57, 105 n. 2, 115; 
reasons for excessive value of, 115 
n. 2 ; current only in Golconda, 115 
n. 2 

Old Queda. See Old Kedah 

Olocko, Oolauck. See Uldk 

Omrah, Omra, Omro, Ombrah. See 
Umard 

Onderhill, Derick, 264 n. 7 

Oneal, Mr, 66 n. i 

Onions, 289 n, 5 

Oojong. See Ujung 

Ooriya. See Uriya 

Ophir, ? Achin, 294 n. 2 

Opium, 181, 289 n. 5, 312; excites 
valour in rajpHts, 83 «. 5 ; best 
produced in Bengal, 133, 134 w. i ; 
monopoly in trade of, 134 «. i 

Orammall. See RUmdl 

Oran Caye. See Orankay 

24 — 2 



372 



INDEX 



Oran Chookee. See Orankay 

Oranges, at Achin, 322 

Orangkay Loximana. See s. w, 
Orankay ; Laximana 

Orang-laut^ men of the sea, 237 «. 2 

Orang-sdlat^ men of the narrow seas, 
237 n, 2 

Orankay, Orancaya, a high Malay 
official, 260, 260 n, 3, 299 n. i, 
299 «. 4, 299 n, 5, 300 n, 4, 313 
n. I, 319; the, at Kedah, 262 «. 7, 
268, 271 ; the great, at Achin, 299, 
301, 303 n. 3, 306, 307 n. 4, 315, 
317, 318, 322; ceremonies at visit 
to the, at Achin, 302, 303, 307 

Oran Keay, Oran Koye. See Oran- 
kay 

Organdy muslin. See Betteela 

Orim Zeeb. See Aurangzeb 

Orissa, Orixa, xvi, 5 n. i, 10, 12 
n, I, 108 n. I, 128 n. i, 129 n. i, 
130 n. 3, 130 n. 4, 131 n, 7, 199, 
214, 221, 222 n. i; coast of, 108 
n. 2, 120 «. I ; king of, 125 n. i ; 
description of, 1 28-131; subordi- 
nate to the Great Mogol, 128; in- 
dependent rajas in, 128, 131; port 
on coast of, 129; few towns in, 
130; called Jagannath, 130 «. 4; 
unsettled state of, 131, 131 n. i; 
travelling in, unsafe, 131; Mir 
Jumla made governor of, 139, 142; 
rajas of, refuse to acknowledge Mir 
Jumla, 143; Muhammad 'Azim 
made governor of, 147; part of 
the province of Behar, 151 n, 2; 
nawdbs of, 152 n. 4; commodities 
of, sold at Hugli, 168; imports of, 
232 

Orleans, D', "Voyages" of. See 
Prevost 

Orme, Robert, his ** Historical Frag- 
ments " referred to, 153 n. 3 

Ormus, 208 n. 5 

Ornaments, worn by Banyans and 
Gentues, 34, 35; of eunuchs of 
Queen of Achin, 325 ; of horses 
of Queen of Achin, 326 

Oromal See Rumdl 

Orongkay. See Orankay 

Ougli. See Hugli 

Oulesser. See Orissa 

Ourias, inhabitants of Orissa. See 
Uriyas 

Outcry, Callaway's goods sold at, 
175 n. 8; Whetham's goods sold 
at, \*i*i n. 2 

Ox-hire, duties on reduced, 93 n, i 

Oyglesby, Alexander. See Ogilvy, 
Alexander 



Oyster, river, 209 n, 1 

Pacem, 285 n. 3 

Padang Salla. See Solla 

Paddy, 4 n. 2, 93 «. i, 120 w. i, 
123 n. 4, 294 n. 3 

Padres (priests), Portuguese, con- 
vert the pariahs, 41 ; Court's 
opinion of, 41 n. 3; Portuguese, 
their legends about St Thomas, 50; 
French and Portuguese, their want 
of courtesy, 50 n. i ; Portuguese, 

195 
Pdgar, a fence, enclosure, 269 

Pagoda. See Coins 

Pagoda, temple, 6, 11, 22, 25, 26, 
30, 41, 197, 199, 205; carvings 
in those of the "Gentues" and 
** Mallabars, " 7 ; of Trivettore(Tres- 
sletore, Triblitore), description of, 
8«. ; of Jagannath, 12, 13, 14, 15, 
16, 17, 18, 20; of Benares, 12 w. ; 
of Matura, 12 n.\ of Tripeti, 12 «. ; 
subordinate, festivals at, 17 ; of Ar- 
magon, 25 ; on the Gingalee Coast, 
antiquity of, 127*; of Harsapur, 129 
n. I ; of Pipli, 162 n. 1 

Pahr, a measure of time, 196, 197 
n. I 

Painters, calico-printers, 106 n, 2 

Paintings (chintz), 9, 55, 71 n. u 
106, 288 n. 6; manufactured at St 
Thome, 45 «. i, at Masulipatam^ 
72 ;/. 2, at Palakollu, 105 n. 2, at 
Golconda, 1 1 1 ; coarse, 288 

Palakollu, xvi ; Dutch ropemakers 
at, 105 ; first Dutch settlement on 
Coromandel Coast, 105 «. 2 ; Dutch 
factory at, 105 n. 2; existing re- 
mains of Dutch occupation of, 105 
n. 2 ; manufactures at, 105 n. 2, 
106 ; rented by the Dutch of the 
king of Golconda, 105 n. 2 ; visited 
by Streynsham Master, 105 n. 2 ; 
its later history, 105 n. 2 ; Swinging 
Festival at, 198 n. i 

Palampore, chintz bed-spread, 71,^ 
71 n. 3, 106, 288 

Palanchino. See Palankeen 

Palankeen, palanchino, 19, 30, 54,. 
83, 148, 187, 204, 213 n. 2; illus- 
tration of, 86 ; T. B. *s description 
of, 86, 87; Thevenot's description 
of, 86 n. 2 

Palankeen -bearers, 87 w. 2; caste 
of, 87 

Palanquin. See Palankeen 

Paliacatte. See Pulicat 

Palimbam, 295 «. 2, 295 n. 3 

Paliyaghat. See Pulicat 



INDEX 



373 



Palkole. See Palakollu 

Pallampore. See Palampore 

Palmas, Cape das, 209 n, 2 

Palmeris, Palmiras. See Palmyras 

Palmito (date-palm), 46 ; toddy made 
from, 40; groves of, at Cuttack, 152 

Palm -wine. See Toddy 

Palmyra (Palmero), 38, 46, 128 «. 5 ; 
leaf of used for writing, 24 ; leaves 
used as pendants by Banyans and 
Gentues, 35 ; toddy made from, 
48 ; sugar obtained from, 78 «. i ; 
groves of, at Cuttack, 152 

Palmyras (Palmeris, Palmiras) Point, 
128, 128 n. 5, 129, 129 n. I, 131; 
protects Balasor Harbour, 162 n. 3 

Pambou. See Bamboo 

Fan, Pome, Pond. See Weights and 
Measures 

PdHy pawn, paun, 30 «. 2, 97, 305 
n. I 

Pdmh, See Punch 

Pantado, Pintado. See Paintings 

Panther, a black, T. B. mistakes for 
a tiger, 248 «. 3 

Para, Parrah. See Weights and 
Measures 

Parcallae. See Parkdla 

Pariah caste (Parjar, Parrea, Par- 
ryar), 25 n. i ; description of, 41, 
41 n. 2; occupations of, 41, 42 

Parjar. See Pariah 

Parkdla^ piece-goods, 55 n, 2, 71 
n. 3, 122 n. 3, 289 «. 4 

Parryar, Paryar, Parrea. See Pariah 

Parwdna^ 152 n. 4, 154 n. i, 165 
n. 2; from Shayista Khan, 158 
n. 3; obtained by the Danes, 190 
n. 3 

Passaman, 285 n. 3, 292 n. i 

Patah, a fragment, 241 n. 2. See also 
s.v. Coins 

Pat ah hdsar, large fragment, 241 n. 2 

Patah kdchilf small fragment, 2^1 n. 2 

Patali, river, 129 «. i 

Patam, a town, 01 

Patan. See Pattana (province) 

Patani, Patany, xxii, liii, 242 n. 3, 
250 n. I, 260 n. I, 260 «. 3; a 
Malay state, 266, 266 n, i, 266 
n. 2 ; Queen of, 266 ;;. i ; King of, 
266; tributary to Siam, 275 n. 3; 
its situation, 280 

Patan Kings, their rule in Orissa, 
131 n. 1 

Patanny. See Patani 

Patch. See Weights and Measures 

Pateldy a boat, 148; description of, 
225, 225 n. 3; used for heavy 
goods, 229; illustration of, 277 



Patna, 33 «. i, 122 n, i, 132 n. 7, 
211 n. I, 249 n. i; best opium 
from, 134 n. i ; nobles receive Mu- 
hammad 'Azim at, 147 ; factory at, 
farmdn for, from the Prince, 151; 
Swinging Festival at, 198 «. i; chief 
city of Pattana, 221; Thevenot's 
description of, 221 n, i ; Dutch 
factory at, 221 n. i, 225, 225 «. i ; 
De Graaf's description of, 221 «. 5; 
inundations of the Ganges at, 221 
n. 5; palace of the nawdb at, 221 
n. 5; Ta vernier's description of, 221 
n. 5; English factory at, 223, 224 
n. 1 ; provides large quantities of 
saltpetre, 224, 224 n. i ; the resi- 
dence of the fiawdb, 224 ;/. i ; John 
Marshall's "Accompt" of, 224 «. i ; 
famine at, 226, 226 n, 2, 227, 227 
n, I 

Pattamars, 312 n. i 

Pattana. See Patna 

Pattana (province), xvi, 5, 172, 
184, 211, 214, 222 n, I, 223; Mir 
Jumla made governor of, 139, 142 ; 
Shayista Khan made governor of, 
145; Muhammad 'Azim sent to, 
147 ; part of the province of Behar, 
151 n, 2; commodities of, sold at 
Hugli, 168; T. B.'s description of, 
221-234; tributary to the Great 
Mogol, 221; trade of, 221; salt- 
petre and musk exported from, 229; 
imports of, 232 

Pattans, the, inroad of, into Hin- 
dostan, 152 n. 4 

Pattany. See Patani 

Pattarero, swivel-gun, 254, 254 n, i; 
iron, 254 w. I ; brass, 254 «. i 

Pattella, Patella, Pratello. SeePatela 

Patua, river, 129 «. i 

Paune. See Pan 

Pauzecour, 31 n. i 

Pavilions, gilt, for state processions 
in Achin, 310 

Pavillion, Paviloen, governor of Pu- 
licat, 52, 66 n, i 

Pawn. See Pan 

Pay, monthly, of soldiers, 4 

Pazhaverkkadu. See Pulicat 

Peachy, Jeremiah, 228 n, 2 

Peacocks, 220, 220 n. 4, 294 n, 2 
feathers of, worn by faquirs ^ 22 

PearUy the, frigate, xl 

Pearls, from Ceylon, 180 n. 6; from 
Tuticorin, 208 n. 5 

Pearse, Captain William, commands 
the Bengali Merchant^ xl 

Pecul, Pecool. See Weights and 
Measures 



374 



INDEX 



Pedang, 285 n, 3 

Peddapalle (PettipoUe, Pettipolee, 
Nizampatam), xvi, xviii, 4 «. 2, 56 
n. i,g^n. i^ioon. i, 106 n. 2; situa- 
tion of, 53, 55; factory at, 54, 55; 
first settlement at, 53 «. 2 ; a salt- 
petre mart, 54 ; Ambrose Salisbury, 
chief of, 54 ; a centre for collection 
of cotton goods, 54; condition of 
factory-house at, 54; Streynsham 
Master's description of, 54 ; choul- 
try and custom-house at, 54 ; English 
garden at, 54 ; re-settlement of 
factory at, desired by natives, 54; 
Dutch factory at, 55; goods manu- 
factured at, 55 ; resettled, 54 n. ; 
ceded to the French, 54 n. ; re- 
stored to the British, 54 n. ; visited 
by T. B., 57, 58; provisions plenti- 
ful at, 57, 58; weights, measures 
and coins of, 59, 1 16; subject to the 
king of Golconda, 61 «. 3 ; striped 
stuffs from, exported to Achin, 
28^ 

Pedir, kingdom of, 285 w. 3 

Pedrero, a stone- thrower, 254 ;/. 1 

Pedro de Lavera, a Portuguese 
pilot, 75, 193 n. 3 

Pedro O Lavera, Liveira. See 
Pedro de Lavera 

Pee-Lancrac, assistant to Governor 
of Junk-Ceylon, 236 n. 3 

Peepeemont, Governor of Junk- 
Ceylon, 236 n. 3 

Pee-Siring, assistant to Governor 
of Junk-Ceylon, 236 «. 3 

Pee-Tukerat, assistant to Governor 
of Junk-Ceylon, 236 «. 3 

Pegu, xvi, xxii, 61 n. 3, 72 n. 2, 82 
n. I, 236 « r, 245 n. 2, 251 n. i, 
271 w., 290, 290 «. 8; no descrip- 
tion of, by T.B., 234 71. 2; wooden 
fort at, 255 n. 6, 276 n. 3, 278 n. i ; 
elephants from, 275 n. i ; at war 
with Siam, 276; ships from, fre- 
quent Achin, 288 

Pegu Jar, 8i, 81 n. i, 193 n. i, 216, 
290 

Pegu Sticklack, 122 n, 1 

Pelicans, on the Ganges, 211 n. i 

Pelock, ?Perak, 267 n. i 

Pema Mathi, Hindu wife of Ab- 
dullah Qutb Shah, 113 n. 3 

Penny, Mrs Frank, her "Fort St 
George" referred to, 176 «. i 

Peons, xxviii, xxxii, 4 n. 2, 83, 88 
«• 3> 207» 224 w. I, 257 «. 6; duty 
of a, 83; number of, entertained 
for security at Cuttack, 154 «. 1 

Pepper, 290 n. 8, 292, 292 n, i, 320; 



from Borneo, xxvii ; from Tuticorin, 
208 n. 5; from Kedah, 259 n. 2, 
276, 283; where grown in Kedah, 
276, 277, 277 n. I ; from Sumatra, 
276 n. 6, 292 n. 4; black, 277; 
white, 277; from Indragiri, 295 
n. 3 

Pepys, Samuel, recommends Capt. 
J. Bowrey, xxiv 

Perak, Perach, liv, 260 n. i, 266 n. 3, 
275 n. 2, 283, 285 n, 3, 290; 
Dutch supremacy at, 252 n. 3; tin 
at, 267 n. I, 280 n. 1 ; money of, 
281 n. 3; situation of, 283 n. 3; 
Dutch trade with, 283 n. 3 ; subject 
to Achin, 283 n. 3 

Perak, silver, 283 n. 3 

Percall. See Parkala 

Perculla. See Parkala 

Pergoo. See Purgo 

Persia, xxxviii, xxxix, 1, i ;/. i, 5, 
50, 61 n. 3, 71, 72 n. 2, 91 n, i, 

133' 136 «• 3» '36 n, 4, 221, 245 

n, 2, 281 n. 3, 293; visited by 

Bowrey, xxvi, 216; Ganges water 

carried to, 216 
Persian Gulf, the, 216 n, 6; chart 

of, by Bowrey, xxviii, 1 
Persian horses, Shayista Khan to be 

presented with, 148 n. 5 
Persian language, the, 234 ; the 

Court language of Asia, 95, 224 
Persian Merchant ^ the, wreck of, 57 

n, 2 
Persians, the, 39 n. 4 ; inhabitants of 

Masulipatam, 61 «. 3 ; numerous 

in Golconda, 1 1 1 n. i ; at Chicacol, 

125 

Peru, Peruana, xliii, 5 

Pescadores, the, 1 

Peshcush, an obligatory gift, 157, 158, 
268, 270, 272; forced from the En- 
glish and Dutch, by Shayista Khan, 
164; used as a verb, 246 

Petapouli. See Peddapalle 

Petard. See Pattarero 

Peterraro. See Pattarero 

Petro Loveyro. See Pedro de 
Lavera 

PettipoUe. See Peddapalle 

Phiddy Cav^n. See Fidai Khan 

Philippine Is., xxxix; chart of, by 
Bowrey, xlix 

Phirmaund. See Farm&n 

Phirwanna, Phyrwanna. See Par- 
wana 

Phrai Narai, king of Siam, 276 
«. 3 

Phuddy Cav^ne. See Fidai Khan 

Phyrmane. See Farman 



INDEX 



375 



Phyrmaund, Phyrmand. See Far- 
man 

Pican. See Coins 

Pice. See Coins 

Picul. See Pekul, s. v. Weights and 
Measures 

Piece of eight. See Ryall, s.v. Coins 

Pigdan, a spittoon. See Ptkddn 

Pikdatiy a spittoon, 96 n. 2 

Pikul. See Pecul, s.v. Weights and 
Measures 

Pilgrims, maintained at Jagannath 
pagoda, 12 n. I] faquirs so called, 
20 

Pilots, apprentice-pilots for theHugli, 
xix, 166 n. 2; see also s.vv. Bate- 
man, Heron, Bowrey; youths unfit 
for, sent to silk factory at Kasim- 
bazar, 214 w. 2 

Pineapples, 193 n. 2, 221 n. i, 323; 
at Kedah, 279; illustration of, 285 

Pingaree. See Pinjarl 

Phijart, a frame- work, 87 

Pintado birds, 9 n. 5 

Pinto, Ferdinand Mendez, 242 n. 3 

Pipli, Pipley, Pipeley, 140 n. 2, 162 
n. 3, 179, 225 n. 5, 228 ;/. 3; per- 
mission for an English factory at, 
162 ;/. 2; existence of English 
factory at questioned, 162 n. 2; 
description of harbour and town 
of, 162 n. 2; Dutch factory at, its 
prosperity and its desertion, 162 
n. 2; abandoned by the English 
for Balasor, 162 ft. 2; decay of 
trade at, 162 n. 2, 162 n. 3; slaves 
sold at, by Arakaners, 212 n. 2 

Piplo. See Pipli 

Pirah. See Perak 

Pirates. See s.v. Arakaners, Saletars 

Piscash. See Peshcush 

Pison, river, identity of the Ganges 
with, 166 n. I 

Pitch. See Dammer 

Pitt, John, 1 40 «. 2 

Pitt, Thomas, 106 n. 2, 124 n. 3; 
Vincent associated with, 164 w. 4 

Placide, his map of Mergui Archi- 
pelago referred to, 235 n. i 

Plantain tree, Plane tree, Plantree, 
245. 247, 248, 274, 274 n. 2, 323; 
food of elephants during transport, 
73 ; Dam pier's description of a, 245 
n. 4; illustration of a, 250 

Plou. See Areca 

Podddr, 164 n. 4 

Point de Gala, Point de Gaul. See 
Point de Galle 

Point de Galle, 75, 75 n. 3, 181, 
181 n. i; trade at, 181 n. i 



Policat, Poliacatte. See Pulicat 
.Policherry. See Pondicherry 
PoUam. See Kobang^ s.v. Coins 
PollicuU. See Palakollu 
Polo Gomos. See Pulo Gomez 
Pomegranate, 322 n, 8 
Pommelo. See Pumplemoos 
Pond, Pome. See Pan^ s.v. Weights 

and Measures 
Pondicherry, 257; settlement at, by 
the French, Hi n. i, 257 «. 6; 
various spellings of, 257 n. 6; de- 
scription of French factory at, 257 
n. 6 
Pondy, Pondee, 124, 124 n. i 
Pone. See Pan, s.v. Weights and 

Measures 
Poolicat. See Pulicat 
Pooloo. See Pulo 
Poot. See Patah 
Popra Harbour, 236 n. i 
Porca, Porgo. See Purgo 
Pore. See Pahr, s.v. Weights and 

Measures 
Porgo. See Purgo 
Porka, Porkoe. See Purgo 
Porpoises, in the Ganges, 211 n. 1 
Portingal. See Portuguese 
Portman, John, 266 n. 3 ; appointed 
second at Kedah, 268; his report 
of Kedah trade, 268; his death, 
268 
Porto Novo, xxviii-xxx, xxxiii, xxxv, 
xxxviii, 82, 123 n. 2, 257, 257 ;/. 6, 
263 n. I, 269; description of, 82 
n. I ; proposed Dutch settlement 
at, 82 n. i; proposed English 
settlement at, 82 ;/. i ; coins cur- 
rent at, 115 
Portugall Priests. See Padres 
Portugals, the, Portuguese half- 
breeds, 3 n. 4, 209 n. 2 ; ships of, 
frequent the port of Achin, xxii ; 
settlement of, in Fort St George, 3, 
3 «. 5 ; subjection of, to the English, 
3; serve as soldiers to the East 
India Company, 4; refugees, nu- 
merous in Golconda, 1 1 1 n. i ; 
merchants of, their trade in Bengal, 

132 «• 3» i33» »33 «• ■»; their settle- 
ment called Feringhi Dibba, 140 
n. 4; at Goa, called Frangues, 
Fringuins, Reifioes, 140 ;/. 4; 
driven from Hijili, 162 n. 3; their 
houses at Balasor, 162 n. 3; num- 
ber of, in Bengal, 191; in Bengal, 
their poverty and industry, 192, 
192 n. i; soldiers in the Mogol's 
army, 192 n. i ; many of them 
sailors, in Bengal, 193; makers of 



376 



INDEX 



sweetmeats, 193 ;/. 2; duties paid 
by, and privileges of, in Bengal, 
194; erection of new church by, 
stopped, 194, 195 ; one killed by a 
tiger, 220 ; ship of, taken by Malay 
pirates, 264; sold as slaves at 
Kedah, 264, 265; escape to Ma- 
lacca, 264; in Achin, 286 n. i, 
293 n. 2 

Portuguese, the, formerly possessed 
Negapatam, 2; their monopoly of 
trade with the Molucca Is., 5; St 
Thome taken from them by the 
Moors, 38 n. 4, 45 n. i ; priests of, 
41, 41 n. 3; former extent of power 
in India of, 82 n. i ; their conquests 
in the Deccan, 135 n, 5; shipwreck 
of a, near Patani, 242 n. 3; their 
settlement at Junk-Ceylon, 245 «. 2 ; 
cannon taken from them, at Achin, 
312 n. 2 

Povey, Mistress, jilts John Jearsey, 
90 n, I 

PraUy a boat, xxii, 238, 251, 251 n, 2, 
262 n. 7, 264, 266 n, 3, 282, 283, 
288, 290 n. 8, 291 ; definition of, 
238 n. 2 ; several for war to be 
built at Junk-Ceylon, 253; a flying, 
301, 301 n. i; illustration of a, 314 

Praw. See Prau 

•♦ Premier Livre de I'Histoire de la 
Navigation aux Indes Orientales" 
referred to, 192 n. 4, 193 n. i, 247 
n. 5 

President^ the, 158 n. 3; log of, re- 
ferred to, 12 «. I 

Pr6vost, A. F.,his'*HistoireGenerale 
des Voyages" referred to, 228 ;;. i, 
228 n, 5, 230 n. 2, 231 n. i, 255 
n. 6, 257 n, 6, 290 «. 6 

Priaman, Priamon, liv, 285 n, 3, 
319; raja of, his power, 295; de- 
pendent on Achin, 295 n. 4; pepper, 
a product of, 295 n, 4 

Prickman, Mr, 173 «. i 

Priests, French and Portuguese. See 
s. V. Padres 

Princess ^ the, sloop, \\o n. 2 

Pringle, A. T., his ** Selections from 
the Consultations at Fort St George" 
referred to, 25 «. 3, 36 n. 3, 42 w. i, 
45 «., passim 

Printed calico. See Paintings 

Proby, Mr, 72 n. 1 

Proe, Prow. See Prau 

Pry am an. See Priaman 

Puckle, Major William, Company's 
supervisor, 3 «. 5, 57 «. 2, 88 n. 3, 
159; his opinion regarding Mada- 
poUam factory, \qo n. i; his de- 



cision in Clavell's favour, 159; his 
** Diary " referred to, 320 

Pudicherry, Pudycherry. See Pon- 
dicherry 

Puglah Lemah Bunder, visit of 
the English to, 268, 302 n. 4 

Puhur. See Pahr 

Puket. See Tonkah Harbour 

Pulicat (Paliacatte, Pullicatt, Policat, 
Poolicat, Paliyaghat, Pazhaverk- 
kadu), xvi, 42 «. i, 45 «. i, 53 
n. I, 57; a garrisoned town of the 
Dutch, 51 ; T. B.'s description of, 
51 » 53; Schouten's description of, 

51 n. 4; Hamilton's description 
of, 52; Thevenot's description of, 

52 ; governors of, 52 ; Dutch factory 
at, 52; saltpetre refined at, 52; 
gunpowder made at, 52 ; taken from 
the Dutch, 52 ; surrendered to Great 
Britain, 52; coins current at, 115 

Pullambam. See Palimbam 
PuUicherrie. See Pondicherry 
Pullo Ladda. See Pulo Ladda 
Pullo Sambelon. See Pulo Sam- 

bilong 
Pullo Way, PuUo-wey. See Pulo 

Way 
Pulo^ Pulau^ an island, 235 «. 1, 277, 

277 n. I 
Pulo Gomez, 286 n, 3, 287 n. 2 ; 

its situation, 287, 287 ». 4 ; a 

criminal station, 287, 287 n. 5 
Pulo Ladda, pepper island, liii; its 

situation, 111^111 n, i 
Pulo Pinang, liv 
Pulo Sambilong, 238, 238 n. i 
Pulo Wary. See Pulo Way 
Pulo Way, island, 287; its situation, 

287 n. ^; Si criminal station, 287, 

287 n. 3, 287 w. 5, 314 n. 4, 315 

n. 2 ; three islands of the name, 

^87 n. 3 
Pumpelmouce. See Pumplemoos 
Pumpkin (calabash), 247, 247 n. 7, 

323 «. 7 
Pumplemoos, Poomplemous, 87 «. 2, 

^47 w* 5» 3^4 » Portuguese term for, 

^47 ^* 5 > description of, 324 ». i 
Pumple-nose. See Pumplemoos 
Punch, panch^ paunch, 78 n, 2 
Pune. See Peon 

Punishments, at Achin, 314-317 
Punto De Gall. See Point de Galle 
Puquet. See Tonkah Harbour 
Purchas, Rev. Samuel, 295 n. 6 
Purgo, a boat, 43 n. i, 225 n. 5; 

where and for what used, 228; 

probable derivation of, 228 ;;. 2; 

illustration of, 228 



INDEX 



377 



Purgo-man, Porgo-man, 196 n, 4, 

228 n. 2 
Purles, 277 n. 1 
Putom, Puton Harbour, 239 «. i, 

250 n. 2 
Putta. See Patahy s»v. Coins 
Pyplo. See Pipli 
Pythagorean philosophy, followed 

by the Brahmins, 28, 205 «. 2 

Qdzi, judge, 118 n. i 

Qualla, Quala. See Kuwdla 

Queda, Quedah. See Kedah 

Quenoy, island, 1 

Quicksilver, 232, 232 n, 3 

Quida. See Kedah 

Qutb Shah, king of Golconda, 108 
n. 7 

Qutb Shahl, the, dynasty of, 88 «. 2, 
1 13 n. I ; rise of, 109 n. i, iii ;/. 5 

Qutb Shah! family, the, rebel a- 
gainst Akbar, 109; found the king- 
dom of Golconda, 109 

Raccaners. See Arakaners 

Radish achdr^ 193 //. 1 

Radja. See Raja 

Radja Mehal. See Rajmahal 

Rage MauU. See Rajmahal 

Raghu the podddr^ 32 n. 2 ; Vincent 
accused of causing his death, 164 
;;. 4 

Raia, Raiah. See Rdjd 

RahtbffWy the, xxvi; mistakes her 
course, 3 n. 2 

Rdjd (Radja), xvii, 39, 83 n. 5, 108, 
130, 190 «. 3, 221 71. 5, 299 n, 2; 
of the Jagannath district, 12 «. i ; 
position of a, in 17th century, 39 
w. 2; of Harsapur, i29». i ; of Junk- 
Ceylon, 236; of Junk-Ceylon, his 
reception of foreigners, 244-246; 
of Junk-Ceylon, his command to 
have war praus built, 254 ; a Mu- 
hammadan appointed as, in Junk- 
Ceylon, 255; of Junk-Ceylon, killed 
in insurrection, 257 ; power of the, 
in Sumatra, 295 ; of Indragiri, 295 

n. 3 
Rajahpoot. See Rajput 

Rajaram, Clement Jordan's accounts 
with, 178 n. 1 

Rajmahal, 148, 148 n. 5, 211 n. i, 
226 ». 2, 249 ;/. I ; ancient capital 
of Bengal, 143; former trade at, 
143 n, 2; Tavemier's description 
of, 143 n. 2; Muhammad A'zim 
received at, 147; Vincent visits 
Muhammad A'zim at, 164, 165 

Rdjput (rashboot, raspoute, rash- 



poote, respoute, rashwa, rasbout, 
raggibout), xvii, 19, 27 w. i, 83, 
83 n. 5, 119, 148 n, 5; caste, the, 
supposed valour but real cowardice 
of, 84 

Rakan. See Arakan 

Rakshaso, 119 n. i 

Ram, a Hindu god, j n. 2 

Ramall. See Riimdl 

Ramapatam, 36 n, 3 

Ramazan. See Ramzdn 

Rambotang. See Rambutan 

Rambutan^ 323; description of, 323 
n, I 

Ramchandrapore, 220 n. 4 

Ramdam. See Ramzdn 

Ramilldey, road of (Masulipatam), 
72 n. I 

Rammal, Roomaul, Romall, Ro- 
hamall. See Riimdl 

Ramsden, George, 124 «. 3; chief 
at Gingerly (Vizagapatam), 123 
n. 2, 178 «. I 

Ramzdn^ a moveable fast of the 
Muhammadans, 96, ^6 n. i ; strict 
observance of, 90 n. 1 

Rangoes. See Dringo Root 

Rangoon, Chulias at, 256 ». i 

Rangoon oil, where brought from, 
192 ;/. 4 

Rashboot, raspoute. See Rdjput 

Rashid Khan, 154 n. i; nawdb of 
Cuttack, 152 ;;. 4; his character, 
152 n. 4; his parwdnay 152 n. 4 

Ratipore, mountains, 131 n. 7 

Rattans, 74, 281 n, 4, 292; used for 
building houses at Junk-Ceylon, 
250; Mandelslo's error about, 250 
n. I ; houses at Kedah built of, 
277, 277 n. 4; cables of, 292 n, 5 

Raye. See Rdjd 

Raymond, Captain Hugh, trustee to 
Mary Bowrey's will, xlvi ; com- 
mander of the Duchess and Bou- 
verie^ xlvii 

Ray NundeloU, his death, 201 n, i 

Read, Thomas, a dyer, 178 n, 3 

Reade, Edward, 75 n. i, 104 n. i, 
124 n. 3, 158 «. 3, 208 «. 4 

Real. See Ryall, s. v. Coins 

Rebecca, the, 166 n. 2 

Rebr6, Captain De, under De la 
Haye, 46 ;2. 4 

Red Sea, 103, 223 

Reiiioe. See Firinghee 

Religion of ** Mallabars and Gen- 
tues," 6, 14, 15, 18 

Rennell, Major J., his map of the 
Hugh estuary referred to, 209 n, 2 

Resbute. See Rdjput 

24—5 



378 



INDEX 



Resora (Jagannath), 12 ». 1 

Rezwar, 88 n. 3 

Rhamnus Jujuba. See Zizyphus Ju- 
juba 

Rhinoceros, 279 ;/. 5 ; figures of, in 
pagodas, 6 ; figures of, carved on the 
chariot of Jagannath, 17; hide of 
the, used for roundels, 85 ; the, infest 
swamps of the Ganges, 199, 211 
n. 3; the, in woods at Patna, 222; 
illustration of a, 222 ; De Graaf's 
description of a, 222 «. 2; the, an 
enemy of the elephant, 223,223«. i 

Rhumall, Rhumaul. See Rutndl 

Rice, 20, 181, 221 ft, I, 289 n, 5, 
290, 290 n. 10, 304, 320, 322 n. 6; 
chief food of Gentues and Malabars, 
97 ; trade in, on the Gingalee Coast, 
121 ». 2 ; from Bimlipatam, 122 n. 1 \ 
from Waltair, 123 n. 4; exported 
from Bengal, 132, 132 w. 7 ; price of, 
during the famine in Patna, 226, 226 
n. 2'y a. good sort of, at Junk-Ceylon, 
246 ; plentiful at Kedah, 279, 279 
n. 3 ; sold by the bamboo at Achin, 
282 n. I ; imported to Achin, 280, 
289 n. I, 291 ; cultivated at Achm 
by slaves, 294 n. 3 

Richard and Martha^ the, 262 «. 2 

Richards, John, 230 n, 6 

Rickits, Mr, an acquaintance of P. 
Briggins and T. Bowrey, xlii 

Riclo^ General. See Goens, Ricklof 
van 

Ringo Root. See Dringo Root 

Rio de Plata, xliii 

Risley, H. H., his *' Tribes and 
Castes of Bengal '* referred to, 87 
n, 2 

Robbery, frequent at Achin, 317, 
317 n. 2 

Robert, his map of the Mergui Archi- 
pelago referred to, 235 w. i 

Rochester y the, ship, xli 

Roe ketch, the, xxv 

Rogermundrum, 88 ». 3 

Rogiram. See Rajaram 

Rogues Island, 209 ;;. 2 

Rogues River, 199 «. 2, 209^.2; 
why so called, 212 n. 2 

Rojimall, Rojamaul. See Rajmahal 

Rolt, Thomas, chief of the English 
factory at Gombroon, 216 n, 6 

Romall, Rummaul. See Rumal 

Rondell. See Roundel 

Rosewater, 303 ; a mark of honour, 

308 
Rossey, Captain, xlii 
Rottang. See Rattan 
Roundel, 83; description of, 85; 



illustration of, 86; regulations as 
to carrying a, 85 n. i ; restrictions 
as to its use, 86, 86 n. i 

Roundel -boy. See Roundellier 

Roundellier, umbrella-carrier, 85, 
85 n, 3, 86 n. i 

Round Point, at Fort St George, 
42 n, I 

Royal. See Coins 

Royall JameSy the, xxv 

Ruby^ the, William Jearsey's ship, 
251 n. I 

Rucca. See Ruk'n 

Rugo Podar. See Raghu, the podddr 

Ru^'ay note, written document, 263 
n. I 

"Rulers of India Series," refer- 
ences to, II ;;., 18 ;/. 

Rumai, kerchief, 54, 231, 231 n. 3, 
290, 290 n. 5; made at Bengal, 133 
n. 5; silk, 133 n. 4; cotton, 133 
n. 4 

Rumphius, G. E., his "Herbarium 
Amboinense" referred to, 192 «. 4, 

247 «• 5» 323 »• 8, 324 «. I 
Rupee. See Coins 
Rupnarain, river, 173 «. i, 174 n. 2 
Russell, John, xlv 
Ruzzeed Chaan, Russeed Cawne, 

Ruzzard Chaan. See Rashid Khan 
Ryall, Royal. See Coins 
Ryalls of eight, exchanged for tin, 

246 

Sadrispatnam, 45 n, i 

SafI Khan, nawdb of Cuttack, 152 

n, 4, 182 n, 3 
Safshikan Khan, tmwab of Cut- 
tack, 152 n, 4 
Sagar, island, Mela held at, 203 

n. I, 209 «. 2; accounted sacred, 

211 n, 3 
St GeorgCy the, formerly the Sancta 

Cruz J 172 n. 3 
St Helena, 9 ». 4, 91 n, i 
St Lawrence, French viceroy buried 

at, 65 n, 2 
St Margaret, church of, xUv n. i, 

xlv n. 1 
St Maryy the, 263 n, i 
St Mary Magdalen, church of, xli 
St Thomas, 44; martyrdom of, 45 

«. I ; stories concerning, 45 ». i , 50 ; 

Christians of, victims to elephan- 
tiasis, 50 n. 2 
St Thomas's Mount, xvi, 44; 

reverence of Christians for, 45 ; 

church on, much resorted to, 45 ; 

a sanatorium, 45 n, ; gardens at, 46 ; 

famous for the Arbor Triste, 49 



INDEX 



379 



St Thomas* Point, at Fort St 
George, 42 //. i, oo ;2. i 

St Thomay. See St Thom^ 

St Thom6, 38, 38 n. 4, 52, 53 «. 1, 
66 n. If 2e,'j n. 6; retaken from the 
Portuguese by the Moors, 38 «. 4 ; 
description of, 45 ». i, 64, 65 ; manu- 
factures at, 45 n., 61 n. 3 ; fortifi- 
cations of, 45 n. ; churches at, 45 n. ; 
taking of, by the French, 46 n, 4, 
47, 48 «., 65, 90 n. i; water at, 
suitable for dyeing cotton goods, 
4^ n. 1; hawaldar of, 5 1 «. i ; De 
la Haye escapes to, with the Great 
Breton^ 68, 68 n. 1 

Saiva temple, at Trivettore, 8 «. i 

Saiyyid, See Seedy 

Sal, timber, 228 «. 5 

Salaam, 207, 207 n. 2; used as a 
verb, 38; of ships, at Dacca, 163, 
163 n, 2 

Salamma. See Salaam 

Salampore, chintz, 55, 246, 246 n. 5, 
289 n. 4; fine, 55 n, 2, 71 «. 3; 
ordinary, 71 n. 3 ; blue and white, 
289 

Salam Salamba^td^ omitted in king of 
Golconda's farman^ 93 n, i 

Salangy meanings of, 235 «. i 

Salanga, Salange. 6"^^ Junk-Ceylon 

Salang Head. See Ujung Salang 

Sdlaty a strait, 237 «. 2 

Salatinge, 29 

Salayer, I. of, xlix 

Saleeters. See Saletars 

Salempoory, Salamporee. See Sa- 
lampore 

Saletar, a creek at Singapore, 237 
/{. 2 

Saletars, pirates, 240 n, i ; descrip- 
tion of, 237, 237 «. 2, 238; their 
identity with the Cellates discussed, 
237 n. 2 ; derivation of the word, 
237 //. 2 ; the modem, 237 «. 2 ; 
at Kedah, seize an English ship, 
262 

Saletes. See Saletars 

Salisbury, Ambrose, chief at Pedda- 
palle, 4 n. 2, 54, 218 ;;. i ; ac- 
quainted with Bowrey, xviii ; visited 
by T. B., 57, 58 ; career of, while 
in India, 57 n, 2 ; accusations a- 
gainst, 57 n. 2 ; discharged by the 
Court, 57 ». 2 ; re-admitted to the 
Company's service, 57 ». 2 ; death 
of, at Madapollam, 57 /;. 2 

Salisbury, Susannah, mother of Am- 
brose Salisbury, 57 «. 2 

Sail. See Sal 

Salleiters. See Saletars 



Salleta de Brew, 237 ;/. 2 

Sally y the, sloop, 176 «. i 

Salt, 225 ; at Peddapalle, 56 ; the 
king's monopoly, 56, 56 n. 2, 57; 
making of, an occupation of the 
Uriyas, 199, 199 w. 2 ; exported 
from Kedah, 283 

Saltpetre, 181 «. 9, 188 n. i, 289 
n, 5 ; plentiful at Peddapalle, 54, 56 ; 
godowns for, at Fort St George, 
90 ;/. I ; exported from Golconda, 
111; stoppage of boats laden with, 
148 «. 5, 164 ; largely exported 
from Bengal, 164 «. i ; warehouse 
for, built on old Factory ground at 
Hugli, 170 n. 3, 171 «. 4; con- 
tracted for, 222 n, I ; quantity of, 
provided at Patna, 224 «. i ; ex- 
ported by the English and Dutch 
from Patna, 225, 229, 229 n. 2 ; 
how sent to Hugli, 225, 228 n. 5, 
229 ; orders from the Court as to 
export of, 229 n. 2 

Salt river, li 

Sdlu. See Sanahs 

Samdca, See Pumplemoos 

Sdmangka, the water-melon, 248 ;;. i 

Sambilan^ nine, 238 n. i 

Samboa. See Pumplemoos 

Sambrooke, Jeremy, 64 n. i 

Sam Cau, Samaca, a fruit, 247, 324 
n, 1 ; its identity with the pumple- 
moos or water-melon discussed, 
247 n, 5, 248 n. I ; illustration of 
the, 250. See also s.v. Pumple- 
moos 

Sampson^ the, 91 n. i 

Sanahs f 133 n. 4, 231 ; Harsapur, 129 
«. i; Mohunpur, 129 «. 1; Sura, 
129 «. i; definition of, 231 ;/. i; 
not saleable in England, 231 n. i; 
present designation of, 231 n. i 

Sancta Cruz^ the, xix, xxvi, 123 «. 2, 
178 «. i; commanded by T. B., 
172; owned by Portuguese, 172 
n, 3 ; taken as a prize, 172 n, 3 ; re- 
christened the St George^ 172 n. 3 ; 
later mentions of, 172 «. 3; called 
a "Dutch flyboate" by Streynsham 
Master, 178 «. 3 

Sanctuary, at Golconda tombs, 113, 
114, 114 n, I 

Sandri, a wood, 210 n. i 

Sangarie, a gun-boat, 55 n. i 

Sankha. See Chank 

Sannoes, Sannis. See Sanahs 

Santa Cruise^ the. See Satuta Cruz^ 
the 

Santamay. See St Thome 

Santapore, 230 n, 6 



38o 



INDEX 



Sapphires, from Borneo, 291 
Saracen law-giver, i.e. Muham- 
mad, 94 
Saracens, the, 180 n. 6 
Sardtt an inn, 117 ;/. 2 
Sarajah Cawn. See Suraj Khan 
Sarkt/y a chamberlain, 88 «. 3 
Sarlashkar^ Sar-i-Lashkar, head of 
the forces, 107 n. i, 125 «. i; of 
Gingalee, his power and state, 
125; of Golconda, besieged, 125 
n. I 
Sarsamutt, 88 n. 3 
Sash (turban), 230, 230 ». 5 
Satagam, former name of Hugli, 

167 n. 3 
Sati, xviii, 14; general description 
of, 36 ; one seen by the author at 
Karedu, 37, 38 ; at the funeral of a 
Naik at St Thom^, 39 ; discounte- 
nanced by Muhammadan governors, 
39 ; two stories of, 40 ; victim of, 
rescued, 40 ; illustration of, 86 ; 
description of two victims of, at 
Hugli, 204 ; practised on coasts of 
Coromandel and Gingalee, and in 
Bengal, 203 
Satyrs, figures of, in pagodas, 6 ; 
figures of, carved on the chariot of 
Jagannath, 1 7 
Saugor, Sago, Sagor Island. See 

Sagar I. 
Sautguary, river, 176 ». i 
Sawcer, Lawrence, 46 n. ^; accuses 
Langhorne of assisting the French, 
48 n. 
Sayon, Mr, 96 «. 2 
Saysummit-Tahadar, the, 54 
Scall gate, the, 93 n. i 
Scarlet, 88 n. 3, 207 n. i, 218 n. i, 
232, 232 n. 2, 275 n. 3, 289 n. 8 ; 
presented to the nawdb of Orissa, 
160 J meaning of, 160 «. 3 ; im- 
ported to Achin, 289 
Scattergood, Mr, 54 
Schouten, Walter, "Travels" of, 
references to, 3 «., 12 «., 20 «., 
30 «., 33 «., 43 «., 45 w., 49 «., 
50 «., passim 
Scinde, province of, 136 n. 4 
Scissors, imported to Junk-Ceylon, 

246, to Achin, 289 
Scopeboard, scupper, 103 
Screetore, scrittore. See Escritoire 
Sear. See Seer, s.v. Weights and 

Measures 
Seedy, 314, 314 «. 2 
Seer. See Weights and Measures 
Segogora, 129 «. i 
Seid. See Seedy 



Seir Lascar, Sr. Laskare. See Sar- 
lashkar 

Sekander muda, king of Achin, 
296 ;{. I 

Selaty the Straits, 237 n. 2 

Selebes. See Celebes 

Selimony^ the, junk, 269 

Seinbah^ a salutation, 307 

Serampore, Danish factory at, 190 
n. 3 

Serkell. See Sarkil 

Ser Lascar, Seer Lascar, Sier Las- 
car. See Sarlashkar 

Serpents, the cause of an eclipse, 34 ; 
trained to dance, 59, 60, 60 n. i ; 
a means of putting criminals to 
death, 60; on the shores of the 
Ganges, 211 n. 3 

Ser Rajah Chawn. See Suraj 
Khan 

Sevagi. See Sivaji 

Seymour y the, 172 n. 2 

Shabandand. See Shdhbaiidar 

Sha bendar, Shabunder. See Shah- 
bandar 

Shaddock, gardens, at Palakollu, 
105 ». 2. See also s.v. Pumple- 
moos 

Shah Abas of Persia, 114 n. 8 

Shdhbandar^ harbour-master, 64 w. i , 
88 n. 3, 242, 244, 254, 255, 256, 
260, 299, 30 1 , 303 ; of Masulipa- 
tam, 81 ;/. 2 ; his position in the 
Malay States, 242 n. 3; of Ban- 
quala, 246 ; of Kedah, 262, 283 ; 
of Achin, 299 n. 5, 302 n. i, 303 
n. 3, 307 n. 4 

Shah -hest- Kan. See Shayista 

Khan 
Shah Hossain, a cry of the A///- 
harram festival, 119 n. i 

Shah Jahan, 18 n. 2, 108 n. 7; his 
treatment of the Hindus, 10 n. 5 ; 
his four sons rebellious, 135; divides 
his territory among his sons, 135, 
136; his seizure and imprison- 
ment by Aurangzeb, 137; his fa- 
vourite wife, 145 ». 6 \ farmdn of, 
165 n. 2 
Shah Shuja', son of Shah Jahan, 
152 ». 4; governor of Bengal, 135, 
138; gives Boughton leave to es- 
tablish a factory at Pipli, 162 w. 2 ; 
excellence of his army, 138; be- 
.trayal and conquest of, 1 38, 1 39 ; 
flight of, 139; succoured by the 
king of Araican, 139, 140 ; takes 
refuge in Arakan, 141; his wives 
and treasure, 141; refuses his 
daughter to the king of Arakan, 



INDEX 



381 



141 ; two stories of his end, 141, 
142 

" Shaista Khany," a style of build- 
ing, 150 n. I 

Shanck. See Chank 

Sharlasker. See Sarlashkar 

Sharoff (broker). See Shroff 

Shash. See Sash 

Shaster Caun. ^^^ Shayista Khan 

Shatta Cawne. See Shayista Khan 

Shayista Khan, 151 «. 3, 159, 190 
«. 3, 232 n. 2 ; uncle of Aurangzeb, 
145 ; his parentage, 145 ; made 
naivdb of Bengal, 145, 145 /{. 5 ; his 
nches and insolence, 146, 146 n. 2^ 
147, 148 ; his conduct towards 
Aurangzeb, 146, 146 n. i; com- 
plaints of his exactions, 146 n. 4, 
158 «. 3; his recall from Bengal, 
147 ; his wealth procures his pardon, 
148 ; various reports as to his re- 
call, 1 48 ». 5 ; his presents to Au- 
rangzeb, 148 n, 5 ; his immediate 
successor, 164 n. 2 ; appointed 
governor of Agra, 148 «. 5; re- 
appointed nawdb of Bengal, 148 
«. 5 ; resigns his government, 148 
n. 5; dies at Agra, 148 «. 5; pub- 
lic buildings at Dacca erected during 
his rule, 150 n. i; his means to 
ascertain the wealth of Hindu mer- 
chants, 157; his panvdna to Walter 
Clavell, 158 ;/. 3; exacts an annual 
tribute of ships from the natives, 
1 61 -1 63; stops goods, and forces a 
peshcush from English and Dutch, 
164; illness of, at Dacca, 185 «. i ; 
the Danes referred to, 189 

Sheake Ahmud, 125 n, i 

Sheba, Queen of, 295 n. 6 

Sheckdarr. See Shiqdar 

Shelaheth. See Saletars 

Shepheard, Mr, a Director of the 
E. I. Co., xlii 

Sheraff. See Shroff 

Sherman, Samuel, pilot in the Com- 
pany's service, 175 n. i 

Shipbuilding, carried on at Narsa- 
pur, 99 

Ships, how repaired at Madapollam, 
103, 104; illustration of fixing ship's 
gear, 104; rigging for, made at 
Madapollam, 105. See also s.v. 
Adam and Eve; Adventure; Ad- 
vice; Amoy Merchant; Anne; An- 
telope; Arrival; Beaufort; Black- 
moor; Borneo Merchant ; Bouverie; 
Ceaser; Charles; Conimeer; Con- 
stant Warwick ; Death ; Defence ; 
Degrave ; Diamond ; Dilligence ; 



Dispatch; Drake; Duchess; Eagle; 
Eaglet ; East India Merchant ; Eu- 
ropean; Falcon; Frances; Ganges; 
George ; Globe ; Good Hope ; Great 
Breton ; Great Fleming ; Grey- 
hound ; Hope ; Hunter ; Indul- 
gence; King George; Loyall Ad- 
venture; Loyall Merchant; Loyall 
Subject; Lancaster; Madras; Ma- 
dras Merchant; Margery; Martin; 
Massenburd; Mayflower; Nonsuch; 
Nugdy; Pearle; Persian Merchant; 
President; Princess; Rainbow; Re- 
becca; Richard and Martha; Ro- 
chester ; Roe ; Royall James ; Ruby ; 
St George; St Mary; Sally; Sampson; 
Sancta Cruz; Selimony; Seymour; 
Shrewsbury; Smima Merchant; 
Society; Swiftsure; Thomas; Trip- 
licane; Unicome; Unity; Vine ' 

Shiqdar y revenue-officer, 184 w. 1 

Shoutens, William, xlix 

Shrewsbury, the, xxix 

Shroff (Sarrd/), broker, 24 «. 2, 
77, 77 «. 2 

Siam, Syam, xxii, 91 n, i, 115 n. 4, 
180, 258, 290; ambassador from, 
at Achin, xxxviii ; at war with Gol- 
conda, 172 n. 3; Junk-Ceylon, 
subordinate to, 236, 236 n. 3; de- 
scription of houses at, 277 n. 5; 
natural defences of, 278 n. i; few 
fortresses in, 278 n. 1 ; ships from, 
frequent Achin, 288 ; trade of, 290 
n. 10 

Siam, king of, his farmdn necessary 
for trade, customs free, in Junk- 
Ceylon, 244; his elephants and 
bodyguard attend foreigners to Lup- 
poone, 243; incensed against the 
Dutch, 253, 254 n, 4; his orders 
for building war praus at Junk- 
Ceylon, 253, 254; appoints a new 
rdjd in Junk-Ceylon, 255; Kedah 
tributary to the, 275; gold flower 
paid annually to the, 275, 275 «. 3; 
sends a terah and present to king 
of Kedah, 276; his war with Pegu, 
276; his fort on the Pegu frontier, 
278 n. I 

Siamese, Siamers, Syamers, the, 
xxxix, 255, 256; at war with the 
English, xxxviii; their character, 
236; description of, 236 n. 4, 237 
n. i; unite with the Malayars in 
insurrection at Junk-Ceylon, 257; 
ships of, come on a warlike expe- 
dition to Kedah, 266 n» 3 

Sicca Anna. See Coins 

Siccacul, Sicocol. See Chicacol 



382 



INDEX 



Siddy. See Seedy 

Silk, i8i, 272, 292 ;/. 2, 303 n. 3; 

skill of the Gentues in working in, 9; 

quantity of, produced in Bengal, 132 

«• 3» 133, 133 «• 4» 133 «• 6; from 
Bengal, the best in India, 133 n. 6; 
sold at Hugli, 168 «.2 ; from Kasim- 
bazar, 213 «. 2; dyeing of, 214, 
214 n. 2; orgazine, 214 «. 2; tram, 
214 n. 2; raw and wrought, 230; 
imported to Achin, 289 n. 1 ; striped, 
291; flowered, 291 

Sillebar, 178 n. 1 

Sincapura. See Singapore 

Sindy, islands, 292 n. 2 

Singapore, island, 237 «. 2, 258 n. 4 

Singapore, Straits of, 237 n. 2; 
Bowrey's Chart of, xlix 

Singie, near Patna, 226 n. 2; Eng- 
lish factory house at, 224 n. i ; 
advantages of its situation, 224 n. i 

Singora, 266 n. i 

Stpt chtinxm.^ shell-lime, 305 ;/. i 

Siriam, factory at, 251 n. i 

Sivaji, 82 «. I 

Slavery, in liquidation of debt, 284, 
284 n. I 

Slaves, 290; cheapness of, during 
Patna famine, 226 n. 2; a Portu- 
guese crew sold as, 264; exported 
from Bengal, 290, from Borneo, 
291 ; at Achin, 294 n. 3 

Smirna Merchant^ the, 200 n. i 

Smith, Anthony, soldier and dyer in 
the Company's service, 214 n. 2 

Smith, Henry, his connection with 
Bowrey's Dictionary, Ivi 

Smith, Jacob, 66 n. i 

Smith, John, chief at Dacca, 150 
n. 2 

Smith, John, Jordan and Bugden 
sail for Kedah with, 178 «. i ; goes 
to the •* South Seas," 178 n. 1; 
murdered by his men, 178 n. i, 264 
«. 7; a freeman, 272 n. 4 

Smithson, Richard, 64 //. i ; com- 
plains of Salisbury's irregularities, 

Smyth, W. H., his "Sailors' Word 
Book" referred to, 42 n. 2 

Snake -town. See Negapatam 

Soap, imported to Junk-Ceylon, 246 

Society^ the, 158 n. 3 

Soligues, pointed javelins, 237 
«. 2 

Solla, 271 ; residence of the king of 
Kedah, 259, 264; present designa- 
tion of, 259 n. 4; its situation, 259 
n, 4 ; flight of the "old king" from, 
276 



Solomon, King,. 294 n. 2 
Som, orange, 247 n. 5 
Sombrero, an umbrella, 85, 85 n. 4 
Sombrero (or Chowra), an island in 

the Nicobars, 68 n. 3 
Sombresse. See Sombrero Island 
Somerset House, wills at referred 
to, XX, xliv n. 2, 158 n. 3; adminis- 
tration books at referred to, xxiv, 

XXV 

SoTn-kiou-wangj a small orange, 247 
n. 5 

Songkhla, 260 /;. i 

Sonnerat, his "Voyages" referred 
to, 202 n. I 

Soum-keou, crystal orange, 247 it. 5 

South Sea Company, the, xvii; 
MSS. bequeathed to by Thos. Bowrey, 
xxiii, xli, xliv ; Bowrey's proposal to, 
xliii ; stock of, held by Mary Bow- 
rey, xlvi 

South Seas, the ( East Indian Islands) , 
xxii, li, Hi, i, 4, 5, 57, 71, 133, 
178 n. I, 188, 188 ;/. I, 276, 280, 
282 n. I, 286, 293, 293 71. I, 305, 
323; propriety of a settlement at 
debated, xlii; trade of the, 188/2. 1 

South Seas, the, i.e. the coast of 
South America, 241 //. 4; Bowrey's 
proposal for a port of refreshment 
in, xliii 

South Tartaria, 172, 211; Mir 
Jumla's intended invasion of, 144 

Spanish dollars. See Ryall, s.v. 
Coins 

Speek, ? spike, 102 

Spelter. See Tootnague 

Spices, 292 n. 2 

Sports, at Achin, 310; forbidden 
during public mourning, 312 

Spulshore, 74; derivation of, 74 n. i 

Squire, Mr, part owner of the Loyall 
Subject^ 90 n. i 

Srikakulam, pop. Chicacol, 124 
n. 3 

^ri-lohita. See Saletars 

Stafford, Captain, brings the Falcon 
up the Hugli, 166 n. 2 

Stanley, Mr, 173 n. i, 218 n. 10 

State ride, of English merchants 
through Achin, 308, 309, 310; of 
the Queen of Achin, 324, 325, 325 
n. 2, 326 

Stebunneath. See Stepney 

Steel, 240, 246; imported to Achin, 
291 

Steelyard, patah weighed by the, 
241. See Weights and Measures 

Stepney, xxv, xlii, xliii, xliv, xlv, 
xlvi, xlvii 



INDEX 



383 



Stevens, Robert, his "Guide to East 
India Trade" referred to, 192 ;/. 4 

Stewart, Major C, his '* History of 
Bengal" referred to, 144 n. 5, 145 
/;. 5, 146 n. I, 148 //. 5, 162 n. 2, 
164 «. 2, 233 n. 2 

Sticklack, 122 n. i, 290; exported 
from Bengal, 132 n. 7 

Stilliard. See Steelyard, s.v. Weights 
and Measures 

Stilts, houses at Achin built on, 321, 
322 

Stockings, cotton, exported from 
Pulicat, 52 ; made by the Portu- 
guese, at Hugli, 192 

Striped cloth, muslin, silk, 123 n. 2, 
23o> '230 ''• 6, 246, 288 ;/. 6, 289, 
289 n. 6, 291 ; the Gentues excel in 
the manufacture of, 10 

Studds, Thomas, i ;/. ; Bowrey's 
cousin, bequests to, xliv 

Stylyard. »S>^ Steely ard,j.r/. Weights 
and Measures 

Styraz Benzoin. See Benzoin 

Suba. See Subadar 

Subaddr^ ifj'j n. 6; of Porto Novo, 
complained of, xxx, xxxii, xxxiii, 
XXX vi; of Chengy, 82 «. i; of 
Beni^al, 146 ;/. 4 

Subidar. See Subadar 

Subidar Hargee Raja, 257 n. 6 

Sugar, 240, 246, 290, 291 ; quantity 
of, produced in Bengal, 132, 132 
n. 2, 132 ;/. 3; from Patna, 221 
n. I ; candied, 291 

Sulphur. See Brimstone 

Sultan, 259; use of the word in 
the Malay Stales, 259 n. 3 

Sultan Banque, 140 //. 2 

Sultan Mahomed, fifth king of 
Golconda, 113 n. i 

Sultan Sujah. See Shah Shuja' 

Sumatra, xv, xxii, xxxvii. Hi, liv, i, 
82 n. I, 176 n. I, 188 n, i, 261 
«• 3» 285, 285 n. I, 286 n. 3, 288, 
291 n. 5, 294 n. 2, 324 n, 2 ; pepper 
from, 276 n. 6; exports from West 
Coast of, 292 ; products of, 292 
n. I, 292 «. 2; rajds in, 295; Dutch 
make war against, 319; a rich 
island, 319 

Sumatra Head, 287 

Sumbarero. See Sombrero 

Sumbra. See Sembah 

Sumping, 253 n. i 

Sun, the, sailors' mark for, 85, 195, 
196; Muhammadans turn to, at 
prayer-time, 203, 203 n. 2; Gen- 
tues turn to, on coming out of the 
Ganges, 203 n, 2 



Sunapore, 124 n. i 
Sunderbunds, the, 209 n, 2 
Sun-dials, not used by the Moors, 

Suph Secund Chaan. See Safshi- 
kan Khan 

Sura, 129 n. i 

Suraj Khan, 262 ^. 4; a Chulia, 
shdhbandar of Kedah, 262; buys 
stolen goods, 262; his injustice, 262 
;/. 7 ; hinders the trade of the Eng- 
lish, 262 n, 7 ; his cunning, 263 ; 
encourages the Malay pirates, 264; 
reprimanded by the king of Kedah, 
265 ; bribes the crew of an English 
vessel to desert, 265 n. i ; com- 
plaints of, by the English, 271 n. 

Surat, xxii, 7 n, 2, 30 n. 3, 49 «. i, 
61 n. 3, 136 n. 2, 158 n. 3, 194 
n, I, 208 n. 5, 247 n. 2, 258, 264 
n. 7, 270, 282, 286 n, I ; letter 
from, to the Court of Directors, 
25 ''• 3; Council at, their views as 
to trade with Kedah and Achin, 
268; one or more ships sent yearly 
from, to Kedah, 271 ; ships from, fre- 
quent Achin, 288 ; President of, 309 

Surat Channel, at Achin, 288 «. i 

Sutanuti, 176 n. i 

Sv^ally, 27 n. i, 268 

Swan, Captain, xxxix 

Sweetmeats, made by the Portuguese 
at Hugli, 192 

Swiftsurey the, ship, xxiv 

Swinging Festival, 198; illustration 
of, 219 

Tael. See s. v. Coins, and s. v. 

Weights and Measures 
Taffaty, Taffitea, 230 n. 4, 231 n. 2, 

303 n. 3; Herba, 162 n. 3; from 

Kasimbazar, 214 n. 2, 215 n. 1 
Taile. See Tael, s.v. Coins 
Taj, the, at Agra, 145 n. 6 
Tale, Tael. See Coins 
Tali, 281 n. 2 

Talikote, battle of, 10 ». i, 10 //. 2 
Tamarind, 22, 247 n. 5, 283, 283 

n. 4; groves of at Cuttack, 152 
Tamil language, 6 n. 2 
Tanassaree. See Tenasserim 
Tangeeb. See Tanzeb 
Tangiour. See Tanjore 
Tanjore, 38 «. 3 
Tank, 7, 126; in Golconda fort, no 

«. 2 ; at Bhagnagar, 1 26 ;;. 6 
Tanna, 208 n. 4; fort at, why built, 

212 n, 2 
Tanzeby fine muslin, 230 n. 2 
Tapon (for Capon), eunuch, 207 n. 5 



384 



INDEX 



Tapty, river, 136 n. 2 

Tar. See Dammer 

Tar, palmyra tree, toddy made from, 

49 
Taram^ 281 n. 4 

Tara Mathi, Hindu wife of Abdullah 
Qutb Shah, 113 «. 3 

Tart, See Toddy 

Tarra, Tara, Tare. See Tra, s.v. 
Coins 

Tarrah, Tarra, Tara. See Tera 

Tartary, Tartaria, 136 «. 3, 221 

Tasheriff, 37 n. i 

Tasman, Abel, xlix 

Tatong, 253 «. I 

Ta vernier, E. T., references to his 
*' Travels," 7 «., 20 «., 21 «., 24 «., 
27 «., 28 «., 30 «., 31 «., 33 w., 
36 «. , passim 

Taylor, tames, his ** Topography of 
Dacca referred to, 148 n. 5, 150 
n. I, 150/2. 2 

Tchaou-Meuang,an officer in Siam, 
245 n. 2 

Tea boxes, of Tootnague, 291 «. 2 

Teak timber, factory for, at Masuli- 
patam, 61 «. 3 ; plentiful at Narsa- 
pur, 98 n. I 

Telenga, province, 135 n. 5 

Telugu People, the, 78 w. 4, 126 
n, I 

Telugu language, 6 /i. 2 

Tenasserim, xvi, 72 n. 2, 73, 82 
n. I, 154 n, I, 179, 180, 234 n. 2, 
290; chart of, by Bowrey, xxvii, 1; 
rivers of, 74; meaning the Mergui 
Archipelago, 235, 235 n. 2 ; custom 
taken at, from foreign vessels, 245 
n, 2 

7>ra, letters-patent, 253; orders from 
the king of Siam, 253 n. i, 254; 
from king of Siam to Kedah, 276; 
a stamp, i%\ n. ^ 

Terowa, Terooa. See Tharua 

Terry {tart). See Toddy 

Terry, Edward, his '* Voyage to East 
India " referred to, 209 n. 2 

Tester, 162 n. 3 

Thafts. See Thwarts 

Tharua, residence of the governor 
of Junk-Ceylon, 236 n, 3; chief 
town in Junk-Ceylon, 239 n. 2 ; its 
identity with Luppoone discussed, 
239 n. i; its situation, 243 n. 3 

Tharua Harbour, its identity with 
Luppoone discussed, 239 n. i 

Theft, how punished at Achin, 315 

Thevenot, Melchizedek, his " Voy- 
ages" referred to, 7 «., 17 «., 38 «., 
52 n,', 62 n.y 108 /f., passim 



Thiagar Raja, Temple, 8 n. i 

Thief, story of a, at Achin, 317, 318 

Thomas, John, rewarded for pro- 
ficiency in HindostanI, 80 n. 2 

Thomas^ the, 176 n. i 

Throwsters, at Kasimbazar, 214, 
214 «. 2; in Company's service, 
formerly soldiers, 214/1. 2 

Thwaite, Captain, 308 n. 4 

Thwarts, 42 

Tial. See Tael, s.v. Coins 

Tibet, mountains of, the supposed 
source of the Ganges, 166 n. i 

Ticacoel. See Chicacol 

Tical, Ticul. See Coins 

Ticou, Sumatra, 295 n. 4 

Tigers, figures of, carved on the 
chariot of Jagannath, 17; infest the 
swamps of the Ganges, 199, 211 
n. 3, 219; their ferocity, 219, 219 
n. 2; illustration of a, 219; stories 
of, 219 //. 2, 220; in Junk-Ceylon, 
247, 248; story of a black, 248; 
in Kedah, 260 n. i, 279 

Tillbichrumbung, raja of, 162 n. 3 

Tin, 269, 270, 290; chief product 
of Junk-Ceylon, 240, 240 n. \ ; 
mines of, 240 n. i ; money of, 241, 
281 w. 3 ; value of, at Junk-Ceylon, 
241 n. (, 246 n. 10; from Kedah, 
259 n. 2, 267 n. I, 277 n. i; from 
Perak, 267 n. i; piggs of, 268; 
white, 291 n. 2 

Tindall, 265 //. i 

Tirumalvasal, xxxiii 

Tirumucote, 257 n. 6 

Tivill, John, his report of the factory- 
house at Peddapalle, 54 

Tobacco, 20, 289 ft. 5, 303; used at 
marriage ceremonies, 30 ; the king's 
monopoly, 107 ; farmed by the E. I. 
Co., 107 «. I ; exported from Kedah, 
^83 

Toddy {tariy terry), 49; how ob- 
tained, 49 «. I ; ** neep," 78 

Tody Trees, li 

Tola. See Weights and Measures 

Tomb. See Weights and Measures 

Tombolee, river, 173 

Tonkah Harbour, the "Buckett" 
of T. B., 239, 239 n, I 

Tonquin, 120 n. 2, 247 n. 5, 290 
n. 12, 294 n. I, 300 n. 2, 309 n. 3, 
313 n. 1 

Tootanagga, Tootanag, Tothanag, 
Tontinague. See Tootnague 

Tootnague, spelter, 199, 199 n. 3, 
259 n. I, 291, 291 n. 2 

Topasses (Portuguese half-breeds), 

3 «• 4 



INDEX 



385 



Topecanna. See Top-khdna 

Top-khdnuy ordnance department, 152 
n. 4 

Totecor3m. See Tuticorin 

Tra. See Coins 

Trade, no prohibition as to, on the 
Coromandel Coast, 107 

Tranquebar (Trangambar, Trancke- 
bare), xxix, xxxii, 20 n. 2, 186, 
1 89 ; coins current at, 115; em- 
bassy from, to Bengal, 182; first 
Danish settlement at, 182 n. 2; 
Schouten's description of, 182 «. 2; 
Delestre's description of, 182 w. 2; 
fortress at, 182 n. 2, 184; only 
Danish settlement in Asia, 182 

Transmigration, belief of the Gen- 
tues in, 15 «. i, 206; belief of the 
Banyans in, 27, 28; belief of the 
Brahmins in, 205 n. 2 ; belief of 
the Uriyas in, 206 

Trenchfield, Richard, 176 ». i 

Tressletore. See Trivettore 

Trevitore. See Trivettore 

Triblitore. See Trivettore 

Tribute, gold and silver trees as, 275 
n. 3 

Trimlevass. See Tirumalvasal 

Trincomalee, 120 n. 4 

Trincombar. See Tranquebar 

Trinity House, Bowrey certified 
from, xxiv; William Goodlad mas- 
ter of, 90 n. r 

Tripeti, pagoda of, 12 w. i 

Triplicafte, the, 172 n, 3 

Triprobana. See Sumatra 

Trivettore (Tiruvottiyur), pagoda 
at, 8; town of, 8 «. 

Truck, barter, 246; for tin, at Kedah, 
267 n. I, 270 

Tuljapur, 119 /i. i 

Tumberlee, Tumberleen. See Tum- 
look 

Tumlook, river, 173, 173 n. i, 178 
n. 3 

Turban, turbant, turbat, 156, 307, 
325, 325 n. 3 

Turban -cloth. See Sash 

Turkey, Turkia, li, 94 

Turks, the, 94, 180 ;;. 6 

Tutacree, Tutacorey. See Tuticorin 

Tutenague, Tutanagg. See Toot- 
nague 

Tuticorin (Tuttukkudi), 1; Chank 
brought from, 208; Dutch factory 
at, 208 ; last possession of the Por- 
tuguese on the Coromandel Coast, 
208 n. 5 ; noted for pearl fishery, 208 
n. 5 ; description of, 208 n. 5 ; taken 
by the Dutch, 208 n. 5; pepper 



from, 208 n. 5 ; English factory at, 
a failure, 208 n. 5 

Tuttenag, Tetanague. See Tootnague 

Tutucroyn, Tentecorrey. See Tu- 
ticorin 

Tygers, River, in Bowrey's Chart of 
the Hugh, 219 «. 2 

Tywan, 1 

Ujung, a point, headland, 235 «. i 

Ujung Salang, origin of Junk-Cey- 
lon, 235 n. I 

Ulaky a cargo-boat, 1 78, 178 n, 2 ; 
description of, 227; various spell- 
ings of, 227 n. 2; illustration of, 
228 

Uluberria, 172 w. 2 

Umard, plural of Amir^ 39, 39 n. 4, 
137, 145 ft. 2; Mir Jumla's son 
made one of the chief, 145 

Umbrella, sumptuary regulations as 
to use of an, 86 ». i . See also s.vv. 
Roundel, Sombrero, Kittysol 

Unicom, rhinoceros mistaken for a, 
223, 223 n, 2; T. B.'s horn of, 223, 
223 «. 2 

Unicorne, the, xxvi 

Unity ^ the, xxiv, 122 «. 3; detained 
at Masulipatam for the king's visit, 
88 «. 3 ; king of Golconda goes on 
board, 91 ; four voyages of, 91 ». i ; 
burthen of, 91 «. i 

Upa-rdjdy heir-apparent, 259 n. 3 

Upper-roger. See Upa-rdja 

Uriyas, the, a caste of Hindus, 87 
n. 2, 130; why they participate in 
the Swinging FestivaJ, 198; most 
ignorant of the Hindus, 199 ; of a 
low caste, 199; live apart, 199; their 
poverty, 199 ; their occupations, 
199; their method of treating their 
sick, 200, 201, 201 ». I ; reason for 
their apparent cruelty to their sick, 
202 ; treatment of their dead, 202 ; 
differences between them and the 
Gentues, 206; their dress and or- 
naments, 208; many of, killed by 
tigers and bears, 219, 220 

Usbecs, country of the, 136 «. 3 

Utromeloor, 120 ». 2 

Vaktlf agent, 118 «. i 

Valent3m, Fran9ois, his "Oud en 
Nieuw Oost Indien" referred to, 
119 n. I, 192 n. 4, 209 n. 2 

Vander Vail, John, 148 «. 3 

Van Diemen's Land, xlix 

Vaqueel. See Vakil 

Vashishta, river, a tributary of the 
Godavari, 98 n, i 



386 



INDEX 



Vasingepatam. See Vizagapatam 
Vatare. See Waltair 
Vatum. See Batta 
Vedas, 34 n. i 

Veece, Viss. See Weights and Mea- 
sures 
Verasheroon, 55 n. 2; factory at, 

53 «• '» 54. 100 ''• I 
Verburg, Senr. Jacques, chief of the 

Dutch at Kasimbazar, 213 //. 2, 

222 ;;. 2 

Vermilion, 232 n. 3; used for Brah- 
min's marks, 32 n. i 

Verona. See Ka9U Viranna 

Verona, a dubash, death of, 37 
n. I 

Versailles, treaty of, 105 n. 2 

Vettapour, 288 n. 8 

Vickers, John, 64 «. i, 83 «. 3 

Viece (viss). See Weights and 
Measures 

Vijayanagar, 109 n. i ; former capi- 
tal of Golconda, 108 n. i, 109; 
conquered by Qutb Shahi family, 
109; re-named Golconda, 109 

Vincent, Matthias (Matthew), xviii, 
32 ft. 2, 75 n. 2, 159, 190 «. 2, 214 
n, I ; his early career in India, 164 
n. 4; succeeds Marsh as chief at 
Kasimbazar, 164 n. 4; Hall's ac- 
cusations against, 164 n. 4; impli- 
cated in the death of Raghu, the 
podddr^ 164 n. 4; his examination 
and acquittal, 164 n. 4; accused of 
encouraging Romanism, 164 n, 4; 
succeeds Clavell as chief at "the 
Bay," 164 «. 4; obtains 2, fartndn 
from Muhammad A'zim, 164 n. 4, 
165 n, 2 \ becomes associated with 
Thomas Pitt, the interloper, 164 
«. 4 ; dismissed the Company's ser- 
vice, 164 «. 4; is knighted, 164 
n. 4; dies, 164 n. 4 

l^ine^ the, wreck of, 319 

Vira Ragavaya, Company's **Bra- 
miny" at Golconda, 263 n. i 

Visakha-pattanam. See Vizaga- 
patam 

Visiapour. See Bijapur 

Viss. See Weights and Measures 

Vizagapatam, xxvii, 93 »• i, 123, 

123 w« 3» 123 ^' 4» ^^4 ^' 'f 1^4 
n. 3, 178 w. i; other names for, 123 

n. 2; derivation of the name, 123 

n. 2; English settlement at, 123 

n. 2 ; George Ramsden chief of the 

English factory at, 123 «.2 ; murder 

of the English at, 123 n. 2; cowle 

for, 125 n, I 

Vizepoore. See Bijapur 



Wales, Samuel, chief at Madapol- 
1am, 100 ;;. 1 

Waltair, 93 w. i, 123, 123 n. 4 

Walton, Mr, commander of the 
Dilligence^ 257 n. 6 

Wapping, xxiv ; seamen of the parish 

of, bequests to, xliv, xlv 
War {der), banyan-tree, 7 «. 2 

Ward, Charles, Company's factor at 
Kedah, 270; sent to Junk-Ceylon 
with goods from Kedah, 270; taken 
in the George by the Dutch, 271 n.\ 
returns to Surat, 271 w. ; third in 
rank at Achin, 320 

Ware, Richard, a freeman in Fort 
St George, 262 n. 2 

Ware, Samuel, known to T. B., 
xviii ; master of a ship, 262 ; mur- 
dered by Saletars at Kedah, 262 ; 
his ship and goods seized, 262 ; his 
probable history, 262 n, 2 

Warehouse -keeper, 171 n. i; at 
Patna, 224 n. i 

Watchet, a light blue colour, 215 
n. I 

Water-melon, T. B. describes Sam 
Cau as a, 248 «. i 

Waters, William, pilot on the Hugli, 
deceased, 166 n. 2 

Watraw. See Waltair 

Watt, G. A., his " Dictionary of Eco- 
nomic Products of India" referred 
to, 78 ;/. 4, 192 71. 4, 249 n. I, 272 
n. 3, 291 n. 5 passim 

Wattara, Watare, Watsare. See 
Waltair 

Wax, 292 ;/. 2, 320 

Weavers, large numbers around Ma- 
dapoUam, 100 w. i; at Kasimbazar, 
214, 214 ;/. 2 

Weddings. See Marriages 

Weights and Measures, Anguli^ 
218 n. 2; Bahar, xxii, 122 n. i, 
240 n. I, 241, 241 n, 4, 246, 246 
n, 10, 269, 270, 281 n. 5; Bam- 
boo, xxii, 249 n. I, 282, 282 n. i ; 
Bauri, 218, 218 n, 6; Candil, 116; 
CanHy, xxvii, 93 «. i, 196 n. 4, 
199 «. 3, 217 «. 5, 304 n. 2; Cattee, 
281 n, 5, 313 n. 4; Chupak, 282 
n. 2; Conderin, Candareen, 112, 
281 n. 5; Corge, 290 n, 5; Covid, 
214 n. 2, 218, 218 n. 2, 228 n. 5, 
246; Crore, 146 n, 2, 148 n, 5; 
Cubit, 273, 282 «. i; Dhanu, 
218 n. 2; Gandd^ 218, 218 n. 6; 
Gantang, 282, 282 n. 2; Garce, 
Gorse, 116 w. 5; Gkari^ 196, 197 
n, f; Guz, 218, 218 «. i; Hath^ 
218; Kdhan^ 218, 218;;. 6; A'Jj, 134 



INDEX 



387 



n. 3, 203 n, I, 218 n. 2; Lack, 146, 
146 n. 2 J 148 n. 5, 156, 157; Last, 
125 n. r; Markall, Mercaul, 116, 
116 n. 6; Maund, 104 n. i, 116, 
134 n. I, 134 //. 3, 217, 217 n. 5, 
225, 226 n. 2, 232 n. I, 232 n. 3, 
291 n. 2, 292 /;. 1; Mtam, 281 
n. 5; Pahr^ 196, 197 «. r ; /*««, 218, 
218 n. 6; Parrah, Para, 116, 116 
n. 5, 1 16 n. 6, 260 n. 3 ; Patch, 200 
n. 4; Pecul, Picul, 241 n. i, 246 
w. 10, 259 n. 2, 276 //. 5, 281 n. 5, 
S^^' 313 «• 4; ^^eer, 134 n. 2, 217, 
217 «. 5, 226; Steelyard, 241, 281 
n. 5; Tael, 281 n. 2; Tola, 134 
n. 2, 180 n. 2; Tomb, 116 «. 5; 
Viss, Veece, 116, 116 «. 4, 241, 
242, 242 n. 5 

Wellclose Square, Stepney, also 
called Marine Square, Bowrey's 
house in, xlii, xliii, xliv, xlv 

West Coast (of Sumatra), the, 
178 «. r 

Wheat, 304 ; exported from Bengal, 
132 n. 7, 290 

Wheeler, James, xxvii 

Wheeler, J. Talboys, his *' Madras 
in the Olden Time " referred to, 
8 «., 53 n. 

Whetham, Nathaniel, 1 78 n. 3 ; ap- 
pointed to assist Streynsham Master, 

177 n. 2; goes to visit Callaway, 
177; drowned in the Hugh, 178, 

178 n. 3; his goods sold at "out- 
cry," 177 n. 2 

White, Arnold, the Company's ser- 
vant at Bantam, 172 «. 3 

White, Mr, 81 «. i 

White, Samuel, elopes with Mistress 
Povey, 90 n. i 

White Pagoda. See Jagannath Pa- 
goda 

Wigbers, Captain Wilkin. See 
Wygbert, Wilk 

Wilde, Captain Charles, 75 «. i 

Wilkins, Captain. See Wygbert, 
Wilk 

Wilkinson, R. J., his "Malay Dic- 
tionary" referred to, 277 n. i, 281 
n. 2, 282 n. 2, 301 n. 2, 307 n. 2 

Wilson, Christopher, the Company's 
servant at Cuddalore, xxxi, xxxv 

Wilson, C. R., his "Early Annals 
of Bengal" referred to, 105 n. i, 
122 n. I, 129 n. I, 134 ft. I, 134 
n. 2, 144 «. 5, 191 n, 2 passim 

Wilson, H. H., his "Essays on the 
Religion of the Hindus" referred 
to, 203 n. I 

Winter, Sir Edward, 72 n. i; agent 



at Fort St George, imprisons Fox- 
croft, 4 H. I, 84 /;. 2 ; accuses Salis- 
bury of embezzlement, 57 «. 2; 
his career in India, 84 n, 2 ; his re- 
bellious conduct overlooked, 84«. 2 ; 
monument to him in Battersea 
Church, 84 n. 2; his policy not 
maintained by his successors, 88 
n. I ; his house at Madapollam, 100 
n. I ; his quarrel with William 
Jearsey, 251 ;/. i 

Wisagapatam. See Vizagapatam 

WoUeberry. See Uluberria 

Women in India, how treated, 206, 
207 

Woodroffe, Mrs, sails to Bengal to 
marry Matthias Vincent, 164 n. 4 

Woodruffe, Martha, second wife of 
Walter Clavell, 158 n. 3 

Woollen Goods, no sale for, 152 
n. A. 

Woolock. See Ulak 

Wygbert, Wilk, Danish commodore, 
190; goes to Dacca, 190; coldly 
received by the naivdby 190; ex- 
changes visits with Streynsham 
Master, 190 n. i, 190 w. 3 ; formerly 
in the Dutch service, 190 ;;. 3 

Wynne, Maurice, 54 

Xabandar. See Shahbandar 

Yale, Elihu, his "Memoriall" quoted 
from, 106 ;/. 2, 120 w. 2, 257 n. 6 

Yam (Yawm), 28 

Yecknam Cawne, 232 n. 2 

YentapoUam, 54, 140 n. 4 

Young, Captain, 140 n, 2 

Yule, Col. (Sir) H., acquainted with 
T. B. MS. , XV ; his " Diary of William 
Hedges" referred to, xv «., xx «., 
li, 106 n. 2, 124 n. 3, 128 n. 5, 
passim; gives Bowrey's initials as 
J. B., XX ; his "Marco Polo" re- 
ferred to, 56 n. I 

Yule, Col. (Sir) H., and Burnell, 
A. C. , * ' Hobson-Jobson," references 
to, 2 «. , 3 w. , 5 n. , 6 «. , 7 «. , 9 «., 
10 n f II n.f 19 n.j 22 n.., 24 n., 
29 w., 30 «., passim 

Yuva-rdja^ heir-apparent, 259 «. 3 

Zabulistan, 136 n. 3 

Zeyller. See Salayer 

Zeyloan, Zeylone. See Ceylon 

Zielon. See Ceylon 

Zizyphus Jujuba^ 323, 323 n. 8 

Zoe Millick Beague. See Malik 

Beg 
Zoffy Chaan. See Safi Khan 



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Robert Schomburgk's edition of Raleigh's Discoverie of Guiana. 
The works relating to Africa already published comprise 
Barbosa's Coasts of East Africa, the Portuguese Embassy to 
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they appeared in early times to European eyes, both before and 
after the discovery of the Cape route, are also included in the 
series, a well-known example being the work on Cathay and the Way 
Thither, contributed by a former President, Sir Henry Yule. The 
search for the North-west and North-east Passages is recorded in 
the narratives of Jenkinson, De Veer, Frobisher, Davis, Hudson, 
Baffin, etc.; whilst more extensive voyages are signalised by the 
great names of Magellan, Drake, and Hawkins. 

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WORKS ALREADY ISSUED 



FIRST SERIES. 

1— The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt., 

In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593. Reprinted from the edition 
of 1622, and edited by Admiral Charles Ramsay Drinkwater 
Bethune, C.B. pp. xvi. 246. Index. 

(First Edition out of print. See No. 57.^ Issued for 1847. 

2— Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, 

With Original Documents relating to the Discovery of the New World. Trans- 
lated and Edited by Richard Henry Major,' F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, 
British Museum, Sec. R.G. S. pp. xc. 240. Index. 

(First Edition out of print. See No. 43. Two copies only were printed on 
vellum, one of which is in the British Museum, C. 29. k. 14.) 

Issued for 1847. 

3— The Discovery of the Large, Rieb, & Beautiful Empire of Guiana, 

With a relation of the great and golden City of Manoa (which the Spaniards 
call El Dorado), &c., performed in the year 1595 by Sir Walter Ralegh, 
Knt. . . . Reprinted from the edition of 1596. With some unpublished 
Documents relative to that country. Edited with copious explanatory Notes 
and a biographical Memoir by Sir Robert Hermann Schomburgk, Ph. D. 
pp. Ixxv. XV. I Map. Index. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 848. 

4— Sir Francis Drake his Voyage, 1595, 

By Thomas Maynarde, together with the Spanish Account of Drake's 
attack on Puerto Rico. Edited from the original MSS. by William 
Desborough Cooley. pp. viii. 65. {Out 0/ print.) Issued for \%^. 

5— Narratives of Voyages towards the North- West, 

In search of a Passage to Cathay & India, 1496 to 163 1. With selections 
from the early Records of . . . the East India Company and from MSS. 
in the British Museum. Edited by Thomas Rundall. pp. xx. 259. 2 Maps. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 849. 

6— The Historie of Travaile ioto Virginia Britannia, 

Expressing the Cosmographie and Commodities of the Country, together with 
The manners and customs of the people, gathered and observed as well by those 
who went first thither as collected by William Sirachey, Gent, the 
first Secretary of the Colony. Now first edited from the original MS. in the 
British Museum by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British 
Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xxxvi. 203. i Map. 6 Illus. Glossary. Index. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1849. 

7— Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America 

And the Islands adjacent, collected and published by Richard Hakluyt, 
Prebendary of Bristol, in the year 1582. Edited, with notes & an introduction 
by John Winter Jone?^, Principal Librarian of the British Museum, 
pp. xci. 171. 6. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. ( Out of print. ) Issued for 1850. 



5 

8— Memorials of the Empire of Japon 

In the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. (The Kingdome of Japonia. 
Harl. MSS. 6249. — The Letters of Wm. Adams, 161 1 to 1617.) With a 
Commentary by Thomas Rundall. pp. xxxviii. 186. i Map. 5 Illus. 

(Out of print.) Issued for l%$0, 

9— The Discovery and Conquest of Terra Florida, 

By Don Ferdinando de Soto, & six hundred Spaniards his followers. Written 
by a Gentleman of Elvas, employed in all the action, and translated out ot 
Portuguese by Richard Hakluyt. Reprinted from the edition of 161 1. 
Edited with Notes & an Introduction, & a Translation of a Narrative of the 
Expedition by Luis Hernandez de Biedma, Factor to the same, by Willia'vi 
Brenchley Rye, Keeper of Printed Books, British Museum, pp. Ixvii. 200. 
V. I Map. Index. ( Out of print.) Issued for 1 85 1. 

10— Notes upon Russia, 

Being a Translation from the Earliest Account of that Country, entitled Rem m 
Muscoviticarum Commentarii, by the Baron Sigismund von Herberstein, 
Ambassador from the Court of Germany to the Grand Prince Vasiley Ivanovich, 
in thf years 1517 and 1526. Translated and Edited with Notes & an 
Introduction, by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British 
Museum, Sec. R.G.S. Vol. i. pp. clxii. 116. 2 Illus. 

(Vol. 2 = No. 12.) (Out of print.) Issued for iS^i, 

11 -The Geography of Hudson's Bay, 

Being the Remarks of Captain W. Coats, in many Voyages to that locality, 
between the years 1727 and 1751. With an Appendix containing Extracts 
from the Log of Captain Middleton on his Voyage for the Discovery of the 
North-west Passage, in H.M.S. "Furnace," in 1741-3. Edited by John 
Barrow, F.R.S., F.S.A. pp. x. 147. Index. Issued for i8$2. 

12— Notes upon Russia. 
(Vol. I. =No. 10.) Vol. 2. pp. iv. 266. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. 

(Otit of print.) Issued for 1852. 

13-A True Description of Three Voyages by the North-East, 

Towards Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594, 1595 
and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitzbergen, their residence often months in 
Novaya Zemlya, and their safe return in two open boats. By Gerrit de 
Veer. Published at Amsterdam in 1598, & in 1609 translated into English 
by William Philip. Edited by Charles Tilstone Beke, Ph.D., 
F.S.A. pp. cxlii. 291. 4 Maps. 12 Illus. Index. 

(Out of print. See also No. 54.^ Issued for 1 853. 

14-15— The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and 

the Situation Thereof. 

Compiled by the Padre Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza, & now reprinted from 
the Early Translation of R. Parke. Edited by Sir George Thomas 
Staunton, Bart, M.P., F.R.S. With an Introduction by Richard 
Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S., 
2 vols. Index. {Vol. \^ out of print.) Issued for 1854. 

16— The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake. 

Being his next Voyage to that to Nombre de Dios. [By Sir Francis* 
Drake, the Younger.] Collated with an unpublished Manuscript of Francis 
Fletcher, Chaplain to the Expedition. With Appendices illustrative of 
the same Voyage, and Introduction, by William Sandys Wright 
Vaux, F.R.S., Keeper of Coins, British Museum, pp. xl. 295. i Map. 
Index. Issued Jor 1855. 



1 7— The History of the Two Tartar Conquerors of China, 

Including the two Journeys into Tartary of Father Ferdinand Verbiest, in the 
suite of the Emperor Kang-Hi. From the French of Pere PijiRRK Joseph 
d'Orleans, of the Company of Jesus, 1688. To which is added Father 
Pereira's Journey into Tartary in the suite of the same Emperor. From the 
Dutch of Nicolaas Witsen. Translated and Edited by the Eari. of 
Ellesmerk. With an Introduction by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., 
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xv. vi. 153. Index. 

Issued for 1855. 

18— A Collection of Documents on Spitzbergen and Greenland, 
Comprising a Translation from F. Martens' Voyage to Spitzbergen, 167 1 ; a 
Translation from Isaac de La Peyrere's Histoire du Groenland, and God's 
Power and Providence in the Preservation of Eight Men in Greenland Nine 
Moneths and Twelve Dayes. 1630. Edited by Adam Whit k, of the British 
Museum, pp. xvi. 288. 2 Maps. Index. ' Issued for 1856. 

19— The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to Bantam and the Maluco Islands, 

Being the Second Voyage set forth by the Governor and Company of 
Merchants of London trading into the East Indies. From the (rare) Edition 
of 1606. Annotated and Edited by Bolton Corney. M.R.S.L. pp. xi. 83. 
52. viii. 3 Maps. 3 Illus. Bibliography. Index. 

{Out of print). Issued for i%^6, 

20— Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century. 

Comprising the Treatise, "The Russe Commonwealth'^ by Dr. Giles 
Fletcher, and the Travels of Sir Jerome Horsey, Knt., now for the first 
time printed entire from his own MS. Edited by Sir Edward Augustus 
Bond, K.C.B., Principal Librarian of the British Museum, pp. cxxxiv. 392. 
Index. Issued for 1857. 

21— History of the New World. By Girolamo Benzoni, of Milan. 

Showing his Travels in America, from a.d. 1 541 to 1556, with some 
particulars of the Island of Canary. Now first Translated and Edited by 
Admiral William Henry Smyth, K.S.F., F.R.S., D.C.L. pp. iv. 280. 
19 Illus. Index. Issued Jor 1857. 

22— India in the Fifteenth Century. 
Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India in the century pieceding 
the Portuguese discovery of the Cape of Good Hope ; from Latin, Persian, 
Russian, and Italian Sources. Now first Translated into English. Edited 
with an Introduction bv Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., Keeper of 
Maps, British Museum, pp. xc. 49. 39. 32. 10. Index. 

( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 858. 

23— Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico, 

In the years 1599- 1602, ^^^ 4 Maps and 5 Illustrations. By Samuel 
Champlain. Translated from the original and unpublished Manuscript, 
with a Biographical Notice and Notes by Alice Wilmere. Edited by 
Norton Shaw. pp. xcix. 48. Issued for 1858. 

24— Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons, 1539, 1540, 1639, 

Containing the Journey of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the Royal Commen 
taries of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega ; the Voyage of Francisco de Orellana, 
from the General Histoiy of Herrera; and the Voyage of Cristoval de Acuiia. 
Translated and Edited by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., 
Pres. R.G.S. pp. Ixiv. 190. i Map. List of Tribes in the Valley of the 
Amazons. Issued for 1859. 



25— 2aply Voya^res to Terra Austral! s. 

Now called Australia. A Collection of documents, and extracts from early 
MS. Maps, illustrative of the history of discovery on the coasts of that vast 
Island, from the beginning of the Sixteenth Century to the time of Captain 
Cook. Edited with an Introduction by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., 
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. cxix. 200. 13. 5 Maps. 
Index. {^Out of print.) Issued fori%$^. 

26— Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de ClavIJo to the Court 

of Timour, at Samarcand, A.D., 1403-6. 

Translated for the first time with Notes, a Preface, & an introductory Life of 
Timour Beg, by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. 
pp. Ivi. 200. I Map. Issued for i860. 

27— Henry Hudson the Navigator, 1607-13. 

The Original Documents in which his career is recorded. Collected, partly 
Translated, & annotated with an Introduction by George Michael 
ASHER, LL.D. pp. ccxviii. 292. 2 Maps. Bibliography. Index. 

Issued for i860. 

28— The Expedition of Pedro de Ursua and Lope de Aguirre, 

In search of El Dorado and Omagua, in 1560-61. Translated from Fray 
Pedro Simon's " Sixth Historical Notice of the Conqutst of Tierra Firme," 
1627, by William Bullaert, F.R.G.S. With an Introduction by Sir 
Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. pp. lii. 237. i Map. 

Issued for 1861. 

29 -The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman, 

A Knight of Seville, of the Order of Santiago, a.d. 1518 to 1543. Translated 
from an original & inedited MS. in the National Library at Madrid. With 
Notes and an Introduction by SiR Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., 
F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxxv. 168. i Illus. Issued for \%67. 

30— The Discoveries of the World 

From their first original unto the year of our Lord 1555. By Antonio 
Galvano, Governor of Ternate. [Edited by F. de Sousa Tanares.] 
Corrected, quoted, & published in England by Richard Hakluyt, 1601. 
Now reprinted, with ihe original Portuguese text (1563), and edited by 
Admiral Charles Ramsay Drinkwater Bethune, C.B. pp. iv. viiii. 242. 

Issued for 1862. 

31— Mirabilia Descripta. The Wonders of the East. 

By Friar Jordanus, of the Order of Preachers & Bishop of Columbum in 
India the Greater, circa 1330. Translated from the Latin Original, as published 
at Paris in 1839, in the Recueil de Voyages et de !^Ji moires^ of the Societe de 
Geographic. With the addition of a Commentary, by Col. Sir Henry 
Yule, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. pp. iv. xviii. 68. Index. Issued for 1863. 

32— The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema 

In Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, & Ethiopia, a.d. 1503 to 1508. 
Translated from the original Italian edition of 15 10, with a Preface, by 
John Wintu-k Junes, F.S. A., Principal Librarian of the British Museum, 
& Edited, with Notes & an Int oduction, by the Rev. George Percy 
Badger, pp. cxxi. 321. i Map. Index. Issued for 1863. 



feiAl; y.. 



8 

33— The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon, A.D. 1532-50, 
From the Gulf of Darien to the City of La Plata, contained in the first part of 
his.Chronicle of Peru (Antwerp, 1554). Translated & Edited, with Notes 
& an Introduction, by SiR Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., 
Pres. R.G.S. pp. xvi. Ivii. 438. Index. 
(Vol. 2 = No. 68.) Issued for 1864. 

34— Narrative of the Proceediiifirs of Pedrarias Davila 

In the Provinces of Tierra Firme or Castilla del Oro, & of the discovery of the 
South Sea and the Coasts of Peru and Nicaragua. Written by the Adelantado 
Pascual de Andagoya. Translated and Edited, with Notes & an Introduc- 
tion, by Sir Clbments R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. 
pp. xxix. 88. I Map. Index. Issued for 1865. 

35— A Description of the Coasts of East Aft>ica and Malabar 
In*^ the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, by Duarte Barbosa, a 
Portuguese. Translated from an early Spanish manuscript in the Barcelona 
Library, with Notes & a Preface, by Lord Stanley of Alderlev. 
pp. xi. 336. 2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1865. 

36-37-Cathay and the Way Thither. 

Being a Collection of mediaeval notices of China, previous to the Sixteenth 
Century. Translated and Edited by Colonel Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I., 
R.E., C.B. With a preliminary Essay on the intercourse between China & the 
Western Nations previous to the discovery of the Cape Route. 2 vols. 
3 Maps. 2 Illus. Bibliography. Index. 

{Out of print. New Edition in preparation.) Issued for i%66, 

38— The Three Voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher, 

In search of a Passage to Cathaia & India by the North- West, a.d. 1576-8. 
By George Best. Reprinted from the First Edition of Hakluyt's Voyages. 
With Selections from MS. Documents in the British Museum & State Paper 
Office. Edited by Admiral Sir Hichard Collinsun, K.C.B. pp. xxvi. 
376. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. Issued for 1867. 

39 -The Philippine Islands, 

Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China, at the close of the i6th Century. 
By Antonio de Morga, 1609. Translated from the Spanish, with Notes & 
a Preface, and a Letter from Luis Vaez de Torres, describing his Voyage 
through the Torres Straits, by Lord Stanley of Alderley. pp. xxiv. 431. 
2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1868. 

40 -The Fifth Letter of Hernan Cortes 
To the Emperor Charles V., containing an Account of his Expedition to 
Honduras in 1525-26. Translated from the original Spanish by Don 
Pascual dk Gayangos. pp. xvi. 156. Index. Issued for 1868. 

41— The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas. 

By the Ynca Garci lasso de la Vega. Translated and Edited, with Notes 
& an Introduction, by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B. F.R.S., Pres. 
R.G.S. Vol. I. (Books I. -IV.) pp. xi. 359. i Map. Index. 
(Vol. 2.= No. 45.) Issued for i%6g, 

42— The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama, 

And his Viceroyalty, from the Lendas da India of Caspar Correa ; accom- 
panied by original documents. Translated from the Portuguese, with Notes 
& an Introduction, by Lord Stanley of Alderley. pp. Ixxvii. 430. 
XXXV. 3 Illus. Index. {Out of print.) Issued for 1869. 



43— Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, 
With other Original Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New 
World. Translated and Edited by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., 
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. Second Edition, pp. iv. 142. 
3 Maps. I Illus. Index. 

(First Edition = No. 2.) Issued for 1870. 

44— History of the Imltms and Seyyids of 'Om&n, 

By SALiL-lBN-RAziK, from a.d. 661-1856. Translated from the original 
Arabic, and Edited, with a continuation of the History down to 1870, by the 
Rev. George Percy Badger, F.R.G.S. pp. cxxviii. 435. i Map. Biblio- 
graphy. Index. Issued for 1870. 

45— The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas. 

By the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega. Translated & Edited with Notes, 
an Introduction, & an Analytical Index, by SiR Clements R. Markham, 
K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. Vol. II. (Books V.-IX.) pp. 553 

(Vol. I. = No. 41.) Issued for \%] I, 

46— The Canarian, 
Or Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canarians in the year 1402, 
by Messire Jean de Bethencourt, Kt. Composed by Pierre Bontier and 
Jean le Verrier. Translated and Edited by Richard Henry Major, F.S. A., 
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. Iv. 229. i Map. 2 Illus. 
Index. Issued for 1871. 

47— Reports on the Discovery of Peru. 

I. Report of Francisco de Xeres, Secretary to Francisco Pizarro. II. Report 
of Miguel de Astete on the Expedition to Pachacamac. III. Letter of 
Hernando Pizarro to the Royal Audience of Santo Domingo. IV. Report of 
Pedro Sancho on the Partition of the Ransom of Atahuallpa. Translated and 
Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SiR Clements R. Markham, 
K.C.B., F.R.S., Prcs. R.G.S. pp. xxii. 143. i Map. Issued for 1872. 

48— Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas. 

Translated from the original Spanish MSS., & Edited, with Notes and an 
Introduction, by SiR Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. 
R.G.S. pp. XX. 220. Index. Issued for 1872. 

49 -Travels to Tana and Persia, 

By JosAFA Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarini. Translated from the 
Italian by William Thomas, Clerk of the Council to Edward VI., and by 
S. A. Roy, and Edited, with an Introduction, by Lord Stanley of 
Alderley. pp. xi. 175. Index. A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia, 
in tlie Fifteenth and Sixteenth centuries. Translated and Edited by 
Charles Grey. pp. xvii. 231. Index. Issued Jor 1873. 

50— The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers, Nicolo & Antonio Zeno, 

To the Northern Seas in the Fourteen! h century. Comprising the late-t 
known accounts of the Lost Colony of Greenland, & of the Northmen in 
America before Columbus. Translated & Edited, with Notes and Introduc- 
tion, by RiCHAKD Henry Major, F.S. A., Keeper of Maps, British 
Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. ciii. 64. 2 Maps. Index. Issued for 1873. 

51 -The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in 1547-55, 

Amonfif the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil. Translated by Albert Tootal, 
of Rio de Janiero, and annotated by Sir Richard Francis Burton, 
K.C. M.G. pp. xcvi. 169. Bibliography. Issued for 1%^^^, 



lO 

52— The Fipst Voyage Round the World by Maffellan. 1518-1521. 

Translated from the Accounts of Pigafetta and other contemporary writers. 
Accompanied by origin -*! Documents, with Notes & an Introduction, by Lord 
Stanley of Alderley. pp. Ix. 257. xx. 2 Maps. 5 lUus. Index. 

Issued for 1874. 

53 -The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, 

Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuj<ue.'»e Edition of 1774, 
and Edited by Walter de Gray Birch, F.K.S.L., of the British Museum. 
Vol. I. pp. Ix. 256. 2 Maps. I Illus. (Index in No. 69.) 
(Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3 = No. 62. Vol. 4=No. 69.) Issued for 1875. 

54 -The Three Voyages of William Barents to the Arctic Regions, in 1594» 

1696, & 1596. 

By Gerrit de Veer. Edited, with an Introduction, by Lieut. Koolemans 
Heynen, of the Royal Netherlands Navy. Second Edition, pp. clxxiv. 289. 
2 Maps. 12 Illus. Issued for 1876. 

( First Edition = No. 1 3. ) 

55— The Commentaries ot the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, 

Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774, 
with Notes and an Introduction, by Walter de Gr^vy Birch, F.R.S.L., of 
the British Museum. Vol. 2. pp. cxxxiv. 242. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. (Index in 
No. 69.) Issued for 1875. 

(Vol. I = No. 53. Vol. 3 -No. 62. Vol. 4 = No. 69.) 

56— The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, Knt., to the East Indies, 

With Abstracts of Journals of Voyages to the East Indies, during the Seven- 
teenth century, preserved in the India Office, & ihe Voyage of Captain John 
Knight, 1606, to seek the North- West Passage. Edited by SiR Clements 
K. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Prcs. R.G.S. pp. xxii. 314. Index. 

Issued for 1877. 

57— The Hawkins* Voyages 

During the reigns of Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth, and James I. [Second 
edition of No. i.] Edited by SiR Clements R. Markham, K C.B., F.R.S., 
Pres. R.G.S. pp. lii. 453. i Illus. Index. Issued for 1877. 

(First Edition = No. i). 

58— The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltberger, a Native of Bavaria, 

in Europe, Asia, & Africa. 

From his capture at the battle of Nicopolis in 1396 to his escape and return 
to Europe in 142 7. Translated from the Heidelberg MS , Edited in 1859 by 
Professor Karl Fr. Neumann, by Commander John Buchan Telfer, 
R.N. ; F.S. A. With Notes by Professor B. Bruun, & a Preface, Introduction, 
& Notes by the Translator & Editor, pp. xxxii. 263. i Map. Bibliography. 
Index. Issued for 1878. 

59— The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator. 

Edited by Admiral Sir Albert Hastings Markham, K.C.B. 
pp. xcv. 392. 2 Maps. 15 Illus. Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1%^^, 

The Map ot the World, A.D. 1600. 

lied by Shakspere ** The New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies." 
To illustrate the Voyages of John Davis. Issued for 1878. 



/AilC 



II 

60-61— The Natural & Moral History of the Indies. 
By Father Joseph de Acosta. Reprinted from the English Translated Edition 
of Edward Grimston, 1604; and Edited by SiR Clemknts R. Markham, 
K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. Vol. i, The Natural History Bo jks, I.-IV. 
Vol. 2, The Moral History Books, V.-VII. pp. xiii. 295-551. Index. 

Issued for 1879. 

Hap of Peru. 
To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 60, and 61. Issued for 1879. 

62— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, 

Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portue;uese Edition of 1774, 
with Notes & an Introduction, by Walter de Gray Birch, F.S.A., of 
the British Museum. Vol. 3. pp. xliv. 308. 3 Maps. 3 Illus. (Index m 
No. 69.) Issued for 1880. 

63-The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622. 
Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by Sir Clements R. Markham, 
K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. pp. lix. 192. 8 Maps, i Illus. Index. 

Issued for 1880. 

64— Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia 
Daring the years 1520- 1527. By Father Francisco Alvarez. Translated 
from the Portuguese & Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by Lord 
Stanley of Alderley. pp. xxvii. 416 Index. Issued for 1881. 

65— The History of the Bermudas or Summer Islands. 
Attributed to Captain Nathaniel Butler. Edited from a MS. in the 
Sloane Collection, British Museum, by General SiR John Henry Lefroy, 
R.A., C.B., K.C.M.G., F.R.S. pp. xii. 327. i Map. 3 Illus. Glossary. 
Index. Issued for 1881. 

66-67— The Diary of Richard Cocks, 
Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 1615-1622, with Corres- 
pondence (Add. MSS. 31,300-1, British Museum). Edited by Sir Edward 
Maunde Thompson, K.C.B., Director of the British Museum. Vol. i. 
pp. liv. 349. Vol. 2, pp. 368. Index. Issued for 1882. 

68— The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru, 1532-1550, 
By Pedro de Cieza de Leon. 1554. Translated and Edited, with Notes 
& an Introduction, by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., 
Pres. R.G.S. pp. Ix. 247. Index. Issued for 1883. 

(Vol. i = No. 33.) 

69— The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, 

Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition 01 1774, 
with Notes & an Introduction, by Walter de Gray Birch, F.S.A., of the 
British Museum. Vol. 4. pp. xxxv. 324. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Index to the 

4 vols. Issued for \%^2f' 

(Vol. i=No. 53. Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3=No. 62.) 

70-71— The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies> 

From the Old English Translation of 1598. The First Book, containing his 
Description of the East. In Two Volumes, Edited, the First Volume, by 
the late Arthur Coke Burnell, Ph.D., CLE., Madras C. S. ; the 
Second V^olume, by Pieter Anton Tiele, of Utrecht. Vol i. pp. Hi. 307. 
Vol 2. pp. XV. 341. Index. Issued for 1884. 



12 

72-73— Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia, 

By Anthony Jenkinson and other Englishmen, with some account of the 
first Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the 
Caspian Sea. Edited by Edward Delmar Morgan, and Charles Henby 
CooTE, of the British Museum. Vol. i. pp. clxii. 176. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. 
Vol. 2. pp. 177-496. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. Issued for 1885. 

74-75-The Diary of William Hedges, Esq., 
Afterwards Sir William Hedges, during his Agency m Bengal ; as well as on 
his Voyage out and Return Overland (1681-1687). Transcribed for the Press, 
with Introductory Notes, etc., by R. Barlow, and Illustrated by copious 
Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc., by Col. Sir Henry Yulk, 
K.C.S.I.. R.E., C.B., LL. D. Vol. i. The Diary, with Index, pp. xii. 265. 
Vol. 2. Notices regarding Sir William Hedges, Documentary Memoirs of Job 
Charnock, and other Biographical & Miscellaneous Illustrations of the time in 
India, pp. ccclx. 287. 18 Illus. Issued for 1S86. 

(Vol. 3=»No. 78.) 

r 

76-77— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard, of Laval, to the East Indies* 

The Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. Translated into English from the 
Third French Edition of 16 19, and Edited, with Notes, by Albert Gray, 
assisted by Harey Chari.es Purvis Bell, Ceylon C. S. Vol. i. 
pp. Iviii. I Map. 1 1 Illus. Vol. 2. Part I. pp. xlvii. 287. 7 Illus. 

(Vol. 2. Part II. =No. 80.) Issued for 1887. 

78— The Diary of William Hedges, Esq. 

Vol. 3. Documentary Contributions to a Biography of Thomas Pitt, Governor 
of Fort St. George, with Collections on the Early History of the Company's 
Settlement in Bengal, «& on Early Charts and Topography of the PI ugh River. 
pp. cclxii. I Map. 8 Illus. Index to Vols. 2, 3. Issued for 1888. 

(Vols. I, 2 = Nos. 74, 75.) 

79— Tractatus de Globis, et eorum usu. 
A Treatise descriptive of the Globes constructed by Emeiy Molyneux, and 
Published ni 1592. By Robert Hues. Edited, with annotated Indices & an 
Introduction, by Sir Clements K. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. 

R.G.S. To which is appended, 

Sailing Directions for the Circumnavigation of England, 
And for a Voyage to the Straits of Gibraltar. From a Fifteenth Century 
MS. Edited, with an Account of the MS., by James Gairdner, of the 
Public Record Office ; with a Glossary by Edward Delmar Morgan. 
pp. 1. 229. 37. I Illus. I Map. Issued for 1888. 

80— The Voyage of Francois Pyrard, of Laval, to the East Indies, the 

Maldives, the Moluccas, and Brazil. 

Translated into English from the Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited, 
with Notes, by Alkert Gray, assisted by Harry Charles Purvis Bell, 
Ceylon Civil Service. Vol 2. Pt. II. pp. xii. 289-572. 2 Maps. Index. 
(Vol I. Vol. 2. Pt. I. =Nos 76, 77.) Issued for 1889. 

81— The Conquest of La Plata, 1535-1555. 
I. — Voyage of Ulrich Schmidt to the Rivers La Plata and Paraguai, from 
the crigi- al Gtrm?n edition, 1567. 11. The Commentaries of Alvar Nuflez 
Cabeza de Vaca. From the original Spanish Edition, 1555. Translated, 
with Notes and an Introduction, by H. E. Don Luis L. Dominguez, 
Minister Plenipotentiary of the Argentine Republic, pp. xlvi. 282. i Map. 
Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1889. 



13 

82-83— The Voyage of Francois Leguat, of Bpesse, 1690-98. 

To Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope. Transcribed 
from the First English Edition, 1708. Edited and Annotated by Capt. Samuel 
Pasfield Oliver, (late) R.A. Vol i. pp. Ixxxviii. 137. i Illus. 6 Maps. 
Bibliography. Vol. 2. pp. xviii. 433. 5 Illus. 5 Maps. Index. 

Issued for 1890. 

84-85— The Travels of Pietro della Valle to India. 

Erom the Old English Translation of 1664, by G. Havers. Edited, with 
a Life of the Author, an Introducion «& Notes by Edward Grey, late 
Bengal C. S. Vol. i. pp. Ivi. 192. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Bibliography. Vol. 2. 
pp. xii. 193-456. Index. Issued for i%^\. 

86— The Journal of Christopher Columbus 

During his First Voyage (1492-93), and Documents relating to the Voyages 
of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real. Translated, with Notes & an Intro- 
duction, by Sir Clements K. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R G.S. 
pp. liv. 259. 3 Maps. I Illus. Index. Issued jor 1892. 

87— Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant. 

I. — The Diary of Master Thomas Dallam, 1599- 1600. II. — Extracts from 
the Diaries of Dr. John Covel, 1670-1679. With some Account of the 
Levant Company of Turkey Merchants. Edited by James Theodore Bent, 
F.S.A., F.R.G.S. pp. xlv. 305. Illus. Index. 

Issued for 1892. 

88-89— The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe, of Hull, and Captain Thomas 

James, of Bristol, 
In Search of a N.-W. Passage, 1631-32 ; with Narratives of the Earlier 
North-West Voyages of Frobisher, Davis, Weymouth, Hall, Knight, Hudson, 
Button, Gibbons, Bylot, Baffin, Hawkridge, & others. Edited, with Notes & 
an Introduction, by Robert Miller Christy, F.L.S. Vol. i. pp. ccxxxi. 
259. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Vol. 2. pp. viii. 261-681. 3 Maps. I Illus. Index. 

Issued for 1 893. 

90— The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci 

And other Documents illustrative of his Career. Translated, with Notes & 
an Introduction, by by Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. 
R.G.S. pp. xliv. 121. I Map. Index. 

Issued for 1894. 

9 i— Narratives of the Voyages of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa to the 

Straits of Magellan, 1579-80. 

Translated and Edited, with Illustrative Documents and Introduction, by 
Sir Clements R. Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxx. 
401. I Map. Index. 

Issued for 1894. 

92-93-94— The History and Description of Africa, 

And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. Written by Al-Hassan Ibn- 
Mohammed Al-Wezaz Al-Fasi, a Moor, baptized as Giovanni Leone, but 
better known as Leo Africanus. Done into English in the year 1600 by 
John Pory, and now edited with an Introduction & Notes, by Dr. Robert 
Brown. In 3 Vols. Vol. i. pp. viii. cxi. 224. 4 Maps. Vol. 2. pp 225-698. 
Vol. 3. pp. 699- II 1 9. Index. 

Issued for 1895. 



95— The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea. 

Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Now first done into English 
and Edited by Charles Raymond Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S., and Edgar 
Prestage, B.A. Vol. I. (Ch. I. — xl.) With Introduction on the Life & 
Writings of the Chronicler, pp. Ixvii. 127. 3 Maps, i Illus. 

( Vol. 2 = No. 1 00. ) Issued for 1 896. 

96-97— Danish Arctic Expeditions, 1605 to 1620. In Two Books. 

Book I. The Danish Expeditions to Greenland, 1605-07; to which is added 
Captain James Hall's Voyage to Greenland in 1612. Edited by Christian 
Carl August Gosch. pp. xvi. cxvii. 205. 10 Maps. Index. 

Issued for 1896. 

Book 2. The Expedition of Captain Jens Munk to Hudson's Bay in search 
of a North- West Passage in 1619-20. Edited by Christian Carl August 
Gosch. pp. cxviii. 187. 4 Maps. 2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1897. 

98— The Topographia Christiana of Cosmas Indlcopleustes, an. 

Egyptian Monk. 

Translated from the Greek and Edited by John Watson McCrindle, LL.D. 
M. R.A.S. pp. xii. xxvii. 398. 4 Illus. Index. Issued for 1897. 

99— A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama, 1497-1499. 

By an unknown writer. Translated from the Portuguese, with an Intro- 
duction and Notes, by Ernest George Ravenstein, F.R.G.S. pp. xxxvi. 
250. 8 Maps. 23 Illus. Index. Issued for 1898. 

1 00— The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea. 

Written by Gomes Eannes de Azurara. Now first done i»to English and 
Edited by Charles Raymond Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S., ana Edgar 
Prestage, B.A. Vo). 2. (Ch. xli. — xcvii.) With an Introduction on the 
Early History of African Exploration, Cartography, &c. pp. cl. 362. 3 Maps. 
2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1898. 

(Vol. i=No. 95.) 



»5 



WORKS ALREADY ISSUED. 



SECOND SERIES. 

1-2— The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mofirul, 

1615-19. 

Edited from Contemporary Records by William Foster, B.A., of the 
India Office. 2 vols. Portrait, 2 Maps, & 3 lUus. Index. Issued for 1899. 

3— The Voyage of Sir Robert Dudley to the West Indies and 

Guiana in 1594. 
Edited by George Frederic Warner, Litt.D., F.S.A., Keeper of 
Manuscripts, British Museum, pp. Ixvi. 104. Portrait, Map, & i Illus. 
Index. Issued for 1899. 

4— The Journeys of William of Rubruck and John of Plan de Carpine 
To Tartary in the 13th century. Translated and Edited by the Hon. Wm. 
WooDViLLE ROCKHILL. pp. Ivi. 304. Bibliography. Index. 

Issued fur 1900. 

5— The Voyage of Captain John Saris to Japan in 1613. 

Edited by H. E. Sir Ernest Mason Satow, K.C.M.G. pp. Ixxxvii. 242. 
Map, & 5 Illus. Index. Issued for 1900. 

6— The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh in Essex. 

Edited by Ernest George Ravenstein, F.R.G.S. pp. xx. 210.2 Maps. 
Bibliography. Index. Issued J or 1900. 

7-8— The Voyage of Mendana to the Solomon Islands in 1568. 

Edited by the Lord Amherst of Hackney and Basil Thomson. 2 vols. 
5 Maps, & 33 Illus. Index. Issued for 1901. 

9- The Journey of Pedro Teixeira from India to Italy by land, 1604-05; 

With his Chronicle of the Kings of Ormus. Translated and Edited by W. 
Frederic Sinclair, late Bombay C. S., with additional notes &c., by 
Donald William Ferguson, pp. cvii. 292. Index. Isstiedfor 1901. 

10 -The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia in 1541, as narrated by 

Castanhoso and Bermudez. Edited by Richard Stephen Whiteway, 
late I.C.S. With a Bibliography, by Basil H. Soulsby, F.S.A., Super- 
intendent of the Map Department, British Museum, pp. cxxxii. 296. Map, & 
2 Illus. Bibliography. Index. Issit d for 1902. 

11- Early Dutch and English Voyages to Spitzbergen. 

Edited by Sir Martin Conway. With a Bibliography, by Basil H. 
Soulsby, F.S.A., Superintendent of the Map Department, British Museum. 
2 Maps, & I Illus. Bibliography. Index* To be issued for 1902. 

12— The Countries round the Bay of Bengal. 

Edited, from an unpublished MS., 1669-79, by Thomas Bowrey, by Col. Sir 
Richard Carnac Temple, Bart., CLE. Illus. Biography. Index. 

lo be issued for 1903. 

13— Four Narratives of Voyages, undertaken by order of the Viceroy 

of Peru, in the Pacific, 

With detailed accounts of Tahiti and Easter Island. 1774. Edited by 
Bolton Glanvill Corney, I.S.O., M.D., Chief Medical Officer, Fiji. 
Vol. I. Illus. Bibliography. Index. To be issued for 1903 



i6 

14, 15— The Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, 1595 to 1606. 

Translated and Edited by Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., Pres. R.G.S., 
President of the Hakluyt Society. With a Note on the Cartography of the 
Southern Continent, and a Bibliography, by Basil H. Soulsby, F.S.A., 
Superintendent of the Map Department, British Museum. 2 vols. 3 Maps. 
Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1 904. 



EXTRA SERIES. 

The Principal Navlfirations, Voyages, Traffiques, & Discoveries of the 

English Nation, 
Made by Sea or Over-land to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the 
earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeeres. By RiCHARD 
Hakluyt, Preacher, and sometime Student of Christ Church in Oxford. 
Vols. I. -VIII. James MacLehose & Sons : Glasgow, 1903-5. (To be in 12 
volumes, with Index.) 

The Texts & Versions of John de Piano Carpini and William de Rubruquls. 

As printed for the first time by Hakluyt in 1598, together with some shorter 
pieces. Edited by Charles Raymond Beazley, M.A., F.R.G.S. 
pp. XX. 345. Index. University Press : Cambridge, 1903. (Out of print,) 



17 
OTHEE WOEKS UNDEETAKEN BY EDITOES. 



1 . Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a collection of mediceval notices of 

China, previous to the Sixteenth Century. Translated and edited by 
the late Colonel Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. 2 vols. 
Maps & Illustrations. Bibliography. Index. Second Edition of Nos. 36 & 
37. Edited by M. Henri Cordier, Professeur k I'Ecole Sp^ciale des 
Langues Orientales Vivantes, Paris; President de la Societe de G^o- 
graphi^, Paris. 

2. Four Narratives of Voyages, undertaken by order of the Viceroy of Peru, 

in the Pacific, with detailed accounts of Tahiti and Easter Island, 1774. 
4 vols. Edited by Bolton Glanvill Corney, I.S.O., M.D., Chief 
Medical Officer, Fiji. 

3. Raleigh's Empire of Guiana. Second Edition (see No. 3). Edited, 

with Notes, etc., by H. E. Everard Ferdinand im Thurn, C.B., 
C.M.G. 

4. The Voyages of Cadamosto, the Venetian, along the West Coast of 

Africa, in the years 1455 and 1456. Translated from the earliest Italian 
text of 1507, and Edited by Henry Yule Oldham, M.A., F.R.G.S. 

5. The Expedition of Hernan Cortes to Honduras in 1525-26. Second 

Edition (see No. 40), enlarged. Translated and Edited by Alfred 
Percival Maudslay. 

6; The Letters of Pietro Delia Valle from Persia, &c. Translated and 
Edited by H. E. Major Sir Matthew Nathan, K.C.M.G., R.E. 

7. The Travels of Peter Mundy in India, 1628-34. Edited from an un- 

published MS. by Colonel Sib Richard Carnac Temple, 
Bart., CLE. 

8. Sir Francis Drake Revived, and other papers relating lo Drake. 

Edited by Euv^ard John Payne, M.A. 

9. An Abstract of and Index to the First Series, vols, i-ioo, of the 

Hakluyt Society's Publications. By William Foster, B. A., F.R.G.S., 
and Basil H. Soulsby, B.A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S. 

10. An Index and Bibliography to vols. 4, 5, 8, 23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 30, 41, 45, 

47» 49> 5i> 54» and 79. By Basil H. Soulsby, B.A., F.S.A., 
F.R.G.S. These will be supplied, on publication, to any Member, 
past or present, who sends in his name to the Hon. Secretary. 

11. John Jourdain's Journal of a Voyage to the East Indies, 1608-1617 

(Sloane MS. 858, British Museum). Edited by William Foster, 
B.A., F.R.G.S., of the India Office. 

12. Journal of a Voyage in Tibet. By Fra Cassiano Beligatti, from the 

Macerata MS. Translated & Edited by Prof. R. Norton. 



B 



i8 



INDEX 

TO THE FIRST AND SECOND SERIES OF THE SOCIETY'S 

PUBLICATIONS, 1847-1904. 



Abyssinia, i. 64 ; ii. 10 
Acosta, Joseph de, i. 60, 61 
Acu&a, Cristoval de, i. 24 
Adams, Will., i. 8 

Africa, i. 21, 58, 82, 83, 92-94, 95, 100 
Africa, East, i. 35, 64 ; ii. 10 
Aguirre, Lope de, i. 28 
Albuquerque, Affonso de, i. 53, 55, 

62,69 
Al Hassan Ibn Muhammad. See 

Hasan. 
Alvarez, Francisco, i. 64 
Amazon, i. 24 
America, Central, i. 40 
America, North, i. 2, 4, 6, 7, 9, 11, 

18, 21, 23, 43, 50, 65, 96, 97 
America, South, i. 3, 21, 24, 28, 33, 

34, 41, 43, 45, 47, 51, 60, 61, 68, 

76, 77, 80, 81, 91 ; ii. 3 
Amherst of Hackney, Lord, ii. 7, 8 
Andagoya, Fascual de, i. 34 
Arctic Regions, i. 13, 54, 88, 89, 96, 

97 
Arias, Dr. Juan Luis, ii. 14, 15 
Arias d'Avila, Pedro, i 34 
Asher, George Michael, i. 27 
Asia, i. 6, 8, 13-15, 17, 19, 22, 26, 

35-39, 42, 44, 49, 53-55, 58, 62, 66, 

67, 69-78, 80, 82, 83, 87 ; ii. 1, 2, 4, 

6,12 
Astete, Miguel de, i. 47 
Atahualpa, i. 47 

Australasia, 1 25 ; ii. 7, 8, 14, 15 
Avila, Pedro Arias d'. See Arias 

d'AvUa 
Azov, i. 49 
Azurara, Gomes Eannes de. See 

Eannes. 

Badger, George Percy, i. 32, 44 
Baffin, WilUam, L 63, 88, 89 
Bantam, i. 19 
Bar'oaro, Giosafat, i. 49 
Barbosa, Dnarte, i. 35 
Barcelona MSS., i. 35 



Barentsz., William, i. 13, 54 

Barlow, R., i. 74, 75, 78 

Barrow, John, F.R.S., i. 11 

Battell, Andrew, ii. 6 

Beazley, Charles Raymond, i. 95, 100 

Beke, Charles Tilstone, i. 1 3 

Bell, Harry Charles Purvis, i. 76, 77, 

80 
Belmonte y Bermudez, Luis de, ii. 14, 

15 
Bengal, i. 74, 75, 78 ; ii. 12 
Bent, James Theodore, i. 87 
Benzoni. Girolamo, i. 21 
Bermudas, i. 65 
Bermudez, Joao, ii. 10 
B^thencourt, Jean de, i. 46 
Bethune, Charles Ramsay Drinkwater, 

i. 1, 30 
Beynen, Koolemans, i. 54 
Biedma, Luis Hernandez de, i. 9 
Bilot, Robert, i. 88, 89 
Birch, Walter de Gray, i. 53, 65, 62, 

69 
BoUaert, William, i. 28 
Bond, Sir Edward Augustus, K.C.B., 

i. 20 
Boutier, Pierre, i. 46 
Bowrey, Thomas, ii. 12 
Brazil, i. 51, 76, 77, 80 
British Museum MSS., i. 6, 6, 8, 25, 

38, 65-67 
Brown, Dr. Robert, i. 92-94 
Bruun, B., L 58 
Burnell, Arthur Coke, i. 70, 71 
Burton, Sir Richard Francis, 

K.C.M.G., i. 51 
Butler, Nathaniel, i. 65 
Button. Sir Thomas, i. 88, 89 
Bylot, Robert, i. 88, 89 



Cabe9a de Vaca, Alvar Nunez. 

Nuiiez Cabe9a de Vaca. 
Cabot, John, i. 86 
Cambodia, L 39 
Canirian, The, i. 46 



See 



19 



Canary Islands, i. 21, 46 
Cape of Good Hope, i. 82, 83 
Carpino, Joannes, de Piano. See 

Joannes. 
Caspian Sea, i. 72, 73 
Castanhoso, Miguel de, ii. 10 
Cathay, i. 5, 13 36-38 
Champlain, Samuel, i. 23 
Charles V. , Emperor, i. 40 
Charnock, Job, i. 74. 75, 78 
China, i. 5, 13-15, 36, 37, 39 
Christy, Robert Miller, i. 88, 89 
Cieza de Leon. Pedro de, i. 33, 68 
Ciavigo, Ruy Gonzalez de. See Gon- 
zalez de Ciavigo. 
Coats, William, i. 11 
Cocks, Richard, i. 66, 67 
CoUinson, Sir Richard, K.C.B., i. 38 
Columbus, Christopher : 
Journal, i. 86 
Letters, i. 2, 43 
Contarini, Ambrogio, i. 49 
Conway, Sir William Martin, ii. 11 
Cooley, William Uesborough, i. 4 
Coote, Charles Henry, i. 72, 73 
Corney, Bolton, i 19 
Corn ey, Bolton Glanvill, I.S.O.,M.D., 

ii. 13 
Correa, Caspar, i. 42 
Corte Real, Caspar, i. 86 
Cortes, Hernando, i. 40 
Cosmas Indicopleustes, i. 98 
Covel, John, i. 87 

Dalboquerque, Afonso. See Albu- 
querque. 
Dallam, Thomas, i. 87 
Dalrymple, Alexander, i. 25 ; ii. 14, 15 
Dampier, William, i. 25 
Danish Arctic Expeditions, i. 96, 97 
Davila, Pedrarias. See Arias d'Avila. 
Davis, John, i. 59, 88, 89 
Dominguez, Don Luis L., i. 81 
Drake, Sir Francis, i. 4, 16 
Dudley, Sir Robert, ii. 3 
Dutch Voyages, ii. 11 

East Indies. See India. 
Eannes, Gomes, de Zurara, i. 95, 100 
El Dorado, i. 3, 28 
Enriquez de Guzman, Alonzo, i. 29 
Europe, i. 10, 12, 13, 18, 20, 49, 54, 
68,64,72,73,79; u. 9, 11 

Ferguson, Donald William, ii. 9 
Figueroa, Christoval Suarez de. See 

Suart- z de Figueroa. 
Fletcher, Francis, i. 16 
Fletcher, Giles, i. 20 
Florida, i. 9 



Fort St. George, i. 74, 75, 78 
Foster, William, B.A., ii. 1, 2 
Fox, Luke, i. 82, 89 
Foxe, Luke. See Fox. 
Frobisher, Sir Martin, 1, 38, 88, 8^ 

Gairdner, James, i. 79 

Galvao, Antonio, i. 30 

Gama, Vascoda, i. 42, 99 

Gamboa, Pedro Sarmiento de. See 

Sarmiento de Gamboa. 
Gayangos, Pascual de, i. 40 
Gibbons, William, i. 88, 89 
Gibraltar, Straits of, i. 79 
Globes, i. 79 

Gonzalez de Clavijo, Ruy, i. 26 
Gosch, Christian Carl Augu8t,,i. 96, 97 
Gray, Albert, i. 76, 77, 80 
Great Mogul, ii. 1, 2 
Greenland, i. 18, 50, 96, 97 
Grey, Charles, i. 49 
Grey, Edward, i. 84, 85 
Grimston, Edward. See Grimstone; 
Grimstone, Edward, i. 60, 61 
Guiana, i. 3 ; ii. 3 
Guinea, i. 95, 100 

Hakluyt, Richard : 

JJivers Voyages, i. 7 

Galvano, i. 30 

Principall Navigations, i. 38 

Terra Florida, i. 9 
Hall, James, i. 88, 89, 96, 97 
Hasan Ibn Muhammad, al WazzSn, al 

Fasi, i. 92-94 
Havers, George, i. 84, 85 
Hawkins, Sir John, i. 57. 
Hawkins, Sir Richard, i. 1, 57 
Hawkins, William, i. 57 
Hawkridge, William, i. 88, 89 
Hedges, Sir William, i. 74, 75. 78 
Heidelberg MS, i. 58 
Herberstein, Sigismund von, i. 10, 12 
Honduras, i. 40 
Horsey, Sir Jerome, i. 20 
Houtman's Abrolhos. i. 25 
Hudson, Henry, i. 27, 88, 89 
Hudson's Bay, i. 11, 96, 97 
Hues, Robert, i. 79 
Hugli River, i. 78 

Imams and Seyyids of 'Omdn i. 44 
India, i. 5, 22,38, 42, 53, 55,62, 69. 

70. 71,74-78,80; ii. 1, 2, 12 
India Office MSS.,i. 56 
Indies, West, i. 4, 23 ; ii. 3 

James, Thomas, i. 88, 89 
Japan, i. 8, 39, 66, 67 ; ii. 5 
Java, i. 82, 83 



20 



Jenkinson, Anthony, i. 72, 73 
.loannes, de Piano Carpino, ii. 4 
Jones, John Winter, i. 7, 32 
Jordanus [Catalan!], i. 31 

Knight, John, i. 56, 88, 89 

Lancaster, Sir James, i. 5, 6 

La Peyr^re, Isaac de, i. 18 

La Plata, River, i. 81 

Lasso de La Vega, Garcia, Ei Inca, 

i. 24, 41, 45 
Lefroy, Sir John Henry, K.C.M.G., 

i. 65 
Leguat, Francois, i. 82, 83 
Lendas da India, i. 42 
Leo Africanus, i. 92-94 
Leone, Giovanni, i. 92-94 
Levant, i. 87 
Le Verrier, Jean, i. 46 
Leza, Gaspar Gonzalez de, i. 39 ; ii. 

14,15 
Linschoten, Jan Huyghen van, i. 70, 

71 

McCrindle, John Watson, i. 89 

Madrid MSS., i. 29 

Magellan, Ferdinand, i. 52 

Magellan, Straits of, i. 91 

Major, Richard Henry, i. 2, 6, 10, 12, 

14, 15, 17, 22, 25, 43, 46, 50 
Malabar, i. 35 

Maldive Islands, i. 76, 77, 80 
Manoa, i. 3 
Markham, Sir Albert Hastings, K.C.B., 

i. 59 
Markham, Sir Clements Robert, K.C.B., 

i. 24, 26, 28, 29, 33, 34, 41, 56, 57, 

60, 61, 63, 68, 79, 86, 90, 91 ; ii. 14, 

15 
Martens, Friedrich, i. 18 
Mauritius, i. 82, 83 
Mendafia de Neyra, Alvaro, i. 39 ; ii. 

7, 8, 14, 15 
Mendoza, Juan Gonzalez de, i. 14, 15 
Mexico, i. 23 

Middleton, Christopher, i. 11 
Middlcton, Sir Henry, i. 1 9 
Mirabilia Descripta, i. 31 
Mogul, The Great, ii. 1, 2 
Molucca Islands, i. 19, 76, 77, 80 
Molyneux, Emery, i. 79 
Morga, Antonio de, i. 39 ; ii. 14, 15 
Morgan, Edward Delmar, i. 72. 73, 

79 
Munk, Jens, i. 96, 97 

Neumann, Karl Friedrich, i. 58 
New Hebrides, ii. 14, 15 
Norsemen in America, i. 50 



North- West Passage, i. 38, 56, 88, 89, 

96, 97 
Northern Seas. i. 50 
Nova Zembla, i. 13, 54 
Nunez Cabe9a de Vaca, Alvar, i. 81 

Oliver, Samuel Pasfield, i. 82, 83 

Omagua, I 28 

'Oman, i. 44 

Orellana, Francisco de, i. 24 

Orleans, Pierre Joseph d', i. 17 

Pachacamac, i. 47 

Paraguay, River, i. 81 

Parke, Robert, i. 14, 15 

Pelsart, Francis, i. 25 

Pereira, Thomas, i. 17 

Persia, i. 49, 72, 73 

Peru, i. 33, 41, 45, 47, 60, 61, 68 

Peru, Chronicle of, i. 33, 68 

Philip, William, i. 13, 54 

Philippine Islands, i. 39 

Pigafetta, Antonio, i. 52 

Pitt, Thomas, i. 74, 75, 78 

Pizarro, Gonzalo, i. 24 

Pizarro, Hernando, i. 47 

Portugal, i. 64 

Pory, John,i. 92-94 

Prado y Tovar, Don Diego de, 

ii. 14, 15 
Prestage, Edgar, i. 95, 100 
Public Record Office MSS., i. 38 
Puerto Rico, i. 4 
Pyrard, Fran9ois, i. 76, 77, 80 

Quiros, Pedro Fernandez de, i. 25, 
39 ; ii. 14, 15 

Ravenstein, Ernest George, i. 99 ; ii. 6 
Recueil de Voyages, i. 31 
Rockhill, William Woodville, iL 4 
Rodriguez, Island, i. 82, 83 
Roe, Sir Thomas, ii. 1, 2 
Roy, Eugene Armand, i. 49 
Rubruquis, Gulielmus de, ii. 4 
Rundall, Thomas, i. 5, 8 
Russe Commonwealth, i. 20 
Russia, i. 10, 12,20, 72, 73 
Rye, William Brenchley, i. 9 

Salil-Ibn-Ruzaik, i. 44 

Samarcand, i. 26 

Sanclio, Pedro, i. 47 

Saris, John, ii. 5 

Sarmionto de Gamboa, Pedro, i. 91 

Schiltberger, Johann, i. 58 

Schmidel, Ulrich, i. 81 

Schmidt. Ulrich. See Schmidel. 

Schomburgk, Sir Robert Hermann, i. 3 

Shakspere's "New Map," i. 59 



21 



Shaw, Norton, i. 23 

Siam, i. 39 

Simon, Pedro, i. 28 

Sinclair, W. Frederic, ii. 9 

Sloane MSS.. i. 25 65 

Smyth, William Henry, i. 21 

Solomon Islands, ii. 7, 8 

Soto, Ferdinando de, i. 9 

Soulsby, Basil Harrington, ii. 10, 11, 

14,15 
South Sea, i. 1 
Spanish MSS., i. 29, 48 
Spitsbergen, i. 13, 18, 54 ; ii. 11. 
Staden, Johann von, i. 51 
Stanley of Alderley, Lord, i. 35, 319, 

42,52 
Staunton, Sir George Thomas, Bart., 

i. 14, 15 
Strachey, William, i. 6 
Suarez de Figueroa, Christoval, i. 57 ; 

ii. 14, 16 
Summer Islands, i. 65 

Tana (Azov), i. 49 

Tartary,i. 17 ; ii. 4 

Teixeira, Pedro, ii. 9 

Telfer, John Buchan, i. 58 

Temple, Sir Richard Camac, Bart., 

ii. 12. 
Thomas, William,i. 49 
Thompson, Sir Edward Maunde, 

K. C.B., i. 66, 67 
Thomson, Basil Home. ii. 7, 8 
Tiele, Pieter Anton, i. 70, 71 
Tierra Firme, i. 28, 34 
Timour, Great Khan, i. 26 
Tootal, Albert, i. 51 



Topographia Christiana, i. 98 
Torquemada, Fray Juan de, ii. 14, 15 
Torres, Luis Vaez de, i. 25, 39 ; ii. 14, 

15 
Tractatus de Globis, i. 79 
Turkey Merchants, i. 87 

Ursua, Pedro de, i. 28 

Valle, Pietro della, i. 84, 85 
Varthema, Ludovico di, i. 32 
Vaux, William Sandys Wright i, 16 
Veer. Gerrit de, i. 13, 54 
Vcrbiest, Ferdinand, i. 17 
Vespucci. Amerigo, i. 90 
Virginia Britannia, i. 6 

Warner, George Frederic, Litt.D., 

ii. 3 
West Indies. See Indies, West. 
Weymouth, George, i. 88, 89 
White, Adam, i. 18 
Whiteway, Richard Stephen, ii. 10 
William of Rubruck. See Rubruquis, 

Gulieimus de 
Wilmere, Alice, i. 23 
Witsen, Nicolaas, i. 17, 25 

Xeres, Francisco de, i. 47 

Yncas, Rites and Laws, i. 48 
Yncas, Royal Commentaries, i. 41, '^45 
Yule, Sir Henry, K.C.S.I., i. 31, 36, 
37, 74, 75, 78 

Zeno, Antonio, i. 60 
Zeno, Nicolo, i. 50 



22 



LAWS OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 



I. The object of this Society shall be to print, for distribution among its 
members, rare and valuable Voyages, Travels, Naval Expeditions, and other 
geographical records. 

II. The Annual Subscription shall be One Guinea (for America, five dollars, 
U.S. currency), payable in advance on the ist January. 

III. Each member of the Society, having paid his Subscription, shall be 
entitled to a copy of every work produced by the Society, and to vote at the 
general meetings within the period subscribed for ; and if he do not signify, 
before the close of the year, his wish to resign, he shall be considered as a member 
for the succeeding year. 

IV. The management of the Society's affairs shall be vested in a Council 
consisting of twenty-two members, viz., a President, two Vice-Presidents, a 
Treasurer, a Secretary, and seventeen ordinary members, to be elected annually ; 
but vacancies occurring between the general meetings shall be filled up by the 
Council. 

V. A General Meeting of the Subscribers shall be held annually. The 
Secretary's Report on the condition and proceedings of the Society shall be 
then read, and the meeting shall proceed to elect the Council for the ensuing year. 

VI. At each Annual Election, three of the old Council shall retire. 

VII. The Council shall meet when necessary for the dispatch of business, three 
forming a quorum, including the Secretary ; the Chairman having a casting vote. 

VIII. Gentlemen preparing and editing works for the Society, shall receive 
twenty-five copies of such works respectively. 



23 



LIST OF MEMBERS.— 1904. 



Aberdare, The Right Hon. Lord, F.R.G.S., Longwood, Winchester. 
Aberdeen University Library, Aberdeen (P. J. Anderson Esq., Librarian). 

1895 Adelaide Public Library, North Terrace, Adelaide, South Australia (J. R. G. 

Adams Esq., Librarian). 
Admiralty, The Whitehall, S.W. (F. Brand Esq., Librarian). [2 copies.] 
Advocates' Library, 11, Parliament Square, Edinburgh (James T. Clark Esq., 

Keeper). 

1899 Alexander, William Lindsay, Esq., F.R.G.S., Pinkieburn, Musselburgh, N.B. 
All Souls College, Oxford (G. H olden Esq., Librarian). 

American Geographical Society, 11, West 81st Street, New York City, U.S.A. 

(G. C. Hirlbut Esq., Librarian). 
Amherst, of Hackney, The Right Hon. Lord, F.S.A., Didlington Hall, Brandon, 
Norfolk. 
1901 Andrews, Lieut. Francis Arthur Lavington, R.N. , H. M.S. ** Ocean," China 
Squadron. 
Antiquaries, The Society of, Burlington House, Piccadilly, W. (Charles 
Hercules Read Esq., Secretary). 
1901 Armitage- Smith, Sydney, Esq., Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W. 

Army and Navy Club, 36, Pall Mall, S.W. 
1904 Arnold, Dr. Clarence R., 4, 5, 6, First National Bank Building, Colorado 
Springs, Colorado, U.S.A. 
Athenaeum CJlub, Pall Mall, S.W. (H. R. Tedder Esq., Librarian). 

Baer, Joseph & Co., Messrs., Hochstrasse 6, Frankfort- on- Main, Germany. 

1900 Baldwin, Alfred, Esq., M.P., F.R.G.S., Wildeu House, near Stourport. 

1899 Ball, John B., Esq., F.R.G.S., Ashbui-ton Cottage, Putney Heath, S.W. 

1893 Barclay, Hugh Gurney, Esq., F.R.G.S., Colney Hall, Norwich. 

1900 Basset, M. Rene, Directeur de I'Ecole Superieure des Lettres d' Alger, L'Agha 

77, rue Michelet, Alger- Mustapha, Algiers. 

1898 Bastos, Senhor Jose (Antiga Casa Bertrand), 7-^, Rua Garrett, Lisbon. 

1894 Baxter, James Phinuey, Esq., 61, Deering Street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A. 

1896 Beaumont, Admiral Sir Lewis Anthony, K.C.M.G., 3, Sloane Gardens, S.W. 
1894 Beazley, Charles Raymond, Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 27, Norham Road and 

Merton College, Oxford. 
1904 Beetem, Charles Gilbert, Esq., 110, South Hanover Street, Carlisle, Pa., U.S.A. 

1899 Belfast Library and Society for Promoting Knowledge, Donegall Square 

North, Belfast (Geo. Maxwell Esq., Librarian). 
1896 Belhaven and Stenton, Col. the Lord, R.E., F.R.G.S., 41, Lennox Gardens, S.W. 
1899 Bennett, Robert Allan, Esq., 16, Diamond Street, Saltburn-by-the-Sea, 

Yorkshire. 
Berlin Geographical Society (Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde), Wilhelmstrasse 23, 

Berlin, S.W., 48 (Hauptmann a. D. Georg Kollm, Secretary), 
Berlin, the Royal Library of, Opemplatz, Berlin, W. (Wirkl. Geh. Ober- 

Reg. Rat. Prof. Aug. Wilmanns, Director). 
Berlin University, Geographical Institute of, Georgeustrasse 34-36, Berlin, 

N.W. 7 (Baron v(»n Richthofen, Director). 
Birch, Dr. Walter de Gray, F.S.A., 19, Bloomsbury Square, W.C. 
Birmingham Central Free Library, Ratcliflf Place, Birmingham (A. Capel Shaw 

Esq., Chief Librarian). 
Birmingham Old Library, The, Margaret Street, Birmingham (Charles E. 

Scarse Esq., Librarian). 



24 

Board of Educatiou, South Kensington, S.W. 

Bodleian Library, Oxford Ccopiet pi'etentedj. 
1894 Bona^mrte, H. H. Prince Koland Napoleon, Avenue d'J^na 10, Paris. 

Boston Athenaeum Library, lOJ, Beacon Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 
(Charles Knowles Bolton Esq., Librarian). 

Boston Public Library, Copley Square, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. (James 
Lynam Whitney Esq., Librarian). 

Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A. (George T. Little Esq., Librarian). 
1894 Bower, Lt.-Col. Hamilton, 17th Bengal liancers. Legation Guard, Peking. 
1896 Bowring, Thomas B., Esq., F.R.G.S., 7, Palace Gate, Kensington, W. 
1894 Brewster, Charles 0., Esq., 25, Irving Place, New York City, U.S.A. 

1893 Brighton Public Library, Royal Pavilion, Church Street, Brighton (John 

Minto Esq., Librarian). 
British Guiana Royal Agricultural and Commercial Society, Georgetown, 

Demerara. 
1847 British Museum, Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities (C. H. 

Read Esq., Keeper). 
1847 British Museum, Department of Printed Books (G. K. Fortescue Esq., Keeper, 

copies presented). 
British Museum (Natural History), Cromwell Road, S.W. (B. B. Woodward 

Esq., Librarian). 
1896 Brock, Robert C. H., Esq., 1612, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. 
Brooke, Sir Thomas, Bart., F.S.A., Armitage Bridge, Huddersfield. 
Brookline Public Library, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. (Miss Louisa M. Hooper, 

Librarian). 
Brooklyn Mercantile Library, 197, Montague Street, Brooklyn, N.Y., U.S.A. 

(Willis A. Bard well Esq., Librarian). 
Brown, Arthur William Whateley, Esq., F.R.G.S., 62, Carlisle Mansions, 

Carlisle Place, Victoria Street, S.W. 
Brown, General John Marshall, 218, Middle Street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A. 

1898 Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island, U.S.A., P.O. Box 109 (Harry 

Lyman Koopman Esq., Librarian). 

1899 Bruce, A. M., Esq., Hong-Kong and Shanghai Bank, Bangkok, Siam. 
1903 Buckle, Admiral Claude Edward, The Red House, Raithby, Spilsby. 

1896 Buda-Pesth, The Geographical Institute of the University of, Hungary (Prof. 

L6czy Lajos, Librarian). 
1899 Burdekin, Benjamin Thomas, Esq., The Terrace, Eyam, Sheffield. 

1894 Burgess, James, Esq., C.I.E., LL.D., F.R.G.S., 22, Seton Place, Edinburgh. 
Burns, Capt. John William, Kilmahew, Cardross, Dumbartonshire. 

1903 California, University of, Berkeley, Cal., U.S.A. (Joseph Cummings Rowell 

Esq., librarian). 
1899 Cambray & Co., Messrs. R., 6, Hastings Street, Calcutta. 

Cambridge University Library, Cambridge (Francis John Henry Jenkinson 

Esq., Librarian). 
Canada, The Parliament Library, Ottawa (Alfred Duclos De Celles Esq. 
Librarian). 
1896 Cardiff Public Library, Trinity Street, Cardiff ^^. Ballinger Esq., Librarian). 
1899 Carles, WiUiam Richard, Esq., C.M.G., F.R.G.S., Silwood, The Park 
Cheltenham. 
Carlisle, The Rt. Hon. the Earl of, Naworth Castle, Bampton, Cumberland. 
Carlton Club, Pall Mall, S.W. 
1899 Carnegie Library, Pittsburgh, Pa., U.S.A. (E. H. Anderson Esq., Librarian). 
1901 Cator, Ralph Bertie Peter, Elsq., Mombasa, East Africa Protectorate, 
Africa. 
Cazenove, Messrs. C. D. & Son, 26, Henrietta Street, Coveut Garden, W.C. 
1894 Chamberlain, Right Hon. Joseph, M.P., F.R.S., 40, Princes Gardens, S.W. 
1899 Chambers, Commander Bertram Mordaunt,R.N., F. K.G.S., H.M. S. " Bacchante ' 
Cruiser Squadron, Mediterranean. 



25 

Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Mancbeater (Walter F. Browne Esq., 

Librarian). 
Chicago Public Library. Chicago, 111., U.S.A. (Fred. H. Hild E^q., Librarian). 
1899 Chicago University Library, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. (Mrs. Zella Allen Dixson, 

Librarian). 
1896 Christ Church, Oxford (F. Haverfield Esq., Librarian). 

Christiania University Library, Christiania, Norway (Dr. A. C. Drolsum, 
Librarian). 

1894 Church, Col. George Earl, F.R.G.S., 216, Cromwell Road, S.W. 
Cincinnati Public Library, Ohio, U.S.A. (N. D. C. Hodges E«q , Librarian). 
Clark, John Willis, Esq., F.S.A., Scroope House, Trumpington Street, 

Cambridge. 
1903 Clay, John, Esq., University Press, and 3, Harvey Road, Cambridge. 

1895 Colgan, Nathaniel, Esq., 15, Breffin Terrace, Sandy cove, co. Dublin. 
Colonial Office, The, Downing Street, S.W. (C. Atchiey Esq., I.S.O , Librarian). 

1899 Columbia University, Library of, New York, U.S.A. (James H. Canfield Esq., 

Librarian). 
1899 Constable, Archibald, Esq., 14, St. Paul's Road, Camden Town, N.W. 

1896 Conway, Sir William Martin, M.A., F.S.A., The Red House, Homton 

Street, W. 

1903 Cooke, William Charles, Esq., Vailima, Bishopstown, Cork. 

Copenhagen Royal Library (Det Store Kongelige Bibliothek) Copenhagen 

(Dr. H. O. Lange, Chief Librarian). 
1894 Cora, Professor Guido, M.A., Via Goito, 2, Rome. 

Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. (Geo. Wm. Harris Esq., 

Librarian). 

1904 Corney, Bolton Glanvill, Esq,, I.S.O,, M.D., Suva, Fiji. 

p • H "K ' F 1^1^ Messrs. Bickers & Son, 1, Leicester Square, W. 

1894 Cortissoz, Royal. Esq., Editorial Room, New York THbunCy 154, Nassau Street, 

New York City, U.S.A. 
1893 Cow, John, Esq., Elfinsward, Hayward's Heath, Sussex. 
1902 Cox, Alexander G. , Esq., Imperial Railways of North China, Tientsin. 
1904 Croydon Public Libraries, Central Library, Town Hall, Croydon (L. Stanley 

Jast Esq., Chief Librarian). 
1899 Cunningham, Colonel George Glencairn, C.B., D.S.O., Royal Scots, Junior 
• United Service Club, Charles Street, S.W. 

1893 Curzon of Kedleston, H.E. the Right Hon. Lord, G.M.S.I., G.M.I.E., 

F.R.G.S., Government House, Calcutta. 

Dalton, Rev. Canon John Neale, C.M.G., C.V.O., F.S.A., 4, The Cloisters, 
Windsor. 
1899 Dampier, Gerald Robert, Esq., LC.S., Dehra Dun, N.W.P., India. 

Danish Royal Naval Library (Det Kongelige Danske S^kaart Arcbiv), Copen- 
hagen (Dr. G. I. Colm, Librarian). 

Davis, Hon. Nicholas Darnell, C.M.G., Georgetown, Demerara, British 
Guiana. 

1894 De Bertodanc\ Baldomero Hyacinth, Esq., 22, Chester Terrace, Regent's 

Park, N.W. 
Derby, The Right Hon. the Earl of, K.G., c/o Rev. J. Richardson, Knowsley, 

Prescot. 
Detroit Public Library, Michigan, U.S.A. (Henry M. Utley Esq., Librarian). 
1893 Dijon University Library, Rue Monge, Dijon, Cote d'Or, France (M. Balland, 

Librarian). 
D'Oleire, Herr (Triibner's Buchhandlung), Am Miinster-platz, Strassburg, 

Alsace. 
Doubleday, Henry Arthur, Esq., F.R.G.S., 2, Whitehall Gardens, S.W. 
Dresden Geographical Society (Verein fur Erdkunde), Kleine Briidergasse 

21", Dresden — A. 1. (Dr. Otto Mortzsch, Bibliothekar). 



26 

1902 Dublin, Trinity C«.llege Library (Rev. T. K. Abbott, D.D., Librarian). 
Ducie, The Right Hon. the Eari of, F.R.S., F.R.G.S., Tortworth Court. Falfield. 

1903 Eames, James Bromley, Esq., M.A.,B C. L , I.King's Bench Walk, Temple, E.G. 
Eames, Wilberforce, Esq., Lenox Library, 890, Fifth Avenue, New York 

City, U.S. A. 
1899 Ecole Franyaisn d* Extreme Orient, Saigon, Indo-Chine Fran9ai8e. 

1892 Edinburgh Public Library, George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh (Hew Morrison 

Esq., Librarian). 
Edinburgh University Library, Edinburgh (Alex. Anderson Esq., Librarian). 

1904 Edmonds, The Rev. Canon Walter John, B.D., The Close, Exeter. 
Edwards, Francis, Esq., 83, High Street, Marylebone, W. 

Faber, Reginald Stanley, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., 90, Regent's Park Road. N.W. 
1894 Fanshawe, Admiral Sir Edward Gennys, G.C.B., F.R.G.S., 74, Cromwell 
Road, S.W. 
Fellowes Athenaeum, 46, Millmont Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 
1899 Ferguson, David, Esq., M.LM.E., F.R.G.S., 140, Hyndland Drive, Kelvinside, 

Glasgow. 
1899 Ferguson, Donald William, Esq., Samanala, 20, Beech House Road, Croydon. 
1894 Fisher, Arthur, Esq., F.R.G.S., St. Aubyn's, Tiverton, Devon. 

1896 Fitzgerald, Captain Edward Arthur, 5th Dragoon Guards. 

1904 Flanagin, Hugh William, Esq., B.E., B.A., Yorkville, Summer Hill, Cork. 

Ford, John Walker, Esq., D.L.,F.S.A, Enfield Old Park, Winchmore Hill,N. 
Foreign Office. The, Downing Street, S.W. (Augustus Henry Oakes Esq., C.B., 

Librarian). 
Foreign Office of Germany (Auswartiges Amt), Wilhelmstrasse, Berlin, W. 

1893 Forrest, George William, Esq., CLE., F.R.G.S., Rose Bank, Iffley, Oxford. 

1902 Foster, F. Apthorp, Esq., 28, State Street, Boston, Mass., U.S A. 

1893 Foster, WilliaTn, Esq., B.A., F.R.G.S., Registry and Record Department, India 

Office, S.W. 
1899 Fothergill, M. B., Esq., c/o Imperial Bank of Persia, Bushire, Persian Gulf, 

via Bombay. 
1899 French, H. B., Esq., 429, Arch Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. 

George, Charles William, Esq., 51, Hampton Road, Bristol. 
Gill, Joseph Withers. Esq., F.R.G.S., 6Q, West Hill, St. Leonards-on-Sea. 
1901 Gill, W. Harrison, Esq., c/o Messrs. C. A. & H. Nichols, Peninsular House, 
Monument Street, E.G. 
Gladstone Library, National Liberal Club, Whitehall Place, S. W. 
Glasgow University Library, Glasgow (James Lymburn Esq., Librarian). 
Godman, Frederick Du Cane, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.R.G.S , 

10, Ch.andos Street, Cavendish Square, W. 

1897 Gosch, Christian Carl August, Esq., 21, Stanhope Gardens. S.W. 

1899 Gosling, F. Goodwin, Esq., Hamilton, Bermuda. 

1893 Gosset, General Mathew William Edward, C.B., F.R.G.S., Westgate House, 

Dedham, Essex. 
Gottingen University Library, Gottingen, Germany (Prof. Dr. Richard 
Pietschmann, Director). 

1900 Graham, Michael, Esq., Glasgow Herald, 69, Buchanan Street, Glasgow. 
Grant-Duflf, Right Hon. Sir Mountstuart Elphinstone, G.C.S.I., F.R.S., 

11, Chelsea Embankment, S.W. 

Gray, Albert, Esq., F.R.G.S., Catherine Lodge, Trafalgar Square, Chelsea, S.W. 

1894 Gray, Matthew Hamilton, Esq., F.R.G.S., Lessness Park, Abbey Wood, Kent. 

1903 Greenlee, William B., Esq., 95, Buena Avenue, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. 

1898 Greever, C. O., Esq., 1345, East Ninth Street, Des Moines, Iowa, U.S.A. 

1899 Griffiths, John G. ,Esq., 21, Palace Court, Kensington Gardens, W. 



27 

Grosvenor Library, Buflfalo, N.Y., U.S.A. (E. P. Vau Duzell Esq., Librarian). 

1899 Gruzevski, C. L., Esq., 107, College Street, San Antonio, Texas, U.S.A. 
Guildhall Library, E.G. (Charles Welch Esq., F.S.A., Librarian). 

1894 Guillemard, Arthur George, Esq., 96, High Street, Eltham, Kent. 

Guillemard, Francis Henry Hill, Esq., M.A., M.D., F.K.G.S., The Old Mill 
House, Trumpington, Cambridge. 

Hamburg Commerz-Bibliothek, Hamburg, Germany (Dr. Baasch, Librarian). 

1901 Hammersmith Public Libraries, Kavenscourt Park, W. (Samuel Martin Esq., 

Chief Librarian). 

1900 Hamilton, Wm. Pierson, Esq., 32, East 36th Street, New York City, U.S.A. 

1898 Hannen, The Hon. Henry Arthur, The Hall, West Farleigh, Kent. 

1893 Harmsworth, Sir Alfred Charles William, Bart., F.R.G.S., Elmwood, 
St. Peter's, Kent. 
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.. U.S.A. (Wm. Coolidge Lane Esq., 
Chief Librarian). 

1899 Harvie-Brown, John Alexander, Esq., F.R.G.S., Dunipace, Larbert, Stirlingshire. 
1899 Haswell, George Handel, Esq., Ashleigh, Hamstead Road, Handsworth, 

Birmingham. 
Hawkesbury, The Rt. Hon. Lord, F.S.A., F.R.G.S., 2, Carlton House Terrace, 

S.W. 
Heawood, Edward, Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 3, Underbill Road, Lordship Lane,S.E. 
1899 Heidelberg University liibrary, Heidelberg ( Prof. Karl Zangemeister, Librarian ). 
1904 Henderson, George, Esq., c/o Messrs. Octavius Steel and Co., 14, Old Court 
House Street, Calcutta. 

1903 Henderson, Turner, Esq., F.R.G.S., Studley Priory, Oxford. 

Hervey, Dudley Francis Amelius, E8q.,C.M.G.,F.R.G.S.,Westfields, Aldeburgh, 

Suffolk. 
Hiersemann, Herr Karl Wilhelm, Konigsstrasse, 3, Leipzig. 

1902 Hippisley, Alfred Edward, Esq., F.R.G.S., I.M. Customs, Shanghai, China. 

1893 Hobhouee, Charles Edward Henry, Esq., M.P., The Ridge, Corsham, Wilts. 

1904 Holdich, Colonel Sir Thomas Hungerford, C.B., K.C.M.G., K.C.I.E., R.E. 

F.R.G.S., 41, Courtfield Road, S W. 
1899 Hoover, Herbert C, Esq., 39, Hyde Park Gate, S.W. 

Homer, John Francis Fortescue, Esq., Mells Park, Frome, Somerset. 
Hoyt Public Library, East Saginaw, Mich., U.S.A. (Miss Ames, Librarian). 
1896 Hubbard, Hon. Gardiner G., 1328, Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.,U.SA. 
1899 Hiigel, Baron Anatole A. A. von, F.R.G.S., Curator, Museum of Archeology 
and Ethnology, Cambridge. 

1894 Hull Public Libraries, Baker Street, Hull (W. F. Lawton Esq., Librarian). 
Hull Subscription Library, Albion Street. Hull (William Andrews Esq., 

Librarian). 

1899 ImThurn.H. E. Everard Ferdinand, Esq., C.B., C.M.G., Government House, 
Suva, Fiji, and 1, East India Avenue, E.C. 
India Office, Downing Street, S.W. (Frederick W. Thomas Esq., Librarian). 

[20 COPIES.] 

1899 Ingle, William Bruncker, Esq., 4, Orchard Road. Blackheath, S.E. 

1892 Inner Temple, Hon. Society of the. Temple, E.G. (J. E. L. Pickering Esq., 

Librarian). 
1899 Ireland, Prof. AUeyne, St. Botolph Club, 2, Newbury Street, Boston, 

Mass.. U.S.A. 

1903 Irvine, William, Esq., Holliscroft, 49, Castelnau, Barnes, S."W. 

1899 Jackson, Stewart Douglas, Esq., 61, St. Vincent Street, Glasgow. 
1898 James, Arthur Curtiss, Esq., 92 Park Avenue, New York City, U.S.A. 
1896 James, Walter B., Esq., M.D., 17, West 54th Street, New York City, U.S.A. 



28 

John Carter Brown • Library, 357, Benefit Street, Providence, Rhode Island, 

U.S.A. (George Parker Winship, Esq., Librarian). 
John Ry lands Library, Deansgate, Manchester (H. Guppy Esq., Librarian). 
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A. (N. Murray Esq., Librarian). 
Johnson, General Sir Allen Bayard, K.C.R., 60, Lexham Gardens, Cromwell 
Road, S.W. 
1899 Johnson, Rev. Samuel Jenkins, F.R.A.S., Melplash Vicarage, Bridport. 
1903 Johnson, W. Morton, Esq., Woodleigh, Altrincham. 



1903 Kansas University Library, Lawrence, Kans., U.S.A. (Miss Carrie M. "Watson, 
Librarian). 
Keltie, John Scott, Esq., LL.D., Secretary R.G.S., 1, Savile Row, Burlington 

Gardens, W. 
Kelvin, The Rt. Hon. Lord, F.R.S., LL.D., Netherhall, Largs, Ayrshire. 
1899 Kiel, Royal University of, Kiel, Schleswig-Holstein (Geh. Reg. Rath., Emil 
Stefi'enhagen, Director). 
Kimberley Public Library, Kimberley, Cape Colony (Hon. Mr. Justice 
Lawrence, Librarian). 

1898 Kinder, Claude William Esq., C.M.G., Imperial Chinese Railways, Tientsin, 

North China. 
King's Inns, The Hon. Society of the, Henrietta Street, Dublin (Joseph J. 
Carton Esq., Librarian). 

1899 Kitching, John, Esq., F.R.G.S., Oaklands, Queen's Road, Kingston Hill, S.W. 
Klincksieck, M. Charles, 11, Rue de Lille, Paris. 



19(X) Langtou, J. J. P., Esq., 802, Spruce Street, St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A. 
1900 Larchmont Yacht Club, Larchmont, N.Y., U.S.A. (F. D. Shaw Esq., 
Chairman of Library Committee). 

1898 Leechman, Carey B., Esq., 10, Earl's Court Gardens, South Kensington, S.W. 
Leeds Library, 18, Commercial Street, Leeds (D. A. Cruse Esq., Librarian). 
Lehigh University, South Bethlehem, Pa., U.S.A. (W. H. Chandler Esq., 

Director). 
1893 Leipzig, Library of the University of, Leipzig (Prof. Oskar Leop. v. Gebhardt, 
Direktor). 

1899 Levy, Judah, Esq., 17, Greville Place, N.W. 

1902 Linney, Albert G., Esq., Bootham School, 51, Bootham, York. 

Liverpool Free Public Library, William Brown Street, Liverpool (Peter 
Co well Esq., Librarian) 
1896 Liverpool Geographical Society 14, Hargreaves Buildings, Chapel Street, 
Liverpool (Capt. E. C. D. Phillips, R.N., Secretary). 

Loescher, Messrs. J., and Co., Corso Umberto 1°, 307, Rome. 

Logan, W^illiam, Esq., Heathery haugh, MoflFat, Damfriesshire. 
1847 London Institution, 11, Finsbury Circus, E.C. (F. Hovenden Esq., Librarian). 

London Library, 12, St, James's Square, S.W. (C. T. H.Wright Esq., Librarian). 
1895 Long Island Historical Society, Pierrepont Street, Brooklyn, N.Y., U.S.A. 

(Miss Emma Toedteberg, Librarian). . 
1899 Los Angeles Public Library, Los Angeles, Cal., U.S.A. 
1899 Lowrey, Joseph, Esq., F.R.G.S., The Hermitage, Loughton, Essex. 
1899 Lubetsky, S. A. S. le Prince Droutskoy, 89, Rue Miromesnil, Paris. 

Lucas, Charles Prestwood, Esq., C.B., Colonial Office, Do^vning Street, S.W. 
1895 Lucas, Frederic Wm. , Esq. , S. Swithin's, 169, Trinity Road , Upper Tooting. S.W. 

1898 Lydenberg, H. M. , Esq., New York Public Library, 890, Fifth Avenue, New 

York, U.S.A. 
Lyons University Library, Lyon, France (M. le Professeur Dreyfus, Chief 
Librarian). 

1899 Lyttleton-Annesley, Lieut. -General Sir Arthur Lyttelton, K.C.V.O., F.R.G.S., 

Templemere, Oatlands Park, Wey bridge. 



29 

1899 MacLehose, James John, Esq., M.A., 7, University Gardens, Glasgow. 

Macmillan and Bowes, Messrs., 1, Trinity Street, Cambridge. 
1899 Macqueen, John, Esq., St. Mary's, Harpenden, 
1899 Macrae, Charles Colin, Esq., F.R.G.S., 93, Onslow Gardens, S.W. 
1904 Malvern Public Library, Graham Road, Great Malvern (Miss M. Lucy, 
Librarian). 
Manchester Public Free Libraries, King Street, Manchester (C. W. Sutton 

Esq., Librarian). 
Manierre, George, Esq., 184, La Salle Street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. 
1896 Margesson, Commander Wentworth Henry Davies, R.N. (H.M.S. "Good 
Hope," Cruiser Squadron), Finden Place. Worthing. 
Markhara, Admiral Sir Albert Hastings, K.C.E., F.R.G.S., 73, Cromwell Road, 

S.W. 
Markham, Sir Clements Robert, K.C.B., F.R.S., F.S.A., Pres. R.G.S., 
21, Eccleston Square, S.W. 

1892 Marquand, Henry, Esq., Whitegates Farm, Bedford, New York, U.S.A. 
1899 Martelli, Ernest Wynne, Esq., F.R.G.S., 4, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, 1154, Boylston Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 
(Samuel A. Green Esq., LL.D., Librarian). 
1899 Massie, Major Roger Henry, R.A., D.A.Q.M.G., Army Head Quarters, 
Pretoria, South Africa. 

1898 Mathers, Edward Peter, Esq., F.R.G.S., 6, Queen's Gate Terrace, S.W. 
Maudslay, Alfred Percival, Esq., F.R.Q.S., 32, Montpelier Square, Knights- 
bridge, S.W. 

McClurg, Messrs. A. C, & Co., 215-221, Wabash Avenue, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. 

1899 McKerrow, Ronald Brunlees, Esq., 30, Manchester Street, W. 

1896 Mecredy, Jas., Esq., M.A., B.L., F.R.G.S., Wynberg, Blackrock, co. Dublin. 

1901 Merriman, J. A., Esq., c/o Standard Bank of South Africa, Ltd., Durban, Natal. 
1899 Michell, Sir Lewis L., Rhodes' Building, Cape Town, South Africa. 

1893 Michigan, University of, Ann Arbor, Mich., U.S.A. (Raymond C. Davis Esq., 

Librarian). 
1896 Milwaukee Public Library, Milwaukie, Wisconsin, U.S.A. (Dr. George W. 
Peckham, Librarian). 

1895 Minneapolis Athenaeum, Minneapolis, Minn., U.S.A. (Miss Jessie McMillan, 

Librarian). 
1899 Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, Minnesota, U.S.A. 

Mitchell Library, 21, Miller Street, Glasgow (Francis T. Barrett Esq., 
Librarian). 

1898 Mitchell, Alfred, Esq., New London, Conn., U.S.A. 

Mitchell, Wm., Esq., c/o Union Bank of Scotland, Holburn Branch, Aberdeen. 

1902 Mombasa Club, Mombasa, East Africa. 

1899 Monson, The Right Hon. Lord, C.V.O., Burton Hall, Lincoln. 

1901 Moreno, Dr. Francisco J., La Plata Museum, La Plata, Argentine Republic. 

Morgan, Edward Delmar, Esq., 1 5, Roland Gardens, South Kensington, S.W. 
1893 Morris, Henry Cecil Low, Esq., M.D., F.R.G.S., Gothic Cottage, Bognor, Sussex. 

1896 Morris, Mowbray, Esq., 59a, Brook Street, Grosvenor Square, W. 

1900 Morrison, George Ernest, Esq., M.D., F.R.G.S., Times Correspondent, 

c/o H.B.M. Legation, Peking. 
1899 Morrisson, James W., Esq., 200-206, Randolph Street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. 
1895 Moxon, Alfred Edward, Esq., F.R.G.S., c/o Mrs. Gough, The Lodge, Souldem, 

near Banbury. 
1899 Mukhopadhyay, The Hon. Dr. Asutosh, M.A., LL.D., 77, Russa Road North, 

Bhowanipore, Calcutta. 
Munich Royal Library (Kgl. Hof-u. Staats-Bibliothek), Munich, Germauy 

(Konigl. Geheimrath Dr. von Laubmann, Director). 

1901 Murray, Hon. Charles Gideon, Brooks's, St. James's Street, S.W. 

Nathan, H. E.Major Sir Matthew, K.C.M.G., R.E., F.R.G.S., 11, Pembridge 
Square, W., and Government House, Hong Kong. 



30 

1894 Naval and Military Club, 94, Piccadilly. W. 

Netherlands, Royal Geographical Society of the (Koninklijk Nederlaudsch 

Aardrijkskuudig Genootschap), Singel 421, Amsterdam (J. Yzermann Esq., 

Bibliothecaris. ) 
Newberry Library, The, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. (John Vance Cheney, Esq., 

Librarian). 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Literary and Philosophical Society, Westgate Road, 

Newcastle on-Tyne. 
Newcastle-ui>on-Tyue Public Library, New Bridge Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne 

(Basil Anderton Esq., 6. A., Chief Librarian). 

1894 New London Public Library, Conn., U.S.A. 

New South Wales, Public Library of, Sydney, N.S.W. (Henry C. L. 
Anderson, M.A., Principal Librarian). 
1899 New York Athletic Club, Central Park, South, New York City, U.S.A. 
(John C. Qulick Esq., chairman of Library Committee). 

1895 New York Public Library, 40, Lafayette Place, New York City, U.S.A. (Dr. 

John S. Billings, Director). 
New York State Library, Albany, New York, U.S.A. (Melvil Dewey Esq., 
Director). 
1894 New York Yacht Club (Library Committee), 67, Madison Avenue, New York 
City, U.S.A. 

1897 New Zealand, Agent-General for (Hon. William Pember Reeves), 13, Victoria 

Street, S.W. 
Nijhoff, M. Martinus, Nobelstrat, 18, The Hague. 

1896 North Adams Public Library, Massachusetts, U.S.A.. 

Northbrook, The Right Hon. the Earl of, G.C.S.I., F.R.S., F.R.G.S., Stratton, 

Micheldever Station. 
Northumberland, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., c/o J. C. 

Hodgson Esq., Alnwick Castle. 
1899 Nottingham Public Library, Sherwood Street, Nottingham (J. P. Briscoe Esq., 

Librarian). 

1898 Omaha Public Library, 19th and Harney Streets, Omaha, Nebraska, U.S.A. 

(Miss Edith Tobitt, Librarian). 
Oriental Club, Hanover Square, W. 
1902 Otani, Kozui, Esq., F.R.G.S., Nishi Honganji, Horikawa, Kyoto, Japan. 
Oxford Union Society, Oxford (The Chief Librarian). 

1902 Palmella, His Grace the Duke of, Lisbon. 

Paris, Bibliothdque Nationale, Rue de Richelieu, Paris (M. Marchal, 

Conservateur). 
Paris, Institut de France, Quai de Conti 23, Paris (M. R^belliau, Librarian). 

1899 Parish, Frank, Esq., 5, Gloucester Square, Hyde Park, W. 

1900 Parlett, Harold George, Esq., British Legation, Tokio, Japan. 

1902 Parry, Commander John Franklin, R.N., H.M.S. "Egeria," Esquimalt, 
British Columbia. 

1898 Payne, Edward John, Esq., F.R.G.S., 2, Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 
Peabody Institute, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A. (Philip Reese Uhler Esq., Librarian). 
Peckover, Alexander, Esq., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., Bank House, Wisbech. 

1896 Peech, W. H., Esq., St. Stephen's Club. Westminster, S.W. 
1893 Peek, Sir Wilfred, Bart., c/o Mr. Grover, Rousdon, Lyme Regis. 

1899 Peixoto, Dr. J. Rodrigues, 8, Rue Almte. Comandar^, Rio de Janeiro. 

1899 Pequot Library, Southport, Conn., U.S.A. (W. H. Holman Esq., Chief 

Librarian). 
1902 Percival, H. M.. Esq., 14, Park Street, Calcutta. 

1901 Perthes. Herr Justus, Geographische Austalt, Gotha, Germany, [copies 

PRESENTED.] 

Petherick, Edward Augustus, Esq., F.R.G.S., 85, Hopton Road, Streatham, 
S.W. 
1895 Philadelphia Free Library, Pa., U.S.A. (John Thomson Esq., Librarian). 



31 

Philadelphia, Library Company of, corner Locust and Juniper Streets, 
Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. (James G. Barnwell Esq., Librarian). 
1899 Philadelphia, University Club, 1510 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. 

(Ewiug Jordan Esq., M.D., Librarian). 
1899 Plymouth Proprietary and Cottonian Library, Cornwall Street, Plymouth 
(John L. C. Woodley Esq., Chief Librarian). 
Poor, Henry William, Esq., 1, Lexington Avenue, New York City, U.S.A. 
Portico Library, 57, Mosley Street, Manchester (Ernest Marriott Esq., 
Librarian). 
1894 Pretoria Government Library, Pretoria, Transvaal, South Africa. 

1894 Quaritch, Bernard Alfred, Esq., F.R.G.S., 15, Piccadilly, W. (12 copies). 

1899 Rabbits, William Thomas, Esq., F.R.G.S., 40, Sloane Court, S.W. 

1890 Raffles Library and Museum, Singapore (Dr. Richard Hanitsch, Director). 

Ravenstein, Ernest George, Esq., F.R.G.S., 2, York Mansions, Battersea Park, 
Reform Club, Pall Mall, S.W. (G. Vincent Esq., Librarian). [S.W. 

1899 Reggio, Andr6 C, Esq., 43, Tremont Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 

1895 Rhodes, Josiah, Esq., The Elms, Lytham, Lancashire. 

Richardrt, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Frederick WilUam, G.C.B., F.R.G.S., 

34, Hurlingham Court, S.W. 
Riggs, E. F., Esq., 1311, Mass. Avenue, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. 

1896 Riugwalt, John S., Jun., Esq., Lock Box 147, Mt. Vernon, Knox County, Ohio, 

U.S.A. 

1892 Rittenhouse Club, 1811, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. (Carroll 

Smythe Esq., Secretary, Library Committee). 
Rockhill, the Hon. William Woodville, International Bureau of American 
Republics, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. 
1899 Rodd, Sir James Rennell, C.B., K.C.M.G., F.R.G.S., British Embassy, Rome. 

1898 Rohrscheid and Ebbecke, Herrn, Strauss'sche Buchhandluug, Bonn, Germany. 
1896 Rose, Charles Day, Esq., M.P., Hard wick House, Reading. 

1893 Royal Artillery Institution, Woolwich. 

Royal Colonial Institute, Northumberland Avenue, W.C. (James R. Boose 
Esq., Librarian). 

1896 Royal Cruising Club, 40, Chancery Lane, W.C. 
Royal Engineers' Institute, Chatham. 

1847 Royal Geographical Society, 1, Savile Row, Burlington Gardens, W. 
(Edward Heawood Esq., Librarian), [copies presented.] 
Royal Scottish Geographical Society, Queen Street, Edinburgh (Jas. 
Burgess Escj., LL.D., CLE., Librarian). 

1897 Royal Societies Club, 63, St. James's Street, S.W. (D. Lewis-Poole Esq., Hon. 

Secretary). 
Royal United Service Institution, Whitehall, S.W. 

1899 Runciman, Walter, Jr., Esq., M.P., West Denton Hall, Scotswood on-Tyne. 

1900 Ryley, John Horton, Esq.. 1 Melrose, 22, Woodwarde Road, East Dulwich, 
1900 Ryley, Mrs. Florence. LL.A., J S.E. 

St. Andrews University, St. Andrews (Jas. Maitland Anderson Esq., Librarian). 
1899 St. Deiniol's Library, Hawarden (Rev. G. C. Joyce, Librarian). 

1893 St. John's, New Brunswick, Free Public Library (J. R. Ruel, Esq. Chairman). 
St. Louis Mercantile Library, St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A. (Horace Kephart 

Esq., Librarian). 
St. Martin's-in-the-Fields Free Public Library, 115, St. Martin's Lane, W.C. 
St. Petersburg University Library, St. Petersburg (Dr. Alex. Roman. Kreis- 

beig, Librarian). 

1894 St. Wladimir University, Kiew, Russia (Dr. Venjamin Aleks. Kordt, 

Librarian). 
1902 Sanborn, George P., Esq., 29, Wall Street, Drexel Building, New York City, 
U.S. A. 



32 

1899 Sanford, Charles Henry, Esq., F.R.G.S., 102, Eaton Square, S.W. 

1900 San Francisco Public Library, San Francisco, Cal., U.S.A. (G. T. Clark Esq. 

Librarian). 
Satow, H. E. Sir Ernest Mason, K.C.M.G., F.R.G.S., British Legation, Peking. 
1896 Saunders, Howard, Esq., F.R.G.S., 7, Radnor Place, Hyde Park, W. 
1899 Sclater, Dr. Willium Lutley, South African Museum, Cape Town, S. Africa. 
1899 Seattle Public Librarj-, Seattle, Washington, U.S.A. (C. Wesley Smith Esq., 

Librarian). 
1894 Seymour, Admiral Sir Edward Hobart, G.C.B., O.M., F.R.G.S., 9, Ovington 

Square, S.W. 

1898 SheflBeld Free Public Libraries, Surrey Street, Sheffield (Samuel Smith Esq., 

Librarian). 

1899 Shields, Cuthbert, Esq., Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 

Signet Library, 11, Parliament Square, Edinburgh (A. G. Main Esq., 

Librarian). 
Silver, Stephen William, Esq., F.R.G.S., 3, York Gate, Regent's Park, N.W. 
Sinclau-, Mrs. W. Frederic, 102, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, S.W. 
1899 Smith, Frederick Alexander, Esq., 10, Cumberland Mansions, Bryanston 

Square, W. 
1896 Smithers, F. Oldershaw, Esq., F.R.G.S., Dashwood House, 9, New Broad 

Street, E.C 
1899 Sneddon, George T., Esq., 8, Merry Street, Motherwell, Lanarkshire. 
1899 Societd Geografica Italiana, Via del Plebiscite 102, Rome. 

Soci^t^ de G^graphie, Boulevard St. Germain, 184, Paris (M. le Baron Hulot, 
Secretaire G^n6ral). 
1899 Soulsby, Basil Harrington, Esq., B A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., Map Department, 

British Museum, W.C, and 3, Spring Gardens, S.W. 
1899 South African Public Library, Cape Town, South Africa. 
1899 Southam, Herbert Robert Henry, Esq., F.S.A., Innellan, Sutton Road, 
Shrewsbury. 

1896 Springfield City Library Association, Mass., U.S.A. (Hiller C. Wellman Esq., 

Librarian). 
1894 Stairs, James W., Esq., c/o Messrs. Stairs, Son and Morrow, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 

1894 Stephens, Henry Charles, Esq., F.R.G.S., Cholderton Lodge, Cholderton 

Salisbury. 

1893 Stevens, Son, and Stiles, Messrs. Henry, 39, Great Russell Street, W.C. 
Stockholm, Royal Library of (Kongl. Biblioteket), Sweden (Dr. Erik Wilhelm 

Dahlgren, Librarian). 

1895 Stockton Public Library, Stockton, Cal., U.S.A. (W. F. Clowdsley Esq , 

Librarian). 
Strachey, Lady, 69, Lancaster-gate, Hyde Park, W. 

1894 Stringer, George Alfred, Esq,, 248, Georgia Street, Buffalo, N.Y., U.S.A. 
Stubbs, Captain Edward, R.N., 13, Greenfield Road, Stoneycroft, Liverpool. 

1904 Suarez, Colonel Don Pedro (Bolivian Legation), Santa Cruz, 74, Compayne 
Gardens, N.W. 

1899 Sykes, Major Percy Molesworth, C.M.G.,F.R.G.S., Queen's Bays, H.M.'s Consul, 

Kerman, Persia, via, Teheran. 

1900 Tangye, Richard Trevithick Gilbert, Esq., LL.B., 16, Tite Street, Chelsea, S.W. 

1897 Tate, G. P., Esq., F.R.G.S., Survey of India Department, India. 

1894 Taylor, Captain William Robert, F.R.G.S., 1, Daysbrook Road, Streatham 

Hill, S.W. 
Temple, Lieut. -Col. Sir Richard Camac, Bart., CLE., F.R.G.S., The Nash. 

Worcester, and Naval and Military Club, S.W. 
1894 Thomson, Basil Home, Esq., Governor's House, H.M.'s Prison, Princetown, 

S. Devon. 

1896 Tighe, Walter Stuart, Esq., Coolmoney, Stratford-on-Slauey, Co. Wicklow. 
Toronto Public Library, Toronto, Ont., Canada (James Bain Esq., Librarian). 
Toronto University, Toronto, Ont., Canada (H. H. Langton Esq., LibraCrian). 



33 

Travellers' Club, 106, Pall Mall, S.W. 
1900 Triuder, Arnold, Esq., F.R.G.S., The Hollies, Rydens Road, Walton-on- 
Thanies. 
Trinder, Henry William, Esq., F.R.G.S., Northbrook House, Bishops Waltham, 

Hants. 
Trinder, Oliver Jones, Esq., Cedar Grange, Caterham Valley, Surrey. 
Trinity College, Cambridge. 

Trinity House, The Hon. Corporation of. Tower Hill, E.G. (H. S. Liesching 
Esq., Librarian). 
1894 Troop, W. H., Esq., c/o Messrs. Black Bros, and Co., Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
Trotter, Coutts, Esq., F.R.G.S., 10, Randolph Crescent, Edinburgh. 
Turnbull, Alexander H., Esq., F.R.G.S., Elibank, Wellington, New Zealand, 
and c/o Messrs. A. L. Elder and Co., Ltd., 7, St. Helen's Place, E.G. 
1902 Tweedy, Arthur H., Esq., Widmore Lodge, Widmore, Bromley, Kent. 

United States Congress, Library of, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. (Herbert 
Putnam Esq., Librarian). 

1899 United States National Museum (Library of), Washington, D.C. U.S.A. (Cyrus 

Adler Esq., Librarian). 
United States Naval Academy Library, Annapolis, Md., U.S.A.. (Prof. 

Arthur Newton Brown, Librarian). 
University of London, Imperial Institute, S.W. 
Upsala University Library, Upsala. Sweden (Dr. Claes Annerstedt, Librarian). 

1896 Van Raalte, Charles, Esq., Brownsea Island, Poole, Dorset. 
1904 Vassall, Henry, Esq., The Priory, Repton, Burton-on-Trent. 

1900 Vernon, Roland Venables, Esq., Colonial OflBce, Downing Street, S.W. 
Victoria, Public Library, Museums, and National Gallery of, Melbourne, 

Australia (E. La T. Armstrong Esq., Chief Librarian). 
Vienna Imperial Library (K. K. Hof-Bibliothek), Vienna (Dr. Hofrath Josef 

Karabacek, Chief Librarian). 
Vignaud. Henry, Esq., Ambassade des Etats Unis, 18, Avenue Kleber, Paris. 

19f)2 War Office, Mobilisation and Intelligence Library, Winchester House, St. 

James's Square, S.W. (F. J. Hudleston Esq., Librarian). 
1894 Warren, WUliam R., Esq., 68, William Street, New York City, U.S. A. 

Washington, Department of State, D.C, U.S.A. (Andrew Hussey Allen Esq., 

Chief of Bureau of Rolls). 
Washington, Library of Navy Department, Washington, D.C, U.S.A. 

(Superintendent of Naval War Records). 
Watkinson Library, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A. (Frank B. Gay Esq., 
Librarian). 
1892 Webster, Sir Augustus Frederick Walpole Edward, Bart., Battle Abbey, 

Sussex, 
1899 Weld, Rev. George Francis, Hingham. Mass., U.S.A. 
1903 Wells, Professor David Collins, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H., U.S.A. 

1899 Westaway, Engineer Commander Albert Ernest Luscombe, H.M.S. 

*' Majestic," Flagship, MediteiTanean Squadron. 
1898 Westminster School (Rev. G. H. Nail, M.A., Librarian) Dean's Yprd, S.W. 

Wharton, Rear- Admiral Sir William James Lloyd, K.C.B., F.R.S., F.R.G.S., 
Florys, Princes Road. Wimbledon Park, S.W. 

1900 White, Dr. Henry, F.R.G.S., English Mission Hospital, Yezd, Persia, via 

Berlin. 

1898 Whiteway, Richard Stephen, Esq., Brownscombe, Shottermill, Surrev. 
1896 Wildy, Augustus George, Esq., F.R.G.S., 14, Buckingham Street, W.C. 

1899 Williams, 0. W., Esq., Fort Stockton, Texas, U.S.A. 

1899 Wilmanns, Frederick M., Esq., 89, Oneida Street, Milwaukee, Wise, U.S.A. 

C 



34 

Wilson, Edward SbimellH, Esq., F.S.A., Melton Grange, Brougli, East 

Yorkshire. 
1896 Wisconsin, State Historical Society of, Madison, Wise, U.S.A. (Isaac S. 

Bradley Esq., Librarian). 
1900 Woodford, Charles Morris, Esq., F.R.G.S., Government Residence, Tulagi, 

British Solomon Islands. 
Worcester, Massachusetts, Free Library, Worcester, Mass., U.S.A. (Samuel 

S. Green Esq., Librarian). 
1900 Wright, John, Esq., 2, Challoner Terrace West, South Shields. 
1899 Wyndham, The Right Hon. George, M.P., 35, Park Lane, W. 

Yale University, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A. (Addison Van Name Esq., 
Librarian). 
1894 Young, Alfales, Esq., Salt Lake City, Utah, U.S.A. 

Young, Sir Allen WiUiam, C.VO., C.B., F.11.G.S., 18, Grafton Street, Bond 
Street, W. 
1894 Young & Sons, Messrs. Henry, 12, South Castle Street, Liverpool. 

Ziirich, Stadtbibliothek, Ziirich, Switzerlan<l (Dr. Hermann Escher, Chief 
Librarian). 



\ 



35 



LIST OF MEMBERS' AGENTS.— 1904. 



Messrs. Edward G. Allen and Son, Ltd., 28, Henrietta Street, Covent 
Garden, W.C. 

Brooklyn Mercantile Library. 
Canada, The Parliament Library, Ottawa. 
Cornell University Library. 
Johns Hopkins University Library. 
Peabody Institute, Baltimore. 
Philadelphia, Library Company of. 
United States, Congress Library. 
Yale University Library. 

Messrs. A. Asher and Co., 13, Bedford Street, Covent Gaiden, W.C. and 
13, Unter den Linden, Berlin, W. 

Berlin, The Royal Library. 
Foreign Office of Germany. 
Kiel Royal University Library. 
Munich Royal Library. 
Vienna Imperial Library. 

Mr. James Bain, 14, Charles Street, Haymarket, S.W. 

Captain Edward Arthur Fitzgerald. 

John Walker Ford Esq. 

John Francis Fortescue Homer Esq. 

Messrs. Thos. Bennett and Sons, Carl Johans-Gade 35, Ohristiania, c/o Mewnrs. 
Cassell and Co., Ltd., La Belle Sauvage, Ludgate Hill, E.C. 

Christiania University Library. 

Messrs. Bickers and Son, 1, Leicester Square, W. 

C. R. Coming Esq. 
H. K. Coming Esq. 

Messrs. Black Bros, and Co. , Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
W. H. Troop Esq. 

Mr. H. W. Bryant, Librarian, Portland, Maine, U.S.A. 
James Phinney Baxter Esq. 

Messrs. C. D. Cazenove and Son, 26, Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, W. C. 

Messrs. C. D. Cazenove and Son. 
Messrs. A. C. McClurg and Co. 
Toronto Public Library. 
Toronto University library. 

Messrs. Dulau and Co., 37, Soho Square, W. 
British Museum (Natural History). 

Mr. Francis Edwards, 83, High Street, Marylebone, W. 

Copenhagen Royal Library. 
Mr. Francis Edwards. 

Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode, 5, Middle New Street, E.C. 

Admiralty Library. [2 copies.] 

Foreign Office Library. 

War Office, Intelligence Library.