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THE EARLY RELATIONS 

a of 

ENGLAND WITH BORNEO 

To 1805. 






INAUGURAL DISSERTATION 

r 

V 

Submitted to the Philosophic Faculty of the University of Berne 

For the Doctor's Degree 
by 

JOHANNES WILLI of GAIS 

(Appenzell a. Rh.)- 



Langensalza 

Druck von Hennann Beyer & Sohne (Beyer & Mann) 
1922 



w /7 / ^ 



TO MY DEAR WIFE 



The present work w£is written at the suggestion of both Prof. 
Dr. Ph. Woker, at the University of Berne, and Prof. Arthur 
P. KewtoD, Ehodes Professor of Imperial History in the University 
of London, under whose guidance it was achieved. My heartiest thanks 
are due to Prof. Newton and Mr. "William Foster C. I. E. whose 
valuable assistance wiH never be forgotten. 

Berne, February 1922. 

J. Willi. 



CONTENTS. 



pa-e 

Chapter I. Sarvey of the earliest English Intercourse with Borneo. ^■ 

Down to 1760 ■^•. 1 

§1. The Soetadana Period 1608— 1623 1 

§ 2. The earliest Attempts at Bandjennasin up to 1708 . . 7 

§ 3. The second Bandjennasin Period 1738—1749 . ._ . . 17 
Chapter 11. Enterprises for Improving and Extending the Trade in 

the Far East. 1757—1765. . . .' 33 

§ 1. Preparations for Improving and Extending tne Trade to China 34 
§ 2. Dairymple's Instructions on Secret Service and the Results 
of his First (1759—1761) and Second Voyage up to the 

Siege of Manila - . . , 36 

§ 3. The definite Cession of Balamhangan as a consequence of 

the Seven Years' "War 46 

Chapter III. The First Balambangan Period. 1768—1775 . . 61 
§ 1. Kew Steps taken at home for extending the Trade of the 

Company ' . . 01 

§ 2. Preparations made at Bombay and Madras to secure Balam- 
bangan to the Co"hipaL7 hefore the Arrival of the Britannia 74 
§ 3. The Formation of the Balambangan Settlement by John Herbert 77 
§ 4. The Chiefship of Balambangan and its Dependency at Borneo 

Proper . 92 

§ 5. The Capture of Balambangan 109 

Chapter IV. The Second Balambangan Period. 1803—1805 . . 116 
§ 1. The Occupation of Balambangan as a Result of the Tieaty 

of Amiens 11 & 

§ " The Military Establishment at Balambangan 127 

Appendices ... . 135 

Bibliography . . . .' 341 



Chapter I. 
Survey of the earliest English Intercourse with Borneo. 

Down to 1760. 



§ 1- ~ _ 

The Soekadana Period."" 

1608—1623. 

In tracing back the somewhat incoherent history of the relations 
of the English with Borneo, it was no little surprise for ir.e to discover 
that this distant country was stated as erarly as 1599 to be »a large 
and rich island*^ worth obtaining as a trading centre. 

The petition of the Merchant Adventurers to Queen Elizabeth 
states that Borneo is one of the places sabounding with great wealth 
and riches, where the Portugals and Spaniards have not any castle, 
fort, blockhouse or commandment^^.i) We know that the wise Queen, 
fully recognising the national importance of this enterprise, referred 
the document to Fulke Greville for examination. After a careful 
scrutiny he presented a lengthy memorial 2) with a list of the names 
of the absolute kings in the East who neither have war or traffic with 
Spain«. It seems that the three authorities he consulted, Osorius, 
Eden's Decades, and John Hinghen's Voyages, were not the best he 
could have used. For among the above mentioned countries he does 
not include Borneo, though it had been under Spanish influence since 
1580 when the Spanish sent a fleet of 50 galleys to Bourn§ or Borneo 
Proper to restore the dethroned king who in return acknowledged their 
sovereignty, s) 



^) Bruce Annals^ Vol. I, 114 f. Bruce Jolrn Annals of the East India Com- 
pany from their Establishment by the Charter ... 3 vols. London 1810. 

«) 10 March, 1599. 

") St. John, the Indian Archip., Vol I. St. John. Horace. The Indian Archi- 
polago, its History & Present State. 2 vols. London 1853. 

Willi, The early relu-'itis of England with Borneo. 1 



Chapter I. Survey of tie earliest English Intercourse Trith Borneo. 



One of the consequences of the Second Voyage, -which started in 
1603 under the command of Captain Middleton, was that one of the 
factors of this expedition, John Saris, drew the attention of the English 
to Borneo. This factor, who stayed in Bantam, heard of the continuous 
progress which the Dutch had made in the Malay Archipelago and 
especially in Borneo, though their first attempts, made at Borneo Proper 
by van Noort in 1600, had failed owing to the treacherous character 
of the inhabitants. John Saris must have got information of the new 
Dutch expedition in 1604 under van Warwyk, who came to Soekadana 
in search of diamonds and endeavoured to extend the Dutch trade 
along the shores of Borneo, i) But what most alarmed the Factor at 
Bantam were the orders issued at Batavia in 1608 decreeing the 
establishment of a factory in Borneo, the appointment of a director to 
conclude agreements with the princes of Sambas, Pontianak, Bandjermasin 
and Borneo Proper and, to establish factories there, provided that the 
exclusive privilege of commerce were granted to him.*) 

John Saris emphasises the importance of the trade of the Flemings 
to Soekadana »which place yields them great store of diamonds*, with 
Bandjermasin in gold and blue glass beads »which the Chinese make 
and selU.5) It seems to me that he lays a certain stress on these 
»Chinese«, which very probably did not escape the Directors at home, 
for we shall see that later on all attempts to establish settlements in 
Borneo arose in connection with the trade to China. Borneo was never 
supposed to be an esthablishment existing per se as its situation 
rendered it a practical intermediate station on the route, to China. 

It appears that this letter of Saris' bad no immediate consequences, 
for quite four- years had to elapse before it was decided to establish 
a factory at Soekadana, where a Dutch one had existed since 1608. 
In 1612, when dispatching a pinnace to Japan to take back the 
remainders of the Fourth and Fifth Voyage left there, Sir Henry 
Middleton^) at Bantam intended to send a jeweller and Sophony 
Cozucke for diamonds to Soe'eadana to establish a factory.^) They 



^) Valentyne. quoted by St. John. 

*) Logan, Notices of European Intercourse, Journ. iDd. Arch., Ill, 506. 
Logan, J. R., Notices of European and Chinese Intercourse with Borneo prior to the 
Establishment of Singapore. 

') Letter Books, Vol. 1, N. 9. 

') Letter Boots, Vol. 1, N. 90, Bantam, Nov. 1612. 

') Henry Middleton had the direction of the Second Voyage in 1604 with orders 
i: proceed to the factories which had already been established and to open a trade 



§ 1. The Soeladana Period. 



were successful, and monopolised the trade in diamonds there to such 
a~degree that the people of Landak sent an embassy desiring that the 
English should come and settle a factory there, i) 

Immediately Captain Eobert Larkins and the merchants of the 
Darling sent instructions to Cozucke in compliance with their request 
to confer with the Landak chief about the securities upon which they 
might settle, and to enquire into their relations with Soekadana. Should 
these be hostile, no factory should be established. 

A vigorous trade, carried on by junks between Soekadana and 
Bantam, promised good results and inspired the Agent Cozucke to 
proceed as far as Sambas to open a commercial intercourse with the 
people there."'') 

But events did not justify this hopeful beginning. Jealousy, 
qaarrelsomeness, inexperience in dealing with the natives, and failure 
to counter'act the intrigues of the Dutch at Soekadana ruined in a few 
years all that had been begun so promisingly. 

First the expidition to Landak completely failed. ^) Though Sophony 
was convinced that a profitable trade was to be had there for diamonds 
and gold by erecting fortifications on a small island in the river,*) 
the endeavours to obtain it were but small. Captain Eobert Larkin 
indeed made two attempts') to get up that river. A verbose description^ 
of one of those two expeditions states that the failure must be attributed 
to the treacheries and savageness of the Dyaks. Fifteen hundred of 
them attacked three of the English, but, not being used to powder and 
lead, they fled into the woods. When the other junk arrived from 
Sambas on the 6th Jlay, once more nine Englishmen drove up the 
river in a prow. They were kindly received by the native governor 
of Landak. But what they had not attained by force these people 
now sought by treachery. Their intention to have split the prow against 
the rocks was baffled by the caution of the English who, warned by 
two of their black having been slain when they went ashore, left the 



with the Spice Islands. He returned to England in 1606 without having received 
the right of a new factoiy. Afterwards he took the command of the Sixth Voyage 
in 1609 as Sir Henry Middleton. 

') Letter Books, Vol. II, N. 139, April 11th, 1614. 

^) Letter Books, Vol. U, N. 142, April 24th, 1614. 

=) Cal. of State Papers, I. K. 76, June 14th, 1614. 

*) Ditto K, 742, July 5 th, 1614. 

') Letter Books, Vol. II, N. 154. 

•) Ditto N. 162, April 3rd, 1614. 

1' 



4 Chapter 1. Survey of the earliest English Intercourso with Borneo. 

place, hoping that with a force of twent}^ men it would be possible 
to establish a factory and to purchase diamonds. This place alone was 
reported to produce annually three to four thousand carats of diamonds 
besides gold, bezoar stones and bees-wax. 

The enterprise at Sambas proved more successful at firet Thither 
Cassaiian David had been sent in June 1614^) and the »Darling« 
arrived just in time to supply the new factory with stores and provi- 
sions and money. 

But even by 1615 those at Soekadana were without any news 
from this place.*) When at last David sent an account of bis pro- 
ceedings') in December 1615 it was anything but favourable. He 
reported that not finding the trade answerable to the large charges 
the Company had sustained and having been thrice in danger of death 
by the treacherous dealing of the native people he had got leave 
from*) the King of Sambas to return to Soekadana. !>So having in the 
night time shipped all my goods and slaves in a prow, I departed with 
an excuse to fetch more goods, thinking better to have my life and 
what remained than stay upon no hopes at all and endanger aU.« 

Meanwhile things at Soekadana went from bad to worse. "When 
Captain Larkin arrived there in the »Darling«- he found the factors in 
debt to the Dutch ^without a penny in the house* so that he had 
even to break the small stock of his ship to supply them with the 
necessities. 5) He also found Sophony, Greete, the jeweller, and another 
factor on such bad terms that each of them pretended not to be able 
to live any longer together with the others.'') Larkin succeeded, 
however, for a short time to sell his stores, consisting chiefly of 
broadcloth, and to purchase diamonds and wax. 

Then the first difficulties arose with the Dutch who, made jealous 
by this slight progress of the English here and in the Moluccas, began 
to injure their trade by under-selling their goods even at a loss. The 
sale of cloth became less and less and, whenever circumstances allowed, 
they purchased all that the natives brought to market before an English 



^) Letter Books ToL II, N. 142 (3), June 10th, 1614. 

') D.ito Vol. n, X. 226, 2 January 1614/15. 

*) Ditto Vol. m, N. 327. 23 December 1615. 

*) In his letter to Jourdain, dated April 27 th, 1615. David's report is somewhat 
different in that the king took his goods away hy force and twice purposed to kill 
Mm. (Factory Eec. iliscell. XXV, foi. 136.) 

') Letter Books, Vol H, N. 142 (3), 10 June 1614. 

<^) Cal. of State Papers, I, K. 736, 14 Jane 1614. 



§ 1. The Soekadana Period. 



veisei ever arriTed.^) The Dutch beat off the ship. .2 Concords from 
the Aloluccas, which in lieu sailed to Soekadana and supplied this 
factory as ivell as that of Bandjermasin, 2) where a new one bad been 
founded by David after he had given up that of Sambas, and which 
promised to be successful, as, he found the people »kind and tractable 
and very much inclined for selling him bezoarstones and diamonds 
and for buying clothsc.s) He was so enthusiastic that he called it 
2a land flowing Avith milk and honey«>) This enthusiasm must have 
inspired the President at Bantam to send ships more reg\ilarly with 
supplies for both factories on Borneo and to settle matters at Soekadana. 
This factory heretofore had been weakly managed, 5) so a new chief, 
Xathauiel Court, was appointed to take charge, and the disputant factors 
were removed.*) But a curse seemed to lie on this factory. The 
contentions between Greete and Cockayne continued. The sale of cloth 
for gold diminished constantly.') Added to this, large debts of Craw- 
ford and Sophony were in the hands of the native governor, who never 
meant to pay. They were reduced to beg the Flemish, arrived in a 
pinnace, to lend them a hundred dollars »but these flatly denied them«.*) 
Indeed with the arrival Tsf this Dutch vessel new difficulties and new 
troubles arose. The Dutch sold their cloth at far lower prices than 
the EngKsh, so that all sorts of people went to trade at their factory, 
and even the native governor was bribed by them to persuade the 
Landak men to sell all their stones only to them. Thrice a year such 
a pinnace was regularly sent out, while the English had always to 
wait a whole year at least for one of their own. The attitude of the 
pinnace's captain and crew towards Cockayne became more and more 
hostile and terminated in threats that within twelve months or less 
the Eoglish and all people there should see wonders. ») The Chinese 
intermediate trade at Soekadana mad^ things still worse, for the English 
were not allowed to trade directly with the natives, and it was the 
•-Chinese caterpillars^ who fixed the prices with the Landpks as they 



') Letter Books 11, N. 226, 2 Jaaiuiiy 1615. 

') Dittw III, N. 289, 10 August 16)5 and X. 294, 30 Sepfemlier 1615. 

•) Ditto UI, N. 32". 23 December 1615. 

') Fact. Eec. M: 0. XXV, fol. 136. 

') Letter Boots, in. N. 330; d'tto IT, N. 342, 34S. 17 March 1616. 

') Ditto IV, N. 406, 29 October 1616. 

^ Ditto T, N. 447, 24 Febmarv 1617. 

') Ibid. 

") Lttter Books, Y, IC 458, 8 March 1617. 



6 Chapter I. Survey of the earliest English Intercourse with Borneo. 

pleased and hindered them from coming to trade at the English houses. 
Cockayne therefore made an urgent appeal to the governor and the 
native queen who happened to be there, to permit them »to go as 
freely and buy and sell as weU in all prows and with all people as 
other people o. This was granted to him provided that he would pay 
the Queen a certain custom yearly, i) 

Cockayne, a very prudent and cautions factor, saw clearly enough 
that this would be the only means »to cast off these heavy and 
unprofitable ,hangers on'* and he pressed the President at Bantam to 
support this plan bj" sending money, for at Soekadana the finances 
were at zero: . 

•Dollars not one. 

Cash') as little and dear, at 15 pecowes*) the dollar. 

The cloth cannot be sold at the rate demanded, it is too bad. 

For ready gold in wedges and nnmingled rests 

22 tailes, and cannot get so much good gold 

to mingle with it to put it away.«*) 

In the same letter Cockayne wished to be replaced by Cothorpe. 
David intended to return to Bantam and proposed that Greete should 
be removed. 

The oppression of the English by the Dutch at Bantam in 1618, 
the only place which supplied the factories in Borneo, decided the fate 
of iSoekadana and Bandjermasin though Cockayne strove to revive the 
trade, which till then was » carried on in such a manner and fashion 
that all the country cries out and fie at iU.^) He tried also to bring 
some cider into the accounts which had been so neglected by Geo. 
Collins that one third of the debts could never so recovered, while 
the diamonds he had bought were worthless. The quan-els between 
the Dutch and the English, who mutually accused each other of inter- 
fering with their trade at Bantam and in the Moluccas, turned soon 
into open acts of hostility. <5) The capture of English ships by the 
Dutch at Bantam, JaccatraO, and Banda'), their repeated attacks on 
Polaroon and Lantore, reduced Bantam to a most precarious condition, 



') Letter Books, V, N. 506, 5 June 1617. 

') Casli: small Chinese coins. 

*) Peoowes: a string of thousand cash. 

♦; Letter Books, V, N. 506. 

=) 0. C. VI, N. 662, 16 June 1618. 

^ Bruce Annals, Tol. I, p. 202. 

0. C, VI, N. 662, 16 June 1618. 

'/ 0. C. V[, N. 668, 17. July 1618. 



§ 2. Tlie earliest Attempts at Bandjennaaia up to 1708. 7 

SO that dependencies of it which had not means and energy enough 
to be independent and to defend themselves were inevitably lost. Could 
any good effect be expected from the compromise treaty of 1619 which, 
as early as 1621, demanded a conference to negotiate on the explanations 
required of it? The war between the servants of the two Companies 
in the East Indies continued. This state of affairs was responsible for 
the fate of the ablest man of Soekadana, Geo. Cockayne, who on his 
return to Bantam was murdered with eleven followers at Cheribon.^) 
On the other hand, I am fuUy convinced from the records I have 
consulted that the Dutch had no share in the attack of the Sultan of 
JIataram on Soekadana in April 1622, 2) by which the town was 
ransacked and when the English and Dutch Companies lost respectively 
3,000 and 20,000 reals. The documents show clearly that this expedi- 
tion was directed merely against the natives, who fled into the woods, 
while their qu'een was made prisoner. The Dutch whitdrew their 
people a few months afterwards, 2) whilst the English in vain persevered 
till towards the end of this fatal year*) in order to recover their debts. 



§ 2. 
The earliest Attempts at Bandjermasin up to 1708. 

The Soekadana attempt had cmpletely failed owing to the many 
reasons which have been noted in the preceding paragraph, but the 
innate English tenacity could be daunted neither by bad luck nor by 
violent Dutch rivalry. The pepper-trade with Bandjermasin, though 
sometimes interrupted, was almost periodically resumed. From the 
meagre sources available we learn that, when in 1638 promoters intended 
to form a new Corporation with privileges for thirty-one years for 
trading to Surat, ^Bantam, Bandjermasin, etc., they alleged that at these 
places the old Company had possessed factories within the last ten 
years. 5) In 1639 the Dutch forbade the English to trade for pepper with 
Bandjermasin^), founding their pretensions on the void argument that 
it was contrary to their exclusive contract with the King, and 
threatening to seize any English and Portuguese ships they might find 

•) 0. C, MI, N. 901, 15 October 1620. 

') 0. C, IX, N. 1059, 10 July 1622. 

") 0. C. IX, N. 1076, 27 August 1622. 

*) 0. C. IX, N. 1093 X 2, 31 January 1624. 

•) Court Minutes, 1635—39, June 1638. 

") English Factories, Bantam, 2 August 1639. 



S Chipter I. Suney of tie earliest English Intercourse with Borneo. 

there. But that was merely a threat, and English merchants at that 
time could the less bo prevented from pui-suing their enterprises, as 
Charles I. in that particular year was going to renew the Charter 
and to withdraw the privileges once given to Corten and other inter- 
lopers, M'hich had caused almost more losses to the London East India 
Company than the Dutch had done. And so we are not surprised to 
find the factory at Bandjersmasin still existing in 1641 1), selling calico 
for gold and pepper.') Its motherprecidency was so badly off as to 
have to borrow money from two Portuguese merchants in order to 
buy pepper at all. In spite of this distress the factory continued at 
Bandjermasin , and in 1645 the ships for Bantam were ordered to 
purchase slaves on the coast of Africa for that factory and others.^) 
In 1648, when orders were issued to reduce the number of the factories, 
Bandjermasin was ordered to be retained, though the debts there were 
» doubtful and desperate^. *) 

In all the following years the >housef at Bandjermasin ist stated 
to be worth the cost except in 1650, when a Court of Committee for 
the Fourth Joint Stock was of opinion that it would be advisable to 
give up the factory and to send only one ship a year to trade there 
sas best it can«. The reason given for this decision was that the 
factors there had contracted heavy debts and had not secm-ed more 
tiian a small quantity of pepper. This _plan, however, was not 
executed. ^) 

Daring the war with the Dutch from 1652 — 1654 communications 
from Bantam --- this place being much embarrassed by the Dutch fleet 
and its exchanges with the Coromaudel Coast entirely interrupted — 
were rarely received and the newly created Presidency of Madras or 
Fort St George did not interfere with affairs of Bantam. So it is 
evident that only late in 1655, almost accidentally, we hear again of 
Bandjermasin. 

The almost interminable wars of Cromwell brought for a certain 
t; . troubles not only to the country but also for the Company, though 
the Government depended much on it as the only source from which 



^) At a Genera) Court in 1640 Pinson reported that when he left Bantam they 
expected there 300 tons pepper from BandjeiT.asin. (Court Minutes. 23 September 
1640.) 

") The Eng. =h Factories, Bantam, 2 August 1641. 

Court Micntes, 5 February 1645. 

*} Court Minutes, 10 March 1648, 1 September 1648, 11 October 1648. 

•) Cour* Minutes, 22 February 1650. 



§ 2. The. earliest attempts at Bandjemiasiii up to 1708. 



to get money. After the Treaty of Westminster and during the wai" 
■""ith France, domestic troubles prevailed throughout Great Britain, 
which had serious effects on the East Indian trade. One party of the 
United Joint Stock, the so-called Adventurer's, demanded that each 
member of the Company should have perfect libeily for his stock, 
shipping and servants in trading to India. They justified their petition 
by alleging that the East Indian trade, managed by Joint Stock, had 
not been as profitable as it necessarily would have been to the sub- 
scribers and to the country if carried on by separate voyages. The 
East Indian Company feared for their Charter and privileges, and 
presented their affairs to the Protector, asking him to renew their 
Charter and to prohibit private persons from trading to India. They 
had indeed the best helpmate and advocate on their side in Cromwell's 
impecuniosity. The whole affair was refeii'ed to a Select Committee of 
the State, which, finding it so extremely important for the benefit of 
the whole country, referred it back to the Council of State-, that is to 
say, to the arbitration of Cromwell. He acknowledged the Company's 
rights in return for a loan of £ 500,000, though at the same time he 
encouraged the Merchant Adventurers in their projects. 

In this uncertainty, the East India Company thought ist best to 
be prepared for either case, and ordered the Presidents and Councils 
of Surat and Fort St. George »to call in their debts and realise their 
funds, and send them home in investments of goods of the finest 
kind .... that their business might be wound up, and those funds be 
divided among the proprietors of the Stocks, i) The account of the 
United Joint Stock, dated 1st September 1655, states under the 
heading: 

Credit 

£ s. d. 
Five houses at Bantam, Japara, Macassar, 

Jamby and Bandjermasin . . . 3600 — — 

As later on no information whatever concerning Bandjermasin can 
be found, it seems very likely that the factory there vras withdrawn 
in the same year, or at least in the following one, when orders from 
the Court of Directors reached the Presidencies to reduce the foreign 
settlements and the number of their servants.*) ■- 



') Bruce Annals, 1, p. 504. 

-) In 1656 the value of the store-house at Bandjennasin is again mentioned 
with the somevrhat iarprising addition, >if there be any at this placet. (Court 
Minutes, 14 October 1656.) 



10 Cbapter I. Survey of tlie earlie. : English Intercourse with Borneo. 

A period of discouragement and despondency followed. The 
Merchant Adventurei-s, private interiopers, injured the trade of the 
Company. Surat and Fort St. George suffered severely. Bantam itself, 
for more than two years, was blockaded by the Dutch who profiting 
by the Company's disaster conquered Ceylon. It was reduced to such 
despair that it even withdrew the Agent from Cambodja and had neither 
inland nor coast trade. 

The revival of trade after the union between the Company and 
the Merchant Adventurers in 1657/58 came too late to save the fac- 
tories. Bandjermasin did not figure among the factories and dependencies 
which were to be delivered from the Unitid Joint Stock to the New Stoct. 



At this point we have reached the most important period in the 
h:- ;ry of the English East India Company, the foundation of the New 
East India Company oy private merchants "or interlopers besides the 
London Company. Owing to privileges granted by the King the inter- 
lopers determined no longer to bear with the rules of the Court of 
Committees or Directors. Those Whigs, as we may call them, profited 
by the opportunity to offer to the Government the sum of £ 2,000,000 
at 8 jer cent interest, provided that they should enjoy the privileges 
of the exclusive trade to India. They outbid the London Company's 
offer of £ 700,000 at 4 per cent, and so the General Society 
trading to the East Indies was recognised by an Act of Parliament 
in 1698. The old Company was to be permitted to trade to India till 
29 th September 1701. 

Now the shareholdere of the old Company, foreseeing the losses 
they were inevitablj^ going to suffer when giving up their trade in 
1701, as they were ordered, subscribed as a Corporation to this new 
stock, and thus became the nucleus of the New Company. This Company, 
on the other hand, was excluded from the old Company's principal 
factories in the Indies, which had been founded on privileges granted 
by the Mogul. It was evident that neither could thrive without the 
other's assistance and that one had to give way. Which it should be 
was decided by the Act of Parliament, by subscriptions which the 
London Company made to the new stock, and by the Charter of 
5 September 1698 given by William EL By this he granted to the 
exclusive >English Company trading to the East Indies^ fundamental 
privileges: 



§ 2. Ihe eatlLest Attamjits at Baadjermasiii up ta 1708. 11 

1. To have perpetual succession and a common seal. 

2. To trade, for ever hereafter, to India. 

3. To have the power to erect Courts of Judicature in India, etc.^) 
But iu spite of this charter the Qld Company continued to exist 

for some years more. The interlopers could never be expelled from 
the Indies, so that up to 1707/8, the year of the definitive union and 
settlement of the contending Companies, the trade to India was carried 
on by three kinds of traders, or four if we consider as a separate set 
of India-merchants the shareholders of the Old London Company, who 
had subscribed to the New or East India Company. Each endeavoured 
to exclude the others from their stations and to intercept their trade. 
Let us add that piracy then was felt more and more, so that in ' 
January 1699 Commodore Wan'en had to sail to the East with the 
King's fleet in order to protect English ships and to co-operate with 
French and Dutch squadrons against the pirates in the Eastern Seas. 
Considering all these impediments and that the Company itself did not 
embark on military enterprises, can we be surprised that a new attempt 
on Borneo, which was made just at the very beginning of this transition, 
proved to be a new failure? 

The new expedition to Borneo necessitated from the importance 
of the Dutch occupation of Java and the London Company's preponderance 
in the pepper-trade at Sumatra. The English Company therefore intended 
to raise the Coromandel Coast to an emporium for the markets in the 
China Seas and to bring thither such goods from Borneo — above ail 
pepper — as would suit the trade on that coast. The ship Julia was 
sent and Captain Cotes worth and Henry Watson, as chief, were trusted - 
-with the object of opening a factory and trade at Baudjermasin under 
the protection of the Sultan, to whom a letter was addressed petitioning 
for the grants,^) From the report in the Journal of the Julia it appears 
that the English were quite unknown at Bandjermasin, for when they 
arrived there, 21 April 1700, they had much difficulty in making the 
natives understand who they were, and not until a month later did 
the king deign to receive them, after Landen had arrived^) and they 
had sent him many presents. Landen had been appointed ^President 
pro tempore « of anj' station which he might find practicable as a basis 
for a trade in pepper, gold and diamonds, with instructions to open 

') Brnce Annals, III, p. 258. 

') Letter to Bay and Coast 4 April 1699. Ibid, instractions to Henry ^Vatson 
and Council 11 April 1699. 

") Journal .Jnlia., 21 & 24 April; 12, 26 May 1700. 



12 Cliaiitor 1. Survey of the eailitNt EI)gli^^h Intercourse with Borneo. 

a factory with the possibility of building ships there for China. The 

negotiatioas ^vith the Sultan at Tatas contented both parties. The English 

were permitted to build a warehouse and to load their ships with 

pepper, provided that they paid for every ship o cei'tain duty. The 

exclusive right in ti-ade, however, was not granted to them, and the 

four Chinese junks they met there were loaded at the same time. ^) 

Though the Julia returned to Loudon not till 1702 the Court of Directoi'S 

continued to dispatch ships to Borneo, from one to four yearly, and 

were not discouraged by the »most unfavourable accounts* they received 

fi'om thence as early as 1702. ^) The same disorders that we met with 

about a century ago occurred among the Company's servants at Tatas. 

President Landen in 1701 was compelled himself to dismiss the Council, 

the members of which were accused and tried by him for debts and 

interceptions. 5) The Council on their side accused him of »breach of 

trust and arbitrary conductc, owing to which — in my opinion false 

accusations — the Court of Directors dismissed him and ordered him 

to be seized as soon as he came back to Bengal,*) where he was put 

to trial. In defending himself he attributed the failure at Bandjermasin 

to the disobedience and misconduct of the servants, to the great mortality 

among the Europeans and to the impossibility of forming a regular factory.*) 

The second argument is fully proved by all the Journals of the ships 

staying there, which show that on an average two-thirds of the crew 

were ill, and that every month one or two died on board. The buOding 

of a factory had been prevented by a war with the natives, which 

broke out without any provocation on either part merely owing to the 

rapacious and ti'eacherous character of the Bandjereens or to the 

floating store-house having been removed from Tatas to Bandjermasin, 

and partly to the innate hati-ed the natives showed towards the great 

number of Macassars the English had in their service. This war lasted 

: early four months. In the course of the feud Bandjermasin and 

Tatas were burnt down, the fiist by its inhabitants »to terrify« the 

enemy. When they retired into the interior a small English force 

followed them up the river, burning down some of their villages. 

Kegara shared ' e fate of Bandjermasin. Only when the King's last 



') Journal .Julia.- 28 Joue 1701. 
•) Bruce Anuals, III, p. 516. 
'■") Journal >Borneo«, 12 March 1701. 
') L':tters to Hugly, 6 and 7- August 1702. 

') Letters from Landen to the Court of Directors, Borneo 20 April 1720, Batavia 
30 Jane 1702. 10 February 1703. 



§ 2. The earlieit Attempts at Baadjorinasin up to 1708. 13 

fortifications at Kajoetangii) -were taken by force, he condescended to 
conclude a treaty with the following. provisions:-) The King engaged' 
to pay the debts of his brother and another Pangaran, and considerable 
damages to the English for the loss of their warehouse, and he agreed 
that the custom-house should remain at Bandjermasin and that this 
place should be entirely the Company's, provided that they contiaued 
to pay customs as formerly.') So new store-houses were built, but 
when again four junks and many other prows arrived to load pepper 
at Bandjermasin, President Landen determined to leave the place with 
all the servants and stores.^) Meanwhile Thomas Tooley, a member of 
the former Council, whom President Landen' hat accused and tried for 
having overcharged the Company £ 1000.5.8, 5) had been appointed 
Chief, assisted by a Council of Four, by the Court of Directors, with 
express orders to seize Landen's books and papers in order to get 
evidence of his conduct and to continue the trade there. 

With the union of the London and English Companies in 1702, 
the competition of these two declined. The station of Pulo Condor 
was withdrawn, its importance for the Chinese trade as a rival base 
having passed. Instead of it, the Bandjermasin trade was to be directly 
connected with that to China. After the unfortunate experiences of 
the Company at this place during the last few years, and deeming 
their failure due to not having any military defences there, the Court 
of Directors ordered all military stores and materials for fortifications 
to be brought from Pulo to Bandjermasin. *=) This was to be effected 
under greatest caution and discretion, for though the Javanese and 
Chinese settlers heartily desired such protection, the natives, always 
suspicion .vould have taken up arms against such measures, and tiie 
Dutch, whose influence began to increase, -vfould have prevented it. 
Through the cleverness and cunning of the agents in Bandjermasin in 
treating with the king, they indeed obtained permission to erect forti- 
fications for their own protection. ') They had already made considerable 
progress in sti-engthening the fortifications^) and great hopes arose from 

■j Journal iBoineoc 17 June to 8 October 1701. 
n Ditto 14 October 1701. 
') Ditto December 1701. 
*) 4 April 1702. 

'j Journal »Bcrneo«., 12 llarch 1701. 

'^) Lettres to Pr. dent Catchpole at Pulo Condor, IS January 1705. 
') Le^treB from Borneo, 16 May, 30 September 1704, 1 mid 13 February 1706. 
'J The Ian had been drawn by Captain Barry, who unfortunately soiju after- 
■vsjds died. In fact he had been poisoned by the natives »so cunningly that the rest 



14 Oiapter I. Sui'vej of the earliest English Intercourse with Borneo. 

the report of the year 1704/5 giving the best prospects for a future 
trade. Catchpoie at Pulo Condor received final orders to remove, as 
President, with all settlers and stores to the new Presidency of 
Bandjennasin, where a new grant had been obtained from the king 
for a free ti-ade, without objection to the fortifications, i) " 

In reality the situation was not so enviable, for in the very same 
lettres we find that the English there were in constant apprehension 
uf the natives, who openly manifested their aversion and hostile 
intentions. A supply of soldiers had been considered necessary to 
protect the forty Europeans, eighteen of whom only were fit as soldiers, 
and to guard the four huiidred people who were working at the forti- 
fications. But instead of the reinforcements urgently wanted'^ either 
f r ;a Europe or from Pulo Condor, whose garrison had been expected 
for many months, one single, wretched, half-starved factor was cast 
on shore on the 18 January 1706, and soon was identified as Baldwin 
of Pulo Condor. From him they learnt that President Catchpoie and 
most of the English had been murdered on the 2nd March 1705, and 
their warehouses burnt down, before the orders to remove to Bandjer- 
masin had reached them.') 

It was supposed that the Malays had been instigated to this in- 
human crime by the Cochin Chinese, but iu my opinion we cannot go 
as far as that, and I should be rather inclined to consider it one of 
the himdreds of common depredations committed by Malay pirates in 
the course of two centuries. 

The loss of this point of support <vas felt at Borneo by the arrival 
of many more Chinese junks, which raised the price of pepper to such 
a degree inat the English were no longer able to fill up more than 
two of their ships yeai-ly, though in former years they had filled five 
or c en six vessels. The work at the fortificationes was carried on in 
a fever of excitement, s) so that they should be finished in 1708 or 
1709. But, strange to say, it seems as if this settlement vas destined 
to share the fate of Pulo Condor, although in somewhat different cir- 
cumstances, and Cunningham, who had escaped the massacre at Pulo 
Condor, then prisoner in Cochin China, and finally Chief at Bandjer- 



of the English had uo suspicion of them«, .-.i the Sultan confetsed to Captain Beeckman 
ahont ten years later. (Beeckman Voyages to Borneo.) Beeckman, Captain D,, 
A Voyage to and from the Island of Borneo in the East Indies. London 1718. 

') Lettres from Bandjermasin 28 May, 2 Jane and 8 October 1705. 

=) Lettres from Borneo 31 January 1706. 

') Letters from Bandjermasin 23 and 25 November 1706, 27 and 31 January 1V07. 



§ 2. The earliest Attempts at Baudjermasin up to 1708. 15 



masin, had to undergo again the nerve-racking experience of an un- 
expected sudden assault. Hamilton is inclined to blame him for the 
success of the enemy's attack because »he was too much a scientific 
man and left theconduct of the Company's affairs to others*.^) Another 
reason, in his opinion, was that the English were beginning to domineer 
over the natives too early and that they drew the king's resentment 
on them by searching one of his boats. 

The description of the short fight on the night of the 27th June 
1707 between the Sultan's people and the English diffei-s somewhat 
according to the only two authentic authorities; namely, Hamilton, the 
ti'ustwortby author, and the letters of Cunningham of the late Council. *) 
These report that the natives first were beaten off, but that the loss of 
the Europeans was so great that they escaped with difficulty to their 
ships and got the Company's treasure on board. The loss on shore 
was estimated by them at fifty thousand dollars. 

Cunningham ascribed the sudden attack to the instigation of the 
Chinese who, jealous of the proportion of the trade in- pepper which 
the English had acquired, foresaw that their fortifications would enable 
them to exclude the Chinese entirely from any trade. This accusation 
is evidently inconsistent with the report of the agents in 1704, who 
pretended that the Chinese settlers heartily desired such a protection. 
Moreover, this attack bears so much resemblance to that of 1701,- 
which had entirely failed, that I should rather consider it a repetition 
of it, arising from thirst for revenge, mistrust, and new petty offences. 

With this would also agree the explanations given by the Sultan 
of Kajoetangi in 1714 to the super-cargoes of the Eagle galley, the 
Sultan still becoming enraged whenever he remembered the first English 
factors at Bandjermasin*. . . he began to lay heavy complaints on 
our countrymen, telling us how at their first arrival they came like 
us and contracted with him in the same manner, obliging themselves 
to build no forts, nor make soldiers; but that under pretext of building 
a warehouse, they mounted guns and insulted him and his subjects 
in a most base manner; that he bore it patiently for a great while, 
until several of his subjects were beaten, ^wounded, and some killed 
by them, as they passed by in their boats on their lawful occasions: 
that they forced from them such duties and customs as belonged only 
to him, and acted very contrary to rensou or honesty in all their pro- 

') Hamilton, A New Xcoount of the East Indies, Vol. 11. 
'') Letters of Cunningham to the Court of Directors, 26 July ]707; letter from 
tie Council at Bandjermasin to ditto, 24 July J707. 



l(j Chapter I. Survey of the carlic-.t English Intercourse with Borneo. 



ceedings. . . . Then he told us with very great coucern how tliey fired 
several of their great shot at the Queen-mother, which frightened her 
so that ever since she continued aloiost distracted, and that they would 
have taken her prisoner, for what reason he could not imagine. . . . 
He likewise told us of one Captain Cockburne, and some others who 
were taken prisoners, and there put to death, and the manner of their 
sufferinf^s^.i) 

Hamilton reports that the English did not resist on shore, but 
retired to their vessels as soon as they heard of the Sultan's plan. 
When three thousand Byadjus, — the same who in 1701 had"" tried 
to take the factory — arrived in the night, the factory and the forti- 
fications were burned down at once, while others attacked the ships. 
The small vessels were also barnt. Many of the natives were killed 
"in the ^spread nets«, so that — according to Chinese reports — fifteen 
hundred of the Sultan's soldiers were slain. The Dutch also lost some 
oi their own people, a signifcant proof that they were not concerned 
in the treachery. It is certain that the English were completely sur- 
prised, having been entirely ingnorant of the Sultan's plan. That be- 
comes quite evident from the heavy losses the enemy sustained; a 
number, though, very probably exaggerated according to orinental 
fashion, which never would have been attained when only fighting on 
board the few ships. Had they known the plan, they would not have 
waitc.1 idly until they were attacked, but would have followed the', 
example of Landen and Captain Henry Barry of the »Borneo<t, who 
only six years ago, at the very same spot, with only twenty Europeans 
and forty Lascars, had driven the well-armed population of the whole 
kingdom from one village to another; on which occasion they had 
seized all their fortifications where, to the very last, the natives had 
gathered thousands of soldiers behind stockades und palisades well- 
lined with guns. 

Im am far from thinking that the impctors of Balambangan 
seventy years later could ever allege in their own favour that their 
cowardly wickedness had a precedent at Bandjermasin. These men 
here had no motive for having their books and papers destroyed 
by fire! 

In 1713 the East India Comijany sent two ships, the ^Eaglet 
galley and the »Borneo«, with factors to re-establish a trade at Band- 
jermasin, which succeeded so far that they were received by the 



^) Beeckman: Voyage to Borneo, pp. 74, 75. 



§ 3. The second Baodjermasin Period. 17 



Sultan and aUowed to purchase pepper as soon as they had persuaded 
him that they were private traders and did not belong to the English 
Company. This Company was still so hated there that the natives 
would on no account admit any member of it, nor allow them to build 
store-houses or factories, i) 

It appears that these super-cargoes behaved so well towards the 
Sultan and his subjects, whom they treated with every respect, that 
the Sultan lost his resentment, apparently repented his deed, and 
invited the English Company to trade once more with his country, ^j 
Indeed, a few more attempts were made to get pepper at Tatas, but 
these proved so unsuccessful that in 1725 all people and stores were 
withdrawn. ^) 

§ 3. 
The second Bandjermasin Period. 

1738—1749. 

It is'' the historian's privilege to bid farewell to the present and 
to revive scenes of the past, long forgotten by most of his kind owing 
to the small importance they had in the universe, or to the scarcity 
of traces they left, when time clad their pettiness in almost impene- 
trable shrouds. How often we hear of navigators and daring adventurers 
who crossed the seas in earlier times in search of the earth's richest 
treasures! We are fully informed of their voyages in their journals, 
which contain many more details about their dealings on shore than 
is generally expected, besides the many » Voyages* which appeared in 
the late seventeenth and early righteenth century. It is just those 
ships' journals which more and more enabled me to get an idea of 
life' and trade at Bandjermasin in the first half of the eighteenth 
century. 

Bandjermasin, on the south coast of Borneo, was situated on the 
large river of the same name, about twelve miles distant from its 
mouth. Like every place on the coast of Borneo, the town was pro- 
tected by the nature of the broad river-entrance against auV unexpected 
assault by ships from the sea-side, for, stretching from one shore to 
the other, a broad bar, known to every navigator under the name of 
•>Tomborneo« or »Tombemeo«, prevented any large vessel from pene- 

') Beeokman; Voyage to Borneo. 
') Valentj-oe, quoted by Hamilton. 

') JourEal, iThistleworttic and Journal*, iPrincess Amelia*. 
Willi, The earlj- relations of England with Borneo. 2 



18 Chapter I. Sui'ver of the earliest English Intercourse with Borneo. 



tratiDg into the river at low tide. About one third of the English 
Journals state that their ships stuck in the mud for at least some days, 
if not for weeks. But as soon as this bar was crossed the ship pro- 
ceeded in calm, fresh water, driven upwards by the swelling flood, 
and soon was met by natives in small prows, who were fishing for 
cat-fish or prawns and rock-oysters. Xo ship ever directly went up 
to the town, but 'ispatched one of these suspicious Bandjereens to the 
Sultan or one of lis pangarans, with a few presents, to intimate to 
Mm their arrival Allured by the presents, such a person of high 
rank daly appear.. - the next morning, and after being presented with 
more trifles, took '.'\er the chai'ge of annouucing to the Sultan the ship'-s 
intention. But as the Sultan generally, and strange to say always 
when a European ship arrived, was either at Tatas or some other town 
hundreds of miles inland, some weeks or even months elapsed before 
his Royal Highness was pleased either to see' the captain and super- 
cargoes at his then risidence or to come to Tatas, rarely to Band- 
jermasin, after having attentively inquired into the presents the traders 
could afford him. During this interval one pangaran after the other 
made his appearance on board the ship and, according to the value of 
the present with which he was honoured, offered either part of or his 
whole pepper-crop, not however without inviting the English captain 
to his dwelling and presenting him also with some trifles, such as a 
few bananas or some fowl of extremely small value. For these the 
other party expressed more thanks than he would have done at home 
for presents a thousand times more valuable. 

All references give the same report of the an-ogance of the Band- 
jereens, the native coast-tribe, of whom Beeckman gives an appropriate 
description 1): They »are of a middle stature, rather under than over, 
well shaped and clean limbed, being generally better featured than the 
Guinea negroes. Their hair is long and black, their complexion some- 
what darker than Mulattos . . ., they are affronted if you call them 
negroes . . . They are very weak of body, which is occasioned chiefly 
by their lazy inactive life and mean diet, not having the opportunity 
of walking, or of any land exercise, and working seldom, but are al- 
■(^■£.-3 in a sitting posture, either in their boats or houses ... If they 
have but a quantity of rice and salt, they think themselves very rich, 
for if they throw a casting net at their door, they need not fear the 
want of a dinner, so great abundance of fish is in that river«. 



'j Beeckman: Voyages to Borneo, p. 40—42. 



§ 3. The second Bandiermasfin Period.' 19 



Whenever they met with an ignorant and simple-minded fellow, 
they thought it quite legitimate to cheat him, and never could under- 
stand why the English did not over-reach by false weight persons who 
brought them pepper without having the least knowledge of scale? 
and price. 

Though they were at all times true believers in Mahomed, they 
had retained some of their pagan customs^ and tolerated Christianity. 
There was a tradition that a Portuguese padre had made many con- 
verts by »his courteous behaviour and endearing ways«. When, not 
content with his success on the coast, he went to the Byajus, they 
killed him at once. After his death another came, pretending to have 
been called by the dead padre's spirit to come and continue the work 
he had begun at the same place. In spite of their attempts to dissuade 
him from this design, he also went to the Byajus, made many con- 
verts, and built a church there, adorning it with their gold; but they 
soon were tired of him, murdered him, plundered and destroyed the church. 

It is interesting to notice that all contemporaries of that period 
impute the different attacks and the loss of the Englisch factory, not 
to the Bandjereens on the coast, but to the inland aborigines, the 
Byajus, and that they all agree in attributing to these poor outcasts 
all the vices which some scores of years later were the characteristics 
of the Jlohammedan coast-tribes all around Borneo. But at that time, 
the latter had not yet entirely succeeded in subduing the ^rebellious, 
warlike and barbarous* naked pagans, and very often implored the 
English traders' assistance against them, which generally was rightly 
refused. 

We owe the almost unique description of these people, which 
indeed distinguishes clearly between Byajus and Bandjereens to one 
of these numerous rebellions, which brought the captains of the »Eagle« 
galley and the »Borneo« into very near contact with the Byajus. They 
are described as 1. ng merely upon rapine and the spoil of their 
neighbours, being covered oalj with a very small piece of cloth round 
their loins, but tattooing their bodies and deforming their' ears by 
thrusting large plugs into their soft parts when still young »and by 
continual pulling down these plugs the boles grow in time so large, 
that when they come to man's estate th' : ears hang down to their 
very shoulders*. ') They were reported i live in clans without any 
form of government 



1) Beecbnau ; Voyage to Borneo. 



20 Chapter 1. Survey of tbe earliest English loteroourse with Borneo. 

To believe this description one would imagine these beings to be 
relics of the antediluvian era. But we must not forget that the English 
were at that early time never suffered to trade or to have any 
acquaintance with these wretched natives and that they were told these 
frightful stories by the Bandjereens to deter them from any intercourse 
with the aborigines. 

In the foregoing chapter I stated how in 1702 Bandjerraasin was 
burnt down by its inhabitants to terrify the ene-Ly, and fi'om later 
reports it is evident that it had not been rebuilt. Scattered posts and 
piles, and the ruins of the once fortified English factory, were all that 
remained, while Tatas, about six miles further up the river, had assumed 
its importance. It appears that later on Tatas and Bandjermasin became 
names for one and the same place, and that the Bandjermasin of to- 
day was originally Die Tatas of 1710. Giving therefore a picture of 
Tatas is the same as of Bandjermasin. 

AVhen the long pourparlers with the messengers of the Sultan of 
Kajoetangi and Negara finally approached an understanding, the factor, 
sent out to begin trade, dispatched a pinnace or two, which sailed and 
rowed up the main river more than twenty miles, and thence turned 
into a smaller narrow branch of it, which at full tide still allowed 
large China junks to come up to Tatas and even further. Suddenly 
the overhanging woods opened their foliage, the mighty stems receded 
on both sides, and before the astonished gaze a low range of some 
three hundred houses, all of the same form and height, rose directly 
above the water. Between these wooden dwellings, built on floats in 
the river or only on stilts in the mud, small boats lay or were rowed 
lazily to and fro from one opening or trap to the other, and a shrill 
female voice offered bananas, fowl, fish, etc. for a handful of rice or 
salt or a piece of cloth. On the shore, where the floating houses were 
strongly bound and fastened with rattan cables to some high-grown 
trees, a shrieking and shouting band of men, women and chUdrenj some 
of the latter even in the arms of their mothers, were bathing, enjoying 
one of their daily sports. But as soon as the. strange vessel appeared, 
or announced its approach by the sound of trumpets — which terrified 
people and monkeys alike — they instantly rushed into the woods or 
climbed up the next house, and thence balanced themselves on Jogs 
that lay from bouse to house, to their respective homes. Others went 
into the low mosque, discernible by its plain minaret and the once 
white piece of linen hanging at the door to dry the promptly washed 
feet Naturally the houses consisted only of one cajan-thatched storey. 



§ 3- The second- Bandjermasin Period. 21 



divided into different apartments, with very thin split bamboo walls, 
and often one could see some of them, built on trees laid and fastened 
together, floating adrift down the river and even into the sea, because 
t!ie rapid and strong ebb had broken the cables. 

In spite of the disgusting air that arose fi'ora all the pickings and 
garbage beneath the houses, the supercargoes, though almost persuaded 
>;of passing the river Styx«, proceeded to one of the pangarans, who 
meanwhile had been indentified as the principal trader. After a short 
ceremony the pangaran introduced them to one of the Sultan's relatives, 
who for this purpose had come down to Tatas, and now, sitting cross- 
legged, and after having silently examined each of the Europeans for 
some minutes, began to haggle for some hours, trying to persuade 
them of the immense advantages thej' were going to enjoy by his 
Sultan's clemency in allowing them to trade in pepper, though their 
predecessors had rewarded him only with injuries. But the English, 
knowing that the natives were as fond of their money as they were 
of the natives' pepper, answered tit for tat, and these preliminaries 
ended regularly with a copious meal consisting sometimes of more than 
thirty dishes of rice, boiled fowl, eggs, venison, bufallo flesh, fish, etc., 
which the enviable Englishmen enjoyed with wine and punch, while 
the poor natives publicly drank »their best liquors, water of the river. 
These preliminary discussions with the prince wont on during the- 
foUowing days, each paiiy always showing much indifference and a 
tendency to give them up as hopeless. Finallys they ag.eed on a house 
in town for the super-cargoes for a small rent and gTeat presents, on 
the customs which the EngL'sh had to pay for any piculi) of pepper, 
and on delivering the natives some baiTels of powder. A contract was 
made in the name of the kings of Kajoetangi and Negara on one side 
and the English merchants on the other side. But this treaty very 
often soon afterwards y\&s declared null and void, and had to be altered- 
by the Sultan's orders because it was not signed with hJ5--»Great Seal«,- 
Avithout which • he did not regard himself bound. With insignificant 
variations, all these contracts have the same wording, of which the 
foUowing is a standard example: 

»A contract made oetween the Kings of Kajoetangi and Negara, 
and tlie Prince Purba of Negara, with the sons of Englishmen, come 
hither this year to fill both their ships and go away; not to make 



') 1 picul = 132 lbs (according to BeecbnaD'). 133'/3 lbs present weight 
100 catties. 



22 Chapter I. Survey of the earliest English Intercoursu with Borneo. 



any soldiei-^, or build houses or forts. The price of the pepper to 
be four doUars and half per picul and a great deal of it, amountiug 
to 4 or 5000 piculs, and to stay here three mouths for it; and 
farther to pay one suco custom per picul to the king. The pepper 
to be ^veighed at the town of Tatas, and to pay for it -when 
weighed. « i) 

Generally in the following weeks visits were paid to the Sultan 
at Kajoetangi, which village is built similarly to Tatas. In great pomp, 
bearing the presents at the head of the small retinue, the English 
approached the Council House, after having saluted the residence with 
a certain number of gunshots, to which the few five or nine-pounders, 
mounted on a stockade near the Sultan's palace, replied as well as 
possible. For, though .opening their rusty muzzles downwards on the 
river, at most four or five of the fifty guns in the possession of this 
might}' sovereign were still able and secure enough to ''loot with, and 
though all tliese fifty instruments were mounted on three stockades 
along the river, they were so impracticably placed that certainly not 
one shot would ever have reached the surface of the water. 

The Sultan, however, immensely proud of his importance in the 
world, would never allow any European to stand iri his presence. His 
subjects greeted him with their hands in a praying posture, and bowed 
down their faces to the ground as they sat cross-legged, and executed 
all his orders creeping instead of walking, and the foreigners were 
always expected to do the same. Nothing but their highly welcome 
presents would remove the frowns from the king's angry face when- 
ever they offended against these rules. 

"We must not imagine that with one present a contract with this 
sovefeigi was made secure. An agreement was only binding as long 
as the presents pleased His Majesty. The more pleased he was with 
them, the more pepper was brought to the store-house at Tatas, but 
as soon ar, the presents grew scarce pepper became very rare. Either 
it was sold to a Chinese cbief trader, who constantly resided there to 
purchase it for the Chinese junks which came in great numbers every 
year: or the treacherous trait at once prevailed both in king and sub- 
jects, and what they could not obtain by presents they attempted to 
seize by a sudden attack on tLe store-house. As the prosperity of 
trading with Bandjermasin depended entirely on the faculty of bribing 
the Sultan and the pangarans, it was always of the utmost importance 



') Bee-kman, p. 67. 



§ 3. The second Bandjermasin Period. 23 



that a super-cargo there should know from the very beginning how 
to dispose of his stock of presents so that it was not at an end before 
he had filled his ship v.ith pepper. 

The importance the pangarans played in commercial negotiations 
is a proof of the aristocratic constitution of the Government. Though 
the Sultan felt flattered at being loolced upon as an absolute tyrant, 
and was sometimes pleased to show his power by having one of his 
poor subjects killed in his presence, he was quite powerless with re- 
^r^ard to the pangarans, whose wealth consisted chiefly in large domains 
and who behaved towards their servants and subjects as tyrannically 
as the Sultan. Each of them thought himself as great as the king, 
and the latter never dared punish them for murders or other crimes. 
Their influence was so great that they could take murderers and 
thieves under their protection and into their service. Such a criminal 
who declared himself the slave of a pangaran was secure against the 
Sultan's prosecution, and was an honest man in the eyes of the world. 
Evidently this absolute despotism of the pangarans was of great dis- 
advantage to foreign traders, who never could expect justice from the 
Sultan for any wrong received from his subjects. Hence the many 
ruptures of treaties on the king's part and hence the almost un- 
interrupted procession of presents from one pangaran to the other and 
up to the Sultan. 



The failures experienced at Bandjermasin in the fii"st quarter of 
the eighteenth century seem to have disgusted the Court of Directors, 
no new attempts being made until 1787. In this year reports from 
3Iadras und from private traders encouragad them to order Captain 
Pelly of the »Prince of Wales« to call on his passage to China at 
Bencoolen and such other ports and places as should be judged proper 
for procuring a cargo jf' pepper for China.') Immediately afterwards 
the Committee of Correspondence recommended Liell, Laving been at 
Borneo, and Hodgson, an apt person come back from China, to proceed 
to Bandjermasin as super-cargoes, together with Pelly and a proper 
linguist. 2) It- being of the utmo=t importance fo fix once and for all 
the allowances of these servants, the Committee thought it best that 
five per cent — later on six per cent — upon the sale of the pepper 



') Court Minutes, 16 Sept., 1737. 

') Correspondence Reports, 22 Sept., 1737. 



24 Chapter L Survey of the earliest English Intcrcouree with Borneo. 

in China should be invested in gold to he divided among these three 
persons. 

By these orders it is quite clear that Baudjermasiu, in that period 
more than ever, Mas regarded merely as an intermediate station in the 
trade to Cliina, of which even the kind of proceedings was copied. 
A permanent factory was intended to be built or hired there for the 
super-cargoes, who should stay there as long as their ship, and, when 
lelieved, had to transfer the house witli its small furniture to their 
successor's of the next ship. 

In order to get the Sultans favour and permission for that pur- 
pose, the Committee of Shipping i) were requested to provide a quantity 
of lead, one or t^vo pieces of scarlet cloth, some small arms and 
powder, some looking-glasses, and whatever else they judged proper 
for sale and presents at Bandjermasin. 2) 

The moment for this new adventure was indeed well chosen. The 
Dutch had not been there for three years, and the Sultan was eager 
to renew trade, being in great want of necessaries and commodities, 
which he hoped to receive in form of presents. 5) Vessels from Madras 
and Bencoolen brought thither produce from the Coromandel Coast to 
barter for pepper, and trade began to flourish to a degree whicb it 
had never before attained. A » floating small bamboo house in the 
river, tied to some stakes, driven in the mud on the bankc *) represented 
both Market-House and Exchange. It was no great palace, indeed, 
though political affairs tended to render it not only a commercial but also 
a military centre of the Bornean Commonwealth. Its furniture was 
not exquisite, and rather satisfied commercial pretensions than those of 
comfort In 1746, when trade was at its height, and at least two 
ships, sometimes five and six, yearly from London, besides the many 
vessels from the Presidencies, were filled with pepper at the factory. 

Sultan Tamjeed AUah, enchanted with the presents and the re- 
spectful treatment with which the English honoured him, wished 
nothing more than their protection against piradcal neighbours and the 
Dutch who, he apprehended, might again appear with a fleet to renew, 
or better, continue the exclusive spice trade granted to them in 1714 



') Undoubtedly the Minutes of the Committee of ^hipping would have provided 
mn;h material, both for this and the Balambangac P- jd, but unfortunately those 
pn:r to 1813 were destroyed in 1860. 

') Co.rt Minutes, 10 March 1738. 

=) Journal .Prince of Wales., 21 April 17.H8. 

') .Journal .Walpolev 14 April 1739. 



and 1733. Every ship brought back to London letters from His Royal 
Highness, always of the same tenor, containing two of his heartiest 
desires: Protection for his harbour and country and a horse for his 
amusement! The Court of Directors at last yielded to the importunate 
prince, and in 1741 they concluded a treaty with him for an annual 
quantitj' of pepper, engaging themselves to .keep a guard-ship at Band- 
jermasin in order to protect the country from pirates, i) The horse, 
which fortunately survived the long passage, was duly delivered in high 
pomp »with a bale of hay and a cask of oats«.^) 

Both parties kept their engagements as far as urgency demanded. 
The guard-ship was for some years prevented from starting. It was 
not till the end of 1745 that the »Dragon« was appointed for that 
purpose to sail for Bandjeiyiiasin and to lie there for six months. At 
the same time it was ordered to procure a cargo of pepper. 8) The 
sultan and his subjects behaved in their usual manner although ^a 
little more civilised by the yearly commerce they ' have had of late 
with European nations<', so that the captain of the >'Xeptune« reported 
^We loaded our pinnace with aU the sick and the stores, all well 
armed, a precaution absolutely necessary in these parts of the world, 
where one ought always to be in readiness of defence as the natives 
are naturally inclined to thievery and roguery*.*) 

That they did well to be cautious was shown by a sudden attack 
on the longboat of the »Colchester«,5) and by a »great deal of 
disturbance*, in the course of which the young Crown Prince Ratta 
Anum, who was famous for bis hatred of the English, threatened »to 
cut the factory all off«. For a short period it had indeed to be 
abandoned, and only when the Sultan and Caya Tomungung, their 
declared friend, had assured them of their protection, the factors dared 
to reopen it.*) 

The Sultan himself also gradually lost patience at the non-arrival 
of the promised guard-ship. It may be that a Dutchman who arrived 
there as the first of that nation after more than ten years exercised 
a bad influence on the King, wlose excitement reached its climax 
when he heard that the Piince of .AL.'lura had taken refuge on board 



<■) Dutch Records A., No. 17. 

') Journal iSevernc, 23rd August 1T42. 

') Correspondence Reports, 23 October 1745, and Court ifinutes ditto. 

') Journal iNeptuDBi. 

'') Miscellaneous Letters, Sent 2 Aug. 1745. 

') Journal iPorto Bello. 2 May to 5 May 1745. 



26 Chapter I. Surrey of the earliest English rntorcourse Avith Borneo. 



the » Onslow E, Captain Congreve's ship. In spite of having been 
presented with another horse, two great guns, a cask of shot and two 
greyhounds, ho suddenly seized Captain Congreve and put him into 
irons, swearing not to release liim until the Prince of Madura was 
delivered ou board the Dutch vessel i) This request was complied 
with. Nevertheless Congreve was kept prisoner, and the exasperated 
Sultan added another injury to free Englishmen in detaining the 
•> Onslow*. He insisted on this new measure by alleging »that it was 
now four years from his first writing the Company to keep their word 
in sending a guard-ship and that he would detain us till another 
arrived«.2) Finally, when pereuaded that Congreve had been appointed 
Agent for Tatas, Avitli rich presents and proposals for a new contract, 
he consented to release him, and to grant him some privileges on be- 
half of the Company. Congreve should have free access to the Sultan 
and enjoy his protection. A free trade and the liberty of visiting the 
Bandjereens were granted to him. besides the permission to weigh 
pepper with English scales. 3) S-.on afterwards the guard-ship sDragon« 
arrived, but the Sultan's mistmst and exasperation were too deep-rooted 
to be lulled again. Moreover the Dutch who had arrived in two prows 
from Java had again entangled him in their nets, so that he could no 
longer act according to liis own will. He began to vex the English 
in every possible way. Finding their weights too heavy, pepper hence- 
forth had to be weighed with his own, and though the whole pepper- 
crop had been contracted for by the' English he ordered in Council 
that half of it should be preserved for the Chinese, who paid considerably 
more for the picul. Fate helped the Dutch in their malicious design 
;igain5t the English. Instead of acting in harmony in order to keep 
the sinister people lurking in the Dutch prows away fi'om the King, 
the two captains of the »Onslowt and »Dragon« quarrelled about the 
loading of their ships wuth pepper, and a discreditable obstinacy 
prevented Congreve from lending even the smallest sum to his colleague, 
who lad had the misfortune tj;- have been dispatched without current 
mone-. So the >Dragon« was compel -:d to sail without any cargo 
at all. At the same time, Congreve was ordered by the Sultan to 
leave Bandjermasiu in two mo :ths in consequence of a vast number of 
Chinese prows, and junks which had arrived.'*) 



') Fac. Rec, China 52, 26 June 1746. 

*} Ditto. 

' Ditto 28 Aug. 1746. 

', Idtto, :-'ov. 1746 and Feb. 1747. 



§ 3. ITie secor.j Baudjermasin Puriod. 27 



Then the decline and close of this period appronched as fast and 
suddenly as a thundei-storm. When on 20 March 1747 the dawn rose 
over the grey waters in the river-niouth two real Flying Dutchmen 
were there at anchor, quietly ignoring the presence of the English. 
Only three days later some of their super-cargoes and officers appeared 
on board the »Onslow«, without any token of friendship or evil design. 
A week or so later, however, the English discovered the purpose of 
the arrival of the Dutch from two sources. Tue first was the King's 
strict iirdor that pepper should no longer be delivered to their factory; 
the second consisted in the Dutch Commodore's letter to the Sultan, 
dated 20 March 17i7, which was handed to them by their old friend 
Caya Tonumgung. i) 

Had the English representatives fifteen years later taken the trouble 
to study this important paper, which afterwards will be given in detail, 
they would not have profered and insisted on the unfounded pro- 
position that the Dutch arrived there according to an invitation by the 
Sultan to come and take the trade into their hands. 

More and more vessels arrived from Batavia at Baudjermasin, so 
that a month later the Dutch fleet there consisted of five ships, two 
sloops and one schooner, ^) which controlled the traffic and examined 
every vessel going up and down the river. 

To the English it became evident that a longer stay in the port 
was of no value, for, though the Dutch carefully avoided any open 
injury to them, their proceedings with the Sultan showed clearly 
enough that the English were to be excluded from any trade. It 
appears that the natives were not greatly charmed \vith the pretensions 
of the Dutch, for in a secret letter to Congrove the repentant prince 
humbly begged him to acquaint the East India Company that »if they 
have a desire to continue a trade at Baudjermasin they must be 
obliged to ask liberty of the Dutch Company*. 3) "When accordingly 
Captain Congreve asked permission for purchasing eight hundred piculs 
of pepper, the Dutch Commodore flatly refused, but on the other hrad 
granted the Chinese 4,000 piculs. ^j Such a hint could not be mis- 
undei-stood. 

So the English left this port, which had become so inhospitable 
by the interference of a Western sister-country who pretended to be 



') Fact. Rec. China, 52. 23 Mai-oTi 1747. 

') Ditto 52, 26 March 1747. 

^ Ditto, 9 May 1747. 

*} Dutch Record A, Ko. 17, 11 November 1762. 



2S Cl.apter I. Survey of the ef.rlie^t English Intercourse with Borneo. 



then on fi-iendly terms with Great Britain. Proudly, all coloure flying, 
after having presented the Dutch Commodore «ith a large prow — a 
kind of Danaorum donum — the »Onslow« saluted the silently hostile 
fleet and steered for China. 

As at home nothing was known of this insidious trick, further 
ships were dispatched to Bandjermasin during 1747. The »De]aware«, 
however, seems to be the only one which reached her goal. She was 
^earned on her passage by a Chinese junk, which at the same time 
encouraged her to proceed by the information that the natives were . 
much displeased with the Dutch, so that they had not bought any 
pepper for two years, and that the Bandjereens greatly desired the 
English to come and trade with them again, i) The Dutch Governor 
at Batavia, General Imhoff, tried to persuade the Captain of the »Dela- 
ware« not to continue his voyage, by making liim answerable for all 
consequences of what might happen at Bandjermasin and by assuring 
him that he might depend upon not getting one gi'ain of pepper 
there. -) At the same time ho dispatched two ships thither to take 
care of the »Delaware«. But this English capt^ain appears to have 
been made of stronger stuff than Congreve. He went to Tatas, reopened 
the factory there, and .^settled with the Sultan in the best manner*, ■'') 
but no pepper was brought, and sthose dogs, the Bandjereens«, became 
more and more menacing, so that all stores and people were definitely 
withdrawn from the factory and the place abandoned for more than 
fifty years. 

Such a breach of all loyal engagements urgently called for redress, 
and the Court of Directors handed a remonstrance to the Dutch Com- 
pany in 1749, but the latter excused the proceedings of General Imhoff 
by general and evasive answers.*) Sh'ange to say, the East India 
Compauy put the affair ad acta until 1762, when new debates betAveen 
the Dutch Company's commissioners, van Schoonhoven and van der 
Hoop, and the representatives of the East India Company were carried 
on concerning the exclusive contract of the English for salpetre in the 
East Indies. The English founded their claims on the fact that the 
Dutch were in possession of the xclusive conti-act for pepper at Band- 
jermasin then existing to the prejudice of the English East India Com- 



') Jonrual .Delaware*, 25 March 1749. ^-..^ 

=) Ditto, 14 March 1749. 

=) Ditto, 25 March 1749. 

') Dutch Records A, Ko. 17, 15 Decemhar 1701?. 



§ 3, The second Baudjormasin Period. 29 



paiy- Quoting the Compauy's proceedings at Borneo from 1741 to 47, 
they stated that their treaty with Sultan Tamjeed Allah had existed 
without interruption during those six years, and that they had been^ 
expelled from that place by force, by General Imhoff's »declaring it 
a blockaded-up port and that the commodore there had orders to fire 
■upon them«.^) Further, they especially urged that the Sultan had 
invited the Dutch by letter to come and expel the English and take 
the trade into their hands. 

This was one of the weakest features of the English position, be- 
cause they had no document whatever at hand to prove it. On the 
contrary, the facts themselves falsified their statements. As I have 
prenously suggested, Captain Congreve had succeeded in getting the 
Dutch Commodore's letter to the Sultan, which contained iu extenso 
the objects of his fleet's voyage to Bandjermasin. The claims of the 
Dutch notified therein were as follows: — 

1. They demanded to have all the pepper without admitting any 
other nation to share the trade. 

2. All Chinese junks were to be excluded from trading another 
year at Bandjermasin. 

3. According to former treaties the Sultan was to ti'ansfer to them 
all the trade in his Dominions. 

4. If he did not comply with all this the Commodore hat orders 
to commence hostilities. 

5. A factory was to be established immediately. 

6. The price of the pepper was to be as agreed in former con- 
tracts, Spanish dollars 4,1 per pical. (The English used to pay 6 dollars.) 

Such could never be the contents of an' introductory letter from 
a nation which had in a friendly way been invited to come to trade! 

In this letter the English East India Company indeed was not 
mentioned by name, but it is clear enough that they were included 
in the terms » without admitting any persoL to have any part« and 
that they were excluded from trade by the third paragraph »the Sultan 
has to confer to the Dutch all the trade tbere«. 

Besides, if the English representatives hat not been too much 
engaged b\ their principal demand to secure the exclusive contract 
for Saltpetre, they would have observed that the Dutch commissioners 
were much better versed and armed in debating with them the Band- 



') Dutch Records A, No. 17, 11 November 1762. 



30 Chapter 1. Survey of the earliest English Intercourse with Borueo. 



jermasin affairs tlian they themselves wore. Van Schoonhoven, basing 
bis assertion upon the abovemeutioned letter, proved that the expedition 
of 17-47 to Bandjermasin had been merely to punish the Sultan for 
his breach of faith by having entered into such a treaty with the 
En,:^4ish and by having allowed them to traffic in pepper. He emphasised 
that General Imhoff did nothing but his duty in sending a fleet against 
the guilt}' Sultan, and in blockading his port until they obtained satis- 
faction. He founded the right oft the Dutch in doing so on former 
contracts concluded with him, without quoting them. But the English 
vehemently denied that any such existed by which the Sultan had been 
bound to reject their offers. 

In this they were, however, wrong again, for more than one treaty 
had been concluded by the Dutch with Bandjermasin by which they 
had excluded every other nation from the pepper-trade. 

In the treaty of 4 September 163-5 the Sultan promised »to sell 
no pepper to other nathious as long as the Dutch kept a commercial 
intercourse with himc^) About twenty-five years later, on 2 June 1661, 
Pangarau Ratoo of Martapoera renewed and simplified it by stipulating 
that sthe native vestols should not be allowed to export pepper to any 
places but Batavia and Malacca^ and that the Dutch should be allowed 
to build a factoiy at Martapoera provided that they would pay five 
per cent on all exports and imports, ^j This contract was renewed three 
yeai-s later. But the definitive treaty on whicli the Dutch founded 
their claims and which they had never given up was that, of the 
26th September 1733, concluded with the rajah and the pangarans and 
st.iting in 19 articles the pretensions of the Dutch, that the Chinese 
junks should be admitted but only one of them allowed to export 
pepper, lying outside the Bar under the inspection of a Dutch officer, 
that the Dutch should have the whole pepper produced at Bandjermasin, 
and that in return they would protect the Sultan against any foreign 
invasion, as soon as they would have a factory or any ship on the 
river. 3) This Treaty of 1733 was an open breach of the Marine Treaty 
of tlie 1st December 1674 as far as it granted to the Dutch the exclu- 
sive pepper-trade at Bandjermasin. But this important fact entirely 
escaped the attention of the British representatives. They argued only 
that the behaviour of General Imhoff was an infraction of the first 



') Dutch Records No. ). 
^) Ibid. 
'; Ibid. 



§ 3. The second Bandjeniiasin Period. 31 



article of the abore mentioned treaty becanse in 1747 when Band- 
jerraasiu was blockaded by him there was neither war nor hostilities, 
but friendship and peace between the Sultan and the Dut'-h. The Marine 
Treaty of the 1st December 1674 concluded at Londoi: oetwee-ii the 
Britannic ]\Iajesty and the States General stipulated; .;^ 

Article I. The two contracting powere pr.omised each other free 
navigation and commerce in all those territories » which are or at any 
time here;ifter shall be in peace, amity or neutrality « with the English 
King or the States General. 

Article II. In war this freedom of navigation and commerce 
never should be infringed in any kind of merchandise, but should 
extend to all commodities as in peace, except what had to be com- 
prehended as contraband. 

Article III. Defined chiefly arras as contraband. 

Article IV. Stated that all kinds of spices and in general all 
provisions which serve for nourishment should not be reckoned as 
prohibited goods. 

To the statement that the Dutch had no right to exclude them 
from Bandjermasin at a time when the relations of the Dutch with 
the Sultan were friendly, the English added that moreover they absolutely 
denied the existence of an exclusive conti'act between the States General 
and the natives. For if by ancient grants the yearly pepper produce 
had been given to them, they were obliged to purchase and export it 
annually, and if that contract included a ship to protect the Sultan 
and his country, the Dutch were also obliged to station it there. In 
reality, however, the English argued, things were so: The Dutch had 
renounced this trade for many years; they had neither exported any 
pepper fi'om nor kept any guard-ship at Bandjermasin for more than 
three years when the first English ship arrived there. Hence they 
had annulled all previous treaties, a proof of which was that they did 
not protest either against the English or the Sultan in 1741. 

To this the Dutch Commissioners gave no reply and, >-0 the 
advantage of the English themselves, they later on never reminded 
them of this somewhat dangerous argument. Only twenty years after- 
wards, and about half a century later again, the English East India 
Company would have been in a critical plight in reassuming possession 
of Balambangan founded on a treaty entirely neglected by them for 
more than a score of years, had the Spaniards and the Dutch denied 
their repeated claims by a similar reasoning. 



Chapter I. Survey of the earliest English. Intercourse with Borneo. 



Finally, to stop debates for which neither party had been prepared, 
vail Schoonhovon and van der Hoop requested the Court of Directors 
to apply to the Dutch Company itself on this subject; a piece of advice 
■which wa?o never follovrcd by the Directors, whose attention was soon 
directed ..^ a place almost opposite Bandjermasin on the north-east 
end of Borneo. 



Chapter II, 
f^:;'erpi ises fci- Improving cjid '•,;!;c;i !!,:g Il.o Trade in i!io Far E::.ot. 

1757—1765. 

The more we approach modern times in historical research the 
wider becomes the field we have to cover. What, in the beginning 
of this book, was merely an enterprise of a Company of Merchants, 
the investigation of whose proceedings could be strictly confined to 
two or three places, has developed into an undertaking of far-reaching 
consc'i'|uenccs, not only commercial but even political, in the course of 
150 years. 

The States General and the King of Great Britain found_ it a 
puzzling affair, and fully understood its importance in the relations 
between the two nations, and by silent mutual agreement the one ceded 
to the other its place, in order to prevent a probably inevitable war. 

The East India Company had attained a position which no other 
originally trading association could boast of. Owing to its riches, the 
English kings courted the Company and granted it privileges which 
gradually created a State with large fertile territories in the East Indies, 
protected by garrisons and fortresses against native and European 
invasions. A numerous fleet almost exclusively carried on the trade 
between the Far East and the civilised West, no longer troubled by 
Spanish or Portuguese interference since 1588 and 1640, and not 
-oriously rivalled by the Dutch after the Navigation Act and the wars 
.jf Lewi^ XIV. 

Political events in Europe threw their shadow on the Company s 
settleraeL ; in India. Wars were carried on simultaneor ly at both 
ends of the world. Treaties were binding^for both the Compaays 
servants and the King's subjects, though they were less loyally observed 
so far from home, which caused the Court of Directors incessant trouble 
and the ministers much work and correspondence with the Hagxie and 
?i?alrid concerning complaints of their respective servants in the East. 

"Willi, Tho culy relation^ of England with Borneo. ^ 



34 Chapter II. Enterprises for Improving and Extending the Trade in the Far Ea5t. 

Not all political clashings with foreign nations, however, were 
reported to the Government in London, or even to the Court. Most 
of them were settled by the Presidents themselves by direct corre- 
spondence with the Spanish and Dutch Governors. ]\Iadras, or Fort 
St. George, was granted exti'emelv substantial powers concerning 
diplomatic negotiations, and about the middle of the eighteenth century 
the Governor and Council there behaved in many cases as independently 
as, later on, the Governor General of Bengal. 

The Company had become a political power and its leading 
servants in the East were very frequently men who there served their 
apprenticeship in the art of- governing, and became later impoitant 
statesmen of Great Britain. Their influence more and more extended 
over the whole Ea-st up to China, stretching far beyond the Company's 
territories, and for the history of any small part of these regions 
research into distant politics and diplomacy is necessary. When, therefore, 
in this chapter, the proposed subject apparently is sometimes left and 
the stage transfened to Sulu and the Philippines, it may be attributed 
to the unbounded rules of history and not to the inability of the author 
to concentrate. 

>j 1. 
Preparations for Improving and Extending the Trade 

to CMna. 

A colonial map drawn about 1750 would explain to the most 
indifferent mind that the plight of the Enghsh factories at Canton was 
anything but enviable. Hundreds of miles from the next Company's 
settlement, then to be reached only by one passage, which at any time 
could be cut off by the adjacent Dutch establishments and which 
moreover in certain seasons was almost impracticable, the trade thither 
experienced plenty of inconveniences and losses. Plans to' remove 
these hindrances occupied more than one session of the Directors in 
1757 and after mature deUberatiou they found that there were two 
means of relief: one being a new establishment at some convenient 
place in that quarter of the w^ M: the other the discovery of some 
other passage by which the vo_ . -.e might be performed with safety 
in all seasons. 

To human uuderstanding the first solution might appear easier and more 
natural, but fate decreed that the second should be first put into execution. 

On bis arrival at Batavia towards the close of the year 1757, 
Commodore Wilson of the »Pitt«, finding it too late to proceed to 



§ 1. Preparations for Improving and Rxteuding ths Trade to China. 35 



Cliina on tlie usual course, had the courage to try to accomplish his 
voyage by sailing directly east-wards with the north-west wind trough 
tlie ^[olucca Islands and by the coast of NeAv Guinea into the Pacific 
Ocean, thence by the north-east wind round the Philippines and between 
Luzon and ;Formosa to Canton, i) He returned in the same way, and 
made the whole voyage in much less time than on the usual course, 
so that later on all ships adopted this route. 

The discovery of this new passage not only marked the beginning 
of a new era in the history of the East India Company, but was a 
turning point in the general history of navigation. The three men 
who share the fame of having originated and undertaken this courageous 
enterprise, and of having thus opened a new passage which brought 
the extreme East into much closer contact with the West, are worthy 
of mention. They were Captain W. Wilson, constituted » Commodore 
of all ships and vessels freighted by or belonging to the Company 
outivard bound in India and China, and homeward bound* ^j; Governor 
George Pigot of Fort St. George, and Alexander Dalrymple, then a 
simple » writer, assaymaster and clerk to the Committee of Accounts, 
deputy secretary, and accomptant general of the Mayor's Coirrt* ^) at 
the same place. 

Founded on the reports of Commodore Wilson about the eastern 
islands which he had either touched at or heard of, the Secret Committee 
made preparations to put into execution the other necessary part of 
their purpose: the establishment of a new settlement. This they entrusted 
to the Governor and Council at Fort St. George. George Pigot, the 
prudent, clearsighted, but unlucky, Governor and his Council were 
unanimous that they should employ on this secret service the Company's 
covenant servant, Alexander Dalrymple*), and that the ^Cuddalore* 
schooner should be put' under Pigot's^) orders for this purpose.'') 



1) Dutch Records A, No. 17, 14 January 1764. 

^ Court Minutes, 30 Nov. 1757. 

^ Madras, Civil Servants. 

*) Concerning Dalrymple's life interesting details may be found in The European 
Magazine, Vol. XLII, November 1802. 

") This is not the place te give a biography of this eminent Governor. He is 
too great to be dealt with by such an inexperienced pen. His merits, and his influence 
on the growth of Great Britain's Empire are so evident that to treat of them adequately 
within the limits of this work would be impossible. Here may be pointed out only 
that the history of the first Balambangan establishment was coincident with the rise 
and fall of this honest and simple genius. 

.') Madras Pub. Proceedings, 11 April 1759. 

3* 



o6 C'l'iiit-T n. Eutreprises for Improving aad Exteiidiug the Trade ia the far Ei-,t. 

§ 2. 
Dalryuiplss Instructions on Secret Service and the Eesults 
of his First (1759—1761) and Second Voyage up to the 

Siege of Tlanila. 

Governor Pigot's instructions to Alexander Dalrymple fullj' prove 
the absolute eoafideuce he always placed in him. They begin as 
fallov.'s: 

»Sir, There are some circumstances of- a private nature improper 
for public view which you are to pay a particular attention to in the 
course of your voyage. 

Although the voyage is purposely intended for the prosecution of 
commerce to Sulu, you must consider j'ourself however as ' under 
general dirccliuns to be particular in your observation oFevery nature 
iluring the course of it.*^) 

Further, he was directed to particularly observe the harbour of 
the Xicobars; to conclude a provisional treaty at Sulu with the Bughis*) 
and to endeavour to engage them to bring spice plants for plantations 
at Sulu. Other objects of the vo\'age were to try an establishment in 
the Sulu dominions, but to be very careful in the choice of its place 
and to examine minutely both the north end of Borneo and the port 
of Banguey. As for this purpose an absolute cession of some spot to 
the Company was supposed to be of great benefit to prevent preten- 
sions of other powers, Dalrymple was requested to endeavour to obtain 
it from the Sultan of Sulu. But also in this he was to be extremely 
cautious in a possible correspondence thereon arising with other European 
Governments, in order to avoid any disputes with them concerning 
claims which they might proffer. That he might succeed in this most 
difficult point, Pigot recommended Dalrymple to lay much stress on 
the Sulus' declaring that on his arrival they hat been free from any 
engagements with other nations. Finally, he was instructed always to 
insist on his having no authority for a definite determination and, as 
all circumstances could not be ''jreseen, it was left to his discretion 



') Home MircelL 771. 

'j The Bughis coming from the Moluccas and Celebes were known as the most 
enlightened people in that quarter, asd 'iS they were reported to be the only 
iiLportant traders in spices and other cati- . produce the Directors hoped to bind them 
by treanes for the benefit of the Company. Gradually, however, they turned to 
piracy and committed terrible depredations on the south-east and south coast of 
Borneo. 



§ y. Dalrymple's Instruotions on Sorret Senice and the Results of Ms First. 37 



to act according to the exigencies of events as lie would think best 
for the Company's advantage, i) 

Before proceeding with the enumeration of facts, let us set forth 
the motives on which Daliymple had to act: 

The purpose of the voyage was to establish trade with the immeuce 
Sulu Empire, which stretched at that time over the whole Archipelago, 
included the whole set of islands off the north-east and north coast of 
Borneo aud embraced the wide belt of the whole north-east of the 
mainland of Borneo itself. In order to secure this trade a place some- 
where — but a somewhat circumscribed somewhere! — in those large 
dominions should be obtained by cession for establishing a settlement. 
That this »somewhere« was proposed to be either in Sulu or Bauguey, 
or the north end of Borneo, speaks clearly enough for its being intended 
to secure aud improve the trade to China at the same time. 

The question why it was just the Sulu Empire with which a new 
trade was to be opened can easily be answered. At that period Sulu 
\v'as the only remaining independent nation in that part of the world. 
The iloluccas had been in the hands of the Dutch and the Philippines 
governed by the Spaniards for so many years that both nations had 
tacitly refrained from driving out each other from their possessions, 
but (what the English foresaw and very soon "found to be true) they 
both also tacitly agreed that ho intruder should ever be suffered to 
set foot on or among their teratories. The Dutch had noticed with 
suspicion the appearance of the aPitt^, and this suspicion grew with 
each succeeding English ship on the new track to China, so that even 
before Dalrymple reached Sulu they had taken drastic measures to 
expel the East India Company before it had landed one man. 

The Governor at Batavia, hearing of the English plan concerning 
a ne^'; establishment in the East, and »well knowing that our title to 
the various settlements the English formerly possessed in Java, Borneo, 
Celebes and the Moluccas and neighbouring islands though long neglected 
had never been renounced* 2) set up an extraordinary claim to an 
exclusive light in all those islands and threatened that the appearance 
'if any English ve;jel in those seas would be regarded as an offence 
and injury. Governor-Gener;^! Jacob Mossell was only prevented from 
sending two ships to accompany and watch the xPitt' by Commodore 



') Appendix I. 

*) Dutch Records A, No. 17. Letter of the Pt-eiet Coirmitiee to Lord Halifax 
14 January 1764. 



3S Cbapter II. Kutoi(irises for Improving and Extending tlie Trade in th& Far East. 

Wilson's threat that he would sink them ad once.') As similar hostile 
acts, which shall be dealt with in a later chapter, were repeated after 
1761, the English East India Company in 1764 petitioned the King to 
protest on their behalf at the Hague. 

The reports on Dalrymple's vo3'age are rather scanty. A chain 
of accidents prevented his entering on the examination which was 
expected. He touched at Cochin China and China and proved the 
Straits of Sapy to be a good passage to Canton. Above all, the expected 
results concerning Sulu were abtained-), for he had been kindly received 
by the Sultan, who concluded with him a treaty of friendship and 
commerce on 28 January 1761.3) 

By these articles Sultan Mahomed Mu'izzud Din, son of Sultan 
^[ahomed Shahabud Din, engaged, for himself and his successors, to 
cede to the English a suitable place for a factory and to secure to 
them its perpetuel possession. He permitted them to purchase ground 
and to cany on free trade with all his dominions. All other Europeans, 
including the English, without the consent of the Company's Chief, 
should be excluded from trade. The Company, on the other hand, 
promised to assist him if attacked. In other articles it was agreed 
that the English should be judged by their own law, and that both 
foreign traders settling there and Sulus employed in the Company's 
service should be under Euglish jurisdigtion. Another paragraph fixed 
the Sultan's share in the cargo of any vessel lost on the coasts of his 
dominions, while the last determined »These articles to remain in force 
for ever if ratified by the Company, but if not approved, three years 
are allowed to settle others, till when these shall continue in force*.*) 
In the September foUowing, this treaty was ratified by Datu 
Bandahara, the head of the nobility, on their behalf, and by the chief 
people of Sulu. 5) It bound the Sultan to concede substantial privileges, 
while tlie English were only bound to assist him if attacked. But just 
this one point was the most critical and dangerous, for owing to it the 
Company had to assist the Sulus also against other Europeans, and 
that may have alarmed the Company's servants at Madras and the 



') Letters of Commodore Wilson to J. Jlossell, Gov. Gen. 24 December 1758, 
and of J. ilossell to Commodore Wilson, 25 December 1758. 

■^ Home Misc. 771. Dalrymple's letter to the Secret Committee, 2 May 1761. 

^ Ditto 629 and Factory Records, Borneo. 

') See Appendix II. 

') D.ilrymple, Alex., A Plan for extending the Commerce of this kingdom and 
of the East India Company, p. 32. Ix)ndon 1769. 



§ 2. DalrjTHfle's [nstractioas on Secret Sorvke and thj Results of his First 39 



Directors, and was probably the reason why tbey never approved this 
agreement. 

They were much more interested in another paper which contained 
a contract concluded between Dalrymple on the Company's behalf and 
Data Bandahara, chief merchant of Sulu, on 20 November 1761.1) jt 
stipulated that the Company should enjoy a profit of 400 per cent in 
sending a cargo amounting to 44,000 dollars from the Coast, Bengal 
and other places to Sula, where it was to be bartered against Sulu 
goods valued at 88,000 dollars, which again would be sold in China 
for 176,000 dollars. 2) This immense profit was expected by the new 
trade in the very first year, provided that a conbiderable part of the 
.^oods arrived early at Sulu, lest the Chinese junks carried off what 
by then could be collected. 

This news gave rise to unbounded hopes at Fort St. George. Pre- 
sident and Council wrote to the delighted Directors: »This Sulu scheme 
presents a field of vast extent for the improvement of the trade of the 
Company«.^) Simultaneously Dalrymple", »a man of capacity, integrity 
and unwearied application* was recommended to their benevolence. 

Again he was appointed to proceed to Sulu as Commander of the 
Honourable Company's ship jLondon«, to reap the fruits of his harvest 
and »to attack and destroj^' any ships or vessels of the enemy he may 
fall in with during the course*.*) The »China« and »Osterly« were 
ordered to follow with the goods provided for Sulu. 



At this point we come into direct contact with the great events 
that troubled all Europe, Asia and America, known best as the Seven 
Years' War, which must be examined more closely. At the same 
time, the scene must temporarily be transfeiTed to Sulu and the 
Philippines, for, in order to understand the important events which 
follow, it is necessary to glance at the recent past of the mighty Empire 
of Sulu and at its relations with Spain. 

The Sulu Archipelago, formerly called Archipelago Febcia by the 
Spaniards, consists of an immense number of islands stretched out in 
a north-east and south-west direction between the Philippines and Borneo. 
The capital, Yolo or Sulu, on an island thirty miles long and twelve 



') Home Miscell. 771. 

^ Ditto 771. Dalrymple's letter to Fort St. George, 22 March 1762. 
5) Abstracts of Letters from Fort St. George, 17 April 176^;. 
') Madras Public Cons., 31 May 1762. 



40 Chapter II. Enterprises for laproving aud Extending the Trade in the Far East. 

broad, has given its name to tho whole group, which may be regarded 
as the remnants of an old laud-bridge, which can easily be reconstructed 
on a map with the help of the submerged mountain ranges spread be- 
tween the Philippines, Borneo and Celebes. 

At the time of this narrative the jurisdiction and power of the 
Sultan of Sulu extended far over these islands, for in 1701 the Sultan 
of Brunei had made a cession of North Borneo from Kimanis north- 
ward, with the islands of Palawan, Banguey, Balambangan etc. to the 
Sulus.i) 

The earliest attempts of Europeans to conquer Sulu were made by 
the Spanish Governor of Zamboanga in 1638 and 1639. But they 
proved unsuccessful, as Sulu emissaries invited the Dutch to begin trade 
and to expel their common enemy. Anticipating trouble with that 
nation, the Spaniards left Sulu in 1646, after having enforced an 
offensive and defensive alliance with the Sultan, by which they re- 
cognised his authority over all his dominions except four small islands 
in Felicia, which they retained. The Sultan was to maintain peace and 
amit}- with them, and in return for their evacuating his capital he 
promised to admit the Jesuits at Sulu and to protect them against anj- 
molestation. Though this h'eaty did not remain for one century — it 
was of some importance in 1763, wjien the Spanish Governor at ^Manila 
thought it his duty to protest against the English coming into those 
regions. 

Of equal importance at the tinie was a new contract for trade 
between Manila and Jolo, including the cession of Basilan to Spain in 
1725. The Moro raids continued. They ravaged the coasts of Palawan 
and the Bisayas Islands, even after a Spanish fleet had burnt down 
numberless establishments on the shores of Sulu in two subsequent 
expeditions. As late as 1737 a treaty of permanent peace with Sultan 
Alimnd Din I. put an end to the insane conflicts. Again it was a - 
defensive alliance providing free trade and making either state responsible 
for infractions of the treaty committed b;- its subjects. Both parties 
engaged to exchange their captives, acT the Sulus were to return all 
the Churc'i images and ornaments t' ' ■ had stolen. 

For the first time a Sultan of S^'lu kept his word given to European 
Jesuits, and by doing so he I'/jed himself with his people! King 
Philip v., encouraged by Alinv ''■ loyal behaviour, in September 1746 



■) Dalrymple, A Clear Proof ... p. 31. — Dalryinple Ale;; , A Fall and Clear 
Frcoi that the Spaniards can have no claim to Balamb: m. London 1774. 



§ 2. Ball \ uiple's InstractioDs on Secret Seiviec and the Results of liis firat. 41 

rei-iuested him by letter to admit tlie Jesuits. Sultan and datus complied 
and, what was more, the Sultan himself authorised the building of a 
church and the erection of a fort for the security of those innocent 
lambs of the Church! A present consisting of a great sum for building 
a fleet, nails and steel aud a mass of gunpowder to make cracks, 
cemented the friendship with him. But soon the somewhat strange 
behaviour of the Jesuits, the liberties they took, the too prominent in- 
clination of Alimud for them and Spanish customs created an opposition ' 
part}' whose leader. Prince Bantila, planned to dethrone the Sultan and 
to expel the missionaries. He founded his claim to the throne on his 
being the son of Sultan Shahabud Din, to whom, after the great 
ancestor's (Badarud Din's) death, the Sultanat should have reverted, 
instead of going over — probably by usurpation, to Xasarud Din and 
Alimud Din. 

In the following disturbances Bantila was successful in his pretensions. 
The Jesuits fled, and Alimud, wounded by Bantila's spear, followed 
them to Zamboanga to enlist the Spaniards' aid against the triumphant 
usui-per, who adopted the proud title of Mu'izzud Din, i. e. Defender 
of the Faith. 

It would occupy too much time and space to give in full an 
account of the fate of the unhappy exiled king and his family at the 
hands of the Spaniards: how they received him with triumphal arches 
and great pomp; how steps wei'e taken for his conversion and for 
christening him Don Fernando de Alimud Din I. Catholic Sultan of 
Jolo; and how the Crown Prince Raja ^luda Mohamed Israel and 1.': 
sister were put into the Spanish school at Manila. Only after some 
years had elapsed were erj.leavours made to restore him by force, 
which however turned out ill for him and his family by a queer 
accident, for, though all the seven men-of-war in whose company he 
sailed landed safe at Sulu, Alimud's frigate was driven off and landed 
at Zamboanga, where the G: rnor, always suspicious of the natives, 
imprisoned him with all his retinue because a quantity of arms were 
found on his ship. The authorities und Jesuits at Manila, formerly 
his beloved and best fri-.ds, opened a never-ending trial against him, 
kept him prisoner for more than a dozen years, and carried on a 
merciless war of devastation and extermination against his native country, 
which at last compelled the Sulus and Bantila to consent to his return, 
mainly owing to the persuasion of the Princess Fatimah, who had been 
released for this purpose. This again failed at the last moment owing 
to some small conditions to which Bantila would never yield, although 



i'j C jj't'jr U. KLiferpribCS for Improving and Extending the Trade in the Far Eiit. 

all the priuces and princesses had already beeu landed in 1755 on 
thoir native sboros, and they were carried back, fettered and in irons, 
to continue their miserable life in prison until relieved by the English 
in 1763. 

This story of Jesuit perfidy and cruelty is worthy of mention and 
remembrance as a companion picture to that of Spanish policy in the 
West Indies. 

In the meantime Bantila governed with energy and relentless 
hatred against the Spanish and eagerly seized every opportunity to 
damage them. Therefore it is easily understood that in 1761 Dalrymple 
was received with open arms and all he wished was granted him readily, 
provided the English assited the Sulus against any enemy! On the 
other hand, the Spaniards were right in their suspicion that out of 
such an alliance between their declared enemies - more danger was to 
be expected than they had ever experienced from their arch-enemy, 
the Dutch, and they too took measures to stop the progress of the 
English. 

Bantila, who must have beeu not only a great and fearless warrior, 
but also a usurper of more than average ability, and who indeed was 
led by no other motive than the desire to benefit his country, both 
^vhen he usurped the throne and during his reign, in the- course of 
the next two years, in common with his people, overcame the aversion 
which had caused him to dethrone Alimud Din, and which had in fact 
turned into deep compassion for this hapless prince's plight and a 
boundless hatred of his tormentors. It needed only one little impulse 
from without to make them fight for his freedom and restoration, and 
this impulse was given by two coincident events: the repercussions of 
the Seven Tears" War in the extreme East and Dalryraple's Second 
Vovajre. ' 



Before dispatching the » London* the prudent President at Fort 
St. George requested the Governor at Manila to afford Dalrymple all 
countenance aad assistance in the expedition to Sulu whither the English 
had been jinvited by the natives to a commerce with them«,^) in a 
letter so straightforward in tone and form that the most suspicious 
critic would have fallen into the trap, ffis wish was indeed complied 
with by the Spanish for a certain period. 



Factory Records, Borneo, 7 June 1762. 



Dalrj-iiiple's liisti-UL-tLonsoa Secret Service .and. tlia.-RfSults of his Krit. 42 



At first, the second expeditioa proved anything bat successful. 
On their arrival at Siilu on 18 August 1762, Dahymple and Kelsall, 
second in command, found that in consequence of a severe famine 
and smallpox the population had considerably decreased. Ovring to this 
and the death of Datu Bandahara, the chief person concerned in the 
contract, the Sulus pretended to have been prevented from collecting 
any of the contracted goods. A new contract, therefore, was immediately 
entered into to prepare a cargo for the ship that was expected from 
the Coast. 

The contract, dated V2 September 1762, engaged Datu Juan' 
Patatawan to take over the new cargo according to the former con- 
tract, viz. at one hundred per cent on the invoice price and to deliver: 
Firstly, in three months teepy shells, wax, sago and cowries i) to the 
amount of 20,000 Spanish dollars, secondly, within eleven months birds' 
nests, teepy, sharks' fins, and sago to the same amount. 2) 

As, however, the ship with the Coast goods did not arrive, the 
first loss was already sustained in that only part of the paj-ment could 
be taken on board the »London<'. Besides, the Sultan, taking it ill 
that he had not been included in both conti-acts, raised dissensions and 
disturbances in the town. Then, bribed by presents, he acted as 
mediator and compelled everyone to pay their debts. Yet he could 
not prevent the murder of two of the ship's ciew, for which the 
English never received redress, though a proclamation was issued by 
him that »the murderer should be put to death and if it were his 
own son«.') 

All these were evil omens, and when Dairy raple and Kelsall left 
Sulu on 5 January 1763 their impression was that it would be 'in- 
advisable to enter into anj" new engagement unless there were a change 
of government, but that proper persons and goods should be sent tliither 
to obtain the completion of the existing contract in co-operation with 
the Factors at Canton. As the Bughis were inclined to resort to English 
ports, but averse to Sulu under the present administration, there was 
no hope of cultivating spices unless there was a fixed establishment. 
It was evident that a new settlement could not, hope to compete with 
Batavia until it was provided with a great : ;ortment of goods for the 
returning Bughis prows. 



') Cowrie =a shell of a small gaF.roped, used as niOBey in tlie Kast. S. iskrit 
iaparda. 

') Madras Publ. Cons., 12 April 1763. 
=j Ditto, 30 March 1763. 



4 4 Ciiaiitor II. Enterprises for Impiuving and Kxtending the Ti-aJo iu tbe Far H.-t. 

For this purpose Dalrymplo had carefully secured two places quite 
differently situated. On his pa'ssage fi'om Madras Road ho had touched 
at -Vbai, on the nortliwest coast of Borneo, and after a month's friendly 
intercourse with Abdul Bandhara of Abai and Orau Juan of Tampassuk 
these two princes granted him on '2t5 July 1762 the first places on 
North Borneo that ever came into British possession ;>the island of 
Usukar and the part of Borneo to the northward of Abai river called 
Bira Birahan with what more land the English may want hereafter 
for plantation of pepper or other uses«.i) All other Europeans were 
to be excluded from these territories. The other stipulations corresponded 
with those of the treaty of fi-iendship with Sulu (1761), and here again 
both parties mutually agreed to assist each other >against all enemies 
and in every other respect*. 

As to this new treaty I am inclined to hold the last engagement 
responsible for its never having been adopted by the Company, so that 
it, sooner than any other, fell into oblivion. 

More attention was paid to the grant of Balambangau obtained 
from Sultan Bantila on 12 September 1762. ') Unfortunately the original 
of it must have been mislaid, but tliat it existed is evident from Dalrymple's 
sCase relating to the Island of Balambangau « 5) and from the beginning 
of the document of the cession of Palawan on 19 th September 1763. 
The latter begins »I Sultan Mahomed Allaraodin (Alimud Din) who 
govern this kingdom of Sulu having been informed by Mr. Dalrymple 
that he had somewhat to cummnuicate to me in presence of my 
counsellors in regard to the treaty made with the Sultan Mahomed- 
Mo-ee Jodin (Mu'iz/.ud Din) about his having requested the Island of 
. Balambaugan as a place for trade, and for building and repairing ships, 
and for making a fort for its defence, and the said Sultan having given 
the said Island of Balambaugan to the Company of England and promised 
others besides if the other should wish and ask for them ...«*) On his 
return from Sulu Dalrymple accordingly toot possession of this island 
for the Honourable East India Company and hoisted the British flag there. 
This first |occupation had no further consequences. As Bantila 
was always regarded as a usurper, both the Court of Directors and 
Governor and Council at Fort Sh George never relied on this acquisition 
until it was granted by the legal sovereign of Sulu. 



') Home iliscell, 629. 

") Fact. Rec. Borneo. 

■) London 1774. 

'] Factorv Records, Borneo. 



Daliyim.le :i Instructions oa Secret Seirice p.nJ the Results of his First. 4.') 



The questiou vihj Alexander Dahymple and the English East India 
Com|);iny then, and still forty }-ears later, insisted on making Balambangan 
thr- headquarters of their trade in the Eastern Seas may be answered here. 

"When cruising in those quarters on secret service, Dahyraple 
learnt by experience that the channel between Palawan and the north 
end of Borneo is the only opening in the bar by which communication 
with Polynesia could be effected in all seasons. He stated this to be 
not only the centre of the monsoon but also equidistant from' Korea 
and Japan, Bengal and Coromandel Coast, and Xew Holland. Of great 
importance was the fact that the Chinese junks passed there annually 
in their passaoe to the ports of Borneo Proper. A further advantage 
was that this small island is provided with two excellent harbours, from 
"which a good communication could be expected with Borneo, Suln. and 
Mindanao. Indeed, nothing better could be found, as it was reported 
to be well supplied with fresh water, timber, fish, and a luxuriant 
vegetation. "What gave Dalrymple the final reason for preferring this 
place to any other was the favourite eighteenth century doctrine that 
an island in the vicinity of a large mainland was best adapted for the 
purpose of a commeicial establishment, it being generally more healthj- 
than the continent and well s'lrited to attract traders from all' around, 
and above all because it was more secure and could be maintained 
with less expense. 

Under the influence of this somewhat bizarre idea were foimded 
the settlements of Pulo Condore, Balambangan and Prince of Wales 
I>lanil, and it was not given up until the great Raffles proved is absurdity. 

When the Directors at London heard of the progress Governor 
Pigot had made in establishing a trade to Sulu under the management, 
of Alexander Dalrymple, their opinion about it was anything but' 
optimistic. They apprehended continual disturbances and re^'olutions 
owing to the weakness of the Supreme Government there, by which 
their affairs ^vonld always be in a pre aious situation. They therefor- 
could not entertain any hope of making a settlement »as nothing el^e 
but strong f.rtresses and a respective force w^ould secure it against 
such malicious designing people«. ^) Yet. though they thought Dalrymple's 
expectations and projects »chimericaU concerning the commercial treaty, 
xhey recommended that the trade to Silu should be kept up by small 
vessels for the purchase of pepper, clove bark, cinnamon and cloves, 
those -being indeed capital articles*. 

') Dispatches to Madras, March 17':i3. 



46 Chaijter 11. Enterprises for Jinproviug and Extending tlie Trale in the Far East. 

The Definitive Cession of Balambangan as a Con'feequence 
of the Seven Years' War. 

One of the last acts of hostility of the Seven Years' War before 
the definite treaties of peace of Paris and Hubertasburg was the conquest 
of Manila by Admiral Cornish and Sir William Draper, undertaken 
from Madras in 1762. Soon after the capture, William Draper, by the 
King's orders, delivered up that place to Da^vsonue Drake, who took 
possession of it for the East India Company, i) 

Dalryraple, who was of the expedition, tells in a short account 
how, while the English attacked the city, the Sultan Alimud Din, who 
was still a prisoner, with his retinue had to withdraw to Pasig, ten 
miles up the river, where the Spanish intended to make a last resistance; 
and how from thence he sent some letters to Manila exposing therein 
his unhappy fate at the hands of the Jesuits. Further, how he informed 
the English that he had only outwardly changed his religion, through 
fear, and that he requested the protection of the English, for which 
he would highly reward them. 

Reasoning that the attachment of the Sultan to their interests 
rai^iit forward the contract made with the Sulus, the English complied 
with the prince's request, and when attacking Pasig spared his house 
and took liim with his family l)ack to Manila. They immediately granted 
him a monthly allowance of one hundred dollars,-) but many consultations 
were held on the subject of Alimud's offer to code to the Company 
any place in tlie Island of Borneo they might wnsh. They were the 
more, inclined to accept his offer as just at that time an ambassador 
arrived from Sulu to invite the old king back to the throne in the 
name of Bantila, the datus and the common people. Nevertheless, the 
Deputy Governor and Council refused to take any further step until 
Alexander Dalrymple, who was expected from Sulu, should arrive and 
approve of it.^) The Crown "rince Israel repeated his father's offer, 
adding the grant of the excl.ive privilege of trading free of all customs 
to Sulu, provided that the English would send him and his father back 
to their native country, where he Avas to succeed him on the throne.^) 

') State Papers, Eoreigu, Spain 165, Draper's letter of : August 1764. 

') Madras Publ. Cons., general letter from Manila, 25 Decej;:ber 1762. 

') Fact. Rec. Borneo, consultations at Manila 23 Jan. and 1 Feb. 1763; Fact. 
Rec. Borneo, letter from Deputy Gov. .^ Council at Manila to Mr. Dalrymple, 
ri:i-xei 11 April. 1763. 

') Ibid. 



§ 3. The Definitive Cession of Balambangan etc 47 



Such favourable proposals could not reasonably longer be rejected, 
.and on 23 February 1763 the articles of an alliance offensive and 
defensive were signed by the said two Sulu princes and Dawsonne 
Drake, President and Deputy Governor of the Philippine Islands, and 
the rest of the Council, on behalf of the Honourable United Company 
of 3Icrchants of England, i) By this the Government of Sulu — still 
at Manila — agreed to cede to the English such part of the island 
of Sulu or its dependent territories as the Company might choose to 
erect forts or factories upon. They further consented to confirm in 
every respect the treaty of commerce concluded with Bantila, to grant 
to the English an exclusive free trade in all the Sulu dominions, and 
to assist them at Manila or any other place. 

The English on their part engaged to acknowledge Alimud Din 
and his son Isreal as indepedent sovereigns and not to encroach on 
their prerogatives, and to assist them, when attacked, with such forc& - 
as the situation of theii- affairs would permit. Pei-petrators of murders 
and thefts committed to the Company's detriment ^vere to be prosecuted 
and tried by the Sultan. 

The importance of this new treaty, though it apparently did not • 
create a new situation, lay firstly in the permission to build forts for 
protection against any enemy and to ti'ade exclusively and without- 
any duties and customs; secondly in the remarkably fine and well 
chosen obligation of the English to assist the Sulas with such force as 
the situation of the Company's affairs would permit. This engagement- 
could be interpreted in two senses. If affairs and policy rendered it 
desirable to avoid any hostilities with the aggressor of the Sulus, nobody 
could reproach tlie English with breach of faith when they refused to 
send any auxiliary troops at all. The diplomatic trick of one of their 
servants in stipulating such an engagement in such words saved the 
Directors all the troubles which might have been expected from Dalrymple's 
contracts. 

But now the watching rivals became active. Manuel Antonio, Arch- 
bishop "I Manila and late Governor of the Philippines, sent to the English 
Deputy Governeor at Manila a fiery protest against this alliance and against 
their intention to send the exiled Sultan back to Jolo. This act, in his opinion, 
would endanger life, liberty and fortunes of the Spanish at Manila and in all 
the quarters which had to be preserved to them by the articles of ca , 'ilation- 
He alleged that such a stirring up and favouring of the Moors would 



■) Appendii 111. 



jy Chajjloi H. I'litt'iprises fur Improving and Extending the Trade in the Fur East. 

occasion tlie destruction and extermination both of tlie European nations 
and of the Catholic religion in tlie East. Still more, he impressively 
represented that troubles between the two European powers concerned 
would inevitably arise, and that the King of Spain would avenge an 
injury of that xraagnitudef. '>! also acquaint you that a preliminary 
treaty of peace and a voluntary cession both of the Sultan- and 
his son towards an establishment of the Spaniards both in Sulu and 
Basilan with other privileges iu those islands have been made beforehand 
preserving always those whicli the King of Spain had over them, these 
many years past, as the Prince aad Sultan can tell, and both voluntarily 
and of their own accord presented them to me iu. letters signed by 
them.* ^) 

The provisional answer of the Board to these pretensions, mis- 
representations and lies was that the English had an undoubted right 
to malie treaties "^vith whomsoever they liked; that the alliance with 
the Sultan could not infringe on the articles of the capitulation of 
Jfanila as Sulu never was included in the Philippines, and that moreover 
self-preservation induced the Company's servants to make such alliances 
in answer to the Spaniards' oo^n violations of the said ar'ticles in 
raising and fomenting continual troubles iu and around Manila. 

In the following year the restored Spanish Governor renewed his 
protests at Fort St. George, whose President and Council he had heard 
were going to enter into a treaty with Sulu for an establishment in its 
dominions. He declared these proceedings to be contr'ary to the 
existent international treaties, both that of Paris, concluded on 
10 February 1763, and earlier ones. He laid stress on its being 
particularly contrary to the Treaty of Westphalia of 30 January 1648 
made with the United Provinces of the Netherlands for the extension 
of their territory and concerning the naviijation of the Spaniards in India. 
This treaty had been guaranteed and acceded to by the King of 
England in that of 23 Jlay 1G67 concluded at Madrid. Here it was 
stipulated by the eighth Ai cle that according to the desire of Spain 
all that had been granted to the United Provinces by the Fifth .Article 
;f the Treaty of Muni^ier sliou!d be unders:ood to be gr-anted and 
made over to Great Britain. 

It may be proper to give hei-e iu a fe.v words the contents of 
the Fifth Article of the Treaty of Munster, in oider to point out the 
falsity of the pretensions of the Spanish Governor. 

') Fact. Rec. Boineo, 19 March 1763. 



§ 3. The Definitive Cession of Balambangan etc. 49 

It stipuhted that the contracting powers were to maintain the 
navigation and the trade to the East Indies but that both should abstain 
from extending them to the other's territories, and that both, Spaniards 
and Dutch, were to remain in possession of all the countries, fortresses 
etc. which at that moment respectively were under their jurisdiction. 

Now, in 1648 the Spaniards possessed the Philippines, but they 
had given up all claim to, and withdrawn from, Sulu by the treaty 
of 1646, as is stated in the fourth paragraph of this chapter. There- 
fore the Dutch, and the English since 1667, had every right to settle 
in the Sulu dominions, though the Spanish Governor and his Jesuit 
colleagues pretended in their remonstrance that Sulu was included in 
the number of the Philippines, being situated within their limits, and 
that the King thereof was an ally and tributary to the most Catholic 
King of Spain. The argument of the Spaniards that the Sultan, more- 
over, had concluded a trea'y of alliance and friendship with the former 
Governor, and that therefore ail contracts since agreed to by him con- 
trary to it »must be null and void« was very a weak one, because 
Alimud Din confessed that he had signed it under coercion. 

Unfortunately, the Governor and Council at Fort St George were 
little acquainted with the real facts. So they answered evasively that 
the protest was premature and founded merely on suspicions and 
conjecture, and that the English would not think of any establishment 
without being fully convinced of their right thereto. Besides, they 
confessed that during the war they had lodged some stores and goods 
at Salu and that ti'oops had been carried thither on their return from 
Manila owing to lack of conveyance; the Spaniards, however, could 
rely on the promise of the English to transport them from thence to 
Madras at the first opportunity. 

What then had happened at JIanila and Suki to create such 
military preparations? 

The Directors had sent orders of a nature likely to give a fresh 
impulse to the whole delayed undertaking, i) Being relieved from the 
dangers and^ embarrassments with which the long war had constantly 
threatened their affairs, they tried vigorously and with renewed energy 
to improve the trade. For this purpose the President and Council at 
Fort St. George were directed that, if they 'bought a residence at Sulu 
feasible, Dalrymple was »to be appointed our Resident there if he 
chooses it with one or two covenant servants to assist him, together 

') Dispatches to Madras, 13 May 1763. 
Willi, The culy roiations of England with Borneo. 4 



50 Chapter II. Enterprises for Improving and Extfinding tha Trade in the l^ar East. 

,vith a few other people* i) and that he should enquire if a trade for 
purchasing pepper might be opened up at any place on the maialaud 
of Borneo or on one of the- adjacent islands. Such encouraging 
instructions came indeed at the right time, for at Sulu things had gone 
from bad to worse. The ship »Royal George« dispatched thither with 
Coast goods late in 1762 had lost its way.^) Dalrymple, owing to letters 
received from home, had asked for permission to proceed to Europe. 
The President fortunately succeeded in persuading him to take his 
passage by Sulu and Canton in the »Neptune«, with goods for the 
Sulu market, where he should at least embark the goods which might 
have beeu provided by the natives according to the contract of 1762. 
In this manner he hoped to recc^er at least a part of the outstanding 
debts there, which amounted to 70,000 Spanish dollars.^) 

On his aiTival at Sulu Dalrymple met there the other rival who 
had been watching the proceedings, of the English with an evil eye, 
the Dutch. They v.'cre endeavouring to cultivate an alliance with the 
Sulus, who, however, showed little inclination to comply with their 
wishes. In order to frustrate any further advance on their part, and 
to deprive them of the opportunity to command the seas in the East 
and Northeast of Borneo, he concluded a treaty*) by which Sultan 
Alimud Din ceded to the English East India Company the southern 
part of Palawan, some places in North Borneo, and all the intermediate 
islands »to prevent all other European nations from passing or coming 
without the license of the said Company «. 5) 

This grant, far from being a trick of diplomacy, must have been 
enforced in a momentary anger against the Dutch, whose spy had come 
from Batavia with many presents for the Sultan and the datus.^) 

The mention of this nation gives me the opportunity of saying 
a few words more about their further policy relative to the new English 
enterprises. 

In the letter to Lord Hsl ' "), Chief Secretary to the King, the 
Court of Directors continued .j 1' eir complaints against the Dutch 
Company's servants in the K, stern Seas, They notified that in 1761 



') Dispatches to Madras, 13 May 1763. 

^ Madras Publ. Cons., 31 May 1763. 

') Letters from Madras, 26 March 1764. 

*) Fact Rec. Borneo. 

') Appendix IV. 

") Home Miscell. 771, Dalrymple's letter to the Secret Committee, 7 Feb. 1704. 

') Dutch Records A, N. 17, January 1764. 



The Definitive Cession of Balambangan etc. 



the »Warwick<, returning fxora China on the new route, had been 
boarded near the iloluccas by the Secretary of the Dutch establishment 
at Tidore, who had intimated to the captain that those seas were 
prohibited to all English vessels. At the same time he had handed 
him over a protest of the Governor and Director Jacob van Schoonder- 
woort at Teruate with the same contents, founded on exclusive treaties 
with the kings of Molucca, that these should not suffer any stranger, 
of whatever nation he may be, in or on their territories, and that 
snobody but the Dutch Company had the right to navigate and trade 
there according to the Fifth Article of the Treaty of Munster, confirmed 
by the Treaty of Uti-echt«.i) 

It is superfluous to point out the untenableness of these pretensions, 
as it is evident from the said Article that other nations were not 
excluded from navigating and trading in the Moluccas.^ Besides, all 
that had been granted to the United Provinces in 1648 bad been 
made over to Great Britain in 1667. 

The answer of the gallant Captain Mann Horner to the Dutch 
OL-eretary's memorial is ^vorthy of preservation: »The English Company 
find it convenient to have their ships go to or return from China at 
all seasons of the year, and no nation or company is to prescribe 
bounds to their commerce or to make a track for their navigation*.*) 
With this he ordered ^he Secretary to leare his ship at once. 

Things became much more serious when the Government at Batavia 
sent out a fleet of eight vessels. From a paper s) which the English 
intercepted they learnt that the purpose of these ships was to dislodge 
them from any new settlement they might form in the East and to 
extirpate all of them in the small island of Salwatti. Further orders 
contained in the same paper were to root out aU other European 
interlopers and to set on fire all the English vessels in tbose quarters. 
As the Directors has received trustworthy information that the fleet 
had begun to cruise early in 1762, they humbly but earnestly begged 
the King to send some men-of'-ivar for the protection of the Company's ships. 

Lord Halifax, relying on the Dutch Company s former proniise to 
withdraw their navy from India, fr.tred to raise trouble and new 
suspicions on their part by increasi::g the English navy in the East 
Accordingly he denied iny reinforcements on the King's behalf, but 
recommended the Court to provide themselves a sufficient "jrce to 

^) Fact. Records, Borneo, Jated 31st August 1761. 
') Fact. Rec. Borneo. 

'} Dutch Records A, N. 17, Secret Resolutions, Batavia, 22 Dete'iibL-r 1761. 

4* 



52 Chapter IL Enterprises for Improving and Extonding- the Trade in the Far East 

withstand the Dutch, so that the affair might be restricted to Company 
against Company, i) 

The Directors, considering, that the means of the Company were 
insufficient for such a large expense, repeated their entreaty a few 
days later, as more bad news had arrived from Bengal. By chance 
on the same day, 6 February 1764, the Dutch Ambassador at London, _ 
Count de \Yelderen, transmitted to the Earl of Sandwich complaints 
of the Dutch Company concerning grievances they had sustained from 
the servants of the English East India Company and the King's officers 
on the coasts of Sumatra, Ceylon and Bengal. They complained that 
tlie Government at Fort St. George had entered into negotiations with 
the King of Candia, with whom the Dutch were at war; that an English 
ship had taken possession of Natters and Tapioli in 1762; and that, 
owing to an alliance offensive and defensive with the Nabob, the English 
had begun hostilities against them. 2) 

With such a state of affairs, the Government at London could no 
longer reasonably remain inactive. The problem of the Company had 
assumed an iuternational character and on its solution depended a 
European war. In the King's name the Earl of Sandwich requested 
from the Count de Welderen a detailed explanation with regard to the 
forces in India and the orders of the Dutch Government concerning 
the preservation of peace between the two rival Companies. Further, 
he was asked to explain the reasons for the equipment of a fleet at 
Batavia in 1761 and to give satisfaction for the » Warwick* having 
been detained by the Secretary at Tidore. 

The Dutch Representative soon gave a satisfactory reply to the 
two first requests, but the other two points had to be answered by the 
Assen.bly of Seventeen at the Hague. 

Sir Joseph Yorke, the English Ambassador at the Hague, was 
directed by the King to take the necessary steps in order to obtain 
satisfaction. Included in his instructions .vas a letter from Fort Marl- 
borough, by which the Directors had judged that the Dutch armament 
was directed against their enterprise at Sulu. ') Meanwhile, it had 



^) Dutch Records A, No. 17, Message from Lord Halifax, 2 Febraary 1764. 

-) State Papers Foreign, Dutch, 6 February 1764. 

') State Papers Foreign, Dutch, 7 Febr. 1764. This letter informed the 
Secret Committee that the servants of the Dutch Company at Cliinsura had often 
a-^ted John Herbert about the intentions of the English at Sulu, and whether they 
had a' ready established a setUement there. 



§ 3. The Definitive Ce-Mon of Balambangan etc. 53 



been agreed that both Companies were to send orders fo their servants 
to keep peace and amity, i) 

Concerning the memorial of the Governor of Tennate Sir Joseph 
Yorke was informed by the Government of the States General that the 
Dutch Company had suspected the English of disturbing them in the 
spice trade, and that they therefore continued to insist on their exclusive 
right to navigate in the Moluccas. 2) Upon this, George III. energetically 
protested against such a presumption, saying that he would never consent 
to it and that Great Britain would be compelled to regard a continuance 
in it as an act of hostility. 3) 

The reply Torke received was of quite a conciliatory character. 
The Dutch Government laid stress upon the fact that they did not 
think of confining the navigation of the English in the East, but that 
their orders, issued in 1759, meant that they could not suffer foreign 
vessels within the usual tracks that were to be observed by all seafaring 
nations. i) Count de Welderen further informed Lord Halifax that .the 
armament in 1761 had not been equipped against the English or any 
other European nation, but merely for the protection of the establishments 
and the trade of the Dutch Company, and that it was destined to cruise 
off the -coasts of Coromandel, Ceylon and Bengal.^ 

With these declarations the British Government was satisfied, and 
according to mutual agreement the King and the States General directed 
their respective Companies to dispatch orders of the same tenor to 
their servants in the East, to keep peace and friendship with each 
other. Upon one subject both Companies, however, could not agree. 
The Dutch Company stipulated that the Companies should be prohibited 
from assisting their allies in India. The English, anxious for their 
alliance with the Nabob, demanded that the Europeans could assist the 
native allies if they wished. The Directors, fearing also for their 
establishments on the west coast of Sumatra, and concluding from the 
insincerity of the Dutch that they would not be surprised if subsequently 
they made also claims to Sulu, therefore asked Lord Halifax for t! ; 
further Royal protection, and for orders to the navy in India to assist 
the rights of the Company.*) 

') Dutch Records A, N. 17, 6 March 1764. 

') State Papers Foreign, Dutch, Letter of Yorte, 24 Feb. 1764. 

') Ditto, Letters of the Earl of Sandwich to Sir J. Yorke 28 Feb.; 6 March 1764. 

') Ditto, Letter frona Yorke, 9 March 1764. 

') Dutch Records A, No. 17, 25 May 1764. 

«) Ibid. 



54 Chapter IL Eutreprises for Improving and Extending the Trade ia tho Far East. 

But the Dutch did aot make auy claims on Sulu, and their 
endeavours to keep the English off by entering into a treaty with the 
Sultan were frustrated by the Aversion of the latter and Dakyraple's 
prompt interference. They no longer molested the intercourse of the 
English, but even, in contradiction to the Spanish, encouraged it, either 
■from sincerity or, what is more likely, from a desire to cause new- 
troubles betv.een England and Spain, by pretending that the English 
Company had an ancient right to the island of »Paragna<i:i), which, 
however, neither party was over able to prove. 



After having obtained the cession of South Palawan and some 
districts in North Borneo, Dahymple did his utmost to recover the 
considerable balance at Sulu, whither he repaired again from "Manila 
in the ^Londons, 6 October 1763, instead of proceeding to China') 
and Europe. At the same time he took back the Sultan to Sulu. 

In the last period Alexander Dalryraple developed such an unbounded 
activity and restlessness in pushing on affairs, regardless of all warnings 
and cautions addressed by Fort St. George and the Directors, that he 
rose to such a height that a severe fall was inevitable. 

He soon found out that the pretensions of the Spanish in Sulu, 
Palawan and all the towns in Borneo which they alleged to have 
received, granted by Alimud Din during his exile at Manila, were 
merely founded on an act of necessity,^) besides being falsified by their 
inserting names of places later on which had not been in the Malay 
original. Bat as it would be easy for the Spaniards to prove that the 
Sultan had not acted under compulsion, Dalrymple made him declare, 
based on the feudal system of government of Sulu, that no treaty con- 
cluded by the Sovereign in his iibocnce fi'om Sulu should be in force, 
either with English or Spaniards or any other power, and that he, on 
the other hand, would ratify the treaty of 1761 concluded with Bantila 
and the datus. 

Safe against any further claims on the part of the Spanish, he 
however experienced more and more the untrustworthiness of the Snlus, 
people and Sovereign, who were never able to fulfil in any way their 
engagements. In addition to this, the fact that the country itself pro- 
duced almost no article for commerce made it clear enough to him 



') Paragna, or Palaran for Palawan may still bo found on old English, charts. 

^) Home Misc. 771. I^stter from Manila, 1 February 1764. 

') Fact. Rec. Borneo, Dalryraple's letter to Secret Committee 7 February 1764. 



§ 3. The Definitive Cession. of Balambangan etc. 55 



tliat a fort oa that island would never be of any profit to the Com- 
pany, but v.ould, on the contrary, raise disgust among its inhabitants. 

The advantages of Balambangan, as already exhibited, presented 
themselves in gradually clearer light, and some slight allusions as to 
its defiaite cession to the Company were not abruptly repulsed on the 
part of the Sultan. 

The final assent to this project, however, was attended by events 
of an international character which swept him into a current till then 
carefully avoided by him. 

By the Treaty of Paris the Philippines were lo be restored to 
Spain. Yet in the East the restitution orders could not come into 
operation for a year, and during this time matters there turned into 
confusion. Altercations and disputes between the King's representatives, 
the Company's servants and the Spaiiiards^) grew worse and worse, 
and had alffiost reached their climax when the new Spanish Governor 
arrived from Acapulco with the order from the English Crown for the 
cession of the Philippines on 6 March 1764. Deputy Governor Drake, 
tired of the interminable quarrels, had retired, and Alexander Dalrymple, 
proposed by the Council, had accepted the position of Provisional Deputy 
Governor in order to carry out the restoration order. From this appoint- 
meat arose new disputes with the King's officers. Captain Steigh, one 
of them, supported by many others, pretended that with Drake's resig- 
nation his and the Company's authority expired. These events made 
such a bad impression on all present, that though the restoration of 
the Philippines on 1 April 1764 officially, took place in some order, 
long afterwards protests were addressed to Madras against the shame- 
ful behaviour of the English at Manila^) Mr. Crawford was appointed 
Pie.-ident at Manila, where the troops received orders to return to 
Madras. 

This welcome opportunity was seized by Alexander r^hymple as 
the best means of crowning his enterprise by an emph . ic demon- 
stration that his masters wcr' ready to expend all for obtaining and 
preserving a new establishment. The ships returaing with the troops 
fi-om Manila left him at Sulu with the »London« and two smaller 
vessels cc;.tsining from 1200 to 1400 Chinese, caffres and sepoys with 

') Sir W. Draper accused the brothers of the Order of Augustine of having 
insHgated the people there to rebel and to murder the English whenever they could 
meet them unarmed. (State Papers, Foreign, Spain, 165 — Draper's letter of 
4 August 1764.) 

') Madras Military Consult, 2-1 September 17C4; 2 November 1764. 



56 Chapter 11. Enterprises for Improving and Extending the Trade ia the Far East. 

a large quantity of military stores, i) to the immense astonishment of 
Governor and Council at j\[adras, the Court of Directors and still more 
the Spanish Governor at Manila, who sent the protest to Fort St. George 
which has already been alluded lo. These could not believe ^though 
Informed by private hand of purposes making a settlement on the 
islands of Balambangan on the north end of Borneo* 2) that this Com- 
pany's servant could undertake such a step withoitt previously having 
informed or consulted them. Yet Dahymple had done so. He had 
taken the decisive step necessary for establishing a factory at Balam- 
bangan, by receiving the ratification of its session, together with the 
full grant of the part of Borneo from Towsan Abai to Kimanis, the 
island of Palawan, and all the other islands to the northward of Borneo.') 
These territories were ceded to the Company by way of sale by Sultan 
AlimudDin (Mahomed Allimodin) on 29 June 1764, and it was understood 
that the Company should give the government of these countries and 
islands to one of his sons. On July 2nd following the Sultan wrote 
out the cessioa, which was signed by datus representing the nobility 
of the people.*) On the 30th of the same month the Sultan's eldest 
son, Datu Sarapodin (Israel) was vested with power and authority to 
take upon him the government of these countries on behalf of the 
English East India Company, which con:raission, granted by Dalrymple 
for the Company, was countersigned by Alimud Din I.^) 

To compel the Sulus to keep their engagements, a perpetual treaty 
of friendship and commerce followed the grant on 28 September 1764. 
It renewed and completed that of 1761, granting the English the right 
to build a factory, to purchase ground for plantations, and to have 
free trade exempted from duties except on contraband. '' was agreed 
that the new Chinese settlers were to be under English jurisdiction, 
as well, as the Sulus, while in their service, and that the English had 
the right to kill thieves and to shoot at people approaching their factory 
and ships by night. Other Europeans and English traders were not 
to be admitted without the Company's permis=-'on. All persons belonging 
to the Company should have the right to come and go freely in all 
territories of the Sultan, and their ships might call at all ports; only 



') Letters from Madras, 20 October 1764; 24 October 1764. 

') Ditto. 

') Appendix V. 

') Factory Rocords, Borneo, Dalrymple's Case. 

=■) Ditto. 



§ 3. The Dofinitfve Cession of Balambangan etc. 57 

in the out-ports they were prevented from purchasing' birds' nests. 
Again the contracting parties engaged to give each other mutual assistance. 

The contents of this so-called treaty of friendship clearly show- 
that it was made under the compelling influence of a large military 
force, and may account for the brief duration of the »perpetual« peace. 
Another reason why the treaty only lasted two or three months may 
have been that it depended on the man whose personality and influence 
had induced the Sulus to agree to it. 

Ill luck, however, and discouraging messages fi'om London an,d 
Madras, made the author of the treaty desert his own work. On 
24 November of the same year he was in China on his way to England 
to plead there for a continuance of the work which — alas! completed 
one year too late — in the meantime had been entirely given up. At 
Canton he learnt from a private letter his appointment as President of 
any establishment he might form. Though this direction of the Court 
had reached Fort St. George already in January 1774, Pigot's suc- 
cessor hat not considered it worth while to forward it to Sulu or 
Manila. Dalrymple confessed that, if he had known of his appointment 
before, he would not have returned to Europe until the debts at Sulu 
had been discharged and Balambangan perfectly secured. i) 

The Directors, always wavering between hope and discouragement 
as to the success at Sulu, changed their minds with every good or 
bad account from Madras, of which the latter more and more prevailed, 
as all endeavours failed to rec. 'er the outstanding debts. Though in 
general the Court's orders confirmed Dalryraple's proceedings, they 
were expressed ambiguously, neither clearly encouraging nor definitely 
restraining him. The policy of the Court of Directors was one of medioc- 
rity, a true copy of that of the bigot, George III. and his ministers after 
Pitt's fall, a policy of petty compromises and dogged meandering through 
problems, keeping isolated from other nations to secure party triumphs. 

To this wavering policy of the Directors Dalrymple's impetuous 
course may be atti-ibuted, and it is not surprising that when ever their 
orders reached the East matters had gone much further than they had 
anticipated. 

Before the worst news from Sulu arrived, the C'urt sent their 
last orders to Fort St. George relative to the intercourse they had to 
entertain with Sulu.-) Thinking the recovery of the d.bts, there ira- 



») Factory Records, Born eo, Dalrymple's letter to the Court, 26 Ingust 1768. 
') Dispatches to Madras, ]4 February 1766. 



r,8 Chapter il- Enterprises for Improving, and Extending. the.Trada in the Far.E:>,L 

possible, they directed them to forbid any European sliip to trade 
tbitlicr, with the provision that in better times trade miglit successfiiUj 
be reopened »on a very different plan«. They advised the President 
.to be careful that you do not by any act otherwise renounce any 
right which the Company might derive from the grants of the Sultan 

to settle on Borneo, Balambangan or other islands but to continue 

a fiiundship with the Sultan«. Further, they were to avoid any steps 
in those quarters that might give umbrage to the Spaniards, whose 
claims on Sulu, still not given up by them, though never acknowledged 
by the English, could not be repudiated now with necessary demon- 
strations. Finally in order to prevent their reckless servants from 
possibly upsetting the relations with the Sultan by their impudent and 
violent conduct, none were to be suffered to trade in those seas with- 
out a special pass and licence from one of the presidencies. 

However, these instructions, somewhat clearer and more definite, 
than many others though still not giving evidence of great diplomatic 
genius, came too late, for. relations with Sulu had taken quite a different 
course from that which the London Directors imagined, and had become 
far from fi'iendly or amiable. 

When Dalrymple sailed from Sulu for China towards the end of 
September 1764, he left there troops still amounting to 400 men, 
promising them that within two months two ships should be sent to take 
them back to the Coast. He accordingly left them plenty of money for 
such a period. But as no ship came until March,!) the dissensions 
developed into open hostilities, partly due to the insolent behaviour of 
the militia towards the S'llus and partly to the treacherous character 
)d predatory inclinatioui of the natives, which became increasingly 
ovideut when the soldiers, after spending their first weeks in idle 
luxury, began to suffer from want of supplies. They refused to assist the 
English with any provisions, and whenever >a dispute arose with one of 
their own pccjile they surrounded the English and killed some of them*.') 

') This irielacchol\ accident cm in no way be attributed to Dalrymple's negligence. 
"When in J.',', jary 1763 he directed the factors to send ships to Sulu to withdraw the 
troops, only the ,. London", in which he had sailed, returned thither, probably no 
other convenient vessel being available. The one great charge that may be imputed 
to him is that he left the troops there at all. That was indeed a fault of his which 
cacnot entir.,ly be pardoned, though it may be said in his favour that it was impossible 
to foresee that the keeping of the Malay's promise depended on his presence. (Madras 
Publ. Cons. 15 July 1765. Letter from A. Dalrymple, Canton, 16 January 1765. 

') Madras Military Proceedings, 15 July 1765. Letter from Captain 
Desplan at Sulu 19 March 1765. 



_§ 3- The Definitive. Cession of Balambangaa etc. 59 

The Sultaa aud his eldest son Israel proved far from being friendly to 
the Europeans, and his second son even o^ved his unpopularitv to his 
assisting the English. 

As soon as this news reached Fort St. George the »Patty Snovr«, 
Captain Dodwell, was dispatched with letters and presents to the Sultaa 
and his eldest son, in order to bring back the men and stores thence. 
Some quantities of blue and white longcloths were put on bord for 
sale. The benefit of this was to be distributed among the starving 
-cpoys,i) who in the meantime had applied to Manila for help, where 
the English Resident had advanced them 2,300 dollars, while the 
Spanish Governor had promised to issue orders that care should be 
taken of them at Zamboanga if they found means to reach there.') 
The *Patty« came just -in time to save the remaining 300 sepoys. 
But the outstanding debt, amounting to nearliy 55,000 dollars, could 
not be recovered. In the letter of April 1766 the Governor and Council 
informed the Directors that they were not in possession of any of the 
grants or treaties which Dalrymple had obtained from the King of 
Sulu.3) They, however, advised the Court not to renounce any right 
to Sulu. A last attempt to recover at least part of the balance was 
made early in 1768 from Fort St. George,*) but it failed, like all the 
ijicceding efforts and that of the s>Royal George«, to renew a trade at 
Bandjermasin. 5) 

The withdrawal of the hjilf-starved sepoys from Sulu, who had to 
endure another long year of bad treatment, suffering and hunger on 
sea until they reached Madras, proved to be the last scene of this 
long act of preparing the establishment of a settlement amidst two rival 
nations among the treacherous Malayan population. 

') Madras Publ. Consult., 22 July 1765. 

'l Letters from Madras, 1 April 1766. 

') Dalrymple took aU the treaties and grants to Enrope, without pici^nting them 
to i'ort St. George. Therefore, as he had o.ly provisional power, they were not 
liD'iirjg for the Company until ratified by the Directors, which was apparently never 
done. Fir when he arrived in London in Ju]y 1705, and asked permission to ..'ite 
before a General Court the advantages of intercourse with the -tern islands, hia 
request was ti.-iii'-fi-irud to the Committee of Corre^pondecee, which, lic.s'ever, .;i(her 
mislaid it or purposely never toot it into consideration. It was only some years 1 i*:r, 
when the [iroject was again discussed with a view to being carried out on a di.'' reat 
fooling, that he was requested to deliver all treaties, contracts, grants, and coj,..; of 
them to the Company. 

') Madras Public Cons. 8 March 1768. 

') Letters from Madras, 2 January 1767. 



60 Chapter II. Enteiprises for Improving and Extending the Trade in the Far East. 

Why it was not more successful may have been seen in the course 
of its development. Begun mith energy at a period when the whole 
world was distraught with war, it nevertheless was crowned with success 
because it was undertaken by a man of great ability and capacity just 
a short time after a general peace removed the hindrances which had 
threatened its early progress. But, as has been the case ever since 
war and peace mutually govern mankind, the energies too much strained 
by war sink into relaxation, and an overpowering sense of nervous 
fatigue invades whole nations. To this circumstance on the one hand 
may by attributed the want of energy in the policy of the Directors 
concerning the project in the East after 1763; while, on the other hand, 
excessive zeal, lack of candour, sincerity und openness have almost an 
equal share in the apparently small result which, by contemporaries, 
was described more severely as failure. Happily it was only apparently 
a failure, for while President and Council at Fort St. George were still 
endeavouring to make it good in the old manner, viz. by securing the 
outstanding debts, at home a new scheme had been planned, by which 
a new and larger enterprise was to. be founded on this so-called failure, 
by quite different methods. 



Chapter EI. 

t;:3 First Balambangan Period. 

1768—1775. 



§ 1- 

IJo'-a Steps taken at Homo for Tllxtanuirag the 

Trade of the Company. 

It cannot be a mere accident that when in 1767 the indefatigable 
Alexander Dalrymple made proposals for a voyage to the South Seas 
to make discoveries for the Company ^], the Court of Directors, though 
they did not comply with this scheme, three months later referred to 
the Joint Committee of Correspondence and Treasury the consideration 
3 of the most effectaal measures for extending the trade oft the 
Company«.2) 

From the following proceedings it maj' be concluded what importance 
was attached to this new attempt. In striking contrast to all preceding 
similar ventures, this time it was not to be a haphazard voyage of 
discovery, but all j^ros and eons were first to be maturely studied and 
weighed against each other. If it should be found that no insurmountable 
difficulties were likely to arise from too h;avy expenses or from 
political troubles with other European nations, immediate steps might 
be taken to realise it. Therefore wo are not surprised that the enquiries 
on this subject occupied the Joint Committee a full half year, and 
re ed in their proposing" a settlement in the eastern parts of India to 
di:-|-.u^c of European goods and to obtain different valuable commodities 
in return. Farther, they were of opinion that for this purpose n 
establishment and free port on the north-east side of Borneo would 
prove beneficial, it being well situated for attracting the vessels of the 

1) Court Minutes, 30 Jane 1767. 

») Home Mi3o. 771, 30 September 1767. 



GS Chapter III. Tha First Balamban^^aa Period. 

rich adjacent countries and islands. They, however, strongly recommended 
that accurate information about the produce of that country should bo 
collected and that they should find out if the trade and customs there 
might, support the charges'; if this trade were liable to great and frequent 
interruptions by the Dutch; if the Prince of that disti'ict were likely 
to make a grant to the Company; and if the Dutch had any claim to 
that country. Above all, they insisted on apprising the Government 
of this plan and asking for their favour and protection. ^) 

In order to clear up ail those questions more men of ability were 
consulted, among whom Dahymple undoubtedly definitely turned the 
scale in favour of Balambangan as the centre of the future trade 
with these eastern islands and the coast of Cochin China. 2) Complying 
with the orders of the Directors to nominate persons for the management 
of the undertaking, the Committee of Correspondence proposed that the 
Governor and Council of Fort Gt. George should be directed to send 
proper persons to take possession of that island and that the design 
should be communicated to the King and his ministers.'') 

This last proposal and the Directors' carrying out of it, mark a 
new period in the history of the Company's relations with Borneo and 
signify a new progress in the extension of the British Empire. For 
with it a new stone was to be set in the riclily speckled mosaic of 
its present colonies. Till then neither the Government nor the Company 
had ever thought of acquiring possessions so far in tlie East and so 
distant from their other settlements. Borneo had always been looked 
upon merely as a spot for trade in connection with that of China, and 
for improving it. Dalrymple's plans and achievements had been rejected 
by the Directors as far as they concerned the acquisition of a place 
which would have exposed them to great expense, but still more to 
severe conflicts with the Dutch or Spaniards at a time when the 
Government, being exhausted by the long war and occupied with internal 
strife, was absolutely unable to promise or grant them any protection 
against foreign powers. But now in 1768, when the disputes between 
the Government, the Parliament and the country had reached their 
':■-■" jbt, the ministry itself torn with dissension, the Company found it 
a good opportunity to apply for the King's protection for a scheme 
with which he could not but comply in order to have at least one 
strong adheroat. 

') Home Misc. 771, 26 Fubruary, 1, 8. 22 March 1768. 

') DiUo, 7 July 1,08. 

') Conrt Minutes, 11 August 1768, fol. 171. 



^J^J^ ^''^ steps taken at Home foil Extending; tire Trade of the Company. 63- 

This petition, dated 28 October 1768, i) is of double importance in 
so far as it gives at the same time the full purport of the proposed 
undert iking. The Directors stated that, as their endeavours tended not 
only to the Company's, but also to the national, benefit, they thought 
themselves right in asking his Lordship to make a favourable statement 
to the King that he might grant the Company his Royal protection 
and support in their taking possession of the small island of Balambangan. 

The objects of their undertaking were reported to be as follows: 

Firstly: By procuring a colony of Chinese to settle at Balambangan^ 
and by engaging the Chinese junks to visit and dispose of their 
cargoes there, they hoped to divert the Chinese trade into 
that channel. 

Secondly: Thus it would be possible to extend the sale of the 
manufactures of Great Britain to Cochin China, and to get 
from there commodities which till then could be procured only 
from Canton at high prices. 

Thirdly: At the same time a market might be opened for the 
consumption of Bengal manufactures. The consequence 
of this addition to the balance of trade in favour of .Bengal would 
be an increase of the circulating specie in the Bengal provinces. 

Fourthly: Last but not least, the trade of the Company could 
thus be extended into the unfrequented parts of Asia. 

The Company had, we see, great expectations as to the future of 
the new establishment, which hopes were not modified by their last 
experiences at Sulu. They were chiefly, or almost exclusively, founded 
on Dalryraple's report and papers which he had in the meantime given 
up at the Court's request,^) and that he had based his hopes on an 
illogical doctrine has already been pointed out in the prec; ing chapter. 
Therefore the first part of their expectations were chimerical from the 
very foundation. How could they expect to concentrate tie imniense 
Chinese trade which was carried on by hundreds of -'unks yearly in 
one small ' 'laid situated on their track which led only to the Molii':cas 
and the eastern coast of Borneo? And could th^y hope to extend their 
trade in the East to a great extent considering that de Dutch, the 
Spaniards, and the Portuguese 'had been trading thei :■ for one or two 
centuries? 

') Home iliac. 771, Letter to Lord Viscount Weymouth. 
=) Court ifinutes 1768, fol. 202. 



i) t C'l.ipter III. The Fir^t Balatnbangaa Period. 



The question may be put, what did they unteistand by the 
.unfrequented parts of Asia*? This might be either the most easterly 
islands, such as New Guinea," or probably Japan and North China. 
I should be inclined to give precedence to the first hypothesis, as in 
the conrse of this venture an expedition \yas indeed sent to those 
quarters. That North China was included has been evident from the 
petition to the King. 

]\Iost probably good results might have been expected from the 
scheme to extend the sale of British manufactures to Cochia China 
and the northern parts of China, connected with the purchase of 
commodities there at lower prices than at Canton. But in order to 
obtain this Balambangan would have to be a great emporium for the 
exchange of European goods for those coming from the North. This 
required ,it least a wide harbour, quite a town of factories, store-houses 
and wharves, with a large number of Europeans and natives or Chinese. 
And was this small uninhabited island capable of providing for such 
a vast population, even supposing it were as fertile as Dalrymple had 
described it? That was a question which might have occupied the 
Directors, but not troubled them; for the eighteenth century was ready 
to answer it in the affirmative, believingjn the advantage of a small 
island as a headquarter for commerce. Here again, only fifty years later. 
Raffles was the first to prove ,that a settlement, founded merely on 
trade and depending entirelj^ on the import of supplies, was doomed 
to stagnation and ruin from its very beginning. Chiefly for this reason 
the attempt was going to fail again, though all other conditions seemed 
to favour : in every respect, and although it was given a new impulse 
by its favourable acceptance by the Government. 

George III. was rejoiced at the Company's plan for extending 
their trade, but he was still more pleased and surprised to find »that 
they d- -ire his protection with regard to a measure upon which he 
has ■ :-ver been consulted*, i) At the same time, however, this pleasure 
\ras troubled by a somewhat bitter astonishment, caused by the news 
that »for the first time they have ordered their servants to take 
possession of an inland without the least information of any other right 
upon which this mc-sure is founded, except that of utility nor any 
account by which His Majesty might judge whether it can interfere 
with the subsisting treaties with other States or give umbrage to those 
powers with which he is upon terms of amity and friendship.* '^) He 

') Home Misc. 771, Letter from Lord Weyraoath 24 Nov. 1768. 
') fbid. 



— ^-A'^,."^^ ^}^]'^ ^^^^'^ »^ Ho^ie for ExteudiDg the Trade of the Cor:paiiy. 65 

therefore onlered them to sund hira all the papers and descriptions of 
that islaad, that ho himself might judge if their proceedings might be 
rL-^aiilcMl as an infringement of the rights of any power, in which case 
he would withdraw from them his protection hitherto always awarded. 

It is characteristic of the power the Company had attained that 
the Directors dared play such a double game with their King. With- 
out informing the Covernement of their plan, though they had long 
before had the firm intention of imploring the King's protection, they 
had sent orders to Bombay i) that an armed vessel should be prepared 
to take possession of Balambangan sin the name of the King of 
trreat Britain and of the East India Company* by virtue of a grant 
from the Sultan of Sulu to the Company in 1764. s 

What arro-ance! What temerity on the part of the Directors to 
order their servants to take possession of territories in the King's 
name before having learnt his opinion concerning the matter! Pro- 
ceedings of that kind veere, in a double sense, not fair play. They 
must be judged as arrogant and disloyal towards a monarch. They were 
the more unfair as the Directors cowardly profited by the King's 
plight, fr'om which cause, as they knev? only too well, he was compelled 
to wink at their offence. On the other hand, it was not fair play that 
they pretended to take possession of the islaad by virtue of a grant 
wliich they, never had approved and acknowledged. In ordinary times, 
and from a king who felt himself a little safer on the throne than 
George III. did in the first ten years of his reign, they would Iiave 
iO'pcd a much severer and well-deserved rebuke. 

The Directors tried to justify themselves and their cause ■^) by 
relying upon the Company's charter by which they were entitled to 
trade to and to form settlements anywhere in India with the consent 
of the natives, und to possess the .^selves of any uninhabited place for 
establishing and extending their trade. In order to prove that in the 
prc'-Gut case they had every [K.ssilile right to convert Balambangan 
into a trading centre, they sout in copies of the grants of Banguey, 
Balambangan, etc., etc., together with a statement of r.i'iymple. In 
this it was proved that the Spaniards could make no cla.i os on the 
island, it being .-ituated considerably without those limits to which 
Pope Alexander VI. had confined both the uax'^ation and 'be trade of 
Spain, which boundaries had been agreed to by other EuropiMn Powers 

') Home Misc. 771, General Letter to Bombay 4 Nos-. 176S; Ditto to Bengal 
ar:'J ^h'hss 11 Xuv. 17G8. 

*j Ditto, 771, LL'lttT to Lord \yeymouth IG Deo. 1768. 
Willi, The e.'iriy rcl^itions of England with Borneo. 3 



66 Cliaptcr Iir. Tlio First Balamljangan Period. 



in the treaties of Wostplialia and Utrecht. The Dutch, the Court 
mentioned, had never made anv claims to Sulu or Balambau£ran. 

Tiiat the Directors, however, were not quite certain in their 
pretensions is evident from the orders they sent to the East. These 
recommended utmost speed and profound secrecy, that no other power 
might learn of the design. If they found another European settled 
there they were to abstain from any attempt to land or act in an 
ag^j'ressive manner. In this case their ship was to tiy to acquire 
possession of any other place included in the said grants. Should they 
succeed at Balambangan, the ship' had to stay there, that it might protect 
the settlement against any attack later on. 

While the Company's statements in its second letter were under 
consideration at St. Jame's Palace, the Directors, partly on account of 
Dalrymple's urging them to lose no time,i) continued tbe preparations 
by directing the Committee of Shipping to treat for a ship, to nominate 
commander and officers and to make the necessary provisions for 
establishing a settlement at Balambangan. At the same time, the 
Committee of Correspondence had to propose proper persons for the 
management of the undertaking,'-] and Fort St. George and Bengal were 
informed that the King had granted the countenance of a man-ofwar. 5) 

Yet when all seemed to be favourable, an unexpected difficulty 
arose from the exorbitant claims which Dalrymple made as a condition 
of his leading the expedition. He wanted to be appointed captain of 
the ship and to have the choice of the crew. Further, as he did not 
desire ^to eat the bread of idleness« and partly for his services during 
fifteen to twenty years, he thought himself entitled to the following 
claims: The Company should bear all his expenses in the expedition 
and grant him a commission of four per cent on all cargoes bought 
and sold at Balambangan, and one more per cent to the other persons 
on the ship. He demanded preference to get the government of tbe 
new settlement. At the expiration of three years from the departure 
the sum of 8,000 pounds should be given him Should the expedition 
fail, by any unforeseen accident, the Corap-my were to restore him to 
his service in the bank and to grant him or, in case of his death, to 
his heirs, the said sum of £ 8,000.*) 

') Court ilinutes, 10 July 1769, fol. 125. 
■j Ditto, L'O JuDe 1769, fol. 77. 

') Dispatches to Bombay, 31 March 1769; ditto to Madras and Bengal 
30 June 17C9. 

') Home Misc. 771. At. a Committee of Corre.^pondence 20 and 23 Aug. 1769. 



§ ^- ^"^-'^^' Steps taken at Home for Extending tlie Trade of the CompaDy. 67 

These pretensions were indeed not modest, but those of a man 
who was only too well aware of his merits and indispensability. But 
instead of being prepared to meet the Directors, and cut down his 
pretensions in deference to their opinion and claims, Dalrymple was 
stubbornly determined to have them complied with in every detail. 

It is of little interest to follow the long, tiresome, and unprofitable 
bargaining on both sides. Dalrymple relentlessly demanded that the 
absolute management should be vested in him without control, while 
the Court of Directors insisted on their appointing all the officers 
civil and military servants, and on their establishing a Council to 
direct all operations, in which Dalrymple was to have the casting vote. 
Their terms were that he was to eujo}- a salary of a thousand pounds 
per annum during the expedition, besides the commission he had asked 
for, and the preference in the appointment to the government. Instead 
of granting him the £ 8000 in case of misfortune, the Directors reserved 
to themselves the right to fix a suitable sum. 

These tedious negotiations were abruptly terminated by the some- 
what sudden and unexplained resolution of the Court to postpone the 
expedition for that j^ear, although George III. had ordered Sir John 
Lindsay, appointed Commander in Chief of all liis ships of war, frigates, 
and ai-med vessels in the East Indies, to assist and protect the Company 
in founding the new establishment and to co-operato with its servants. i) 

It seems that from Dalrymple's letter of 22nd September 1769 
new suspicions arose concerning the legality of making a settlement 
at Balambangan. 

Once more, on .30th November, he laid stress on the necessity of ~ 
hastening the preparations for the expedition, as the interference of the 
Dutch might be expected if the Directors waited another year, so that 
the ship Avould not arrive at Balambangan till May 1771, at a time 
when all the Chinese junks would have returned to Canton for a 
i'.hole year. 

The consequence was that a wholesome draught of frosh air per- 
vaded the India House. A special Committee for Balambangan wisely 
found out again that no legal difficulties would prevent them from 
taking possession of that place, bit that once more the sentiments of 
the King's ministers should be certained and that Lord AVeymouth 
should again be troubled with e:\actly the same letters as those which 

') Couit Minutes, 1 and 6 Svpt. ITHD, fol. 205; Horoe Misc. 771, 6, 8, 
13 Si'pt 1709; Dispatches to Madras, S, 15 Sept. 1709; Ditto to Bengal and 

Bombay, 15 Sept. 1769. 

5* 



(jb Chapter III. The First Balambauiran Pe 



liad beeu seat to him one and a half years as^o. i) And this when the 
Company's seiyants at Bombay had months ago acted according to the 
orders sent them in Noxcmber 1768! 

Is it to be wondered at that Lord Weymouth's answer 2) begins 
:■! am as much surprised at this question put by the Company's Chairman 
in a letter of 20th March if his Lordship had anything against the 
immediate execution of the expedition, as in October 1768 when I 
learnt you had already then sent expreB order overland to take that 
country*? 

The Directors may also have felt disconcerted by the enclosure 
in Lord Weymouth's reply of a letter from Dalrymple in which he 
had implored his Lordship to hasten with his answer to the Company 
as they would not take any step before! Though Lord Weymouth, as 
he confessed, was not accustomed to receive advice from a Company's 
servant, he requested the Court not to neglect Dalrymple. So new 
negotiations wore carried on for many months between the Company 
and that servant respecting the necessary regulations and the terms 
both parties had to proffer. At last the discussions in which Captain 
Howe had become involved by Dalrymple, who had proposed to proceed 
in company with him, attained a definite form by the Directors giving 
their last concessions. These were that the command of the ship to 
be employed should be confided to Alexander Dali\'mple, but that the 
officers were to be appointed by the Court of Directors, who would 
have regard to his recommendation. Contrary to his proposals to proceed 
direct to Balambangan without touching at any other residence, the 
ship was to proceed to Madras, where the Select Committee or the 
Commissioners of the East she ild decide whether the expedition should 
be suspended or not. At the new settlement all affairs with European 
Powers and all the things relative to trade should be left to the Chief 
and Council to be appointed for ' le management, while all the internal 
affairs concerning the natives were to be settled by the Chief, Alexander 
Dahymple. For the general management of the Company's affairs by 
Chief and Council they should be subject to ti.e orders of the Court 
of Directors.^) 

At Dalrymple's advice, preparations were made to bring on board 
the » Britannia* stores for the Bahambangan market, such as cloths, iron, 



'} Correspond enoe Minutes, 8 Feb. 1770, fol. 131; Court Minutes, 
9, 10 Feb. 1770, foL. 435. 

-) Uome Misc., 771, 29 March 1770. 

•) Ditto, 771, At a Court of Directors 25 July 1770. 



§ ^- ^ ^^ steps taken at Home for Kxtendin^ tho Tirade of , the Company. 69 

■itcel and lead, glassware, gold and silver lace, arms aud ammunitions, 
guns aud blunderbusses, printed cotton, every branch of woollen manu- 
factures, boat compasses and beads, i) For, as news bad arrived from 
Bombay that the island had been taken possession of, everyone thought 
that a market there would flourish as soon as European stores and 
provisions arrived. 

But all at once things went wrong. 

Captain Howe declined employment in the expedition, where he 
was to hold only a subordinate position. 

Lord Rocheford, to whom the Company had applied for a Royal 
letter to the Sultan of Sulu, advised them that George III. refused to 
issue a letter of recommendation, not being sufficiently informed of the 
rights of the Sultan and of the objections which might be made by 
other powers against the projected settlement; that he, on the contrary, 
Mrictly directed them not to offer any violence to the Spaniards settled 
in Palawan, and to abstain from giving assistance to the Sultan of 
Mindanao in the war he was cari-ying on against them. 2) 

Dalrymple's_ disputes with the Committee of Correspondence and 
of Shipping on petty, small points concerning the provision, the crew, 
etc.. soon turned into invectives and offences. He reproached the 
Court with not having kept their contract, as they appointed one of 
the two factors from London, and not from Madras as had been agreed 
between them on 5th September 1770, the day when they by ballot 
had resolved ithat the government of the said island and the dependencies 
thereof be placed in the hands of ~S[t. Alexander Dalrymple as Chief, 
:'nd two prisons of Council with the following allowances: 

The Chief: £1000' 
Second: £400 
Third: £300 



per annum. 



that they be allowed to draw a comm' ion of ten per cent on the net 
purchase and sale of all cargoes for ee years . . . whereup. i Jfr. 
.\le\ander Dalrymple was called in and i rn as Chief of Balambangan 
and Commander of the ship to be c nsigiied to that island*.') 

These unfortunate quan-els led to a e.-i istrophe when Dalrymple 
asked for his six months' salary on 14th March, basing s claim on 
the fact that he had been sworn as Cummander of the sBritanniac ad 

') Court Minutes, 3, 8, Aii-u^t 1770, fol. 121. 

') Home Misc., 771, Lntter from Lord Rocheford, 14 Mai'oh 1771. 

«) Court Minutes, 5 September 1770, fol. 148 & 150. 



70 Cliapter IK. The First Balambangati Period. 

Chief of Balambangan half a year ago, and that tho Company was to 
regard and pay him as such; the more as he ail the time had been 
employed in providing the necessaries for the expedition. 

The Directors insisted on the stipulation that the fixed salary was 
to commence on the arrival at Balambangan and that, in case the 
expedition should be stopped there, or already before at Madras, he 
would merely be entitled to a compensation for his services. Besides, 
considering that a new settlement must require the greatest »address, 
moderation and judgment, and that the principal person of such an 
undertaking should pay a due deference and obedience to this Court«, 
and because Alexander Dalrymple, from his conduct and late appearing, 
was found to be a very improper person, thej^ resolved unanimously 
»that he be dismissed the Company's service*. i) Instead, the 
Committee of Shipping was instructed to take care of the ship » Britannia*. 

In other words, the whole enterprise received its death-blow before 
the first man and vessel left the shores of England! 

And whose fault was it? 

Both parties shared in it. Theoretically, the Director's ^vere right 
in refusing the salary before the »Britannia« arrived at Balambangan. 
Had Dalrymple shown more modesty and patience, they undoubtedly 
later on would have granted him what they now declined. But from 
his behaviour towards them, I can imagine that they were glad to get 
rid of a- man who so early had manifested dc-potic and alisolutist 
inclinations, and who certainly \vould have followed the same course 
he had taken in 1763 and 1761, without informing and consulting them. 

Transported by unbounded zeal and self-confidence, Dalrymple 
forgot that he was still the Company's servant, and that not he but 
the Directors afterwards would be answerable to the Government and 
the English nation for anything he committed. 

What arouses our sympathy is that in spite of his crushing 
humiliation Dalrymple continued to offer his advice and service for 
the undertaking, which were not entirely refused. The Court, on their 
side, lefunded to him all the disbrrsements he had had on account of 
the cargo of the sBritannia*.^) 



') Court Minutes, 14, 15, 18, 19, 21 March 1771. 

') ,Jome Misc., 771, Minutes of Committee of Shipping, 1 and 29 May 1771. 



^J_^^^^ewJ5teps- taken at Uorae for Extending the Tiade, of the Company. 71 

As the Committee of Shipping had continued in making preparations 
for the execution of the project, Dalrymplo's dismissal for the moment 
had no further consequGnces. r-- 

Captain James Swithin was entrusted with the command of the 
»Britannia«, and took the oath against trading to or from the East 
Indies without the Company's license, i) 

John Herbert, a covenant servant at Fort Marlborough, received 
orders to wait at Port St. George for the arrival of the »Britannia«, 
in order to take over the management of the undertaking, in company 
with Tierney, from the same place, as Second in Council.*) All the 
officers and seamen appointed by the Directors were engaged for four 
years, at the expiration of which terra they were to be discharged and 
furnished with a passage home at the Company's expense if desired. 

On 12 June 1771 Captain Swithin received his final orders. A 
separate letter to Bombay of the same date contained in sixty paragraphs 
the diiections for the new ^independent Chiefship«. Letters of re- 
commendation were addressed to the Sultans of Sulu and Mindanao 
and to other eastern princes. Dispatches to the Chief and Council at 
Anjengo and to the Agent and Council at Bussora instructed them to 
forward duplicates of the said instructions and letters to Madras and 
Bencoolen with the utmost speed, and to assist the enterprise with 
every possible means. 

To give all the instructions would occupy too much space, 
though, with few exceptions, all are of a certain importance and should 
be remembered in the course of the events. I wiU limit myself to a 
few, and in order to prevent repetition the}' will be given with para- 
graphs as in the oiiginaL 

§ 5 directed that the Balambangan settlement should not be under 
direction of either Presidency, which were only to issist it by advice 
and means. 

§ 7. Should the place be found in the possession of another 
European power of an inferior force, this power was to be desired to 
quit it as belonging to the English, but without commencing hostilities. 
Under § 13 hostilities were only forbidden against the Spaniards on 
Palawan, to which island the latter had ancient claims! 

§ 8. In case of some disappointment in (|uictly taking r-ossession 
of Balambangan they should establish themselves either in North Borneo 
or on some adjacent island. 

1) Court Minutes, 1 May 1771. 

') Home Misc., 771, General Letter to Bencoolen 17 May 1771. 



72 Chapter III. Tbo. First Balambangan Period. 

The following passages ordered Chief and Council to use the 
^Britannia* as a floating factory and warehouso until they should have 
built proper warehouses and habitations and erected a stockade to 
protect them. 

§ 12. The Sultan of Sirlu should be induced to conclude and 
give a new treaty and grant, signed by him, the princes, the estates 
and the Company's servants. 

The next paragraphs fixed the trade to be carried on chiefly by 
barter; that, however, the two Presidencies were to deliver them £5,000 
in current coin; that Captain Swithin was to touch at Cape of Good 
Hope to provide there a breed of sheep, vines, plants, and seeds of all 
sorts that they might be propagated and cultivated at Balambangan. 
Further, they were to open immediately intercourse with the neighbouring 
islands for the supply of provisions. Cattle from Banguey, which island 
was reported to be abounding with it, and Borneo, where also rice 
could be procured, were to be imported, so as to encourage all branches 
of trade and cultivation at the new establishment. 

§ 22 etc. To this place were to be drawn the Chinese, Bughis 
aad other India traders by means of indulgence and lenity, and 
contracts should be concluded with the princes at Borneo, Mindanao 
and other islands for pepper,^ spices, etc., in exchange for opium, piece 
goods and other articles from Bengal. Import and export should not 
be subject to duties of any kind, and all those traders were to be 
exempted from exactions of every shape under colour of presents and 
fees for entry or clearance. 

§ 29 is important in its kind as later on it proved to be one of 
the causes of mismanagement. It stated that all Europeans duly registered 
by Chief and Council were to enjoy unlimited freedom of traffic 
except in spices, pepper, raw silk, and opium. 

§ 30. A Bombay ci er was to stay there as a guardship under 
the command of Chief and Council, who were ordered to be most 
vigilant against treachery or surprise by the Malays. 

§ 33. Definitely constituted the administration: A Chief with 

two other persons formed the Council, assisted in civil affairs by two 

factors and two writers, with the following oppointments par annum: 

Chief £600 



Second ,,400 
Third ,,300 
Factors ,,150 each 
"Writers ,,100 each 



to commence from their 
arrival at Balambangan. 



§ 1. ^'evr Steps Mttn at Honia for Extr^'linL' Hie Trade. oE tbe Corirpaay, 



The persons to be vested with these offices were: John Herbert, 
.Chief; Michael Tieraey, Second and Herbert's successor in case of 
"ceidont; Alcock, Third; James Beck of the Bombay :^[arine, senior 
factor; Robert Kirkbam at Port St. G corse, second factor; James Vivares, 
formeriy^under Captain Trotter at Balambangan, first writer; Vicentio 
Corbet, second writer. 

Captain James Swithin was to have the command of all the vessels 
at and employed by the new Chiefship, with seat and voice as youngest 
in Council on all marine affairs. 

§ 45 etc. The force to be sent from Bombay or ^Jladras on the 
>Britannia« was to amount to 60 seamen and 40 lascars, 1 lieutenant, 
1 ensign, 2 sergeants, 2 corporals, 20 European soldiers, 20 sepoys 
.^nd 1 engineer, while artisans were sent from Europe.. 

Concerning the civil service, secretary, accountant, paymaster, and 
other officers Avere to be appointed at Balambangan according to th& 
method adopted at the Presidencies; copies of a regular Diary and 
Consultation Book with a set of General Books of Accounts should be 
sent yearly to the Court; lists of the employed civil and military 
persons should be delivered from time to time with registers of deaths, 
burials and all casualties with their dates. 

Discussions of matters for the general management of the Company's 
affairs at Balambangan or of disputes with ot'.or European powers, and 
matters relating to trade and internal regulations were left to the 
decision of Chief and Council. 

By the last paragraphs these were requested to examine the west 
coast of Palawan for the security of the navigation to and from China, 
and to try to embody the Bughis for the C nnpany's service. 



With such detailed inslTuetic'iis, and vested ^vith powers alrv ?♦■. 
equal to those the two privileged Presidencies enjoyed, one W' aid think 
it should have been easy to manage the new undertaking so as to 
bring forth at least in one year some palpable results. But John 
Herbert did not find speed to be urgent, and for different rea .ms took 
27j years to reach Balambangan, instead of eight months. 



74 Cliajiter III. Tin' Fiift BiilambariLnin Poriod. . 

§ 2. 
Preparations mado at Bombay and Mndras to secure 
Balambaagou to the Company before the arrival of the 

Britannia. 

Wq have seen that early in Xo\craber 1768 orders were sent to 
the Presidents and Councils at Bombay, Bengal and Madras to take 
possession of Balambangan in the name of the King of Great Britain 
and of the East India Company. The President and Council at Bombay 
immediately on receipt of the dispatch sent on 30 July 1769 two 
cruisers, the »Success« and the ^>Viperr, and a schooner, the »Tiger«, 
under the command of the Captains Hall, Trotter and Beck to perform 
the said service. 

Captain Hall, who found the inhabitants civil and friendly on his 
arrival at Banguey, took possession of it and of Balambangan, Palawan 
and Xoith Borneo in the name of the King in virtue of the grant given 
to the Company in 1764. He stipulated that no other nation should 
be allowed »to land, settle or distribute the said lands without the 
permission of the King of Great Britain«.i) Accordingly he 
hoisted the English flag on 25 October 1769. But a few days later 
he left Balambangan for Malacca, having been obliged, through stress 
of weather in the passage thither, to throw overboard part of his 
provisions; and Captain Trotter's promise that he soon would be provided 
fi'om Sulu could not be greatly relied upon. 

This Captain Trotter had been ordered to proceed directly to Sulu 
in the »Success« ^} to renew the old friendship with the Sultan ami 
if possible to get a new grant from him. In this also the servants of 
Bombay were successful. The Saltan affor. d Trotter a very friendly 
reception, and readily renewed the grant of 176-4 for the possession of 
the islands and lands specified therein. He was somewhat more 
reluctant to grant an exclusive right^of trade throughout all his dominions 
and for the pearl-fishery in those seas for ever. Only the )>extremet 
desire that an English settlement might be effected in his kingdom as 
soon as possible persuaded him to make such great concessions. 3) 

It may be appropriate to notice here that the sovereign of Sulu 
at that time was the former crown-prince, Israel, in whom Dalrymple 
had had such boundless confidence as to vest him with the power of 



') Bombay Publ. Proc, 28 Dec. 1769. 
') Letters from Bombay, 26 Feb. 1770. 
') Ditto, 6 AprU K70. 



S 2- Preparations made at Bombay amJ Madras etc. 75 

Governor of the ceded districts ou the Company's behalf. "His father, 
Ahmud Din, was still Sultan in name until 1773, but so weakened by 
age and years of suffering that, had not his son at least upheld some 
authority in the districts surrounding their residence, endless rebellions 
of the Datus would have ruined the whole empire. Israel, the cunning 
fox, however, had turned their adventurous spiritis into a less dangerous 
channel. Encouraged by him, they re-opened the long forgotten cruises 
against Spanish and native merchapt-men. Their piratical instincts 
kmdled again, and in hundreds of prows they infested the shores of 
the Philippines, and in 1769 dared invade even the Bay of Manila. 

Is it then astonishing that the old Sultan embraced the friendship 
of the English and that he granted them whatever they desired in order 
to keep them and their protection near him? 

Yet here, as at Balambangan, the »Success« had to leave for want 
of provisions. She sailed to Batavia, where Trotter hoped to refit her, 
and whence he proposed returning to Balambangan as soon as the 
winds would permit. 

The only ship left here was the Tiger*, Captain Beck, but short 
of provisions, and if not soon :• applied also she would have had to give 
up her post. 

Again, a promising beginning ended in disappointing failure. No 
news reached either Bombay or the other settlements from Balambangan 
or from Captain Trotter. The wildest rumours about their fate plunged 
the people at Bombay into deepest despair. By a ship from Batavia it 
was reported that Trotter in the »Success« had been there for supplies, 
and that he had sailed thence to Cheribon, since which time nothing 
had been heard of hi.n. On the other hand, the same ship of Batavia 
brought intelligence that six Dutch vessels, lately arrived from Europe, 
bad left that port for le East, possibly with a view of obstructing the 
English in settling at Balambangan. 

To take precautions for maintaini- the establishment, and to send 
supplies of provisions and stores thither, the Pjsident and Council of 
Bombay freighted a small vessel, the »S\vift«, manned her with officiers 
and soldiers, and ordered the commander, in the absence of the -Successs, 
to remain at Balambangan. At the same ti.ne, Sir John" Lindsay was 
informed of their apprehensions, and was desired to take the nec^^sury 
measures for supporting the Company's undertaking and for protecting 
it against the Dutch armament. >) In reply he promised them every 

') Bombay, Publ. Proc. 9, 19 June, 3 July 1770; Letters from Bombay, 
25 July 1770. 



7() Chapter III. Tlic Fii>t Balanibangan Period. 



assistance, though he had no fears for the safety of the »Success«, 
and although the news of the expected destination of the Dutch fleet 
appeared to hiiu too vaguo to merit active steps against it. Besides, 
he recommended that the Company shouhl ab^lnin fi'om settling on 
Palawan, that island belonging to the Spaniards, although it was 
included in the grant of 1764. i) 

As late as December 1770, viz. six months after the dispatch of the 
> Swift ■!, which had tonched at Fort St. George, those at Bombay were 
without any news from Balambangan, and the privileges they in the 
meanwhile had received from the Sultan of Pasir''') to trade there were 
followed by as little icsult as all the previous grants. 

About five months later, considering the extremely unfavourable 
state of the Balambangan settlement, the Government at Bengal despatched 
a schooner thither with a cargo to open a trade'), which however 
appears to have been sticking fast at the very beginning. 

No further references could be fouud giving any idea of this 
infant settlement, of its trade, extent, and growth. Most likely there 
were neither storehouses nor factory, else it would have been mentioned 
by Herbert when he received the place under his charge. Some small 
trade was carried on at Sulu between the schooner and the shore, 
while most time was spent in cruising among the numerous islands, 
to watch foreign vessels and to take soundings. 

After all, tlie orders sent to the East in Xovembcr 1768 had 
merely been that tlio Company's servants should take possession of the 
teiTitories which had been granted to them. Subsequent dispatches 
had only directed them to co-operate with Lord Lindsay and to obey 
his instructions, and when ir the autumn of 1769 it was resolved to 
postpone the expedition from London to Balambangan, Madras and 
Bombay had to maintain that place by stationing there one cruiser, 
which was to be relieved annually.*) It was not till late in 1770 that 
Bengal aud Madras received orders to despatch one schooner each with 
a suitable cargo f balambangan by the end of March 1771 at the 
latest, so that the, might be there well provided when the agents 
arrived, which the Directors expected might be early in 1772. 



') Letters from Bombay, 25 July 1770, 3 Dec. 1770; Bombay Pub. Proc. 
24 June 1770. 

^ Ditto, 3 July 1770 

') Letters from Bengal, 2 April 1771. 

*) Dispatches to Madras, 10 November 1769. 



§_^ 'Oie Formation of the Calambangan Settlement by John Herbert. 77 

The beginning of the ^Britannia's* voyage, like so many earlier 
^ fteiipls, promised good results. On the. 6th October she left the Cape 
of Good Hope, after having taken on board sheep, plants and seeds 
of all kinds. On 12 th December she arrived at Anjeugo, and at ten 
o'clock on the 7 January 1772 Captain Swithin delivered his instructions 
and dispatches to President and Council at Bombay, who had already 
made the first preparations after having received copies of them overland 
by Bussora. 1) 



§ ?'■ 

The .7oi.:iai;ion of the Balambri-a::^=>- Cofctlement 

by John Hori; Jii. 

As the voyage of the »Britanma« had no farther influence on the 
fate of the Balarabangan settlement, only a few "words may be said on 
the motives which caused the astonishingly long delays. 

For more than three months she was kept at Bombay to be 
furnished with sheep and stores and equipped with artificers and forty 
caffres, half men half women. 2) 

On the 26th Jlay her arrival at Fort St. George was reported. 
Here the long series of accidents began. In pursuance of the orders 
of 12 June 1771 the necessary equipment was collected and the sum 
of £5,000 delivered on board. The number of the factors oad writers 
was stated to be complete when they left Bombay, where Sterne had 
been appointed first factor instead of Beck. The officiers, non- 
commissioned officiers, sepoys and lascars^) were embarked late in May 
:ind Bengal, where the «Britannia« was to touch at, had bcoii advised 
to furnish 350 chests of opium for the Balambangan market.*) 

There were but two men missing: the Chief Herbert^) and the 
Seconc in Cuuacil, Tieruey. 

The future Chief Herbert, when the infoi lation of his appointment 
;irrived at l^ort JIarlborough from ]\Iadras, happened to be on a holiday- 

') Bombay Publ. Pr'oc, 2 & 7 Jannary 1772. 

') Ditto/^L^? March 1772. 

") T,f-c;ir is the name commonly used for all oriental soldiers. In Ceylon the 
use of the word lascareen for a local or civil soldier even now exists. 

") Madras Publ. Consult., 29 May 1772. 

') The author's original intention of giving tu ample biography of J. Tlerbdrt 
& to clear up once for ever the strange history of A. Will. Devis' poil.'ait of Governor 
Herbert [at present again exhibited in the National Portrait Gallery] has leen given 
up the subject being unworthy the ta-A". 



78 Chapter III. The First Bilarabangan T^enoJ. 

tour on his way to Fort St. George to recover bis health. But as it 
was ]iis maxim that speed was unimportant, he prolonged that short 
voyage by following an irregular course as far as Achcen, so that the 
■ Britannia* had to wait -until the month of August when he pleased 
to arrive at his health resort. 

He came just in time to prevent the ship from departing without 
him, for President and Council, impatient at his delay, bad decided to 
despatch the »Brifannia« on I'lth August in charge of Alcock, Third 
in Council for Balambangan, in case the Chief and Tierney, Second in 
Council, should not arrive till then, i) Under that date Herbert received 
bis final instructions and orders, after having been richly provided with 
stores and money. But be still lingored till September 15th, when be 
sailed for Kort Marlborough, notwithstanding what be bad written to 
Tierney on 4tb August. By that letter be had informed him that he 
thought the ship in time to get through the Strait of Malacca and that 
nothing would induce him to direct tlie Commander of the »Britannia« 
to proceed to Foit ^larlborougb and thence by the Straits of Sunda 
because, Balambangan being situated at the north extremity of Borneo, 
and the winds on the east and south-east side of Borneo bloAving with 
great violence Ironi the north-east till the month of April, they would 
get no further than Pasir during the north-west monsoon, and would 
be obliged to remain there some months.-) 

An obvious proof of the lack of rcsponsioility which Herbert felt! 
Though all depended on speed, be cliose the route which, as he was 
fully aware from the outset, inevitably caused a long delay. 

In a iL'tter to the Court ^) he excused bis long stay at Fort St. George 
on the ground of his bad health, which, having developed into a lingering 
illness »besides the season being so far advanced'- made him also resolve 
to call in at Fort Marlborough, where be intended to take Tierney on 
board. He pretended th:;r lie urgently needed him to Join the expedition, 

') Madras Pub). Cons., 9, 10, 11, 22 June 1772. 

^ These statements, though held as unclear as possible, correspond with those 
of Horseburgh: »The best time to sail from Bombay for China by the Outer Passage* 
(that is on the East Side of Lucouia) is near the end of September, or beginning of 
October, to be sure of getting through the Strait of Ifacassir before the Northerly 
Winds and strong ^ outherly Currents begin, which generally is about the beginning 
or middle of January, sometimes the end of January, and continuous to the begmning 
of March ^ (Hoi-sburgh, J., Observations on the Navigation of the Eastern 
Seas, [1. 1, published by A. Dalrynijile, London 1797 foil.) 

"J Fact. Reo. Borneo, 10 Sept. 1772. 



§ 3. The Formation of the Balambangan Petthvnent by John Herbert. 79 

^s the atlrer servants wer© inaclerfnate, having uever hnd the least 
experience of transactions with llahays. 

As to these excuses, AVcdderburne and Waldare^) held that they 
did not correspond with the facts for, had Herbert really been prevented 
by illness from starting, Governor and Council at Fort St. George 
certainly would have mentioned it in their letters. They further thought 
that Herbert's going to Fort Marlborough could not be for the purpose 
of fciking Tierney on board, as on the 1th August he had directed 
him to make his way to Balambangan! In their opinion it was toa 
probable »thal he was influenced in it by motives of private interests 2) 
These were not promising auspices, and still less encouraging vfas 
Herbert's proposal to give up Balambangan which, he stated, was badly 
watered and without any fruit-trees and inhabitants. Instead, he pro- 
posed Pulo Bitang should be made an emporium of commerce. 

The next bad news was posted at Fort ^ilarlborough^) by the- 
triumvirate, Herbert, Tierney and Alcock. They advised the Court that 
the specimens of manufactures received were ill adapted to the eastern 
markets, and that they had been compelled to draw certificates on the 
Court amounting to £6067.3.1.*) This unwelcome information was a 
little alleviated by Herbert's assurances, in a secret letter of the same 
date, that the profits on opium would defray all the expense of the 
settlement, while a moderate profit might be expected on piece goods, 
whereas the spice trade could not be relied upon.^) 

This information was considered worth communicating to the 
Directors, although it was nothing in comparison with what had happened 

') Wedderburne and Waldare had b.-en appointed in 1779 to prepare a Case on 
the Coin|iaijy's behalf concerniDg Herbert's uiaiK.-uneDt of tbe Company's affairs at 
Balambangan and tbe bad consequences for the Comiiauy arisen therefrom. 

=) l^act. Rec Borneo, V2 May 1779 (In order to avoid unnecesiary repetition, 
in future this Case -will be referred to under »Ca,^e 1779«.) 

') Letters from Bengal, 25 November 1772. 

') Under the same date they also i^iuetted Fo:t St. George to send goods for 
B.ilambnngan to the value of some thous and iioun i-; but Tj- -iJent and Ci-'unul, 
finding the event of the expedition still doubtful, wisJy je=olveJ not to comply with 
this rfquest (Madras Publ. Proc, 30 April and 20 May 177.3.) 

') Chief and Council of Balambangan never stated for v.hat puii.".Kes these bills 
■were drawn. A Mr. Holmes who went out as purser of the >Britj, nia , being examined 
by the Directors later, confessed ll.at they took in provisions only about the value 
of 500 dollars. Wedderburn and AValdare therefore concluded that this sura had been 
employed by Herbert to discharge his debts or to purchase goods which he carried 
from home on his private trade account [Case 1779]. 



.-O Cliaptor III. The firiit Balaiiibangaa Period. 

clandestinely among this wortliy trio, and whicii concerned the Court 
at least as ruuch as that cuufidcd to them. 

In fact the long delay at Fort Marlborough was caused by 
Herbcit's expecting one of his ships from Europe. The reason for that 
measure was, according to Herbert, that the »BrJtaunia« had been in- 
sufficiently furnished with supplies at Bombay. Therefore, ^finding 
our wants extremely urgent particularly of arrack . . . and considering 
the circumstances and the heavy charge that must attend the taking 
up of freighted vessels . . . we esteemed it more eligible to purchase 
a vessel expected to arrive in January belonging to Mr. Herbert of 
300 tons burthen<t.i) 

Aceorilin-ly Tieniey, Avhom Herbert formerly had so much wanted 
to have ou board for the expedition, was left at Bencoolen with orders 
to purchasso the ^Endeavouri on the Con^pany's behalf »if he found 
the vessel offered by Mr. Herbert answered the purpose*, and to draw 
upon the Company for the amount and for the stores he should purchase. 
What the price of this ship was, sold by Herbert as a private merchant 
and bought b}"- him as a Cumpauy's servant on the Company's behalf, 
c . uld not interest the Directors, who a few months later were honoured 
with a new set of bills dra^vn upon them amouutin;: to nearly £13,000.-) 

Chief and Council hoped to dispel the bad effect this news might 
have on the Court of Director's by informing them that the Dutch had 
been expelled from Bandjermasin, that the Javanese and Bally people 
were rebellious, and that those natives were likely to fly to Balambangan 
for English protection, and that they therefore had requested Bombay 
to despatch a vessel of force, that they might profit by this occasion 

.t the new' settlement. 

On January 3rd 1773, the j>Britannia« set sail for the Str,-'.'*s of 
S'^iida and made :'iother unexplained stay for some weeks at Isorth 
Isl. nd. Now, had they sailed direct from Fort Marlborough to Balambangan 
they would have arrived there in a fj>v weeks. But why did Herbert 
noc choose the short track, instead of slaying in the Straits of Su ida 

' .d wasting time in order to get wood and water on board? According 
to Holmes' confession they waited there for the sDevonshire^ and for 
ships from China to get further necessaries for Balambangan. 



') Fact. Rec. Borneo, Letter of Chief and Council for Balambangan, 26 De- 
cember 1772. 

^) Fact. Rec. Borneo, Ltu.r from Herbert p.r,d Alcock from Pasir Road, 
10 Mav 1773. 



§ 3. ^e EoiTnation of tlia Balanibangaa Settlement by John Herbert. 81 

At'last, on 12 March 1773, the »Britannia«, in company with the 
'Devonshire;, cast anchor off Pasir, though all the other members of 
the expedition disapproved of going thither. 

During the several months' stay, a factory for the pepper trade 
was opened, but neither Diary nor Consultation Book was kept. All 
tr.insactions were carried on in utmost secrecy. Only a few short 
notices taken from the »Britaunia« Journal and the small number of 
letters the Directors and Bombay were honoured with inform us that 
among the crew and the militia, officers and soldiers, great dissatis- 
faction had arisen through Herbert's illiberal behaviour during the 
[ia^si-e. The Commander of the troops, Lieutenant Brown, consequently 
was put under arrest to be sent back to Fort St. George for trial »for 
behaving with contempt and disrespect to the Chief, for using re- 
proachiiil and provoking speeches and gestures and for disobedience of 
orders*. ^) 

Another proof of Herbert's unpopularity is the fact that at l].i'cavia 
akeaily seven men had deserted from the »Britannia« and that her 
crew Avas so v,eal:cncd by deserters that a new one had to be supplied. 2) 
On 10th May following. Chief and Council wrote to the President at 
Bombay =) that they had chosen Pasir for a temporary factory because 
ihey still had their doubts concerning the advautages of Balambangan 
and because, by coming south of Borneo in the low latitudes, the ' 
mildness of the climate near the equinoctials and the. convenience of 
these regions as a starting point for the trade of the country had been 
too inviting not to try an establishment. Anuilier reason that induced 
them to disembark at Pasir was, as they noted in the same letter, to 
anticipate .md obviate by those measures any scheme of the Dutch 
there. 

The Directors ..ere advised on the same day, with the same fiction, 
and with a set of bills of ex ' ange »for sundry pureh. . :s« to the 
amount of £12,045.6.6. The n are of these »sundry purchase;: , or in 
what manner the value was deposited, is still inknown! 

But what we know now is that the factory had been established 
by Herbert simply for carrying on an immense private trade. On 
examination in 17 79 it was discov ed tl' on arrival at Pasir Herb ^t 
had published a placard prohibitinir every" • .y from selling goods they 

>) Fact. Reo. Borneo, 27 and 30 Oct., 6 Deo. 1772, 26 Jan., 27 Febr., 6, 8, 
17, 18, 20 March 1773. 

'J Madras Pub! Proc., 25 June 1773. 
») Bombay Publ. Cons., 2 February 1774. 

■Villi The early relations of England with Borneo. 6 



82 Chapter IFI. Hie First Balaail.aiigaii' Period. 



had taken out for private trade uutil he should have sold his own.i) 
After that they were permitted to trade, but before they could do 
much on their own account, he purchased all the private trade from 
them for the use of the Company, granting them, a profit of 25 to 27 
per cent. Fur this amount he issued bills upon the Company. 

In the Directors' opinion Herliurt and Council were not authorised 
to purcliasc goods on the Companj-'s beliali until those sent from London 
and the Presidencies had been disposed of. and in any case not before 
their arrival at Balambangan. Their irritation, however, still grew when 
Holmes upon examination declared that the Chief and Council had sold 
those goods to the Company, not being able to sell them by private trade. 2) 

But not content with that, Herbert, Swithin and Kirkham — Tierney 
had died early in January at Fort ilarlborough — later on sold the 
Company's piece-goods on board the »Britannia« to themselves at 27 Yj 
per cent advance and twelve months' credit, or net at 17 Y2 per cent 
profit. In other words, they had found it proper to allow themselves 
27 per cent, while the Company had to be content with ny.j percent! 

Still worse things followed these obscure proceedings' of Herbert 
when he omitted to enter in his Journal three drafts to the amount 
of more than 11,000 pounds, although in a letter he had informed the 
Court that the value of the said drafts had been deposited by him and 
Fawsitt, his private secretary. This was the more surprising as only 
two months later, on closing his cash- accounts, be stated a balance in 
his favour of 17,617 dollars, and in his cash-accounts he debited himself 
with only £1,672 for drafts upon the Company, without correcting the 
error or mentioning any omission! 

We can fully understand that the Directors strictly forbade any 
other bill of exchange or certificate for money being granted to him, 3) 
and that they could not find suitable words to express their morti- 
fication -j.t such — •_ to say the least — arrogant and unqualified 
behaviour. In general, they entirely disapproved of the attempt at 
Po;ir, because disagreeable conseqences might be expected. If they 
could believe the books and letters presented to them, opium and other 
goods had been sold there for 27,635 dollars, and the returns made 
amounted to only 10,407 -dollars, while the oatstandig debts and charges 
incurred were estimated at 10,291 dollars. 



'J Case 1779. 
') Ditto. 

'; Uome Misc. 771, Examiner's Office: Statement 1774. la order to avoid 
lonj^-tLy repe'i'.ions, t!,is reference hereafter will be quoted under sStatement 1774«. 



_§^^^^_Th.a. Formation of the BalamiaD^an. Settlement by John Herbert. 83 

Nevertheless, when in Jwe L773 the jBritannia^ sailed forSulu/) 
Herbert left at Pasir hvo servants, whom he had carried from Fort 
TTarlborough, to continue the factory and the trade. Later on, from 
r.ahimbangan, the Chief and Council tried to improve the trade at Pasir 
by settling a treaty with the Sultan and the King of the Bughis at 
Celebes. Disturbances among the natives, however, prevented them 
from taking further steps, though they hoped that the Agent would 
be able to keep the place. 2) 

On 16 July 1773 the ^Britannia* arrived at Sulu, apparently ' 
received in a friendly way by Sultan Israel, vfho by a revolution had 
placed himself on the throne, s) 

Instead of making straight for Balambang'an, they decided again to . 
open their field of enterprise here. Always in want of stores, provision, 
money, etc., they intended to wait here for ships coming from China, 
spending four months in taking in timber for Balambangan, which they 
might have accomplished in four -weeks. Later on, Herbert excused 
the brig's stay there by alleging that otherwise most likely the Dutch 
would have interfered and excluded them trading there; but the 
Directors found these reasons to be »such an insult to common sense 
as cannot but excite our indignation.*:*) 

The decisive reasons here also were indeed of quite a private 
character, although Herbert & Co. understood exceedingly well how to 
give a cloak of virtue to their unsavoury dealings. 

§ 45 of the instructions, issued 12 June 1771, directed that the 
marine force oft the expedition in the Port of Balambangan should 
consist of the sBritannias and a smaller vessel to be carried on her 
board. But the Chief ami Council, always ^sensible that the extension 
of the Company's commercial views and credit were better accomplished 
by a naval force than any other, they had from the first held it as 
leading principle and that it would become them to , rchase a very 
good and useful vesBel«,^) put- this advantageous reasoning into practice 
and bought the -Dcvonshire« from Herbert, and now were going to 
purchase a 150 tons snow, the »Dolphin«, from Alcock for 16,000 lupees. 

') Madras Pobl. Cons., 10 December 1773. 

') Fact. Rec. Borneo, Balaml^iiigan Consult., 5 Feb. 1774. 

") According to infoimation from Bengal, he had however shown jealous,.- f so 
near an English establishment as that of Balambangan as soon as his reign 1 jan. 
(Letters from Bengal 1 March 1773.) ,^ 

•) Statement 1774. 

°) Fact. Rec. Borneo, letter from Herbert, Aloook and Kirkham, 8 Sept., 1773. 



34 Cbaptor III. Tlie First Bahimbangati Period. 



The Directors concluded that the real reasons for purchasing tlie 
.>Devoushire« from Herbert had been that he desired to close his 
commercial career by the sale of his ship. Their indignation was still 
greater at the presumption of the Chief and Council in issuing bills 
on the Company for the purchase money of both ships. They expressly 
ordered that the »Devonshire« be immediately returned to Herbert, and 
that he should pay the purchase money, 30,000 rupees,') into the 
Company's treasury. In case Alcock should refuse to re-accept the 
.> Dolphins at the price at which ho had sold her to the Company, she 
should be tendered to Herbert on those terms, who was to return also 
the sum of 16,000 rupees into the treasury. 2) 

Again, pointing out the inadequacy of the outfitting of the expedition, 
Chief and Council once more took the liberty of honouring the Court 
with a list of certificates drawn upon the Company, amounting to 
£ 12,803.10.0.3) 

Then trade began to be carried on as it had been some months 
before at Pasir. Contrary to the orders of 12 June 1771, that the 
:>Britannia« shold be used as a floating factory, Herbert & Co. sold all 
the Company's iron and piece goods on board and the goods of the 
!>Carlisle« to themselves at 27 72 per cent profit and tAveh^e months' 
credit, supposing that owing to imlouts drawn on Bombay, Bengal and 
Madras vast quantities of stores would be sent to Jj:il:imbangan within 
a few months. Those goods were then sold to the Sulus by private 
trade on long credit, who certainly would never pay, just as they did 
in 1762. 

Herbert apologised for this proceeding by pretending that owing 
to the protracted voyage they feared to find too many goods at Balam- 
bangan, sent thither bj^ the Presidencies!*) 

It was characteristic of Herbert that he requested the Company's 
servants at Bengal, vrho had already sent tn^o ships — ■ the sSyrent 
and the »Pboenix« — to Balambangan with cargoes up to the value of 
228,535 rupees, that they should secure a monopoly of the whole opium 
of the country for the use of his new establishment, to the exclusion 
of foreign companies. This they rightly refused. 5) 

At Sulu much time was wasted with a sort of trial against Andrew 



') 218 rupees = 100 Spanish dollars; 1 Spanish dollar = 5/6. 

') St'iterc-it 1774. 

') Fact Rec. Borneo, Letter from Herbert etc., 8 Sept., 1773. 

') Ditto, Sola Consult., 30 December 1773. 

') Letters from Bengal, 10 November 1773. 



§_3- The Formation of the BalambaDgan Settlement by John Herbert 85 

lun-ay, whom Herbert had engaged at Fort St. George as a surgeon, 
but dismissed at Pasir.i) 

It is not my intention to give a long dcjciiption of tlie tedious 
proceeding; just a few pictures may serve to give some idea of a judge 
of Governor Herbert's kind. On 19 September 1773 Alcock, the judge's 
bosom friend, and .Murray, were met by Ensign Garden |iu a narrow 
lane of Sulu quarrelling and with swords dra^ra. Alcock, at Garden's 
request, at once swore to keep peace with Murray, and was dismis'od, 
while an order, ^vritten by Herbert, directed Captain Swithin to receive 
on board Andrew Murray as a prisoner. The latter protested against 
such an illegal order, as in his oponion he had ceased to be under 
the Chief's orders since 13th May. Captain Swuthin supported this 
protest by dcel.ning that the laws of Great Britain did not permit such 
an insult, and that he would not have anything to do with JIuiray's 
imprisonment. 

A Bo;U'l, convened in all speed by Herbert, summoned Swithin 
[ijid aslicd him if he continued to insist »in throwing in they way 
every obstacle he can to prejudice the expedition*, in dctpising the 
Bord's orders, etc.? Further, he was requested to declare if he would 
abide by what he had written. As he affirmed it, they reminded him 
of several Acts of Parliament in force to protect the trade in the 
Indies, which ordered that no unlicensed persons should be allowed 
to remain in India provided that they were to the prejudice of the 
Company's interests, and that its reprcseniatives were judges and agents 
to act in conformity, and that inferior persons were to obey them and 
not to act contrary to their directions. 

Swithin replied that he indeed had heard of such Acts of Parli:'meat, 
but that ho knew of no authority by which a capljin had to dciaia 
any person on board his ship. 

EKaspeiatcd at such a bold aiis-ver, t],e Board un, limo y agreed 
to suspend him from the service of the Honourable Company. 

Thus they got rid of the best man in the expedition, who, happily 
not iiiueli depressed by the judgement of such men, was soon restored 
to the service by strict orders of the Div..:ors. 

Base and dc:^picable were then the proceedings a,j,ainst ^huray. 
As he could not be pre\eiiteil from leaving the »Britannia«, the 
Secretary, John Jesse, had to briiv,- him on board a letter purporting 
to be a literal tran.slation of a message from Sultan Israel, which re- 

') Fact. Reo. Borneo, 13 May 1773. 



g6 Chapter III. The First Balambangaa Period. 

quested Hurray no longer to stay on shore in the Sultan's dominions 
as, owing to engagements of the Sulus with the Company, he might be 
assured that something disagreeable might happen to him at the hands 
of the natives. 

When JIurray afterwards consulted the Sultan, the latter positively 
denied having written those threats in the original Malay, but that they 
must have been added in the translation without his authority! 

With bitter vigour, the surgeon protested- against such unfair 
dealing, and accused Herbert of having illegally robbed, seized and 
imprisoned him, a British subject. He made him answerable for this 
as well as for all losses, damages und expenses he had sustained by it;_ 
and he asked for a free passage on the »DoIphin<r to return to Europe. 
The Board however came to the resolution to refuse Murray a 
passage to Europe, and to detain him at Sulu! 

A similar fate was shared by Lieutenant Brown, a beloved, diligent 
and honest soldier. He had been pat under arrest at Pasir i) in order 
to be sent back to Madras. Undoubtedly it was not without some obscure 
reason that Herbert & Co. changed their mind and that they decided to 
send him to Europe to take his trial, and not to Madras, which would 
have been the regular course, as he belonged to the army of the Coast. 2) 
Such continuous dissensions among the English could not fail to. 
render them unpopular and ridiculous with the natives, and can we be 
astonished that these seized every opportunity to begin hostilities with them? 
One day a dispute arose between the Sulus and some Bughis 
employed by the Company. The whole town was alarmed. At once 
whole bands of well-armed natives rushed to the place of the quarrel. 
Bullets whizzed through the air and lances flashed in the bright 
sunshine. A bloody battle was going to develop into unexpected 
dimensions when Herbert and Alcock finally succeeded in securing a 
truce by giving a handsome present to the Sulu general's nephew, who 
'"'d been slightly hurt, ^j 

What malicious joy the two Dutch ambassadors from Ternate must 
have felt when they came just in the nick of time to witness these 
disturbances! Very likely it w:, no invention when they informed the 
alD-.;ghty Herbert that they had come on the invitation of the Sulus. 



■) See page 81. 

') iladras ililitary Constlt., 4 February 1774; Letters from Madras, 
6 February 1774. 

') Forreit: A Voyage to New Guinea, p. 332. Forrest Thomas: A Voyage 
to ^Mi-vr Guinea and the Moluccas from Balambacgan London 1779. ' 



J S.^ho Formation o£ the Balambangan Settlement ty Jotm, Heibert. 87 

In fact, I would rather believe them than Herbert's report that a month 
later they departed in disgust, i) 

Of all these small, yet important, circumstances, the Directors were 
not informed until many years later, for just that part of the Diaiy 
■vhich contained all that was worthy of record had been destroyed »by 
an acciilcnt«, as Herbert reported in a separate letter. ^) This information, 
however, the Court found to be a new imposture, and expressly asked 
him once more to send the Diary which he had pretended to have 
lost, as they were convinced that they would find in it all about the 
fl imputes and quarrels which had caused so many alterations and 
suspensions before the expedition could reach Balambangan. 3) 

Before accompanying the »Britannia<t thither it may not be 
uninteresting to make an analytical table of all the expou os the 
Company had sustained for this curious undertaking before it reached 
the long-looked-for island. 

The following Table has been made out of the Balambangan Journal, 
and is the more interesting as the Company never knev? on what most, 
of the disbursements had been spent: — 

"" Balambangan Journal. 

From the Outset from London to 6th December 177.3. 

A. ^ ^£ 

Fol. 16 To Britannia, outset & cargo from London . . . 20,052 

20 To Bombay ... 1,031 

29 To Fort St. George .... 22,920 

30 To Capt. Swithin 209 

30 To Britannia, charges from time to time in different ports 8,409 

43 To goods purchased of individuals . 10,761 

43 To draughts on Bengal for Carlisle cargo i: charter 19,.5!0 

66 To Mr. ilerbcit for Devonshire grab t,400 

G6 To Mr. Herbert for opium 4,134 

6Z To ]tlr. Fawsitt for sundries 682 

68 To -Mr. Alcoek for ships & stores 2,626 

68 To Fort William 28,565 

76 To Mess. Tierney & Fawsitt 88 

76 To Capt. Clomeots . . ' . 1,854 

Ledger l') To Canton . . . . ... 11,824 

15 To Bombay, draught in favour of Mr. J^-uter . 15,625 
15 To draught on England . . . . 34 ,463 

£187,183 

') Fact. Re O.Borneo, Letter from Chief & Council at Balambangan, 6 Jan. 1774. 
^) Fact. Rec. Borneo, Scijarato Letter from Herbert, 6 Jan. 1774. 
») e;-,temcQt 1774. 



y8 Chapter III. The first Balambaiigan I'oriod. 



B. Gooils sold ou credit before the arrival of the Chief and Council 

at Balambangan. 

£ 

Fol. 58 To natives at Pasir . . . 1,454 

58 To Mess. Herbert & Co. . 24,427 

68 To goods sent to Canton from Sulu .... . 3,719 

75 To money lent to Mess. Herbert etc. . 315 

78 To the Sultan . . . , . 278 

78 To Mr. Herbert, opium ... . 1,540 

79 To the natives of Sulu, opium . . 10,606 

£42,339 

The Court of Directors were justified in believing all the sums 
ssold ou credit"!; lost, so that the expenses and losses amounted to 
more than £230,000 ere the arrival at Balambangan. 

As to the big debts contracted at Sulu, it was found on examination 
that little private trade had been carried on there, but that on the 
Company's behalf a great many goods had been sold at more than 
100 per cent profit, ilost of the goods had not been sold for credit, 
but for ready money. The profit, however, was -put into the pockets 
of Herbert and his associates, while debts which they could not collect 
were charged to the Company's account! 

§ 29 of the instructions of 12 June 1771 strictly forbade private 
trade in opium. Nevertheless Herbert at Sulu, and afterwards at 
Biil.iiiibangan, used to buy that valuable article from the Company, 
allowing it a small profit from 5 to 1773 per cent, whereupon he sold, 
it on his private account at double rate at least. 

It is certain that Herbert, if he had taken more pains, could have 
filled up a ship with Sulu produce in a short time. Just when he . 
■.rived there must ha\e been collected great stores for the two Chinese 
jur' ,3 which came yearly in January. T\'ax, pearl oyster, shells, birds' 
nests, agal agal, oil, clove bark, black wood, rattans, sago, various barks 
for dyeing, cassia pepper, camphor, sandalwood, curious shells for grottos, 
pearls and spices were chiefly bartered by ChinLse traders for cloth, 
linen, iron pans, plates, flowered silks, tea, cutlery, brassware, gongs, 
bea '.3 and fireworks, i) 

The sentiments of the Directors, when they gradually were apprised 
of !he mismanagement of their affairs in the East, are expressed in 
th following passages: »The extraordinary and unwarrantable measures 
wh,?h you have adopted since we directed you to form a settlement 

') Forrest: A Voyage to New Guinea. 



S 7. 



The FormaKou of the Batambatrgaa ScUIement by John Herbert. 8i> 



at D;ilamban-;in, appear so alarminp; to us that we seat orders to Bengal 
overland to clieck effectually and without loss of time that extravagant 
ilisno^ition which is manifested in your whole conduct and to put a 
^utal stop to the dangerous experiment you Avore making for carrying 
on the new trade there. ... We must notice iu general the utter 
impropriety of your incurring a profusion of expenses and entering 
into such extensive plans of commerce in an infant settlement . ., v,-e 
positively enquire you to confine your expenses in future to the line 
pi-c;-ci il)cd by our orders of 12 June 177l.i;i) 

Such was the mild censure of the Directors. However, it came 
too bitu to have any further influence on the fate of the new establishment 

Early in December Coles was appointed Agent at Sulu to be left 
there. With him remaiiicJ the dismissed Brown and Schopp who had 
tend wed their services to the Sultan. 

The »Britannia« set sail for Balamljangaii, •,,]iere she cast anchor 
on the r2th December 1773, exactly two and a half years after she 
had left London. In company with her sailed the »Success« vith pro- 
visions from Madras and Bombay, and the sDevonshire* laden with 
treasure and stores from Canton. The » Dolphin* and the .Carlisle* 
had arrived at the islao 1 two days before. 

In what state they found Balarahan^an is nowhere mentioned, 
except that they judged the north harbour to be excellent and the soil 
fertile. A somewhat fresh impulse seems to have animated the Chief 
and Coinicil here for the first time. The »Dolphin« was despatched 
to the adjacent islands for provisions. Lieutenant Barton received orders 
to survey the west coast of Palawan. To the King of Mand;i!iore, who 
had desired the friendship of tho English, they sent a leiler testifying 
their intention to trade with him. Steps were taken at Mindanao ^o 
recover Coles's ship, that had b;en seized by "'lindanao pirates. It 
was resolved to give up the Pasir trade until the government there 
was more settled. Bambay was requested to send two gallivats^) instead 
of a cruiser, which Herbert sent back, small vessels being more iiiacticaMe 
aad necessary for the trade in those quarter's. 

Everything was done in a fe v weeks to make Balai ibangan an 
emporium of the eastern trade. " lading the reet still inadequate and 
being disapp ited, as they pretend el, in a supply from Bombay — the 



') statement 1774. 

') The word gallivat or gallev.it comes from the Galrote of the PorUi-ui?« and 
means a kind of inferior tS^Hey wi''i only one bank of oars. 



flQ Chapter III. The First Balaiubangan Period. 

opium sent being rotten and adulterated — and in order to avoid heavy 
expenses by freigliting country vessels, the Chief and Council mado 
a contract with one John Himter, a private merchant of Bombay. 

On 6 January 1774^) they copiously detailed the reasons which 
had induced theai to enter into a public agreement on the Company's 
behalf and into a private one with this privat merchant.''*) 

By the public agreement Hunter liad to deliver to them in the 
portofBalambangan a quantity of Surat goods amounting to 250,000 rupees, 
"which the Presidencies, especially Bombay, were reproached with not 
being able to procure. On the delivery of these goods the Chief and 
Council were to pay him the sum which the invoice amounted to, plus 
55 per cent for freight etc. in bills drawn upon the Company. As 
part of payment they gave Hunter at once 132,000 rupees^) by bills 
drawn on Governor and Council at Bombay and the Court in London. 
Finally it was agreed that whichever party failed should pay to the 
other 100,000 rupees.*) 

To get an idea of the enormity of this agreement it is best to 
refer to the examiners') who had to give their judgment upon it. 

At Pasir and at Sulu it had been Herbert's maxim that the premium 
allowed to the Company upon their piece goods sold at one year's 
credit should not exceed 27 72 P'^^ cent, ^ow, only one month later 
he allowed Hunter to enjoy a commission of 55 per cent on the invoice, 
not at one year's credit, but with an advance payment to him of 
nearly £18,000! Besides that this contract was contrary to the orders 
of 12 June 1771, by which Balambangan was to be provided with 
btores exclusively from the Presidencies, the Directors found that these 
^proceedings with Hunter exhibit a scene of irregularity, duplicity and 
presumption not to be equalled upon the records of the Company*!*) 

Was it not absurdly illogical to stipulate in the -Ith article that 
the j:oods should be paid for by bills drawn upon the Company, whereas 
by the 6th the Chief and Council engaged to give as part of payment 
one bill drawn upon Governor and Council of Bombay and another 
on tl- Court of Directors? 



Fact. Rec. Borneo. 
^ In the opinion of the Directors every assertion in this letter was destitute of 
truth and calculated only to impose upon th;r servants at Bombay. (Statement 1774.) 
^ In another copy, 141,000 rupees. 

*) Home Misc. 771. AitiflesoE Agreement made with John Uunter, 30 Deo. 1773. 
') Case 1779. 
') S'ltement 1774. 



§ 3. Tho Foniiitioii of the Balainb:ui;^.\n Ssttlement by John Herbert. 91 

As the agreement had been signed not only by Chief Herbert 
and the members of Council, Alcoct and Kirkham, but also by Coles, 
Painter and John Jesse, the secretary (persons who had no permissioa 
v.hatever from the Court to reside at Balambangan and whom they 
had ordered to be restored to their former respective stations i)) it was 
justly oousidercd as a private contract and not binding on the Com- 
pany. And some of the interested persons, on examination in 1779, 
admitted indeed that it had been intended for their private account. 

The drawing of an enormous bill upon Bombay ^vas, to say the 
least, insolent, as it was well-known that the Company and the Pre- 
sidencies had contracted enormous debts within the last ten years.*)' 
This proceeding was rendered still worse by the lies the Chief and 
Council invented to make Bombay pay. They represented that it was 
ipipossible to receive raw silk and spices for barter in the first year, 
and that they badly needed a sum of 135,05(5 rupees for the purcliase 
of those articles, and in the same letter they requested Bombay to 
I'lucure for them broadcloths and other goods to the value of 150,000 nipees, 
for the tiaiibport of which to Balambangan they had agreed with 
Hunter. 3) 

The Court of Directors branded the duplicity of such behaviour 
with the appropriate observation that it could not be sufficiently condemned 
and that in fact it was obtaining money under false pretences. They 
decided not to accept the draft of 8,000 dollars, and ordered the Governor 
and Council at Bombay to act in a similar manner.*) But here un- 
fortunately the Secretary had been directed to aC', :pt the said bills 
before the dispatch from London could arrive. 

The second agreement of the same date with John Hunter engaged 
him to bring into the port of Balambangan a good 500 tons ship in 
order to carry merchandise to Europe, for which the Company would 
pay freight, on delivery in the Thames, at the rate of £L'1.13.1 per 
ton, a sum which Herbert stated to be two-ihirds of what was paid to 
the Company's charter party ships from Europe. The same freight 
would be paid for a cargo of 500 tons from Loudon back to Balam- 
bangan. The ship was to be laden within one month; if not, the 

•) Letters to Fort Marlborough, 10 Deo. 1773; Fact. Reo. Borneo, 
Letter to Balambangan, 19. Xov. 1773. 

=) In 1772 the Bengal debts amounted to £1,039,000, and the Conpi^ny's debts 
to £6,000,000. (Zimmermann, Die europaischen Kolonien, Bd. 2, p. 441.) 

») Bombay Publ. Proc, 27, and 29 March 1774. 

') Statement 1774, 



1,0 Chapter III, , The Fir^t Balrimban^'an Period. 

Conip-.iiiy wero to pay 6,000 rupees per month to Hunter as ilerainrage. 
i;',tli parties agreed to bo bound in the sum of £12,000, iu case one 
of them should not fulfil the engagement. Should, however, Herbert iV Co., 
by accident and misfortune, be prevented from loading the ship, the 
crnitract was to be null and void. Instead, the Company should be 
CDnipellod to purchase the said ship »on reasonable terms« or, if they 
could not aL;ree witli Hunter concerning the price, the same sliip was 
to b.; frei;3'lited by t.ho Conip:iny at the rate of 6,000 rupees per month, i) 

There is no doubt that the Directors did not feel fhUtered at being 
spoken of as if they where under their servants' orders. They thought 
it a traiuaclicia so presumptuous, indiscreet and unautliorised that they 
sent orders'] to dissolve the contract. They strictly forbade the purchase 
of the sliip or tlio sending of her to Europo. If the Chief an Council 
had already freighted the vessel, the Court directed, in order to avoid 
heavy lossc-, that she should bo dispatc' .d with goods from Balam- 
bangan to Fort St. Geoi'ge, A^-heie she was to be dismissed. 

A^ith these unedifying and unpromising preliminaries the Chief 
and Council iaa.n,"'iiated their new sphere of action. 

§ 4. 
T'lo Chl.-^lnp of Z?lr'ri:j;i.osj-'''a and its 'Oepe'^doocy at 

IGovnoo ?iopoo. 

yenrly all the books and journals being burned with the establishment 
itself, it is extremely difficult to give an accurate description of life 
and tr';de at Balambaugan. 

About the situation Mid size of the Settlement there would be no 
inforrnatioa at all, had not chance preserved a wondeiful skotch and 
plan of it among Dalrymplo's Charts in the India Office. 

From that sketch it. appears that, v.hatever may be said against ' 
Herbert's c' a]'acter, neither he nor his ci' can be reproached with 
idleness. Building quite a village, with harbour and stockades, in the 
ecu; 3 of one year, required a man of rare eoercry rnd ability; and 
it is a great pity that his pov.crs were not concentrated on his duty, 
but led astray on operations v.hich inevitably resulted in moral nrin 
and crime. 

The noi.a part of the island of Balambangan is deeply cut by a 
wide oval beach, into which the Malayan prows sailed or rowed, from 

') Home Misc. 771, Se.:ond .^.-ruoMenf 7,-ith John Hunter, 30 Dec. 1773. 
') Dispatches to Bombay, 2 September 1774. 



^ 4. The ChiefshLp of Balambaogan and its Dependency at Borneo, Tioior. 93 

iirL'lii^t^iiic times to the present, for shelter in raging storms and from 
being crushed on dark Ditj-hts against one of the many islets. Here, 
in the low waters which are never curled by the slightest breeze, they 
took reiu;^o, but rarely went on shore, seeing it was covered with 
imjienetrable shrubs. A few of them ro\,'e(l over tlie quiet surface as 
far as the inner half of the bco.ch, to take in fresh water from the smoU 
river that flowed in an almost imperceptible current into the blue bay. 

Here on the east shore of the basin, in a softly rising peninsula, 
bounded on the left by a small run of fresh water, in front by the 
beach, and on the right by a narrow inlet, and consequently having 
the open beach on two sides, were built as tlie centre of the, establishment 
;he secretary's oificcs some hundred yards inland. By the chief road, 
runniu;,' for the greater part p;u :!lcl to the coast, they were connected 
with the Chief's house, about a mile and a half distant to the South, 
surrounded by a few cottages for servants. Before, however, we can 
reach this quarter, we have to cross by a bridge a smaD run of fresh 
^vater, on which were built the Company's large godowns, which were 
Jireetly connected with the Bughis' houses by a narrow lane. Walking 
from the centre on the main road towards the Chief's house,,^ we should 
have had to pass through the stockade, erected in zi^jzag and well 
mounted with nine guns. Turning the corner of this fortification to 
the left, and proceeding under thin fruit-lrees, we should suddenly have 
perceived Coles's house and one of the Company's godowns in a wide 
.nd open space from which a broad road led inland to houses about 
one mile further back. 

The st ckade was erected about sixty yanls inlaud with two fronts 
upon the beach. Directly under the mouths of the guns, Sulu traders 
and settlers had a few small warehouses where they used to pull up 
their prows. 

"Without entering the centre place within the stockade, but continuing 
our walk in an opposite direction, viz. to the north-east along the yeJicw 
sand of the coast, after having passed •'an orchard, we should have 
reached a set of about half-a-dozen Chinese houses surrounded by some 
primitive peppergardens. Right in the corner of the peninsula, almost 
directly built on the water, so that it was washed by it on two sides, 
a big mansion, the House at the Point, sirred as store and watch- 
hou-e at the same time. 

AVithin the stockade, an oval place of half a square^mile had been 
cleared for the most valuable buildings. Here, protected and surrounded 
'uy the stockade aud thick bushes and ferns, were the magazine, the 



94 Chapter III. The First Balambnngan Period. 

secretary's house, the military officiers' houses, only two hundred yards 
behind the guns, and the sepoy barracks, still nearer to the stockade. 
This place was the strong nucleus of the establishment, well 
fortified towards the sea and apparently safely protected by thick 
bushes towards the land. One would think no natives would have 
been able to take it by force. Certainly though, for an uuwatchful 
garrison, just those bushes could become fatal, as they were thick 
indeed, but not impenetrable. 



Chief and Council were not yet established at Balambangan when 
alarming news came from all parts. 

The ship sent to the adjacent islands for provisions returned 
without having procured anything. 

The master of an Amoy junk whom they hvA encouraged to bring 
tea, raw silk and many Chinese settlers dit not come back, although 
they had promised him £30 per head for their passage.^) 

Chinese junks, which formerly had passed the island every year 
in January and February, seemed to avoid the old accustomed track. 
The »Royal Captain«, sailing from China with orders to exchange 
Chinese goods at Balambangaa for a cargo to be brought to Kurope, 
struck a rock a few leagues off the settlement and was entirely lost. ^) 
Herbert therefore resolved to send a cargo of pepper to England in 
the :»Syren«, v.-hich he had chartered from Hunter. 

The Government of Bengal refused to accept more bills from the 
Chief and Council after it had sent them goods to the amount of more 
than 560,000 rupees and paid a draft for 160,000 rupees. The total 
figures show that this Presidency alone had expended more than one 
million rupees- f>ir the new establishment before Herbert arrived there, 
and as they had heard nothing from him since his last letter from 
Pasir, no one can reproach them for desisting from expending more 
for him.') 

Things at Sulu suddenly threatened to give Herbert quite an 
unexpected task. 

Sultan Israel, the cunning fox, L d never shown his real face, 
whether he was the friend of the Engliih, the Spanish or the Dutch. 

') Fact Reo. Borneo, Letter from Balambarigan, 12 Feb. 1774. 
') Letters from Madras, 15 llarch 1774, 
•) Letters from Bengal, 15 ilaroh 1774. 



§^4 Tlie Cliiefship of Balambangan and its DepenJency at Borneo Proper. 95 

He bad reco;;nisc(l all the grants and treatres formerly- concluded with 
the English, and apparently was di^iJleased when the estates refused 
their assent to grant them the pearl-fishery. Tet at the same time he 
had received in a friendly way the Dutch messengers from Ternate, 
had entertained them with all possible Sulu amusements, and finally 
had dismissed them with amiable idle promises. Then he repented, as 
Sultan, the crimes he had committed as Crown Prince, and would fain 
have C'juciliated the Spaniards, whom he had so severely damaged by 
piratical cruises. Bat ere he could dispatch the first messenger of 
peace, his suspicion was aroused by the information that more than 
the usual military supply had arrived at Zamboanga. Like a candle 
in a nest of wasps, this rumour bewildered and disconcerted the whole 
state of Sulu. A Council, held the same night, decided to put the 
capital in a state of defence. Had Hannibal in person knocked at the 
gates of Rome, the anxiety of the Romans woula have been mere joy 
compared with that of the poor Sulus! Rumours were spread that the 
Spaniards had publicly declared they were going to pay a visit to 
Balambangan. At Sulu this was considered to be mere pietence, the 
more so as still wilder prattle reported that Spain had made over to 
the French part of the Philippines and inter alia the island of Sulu. ^ 

In the beginning of the year 1774 three Spanish galleys appeared 
off the island of Sulu, continually sounding. A message was received 
from them by a Siilu soldier that on board there were 200 European 
soldiers under the command of a Colonel. Towards evening the armament 
disappeared westward. Neverthele.ss, the Sulus continued the work on 
their fortifications, and sent to Bala bangan for supplies of ammunition, 
guns, and arms.-) The procedure adopted, as in the following days, 
was that a Council of Datus, considering the Spanish »guilty of the 
highest disrespect to the State ofSulu«^) because they had not notified 
their appearance by saluting the fort, sent a dispatch to the Colonel 
requesting him to excuse his strange behaviour. This was du.y complied 
with on the part of the Spaniaids, whereupon the galleys were allowed 
to take in water and provisions provided that they would not touch at 
any other island of the Sulu empire. 

When in the eaily morning of the 8th January the Spaniards 
again appeared, »the drum beat to arms and every woman, from the 

1) Bombay Publ.Proc, 15 June 1774 (Letter from Co'.:; at Sulu to Balambangan 
25 Dec. 1773). 

») Ditto, 4 Jan. 1774. 
») Ditto, 14 Jan. 1774. 



i|(3 Chapter [11. The First Palambungau Peiiofl. 

■iuli.min do^vu to tho meanest slave were ordeiod to carry stones to 
fill up the curtain, which they joyfully did^.i) The English Agent 
Iiimself en;;a;;Gil on behalf of the Company as many Chinese coolies as 
he could to help tho natives in fortifying tho town. 

Tlio Spanish Colonel must have had a good share of jovial humour, 
for, when the warlike Suhis refused him permission to land again, he 
in reply sent a band of music on sliore in order to entertain them! 
Hostilities at ouce ended when an soxpiess'. from Znniboauga brought 
official information that the three galleys were cruising iu search of 
Lanun^) pirates. 

Altliough, at least in the presence of the English Agent, the Sulus 
retained tliuir huotile attitude towajds the Spaniards and promised not 
to enter into any engagement ^vith them, it appears that the above 
mentioned rmi ical intermezzo marked the beginning of a most amicable 
correspondence between the two' royal highnesses, the lloit Catholic 
King of Spain and the Defender of the Faith at Sulu. Only ten days 
later Sultan Israel sent a letter to Madrid to inform his royal brother 
of iiis great dc,,ire to establish friendly lelations by a mutual agreement. 
By two following dispatches Carlos III. received from him the welcome 
news that he had refused the English permission to exchange Uie 
Balambangan settlement for an establishment on Sulu near the capital. 
This token of friendship, as it was pointed out, so enchanted Carlos 
that he directed the Captain General of the Philippines to promise his 
protection to the Sulus. •''j 

Of this change of mind in Sultan Israel the Chief at Balambangan 
was entirely unaware. Hearing of the military preparations made at 
Sulu, Herbert and his associates were stirr:d to warlike enthusiasm. 
A Council of War was held, who were of c^:inioa that they would be 
strong enough to withstand all the Spaniards in the East, and new 
orders were sent to poor Bomba.- to furnish them with military stores.*) 

') Ibid. 

-') The r. i..!:n~, tlioush originally from MinJanao and known as the most fonni- 

dal'c pirates, bad importaat settlements on the n;:;h-eait co?M of Borneo,'which in 

lie late eighteenth and early nineteenth century ac lly furnished a great number 

of prows for piratical enterliIl^es. They were the real pirates, the Lloors or Moros 

as they were called in the East. 

') Littor from Carlos III. to Sultin Isiv?!, 2 Doo. 1774; Ditto to the C rt. 
G . ;ral of the Philippines, 5 Deo. 1774. (Published by Saleeby, History of Sulu, 
Aipendix 11.) Unfortunately the whole correspondence between these monarchs is 
itill iu the -\;^:iives of the E.xecutive Bureau at Manila. 

*) Letters from Bombay, 14 July 1774. 



§_■*; '^^^'^ Chiefship of Balambangaa and its Dependency at Borneo Troper. 97 

"Who knows that Ilerbeit felt little contented that the Spanish with- 
drew from Sulu without having exhibited the least hostile intention? 
The fact is that, being once animated and prepared for military ad- 
ventures, Chief and Council showed great inclination to proceed with 
a naval force in order to compel the Sultan and natives of 3ulu to 
pay their debts, i) Fortunately they desisted from carrying out this 
plan, which would have accelerated their fate in an iinplensaat manner. 
Beside-^, the Directors unanimously disapproved of any proceeding by 
force against the natives, though they had ordered their servants at 
PDinliay to furnish Balanibangan with two armed gallivats to protect the 
ivade there against pirates.^) 

Herbert & Co. were not idle. But, alas, whatever they did was 
either against the orders of 12 June 1771 or, later on, found'no favour 
in the eyes of the Directors. Sometimes their behaviour cjuld best be 
coiiioa.ied with that of reckless schoolboys on holiday-, iuced for a 
time from the schoolmaster's authority, they hurry hither and thither, 
led and instigated by some careless fellow to commit all pe^sible mis- 
chief, mostly without the least evil inlen';ion. llaay of the under- 
takings of Herbert and his fellows must be regarded in this light. They 
honestly endeavoured to execute their orders as well as possible, only 
they were misled by egotism and a\ irice. It would indeed be unjust 
not to acknowledge the attempts made by them to improve and extend 
the Company's influence in the East. 

"We have already stated the overtures they had made at Pasir and 
Celebes. With Mindanao they came into direct contact owing to the 
seizure of Coles' ship by pirates of that island. In the course of s ib- 
.>cquent discussions the Sultan there showed himself friendly, sent back 
the people the pirates had sold to him, and promised to return the 
rest uf the crew and stores whenever he could secure them. 5) While 
these pourparlers centinuod, a small barter trade had begun with his 
sul.jects. J 

At the same time energetic advances were ",Je towards opening 
a trade with Tilanila. 

Although these alteinpts were in conformity ^.vith the ordcis of 
12 June 1771 the Directors entirely disapproved of them, as they wore 
well aware that the h'eaties existing between Great Britain and Spain 
prohibited such an interference in the Spanish Colonies. They there- 

') Sta'Linent 1774. 

^ Dispatches to Bombay, 2 September 1774. 

") Fact. Rec. Borneo, BalamliaDgaa Consult., 5 Feb., 1774. 

"Willi, Tho earlj' rci.ilioas of England witU Bornoo. i 



flS Cli:i|'t''i- 111- The First Babmlmn';!,) Porio.l. 

foro strictly directed Chief and Council tlmt all sitailar ventures sliould 
be discontinued. 1) 

Herbert sent messengers not only to the Ivist and South, but also 
\'. est. varus, in order to increase the number of places for supplies. In 
June 1774 a letter was adilresicd to the King of Borneo Proper in- 
forming him of their arrival at P;\lambangan and of their wish to enter 
into an alliance with him. In reply, the King sent an ambassador to 
expioss his great desire that the English might settle in his territories. 
John Jesse, the Secretary at Ealambangan, then appointed Deputy 
Ajcnt at Borneo Proper, went thither and succeeded in concluding a 
uc.Uy, from \.lucli great benefits might be expected for the Company. 

After having carefully studied the reasons which miglit have pre- 
v:iilod on the l^j.iltan to desire an English settloracijt in his dominions 

— and these proved to be chiefly protection from the piratical Sulu 
and lIindr''-i;io people — ho consented to grant the Borneans the 
Company's assistance whenever they should be attacked. In return, 
he received on his masters' behalf the exclusive right in the pepper 
trade. As he found the hill-people, who were by far the most numerous, 
very fond of clothes, he stipulated that the English should pay in mer- 
vliaudize for the pepper they puicliascd.^) 

As this new dependency of Balambangan proved to be the only 
O'le attended by success, and as John Jesse was the first Englisbiaan 
ho put foot on this part of Borneii, a few words may be said about 
"nmci or Borneo Proper. 

The kingdom of Brunei, which to-day stretches from the 115 th'* 
to the 116 th E. long, extended in earlier times over the whole island 
of Borneo, the Sulu Archipelago and part of the Philippines. Constant 
wars with the Sulus and Malayan pirates in the course of the seventeenth 

- :'l eighteenth century reduced the extension of this empire to the 
Eorth and north-west territories of Boriv^, viz. Sarawak, Brunei and 
the western districts of British Xorth Borneo of to-day. 

That the tradition of the once mi;;hty empire is not a mere oriental 
fj-'a is prrved by Pigafetta^), who came to this part as early as 1521. 
He states that the city of Brunei contained twenty-five thousand fires, 
i. e. families, aad t'lat town and country were distinguished by wealth. 



^) Dispatches to Bombay, 2 September lili. 
^) John Je-je: Account of Borneo Proper. 

°) The Veuetir.D, Antonio Pigufetta, ac ■ | "uied Ma?'"-''''"! o^ the expedition 
round the world, and his account is the !- authentic of the few contemporary 



§ 4. The Chiofahip of C.!laiiilj?n;^3ii and its Depeiideacy at Boiueo Proper. 99 

He ;jivo:i a verbose Jescriptioa of the King's palnco, of the liixnrioas 
Hi-oals lio and liis suite were presented with, ■which consisted of not 
less than »thirty-or thirty-two different kinds of meat besides fish and 
oth.cr things«ti), and of the golden and silver plate. 

That even at that early time the kingdom bore the germ of 
il;;uuction in it is evident from Pigafetta's short observation that the 
?Ioros had daily coiubais with the heathens, which were the more 
obstinate ;uul cciiel as thcio were tv/o kings, a l[oorish and a heathen^ 
in tv,o different towns in the same harbour. The Venetian's o.ccuiac/ 
concerning Borneo is not be doubted in the least, the more as he is 
one of the few authors who clearly pointed out that the coasts of the- 
-^iand nf Borneo were not inhabited by the aborigines but by I.Ialayan 
invaJeis who in the 13th century had adopted the religion of Islam. 
The jheathen and "looiish people* he met there in feud most likely 
were Muruts and Land-Dyaks fighting against the Sea-Dyaks. The 
d-:eii|jtion he gives of their weapons would speak for this supposition. 
^Th.eir most common weapons are blowpipes with thick wooden arrows 
. . . '..iui harpoon points of bamboo like harpoons and which are eo uned. 
At the end of their blcvpipes they fasten a bit of iron like a spear- 
head, and when they have shot their arrows they fight with that«2^ 

E .'orybody who has visited the Asiatic Department in the British 
Museum \.ill rerneraber that the Dyaks still use ilic same v,-eapoa. 
Tliat they are fond of cock-fighting, as Pigafetta notii-e-d, may still be 
found in modern accounts of Borneo; on the other hand he does not 
mention that uiey ^vcre head-hunters at that time. 

The government at this peii' d of our history was similar in many 
ways to that of Baudjeiina;-ia and SiJu. It nas ve^^tcd in the Sultan 
and the Superior Council, formed by fifteen Pangarans wLo held the 
great offices of the state. They were appointed by the Sultan and 
assisted by three representatives of the plebs, ihe so-called Orankies or 
Oian I\ayas. In opposilinn to that of Sulu the commonwealth suffered 
less by nbd anarchislic inslitutions, though here alsa the ari^tocra',, 
t;Tanni^e(i ''er the people. 

Nal irai. neither govei'iraent nor subjects were bound by written 
la,. 3, but cusi.jaiv.y laws v.avre kept in th ■ strictest sense. 

Theft, according to the doM of the crime, was regularly ]■ mi-hed 
v.ith death or loss of the ri.'nt hand. The puni,^hment of stianglicg 

') Pigafetta: Magellan's Voyage round the World, p. 33. The oiiginal of 

the Au.'-'MS'ii M. S. etc. ... by Jaraes A. Robertson Cle\claii'l U. S. A. 1006. 
') Ditto, p. 25. 



IQO Cliiipter HI. The First Balambangaii Period. 



for adultery vras ouly inflicted oa people of middle and inferior rank; 
a man of tho upper class was expected to p.ocuro himself satibfactioa. 
Capital puaishmeut was inflicted on all murderers, except masters who 
had killed one of their slaves. 

The Chinese enjoyed some privileges in that they were exempted 
from all the duties. Tor this, however, as at Sulu, they had to pay 
dearly. Constant presents had to be delivered to the head men, who 
in return protected tho Chincso settlers against thieves. "Worse off 
were the casual Chinese traders, who suffered heavy losses, as there 
■svero neither people nor laws to compel the native to discharge his 
debts. Here may be the proper place to insert a short but most 
important passage about the influence of the Chinese on Bornean culture. 

The Chinese played here, as eve^^y where in Borneo, a part that 
cannot easily be over-estimated. What Gudgeon i) says of their influence 
on the present state of Borneo, namely that every store in Brunei and 
in the towns of Sarawak and British North Borneo is in the possession 
of Chinese, and that import and export are in their hands, can be 
applied to all ages. They ^vcre, and are still, the most industrious 
people, only too devoted to commerce and agdculture, so that Dyak 
and llalay found an easy prey iu them whenever they wished. This 
circumstance may have delayed their immigration until late in the 
nineteenth century, and in former periods it has sometimes checked it 
c-!:iirely. 

Green'-) thinks that in the seventh century the northeast end of 
Phala (Borneo) paid tribute to the Emperor of China, and that two 
centuries later a Chinese colony already existed in Brunei. We may 
suppose that in the late middle-oges a large c ony of such settlers 
had come to Borneo under a leader called Songtiping^); further, that 
it was received in a friendly way there 'jy an Arab or il-layan chief, 
who ' lor on married the daughter of the Chinese leader. Founded on 
this story, which by oral tradition had developed into more elaborate 
form, making Songtiping himself a Chinese emperor, the Bornean kings 
pretended to be the descendants of Ch vese emperors.^) 

Hunts) pretends that when 150 yccirs later the Por'iugucse visited 

') Gudgeon, L. W. ^\, British North Borneo. Londoa 1913. 4th Edition. 
London 1919. 

') Green, E. E., Borneo. London 1919. 

') The Siilu Annals date this event in the year 1375. 

') According to Logan: Journal of the Ind. Archipelago, Vol. U. ' 

') Eunt, J., Some Particulars relative to Sulu (in Malayan Miscell., 
Yo!. I). Bcncoolea 1820-1822. 



^ '^ - The Chiefship of B.ilambangan and its Dependency at Borneo Proper. 101 

Branoi, the country was flourishiug, the number of Chinese established 
there immense, and the trade to China very extensive. Unfortunately 
he does not give any authority for this statement. Had things really 
been so, and had there been any Chinese at Brunei, Pigafefta undoubtedly 
would have recorded it. But as he did not, I should incline to 
suppose Hunt to have written down ^vhat the natives pleased to tell 
him after 1810. 

The Sulu Annals mention again a considerable irnnnV ."fioa fi'om 
China in 1575. When in 1600 van Noort, the fiivjt Dutchmin who 
sot foot on Borneo, intended to land p.ad begin an intercourse with 
the natives, he employed a Chinaman as interpreter for this purpose. 

From Borneo Proper the Chinese extended their establishments all 
round the island. In 1702, when the English v.'ere at Bandjermasin, 
four Cliiiicse junks arrived there »each firteen faclioms long aud four 
brei'.d, with porcelain .varo, China silk, tea-pots, iDnbrelles, c'c, and they 
took in return cargoes of pepper-. i) Annually, ten to t',/:lve junks 
carried off the pepper crops from th..rice, and when in 1712 the Dutch, 
complying with the Suliaa's inviiation to ur.de, arrived at Tata?, t'ley 
were not a little disappointed to find that all the pepper had already 
been carried off to China. 

Efpccially in the coui*se of the eighteenth century, Chinese trade 
and immigiaHnn rapidly increased as a consequence of the change in 
ihe mercantile syetem the Europeans had formerly adopted. 

In the sixteenth and the seventeenth century treaties had been 
enforced on the /^alay princes which compelled the natives to sell to 
the Portuguese and Dutch thuir produce at their own rates, so that 
these were able to uudciscll tlve Chinese junks. It was of still greater 
importance that the Europeans had established ports in Borneo for 
themselves, and that they had compelled the Borne ns to bring their 
fi educe to Batavia or Malacca for solo to China. 

The coe ef|ucuce was that the lo.s of direct intercourse ;r3reuted 
t'le Chiiicce from further emigrating to Borneo, where they were 
c luded from trade by monopolies acquired by the Dutch or Eii;;l';h. 
The old sx'ltlers, often in want of comr.ieice, ilieref-'re deeeitcd the 
ports and either returned to their n five country or retired to the wort 
coast of Borneo, where they founded i\n exclusively Chinese settle leut 

When Je=se came to Borneo Proper the trade between China an 1 
that kingdom was in a flourishing state. At least seven junks came 

') ValeatyDe, quoted ly r.ij^m. 



102 Cliaptor III. The First Balanili:u;gan- Period. 



annually to carry to China bluok v.'ochI for faniiture, clovo bavk, rataus 
and pepper. The Chinese settlers kept shops on board their vessels 
and on shore, v,h(?ue they had erected a small dock to build junks of 
their own. These, strongly made and ot 600 tons bunlen, were 
di .-patched to China whenever too few occasional traders coi'no from 
thence. Although the coast inhabitants did their best to prevent them 
from directly trading with the Muruts the industrious »sons of the 
suu«, famous for their clcialiiios^j prospered, and their colony continually 
inorcr^cd, so that forty years later Brunei was estimated to have 
nc p.rly 8,000 Chinese inhabitants, ^dz. about half of the whole population. 



Among Dalrj'mple's Charts, two sketches of the English factory 
and the touu of Eornoo Proper, together with the -fe.,' extant descriptions, 
will help us to reconstruct the ancient capital. . 

The city lay about tea miles up the river, which could not be 
navi;^ ad without a native guide because numerous shoals touched 
almost the surface of the water. Of a peaceful aspect, amid gradually 
"sceuding hills, the houses covered both ;;ide9 of the river, which at 
that rime was as wide there as tho Thames at London Bdd-c. Built 
upon posts, the low cottages on the ri;^lit bank stood some two yards 
above the water, but at the back they were conuccliMl with the s!iclving 
land by a kind of stage or diavr-bridge. These, ho'vever, were seldom 
used for intercourse with the neighbours, as there was no path and 
the ground was too swampy. All doors, therefore, looked towards the 
river, from which they had to be reached by stairs or Indders, which 
were thrown down at the approach of a boat. 

The chief part, about three quartei-s of the town, hov;ever, was 
ui:''' on the left half of (he river, on 'irm land that originally had 
'--.-.■1 an enl;ii,^?d b in of 'inllow water of the ri ;r-borl. In the 
course of centuries this basin liad been filled up, and only channels 
were preserved for communications. Thus, while at high tide all the 
houses stood in the water, at low tide a net of water-lanes, spreading 
in all directions, formed here in .'■ o farthest East a kind of Venice. 
So all intercourse between the houses in the river and those back on 
the dry bank, and among the latter themselves, could be maiulaiii.l 
only by means of boats, i) 



') Some of tho.se houses eveo had two storeys, to the great surprise of the 
x-urc; c-au.s, who had never met with ^ueh anywhere else in the ilal.iy Ar'.'iipoln^^o. 



§ 4. The Chiefship of BalamLangan ;iud its Depcu.loiicy at Borneo Proper. 103 

As at Bamljcrmfisiii, the water was hero the principal sceao of 
action. Public markets were held in the different quarters of the to'.rn. 
At lii;;li tide the whole fleet of Chinese junks and boats luleii valh 
ii'^h, fowl, j^rccns, etc. floated up to — let us say East End — -.vliere 
women niid children appeared on the stnges or wharves of their houses, 
either merely to look on or to bargain for some trifle. If they really 
intended to buy, a ladder was lot down into the Chinese boat, instantly 
followed by a dark, naked fellow, who Koizcd his prey and climbed up 
again like a monkey, while his worthy mistress threw do.vn some 
cowries as payment. Or, if buyer and seller could not agree upon 
;he price, she d.escenrlcd with all promptness and floated in the 
seiilcr's boat to the very end of the town and back again, chattering 
1.11 :',!ong with nei;.;hboms of equal volubility, and fooling extremely 
t'nitored when addressed by one of the curious lo'^lics who had come 
ap in the same prow — • let us say from West End. At low tide the 
m;u'cot fleet, with few exceptions, sailed ilo'.a to the main stream. 
Those merchants who had got rid of a few :ji'tic!es only preferred to 
f.'.sien their boats to a stake, driven for that purpose into the river, 
and to wait for the flood. Others took with them down to West Eud 
many an East End bur.uhcr who, profiting by the opportunity, had a 
cheap sbus« ride through the wealthier part of the city. Xotwithstnuding 
the burning midday sun, the boat people, leostly women, drawn up 
"I'l.'cr immensely large liamboo hats, the shadow of which covoi :d 
their wohlo body, and sitting, as it were, upon tlioir heels, would 
chatter with their welcome passengers through the lazy hours of the 
afternoon, while the men further down the river -.vaitcd in the shadow 
<jt overhanging ferns for the fresher evening 1 :ze, to ell their boats 
vitli fish, contemptuously luu-hin-- at the Chinese who v.oiked in the 
pepper ganlcns. 

Terc, outside the town, Jesse had a fectory bu=lt for the C enpany 
at little expense. A brisk ^l^^de in pe; f or began to develop, but before 
a year had elapse! the destrnction of the i' -lanibangan settleaient ileciiL.d 
also the fate of its young dopemlency. 



A let step was taken in Oetober 177 i to ex end the tra^Io at 
.jalsietiangan. 

"aeed on Dalrymplo's report that cinnamon, cloves, nutmegs, peppei 
and clove bark could easily be introduced from the Sulu Aichipekeio 
and the adjacent i>lands, the Directors had specially rrrMHineaded the 



104 Chapter HI. The First Bal'mhiingaa reriod. 



acquisition and cultivation of these valuable articles. Au unexpected 
inciileut favoured the execution of this direction. In August 1774 an 
ambassandor from the heir-apparent of Mindanao arrived at Balambangan, 
desiring intercourse and trade with the English. Among his retinue 
was a native of the Moluccas, long employed by the Dutch Company, 
who had been as far eastwards as l:he coast of Nev? Guinea. This 
experienced traveller, Tuan Hadjco Cutchill, told the at'oative English 
vronderful and strange stories of that immense island v.-here the nutmeg 
trees were growing »in largo forests'!. 

Herbert had many private conversations with Tuan Hadjee, in 
cc is^'iuoiico of which Thomas lAnrcsti) was appointed to Ic^d an 
expedition to New Guinea in company with Hadjee. The purpose was 
the acquisition of the said spices and plants. The only directions for 
Forrest were to avoid any troubles with the Dutch and to keep away 
from their po;^sessions in the Moluccis. As the voyage was exc'u.sively 
for exploration, all else was left to his discretion'''). 

Though New Guinea was reached without the least raolosie.iion 
by the Dutch, no praoticnl rcsulls arose from the undertaking, which 
'":^t3d nearly two year's. 

At Jlindnie.o, where "'j'ornet received from the Sultan of Sulu, the 
news of the capture of Balambangan, the sultan and heir-apparent ceded 
to the East India Company the small island of Bunwoot to settle a 
factory there. ■'') This grant, dated 12 Seplcmber 1775, was forwarded 
to f^omeo Proper .and from thence to the island of L-'.buan, whither the 
J'aglish had withdrawn. 

Naturally, the Company had no furi.ber interest in the cession of 
■--\ isL:ad so distant from all the other settlements in India, after Balara- 
tetsgnn h^.d been given up. But twenty-five yens later this grant 
w;i^ :igain referred to, and was of valuable assistance in favour of an 
r:'e/;ipt to found a now establishment in those quarters. 



If we have adequate information about 'le foreign proceedings of 
Cl.ief and Council, the reverse must be said of their civil service. As 

') Thomas Foirest in 1770 had been appointed Cotnmatider of the Company's 
i-uine on the west co;st of Sumatra. Two years later at Fort IJarlborough he got 
permission to embark with Herbert for B.dambangan. He must have been upon good 
terms with the Chief, who entrusted him with the arduous task of ejploration to the 
ca;t-i-ard. 

') forrett, Th., A Voyage to New Guinea, p. 3—10. 

') Ibid. p. 251. 



_^4^ The Chiefship of Balarabangan and its Dependency at Bomoo Proper. 105- 

has been pointed out, they had every reason to keep the Directors 
i,'-ioiaiit iu this matter. "What we know has been collected from the 
few lettei-s v,-hich v.-cre addressed to the Coui-t and from the corre- 
spondence of Bengal, Bombay and Fort St. George. Some welcome 
light has been thrown upon this dark chapter also by the Case about 
Tkibort's affairs, compiled in 1779. 

The most striking feature of the internal administration of Balam- 
bangan is that gigantic expenses were continually booked, but no income 
was ciitored, although the Presidencies sent great ([nnnutios of stores 
and goods for sale. Bc-ides the ships already mealioiicd, Bombay 
iV::patcheil in July 1774 the ^Restoration*, with 360 bales of bron.dcloth 
and 509 bTlcs of piece goods to the value of £.3i,000i) (an exceptionally 
rich cargo for those regions). In the following month V.i^^y sent on 
board tlie »EagIe« and the >Spoodwell« stores and provisions to nearly 
the same amount. Yet not one poiiay for the sale of these oii-goos 
A. as C'l'crcJ in any book, nor were the Directors infoim.&d of the v:-:&- 
uioy had made of them.' On the coM'j.iiy, the Chief co- iiaued to draw 
'iHis up on ibciLi aiid the Presidents in India, payable to his wife, Hunter, 
or cay other person. In a letter of 15 September 1774''') Hcibert, Coles- 
,\vl Palmer, the new members of Cuaijcil, informed the Court that 
ov.ing to its liA'iiv of 19 November 1773 uicy endeavoured to be more- 
ccoaonical; f.uat they had bought a ship, the »An!:elopof, Ire. a Hunter^ 
for 32,110 dollars; but that, finding nothing iu their treasury, they had 
psl-ed for 5,000 dollars from the Super-cargoes at Canton, and that they 
had dra\rn bills upon the Cciiipiay to the amount of £36,492.2.7 ! 

During the following yenrs at least two. or three scores of bills^ 
were presented to the Directors by persons of .honi they h:Hl not the 
blast kno'.vlcd^j-e of having b.Oii at B:i' --ibangan. Mrs. Anne ITui :rjr 
prer.irod a bill of exchange to be paid to her amounting to ':8113.5.1; 
a 'Irs. A/1 le Hornby asked for £3575. 13. Vi", then followed James King,, 
■Will'^m Neat, Chnrh-s Fowles, J;Tnics M.ossfatt, the Cr.ntains Hamilton, 
iiiliord, Gcci^^e Hayter and James Scott, Hopper and ^Lijor James 
Kirkpritrick — a long, long procession of creditors each holding o.n. 
h. ^ ['I ecTtific-ito of c\chon,<:;c in his hand! 

The Company energetically rcT :ed to pay, 3) founding their reso- 
lution on the advice of the Joint Committee of Accounts and Law 



>) Letters from Bombay, 14 July 1774. 
') Fact. Reo. Borneo. 

') Court Minutes, 19 July and 4 Oct. 1775 and 21 Mn-.li 177C; Fact. Eec. 
Borneo, Letter to Balambangan, 4 Pi-pt. 1774. 



XQi} Chaptor III. Tho First BalambangaQ Period. 

Suits and of Wcddcrbura and Waldare. For these argued that this 
enormous expenditure ^Yas » inconsistent with tho Act of Parliament 
of the '.hhtecnth _vcar of His present Majobty«,') by which tho Court 
were rcs'raincd from accepting bills drawn by the Company's Pre- 
siileiicics bi'UMid a certain amount per annum. The respective piissoge 
runs a follows-): ^>. .. until the said sum of one million four hundred 
thousand pounds shall be repaid, it shall not be lawful for the said 
United Company, or their successors, or any of their officers or servants 
on their account, to accept, or otherwise bind tho said Company, or 
their successors, for tho payment of any bill or bills of exchange drawn 
Ijy any of their officers or servants at any of their Presidencies in the 
!'\ast Indies, for any sum exceeding the sum of three hundred thousand 
o.',u"o.ds, exclusive of ccrtifio uos to the amount of five thoasaiul pou'ids, 
to the commiQilers and officers of each of the Company's ships, in the 
space of any one year, without the consent or order fii'st I^sd and 
oh'aiiicd of the commix.ioiicis of His Majesty's treasury now sid for 
tiio time bcis?, or any three and more of them, or of the high treasurer 
for the I'nic being, who are hereby respectively au^hoiisGd to give 
? ;h cosjcnt, or to make such order thereon, as they shall judge ex- 
pedient, and every acceptance or engngenient jiisJe, contrary to the 
true intent and meaning of this act shall be null and void to all intents 
and purposes-!. 

The examineis, ^A'edderburn and W^aldare, stated that no action 
could be su.jpoucd against the Coiupany because the Comp.uiy'o s:-al 
v;;is uot affi.iS'd to those numerous bonds issued at Balambaugan. 

On the other hand, they ' ared Ihat the holders of ihore bills 
could ba:c t'lcir claims on the foundation that B;d"' cl'ingau had boou 
declared an independent Chiefship and empoweicd with the saiiie 
authority as a Presidency, in v.'hich \vas incluled the right to borrow 
or to take up money in the name of I'e-Compauy. Eurther, they noted 
that the creditors c.'uld not Icnow tl. .c Herbert acted in coni" diction 
to the. Directors" private orders, and that tlicy therefore had accept' ' 
as l^'.ia fide payment bills drav, n on the Company by its 'cgal reprcsen- 
X'tive.^J The}^ concluded, howe.er, that the Cmpany could risk a 
lawsuit in order to dispute the reality of the debts. As a matter of 
fact they found that Herbert and his sssociates could be jompelled to 



') Court Jlinutes 14 June 1775. 

'J Statute- at Lar-e, 1773, Cap. G4, XVI. 

') C,;o 1779. 



§ 4. 



The Cliiefship of Ualamban-aii r.nd its Dependency at Burneo Pi' i-or. 107 



pa)- [lie enormous debt, and all the damages tlie Company suifoi-ed by 
Liir-ii' disobedience. But this was more easily said than done! 

Returning to Balamban-:ui, we can. find at least part of the ex- 
penses caused by granting extravagant salaries to the servants. The 
insicuctious of 12 June 1771 ailo,.rd the six civil scivants a salary 
amomiling to £1700 per annum. Herbert raised it to £2963.15.0. Ho 
^.i.'.nicd £202.5.10.0 as salaries and allowances to four persons not 
authorised by the Court, and entertained vaitcrs, readers and iiuerpreters 
with £755, so that the salaries paid in the first year were £7 1 .to instead 
of £1700! For 1774/75 he proposed to awa.rd himself and his asso- 
ciaies even some hundred pounds more. ^) 

As i.,poit3 continuously ariived that owing to dissensions the best 
-servants were dismiv'cd, not only their service at I3alarauni];jaa, but 
that Herbeit, in his arrogant beliavioar as Chief, had a.iumcd also the 
auihority to dismiss them the Company's seivice, 2) the Directors' patience 
gave '.vay, the more so as they perceived that Iheir directions given in 
the letter of 19 September 1773 had not the lea^t iniltiouce on the" 
■conduct of Chief and Council. They sent drastic orders 3) that the 
Chief no longer should execute alone the office of treasurer and that 
no advance exceeding a small sum should be made to him. Further, 
they prohibiiod him from drawing any bills of exc'iange upon the 
Directors or the rrcsidoiits. They refused to pay the bills to Hunter, 
I.[oibert and Alcock, and denied to Chief and Council the right to 
dismiss persons from their service. 

^V.:U aware that these orders were lilcly to have as little cfroct 
as the preceding ones, they sought for proper measures to make 
a' "icnds for the snitaiacd losses and distucss, rumours of which spread 
f/ij/u the India House to the most unconcerned Limdouer. 

At this moment the man reappe: .ol on the stage who alone .vuuld 
have been ^iblc to save the situation. »E\ er solicitous for the p:i.i?perity 
of 3aloi\ilj,ui-aa of which tli sre seems to be no expert ;liou under the 
present management, I think it incumbent on me again to make a tender 
of my services**) Alexander Dairy nr'e wrote to the Directors. He 
'i,d come into closer contact with the Company a lew mo.oihs ago, 
when the Directors bad allowed him 200 guineas for c 'upleting and 
publishing charts of the tracts from B ^ambangan and Sulu to L'hina. ^)- 



>) Stateraeot 1(74. 

•') Letters from Bengal, 17 October 1774. 

') Ilome .\lisc. 771, i Sc'iifember i;/t. 

*) Court Liinutos, 6 Octobor 1774. — ") Ditto, 22 Juuo and 13 July 1771. 



108 Chapter III. The Firat Balambangan Period. 

Partly on his suggestioa it was referred to the Committee of Corre- 
spondence >to consider the proper measures to bo taken concerning the 
transactions of the Chief and Council at Balambangan, to recommend 
a Supravisor to carry ilie Court's orders into execution, and a person 
to act as secretary. . .«!) 

One Joseph Hurlock was recomraoiulcd as Supervisor; but a General 
Court on 8th December resolved to postpone the appointment of a 
supervisor and to recommend the Directors to consider first if it wer& 
not more conducive to the Company's interest to withdraw the Balam- 
bangan establishment and so to secure at least the eff.cts which stilt 
were there. 

Appo.rently this resolution was influenced by a PiOi.detor who,.- 
re-presenting Mrs. Mary Herbert, in the beginning of the session read 
a letter of hcis in which she humbly as^^■&d for lenity to her hrsband 
and that he might not be dismissed or superseded b.fore he conld 
defend himself.-) 

On (.lie following day Dalrymple presented the terms on which he- 
-iTould engage to proceed to Balambangan; but they wore neil'icr taVcii 
into coijsiileraiion nor reported on by the Committee of Correspou'^:nco. 

In the course of the next week the Court of Directors and the 
Committee of Correspom'ence, in order to lessen the expenses and for 
"lie security of the recovery of their effects at Balambangan, resolved 
to send a new Chief and Council thither under a limited plan. "Ais 
directed that the expenses should not exceed £10,000 cor annum and 
t^''it Chief and Council were strictly prohibited from privt.ta trade. 3) 
In case of accidents preventing their continuing at Pelambangan, no 
aU,. .pt whatever to settle elsewhere should be iQ^.ile.'') 

Governor and Council at Bombay were ordered to deepatch Sv;;ii:t, 
ibo iuture Second in Council, to B.-'ambangan immedif.!.ely after the 
recei^it of the letter. At the West Coast he was to be joined by I'^'airne, 
the new Chief, and Lennox, Third in Council, from Fort St. George. 
This was to be effected on a special cruiser in ceso tho jSyren^, 
which carried the orders, sbould have left Bencoolen on Ewart's arriving 
there. 5) Similar informal' a was u.jl:^ liched to Bengal and Madras, *=) 



') Court Minutes, 11 ITov. 1774. 

') Ditto, 8 Dec. 1774. 

'l Correspondence Reports, 13 and 15 Dec. 1774. 

') Home Misc. 119. Letter to Nairne, Ewnrt and Lennox, 3 Jan. 1775. 

') Dispatches to Bombay, 3 Jan. 1775. 

") Dispatches to ifadras, 4 Jan. 1775. 



§ 5. The Captui'o of Balambangan. 109 



and by the same couveyanco Huibcrt and bis associates wore ordered 
to return home to justify their administration.') 

Yet ere any of these letters, even that of 4th September, could 
reach Bombay, much kus Balambangan itself, fate here had anticipated 
the Directors' measures. 

"When the »Ea-lo«, which had left Balambaugaa early in January 
1775, SLuycd at Brunei to take in pepper, suddenly towards evening 
of the 15th March a single European in a small boat was brought up 
the river by some natives, who bad caught him as he tried to slide 
along the river to the English factory. It was Edward Coles, late 
Cccoad in Council at Baloinban;ian. He told '.'.^o astonished Resident, 
Josse, of the terrible things which had befallen them on the ish'-uJ. 

On the 19th of Ihe same month, Palmer, Third in Council, joined 
him, and the next day John ileroert") brought, in the sEndeavours 
the rest of the toivanis, military and civil, and about fifty slaves. He 
cornplctcd the dreadful stories by adding complaints about their sad 
pli:j,Iit and <;lisclo,;ing his intention to establish a settlement in the King 
of Brunei's dominions. 

O'.viijg to Jesse's skilful and kind behaviour, with which in a few 
months he had won the sympathy of the natives, the oultan obligingly 
expicssed his v/illinvness to cede to ilie English whatever place they 
might choose, and on 28 March 1775 he signed a treaty by which he 
^rantod the Island of Labuan to the English East India Company 
for all time.^) On 16th April following the »Endeavour« set sail for 
tho acquired island, and Herbert hoisted the Company's flag on the spot 
where a new estabhsliiacnt with a fort was to be founded.*) 

§ 5- 

At daybreak on the 26th Eebraary 17 75 the large ,jUn in the 
stockade ;is usual announced the m roing. Alert sentries had ';?pt a 
sh:up walch dui'ag the night, as .jr some six or seven \vceks ii incurs 
had been aflr it that one of the Sulu Datus, called Teting, had o'ancd 
to attack 'English. As a trustworthy and skilful builder, ultau 

Israel had ...ut him to help the '1 glish in building warehouses and 

') Fact. Reo. Borneo, 3 Jan. 177.5 

') Eagle Journal, 15, 19 and 20 March 1775. 

■) Ditto, 28 ilarch 1775. 

') Uome Misc. 119, Letter from Fort Alarlb.-jugh, 21 July 1775. 



110 Chaptcf 111. The First r..'i,iml.;in;;;iii I'eiloJ. 

uingaziues. But iu tlic course of the year, 'iciji:,' si-itlcd at Balambjiigna 
and adopting the Chief's O-xtrava-ant manners, ho giai'iially incurred 
i^reat debts. These at first did not trouble him much, but when tho 
Chief pressed him for payment Teting, Isral's first cousin, finding no 
othef way to save his honour, and to punish Herbert's insults at the 
same time, decided to extirpate all traces of his debts by a coup de 
main. Tn the course of a few weeks some moie paii^a.iaas landed. 
Sulu warriors were hidden in the near island of Banguey, and since 
tho 20th February everyone knew that the establishment would be 
attacked some night by surprise. Hence the increased number of 
sentinels at the Chief's dwelling, the v,- ichhouso on the scciclcadc and 
before the barracks of the sepoys. Every morning they were removed, 
as by daylight tho Eiiglisli did not .fear any Malayan force. 

On the 2lilh, as was ab/.-ays the case offer the reveille had sounded, 
^GijJO silent minutes followed the gun-shot \vhile the sentries slowly 
walked back into their barracks. At this moment gigjitic flames and dense 
smoke whirled up out of one of the houses situated on the road inland ;i) 
aad out Ii jui the thick bushes behind the magazine and tho sepoys' 
barracks rushed some hundred Sulus. In a few sccomis the sepoys 
were surrouudod and overpowered in their quarters. Another enemy 
parly rushed to tho guns on tho siocl^ride, turned them on tho BugJiis, 
^.llo v.'cre sallying out of their homes, and dispei-i.-d them in a few 
minutes, assisted by a third troop which had entered on the right hand. 
A short, dfspcrato battle followed with the oincers, who had to fight 
their way through. As soon as they reached one of the exits, however,, 
the E.oglijii, the Bughis, aid the sepoys all rushed down in a panic 
to the vessels, leaving evei_ ihiug behind, driven by the impulse of 
self-preservation. Here they were joined by Herbert, who fled from 
his house, about a mile distarr, to the »Endeavour«. The few settlers 
who had sur.ived a deadly disease were slain ou their way to the- 
^bip3, while the Chinese rowed in their junks o it to the beach. Soon 
flames ascended from the buildings ^\•ithin the "^'ocl'ade, the-i from th& 
Chinese huts and the house on the point. Towards ten o'clock, Coles's- 
house, a large go-down and the buildings inland were plundered and 
i sred the same fate. Still the Chief's house and the large go-downs- 
■^re untouched and far out of the enemy's reach; but not the least 
'empt was made to save anything iu them. Prsbably t'lo Sulus, who- 



') The Plan of Bah'jiil'.ngan, prc^L-rvr; ] among Dab-} uiple's T'larts, reports the- 
ijal for the attack to le given from Sulu junks hauled up on the heach. 



§ 5. Tho C'3ptur,; of BalamLa. ;,;miJ ill 

• livl poE'-osseil thcviiselves of the sPhocnix?, hindered tliem from doin,:^' 
so. It was seven hours later when the enemy beganu to plunder the 
Chiefs hoine, and the English, when they turned into (he open sc;i in 
their flight, saw flames and smoke ascending from the last building-s to 
bid tliem farewell. 

Thiriron of ilio gniiison were miciiny, not one paper or book 
was saved, much less any of the property on shore, estimated at 
026,886 dollars, 1) while the .value of the different vcrj.-ls s:r.-od and of 
the consignments on board them was computed at 240,520 Spanish 
dollars. 

Vs soon as they heard of the misfortune that had bcfa.lloQ the 
usfaMishraent at Balambangan, the I^'ndish factors at Sulu embarked 
in all jiasto and fled to China. 

Aad now, Avho were the i ioLi;;aioi3 of that catastrophe, and who 
could lie consiilored culpable? 

The <loh:C] iption given in this work of the attack md the fi;;'it is 
principally composed according to tlie report of Captain ooncf.t-). He 
v>-a.s informed of it at Mindanao by a Sulu messenger, who brought him 
a letter from Sultan Israel. In this, Israel told him that the tieaciiery 
had beca planned and executed without his '.no'.vlcdj^o and that it was 
his wish that the English should come and settle again at Sulu. All 
the otiior aatliovih'os, except that of Be- -al, agree (hat Israel could not 
have been i^^noraut of the plan. 

Salceby^), undoubtedly one of the best informod authors in Lhore 
matters, ;jives the most platwilde explanation. He says iliat since the 
accession of Israel to the throne, and iluiin\' the last yi rs of his fathar's 
reign, Sulu was divided into two poliiiial parlies: the one, Iioaded by 
F-iarl, inclining more towards an alliance with T'l in; the other, led by 
the most influential Datns, favouring the I'^i .^lish. The latter ..as the 
more po\.erful on the arrival of the English in 1773. E'\t towards 177& 
this party we. ' oned; suspicion prevailed against the Eni 'ish, ..no were 
building small fortifications at Balambangan, and therefore thegarii^on, 
there uwas tieacherously attacked and destroyed by Sulu a,^ its au i 
forces secifc ly sent there by .Sultan Israel and his CouuciU. 

Hunt') goes even further, in stating that Spaniards from Manila 

the Dutch from Ternate instig ' jl the iulus. 



iVl 



') Home -Misc. 119, Lcttc. i Tort Marlborough 24 July lo.: 

^ Fonust: A Voyage to New Guinea, p. 330 foil. 

3) Salceby N. ?.[.: nistoiy of .'ri.lu, p. IS3— 1S7; '.faaila 190.S. 

') Hunt: Some Particulars relative to Sulu. 



11'2 Cluiiitor III. The First BalarabaiiKaa Tui'lod. 



Statements of this kind are more easily [uoffered than proved! 
Although the joy which Carlos III. has cxptcssrd whea ho heard 
that Sultan Israel liad rofused the English permission to transfer the 
i;al;;aibangan settlement into the neighbourhood of his eai)i;jl would 
speak in favour of such a suspicion, nothing can be proved. Ttlumtlly, 
the accusation of the Dutch having originated such a wicked design 
at Sulu cannot bo founded on the slightest evidence, unless one would 
ju'l.jO so from the fact that their general at Ealavia was the first to 
iiiiorra Fort St. George of the disaster, in consequence of intelligence 
he had received from Celebes i). But no one will, on such an un- 
founded hypothesis, accuse a nation of such a crime, without having 
ruy authentic proof at hand, the more so as the Dutch exercised the 
least influence at Sulu. 

John Herboit and Thomas Palmer, the refugees at Labuan informed, 
the Governor and Council at Madras that B.ilamieiiigau had been taken 
:>by a large body of Suluans in conjunction with several pire.tical rovers 
and inhabitants of the circumjacent islands*.^) 

Of great interest is the report made by Sir John Gierke, Comiroader 
of iee »Dolphin«, at Eeognl.^) He had been des;Kiic!icd to C ^'Aiab log ea 
v.ir'i 500 chests of opium on board.'') There he found nothing but 
ruins: no natives, no Chinebo, no Eiivlisli, but one Mr. Barton, who 
lu'd been deputed by Herbert from Labuan to give notice to ships 
tc ! riling at the deveslaied establishment of the place to which the 
fc.e'cory had retired. Eroni Barton's information jsuch strong marks of 
negligence and want of caution* 5) appeored, that they are worth 
attention. 

He told Sir John Gierke that Herbert hod been fully advi d of 
":'e.e plan; that he did not throw up vny entrenchments on the sides 
\v!i:ch lay open, but that he even suffered a quantity of furze to remoiu 
Iheee whicli ;iffo;Jed a convenient ambu.eede for the / .?;.ileeis. He 
added that this act" of hostility had been committed by one of the 
nobles of Sulu without the authority or consent of the Sultan. 

The Government at Bengal were of the sime opinion, owing to 
tl;e report of Sir John Gierke, ^vho had leeiled direetly from Balambangan 
to iilu, with a view of obtaining reparation for the injury. The Sultan 

') Letters from J^adi s, 14 October 17V5. 

-) Madras Pabl. Proc, '^2 Febraary 1776. 

") Home Misc., 122, Letter from Bengal, 20 Nov. 1775. 

4 Letters from Bengal, 16 May 1775. 

') Ditto, 20 Nov. 1775. 



§ 5. The Capture of Balainlin^an. 113 



received both bis messenger and Sir Jobn Gierke himself in ou arrogant 
■nid bnngbty ninnner, but soon coudcvccndod to give redress for the 
crime committed by one of bis vassals. Clarke demanded 400,000 dollars, 
while I-rael »with signs of derisions offered only 10,000 dollars, whereupon 
the English left his court immediately »giving him to expect a more 
disagreeable visits. 

Judging from all these different reports it would be extremely difficult 
to form a definite idea of the authors of the treachery. If we, however, 
0' isidor Sultan Israel, to the extent that we have become acquainted 
v.ith him: his sly and aitful character, his skill in disguising what he 
VL.'.Wy thought so that neither English nor Spaniards could ever penetrate 
his plans and intentions; and if we finally remember the duplicity he 
re\caled in 1774 in his secret correspondence with Carlos III., we must 
coufeis that there can be no great error in thinking that he did know 
of the plan and that he privately' sent agents and Av;>uiors to I^alr-rnbangon 
to assist his cousin in getting rid of his annoying creditors and to 
help the State to be delivered from a European neighbour -who threatened 
to ijccome too mighty. Without beiug a national enterprise, the attack 
on Calarnbangan was an act arising from the private and political 
considerations of some influential Datus and the Sultan. 

But with that inhuman treachery the Sulu Eujpire began to decline; 
it sank gradually down to the rank of a piratical state, to such an 
extent that in the first half of the nineteenth century it was famous 
as the heart of the piratical system. 

As has been obvious from the report from Bengal, heavy accusations 
of negligence and want of caution lay on Herbert. These reproaches 
slowly took the shape of suspicion that he had even been in conspiracy 
with the Sulus. The fact that his house, built about one mile distant 
from the stockade, was not attacked for seven hours, ab'ajiigh one party 
of he enemy had landed neat it, may be suspicious. Holmes, the 
puiscr at Balambangan, confessed in 1779 that no regular accounts of 
the transactions ever existed, and that no precautions were takci to 
save the Company's property and books, altliough on the eve of the 
ailaek the manner of the same and the sigrMs to be given lad boon 
explained to the Chief. He, howevor, would not believe that Herbert. 
really connived at the assault, or that later on he had any communications 
with the captors. 

As neither the Company nor any of his contemporaries roproacbed. 
him with such an awful crime, we have no reason to do so now. 
Nevertheless, it is the duty of aa impartial observer to state that to 

Willi, Tho cady rolations of EnglanO with Borneo. 8 



114 ClN^'kH- III. Tho First B,il:'.mb..n;;,ia roriod. 



Herbert tho attack and the buvniii"- down of tho wholo sotiloiiicit wi's 

O 

a longed-for opportunity to exidcn.io himself from f'no network of 
numborloss frauds and interceptions in v.hich ho h'.'d token refuge to 
enablo him to iJi:-:«:,]:;vi'-o the enormous dibis that bad almost cinslicd 
and ruined him before ho was appointed Chief of r>al;"iil3.!iig;<Li. 



A few words must be said about the lot of those roi -liaiLig at 
L:\baan and of the \j,L'ncy at Brunei. Strictly speaking, their fato was 
'ji.jiJcd by the orders the new Chief and Council brought with them 
w'r.on fhoy arrived at Labuan on 9th November 1775. 

Here they found people busy in fortifying the place. Herbert had 
;■] e\dy sent iadents for !j,oo(]s to i.I?.'ir?3 and Bombay, with bills 
i.L.r.vn upon tho Presidents and Councils, which however were vcfasod 
by ib.ciii.^) The factory, therefore, was in great want. W. Bross and 
Oeor^-e Salmon, appointed Chief and Council because Nnirne^ Ewart 
and Lennox had declined to accept, withdrew the new ocuJoment at 
once according to the Directors' ovuers not to mairo any attempt ekev/hcro 
if prevauled from coiitiniiiL'g at Balambangin. In the saue mouth they 
ilcd for Baiavia, where they hoped to dispo::e of 'die ..jmaining opium 
and E' iOpean broadcloth. '-) 

Ai-o the Eactory at Borneo Pioper must have boon removed at 
(Jie p.i'ho time, for, when in 1777 Captain Farmer of H. I'l. S. ;Scahorse« 
oa 'as return from China touched at Bruiiei »they had all quie'cd that 
pi CO and were .returned to Ben.oolcni.^) 

Orders ,. ere then sent to the Frcsii^encies to lay hands on nerbeit's 
piO;; uy*) and to seize him. But all icsearchcs vrere in vaioiHe cd 
from one place in India to another 5), while his aicociates, Palmer aud 
Cc'c5, '.'.-llO restored to their rank at Fort },f: rlborough after having 
^iv.n evidence against their former Chief before the CoeL't of Directors. '') 

V7e have alluded to the many troubles which tho Joint Coramittee 
of Accounts and Law Suits had with the numerous ; a)pl6 in p! ,<-,ession 
of unpaid Balambangan bonds, llany of them Id been s^iisiied in 
177e, but a gTeat number had to wait until after 1779, in which )ear 



■ Letters from Bombay, 23 "November 1775. 
-) jladras P 'j1. Proc, 16 January 1776. 
=) Letters from Bengal, 3 .'J.uoh 1777. 
*) Dispitches to Bengal and Bombay, 5 April 1776. 
') Bombay Publ. Proc., 8 Jan. 1777. 
'J Court ilinutos, 2 :'-^ 1777 to -1 March 1778. 



§ 5. The Cayfuio or Bal./iruljnnern. 11.5 



"Wedilerbuvo and AV^nlJiiro explniucd to Uie Dirccajvs cho propriety of 
complyirig with the dorannds of the creditors. The invcstigaiioiis into 
Horboft's management ended in 1781, ivliou c'le Company granted him 
permission to re'iurn to India. i) 

Thus, after twenty years of ropcr.lxd attempts, ended the endeavours 
to secure for the >'n;/;li3h East India Company and for Great EiiLiin 
a baso iji the .far iLazt for improving a ad extending the trade to China 
and the East /Vai'iLic ArchipoUigo. It seemed as if Dalrymplc's oiicniicg 
^vere right in their judgment, pvouounced after his voyages, that no 
results could be OApccicd from thern. But an undertaking v.v'dch had 
caused so much ado, and v?hich already had advanced so far, could 
not entirely drop out of sight. It was to ronriin unnoticed until new 
i/ivcumstances required its bciog taken up again to vaa'ce Balaiiiba^igiii 
an important military centre in the gicai; era of the Sapol.ooic "Wars. 



') Correspondence Reports, 14 September 1781. 



Chapter IV. 

1803'~1805. 

A short intei\;il separates the events v.'i'cli are iio^Lcd in this 
chapiur from those of the preceding one. But for mnnkind those 
i'.. :aiy-fi7e years were of greater importance than both the previous 
centuries to^^erlicr. The Frencli Revolution doiiLoyed the old traditions 
and old-established institutions and aimed at biinging Liberty and 
Equality to fll, and in the wars of the folio -ing twenty yours these 
ideas were propagated to the boundaries of Eussia and wrstwnrd to 
the banks of tlie Channel. Here an armament of men-of-war was 
styioued to stop them at tlie dovis of Great Britain. That ships 
arj[ ariiU'-jents, however, could not prevent phihjsoniiical ideas from 
penetrating into countries, regardless of barriers, was proved on the 
C'.utinent and throughout the world. 

Gieat Britain, and with it the Enst India Company, followed the 
common coiuie prescribed by History. They too had to undergo 
rc" olutions, before and after that of France, only they were not sullied 
by bloc '1 shed. 

Die present chapter must needs contain a few rc'u-enccs to these 
disturbances and to the evolution in the admiiiistr.:Lion of the East 
India Company. 

Owing to the mismanagement of the Company's affairs in the East, 
the Government was obliged to interfere in 1763 and again in 1773. 
In 1m 2 the debts exceeded seven million pounds^ and the Directors 
were no longer able to discharge them without taking up a loan of at 
least one million pounds from the State. The Parliament, assembled 
by George III. in the autumn of the same year, passed an Act by 
wliich the Company was to be put under the control of ,the State. 
The governments of Bengal, Bahar and Ori-.-a were to be transferred 



Chapter IV. The Second Babmhangan t'triod. 117 



to the Goveraor General, the Supremo Office for India, and to four 
Councillors to whom all the other Presidencies wore subordinate. 
The Covri-iior General and all the other servants and officers were 
t'lictly prohibited from private trade. As by the same x\.ct the King 
was authorised to advance the Company £1,400,000 from the Treasury, 
the Company in future had to lay all the correspondoji.co before the 
MinisLors, and every half-year to give an account of its debts. 

Fortunately Warren Hastings, the first Governor Gcaoral, was a 
man whose ability as Governor and Officer enabled him to procure 
so consiilorablo an income that the debts could be paid, back to the 
State within a few yous. The consequence was that the public interest 
in the Company vanished for a fe^v years until, by the new policy 
'.rliich [fastings adopted towards the natives and the incessant expeditions 
with and against them, the finances again fell into a worse s'cn.to. The 
ijiiblic '.vas revolted at the cruoUies, the barbarous behaviour, the extra- 
vagances and excesses of the Company's ailininistraiors which were 
revealed by ho negotiations prelim irury to the Treaty of Paris in 1783. 
Pitt and Fox urgently asked for reformation and amelioration, and on 
13 August 178 t the East India Bill, reflecting PiU's ambiguous policy, 
ji;ci;ea.3ed both the influence of the Government and the powers of the 
Directors to the detriment of the shareholders. 

This Bill established the India Board, or the Board of Control, 
consisting of six Privy Councillors, appointed by the King, one of the 
members, as President, having the fuactions and powers of a Secretary 
of State. The aim of this Board was to lepnji.i.at the Government in 
matters relative to India and the Company. All the papers concerning 
civil and military affairs of T dia, and all the proceedings of the 
Compnny, were to be prcseatcd to the Board who controlled its policy. 

Thus the Coinpniy was compelled to leave the decision on political 
niaUers to the Government, and to limit itself to co 'imercial afi" -, 
in which it ^vas to be ab.olnte. For this loss of influeiioe the Directors 
were paiJy indemnified by the regulation that their, lesolutions, ■lien 
coneeitcJ to,, by the Board, could not be altered by a Gc. :ral Court 
of Proprietors. 

By the Aa of 1786 the power of the Governor Her r;il and of 
the Presidents in India was. incLcased, and by the DciJaratory Act of 
1788 the Board of Control ^s■as granted permission to send troops to 
India without consulting the Dire. 'tors. 

The changes tending to a concentraticn of the ad liuistiation in 
India are not of sufficient importance to the present work to bo de .It 



118 Chapter IV. Tlio Se-nd .ni-.l.'>isli:^.nsan Period. 

witb. It may, however, be noted th:it owing to ihc almost iii Vjpondcnt 
position of the Governor General, and to Sir Jolm Shore's successful 
endeavours to_ make Fea;j,Ml the nucleus of the maaageiuent of the 
Company's affairs in India, the next attempts to recover a o;'.so in the 
'"ast were diroulcd from Bengal by the new Governor General, Atihur 
WcUc.-loy, ]].irl of Morningtou. 

§ 1- 

I'lio O-::\[0::[\o:\ of ?3alci';aoaoc;r^u -\q a Uesnlt Ok t'AO 
■'xrez'if of Avaiena. 

Aftou 1775 ue endeavours were made either to recover the immense 
losses ^iis';iiucd at Balambangan or to re-establish a factory there or 
in its vicinity. 

The Dutch profited :oasidci'?-bly by this inactivity of their rivals, 
ivy] la 17G6 obtained cessions of icciicori:? from the Sultan of Baadjr > 
masin and important privi'e^^rs from llic King of oookn/Lina. VHhoiigh 
five years later the relations with SoetruLnia were euiiicly given up, 
the influence of the Dutch Cora[)any remained ptopoudcri^nt in Dou,\eo 
Tor the next thirty years, u^.iag to its position in the south-east of the 
'"iul, where it could not be expelled oven after 17 05. With this date 
the piGper history of this chapter begins. 

Late in 1794 Pichegru invaded Holland with an ovorv. Iielming 
f ";>rce, and the Bataviau Republic was put under the protection of TAance. 
In other words, Euglaad henceforward hat to regard its powerful rival 
;';i the East as an enemy. The presumprinn was that the Trench i.ould 
pc3<:ess thomsolvos of the Dutch Colonics. The Prince of Orange, then 
staying as a refugee near London, may have helped to ii:crease that 
S:'...^ ieio.i, tor when orders a' ere issued from England that the enemy's 
poj.c.--^ions in the Jvast should be occup :d, he recommended the Dutch 
Governors to receive the English as friends and aUies. So it happened 
that the conquest of the Jloluccas in 1795 v,as in fact a sort of holiday- 
trip for the English na\y in the East. Except at the Cape of Good 
JJ- ?, in Ceylon, and in the ^falay PiMj.insula and Cochin China, no 
re- tance '..hatever was made. Forces equipped at Fort St. George, 
and r..-,.i tod by some men-of-war of the Royal Navy under Admiral 
Rauier, took the said positions and Banda and Amboyna in about half 
a ye. if, so that early in 1796, when the old Dutch Corapny v.-as 
abolisac-d, all its important setiV?mcnt3, except Java, Ternate, Palas^bang, 
Bandjermasin, Jlocassar and Timor, were under English pro'ection. 



^§^ TIio Occap;tiio)i of E:'!::nil-;-fij;:i as a BlSuU. of the^lVeaty of Amiens. HQ 

In the same year steps had been ca'cen for au expedition against the 
Si?;iniafds at Manila, bat it was given up iu conseiiucneo of the Peace 
of Campo i'ormio. The less important settlements iu the Moluccas v,oce 
occupied in the course of the next few years. 

At Aoiboyna a EoLidcnt for the Molnocas was c:;fablished, v.-'io 
eute.ul into amicable relations vdth the still indcpGndeat Sultan Nookoo 
of 'I'iJore. It appears that the Directors kid great stress on this 
iLijiiiiLdiip, as they were of opinion that in the next peace the Moluccas 
ii-.osc likely would bo restored to Holland.^) They therefore ordered 
the Eesiueiat either to retura to the said Sultan 'he territories -.vrcsiod 
fi'ora him in 1795, or to p-e..'ail upon him to give them up as a gift. 

These oeders concerned chiefly the Sultan's dominions in Cebi and 
the neighbouring islands, wheeo the Company iniended to cefuljlish a 
port iu the islet of Eau, which contains the harbour called AbvdiaDi's 
Bosom. That place was dieeiied as a shelter for the pa; dug veescls of 
the Company. 

Colonel Oliver, the chief civil and military authority at Aiaboyna, 
ej ilj- succeeded in obtaining the desired grants, but on the advice of 
Reaideat Parrjubai' neither Gebi nor i'au was occupied. He had formerly 
received t'lo cession of the island of Ouby Major from the Sidlaa of 
Batjan.") In his opinion this place had many advantages over Eau, 
owing to its abundance of iiutrne;^, clove, sago and Iriiit trees. Still 
more, as the Dutch never appreciated the value of Gaby Major, he 
hiiped that ihey would show little resistance to the Eia;>'i3h retaining 
it, as a place of refreshment for their returning Ch'aese ahips, in case 
the Jd luccas were to bo restored. And, tog>.dior with Colonel Olivef, 
he proccedaed lo take mc ^sures for ilio occupation of the island. 

Go. eiaior and Council at I'ort St. Goo)';;^, however, pi'Me'-^ed against 
these paocccilings, b^eause no infovnaatioii jva the Conil of Directors 
aulhoiis._d an establish uient at Ouby alajor. On the cont- ly, they had 
changed their mi d, and in a. letter to Maabas') e\prcs j\ their new 
puiut of view coacGrniug the general relations of co-aaucice. They 
ahded (hat owing to measures taken for extendi;];^ :e spice trade in 
India, the value of the Moluccas would be considerably h" eaedi .jr 
the Dutch, and that therefore a Ihitish establis'- lent in those quarters 
was no loD'rer desirable. 



') Dispatches to Madras, 22 April 1801. 
") Board's Colloction, 2700, 
*) Ditto, 2 Nov. L%3, 



120 Chapter IV. The Seooud li.ilainhaQ;; a Period. 



Farqiilu't shared this opinion. In a few v.-ords ho pointed out the 
advantages the English had experienced by the temporary possession 
of the irolucoas. i) They had acquired a full insight into the navigation 
and the trade of the Dutch, and through this a monopoly of spices, 
such as tiiese rivals had enjoyed for centuries, could henceforth be 
prevented. 

Lord W'ollesley, the Governor General, was only in part of the 
same opinion. To him it was clear that, according to tlio Third Article 
of the Treaty of Amiens, 25 ilarch 1802, all the powers and privileges 
possessed by the Dutch [)ievious to 1705 must bo restored, inter alia, 
Gobi, Fau and Ouby jiajor. The retaining of one of these islands 
would have been a manifust injury to the interests and the power of 
the Bataviau Drpublic. -) As consequently no thought whatever coidd 
be entertained of keeping a base in the ifoluocas, the Governor General 
:T: '':■'. wi.Qw the rcstci'atlou ot t'lo cstabli i'lmcnt i.i t'lc !^.!aiKl 
of I'a'Aiii'j..:; ;;iii, the commercial advantages of which station in his 
Loi'2.=hip's opinion greatly exceed those derivable from the possession 
of the island of Gebi«.3) 

Me ji: -".iCd that the claims of the East India Company to Balain- 
Iv.iij n hiid never been formally renounced, and that an occupation of 
it A.ould be merely a repetition of that in 1769. He was the more 
inclined to make that island a shelter for the trading ships to China 
as (he so'.-f'i-.igiity of Sulu had been ne'<iio's.]cdged by Spain and Holland, 
so ;'!at no troubles were to be expected with these powers. Finally, 
he \:0'\ every reason to believe that the Sultan desired the P]nglish to 
come and re-open a trade with his subjects. 

' this purpose Robert J. Farquhar, Resident at Ambo\ la, received 
the I instructions on 3rd May') which 'lirected him to restore the 
^Icl -.3 to the Dutch and to re-occupy Bn' snbangan at the same 
time -1 connection with that restitution. 

Ill tjie introduction to the orders Lord Vrellesh:; gives in a few 
woiils the aim of the occupation, after having devoted a few lines to 
the history of the former est.ib''-.hnient at Balambaugan. 5) tf-cing well 
situated for commnnicalion between Malacc ' -nA Cliina, with a commodious 



') Board's CollectioQ, 2TC0, 2. Nov. 1802. 

■^ Ditto, 2770, Letter from the Supremo Government to MaJra-g, 15 Man.-h 1S0?>. 
Ibid., p. 24 

*) Bcn^';! Foreign Consult,, 15 March 1S03. 

'-} That he dates its cession m the year 1767 may point to the fact that withia 
quarter of a century the first establishment there had practically become a fable. 



--L^L;!:'"^ Occupation of Balainl-rin^^aa as .a'.Kesalt ot the Treaty of Amiens, .121 

harbour, the ishiud was to bo utilised for shelter and provision for the 
feet in the Eastern Seas. Besides its comjueicial value for the trade 
in gold dust, diamonds and pepper, quite new hopes and cKpcctations 
were founded upon it. Lord Wellesley thou:;ht it fit for a centre for 
iKi'.al operations against any European power, which could easily b& 
'.v;i'':ched from thence and harassed in its transactions. It was evident 
that con:idera!,ile political influence on the natives would emanate from 
the possession of this prominent port, so that not only would the demand 
for opium and piece goods increase, but in a short time new alliances 
mi-ht be entered into. 

We see the effect of the progress made in Borneo concerning the 
welfare of Great Britain and that of the Company. Originally fimo 
LOW vessels had been dispatched thither from time to tirao in order to 
la'-ce in a c:iigo of pepper. Later on factors were sent to open 
a trade, mo-tly in baiier, and to keep a permanent factory t'lere. 
^s simultaneously far in the Xorlh a traile was carried on with au 
e.lmost in-;itiable maitet, the plan to connect cho Borneo trade with 
uiat to Canton was soon realised. A circular-commerce of European 
goods te the West Coast of Sumatra, of Coast good.s to Borneo, of 
Borneo produce to China, and of Chinese wares and produce back to 
the Coromande! Co;i>tand London, flourished, with ii-eiruptions, until the 
Dutch intruded on the trade to the South Coast of Borneo. As the 
China (ct.Jo without any intermediate station was liable to too many 
rivVs ;iud dangers a fresh attempt was made on North Borneo and 
Balamban-an to relieve it and to extend and imprcc the ti-ade in 
the East in general. At this point, viz. after 175S, the iiiiportance of 
Borneo grew rapidly owing to the Director's plan to draw within the 
Company's influeiice not only further parts of China but the unfrequented 
parts of Asia. Borneo was on the point of becoming the nucleus of 
a vast and almost unlimited rcsci voir of countries and lands for the 
T'ornpany's trade, though it ^\'as clearly stated that no political ambitions 
were connected with the new venture. 

In 1803, as tlie idea ot re-occupying the same place took its oii.^in 
in the great administrator and officer, Arthur A\"ellosley, it suddenly 
took quite a new shape. North Borneo, especially Ikdambiingan, was 
to licceme a military station made responsible for the giganlic lisk of 
watching the Dutch in the Moluccas and the Spaniards in the L'iulippiiies, 
and of contesting with them ihe leading position, in the Extreme East- 
Could such an enterprise, which must have been chimerical even 
w' en attempted in tinre of peace, [iru^per at a time when Great Britain 



122 Chapter IV. Tlio Second C,.l->inl.;iiigju Poiiod. 

after a' ai- l ,;il o£ only ouo year was a^aia ia\ol\'cil in the ciii'k'ss 
Xapolconic Wiirs? xVad could llio Company sustiua .mcIi enoraious 
expenses as iinf|ucsiui:iably were to be expected from a railitaiy 
e^t'.blishment in a small, and in fact biimni, i J;'nd? 

T' instructions to i'\irr[uhar were very concise, as all was left 
to ni , Jisi.Totioii. Ho was recommended to correspond at first M'ith 
the Sul'if!:i of Sulu, to whom the Governor Ccnciid addressed a Icl.lor 
in '..•liicii he acquainted him with the fact that ^\-:alIij\<s circumstances^ 
had prevented the !'jri;^dish from renewing the former e'j:«?lleat relations 
of fiiendship and alliance, but that they were now {3'uing to in nice 
amends for it by taking possession of the ph.ico which the Sultan's 
ancestors 1-id ceded to the Company, i) and concluding an engagomo.it 
v.'ii'i him to the aJvantage of both parlios. The only poidt on which 
Lord "Wellesloy iii.-isted was that Farquhar should not make the lo st 
concoisioas to tlic Sultan in return for his aosisluce, as the En;jUsh 
A'.ere merely asserting old claims. Further, ho should not cn'lor into 
aiiv aiircc-mont i!i adva-ntagcous to the "'Mi-lish in relation to the 
;; '^"hbouring native powers. As .rpcod v/as ilo-iicd, Fav(|u!inr was 
ad'^isod to '.ouch at oulu on his voyage from Malacca to A.mboyna. 
Yet ia any case the occupation of 1? lamban- la ^vas to take place 
after the restitution of the Dutch settlements with part of the troops 
retu.iiing from tlio Jfoluccas. For tbuiso ^^ho were to remain at the 
island as garrison .;ilia]uate military ; tuics and pvuvisions would bo 
r^o'. idod from ron"al and the Coast. 

ro fr.r all was clearly pointed out, and ranjuhar was preparing 
to ,s';ut on his mission, when information c lO from Amboyna that 
Colonol Oliver, Corma lador of the British fc ■ os in those quarters, had 
alrer.'y restoiod the ]\[oluccas, excopt To . te, to the Dutch, who had 
arrived tiiOfo in J'obruary 1S03. -) 

This 1 expected event caused the first alteration and dolay in the 
enterpiise. ibrquhar, changing his tactic:, gathered the returning Molucca 
troops at ^bjh.'coa, which had not yet been ro.torcd to the Di'tch. He 



') The Governor General rosy have felt a certain s.u' J;[actiou in the fact that 
tlio Sulus did ot '.'jiji) Ar;r,,iis, and that they were as little ■. or.-od as lie in the 
hi;io:y of their relations -n-ith, and the cession of Calaml.iaDL,aa to, the English. 
Uudoabtedlj- it would 'lavo i: ;cri .locaMudlj' uncomplimentary to I.ard \Vt '>doy if one 
of f? Sulu Chiefs had iDforniel him that Dalambangaa 11, vl not Lcoa cedci to 
ILtI'i.c in 1767! 

'J UengalForeign Consult.. 29 T)e.^ lo0.3. 0± Olivor'a lultor from Araboyna 
of 7 Airil V.'.i. 



§ i- The Occ upation of Balambangau as: a ilocult oi tha Ticaly of Amions. 12!^ 

was rc;i'l7 to sail in the cruiser jMorningtonc v/hen at the last moment 
a ■usp.itch from Loivlon informal him that hostilities 'occwcoa Eogland 
anrl .Fiiiace had biokoQ out again, i) This cuucocl him so much 
emijarrassment that he rcoolvcd to |iosLpoiio tlie expedition until new 
instructions should arri.e. - 

W'hm, however, the monsoon cmlcd, and there v.-as still no advice 
fruiii Fort "William, Farquhcu' left Malacca ^vith eight hirvo and middle- 
sized^ships, wiih a cousidcrable force and a number of settlors on boaxd- 

The dci .chment cousibied of about 800 officers and soldiers. 
cc'.tlers had bocii recruited at Malacca, moslly artisans and hiboaucrs, 
wlio ncio to receive maintenance from the Company until they were 
enabled to pioiide for themselves. 47.50 tons of provisions aad stofcs, 
sufficient for t./elve moaili.s, had been put on boaid. In fact it v,as 
a real migration of pait of the population of ^Jali-cca! 

Ear.'iuhar's hopes concerning an establishir.eiit at Balambaugan 
exceeded even those of the Goveij^or General. Considering that the 
Dutch pijbaijly would not ta'io u:.o'c Jlalncca, ho teared that an English 
settbment (here would be a rival, to the detriment of that in- Prince of 
'.'.''ales Island. The latter, liov, over, he arf;iicd, to^^other v.-ith Bj'auie^'iti^aa, 
vrould secure to the English the whole trade to the East. Therefore 
he recommended the dostiuction of the fortifications in "'.[ilaeea vckI 
the ^vit'vlrav.ol of llie garrison, in order to deTray t!ie expenses which 
in the beginning were to bo sustained at the next settlement. '') 

]\Iajor C'o'jjs was appointed CoMijjander of the troops; Captain 
Dawsonne was advanced to the rank of Deputy Paymaster and 
Commissioner of Provisions; Lieutenant Eoss became Comm iioner of 
Stores; another hold the rank of Adjutant and Qaartor-ilaster,^) etc. 
Kvciything was prepared and appoinbd so that no time was to be 
lost in esta.blishing the !;:urisoii. 

I'ut now the sitiia.ion chane,od. 'lo sailing in the China Sea 

a tremee;!; us typhoon scattered the eet in every direction. Day 
liU'ned to night and clouds to water, jr half a week, and when slowl}- 
the dispersed ships gathered around their flagship two of the largest 
cru'v.rs, the »Thornhili« and the xAnstruthera, were rnis.dng. They 
had itrucV rocks and had sunk ivitanily, with one hundred soldiers 



>) Bengal Seoroti- Polit. Cons. 18 July lo05, Faianlaa's letter from Mabicca 
of 20 Aag. 1803. 
-) Ibid. 
=; Bengal Secret & Polit. Cons. 18 July 1S05, better from Faeniliar 

6 Jiili 190:b 



12.i Chapter IV. Tho Scroii.l BalAmliangan Period. 



ami seamen and tlio whole o;n';^o, wliilo 400 men had succeeded in 
saving their lives, reaching the small island of Mangsec in boats, where 
they were taken ou board by one of the smaller vessels. 

On '29th September 1803 the fleet drew up in line at the beach 
of Bal iiiiliangan, where tho erection of temporary foiiificatious ^vas at 
once begun. Part of the soldiers remained ready to march, sad all 
tho piovi-^ioiis and stores were kept on board, as every moment an 
attack might bo expected either from a Spanish, Dutch or French 
armament. This precaution turned out to bo of great detriment to 
the garrison, for, only one mouth later a third ship with its whole 
cargo was dcotioycd, this time by fire. 

Psrquhar, considering the reduced force of the marine and quantity 
of store?, and hoarisg that valuable Euglivh and Portuguese ships were 
sailing from China, di patched orders to Malacca to sond more riion- 
of-war for protection. And as the Spaniards were reported to have 
collcc'od an incrcs^ing number of troops at .Manila, ho even su;,^-ebicd 
that the gari ison of Balambangan, together with 7,000 soldiers from 
the Pre;ideiicios, should make an attack thore. 

^-•'xccpt the losses susis.iued by storm and fire, the is'snd seemed 
to fuUil all expectations, at any rate judging from experiences in the 
first month there. The English found the climate healthy and the two 
har:)Oiirs excellent. The natives seemed to have been slh-acccd by 
magic, for within a few week's more than fifty of their prows auil junks 
csiae to trade in the port. Leauiog people fronr Hornco and Mindanao 
ilockcd to tho Commander's crai^or with tiiicoro signs of friendship 
and a hearty desire that he might come and trsde with them. Universal 
joy seized the surrounding powers, as the natives held the Dutch and 
the Spaniards in abhorrence, and tbc , hoped, from the renewal of war 
with France, for the extirpation of '.hose two nations in the Eastern 
Seas. The Sultan of Sulu, sunder his lloyal chop?, ar'uowledged his 
perfect ooncuircice in the re .; 'ablishment of the Biitish authority at 
Bn! siribangan ^>and its dependencies*.') Supplies were brought in 
plenty from tho adjacent islands, so 'lat in a short time the establishment 
'.as in a flourishing situation, the garrison healthy and well provided 
'.vith provisions and money. As, moreover, I'lrquhar reported the island 
to be abundant i>:u cattle and grain<t, there was sufficient reason to 
believe that it could be maintained absolutely independent of India. 



') fipngal Secret and PoUt. Cons., 18 July 1S05. Tetter from Farquhar, 
30 Nov., 1&03. 



^1. Tbo O.^cnjijitiou of lI.Jamliin.^Mii as a Robult of the Xicaty of Amiens. 125 

It is iatercsting to put here the question ^diether these exaggerations 
concerning the advantages of Ealambangan had been made iincousciouslj, 
or intentionally, by Farquhar. Wo must admit that he was not the 
man to deceive anyone for his own profit, or to tell an untruth, bitter 
as truth might have been. He "was a man of the character of Sir Stam- 
ford lldflos, honest and sincere to (lie utmost. Tot lie must have been 
well iufuiiacd about the nature of the ishind. In the account of his 
proceedings 1) he stated that he carefully examined J?- 'hunbangan and 
all tlie adjacent beaches and straits, to lo:'vn whether another place might 
be pcofciLcd to that whore the first settlement had been, but that he 
eoiild find nothing better though this place »is of a sandy natures. 

In the course of the same expedition he surveyed also the north- 
oast coast of Borneo and decided to erect an outpost in Marudu 
"ay for the purchase of pepper, indigo, tobr.:co and su;'^ar. 

Ho estimated the number of the settlers under British protection 
at r?l iialiuigiiii at 1600 and those of its dependencies at one million, 
a iHiml)i';r at least ten times ovcr-csiimated! 

Of much more interest than these \p^uely founded allegalious is 
his report concerning the relations with Sulu. It is evident that the 
Sulus must have had some ulterior motive for cTnljiacing the Ii^nglioh 
€ause so licaitily. And so it was, for at that period Sulu was again 
on the verge of rebellion and anarchy, whDo a war was being carried 
on vrith the aicli-enoiny, the Sultan of umaei. This \\ar had broken 
out because the latter ropeaied old claims to the northern part of 
j'orneo and to the circumjacent islands which as he prcts'uled had 
u'.sn snatched awa^' by the Sulus. As those ^vcre just the tonitouics 
which had been ceded to the En3lisli tliey came just in time to prove 
the truth of the proverb: »"\\'hen two are quarrelling, the third rejoices 
thereof?. Both litigious parties were willing to cede their claims to 
the English and to acknowli Ige their sovercigntj-. So Farquhar decided 
to tske pos-ession of all the islands and lands whiui hid once been 
coiled on the basis of former grants.-) 

Another reason why Sultan Alimud ""in II. favoured a treaty with 
the '!i;di.-h was the insecurit}' of his position on the throne. 

He was the son of the usurper Bantila, av.d he had imitated his 
father in usurping the crown in 177S, aficr having poisoned his uncle 
Eriel. Under his government hosliiJes with the Spaniards had 



') Bengal Secret and Polit. Cons. 18 July 1S05. farquhar's VxQ[n d 
1& feb. iy04. 

=] Ditto, 18 July 1805. Far.] v'lar's Ripoit. 



\2() CliAptor IV. Tho Sccouil Baliiinl mgau Punod. 



^iM'lually iiicio;,;,G(l, and tho Moro raids, suppoiioil by him, assuraod 
such ('imensions that about 500 Spanish and native Chiibtians v.'crc- 
aanually caiiied into captivity and soM as :!:i/es at MacaoSar and ia 
the inLciior of Borneo. Even stroiv; mercliant-ships were successfully 
.'[':'?>..'::'], so that Karopeans and Americans ilir;i(]cd I'le Straits of Borneo 
and the China Sea. A truco conchided with o.j:)in in 1793 had not 
the least result in this respect, for undoubtedly the po'.'.-or of ilio usurper 
Alimud II. was solely founded on providing his ;;iibjccl3 with spoils 
acquired by piijiical raids. After 179.5, when tho English Navy was 
uinivrllcd and supreme in those quartc.s, tho security of his pciiuion 
d;oi cased, and the lloro enterprises became more difficult and dangerous. 
This insecurity may have ibiven him to stab C;;ptain Pavia with his 
own band, when he appeared at Sulu in 1800, and to distiibute the 
cargo of tho ship sEubin* among his people. That crime also induced 
hiei to offer freely to Farquhar whatever was dcjircd from him. On 
tho other liand, it was a sharp weap'u in the bauds of Iris energies, 
hea.le 1 by Datu Mandellan, the son of the murdered Isieel. In OLier 
to succeed in his aspirations to tho throne, Maudeilan offered to cede 
to tho Conipvay tho Kingdom of Sulu with all its clepeadencies in full 
sovereignty, provided tliat the English would a^>i-..t him. 

Farqubur, well knowing tho Ueaelurous character of Sulu puaces, 
wise!/ resolved to decline this grant and to »!;eep upon generrd terms- 
of amity '.vith alls.-i) Hq therefore recommended the establiehment of a 
C- 'nnercial factory in order gradually to divert the Sulu tiado also to Borneo. 

That Balamb.iDgau jijight indeed become be emporium of the 
Malajiii trade, ho willin^,ly aceepted the cee. a; i of Labuan which 
had already bi_en granted in 1775 by tho King of Brunei, and of 
Sarauguinc by the King of Jlindanao, v.itbout hev/ever oeeap/ing tlem. 

.1 new nvihod, directly opposite to that till then followed, v,as to 
be ad ^jiel at the now marl^et centre. V.rqnbar was coavinced that 
the age of monupolies had passed. JJalarabaugan was to prosper by 
/ifeet freedom of e.xcbango and by exemption from all :<ind of duties. 
Aad here in a small island in the Extreme East the funu-anental docLuae 
of the modern s^'stem of trade and colonial pclicy was pronounced and 
put into practice by R. J. T \ diar ^that a great nation ivliicb iioooses 
the fewest restraints upon and af;' >'\h the most liberal cacouragement 
to the exertions of the community, consults its own general benefit a- 
nnach as the happiness and advantage of individj.ialj ;.2) 

») [bid. 
-} Ibid. 



The Militai-y EstabJi Iinieut at Balambaii;_;,in. !'''/( 



HaviDg thus arrniiv-.il and provided as far ay possiMe for the new 
rieUleraeDt, lie appni-upil Major Cales Commissioner of Bu'amajiV' in on 
7 Decemlicr 1803 aad returned to I'rince of V/j.lcs L'raid, where he 
Avas to fill the honourable rank of Lieutenant Go/i'i hw.'.i) 



Tlia 'uliV'c-xr/ '^atarji^^}: 

The procedure to be ou^i^'ivod in the civil ■loA milit;uy admini- 
str.'iiou was prescribed by the i'lsliiicliuns I^'ljuIiu' ha] ''cd over to 
Cries ill Decem'jeL' 1803.'-) 

The present force was to be l.^ot u:aiil i'nf fili; 'Hons ;. ad buflicieut 
storehouses could i)e cicc'ed. A cutter Avas lelt there to iMotcct tlie 
marin:} dodo and i!io ;,'(iil(v.vns. 

The civil service was v.J.mI in a chief, a I'li^jistrate and supe^r- 
i I'l'e.d.cnt for tlie •''ompauy's \, r.vehouses, a secret:;)/, who at the same 
time had the i;'i;uge of the trc:u my of the island, and a jir.otcr e.ltendiiut 
■s.'io also had to fulfil the office of pilot and 'larlijer- master. 

Tho Chief ',vas empowered \v][h the riylits of a Pfo-ident. Ho could 
draw bills on Bengal and iwiiuias v-vl he was in direct corresponde-ice 
with (lie chief secretiry of Fort Willifinj. 

C'djjs was oMcily ot'deved to remniu neutral in iho conilict between 
Sulu and Borneo until one of these powers attacked tlie English; he was- 
also entiiely i'uljiddcu to meddle ^vilh the internal disputes of the 
Empire of Sulii. Towards the Malay ami Chinese ee^oplo a strictly 
friendly behaviour was to be observed. JAjr this pui;;.ose a ;caplain 
(";ioaman« and a »caii)ain Malay« were to be appointed. 

No trade was to bo begun with the circnrejaijent States in the- 
name of the Cumpuny until opulent invtcaants h:"d seii'ed at Tdaui- 
bapj 'ail. Owing to its being a fi'ce port a great in 'lux of tradero and 
sieces was expected, nd in order to provide suffi. at shelter a largo 
biorehouse was to be ere ."jd on tbe hill near the beach, fortified by- 
a stocb'^-de, in oider to coaiii! 1 the beach and the snrrouading 
counUy. 

An outpost establishment was to be made at Ben;'d:o\a in tie 
Vlarii lu Bay, from whence (imljer could bo cari'ed over aid the heathen 
aafives induced to come and settb; at n-daiabiangan. 

') Bengal Secret and Polit. Cons,, 20 -^,ril 1804, Lulter of f;iciiili:-r to- 
Bengal 6 Jaiiuary 1801. 

') Ditto, 18 July 1805 (N. '2% 



128 Cliaiitei- IV. Tho Sucuud riJi'inbaiigan Vrn^A. 

lu unlor to increase tho population, natives ^vero to be attracted, 
and convicts were to bo sent from Bongal.i) 

One of the first proceedings of the Commissioner was to establish 
the small post in tho mouth of the Beugkoka river in North Borneo, 
iu Older to provide provisions and pepper from thence and to encourage 
and protect the inhabitants there against the pirates. Captain Aldridge 
was sent thiOicr v^-ith 40 sepo^'s iu the xliciriT'?, whicli was armed 
with a few small guns. They were kindly received by the aborigines, 
although tlie Sulu chiefs in i^anguey had forbidden them to supply the 
new establishment witli material for building public works. Those sup- 
plies wore delivcroil, but the Borncans could not be persuaded to help 
iu erecting a stockade until Farcpihar sent tho Chiefs of Banguey an 
encigotic protest against their conduct, reminding them that according 
to the grant from and the Irealy of friendship with the Sultan of Sulu 
tlioy wero to obey the orders of the Co: h.uiy's representative. 2) The 
result was that tho 'Jejiguey sovereign prole ~i:ed agaiust the suegostiou 
-as if he had prevented his people from r.ssistiog the sepoys, I'lafc he 
on the contraiy exhorted them to do their best, ^j It was, however, 
too late, and the whole attempt had to bo given up alter a month 
owiiig to the unhealthy climate. More Hi. en half the people had con- 
stantly bee a ill because of tlie damp air, and as with the a[)pioaohiug 
monsoon still worse weather was foreseen the post was \vithdrawn early 
in ^-larch 180-1 and never rc-occupi,d iu spite of the proinise given 
to the Borueans by the chief officer. ■*) 

Meanwhile the building of the storehouses at Bek" ibangan made 
r;u 'd progicss. A powder-magazine and a battery were erected which 
commanded the anchorage in the bay, and larger fortifications were 
bee 'in. Most of the garrison and of the settlers were employed iu 
eifjiing tlie jungle and the land near the encampmeut, while the con- 
victs .ere busy in unloading the ships. Largo vessels brought stores 
from Malacca and ^dalay prows thronged in the harbour Avith supplies 
fuiin the islands around. 

It was strange tliat among these many ships there could not he 
so:n a single Sulu \esscl! It was as if they feared the English, or as 



') f'l September following 95 convicts had been deported tbither. (Bengal 
Public Proc, 14 Feb. 1805. Letter from Balombaugan 1 September bSOl.) 
=J Benj;-"! Secret & Polit. Cons., 4 April 1805 (N. 96). 
') Ditto (X. 97). 
*J Ditto (N. 99). 



§__2. The Military . Establishment at i;M-'i,il):ia;^;m. 129 

if they plotted aiiotlier trencheiy, although the SuUau v.'as iudefatigablo 
in showing his sincere friendship. 

-^loro people came froni the north-west side of Borneo. As the 
provisions of the garrison had bccu considerably diminished by the 
loss of iluoo ships, and again v,-lien Lite in February 1804 the sepoy 
barracks were burned down, the setilcnient would soon have been in 
urgent need of necessaries had not the Borneans brought some. 

It soon became evident that all the expectations bused on the 
fertility of the soil had been chimerical. No seed whatever took root.- 
SliikI could not be more barren than the land of Balambangnu. Xo 
vegetable, no g^ain, no fruit tree lived even two months. As early as 
17 March 1804 Coles wrote to Hongali) Dorneo supply has prc.juuved 
us from starvations till now«. As at the same time the rice Ci'op in 
Borneo failed, demands for provisions and necess:uio3 ^vero sent to 
Fort "^"^illiain and to Sulu. 

The Sultan's promise (bat his people henceforth should carry their 
merchandise to Balambangjin was as liu:Io kept as that to punish the 
llalay people who first had prevented the na'dvos from helping the 
English at Bengkoka. 

How readily Cales would have acceded to the repeated entreaties 
of the King of Brunei » to settle upon an island nearer him«. He 
i.vould have had the choice between Labuan, Pulo Tiga, Pule Gaya, 
or any of the islands in the neighbourhood. But the orders of the 
Governor General kept him back, to the sincere regret of the bing.-) 

The same orders were also strictly follovvcd when on 27 oeptcrnber 
180 t the civil and military establishment of B- lambangan was put under 
the direct command of R. Farquhar, the new Lieutenant Governor of 
Tiince of Wales Is] ' .d.^) Under that date the Lieutenant Governor 
at Penang was vested »v, ;h general powers of direetion ;■ ad control 
over all the P.iitish establishments in those quarters^. 

Taking advantage of such an important position, Farquhar began 
to outline a scheme of reorganisation for the trade and commerce in 
the Eastern Archipelago*) which, had it been put into pi acace, would 
have given the culonial map of to-day some quite different features. 

He stated that in earlier times the Englisli showed a dislike of 
having serious relations with the Malay princes lud that the Goveru- 



») Bengal Secret and Polit. Cons., 4 April 05 (N. 99). 
-) Ditto CN. IK, 101, 105, 106). 
'i Ditto, 18 July lo05 (N. 'll). 
') Ditto, 6 S-i.tembur 1804 (N. IGS). 
Willi, The o.irly rcliitions of England with Borneo. 



130 Chapter IV. TliG .^ocoiid r-i-hirabangaii Pojiwt. 



meat -li.'il bcoa extremely i-ai >iiiionious h\ protecting ilio British subjci;!:; 
irriJiug tliiin.or. It had allowed i'leia to curry arms to defend tlienisclves, 
but that was indeed all it had done for thorn. Many s!iip:j had beea 
nl'j.ndeved and sei:;ed or sunk by piralcs, without any news of them 
reaching St. James's Pahice, and v,-hcn their owners Iia.d aslced for 
redress they had to [j.ocuro it thoinselves. This systeia of free-traders, 
\.ho had. 'yym peil'ceily i^idepejident of any European government at 
home or ia India, gradually had to give v.'ay \viien the science of 
polilical economy created quite a now point of view in regarding the 
coraraeL'ci.d iaJajfLourso between t\vo na.'rions, one of which is a manu- 
facturing country v/hile the other is rich in native produce. 

Such a relaiion now : ia'ced between India and the Malay Archipal:';;o. 
riece goj'Is i'rorn India were aivouLite objects in the eastorn i'"'-ii's. 
The riches of Borneo and SurAj.ua, on the other 'la.id, in iuirpihar's 
o/adoii, at Je:; c equal to those of l^razil and South Aaieric, ^7ore 
much ^^a:^';ed in India. 

In order to secure that v/ealth to Great Hiiijin, t!ie ti;-,l; ste^-s 
had already been tal-.e-n in ouia.i'.iing inthieric; over the chief cl'a.aaiicl 
to those quarters, the Sii'ait of alahi.ceo, by estahlisbdng a .settlsineut 
at Pee: j, as the ';oy to it. That the Dutch mi;'!it not be able to 
iival a:h this post, Malacca was to be made uaelets by dc troyiiig all 
the ria.iiic.ttiims there. 

The numberless petty |/i'inces ^vilh tlieir petty i'ltercii's in the 
Arehipelago wore supposed to be the greatest obstacle. Therefore 
I", rqu'iar proposed to conclude with them Ire.jties of fiiendship aiid 
comiiierce and to punish severely the leas'; hiGaeh of ths'n. All t'lO 
re'crs near the Strait of Madacca and in the I'^ar a]ast were thus to bo 
ad by erne and the same kind of treaty, vhieh had formerly h.oa 
ctc'icd out for an agreement with the Sultans of Sulu and Borneo 
Baapor and to which the Governor General had given his unqualified 
aa';" oval as he had found it sunexceptionablo and extremely pioper-<.i) 

Tlie Palarabangau scill/ment ,^'as to be fortified and ca'. i jad that 
it might '^ • a strong centre between the Philippines, Bovaajo and Celebes, 
.'■aioihei old on the southwest coast of Eoj-neo was to .. :rve '":.e same 
purpose for Sumatra and South. Borneo, while the island of Cebi ^vas 
to be sqaircd to become the nucleus for 'le trade in the Spice Islands. 

It is Uoele.:3 to dwell long on tbe ^ a.'Spcct of such a far-ieaehing 
plan. It Jt and the years following were not favourable for its lidna; 



>) Bengal Secret and Pol'it. Cons., 18 July , La', (Y.. 23&41). 



Tho Mi!'i;.uy !'-r:;l.lisIiineut at B;'Jr.ia>il n-an. i:jl 



put into ij: jT'P.iioii. But that it w-is a project with possibilities wns 
cler.iy seen five ycais l;-^rr, wIioa Sir Stamford Raffles, b: ,ing his 
policy iiiincinally on ihis scheme, began to play a kfiling pail in the 
nayfai'ii question. 

Ko ^-ccurcd to the English ibo cniiancc to the Archii)oIa;jO in 
addi:og Ja.va to the f^yyn.Qx possc.-sions. He secured tho 'irnd;o to Sumatra 
by enteiiiig into treaties with ibo ri'lyis on the south-west coast of 
IjChuco. He cxtciuled tlie Biitisli ' -;'iio;2co to the bordc.s of the Mo!r';0'3 
by concluding new engagements with the Sultans of Sulu a.;d Borneo 
Proper. Aud his is [re great merit of hnving mitigated the peit; that 
lay as a curse on those" ielands by at;, rl, i,ig the roots of pii 'cy when 
'le, in 1813, di^pateh^d an expedition to Sambas to Ic'7el it to the 
ground, and v, I'.ea he concluded treaties with all ilio mig-dy princes in 
those (p.iartei'S by ^vldoh they agre.d to co-operato in extiipeiting piracy. 



'I'he face of tlie g-.iieo'i at ]?e'-' ah aigau was anythiig hut eaviahle. 
FrieBdly prov/s came in great mrmbers, but ineiead of eatables they 
brought only mats, oils and bivde-iicsts for trade. The soldiers and 
>:et';!ci;s ',/ere in constant danger of starvation .e'voaever a ship v/ith 
provisions from India did not arrive ia time. By the end of 1804 the 
allo'.vances of rice had to be ecirilcd. Letters asking for help were 
disp.te'ied to China, ^ Be-igal a-alPeiang, for the situation li d become 
ao dasperate that Cales wrote »our prospects are dieary in thae extremes.^) 

''7irrp:diar had cslima'cd i'lo monthly expenditure at 10,000 Spanish 
dollars, aed accordingly ho had left thera in cash a sum for t.velve 
months. But in fact Mie oxpeiioos amor, 'ed to: 

Civil T),;p-,t.iient Span. Dollars ^1,000 

Coamiorcial Dipt 000 

Marine Dept. . . . . . 3,3C0 

3Iilitary Dept. 10,000 

Total Span. Dollars 17,'JOO-) 

The conseiiueaco was that mouoy was as scareo as provieioi'^. 

A'hied to this, the gairicon was cons' atly kept und;;i; a.rms by 
iinfoumled rumours as well as genuine ''oeis. tfiace Mai-h 1804 
the island had l)cen infe. - Ijy a great number of piraticad uis, 



') Bengal Pnbl. Cons., U Feb. ISO.5, C Ics's letter of 1 Sept. leOl. 
") Ditto, N. 4.5. 

0' 



1S2 Chapter IV. Tho Second B:ilanibaiig^ii Poriod. 



\.]\o arrivoil tlicco in hundreds of prows. Thoy could not bo driven off 
until, al irmed by a few gunshots, tho}- retired to all l-ho ports and 
!;o:"chos, w'lore they succeeded in killing one of tho scilIclS and in 
taking one prisoner. 

One month later tho Prime Minister of Sulu mai'O his stato visit 
at the head of the wholo Navy of tho I'liiipiro. His Kvco'lency's 
behaviour, however, was wrapped in so profound an atmosphera of 
niy.^tcry that again the whole garrison was kept under arms to watch 
his slct-s, sword in hand. And when he h2ft the Bay, after having 
carefnllv examined what was considered worth being sho\.ii to his 
scrutinising eyes, the cruiser »Fly« accompanied him far enough to 
pre .out an unexpected attack, i) 

r-Jainatcly for the settlement, where two lnindrcd soldiers at least 
constantly lay sick owing to the bad climate, the news proved nnaut'ienlic 
that a French Er|uadron consisting of twelve shj^s was to be sent from 
B. ivia Eoad against Balambangan. Ne. ei tbelcss, it alarmed the garrison, 
who, already wcaJicned hy hunger, sofLorod still more by never being 
i Jievcd from duty. 

Scarcely had they been ialViVDrod that the Nav}^ of AjliaiLal Linnois, 
wh' ,h !i '1 come from the Isle do France, had ta'a^n another course, 
than natives informed them that two Dutch men-of-war were lying at 
S,, arang, -) and once more every thing had to be !:ept ready fov an 
attack. Such alarming news could not but cause an increasing fear, 
that grew to a frenzied sufaicion v.liich Iool;cd on everyone as an 
eneriy in disguise. ! 

To this may be atiributed the seizure of two Poitnoiicse vc:-els 
which arrived at Balambangan from Macao. After having shoivn their 
pa-es and li^is of cargo the}" vrere allowed to sell their goods. But 
se 'd.cnly they ..ere seized by the garrison, owing to a wholly nu- 
foraded :;i;spicion, and takea to Prince of Wales Island. A lcna,iliy 
tii.l folio .vod with the shipowner and the Portuguese Con oL As late 
as July 1S07 the affair was se'tled by the Enghsh pa, g damages 
and redress and restoring the two vessels. 2) 

The trade did not by any means attain the importance 'clr had 
bi.en e;:pccted in the first few months. Goods had been brought to 



1) TSengal Public Cons., 14 r.^bruaiy LSOS, X. :il. 

■) The point of Baii;:;uey neare.-t to 'l.-ilambangan. 

^) Bengal Foreign Cons., 1.5 M.;..- 1£06, N. 1, 2, 4, 5 X. Ditto, 1 Sept. l.sjG, 
X. 1, t. Fact. Kec. Straits Settlemonts, X. 11 and 12, L'7 Sept. 1803 — 
15 Julv Is 07. 



§ :?. The Militny FotaWishinpnt at C-loMliang^m. 133 



■ilie value of 81,000 Spanish dollars, of «hich sum cloths, earned from 
-Viiiboyna, amounted to 73,000 dollars. i) As this eluih was of extremely 
bad quality, very little could be sold, so that the monthly dan njHojis 
varied only between 1500 to 8000 dollars, and almost half of these 
fc Lores had to be tal'en back to Prince of Wales Island, when late in 
November 1S05 the whole- garrison with all the setfh.Ts, stores and 
t!LO\isioiis \vas put on board seven ships to return to Penang and ^.■ll<^al, 

The same mi-iaLien of a \',holo pripulaiioji took place as in 
October 1803. Eleven hundred and five men, after two years' hard 
experience and snireiin-- turned their longing eyes westwards to places 
which by nature were more liljcrally eudowed with fertility and 
homelieess. All (he seiileis, however, did not leave nalarnbaDgan. Some 
of the tv,'o hundicJ Chinese went to Borneo or to Canlon, while others 
preferred to stay until they were encouraged to repair to Prince of 
"Wales fslaed, which was to become an ioilependeut ^-j.-eujoislup. 'j 

W'hrd had happeecd to c.usc such a peijca'pitate retreat? 

Lord Wellesloy had informed the Cea.irt of Directors early in 1803 3) 
of his plan to amiijl all the engagements enlered into by Farquhar 
a ad (he Sultans of Ternate and Batjan. With this resolution the Coui-t 
'..ere quite agreed; but on c'le other hand they entirely disagreed with 
(ho plan to re-occupy Ealambangan, for when the Governor Oenerars 
letter readied London hostilities \vith ri ;nce and the Bafa.vian Eepublic 
had recommenced. As it had been pointed out to them that the new 
:::((lement was to be a iJli!i(a^ly station and consequently re'inired 
fortifications and, a respectable force for its defence, the Directors and 
the Board supposed Welles'oy to have retrained from such a venture 
when he had heard of the o',i(!:ireak of tlie new war i!i Europe. They 
therefore had notinfoimcd him of (lieir opinion concerning his scheme 
iif re-occupying Balambangan. ,Vs S'.on, however, as rumours reached 
(hem in the spring of 1804 that it had been put into cvecutie , they 
sent a dispateh to iira.dras which strictly ordered*) that if a settlement 
sheaild have been formed at Calambangan >thesame must be immcdj (ely 
■., iihdia\vn and not resumed without our spc jal directions :<. The leasou 
for acting thus was the consideiaiiua that the troops and ships at that 
place eonld ill be si^aied in case the Dutch islands and selthjrnents in 
the East should again be conqiisred in the course of the war. 

') Bengal Publ. Cons.. 1, 1.3 Fa-inuy; 27 ^farrh, N. 9, 1806. 
^) Tulit. Letters to Madr,: -, 6 Fob. 1m:i5. 
") Letters from Ben-al, 15 Much lt03. 
') Polit. Letters to Madras, 15 .Vug. 1S04. 



134 Chapter [V. Tlu Sorond Baliinb;\ii:;:iii Period. 



Althoug'i this plan was not carriotl out, no fuvthor ordors camo 
respecting Ealamban^^aii, and (ho place was definitely left in MovonVuerlSOS, 
v;illiout the Ir.isL resistance on the part o[ the Governor General. Only 
lv.riq.;'::ir protested a;;ainst sucli an eutiio abandonment of the only 
position in the ?ar F.ir^t. in his annual repoit of Prince of \v'"alos 
Islaudi) of 18 Septerahr,; 1;^,0.') he rcproac'ied the Government »wiiJi 
'.ong continued i.flifrereuce towncds compK'ints concerning piracy -^''A 
[]'.d loss of .'-i['s and crews aivlc, he continued, ^to the same source 
v,-e may pe?''!;ipi ji-^stly trace the cause of the ]^rii;i-jli si.l.ilriacnls lieretofovo 
ioruieJ by the Ilonourable Company, to t'lo eastward of l;he Bay of 
EvT^-l, having ended ■:hiiost invariably in a tragical manner^. 

Y)i;'i this candid statement wo are in entire agrcoiucat. ooth 
GoveiainGut and Directors at all limes concentrated their attention on 
India Proper and neglected- the farther East, eiiher from incorrect in- 
fuiTJiition about it or, \vi!ic'i is more pvobalile, ar,m clear-sigliiod policy. 
It wauter? a great <X'\'\ energetic man to i:"j;e ihe lead in reopening 
the path to those distant quarters and to prove iliet bcsidcj the Dutch 
and SjT.iiivde another power still could prosper there. This leader soon 
appeared in the person of the then A cling "eciotary at Fort Cornwallis, 
T'- Stamford T^eiOes. 

His ai':onKon, however, was turni'd first to the West Coast of 
Eo.eeeo, from whence cries for hslp reached him for protoctiou agaiast 
.'3 inhuman cruelties and dcpiet'iLions of Anaoi, the pirate brother 
of lb 3 King of Sanrbas. Such an eniicaty had deeedy penetrated to 
Peiiajg in Decerebor 1803 from the Sidtan of i?oa(i '.v;ic eud llo< ^pawa'), 
aid >vas repeated in 1810 3). It was taheLi up again by tbio Xing of 
Band;crma';ia, who had already applied in 1797 to Prince of Wales 
Island to assist him in driving out the Dutch t), in 1811 s), wl- 1 Ccp.oral 
E'j.on '.:' 'lad desetLcd him in 1809, and Soeke^b' o.a aud Borneo Proper 
follov,-; ]dw. 

Tbj liiotory of these evcits aad tli'.-ii' consequences, which If.vi 
diLSCLly up to tlie i esent state of ibe En^b'sh relations ■vith Borneo 
b;!oDS5, bo',v;v-;r, to tho rfejdcm era. 



') Bengal Publ. Cous., 20 Deo. 1815, N. 7. 

') Bengal Secret & Polit. Cons., 18 July 1805, N. 58. 

') Fact. Rec. Straits Settbjments, K. :\2, 16 May 1810. 

') Fact. Rec. Java, X. 1:2 and 1.3. 

') Ditto, 31 .Tan. 1811. 



Appondi^x X. 
In;: ti notions by Governor Pigot to Alexandor DaU'ymple., 

T''.:;o are soiao cir-^nnistnucos of a p.iyato nr.' no iijiprcpoi' for 
piijilic view v/iiich you are to p;iy a p:ul.icul;ir attention to in 'he 
courso of }'OLU- voy;i;'0. 

Although the voy:i;j,o is piiLposcly i i: j^-nlcd for uic picsecution of 
commerce to Sulu, you must o^ > li'ir youi-self however as uivlcr general — - 
-'irection to be particulr.i' in your obscLvation of ever}'- nature during 
n,3 course of it. 

In c:iGo you sliculJ urA it e.vpGiiient to touch at the Xicob^'rs you 
^T'!l be as p;uUcular as piifiiblo i\ your oliseu. [ion on ibe 'i.ibo'.u' 
otc, ar'l iLaa:,ait them to me by cho fii.;t safe con'/oyanco. 

You '.vill if oco:";iun otr,:,;3 concbulo siich a pfovicioaal treaty at 
c'lbi ',,i;h the "n^bis pi'biccs uf uiy others, taking always care pre- 
vi'jnsly to cr,i^.iii-o /.bother they ato under any and v.hat en ■agenients 
'.■. b.b o'ba:c bbivopea.os, and disclaiming every thing conlvaiy to the 
li'c-'a'as siibi^'.-'iting botv.'cen us and them. 

Ton A.ill make it your pJicbi.r otudy to cn-i^'^ '-''"3 good in- 
el'riti :s of the Bughis .nd eadeavo^r by their means to p- lG 
S|...b:3 plants to be brou-ht to Sulu, for >.hich and you may agree to 
illow cbiem on every pla.nt tliat shall (ako root two dollars. 

AVh'.t steps to tadcG to \. ids i-b; lining- satisfaction of the Guimb. nos 
and in i-ea,-;!rd to the la,-:t contract with the sultan is loft to your dis- 
cretion as -^vcll as the di: bibiUion ol the presents. 

As thcro is a favourable prospect of a beneficial commerce tc 
b'ldu, an establishment may hereafter be found requisite. It is a poiat 
vdiich iCn :iros serious consideration v.bcre to find the ['lace more feej 
from inconveniences and best situated; you will do y, ell the, d'oro to 



136 Appendicos. 



ex.TiViinc .is particularly as possible the north end of Borneo and tlio 
port of Bja-uey. 

It is not necessary to explain to you the benefits which might 
atterd the absolute cession of some spot to us. However it is 
recommended to you to ^ive ilr. Kclsall all the informations you are 
able on this head that, in case any accident befalling you, he may bo 
capable of presocuting this important object which you are never to 
!o." sight of as it appears to be the most effectual measure to prevent 
pretensions of other powers and to secure the advantages of the Sulu 
commerce to the Company. 

In case }'oa should have any coiTOspondcnce vsith other Europeans 
re;;;ardii;g the Cempany's rights to the Sulu commerce, etc., it behoves 
you to act with the utmost circumspection that they may not be 
eosbled to take advanta'^^e of any unguarded expression, or by dis- 
covoiing all the eircum^tauees of our alliance to invalidate or call in 
que, ''on our pretensions by vamping up others of an earlier date. 

The gCiMjval rule for your conduct is to assure them that on your 
first arrival the Sulus declared fiieeiselves free from all eugageiuents 
wi'h other States and therefore to put them to the proof of their claims 
wb'r'i may be turned to advantage hereafter. 

Tou must also declare you have no au'hority for definite deter- 
m'na'.i.-; :s b;it insist on our candid intentions aiid tliat we arc determined 
to do noth'iig against our engagements. You are however to support 
'-'.'" r"-'oper decJaecaiion and all prudent steps the Conipaay's iive' ".ii'ions. 
It is ieipo. esible to foresee all cirumstances which may accrue and 
the s'eps v/luch may be Irem them necessary or expedient in the course 
of }'our voyage so that particular instruc'"on on every event is not 
po-si'h to be given. It is therefore nece-sary to rest a discretional 
power v.'ith you of acting according to the exigency of circumstances 
in ...0 manner which may be most for the public ad\': itage. 

I am. 
Sir, 

Tour most obedient Servant 
i'ort St. George, 9th June 1760. George Pigot. 



Appendix IF. 137 



Appendix :X. 
Articles of friendship aud commerce 
a-L'ccd on and settled between the English and Salus by Alexander 
O-.lrymnlo Esq. on the part of the United Compojiy of Mcrch;\nts of 
"ngirnd Trailin;^ to the East Indies aiid Sultan llahomed Moio 
Din, son of Sultan Bodarud Din for hiaioolf and successors this 
2Sth January 17(J1. 
Ist. The English shall have loavo to choose a proper spot of ground 
for a factoiy and .'^nnlens and the Sultan engages to secure to 
them in the perpetual and unmolc-led pob.ici-sion. 
?.:i'l. The /'Vjglish in all disputes or litigious affairs between each 
other shall be adjudged by their own laws only. But all the 
rfiairs 'viliere the Sulus and l^nglis'i are jointly concerned' 
s'liLiU be determined by the Sultan in conjunctiou with the 
English Chief. 
:!ifi. The English shall have lilerLy to employ in their service any 
of the natives of Sulu — n-nl such whilst they continue 
servants shall be subject to punishment from the English Chief, 
but not to be put to death v.ithout a council with the Sultan. 
4th. If any Chinese or other trade. men should clioose to settle 
under the Eoglish jurisdicfion they shall bare leave to do so 
and be granted sufficient ground for tlioir baliitition and shall 
lie cor.sidered as subjects only to the English. 
.5th. If the English are inelimd to have plantations they shall have 
E-ivc to purchase ground and cultivate on it what they please 
and be secured in the safe possession of their property. 
6th. The English shall have a free trade with all parts of the Sultan's 
doi n'nions and at Sulu without paying ;',ny custom or duty 
eACcpt any ni tides the Sultan may pi .'libit aud .such if brought 
shall not bo landed thougli the ships shall not on any account be 
sC'iM'iihed. If such goods be ^■.•ithin the factory the Suit;:': 'lall 
apply to the Chii.'f for their delivery, but wi;' jut the faciury 
tbej'' may be sei/;ed. 
7th. Xo person belonging to the English shall bo admitted to a 
coiLirneree without the consent and n[ipreil'ation of the Chief 
aud having previously assen!:dto those articles o\i\ the Chief's 
jurisdiction. 
Cih, TheEii'^lish shall be assistant to the 'miIus if attacked and the 
to protect the English from all enemies. 



loS Appendices. 



9th. The Snltiin engages to admit no other Ivnvopcius but tlie 

English to ^iij trade ia his dominions. 
10th. In case any vessel is lost ia the Sultan's dominions and, any 

part of the vessel or cargo is saved by the GuUr.a t'.,'o-iliirds 

shall '}e returned to the owners and one-chird shall be the 

Pultan's for salvage. 
Uch. If auy thieves are killed by the English it shall not bo of any 

account. 
l:;t'i. I'loso articles to rt:;i\:un in force for ever if ■'::'tificd by the 

Company, but if not approved, three yeais are allov.'ed to eeilie 

otheis till v.bciJ tiiGse shall continue in force. 



Articles of an alliance offensive and defensive^) 

mutually and recipioea.Uy agreed to between I'.is ^lajesty rcmaieo 

All' Liudin, King of the Island of Sulu and the Dependencies ■':eLCof, 

rnd his son Prince Israel on the one par';, and Dawsoane Drr.ke Vy[. 

Fresii' ;!it ^'nl Deputy Governor of the PbilipjMiie Islands and the rest 

of tlio Council thereof on behalf of the Kunourablo United Cciiipany 

of I'''_ichants of ilrigland Trading to the V'lst Indies on t' o o'lier p l'l 

Ax'c. 1. The King of Sulu and his son, Prince Im.'s;!, f :'mselve3 

and their successors for over cede to the Honoui e United 

^'oaipany of Jlei'cbants of ELigiand Trading to the Jest Liilies 

, 'oh part or parts of the islend of Sulu or of the toiritorios 

t' :ieon dc;. indent as t'ley may choose to erect ferh,, or 

b'eiories upon and they will assi^^t the English as eincb as is 

in their pos.er. 

.irt. 2. The King of Sulu or his on, Prince Israel, shall have the 

government of the bingdom in the same absolute manner as 

their predecessors have had, the English shall net encroach 

on their- prerogatives, the customs rsul rel'sion of the cousitiy 

sbrdl remain as at present nor shall tb . igliob iiter- ,s Idle 

therein. 

Art. o. In case the Englisli should erect forts or factories in the 

king's dominions 'iid any of the subjects of Gulu slio'dd 

commit a murder en the person of an Englishman or of any 

of your servants or others belo- dng to any such forts or 



I'pli i.y 1763. 



Appoiulix nr. — Appendix IV. 139 



factories, tho king f.'nall cause siic'i murderer to le panislisd 
with death, and iu case tho ^.Lilays or others, subj' c's of the 
Paid king f_,'nouM -luai'oi'or rob any person or persons I; ;Ionging 
to iho S'l.id forts or factories ihey shall bo puni;.:'"iod accoLiiing 
I;o uio iialtiro oc t'no cvimo r.nd in Ji^muU of Uio Kiiij^^'s causing 
such punishment to he i/iiJictcd the I'aiglish should be at 
liboity to ri-ht themselves. 

Avi\ •!-. The King and F'inco of Sula fii'ly confirm in every respect 
i:bo 'I'i-e: ly of Commerce p^ieod to bct.voea Alexander Dab'^ oiplo 
!'^,:il. on '.he part of the Honourable United English East I .'i a 
Company and Snlian Bantilen on ibo part of the flnlnr-.rq. 

Ad. 5. The Ki3g and Prince of Sulu for thobiselves and their siccoscors 
grait to IJie Engli^jh an erc'n-ive leco \c.?.6o in ;'ll their 
dominions, thoy alone sbdl be exempted fj;om all di>:i;s and 
their goods v, !iel:ber imported or the proclueo of t'le coLintry 
sbell pr-;3 f:o or fic 'he foiis aad factories vii'iout exam'U:\l.ion 
or co'itrol. 

Ai.t. 6. If the Vlng of Subr -lnuild be att:;ckGd the E.i:'i::h slv-ai assist 
hiiii with such force as the situation of their affairs ^viil admit. 
If c'le English in case of their continuance at Manila or at 
any of-.her pb'.oe should" vei|iiii-o the avistance of i:'ie Siiluans' 
Lho King shall grn "-t ':h.:in such a nueiber of men o.s he can 
spare and the enemies of the one shall be cons'-'cicd as 
enemies of the other. 



Appand.i ^ i /". 

:Vlexander Dalrymp'e's Transb ioni) of Sultan Alsau Din's 
Cessioii of Palawan, etr. 19. September 1763. 

I Sulfan M hom.d Almu Din who govcia this siegdoni of Sulu 
having been inforr:.d by 'r. D.iluynpic tha.t he lied somevhat to 
commuoicate to me in preseace of my counsell'rs in regard to Hjo 
treaty made v/iili the ileeeasod Sultan ^[ahomed .loio I'jiii about las 
liaviug requested the island of BaLunbiagan as a place for tr?^<3 aad 
for building and repairing ships and for ma'cing a fort for its de.inco 
.and the said deceased Sultan h-' !o.g given the said ishael of P^'a.mb,. ig-n 
fo iho Comp. :.y of I'^iigla aad promised otlicrs bc-ide if the other 

') Origlial in Spaai-h. 



140 Appendices. 



should ^^i-:Jl and ask for them and in viitue of tbo said promise llr. 
ralrymple brgs tho part of Pahiwau from the poiut of Caracepaaa to 
the point of Boolociahuyaa and on the Borneo side from the point of 
Sampang'raji;i,io to tho point of Socpcolac to prevent all other European 
nations from passing or coming \Yithout the license of the said Company, 
which islands I give to the sn.id Company on condition that those 
who arc auticutly my vassals and tributaries and while people who 
m,;y come as ambassadors or for other purposes directly to this kingdom 
hhall on no account be impeded, and this donation is in tosiimony of 
our true friendship to the Eritish nation so that from this time for 
ever these lands do belong to the said Company of England; and in 
witness thereof I give this signed with my name and^the names of 
1 ._, counsellors and seidcd with my seal. 



/l?xander Daliymple's Translation^) of Sultan Almn Din's 
Cession of Territories on North Borneo, etc. 
29 June 1764. 
I Sural ilahomed Almu Din, son of Sultan Mahomed Badarod 
Bio, who govern this iskrml of Sulu and all its dominions do acknowledge 
to have £old to the English Company my right to the part of Borneo 
iiOiu Tov,-.ra Abai to Kimnnis, the island of Palawan and all the other 
is'; ads to the northward of Borneo; ir retuin for the benefits I have 
rtcGived from the said Company, I give up to them all my pretensions 
and r'^hts and those of my successors to these lands and i lands and 
all th.it belong to them and ratify to the Company the fall possession, 
of Balamh.ingaa; tho said Company may give the government of these 
laods and isla.nds to any of my sons and relations if the said Company 
think proper. In testimony of tho truth of these decrees and agreements 
I have hereunto put my name , aud affixed my se.l to show all ages 
the rights of the said Company and I request all my friends and order 
ri.l comma id all my vassals in the said lands and islands that they 
do conform to this declaration of my will and pleasure. 



') Of.Ja:\\ in Spanish. 



■J- 



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=) In llio Estate and Wills Branch. 
WP.li, Tlio cily relations of Enjland with Ejri.co. 10 



M(5 Maps and Clinrts. 



H^lvas Civil Servants'): Vols. I k lA. 

Marine Records: Journals: Julia, Trumli:-!, Borneo, Paudicr, I'/hvnrd k Dudley, P, 'nucl 
& Anna, Recovery, Thistleworth, Princess Amelia, Tiince of AVaVs, Walpole, 
Noptrne, Scvoi-n, Cnl:hL-ter, Porto Bello, Onslow, Prince Kdward, Dijla\>aic, Pitt, 
l''-i-lc, Syren. 

Treaties: Vol. 1, 2, -i, 8, 10. 

Dutch Records A.: No. I, 9, 15—19. 

The French in India: No. 12. 

b) lu the Public Record Office. 

State Papers Foreign: noilmd Xo. 501--::00. Spain No. 165—172. ^ 

Foreign Entry Books: EolLmd No. SO. 



I ''a;3 v:a>l O^ :^a^3. 

a) Maps. 

Map of Borneo constructed princii'ally fiooi that of Baron Melville de Carnbco aiid 

the unpublished Admirality Surveys, is ie,-,pcclfally insojibed by Augustus Petermaain. 

Scale about Sd'/^ naut. miles: 1 inch. March 1st, 1851. 

Sulu Archipelago and the North East Co st of Borneo. Admiralty CharN Scale 

1,730,000. 1882 and 1888. 
^Talay, or East India Aichiijclago. By W. Shaw. I,ondon and rivarijoul ISSS. 
ijbersichtskarte von Niederlandisch Indien. Solir-Bep-jIiaus. 1 : 13,000;000. Ib04. 

b) AJ.exaniler Dalrymple's Charts. 

The Sulu Archipelago. By A. Dalrycnle. 1761 — 1704. 

Felicia, Balambangan and North Borneo. By A. DalrjTnple. 1770. 

^tapa de Las Yslas Philippinas, po rcl P. M. Velarde (1744). 1791. 

Coast of Borneo making the west side of the Strait of Mao s:,ar, with the track 

of the -.Brid-owa.tcr. by S. Maodoiiald (17CS). 1795. 
Balambangan Island. 1704. 

North Harbour at Balambangan. By A. P Iryroole (1703 & 1701). 1785. 
Plans of the North Harbour and Settlement of Balambangan. 17S8. 
Port and River of Borneo. 1779. 
The River of Borneo Proper. Ijv W. i'Aton, with a view of Borooo town from 

the English lao'y.y. 1787. 



^) In the Political Dep- raent 



Von der pMlosophischen Fakultat auf Antrag des Herm Prof. Dr. Woker a 
genoinmen. 

Bern, den 10. Februar 1922. 

Der Dekan: 

Prof. Dr. K. jaberg. 



if. 



14 






♦; 



'vA-:452, 













Acquired by Exchange 



I 



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