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Full text of "The life of Ferdinand Magellan and the first circumnavigation of the globe : 1480-1521"

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McKEW PARR COLLECTION 




MAGELLAN 

and the AGE of DISCOVERY 




PRESENTED TO 

BRANDEIS UNIVERSITY • 1961 




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\ PUBLISHERS' NOTE. 

Only fifty copies of this Edition on hand-made paper have 
been printed, of which this copy is 



No. 



^Z*^/-v. 



ZTbe IKIlorlb'0 Great lEyplorers 
ant> Bjplorations, 

Edited by J. Scott Keltie, Librarian, Royal Geographical Society ; 
H. J. Mackinder, M.A., Reader in Geography at the University 
of Oxford; and E. G. Ravenstein, F.R.G.S. 



FEEDINAND MAGELLAN. 




FERDINAND MAGELLAN. 



{From a portrait in the Versailles Collection). 



THE LIFE OF 

FERDINAND MAGELLAN 

AND THE 

FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 
1480 — 1 52 1. 



F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.A., M.D., Cantab. 

LATE LECTURER IN GEOGRAPHY AT THE UNIVERSITY 
OF CAMBRIDGE. 



T.ONDON; 
GEORGE PHILIP & SON, 32 FLEET STREET; 

LIVERPOOL : 45 to 51 SOUTH CASTLE STREET. 
i8qi. 



PREFACE. 



It is a curious circumstance that, while the world is 
year by year presented with biographies of persons who 
cannot lay claim to a tithe of the renown so justly 
accorded to Magellan, no life of the great circumnavi- 
gator has yet been written in English, or indeed — if 
we make one exception — in any other language. The 
exception is Sni\ Diego de Barros Arana's Vida y 
Viages de Hernando de Magallanes, which in 1881 was 
translated into Portuguese by Snr. F. de Magalhaes 
Villas- Boas, with the addition of an original appendix. 
This work, although accurate, does not aim at detail, 
and Magellan's early life in India under Almeida and 
Albuquerque is dismissed in five pages. Students de- 
sirous of a further knowledge are forced to gather it as 
best they can from the pages of Navarrete, or to tread 
the thorny paths of the old chronicles and the docu- 
ments of the Torre do Tombo and Simancas. 

Under these circumstances I have been led to depart 
somewhat from the plan upon which this series was 
instituted. While striving to offer the present volume 
in such guise as may not be unacceptable to the general 



viii PREFACE. 

reader, I have thought it advisable to treat my subject 
as thoroughly as it deserves, or, more accurately, as 
thoroughly as space permits me. I have, therefore, 
sacrificed some of the trivial details of the voyage as 
related by Pigafetta and others, which are accessible to 
the English reader in Lord Stanley of Alderley's " First 
Voyage round the World," and endeavoured not only to 
render the account of Magellan's earlier life as complete 
as possible, but to leave no detail of the more important 
questions and difiiculties unconsidered. The solution of 
the latter has not always been an easy task, and has 
necessitated the perusal of a much larger mass of mate- 
rial than, from the size of the present volume, might be 
inferred. In the ensuing pages I have given my autho- 
rities — wherever it seemed necessary — together with 
the discussion of all points of a technical nature, in the 
footnotes. In consulting the old Spanish documents 
relating to the subject, I have come across much of 
interest which want of space has prevented me from 
using. I can only trust that I may not be considered 
to have made a wrong selection. 

F. H. H. G. 

Cambeidgb, September 1890. 



CONTENTS. 



OHAP. PAGE 

I. INTRODUCTORY I 

II. EARLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE . , I? 

III. SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE AND IN MOROCCO — 

DENATURALISATION 53 

IV. MAGELLAN'S PROJECT AND ITS ADOPTION BY 

CHARLES V 87 

V. PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE . . .no 

VI. THE LAST VOYAGE. I. SOUTH-EAST AMERICA AND 

THE MUTINY IN PORT ST. JULIAN . . . I42 

VII. THE LAST VOYAGE. IL THE DISCOVERY OF THE 



STRAIT 



VIII. THE LAST VOYAGE. III. THE PASSAGE OP THE STRAIT 1 99 
IX. THE LAST VOYAGE. IV. THE LADRONES AND THE 

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS 2l8 

X. THE LAST VOYAGE. V. BATTLE OF MACTAN AND 

DEATH OF MAGELLAN 246 

XI. THE LAST VOYAGE. VI. ARRIVAL AT THE MOLUCCAS 

AND RETURN TO SPAIN ..... 262 
XII. THE LAST VOYAGE. VII. THE FATE OP THE 

"TRINIDAD" 298 

APPENDICES :— 

I. GENEALOGY OF THE FAMILIES OP MAGELLAN AND 
BARBOSA 

II. Magellan's wills ..... 

III. PERSONNEL OF MAGELLAN'S ARMADA . 

IV. STORES AND EQUIPMENT OP THE FLEET 
V. THE FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATORS OF THE GLOBE 

INDEX 



316 
326 



341 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



1. Portrait of Magellan . • • • 

2. Coat-of-Arms and Autograph of Magellan 

3. Tower of Belem 

4. Portrait of Albuquerque . 

5. Malacca (/rom Corrm). 

6. Lisbon Harbour (from De Bry) 

7. Native op Patagonia ^ . 

8. Cape Virgins 

9. Port Famine, Magellan's Strait 

10. Magellan passing his Strait (from De Bry) 

11. Admiralty Sound, Magellan's Strait 

12. A Scene in Sebu 

1 3. Monument to Magellan in Mactan . 

14. The Citt op Brunei . • • 

15. TiDOR Volcano FROM Tern ate . 

16. Coat-of-Arms and Autograph of Del Cano 

17. Statue of Del Cano 



Frontispiece 

p. 21 

to face page 32 

62 

to face page 120 
180 
p. 201 
p. 207 
to face page 210 
p. 214 
to face page 236 
p. 255 
to face page 270 
278 
p. 308 

r- 309 



1 For this illustration the PubUshers arc indebted to the kindnes. of the 
South American Missionary Society. 



LIST OF MAPS. 



MAPS IN TEXT. 

1. The East Coast of Patagonia 

2. TiERA DE Patagones {Ribero) . 

3. The Soxh'hebn Ladbone Islands 

4. The Moluccas 

5. TiMOB AND FlORES ISLANDS . 

COLOURED MAPS. 



P- 157 
•p. 160 
p. 224 
p. 276 
jp. 290 



I. Portuguese Dominions in the East Indies to face page 34 
II. Map Illustrating the Track op Magellan's Fleet „ 142 



III. Magellan's Strait .... 

IV. The Philippine and Molucca Islands 



199 
226 



TO ILLUSTRATE THE PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY 
IN THE NE W WORLD. 

V. Behaim's Globe of 1492 

VI. Hydbographia Portuguesa, 1 504-1 5 13 

VII. RcYSCH's Mappamundi, 1507 . . '. at end of Volume. 

Leonardo da Vinci's America, i 5 i 5 

The Hauslab Globe, 15 . .? 

Schoner's First Globe, 1515 . .1 

„ .. , „ I to face pant 192 

Schoners Globe OF 1520 . . ) 

X. Schoner's Globe of 1523 . . . \ 

_^ ,. , ,. \ at end of Volume. 

XI. DiOGo Ribero s Mappamundi, 1529 . ) 



LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 



CHAPTER I. 

INTRODUCTORY. 

Ere we begin the story of Magellan's life, we must 
consider for a moment the condition of geographical 
knowledge at the time when he first appeared upon the 
world's stage as an explorer. Himself destined to im- 
mortality, a chapter-writer in the history of the world, 
the First Circumnavigator, he witnessed in his lifetime 
the three most distinguished deeds of geographical dis- 
covery—the rounding of the Cape by Bartholomew Diaz, 
the first voyage to India by Vasco da Gama, and the 
discovery of America by Columbus. It is remarkable 
that all these, together with his own great voyage, 
should have occurred within the limits of so short a 
period, but that they were the natural outcome of pre- 
ceding work is evident enough if we glance at the 
history of the Peninsula during the fifteenth century. 

As in most sciences, so in geography, a great dis- 
covery is rarely sudden. It is foreshadowed and led 
up to by a train of minor facts wdnch are for the most 
part lost sight of in the eclat of the greater. Had we 
to assign a definite date to the commencement of the 



2 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 

Renascence in geography, it should, perhaps, be placed at 
the period when Prince Henry the Navigator, removing 
from the court, gave himself heart and soul to the adding 
of new lands to the crown of Portugal. But even before 
his time some part of the African seaboard had been 
coasted — the end of the clue grasped which, when 
followed up, was to lead those who held it to India, the 
Moluccas, and Cathay. 

If we turn to the map and consider the geogi'aphical 
position of the Peninsula, and to the pages of history 
and make ourselves acquainted with the events preced- 
ing the culmination pei-iod just mentioned, we realise 
how inevitable was it that the deeds of exploration and 
conquest which made Spain and Portugal the greatest 
countries in the world should have been undertaken 
and carried out by them. Hardly less easy, too, would 
have been the prediction of their rapid effeteness and 
downfall, but with this we have nothing to do. In the 
present volume we are concerned only with their rise, 
and though this was brought about by the coincidence 
of many factors, it is probable that the most permanent 
of them, namely geographical position, was the strongest 
determinant of the result. With the Portuguese this 
was especially the case. Hemmed in on the landward 
side by a power with whom it was useless at that time 
to cross swords, the sea was manifestly their metier. 
Their long coast-line, their good harbours, and the 
broad Atlantic, made them perforce a race of sailors. 
Yet they had no Mediterranean, as had the Spaniards, 
to set natural bounds and limits to their voyages. 
Almost within sight, and, as it were, in their own waters, 
lay the shoulder of the vast continent of Africa, tempt- 
inc: them onwards with its unbroken coast-line. It 



INTRODUCTORY. 3 

was a period, moreover, when expansion and commercial 
activity were inevitable. The centuries of Moorish 
oppression had ended, Not only had the Portuguese 
driven their former masters from the country, but they 
were pushing them hard in Morocco itself. The desire 
of conquest had been aroused in them, and the advent 
of Prince Henry was the final term in a series of events 
which led them, a few years later, to become so great a 
maritime nation that no one can read their history with- 
out wonder and admiration. 

Prince Henry, then, was the true mainspring of 
Portuguese activity at the time of which we speak. 
His whole life was given up to the encouragement of 
discovery and navigation. Renouncing the pleasures 
of court, he remained in almost complete retirement 
at Cape St. Vincent, in the constant companionship of 
those learned in cosmography and kindred sciences. At 
this date the Canaries had long been known. Bethen- 
court had conquered them, and Spain and Portugal had 
squabbled over them, as indeed was their wont upon 
the occasion of each fresh discovery. Their trade was 
making itself felt at Seville, and Prince Henry doubtless 
had it in mind when he fitted out his first expedition. 
Cape Non — " the impassable " — had at length been 
passed. Cape Bojador, however, though scarcely beyond 
the Canaries, was the furthest southern point then 
reached by European ships, and it was with the inten- 
tion of doubling it that the Prince, in the year 141 8, 
despatched Zargo and Tristao Vaz in a single ship with 
orders to carry their explorations as far southwards as 
was possible. They met with the happiest of failures. 
Driven out of their course by a gale, they sighted an 
unexpected island in mid-Atlantic, and from Porto 



4 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 

Santo — thus named from the welcome shelter it afforded 
them — Madeira revealed itself as a matter of course. 
The settlement and administration of the latter turned 
attention for some time from the west coast of Africa, 
and it was not until 1432 that Gil Yanez finally succeeded 
in passing Cape Bojador. 

Year by year, little by little, the coast thus became 
known and charted. Hitherto, as each promontory was 
rounded, some other beyond it was deemed to be im- 
passable. Now, as they approached the equator, the 
old fables of the impossibility of existence beneath its 
heats were retold, and this difficulty appeared more 
formidable than any previously encountered. Never- 
theless, the navigators pressed onwards. Expeditions 
left Portugal nearly every year, and the leader of each 
was able to add his quota of discovery to the work of 
his predecessor. In 1446 Diniz Fernandez reached 
Cape Verde, and in the following year Nuno Tiistao 
passed it and met his death at the hands of the natives 
beyond the Gambia. Despite the early Spanish settlement 
of the Canaries, and certain occasional voyages of the 
Dieppe caravels, the Portuguese so thoroughly identified 
themselves with the work of exploration on the African 
coast that their claims were recognised by the Pope, 
and a grant was made to the crown of Portugal of all 
lands then and at any future time to be discovered which 
lay between Cape Non and India. 

Hard as he had worked in the cause. Prince Henry 
was destined to see no world-renowned exploit or sub- 
stantial benefit result from his efforts. At his death, 
indeed, no one had yet reached the equator, and ten 
years or more elapsed before it was actually crossed. 
With him perished, for the moment, the interest in 



INTRODUCTORY. 5 

geographical exploration which he had aroused. Bvit it 
was only for the moment, for Joao II. proved well-nigh 
as ardent an advocate and supporter of the cause as 
Henry, and under his rule the Portuguese passed through 
the comparative stage of their fame as navigators and 
discoverers, to reach its culminating term in the reign of 
his successor, Dom Manoel. 

Joao, although not fated to witness the conquest of 
India and the mastery of the spice trade, saw two of the 
four great geographical events of history, and was him- 
self the instigator of one of them. The third, and 
greatest, lay within his grasp, but he failed to seize the 
opportunity. When Columbus expounded his views 
before the king's junta of geographers they were laughed 
at as impossible, and he was called a boasting Itahan. 
But it must be remembered that Joao sneered in good 
company — for Henry VII., to whom Columbus also 
applied, held the same opinion — and even if he were 
not gifted enough to foresee the discovery of America, 
he was at least thoroughly alive to the importance of 
following up the work already begun upon the coast of 
Africa. To this he turned his whole attention. More- 
over, as we shall see, he had a definite plan in so doing. 

The progress made was rapid enough. In 1484 Diogo 
Cao discovered the mouth of the Congo, and pushed 
on till he reached a river in the neighbourhood of the 
Tropic of Capricorn. Settlements were established upon 
the Guinea Coast, and trade encouraged in many places, 
but these were not the limits of Joao's aims. His com- 
mercial horizon lay beyond the ivory and palm-oil of the 
West Coast, and held within its boundaries the spices 
of the Indies. The procuring of information concerning 
these far distant countries and their products was at 



6 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 

that time no easy matter. To obtain it Joao despatched 
two trusty envoys, Pedro de Covilhao and Affonso de 
Payva, to the kingdom of Prester John. 

On the extended wanderings of these two travellers 
we need not dwell. There being no Prester John, and 
therefore, demonstrably, no kingdom belonging to him, 
it is needless to say that they never attained their des- 
tination. But they got to Abyssinia — in those days 
accounted much the same thing — and Covilhao was 
sufficiently fortunate and adventurous to reach Goa and 
Calicut. Payva died in Cairo, and Covilhao remained a 
prisoner in the hands of the Abyssinians, but he was 
able on more than one occasion to send letters to his 
sovereign. They contained accounts of the cities he had 
visited in India and of their trade, together with important 
information concerning the route thither. The southern 
promontory of Africa, he wrote, could be rounded with- 
out fear, and, once at Sofala, the course across the 
Indian Ocean to the shores of Hindostan was easy. All 
this information, however, came too late. By the time 
it reached Portugal the task had already been accom- 
plished. 

It would serve no purpose to discuss here the authen- 
ticity of the doubling of the Cape of Good Hope by the 
ancients. It is sufficient to say that there is a pro- 
bability of such a feat having been really accomplished, 
but the evidence is so brief, and the date of its supposed 
occurrence so far distant, that the credit attaching to 
Bartholomew Diaz as the first person to perform the 
exploit in modern times is in no way touched by it. 
Diogo Cao's discovery of the Congo and Angola led him 
far down the coast. Indeed, as we have seen, he pene- 
trated so far south as nearly to pass beyond the Tropic. 



INTRODUCTORY. 7 

Thence to the Cape is no great distance, and two years 
later Dom Joao sent Diaz on the expedition which 
brought it to the actual knowledge of the Portuguese, 
and rendered its discoverer's name imperishable. The 
voyage was performed with extraordinary rapidity ; but 
having once rounded the Cape, Diaz preferred to bring 
home the intelligence of his success with all speed rather 
than press his explorations further. The furthest point 
reached by him was that now known as Algoa Bay. 
From the violent gales experienced Diaz named his dis- 
covery the Cape of Storms (Cabo Tormentoso), but Dom 
Joao refused, for obvious reasons, to adopt his nomencla- 
ture. As the finger-post of the route to India it was 
worthy of a more auspicious title, and at his order it 
became the Cape of Good Hope. 

It is difficult to explain why, after this success, no 
further action should have been taken for so long a 
period. Possibly the discovery of Columbus had not a 
little to do with it, for the effect of his news was to 
direct all eyes westward. Joao's reign, moreover, was 
drawing to a close. Whatever may have been the 
cause, ten years passed ere the Cape was again sighted 
by European ships. This time the Portuguese pushed 
far beyond it, and in May, 1498, Gama anchored his 
ships in Indian waters. 

The Cape once rounded, the attaining of India was 
found an easy matter, as Covilhao had written ; and 
Vasco da Gama secured immortality upon terms as easy, 
perhaps, as any ever granted, either before or since. 
Guided by the pilot who had accompanied Bartholomew 
Diaz, he reached and named Natal on Christmas Day, 
1497. Keeping northwards along the coast he arrived 
at Melinda. From this place — and indeed from many 



8 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 

others on the east coast of Africa — a long-established 
trade existed across the Indian Ocean to the Malabar 
coast, and Gama found no difficulty in obtaining an Arab 
pilot experienced in the navigation of those seas to bring 
him to Calicut. At the cost of Httle danger and less 
trouble he fovmd himself famous. When Camoens sang 
his deeds his fame became immortal. 

The reign of Dom Manoel, in which the " discovery 
period " of history, as we may term it, reached its 
height, was well inaugurated by Vasco da Gama's 
exploit. The results of the voyage became almost im- 
mediately apparent. Gama found the trade of the East 
entirely in the hands of the Arabs, The produce of 
Malaysia and the China seas found its way, as it does 
now, through the Straits of Malacca. Upon this city 
all western- directed lines of trade converged, and there 
the Arabs met, ordered, and controlled it. On both sides 
of the Indian Ocean alike they, and they alone, were 
the merchants through whose hands the exports of the 
different countries passed. Finally, everything, whether 
ivor}' from Africa, silks from India and Cathay, or the 
yet more coveted spices of the Malay Islands, entered 
Europe by way of the Eed Sea and Egypt, or — though 
to a very much less degree — by the Persian Gulf. It 
was evident from the very moment of Gama's success that 
a great struggle was impending — the struggle between 
the Portuguese and Arabs for supremacy in the East. 

We must here leave our sketch of the gradual advance 
of the Portuguese upon the Eastern gate of the Pacific. 
How they reached and passed it we shall presently see. 
In the ensuing chapters the story of the estabhshment 
of Lusitanian rule in the Indies is dwelt upon more 
fully, for Magellan served for seven years under the 



INTRODUCTORY. 9 

two great Viceroys, Almeida and Albuquerque, and the 
history of his life at this period is but the history of the 
period itself. But before we commence it we will pass 
for a moment to the other side of the Pacific. 

Five years before Yasco da Gama's exploit, Columbus 
sailed upon his first great voyage, and returned as the 
discoverer of the West Indies. We know with what 
enthusiasm the exploration of the l!^ew World was 
carried out, and how expedition after expedition sailed 
in search of its riches. The track followed, however, 
was in almost every case influenced by that of the great 
admiral himself, and it was Central, not South America, 
which became earliest known. Nevertheless, in those 
days, when men were possessed with a hunger for ex- 
ploration — or for the results of it — so fierce and insa- 
tiable that to our cool nineteenth -century eyes they 
appear hardly other than madmen, Brazil at least was 
not likely to remain long undiscovered. Nor did it. 
Vicente Yanez Pinzon, one of the captains of Columbus 
in his first voyage, led the van, and in 1499 carried out 
an extended reconnaissance of the northern shores of 
South America, and viewed the coast as far south as 
lat. 8°, where Pernambuco now stands. Hardly three 
months later mere chance led the Portuguese to nearly 
the same spot. Cabral, in command of the outward- 
bound Indian fleet, who had kept a more westerly course 
than usual in his passage down the Atlantic, was driven 
still further towards America by stress of weather, and 
woke on the morning of the 22nd February, 1500, to find 
a vast, and to him unknown, continent under his lee. 
The work he had in hand did not permit him properly 
to explore it, and he was forced to leave his discovery 
to be followed up by others. 



10 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 

If we compare the time occupied in the tracing of 
the coast-line of the two opposite shores of Africa and 
South America the difference is astonishing. While 
the Portuguese took innumerable expeditions and a 
hundred years to double the Cape, the neighbourhood of 
the Strait of Magellan was reached in less than a decade 
by the work of a bare half-dozen of explorers. We need 
not enter into the consideration of Vespucci's voyages 
on this coast, concerning which much controversial ink 
has been shed, but will confine ourselves to surer 
ground. With the advent of the sixteenth century the 
knowledge of this part of the world advanced by leaps 
and bounds. Almost contemporaneously with Cabral's 
accidental visit, Diego de Lepe was taking up Pinzon's 
work, and pushing still further to the south. But the 
name of the latter, together with that of Juan de Solis, 
must ever remain most linked with the history of South 
American discovery. In 1508 these two navigators 
visited the Rio Negro in lat. 41° S., working beyond 
the Rio de la Plata, which was yet un visited. Indeed, 
a great peculiarity in the mapping out of this coast was 
the fact that its most distant parts became earlier known 
than those nearer home. We shall have, later, to con- 
sider the voyages of Gonzalo Coelho and Christovao 
Jaques, It is sufficient here to say that they were 
undertaken in 1501 and 1503, and that they made 
known to Europeans the coast of Patagonia, if not to 
the Strait of Magellan itself, at least to some point at 
no very great distance from it. 

So much for the approaches of the Pacific. The 
existence of that ocean itself, or rather the existence of 
a sea of some description upon the other side of Central 
America, was known to Columbus in 1503 from the 



INTRODUCTORY. U 

accounts of the natives of that region, but, as we all 
know, he never reached its shores. It was the happy 
fate of Yasco Kuuez de Balboa first to view it, and, 
sword in hand, to march into its waters and claim them 
and the unknown lands they laved for the crown of 
Castile. Ten years, however, had meanwhile intervened, 
and discovery had marched with such giant strides that 
the question of ownership of the new countries, of their 
boundary lines, and other kindred matters, which for a 
long time past had been exercising the minds of monarchs 
and cosmographers alike, became yet more complicated. 
For a period of nearly fifty years the two great maritime 
nations of the world were engaged not only in finding 
out new lands but in squabbling over them when 
found. 

The Hispano-Portuguese difficulty, as we may term 
it, was so intimately connected with Magellan's work 
that an account of his life would be incomplete without 
some reference to its leading features. It was histori- 
cally expressed by four great facts : the Bull of Pope 
Alexander YI. in 1493; the TordesUlas Agreement of 
the following year; the Badajoz Junta of 1524; and 
the Cession of the Moluccas in 1529. A lengthy con- 
sideration of these would be impossible here, but to 
comprehend the action of Magellan and others at this 
period a rough outline of the political results of the 
wonderful discoveries which electrified Europe at the 
beginning of the sixteenth century is necessary. 

The first differences between the two countries arose 
in 147 1 concerning the right of ownership of the gold 
mines on the coast of Guinea, but they soon passed 
over. The discoveries of Columbus, however, immedi- 
ately renewed them. It was at once realised that vast 



12 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 

possibilities lay open to the European world — countries 
of unknown extent and riches, and of easy access, having 
the additional advantage of being peopled by mild and 
well-disposed natives. It was not likely that the Por- 
tuguese would submit without protest to the annexation 
of these by the sister power. The Pacific was unknown, 
or at least only considered as a part of Ptolemy's Sinus 
Magnus, and they regarded, or pretended to regard, the 
Spaniards as poaching in their waters. It fell to the 
spiritual head to settle matters. At that time Alexander 
VI., the father of Cesar and Lucrezia Borgia, and a 
native of Valencia, was Pope, and his sympathies were 
of course in favour of Spain. Portugal, as the greatest 
maritime power of the Roman Catholic world, was never- 
theless not to be ignored. Accordingly, on the 4th May, 
1493, a Bull was promulgated which divided the world 
into two halves — giving to Spain the Western Hemi- 
sphere, and to Portugal the Eastern. The Hne of de- 
marcation was drawn from pole to pole, passing 100 
leagues to the west of the Azores and Cape Verde 
Islands.^ 

So far as Spain and Portugal were concerned this 
arrangement was an equitable one. Roughly speaking, 
the line thus drawn passed north and south through 
mid- Atlantic, and gave to each Power the countries they 
had been concerned in discovering. Had it remained 
unaltered, the whole of America would have fallen to 
Spain, and Malaysia, Papua, and even Australia to 
Portugal. But it did not, for from the moment of its 

1 " Quae linea distet a qualibet insularum quaa vulgariter nuncupan- 
tur de los Azores et Cabo Verde centum leucas versus Occidentem." 
This lack of exactness concerning its position was one of the chief 
sources of dispute at the Badajoz Junta in 1524. 



INTRODUCTORY. 13 

pubKcation the latter Power remonstrated, fearing — 
although at the time nothing was of course known — 
that no share of the riches of the New "World would 
fall to her. Dom Joao II. appealed to have the line 
shifted 300 leagues further to the west, and his appeal 
was partially heard. On the 7th June, 1494, was 
granted the Tordesillas Capitulacion, by which the raya, 
as it was termed, was fixed 370 leagues west of the 
Cape Verdes — 30 leagues short of the claim of the 
Portuguese monarch. 

Brazil was at that time undiscovered. After Pinzon 
and others had brought it to the knowledge of Europeans 
the raya was considered to fall through the western 
mouth of the Amazon in the north, while in the south 
its position was supposed to be beyond the Rio de la 
Plata. If we turn to the map we see that in the former 
case it would be in long. 50° W., in the latter in 60° or 
thereabouts — a difference of ten degrees or more. Such 
uncertainty was only to be expected at that period, 
when no proper means for estimating longitude existed. 
The very point de depart of their reckoning was vague 
to a degree. The Azores and Cape Verde Islands were 
presumed to be in the same meridian ! By the words 
of the Papal Bull, moreover, any island might be chosen 
from which to measure, so that the position of the hne 
— even had accurate instruments been available — could 
by no possibility have been fixed within several hundreds 
of miles. 

Up to this time it had only been the settlement of 
the home line of demarcation which had presented any 
features of interest to the contending parties. But with 
Magellan's voyage matters assumed quite a different 
complexion. The Moluccas, not the New "World, now 



14 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 

became the prize at which each aimed. But if the fixing 
of the Atlantic line had been a matter of dispute, it may 
be imagined that that of the Antipodes presented ten 
times greater difficulties. When the safe arrival of the 
Victoria with her cargo of cloves roused Charles V. at 
once to set about the despatch of another armada to the 
" Spicery," Dom Manoel protested. The Portuguese not 
only claimed the islands by right of discovery, for Fran- 
cisco Serrao had resided there since the fall of Malacca, 
but also asserted that they fell within their boundary — 
as, indeed, we now know to be the case. The Spaniards 
were no less confident of the justice of their claim. 
This time it was agreed that the matter should be settled 
without the intervention of Papal authority, and even- 
tually, in the spring of 1524, the celebrated Badajoz 
Junta commenced its sittings. 

Each country was represented by its Jueces de Pose- 
sion, Jueces de Propriedad, Advocates, Fiscals, and 
Secretaries, and several of the most renowned pilots 
and cartographers of the day. Juan Sebastian del Cano 
was in attendance, and Ferdinand Columbus, son of the 
admiral — both being Jueces de Propriedad. Sebastian 
Cabot, Estevao Gomes, who had so basely deserted in 
the S. Antonio, Nufio Garcia, who constructed the charts 
for Magellan's armada, and Diego Ribero, the great 
cosmographer, were also present. The meetings were 
held alternately on either side of the frontier, one day 
in Badajoz, and the next in Elvas, and thus they re- 
mained for several weeks of daily wrangling — porfiando 
terribilisimamente, as Gomara tells us. 

We need not follow these arid discussions at length. 
After two months of squabbling the Junta was dissolved. 
While in 1494 the aim of the Portuguese had been to 



INTRODUCTORY. 15 

get the dividing-line placed as much as possible to the 
west lest they should be shut out from the prospective 
benefits of the New World, it was now their object to 
insure their inclusion of the Moluccas. Unwilling to 
give up the slice of Brazil that had fallen to them, they 
were at the same time afraid that their i8o degrees 
would hardly bring them far enough eastward, and that 
the spice-trade would come into the hands of their 
opponents. Their policy, therefore, was that of obstruc- 
tion, and their object that no conclusion should be 
arrived at. In this they were partially successful. At 
the dissolution of the Junta the Spanish Jueces de Pro- 
priedad, taking the best globe, drew a line 370 leagues 
from San Antonio, the most western island of the Cape 
Yerdes, and pronounced their decision upon the bridge 
of Caya. The Portuguese could not, of course, hinder 
them from doing this, but they refused to consent to the 
adjudication, alleging that the facts were not sufficiently 
established to admit of it, and departed, threatening 
with death any Spaniard whom they should find in the 
Moluccas. 

In this state of uncertainty matters remained until 
the year 1529, when an arrangement was made between 
the two sovereigns. It was facilitated by the family 
connection then subsisting. Charles Y. had married 
Dona Isabel, sister of Dom Joao, while the latter in his 
turn had married the emperor's sister, Doiia Catalina. 
Anxious, therefore, to get rid of all sources of dispute 
between the two nations, Charles agreed to cede what he 
considered his rights for the sum of 350,000 gold ducats, 
and the Moluccas accordingly passed into Portuguese 
hands. It had been originally intended to grant a lease 
only, but from some unexplained cause, no exact period 



16 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 

was fixed, and the matter was tacitly regarded as settled. 
In 1548 the Procuradores de Cortes besought the emperor 
to recall the lease, but he refused. " At this some mar- 
velled and others grieved," says an old historian, "but 
all held their peace." 



\ 



CHAPTER II. 

EARLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 

Of the deeds of the great adventurers and explorers who 
drew their swords for Spain and Portugal at the period 
of the Renascence, the archives of those countries have a 
tolerably ample record. The Castle of Simancas contains 
a collection of documents so enormous as to be well-nigh 
beyond the possibility of order ; the archives of Seville are 
almost equally rich ; and beneath the dust of the shelves 
of the famous Torre do Tombo in Lisbon there still 
exists, despite the great earthquake, a mass of histori- 
cal papers of almost equal importance with anything that 
Spain can show. Until the end of the last century these 
treasures remained almost unknown. Now, although 
much of the greatest interest is doubtless still inedited, 
a number of them have been given to the world ; for it 
was into this Augean stable of literature that the his- 
torian Mufioz adventured himself in search of material 
for his Historia del Nuevo Mundo — a work hardly begun 
ere ended by his death. His mantle fell upon Don Martin 
Fernandez de Navarrete, and in 1837 was published the 
Coleccion de los Viages, a rich fund of historical material 
from which the student of Spanish conquest and explora- 
tion draws his chief information. 

In this work there is much concerning Magellan of 
which earlier historians had left us in ignorance ; many 

17 B 



18 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. li. 

documents, given in extenso, which provide us with 
the fullest information on certain periods of the ex- 
pedition which has stamped him as the greatest of the 
world's explorers. But they relate almost exclusively 
to the last three years of his existence. Over the earlier 
part of his career the iniquity of oblivion blindly scat- 
tereth her poppy. We know the name of the youngest 
cabin-boy who sailed with him, of the humblest sailor 
before the mast. We know how many dozen of darts 
were taken upon the voyage, and the exact number of 
fish-hooks provided. But, interesting as are even these 
minutiae, how gladly would we give our knowledge of 
them, and how much more beside, for a fuller knowledge 
of the man himself — some further scrap of information, 
however trivial, of his youth or childhood ! Of this 
period the irony of history has left us in comparative 
ignorance. The lapse of four centuries has bequeathed 
to us a singularly unequal portrait of his life, — the 
foreground startling in the clearness of its outline — the 
distance so dim and bluri'ed as to be almost indistin- 
guishable. 

Fernao de Magalhaes was born about the year 1480 — 
we do not know the precise date — at Sabrosa, near 
Chaves, in the province of Traz-os-Montes, one of the 
wildest districts of Portugal. Separated from the tamer 
seaboard province of Entre Douro e Minho by the bold 
Serra de Marao, the country presents few features of 
attraction to the ordinary traveller. Its inaccessibility, 
the roughness of the accommodation, and the lack of 
anything of interest save a certain gloomy grandeur in 
its sceneiy, do not invite a visit. Nor has its climate 
anything to offer. There is even a proverb anent it, 
to which, despite the general untrustworthiness of such 



1480.] EARLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 19 

dicta, a certain amount of truth must be allowed, '* Nove 
mezes de inverno, e tres de inferno." Situation and 
climate have been not without their effect upon the 
people, who present the characteristics that a natural 
law teaches us to look for from the co-existence of two 
such factors as mountain and isolation. Obstinate, 
gloomy, and as superstitious as Scandinavians, they are 
also, like the Scandinavians, honest and faithful to a 
degree, and possessed of all their determination and 
power of physical endurance. The waves of innova- 
tion that sweep over and change the face of a Pays- 
bas but lap the feet of a country such as this. The 
inhabitant of the Traz-os-Montes of to-day can differ 
little, if at all, from his ancestor of four hundred years 
ago. 

It could not be but that Magellan should inherit some 
of these qualities so characteristic of the land of his birth. 
It is true that he left it in his youth, and that we hear 
nothing of his return ; that his short life seems, after a 
brief period of attendance at court, to have been spent 
in a swift succession of intoxicating successes with sword 
and compass — a ceaseless medley of fighting and explora- 
tion, which can have left little time for home-thoughts, 
and none for the strengthening of home-ties and friend- 
ships. But the influence of his childhood's surroundings 
was there. As we follow his life step by step, we are 
not left long in doubt as to the character of the man. 
Its leading feature is what his enemies would term an 
overweening confidence in his own powers — an obstinacy 
without an equal. Others would name it differently. 
His faults, if faults they were, were those of strength. 
If men have been termed men of ii"on, Magellan may 
fairly be said to have been of steel. For him difficulties 



20 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. ii. 

were made only to be disregarded, dangers only to be 
despised. Through the barriers of an impossibility 
he passed confident and unmoved. With almost every 
one against him, the India House, the ambassador of the 
King of Portugal, and his own friend, he started upon 
his voyage. With a mutiny but half repressed and 
starvation imminent, he pressed southward till he found 
his long-hoped-for straits. With his captains' advice to 
the contrary ringing in his ears, he went to his death. 
The story of his life is full of such traits, and it is hard 
not to ascribe them in some measure to the influence of 
the country in which his boyhood was passed. 

Other reasons, it may be, lay in his birth ; for Magellan 
was of noble family — " of the oldest in the kingdom," 
as he himself tells us.^ There were at that pei"iod five 
grades of nobility in Portugal, to the fourth of which 
the family of Magalhaes belonged — the " fidalgos de 
cota de armas e geragao que tem insignias de nobreza " ^ 
— a rank to which we have in England no equivalent.^ 
Of those who bore it before the great navigator we 
have no such clear accoimt. Various names have been 
given by Antonio de Lima and other genealogists as 
those of his father and grandfather, but as they do not 
agree, we are forced to reject them and to fall back upon 
surer evidence. Of this there is something, though un- 
fortunately far less than we desire. In a receipt for 

1 In his will Magellan leaves his property to his brother-in-law: 
" com a obrigaQao que o dito meu cunhado ha de juntar ao brasao das 
siias armas o de Magalhaes, que e de meus avos, e por ser muito diS' 
tincto, e dos melkores e inais antigos do reino." 

2 De Barros Arana, Vida e Yiagens de F. de Magalhaes, cap. i. 
p. II. 

* This coat-of-arms we know. On a field argent three bars cheeky, 
gules and argent ; the crest an eagle, wings displayed. 




COAT-OF-ARMS AND AUTOGRAPH OK MAGELLAN. 



22 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. n. 

his salary as " mogo fidalgo " in the king's service,^ 
dated June 12, 151 2, Magellan describes himself as 
" filho de Pedro de Magalhaes ; " but this appears to be 
the sum total of our certain knowledge of his forbears. 
Even of his own family we know little. He seems to 
have had but one brother. We learn incidentally, from 
the mention of their names in his wills, of the existence 
of two sisters, Isabel and Thereza, who married a certain 
Joao da Silva Telles, of whom we shall hear more pre- 
sently. A shadowy Ginebra figures as a third sister- 
but her existence, at all events in that relationship, is 
doubtful. His own two children dying as infants, the 
family of Magalhaes became extinct in his father's line.^ 
The name, however, appears frequently in the old 
chroniclers at the early part of the sixteenth century. 
A certain Martin de Magalhaes accompanied the navi- 
gator in his great voyage, and the deeds of two brothers, 
Antonio and Pero Barreto de Magalhaes, who were 
doubtless members of his family, are many times re- 
corded. Both served under the first Viceroy of India, 
Don Francisco d 'Almeida, and both fell in battle — the 
former in the noble defeat of Don Lourenzo by the 
Turks under Mir Hoseyn and Mahk Jaz at Chaoul, the 
latter by the side of the Viceroy himself, when he and 
sixty-five of his men perished in a skirmish with the 
Kafirs of Saldanha Bay.^ Of yet another, Christovao 
de Magalhaes, we hear as accompanying Alfonso d' Albu- 
querque in his expedition to Ormuz ; but beyond the fact 

1 Liv. de Moradias da Casa Eeal, vi. fol. 47, v; Navarrete, Coleccion 
de los Viages, iv. p. Ixxiii. 

2 For the genealogy of the family of Magalhaes see Appendix I., 

p. 315- 

3 Damiao de Goes, Chronica de Dom Mimoel, ada parte, fols. 14, 
44, and 75. 



1480.] EARLY LIFE AND INDLYN SERVICE. 23 

that, together with many other of the Viceroy's captains, 
he was badly wounded in an engagement ^vith the Per- 
sians at Lara, we know nothing.^ 

Magellan lost his father and succeeded to the estates 
when still comparatively young, for in his first will, 
made at Belem before sailing for India under Almeida, 
we find him bequeathing the Sabrosa property, in which 
parish he owned the Quinta de Souta. He makes no 
mention of the Casa da Pereira, which, from a most 
curious and interesting document not long since brought 
to light, we know to have also belonged to him.^ In 
this — which is the will of Magellan's great nephew, 
Francisco da Silva Telles — the testator inveighs in the 
most vehement terms against Lis ancestor, ordering that 
thenceforward over his house in Sabrosa (the Casa da 
Pereira) no heir or descendant soever should restore the 
coat-of-arms of the family, " since I desire that it should 
for ever remain obliterated, as was done by order of my 
lord the king, as a punishment for the crime of Ferdi- 
nand Magellan, in that he entered the sei-vice of Castile 
to the injury of this kingdom, and went to discover new 
lands, whei'e he died in the disgrace of our king. ' ' 

To understand this, it is necessary to anticipate. 
Magellan, unable to obtain a recognition of his services 
at the hands of his sovereign, Dom Manoel, did what a 
triad of great navigators — Columbus, Cabot, and Ves- 
pucci — had already done before him, and what was at 
that period by no means unusual : he left his country 
and offered his sword to Charles V. These others have 

^ Caspar Correa, Lendas da India. Ed. da Acad. Real das Sciencias, 
torn. i. pt. ii. p. 883. 

2 This document is in the possession of Dr. A. JI. Alvares Pereira 
de Aragao, of Villa Flor, the present repre.sentative of the family of 
Magalhaes. 



2i LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. II. 

escaped with hardly a word of blame, but, owing to a 
combination of circumstances which will have presently 
to be considered, a quadruple obloquy appears to have 
fallen upon Magellan. The result we have partly seen. 
The King of Portugal, furious at the rise of Spanish 
influence in the Moluccas, commanded that the arms of 
Magellan should be erased from the gateway of his house. 
The effect of an order such as this in a remote village 
like Sabrosa may be imagined, and we can understand, 
even though we may not be able to forgive, the animus 
of Magellan's heir. We know that no man is a prophet 
in his own country. His fellow-townsmen forgot his 
years of faithful service in the East ; forgot the coldness 
of his king ; forgot that the glorious exploit in which he 
met his death made him one of the world's greatest men, 
and remembered him only as a renegade, whose heirs 
and their belongings were to be treated as they would 
have treated him. Every sort of insult was offered to 
Francisco da Silva ; his name was execrated, and stones 
were thrown at him in the streets. Ultimately he was 
compelled to leave the country, and it was in the far-off 
province of Maranham, in Brazil, that he dictated the 
will to which allusion has just been made. 

The house, deserted by its owners, fell eventually to 
ruin. The family remained for long expatriated. It 
Avas not until much later — towards the end of the seven- 
teenth century, in fact — that any of its members resumed 
the name. About that time Don Pedro II. gave the 
title of Visconde de Fonte Arcada to a certain Pedro 
Jaques de Magalhaes. But the family appear never to 
have returned to Sabi'osa. The old house, or rather its 
ruins, passed into other hands. A modern building has 
taken its place, constructed in part from the stones of 



1495.] EARLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 25 

the older mansion. One of these was that bearing the 
eoat-of-arms " rasadas por ordem de El Eey." Tom from 
its place over the doorway, it now occupies an ignoble 
position at the corner of the house. 

Of Sabrosa and its belongings little more need be 
said. Upon Magellan's actual life there histoiy is 
silent. We can picture him amid hLs native moun- 
tains, riding the horses for which the district is still so 
famous, and hunting the game with which its woods 
abound. We feel that in some such way his youth 
must have been spent, in active and vigorous exercises 
such as these, for, as we shall see, action and vigovir 
were the two most marked features of his temperament. 
But how-ever probable the assumption, it will never 
pass within the domain of proof, for even Correa — most 
diffuse and garruloiis of historians — treats us to no 
details of this period of his Ufe. 

Neither student nor courtier by nature, it was never- 
theless Magellan's fate to become both in the course of 
his career. From the wilds of the Traz-os-Montes he 
was early transplanted to the capital. As in other 
courts, so in that of Portugal it was the custom at that 
period for the heirs of noble families to receive their 
education under the eye of their sovereign, their studies 
directed by him, and their successes rewarded by his 
approval, " Criose Magallanes en seruicio de la Eeyna 
dona Leonor," Argensola briefly tells us ; ^ and from 
the Anales de Aragon of Curita we learn that he was 
brought up as one of the pages of this queen, the widow 
of D. Joao II., " the Perfect." 

He did not long retain the post. In 1495 the King 
Dom Manoel, first of the House of Vizeu, came to the 
1 Argensola, Conquista de las Molucas, liv. i. p. 6. 



26 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. ii. 

throne, and young Ferdinand Magellan passed into his 
service. In the whole course of the history of Portugal, 
no one — alone excepting Prince Henry the Navigator 
— had more to do with the foundation of her mari- 
time power and the extension of her dominion than 
this king. His idee mere was to establish Portuguese 
influence in the East. In the half century immediately 
preceding, the aim and object of Prince Henry's work 
had to some extent been lost sight of. Exploration had 
indeed been going on, but in a more desultory manner. 
Bartholomew Diaz, it is true, had doubled the Cape of 
Good Hope, but eight long years had already elapsed 
when Dom Manoel came to -the throne, and no action 
had as yet followed upon that event. Dom Joao II., a 
great geographer, a prince of the widest views upon the 
foreign policy of Portugal, and one of the most intel- 
lectual of her rulers, was, however, less a man of action 
than Dom Manoel. With the advent of the latter the 
half-awakened energies of the Portuguese leapt suddenly 
into hfe, and within the short space of two decades the 
nation had reached the zenith of its glory, and had 
become the greatest maritime power of Europe. 

Even at the present day, habituated as we are to the 
rapid march of events, and with the remembrance of the 
presto-like unfolding of the secrets of an almost unknown 
continent fresh in our memory, we find it hard to grasp 
the suddenness of this development of the Portuguese 
dominion ; still hardei", perhaps, to realise the bound- 
less enthusiasm which it must have created. Let us 
turn for a moment to the consideration of actual facts — 
to a list of the expeditions despatched about this period 
from the shores of the mother country. Vasco da Gama, 
passing the Cape ten years after Bartholomew Diaz, 



1500-4.] EAELY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 27 

had brought India from the shadowy regions of romance 
into those of \'ivid reality, and the Peninsula was ring- 
ing with his fame. Cabral, sailing for India in 1500, 
had discovered Brazil, and Gaspar Cortereal, almost at 
the same time, was coasting Labrador. In the follow- 
ing year the fleet of Joao da Nova discovered St. Helena, 
and in 1502 the second expedition of Vasco da Gama 
left the Tagus for India, combined with the fleet of 
Vicente Sodre. Two months later a second Indian 
expedition was despatched under Estevao da Gama, and 
when the season was sufficiently advanced, ships were 
sent to the " Terra de Bacalhaos '' and Labrador to 
cany on the work of exploration, and to search for the 
missing Cortereals. In 1503 Alfonso and Francisco 
d'Albuquerque captained another armada for the East, 
and Gonzalo Coelho ventured far southwards along the 
unknown coasts of South America. From year to year 
this activity increased rather than diminished, and in 
1504 no less than three great expeditions were de- 
spatched ; an armada of thirteen ships proceeded to 
India under Lopo Soarez d'Alvarenga; Don Joao de 
Meneses headed an expedition against the Moors of 
Larache; and Antonio de Saldanha left the kingdom 
a few weeks later with another Indian fleet. 

Such, in a few words, is the bare list of expeditions 
which must have been fitted out and despatched under 
the very eyes of Magellan at the most impressionable 
period of his life. Of their coming and going, of their 
many victories and rare defeats, of their successful ven- 
ture or disastrous loss, how much he must have heard ! 
The whole country was seething with excitement. The 
new worlds, ahke of the East and of the "West, held out 
a brilliant picture of infinite possibilities to the humblest 



28 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ii. 

in rank. The dockyards rang with the sound of axe 
and hammer, and the ships were barely launched ere 
they sailed for the lands that were to bring riches and 
distinction to every one — to every one, at least, who lived. 
One had but to be equipped with youth, and health, and 
ambition. Men left their country in shoals, careless 
of danger, heedless of death-rates, mindful only of the 
possible glory that awaited them. We can imagine the 
effect that experiences such as these must have had upon 
one so adventurous as Magellan. At such a time, when 
all around him were up and doing, it was impossible 
that he should remain a mere spectator. He did not 
hesitate for long. Applying to his sovereign for leave 
of absence, he bade adieu to court life, and at the end of 
1504 enlisted as a volunteer in the great armada of Dom 
Francisco d' Almeida, at that time preparing to sail for 
India. 

Almeida's fleet was the largest that had hitherto set 
out for that promised land. Successful as other expedi- 
tions had been upon the whole, they had from time to 
time met with such difficulties and opposition as had 
sei^ved to warn Dom Manoel that a stronger hand would 
be advisable, and that the time had come for the appoint- 
ment of a resident official who should hold the reins of 
government. The distance of the mother country from 
her Eastern possessions was indeed so great and the 
latter so scattered, that this had become an impera- 
tive necessity. The King's choice fell upon Francisco 
d'Almeida,^ son of the first Conde d' Abrantes, and it would 

1 Dom Manoel had at first selected Tristan da Cunha for the post, 
but owing to his having become suddenly afHicted with complete blind- 
ness, he was unable to accept it. Castanheda, Historia do Dcscobri- 
mento e Conquista da India pelos Portugueses, liv. ii. chap. i. ; and 
Correa, oj>. cit., torn. i. pt. ii. cap. i. 



1504.] EARLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 29 

have been hardly possible to make a better selection. 
To him, as first Viceroy of India, fell the task — Hercu- 
lean in difficulty — of organising and ruling countries 
and peoples as yet almost unknown to their conquerors, 
and nobly he fulfilled it. His name — extinguished by 
the greater glory claimed for his successor, Albuquerque 
— is unfamiHar to many of us, but few, if any, have left 
the East with cleaner hands and a record more unsullied 
than Almeida. " Much did they love him," says Correa, 
" as being one blameless in his actions ... a man 
without a shadow of deceit." ^ Such a man naturally 
attracted to him persons of like qualities, and his ships 
were not long in being manned. From all parts of the 
kingdom there flocked to him " many fidalgos and cava- 
liers, and people of distinction," says Correa — " many 
gallant men and cavaliers experienced in war," another 
writer tells us. Magellan could not well have begun 
his Indian experiences under better auspices or with 
better comrades. 

The preparations made for Dom Francisco's fleet in 
the way of stores and outfit were in keeping with the 
importance of the expedition. Never before had things 
been done upon a larger scale. Of the exact number of 
ships of which the armada itself consisted, the historians 

1 ' ' Muyto amauSo o Visorey, por ser homem muy perf eito en suas 
cousas, e de muy nobre condigao, e muyto inclinado a grandezas, homem 
Eem nenhum engano, e que muyto estimaua e louvaua os seruicos dos 
homens ; homem man.'o, prudente, e muyto sezudo, e de bom sabei* con 
que governauaa India." — Correa, op. cit., vol. i. p. 790. Nor is Pedro 
de Mariz less laudatory : ' ' Era D. Francisco homem de graue & honrada 
presensa, bom caualleyro, & muyto prudente & sagaz, em quanto andou 
na India, onde ha materia de muytos vieios, foy oastissima, nunqua 
Ihe ningueni sentio cobica, senao de honra." — Ptdro de Mariz, Dia- 
logos de varia Historia, dial. iv. chap. xxv. 



30 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ii. 

of the period have left us in doubt. ^ There were, how- 
ever, at least twenty, Correa speaks of them as eight 
large ships (naos) for cargo, six of smaller size (naiietas), 
and six caravels ; and in addition wood was carried — 
already shaped into the necessary planks and beams — 
for two galleys and a " bargantym," which were to be 
constructed on the arrival of the fleet in India. They 
bore fifteen hundred men-at-arms, two hundred bom- 
bardiers, and four hundred seamen as supernumeraries 
for Indian commissions. Artisans of almost every kind 
were taken, and among them many carpenters, rope- 
makers, and blacksmiths. The artillery and ammuni- 
tion were " em muyta abastanza " — in great plenty — as 
indeed might be expected, for Vasco da Gama, in virtue 
of his new appointment as Admiral of India, gave to 
them his especial supervision. The daily presence of 
the King stimulated the labours of his subjects. The 
preparations advanced with great rapidity, and almost 
before the winter was over the ships were ready for 
sea. 

In those days the departure upon an expedition such 
as this was looked upon as a serious matter. The most 
limited acquaintance with the historians of that date 
leaves no cause for wonder upon the subject. Sword and 
fever on land, and scurvy and shipwreck at sea thinned 
the ranks in a manner that was positively appalling. It 
would be interesting to know the usual percentage of 
survivors in thase armadas. In some cases we do know 
it — in the final voyage of Magellan, for example, when 

1 " A armada que foy de quinze naos e seis carauelas," — Castanheda, 
liv. ii. cap. i. " Dezaseis naos, & seis carauellas." — Damiao de Goes, 
Chronica de Dom Manoel, 2da parte, fol. i. Osorius is silent upon 
the subject, and Correa gives twenty as the number. 



1505.] EARLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 31 

we find that for every man who returned, six, or nearly 
six, perished. And so we scarcely wonder at the solem- 
nities which custom demanded of those who took part in 
them — at the special confession and mass, at which 
attendance was enjoined. On this present occasion the 
ceremony was invested witli a more than ordinary inte- 
rest, for the standard of the Viceroy of India, after 
having been blessed by the bishop, was to be formally 
presented to Almeida by the King. Correa relates the 
function at some length, in words quaint and bald enough 
even for the days in which he wrote, but quite as power- 
fully descriptive, perhaps, as those from some more florid 
pen. We have little difiiculty in realising the scene : — 
the cathedral, filled almost to the doors with the mem- 
bers of the expedition alone ; the king-at-arms " clad in 
his rich habit," holding above Dom Manoel the " royal 
flag of white damask with Christ's cross in crimson satin 
bordered with gold ; " Almeida kneeling at the King's 
feet and receiving it into his solemn care and keeping ; 
his silent prayer before the high altar with the standard 
in his hand ; and finally, the loud-voiced proclamation 
by the herald, " Dom Francisco d' Almeida, Governor, 
Viceroy of India for our lord the King." ^ Upon a mind 
like that of Magellan, in which religion had taken deep 
root, the scene must have made a strong impression, not 
less from the fact that it was the last day he was destined 
to spend upon his native soil for some time to come — 
for seven long years it actually proved. 

Things temporal were nevertheless not entirely ex- 
cluded from Magellan's mind by the pomp and cere- 
monial of religion, and before leaving Portugal he 
executed the will to which allusion has already been 
^ Correa, op. cit., vol. i. pt. ii. p. 532 et seq. 



32 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ii. 

made. In it he makes his sister, Dona Thereza, wife 
of Joao da Silva Telles, his sole heir, with instructions 
for the saying of twelve masses yearly at his altar of 
Our Lord Jesus in the Church of Santo Salvador at 
Sabrosa. He speaks of the " pouquidade dos bens que 
tenho " — of the smallness of his property — but there 
is little else of interest in the document save at the 
beginning, where he desires that his funeral " shall be 
conducted as that of an ordinary sailor, giving to the 
chaplain of the ship my clothes and arms to say three 
requiem masses." ^ 

The blessing of the flag over, the fleet di-opped down 
the river to Belem, and anchored o£P the church for 
which it was then, as now, so famous — a building in- 
separably connected with the memories of the great 
Portuguese explorers. Here, in the days of^ Prince 
Henry the Navigator, and erected by him, stood a little 
chapel, much favoured by sailors, in which — only eight 
years before — Vasco da Gama had prayed for his success 
ere starting on his memorable voyage. Now the pile of 
florid Gothic, built in gratitude therefor, had usurped 
its place, white and new from the builder's hands, the 
last monument upon which the sailor's eye would rest on 
leaving his native land. Withia it the bones of Gama, 
of Camoens who sang his successes, and of Dom Manoel 
who inspired them, were destined ultimately to rest. 
It was an ideal spot for the start of such an expedition. 
Next day — the 25th March 1505 — the final departui-e 
took place. The King came down in state from the 
city and went on board the Viceroy's ship ; anchors 
were then weighed and the whole fleet proceeded slowly 
towards the bar, the King accompanying them, " going 
' See Appendix I. 



1505.] EAELY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 33 

from ship to ship and speaking to the captains, taking 
leave of them and -wishing them a prosperous voyage." ^ 
Clearing the mouth of the Tagus, the fleet proceeded 
southwards and touched at Port Dale on the Guinea 
Coast, where they took water and lay at anchor nine 
days. Here the Viceroy, finding that some of the ships 
were much more speedy than the others, divided the 
fleet into two squadrons. They crossed the line the 29th 
April,- and continuing their voyage, passed the Cape as 
far south as lat. 40° S., where they encountered severe 
weather and underwent great hardships.^ On the 20th 
June, Almeida, estimating that they had cleared the 
meridian of the Cape, shaped his course northward.* 
They had already met with one misfortune, for the ship 
of Pero Ferreira had foundered in the equatorial calms, 
and now, on reaching the Indian Ocean, Lopo Sanchez 

1 Castanheda, op. cit., lib. ii. cap. i, relates an amusing incident 
that took place at the moment of departure, which is at the same 
time interesting as possibly marking the date of the introduction of 
the words larboard (bombordo) and starboard [estribordo) into the 
Portuguese navy. It appears that on weighing anchor, and on the 
pilots giving their orders larboard or starboard to the helmsmen, the 
latter were "greatly embarrassed in their minds, as not being as yet 
learned in such expressions," and in consequence got into difficulties 
owing to the number of craft around them. Upon which Joao Homem, 
captain of one of the caravels, " ordered the pilot that he should 
speak to the sailors in a language that they could understand, and 
that when he wished to steer starboard, he should say 'garlic,' and 
when to larboard, ' onions, ' and on either side (of the helm) he ordered 
a string of these things to be hung." 

2 Damiao de Goes, op. cit., 2da parte, cap. ii. fol. 3 ; but Castan- 
heda gives the 20th of April as the date. 

3 Osorius, De Rebus Emmanuelis Gestis, lib. iv. fol. 116 v.: "Faciebat 
densa caligo, et imbres immodici, et nines immense, quse nostris 
intolerandis frigoribus grauissimam molestiam exhibebant." 

* In the account given by Castanheda the fleet are saidto have gone 
to lat. 44° S (" passando alamar ceto & setenta & cinco legoas "), and to 
have passed the meridian of the Cape on the 26th June. Lib. ii. cap. i. p. 5. 

C 



34 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ii. 

was forced to run his vessel ashore, after having in vain 
tried to overcome a leak. The survivors, although many 
perished on the way, eventually reached Mozambique in 
safety, where they were picked up by their countrymen. 
Before leaving Portugal, the fullest instructions had 
been given as to the disposal and action of the fleet ; 
instructions which show how gigantic was the scale upon 
which the subjugation of India and Eastern Africa had 
been planned. Arriving at Sofala, a fortress was to be 
erected and garrisoned ; and this done, the fleet was to 
sail for Quiloa without loss of time. Here the same 
steps were to be taken, but, in addition, two ships — a 
caravel and a " bargantym " — were to remain, in order 
to patrol the coast north and south of the port. Pro- 
ceeding then to the farther shores of the Indian Ocean, 
the Viceroy was instructed to build a strong fortress upon 
the island of Anchediva. The two galleys — the timbers 
of which had been brought in the fleet — were to be put 
together here, and two caravels were appointed to patrol 
the coast around the station, which was regarded as 
of great importance. Hence they were to pass south- 
wards along the coast to Cochim, seeking for ships of the 
King of Calicut, " with whom the King for ever waged 
bitter war ; " and visiting Coulao, were by every means 
in their power to obtain leave to make a fortified settle- 
ment in that city. Finally, after the despatch of the 
annual homeward-bound fleet, an expedition was to be 
sent to the kingdom of Ormuz and the mouth of the 
Red Sea, to seek a site for a fortress which shovild act 
in some degree as a check upon the stream of Arab 
trade, which at that time bore not only the gold and 
silks of Hindostan but the spices of the Farther East to 
Mecca and the " Sultan of Babylonia." 



1505.] EAELY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 35 

Such were the orders under which Almeida sailed. 
If we reflect that less than six years previously India 
was a terra incognita, and the Cape only known by the 
fierceness of its storms, they appear marvellous in their 
comprehensiveness. We see, too, how wise was the 
policy that dictated them. Short as was Dom Manoel's 
acquaintance with the new world into which he adven- 
tured himself so boldly, it would seem that he had made 
himself master of the situation almost at a glance. The 
traffic of the East was to pour into Europe through the 
gates of the Lisbon Alfandega, and in order that this 
object might be attained, it was necessary that the first 
blow should be struck at Arab influence. Gama, in 
the course of his memorable voyage, had found these 
" Mouros " in every city, and had not noted their riches 
and the extent of their influence in vain. The more 
important of the native monarchs, therefore, were to be 
conciliated with the special view of obtaining leave to 
build strong fortresses, which, connected by cruising 
bargantyms and caravels, should form a chain of nuclei 
of Portuguese influence. The " Mouros," when too 
strong, were to be temporised with ; but, for the most 
part, the "ote-toi, que je m\j mette" policy was that 
adopted. From the very beginning Dom Manoel recog- 
nised the enormous importance of mastering the en- 
trance and the exits of the Indian Ocean. It was reserved 
for Albuquerque to conquer Malacca, but Almeida was 
charged to reduce Ormuz and gain possession of the 
strongholds round the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb without 
loss of time. It was the outgoing streams of traffic that 
first demanded attention. 

Upon the deeds of the Viceroy and his captains at 
this period we can only touch lightly. So rapid was the 



36 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. IT. 

succession of events, and so packed with incident the 
history of his administration, that volumes, not pages, 
would be necessary to record them. It is not often that 
we hear of Magellan. Amid so large a company of dis- 
tinguished men, of " fidalgos e cavalleiros experimen- 
tados na guerra," of whom many had already served 
under Gama, it could hardly be otherwise. His post 
could only have been a subordinate one, and we do not 
even know in which ship he sailed. But that he made 
the best use of his opportunities is evident from the fact 
that he eventually became a most expert navigator.^ 
Later, when his name appears more frequently in the 
pages of the historians of that epoch, it is generally 
mentioned in connection with some distinguished act of 
bravery. 

On the 22nd July the ships arrived off the bar of 
Quiloa. They were received badly, and the king declin- 
ing to meet the Viceroy, the latter landed his forces and 
stormed the city, which was taken without the loss of 
a single Portuguese. No time was wasted, and the 
construction of the fort was begun upon the following 
day, the Viceroy himself personally aiding. On the 8th 
August,^ a large garrison having been left to complete 
the work, and the rightful king, Mohammed Anconi, 
restored to his throne, the fleet started for Mombaza. 

The city of Mombaza was one of the most important 
on the coast of Africa ; it carried on a large trade with 
the interior, and was strongly fortified. Such a nut 
was no easy one to crack. The excuse for the attempt, 

1 "Tinha miiyto saber n'arte de nauega^ao, e espirito que se lanqou 
a ysso." — Co-rrea, ii. pt. i. p. 28. 

2 Manoel de Faria y Sousa, Asia Portugucza, vol. i. pt. i. cap. 8. 
Correa, vol. i. pt. ii. cap. 2, tells us that the fleet left on the 13th. 



1505.] EARLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 37 

however, was not long wanting, for the ships were fired 
upon as they arrived. Two days later the city was 
stormed, and the Moors, although numbering ten thou- 
sand men, were overpowered by the superior skill and 
courage of their enemies. The fighting was severe, and 
the Portuguese had a very large number of wounded. 
Dom Louren§o, the only son of the Viceroy, first made 
himself famous at the assault. His gi'eat strength and 
extraordinary courage combined to make him almost 
worshipped by the men he led. Short as was his career, 
for he died in battle only two years later, his name 
became even more renowned throughout the East than 
did, later, that of Albuquerque ; and there is little doubt 
that the Portuguese owed their success in many cases to 
his personal influence and to their enemies' belief in his 
invincibility. After the fall of the city the king formally 
tendered his submission, agreeing to pay a yearly tribute 
of 10,000 serafins, and a column of white marble was 
erected by the Viceroy to commemorate the event. ^ 
Victors and vanquished became firm friends, and the 
king, ■ ' for the great love he bore Dom Lourengo," pre- 
sented him with a valuable sword and a collar of pearls, 
worth 30,000 cruzados, upon his departure. 

It was the Viceroy's wish to visit both Melinde and 
Magadoxo, but the season being now so far advanced, 



1 The custom of setting up a cross or a column in the countries 
Tisited or conquered was earlj' adopted by the Portuguese. " Porque 
mandou El Rey ao Visorey que em todas as terras que conquistasse, e 
metesse a sua obediencia, pusesse huma columa pera lembran^a e 
sinal que erao de sua conquista. " — Correa, op. cit., vol. i. pt. ii. p. 559. 
They had always been of wood, but in the early part of his reign 
Dom Joao II. gave orders that they should be constructed of stone, 
and the first was erected at the mouth of the Congo in the year 1484. 
Faria y Soiisa, Asia Portugucza, vol. i. pt. i. cap. 3. 



38 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. li. 

the pilots were strongly opposed to such a step. Tlie 
plan was accordingly relinquished, and the fleet shaped 
its course across the Indian Ocean to the island of Anche- 
diva, whither they arrived on the 13th September. The 
fame of their successes had preceded them, and the 
Viceroy found letters from the King of Cananor in- 
forming him that there were 20,000 quintals of spice 
in his port ready for the homeward-bound ships, and 
that three rich Mecca galleons were daily expected in 
Calicut. Almeida began work, as usual, without the 
loss of a moment's time. The very next day after his 
arrival, the construction of the fortress was commenced ; 
ships were sent off to cruise in search of the Mecca 
squadron ; the keels of a galleon and two " bargantyms " 
were laid down, and letters were sent to Cananor, Cochim, 
and Coulao to make known the Viceroy's advent. In 
twenty days the fortress was completed. The loot taken 
at Mombaza was sold by public auction, and the money 
handed to the treasurer of the fleet. 

The King of Onor, a province lying about thirty miles 
to the south, had already made a treaty of peace with 
the Viceroy. Its duration was, however, of no great 
length, for being unwise enough to send an insolent 
message in reply to a request made to him by the 
Viceroy, the latter at once brought his fleet against him, 
and entering the river on the i6th October, burnt his 
ships and took the town with a readiness which soon 
brought the monarch to his senses. Dom Loiiren^o took 
his wonted place at the head of the storming party, but 
he had little opportunity of displaying his prowess, for 
the enemy yielded almost without striking a blow, and 
the Portuguese lost only one man in the assault. The 
king, whose sin had been that of cupidity rather than 



1505.] EAELY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 39 

an open defiance of the Viceroy, made a most ample 
submission, and the latter behaved so generously to his 
adversary, that all former differences were forgotten in 
the friendship thus begun. 

The rapidity of Almeida's movements, although char- 
acteristic of the man himself, owned at the same time 
another cause. The winter was fast approaching, and 
with it the north-east monsoon, whose favouring gales 
were to waft the home- returning fleet upon their voyage. 
But as yet the Viceroy had not reached Cananor, stUl 
less Cochim, where he was to assume the reins of govern- 
ment. There was, therefore, no time for delay at Onor, 
and leaving this port as soon as possible, the fleet pro- 
ceeded southwards to Cananor and came to anchor off 
the town on the 22 nd October. The Portuguese had been 
upon the most friendly terms with the king of this 
country since the time of Gama's first visit, and the 
Viceroy's arrival was welcomed with the greatest enthu- 
siasm. The armada entered " gay with flags and stan- 
dards, discharging salvos of artillery, the larger vessels 
remaining outside, but those of lesser draught anchoring 
in the bay, the galleys and the bargantym rowing — a 
sight that many people came to see, for in India they 
had not as yet seen galleys, the which are rowed with a 
great precision in the stroke." ^ 

The iisual visits of ceremony having been paid, Almeida, 
who had hitherto called himself Governor, assumed the 
full rank and title of Viceroy. Next day he received an 
embassy from the powerful King of Narsinga, who was 
desirous of making a treaty with him. Learning from 
the resident Portuguese factor that nothing could be 
done in Cananor without a fortress — for the Arab 
^ Correa, op. cit., i. pt. 2, cap. vi. p. 580. 



40 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [Chap. ii. 

merchants of the city had become greatly incensed with 
the growing influence of the new-comers, and had already 
plotted to kill the king — he sought leave to construct 
one. It was at once granted to him, and in five days, 
with the assistance of the natives, the erection of its 
walls, together with bastions to carry cannon, were com- 
pleted. A day or two later it received its name — the 
Fort Saint Angelo — and Lourengo de Brito, with a gar- 
rison of 150 men, entered into possession.^ 

Delaying a bare five days at Cananor — where two 
caravels were left to guard the coast — the fleet of 
Almeida, now much reduced in numbers, at length 
arrived at Cochim. Of the meeting between King 
Nambeadora and the Viceroy Correa gives us a long 
account : — the " king on his elephant with its trappings, 
and much people, the which the Viceroy left the fort 
to receive, accompanied by all his men, and before him 
his guard with trumpets and kettledrums, L'S captains 
dressed very gaily, the Viceroy himself clad in a coat of 
red satin, with a narrow black sash worked with gold, 
black buskins, a round cap, and an open black damask 
cassock, which formed a train, as was then the custom," 2 
Almeida next day publicly crowned the king with the 
greatest display of ceremonial that lay within his power. 
With the neighbouring states in a condition of hostihty, 
overt or covert, it was of the utmost importance to lose 
no chance of strengthening the bonds of alliance with 
so powerful a prince. Almost at this moment, indeed, 
news arrived of the rising of the Moors at Coulao — a 

1 Damiao de Goes, op. cit. , 2da parte, cap. vii. fol. 12 v. ; but Correa 
gives a very different account, stating that only a ditch and paHsade 
were made, and this almost surreptitiously, ' ' isto fisesse deuagar por 
milhor dissimulagao." 

2 Correa, op. cit., i. pt. ii. cap. 10, p. 606. 



1506.] EARLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 41 

port some sixty miles farther south — and the murder of 
the Portuguese garrison, an act which the Viceroy was 
not the man to leave long unpunished. The duty de- 
volved upon Dom Lourengo, and he performed it with 
his usual quickness and success. In two or three days 
he returned to Cochim, having burnt twenty-seven ships 
and killed numbers of the enemy without the loss of a 
single man. 

Meanwhile the Yiceroy was busy with the despatch 
of the homeward-bound squadron under Fernao Soarez. 
Having loaded all the pepper and spices in the Cochim 
factories, the ships proceeded to Cananor, and took the 
remainder of their cargo from that port, which they 
left on the 2nd January, 1506, taking with them, only 
sufficient men for the navigation of the vessels ; for, with 
the daily losses by fighting and disease, and the scat- 
tered disposition of their forces, every sword was of 
importance. The voyage was noteworthy from the fact 
that the eastern coast of Madagascar was discovered for 
the first time. " They arrived," says Goes, "off a land 
which not one of the pilots had ever seen before, . . , 
and having sailed in sight of it for seventeen days, they 
cleared it on the 18th February — the which, although at 
that time it was not known, they found afterwards to be 
an island which the old cosmographers call Madagascar, 
and the Moors the Island of the Moon,"^ The ships 
arrived safely in Lisbon on the 23rd May, 1506. 

With the departure of the homeward-bound fleet, and 
the reduction of Coulao, the Viceroy doubtless looked 
forward to a more peaceful period in which to consider 
the many political questions that presented themselves 
for solution. He was not destined to enjoy it either 
1 Damiao de Goes, 02). rit., 2da parte, fols. 13 v, 14. 



42 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. Ii. 

then or indeed at any future time, for at the very 
moment when he least expected it, a danger greater than 
any hitherto encountered menaced the Portuguese power 
in India. The advent of the Viceroy's fleet, the uniform 
success that had attended him in Africa, and the almost 
superhuman strength and courage with which Dom 
Lourengo was credited, had filled both the Moors and 
the Zamorim of Calicut with consternation. It was 
felt that if action was to be taken at all, it should be 
taken then. The homeward fleet had started, the Por- 
tuguese were considerably reduced in numbers, and no 
reinforcements were possible before the onset of the 
south-west monsoon. If a decisive blow could only be 
struck, if the fleet of the hated infidels could once be fairly 
annLbilated, it might put an end for ever to their power 
in India. It was at all events worth trying. The Arabs 
saw ruin staring them in the face, and neither their 
creed nor their feelings inclined them to tame submission. 
The Zamorim of Calicut accordingly summoned a 
meeting of all the leading Moors. Opinion was divided 
as to the course to be pursued. Some, recognising the 
formidable strength of the enemy, and mindful of the 
almost uninterrupted series of successes they had ob- 
tained, counselled alliance with the King of Portugal. 
They were overruled. It was felt that the time for this 
had passed, and that no alternative now lay before them 
but to cross swords. It was resolved, therefore, that a 
great armada should be equipped, which should attempt 
the conquest of Cochim itself, the very stronghold and 
seat of government of their enemies. Measures were 
accordingly taken to inform the Moors at every port of 
the plot and to request their aid. The vessels thus 
raised were to collect in Calicut. 



1506.] EARLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 43 

Such a design could not long remain concealed. Dom 
Louren9o, being in Cananor, was visited by a man in the 
habit of a Moor, who, on being granted a private inter- 
view, revealed himself as an Italian, one Ludovico Var- 
tema, a great traveller — " qui studio orbis terrarum 
cognoscendi multas regiones peragravit," as Osorius tells 
us.i This man had escaped from Calicut, and hastened 
to bring the news of the preparation of the armada. 
Unexpected and harassing as it was, Dom Lourenco did 
not lose heart. Despatching Yartema without loss of 
time to the Viceroy, who was then at Cochim, he set 
about the organisation of his own forces. The orders 
sent back by the Viceroy were not other than he had 
expected; that he was to fight "for the Catholic faith 
and for his honour, and bear himself as a Christian and 
his son." 

The battle that ensued was one of the most celebrated 
of the many fought by the Portuguese in India. The 
armada, which was composed of 209 vessels — 84 being 

1 Osorius, op. cit., lib. iv. fol. 130 v. Luigi di Vartema (Luis 
Vuartman or Barthema, or Luis Patricio, as he is variously called) was 
a Roman who left Europe in 1502 to wander for manj' years in the 
East. His travels were published in 1510 in Italian, and were after- 
wards given to the world by Ramusio in his Narigationi et Viaggi. 
In them he speaks at some length of the incidents here narrated 
(edit, of Venice, 1613, fol. 170 et seq.). Both the traveller and his 
narrative, however, are interesting on other grounds. It is to him 
that we owe the first description of Borneo, and he also visited the 
Moluccas. There is every probability that the Portuguese at this 
time obtained from him the information which led Albuquerque five 
years later to despatch Abreu's expedition — in which Magellan is sup- 
posed to have sailed — to these islands. Vartema was knighted by 
Almeida after the fight at Calicut, and returned to Portugal in the 
fleet of Tristao da Cunha. He arrived at Lisbon in July, 1508, and 
receiving confirmation of his knighthood from Dom Manoel, returned 
to Rome. Damiao de Goes, op. cit., 2da parte, cap. xxiv. fol. 41 v. 
Ramiisio, Navigationi., fol. 174. 



44 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. ii. 

ships and the rest large praus — encountered Dom Lou- 
rengo's valiant little fleet on the i6th March, 1506, a 
short distance to the north of Cananor. *' It seemed," 
says Vartema, " like some huge forest, from the great 
masts of the ships." But so little did Dom Louren^o 
fear the result, that he permitted his adversaries to pass 
until they were off Cananor — " per mostrarli quantoera 
I'animo de' Christiani." It was not until they were 
within a bombard -shot of the town that he commenced 
the engagement. 

Against such an overwhelming force the Portuguese 
could bring only eleven ships. ^ They were manned, how- 
ever, by men as brave as they were experienced, — " all 
distinguished men, educated at the King's court — very 
noble men," Correa tells us. And very nobly indeed did 
they bear themselves. " For really, to say the truth, I 
have been in many a fight in my day, and seen many a 
fierce encounter," says Yartema, " but never have I seen 
braver men than these Portuguese." ^ They had need 
of their courage, for they were but eight hundred fight- 
ing men against some thousands. The great ship of 
Rodrigo Rebello, in which sailed Dom Lourengo and the 
flower of his men, led the van, and turning neither to 
the right nor left, made straight for the enemy's flag- 
ship. Three times did she grapple with her, and three 
times were her grappling-irons cast off. At length their 
attempts were successful, and the Portuguese sprang on 

1 Catsanheda, Osorius, De Goes, and Vartema (who was himself pre- 
sent at the engagement) all state that the number of D. Louren9o'3 
force was only eleven ships, but Correa gives it as twenty-eight. The 
accounts of the affair are in other ways differently given by the old 
historians ; but that of Vartema, as being an eye-witness, has been 
chiefly followed in the present narrative. 

* Itinerario di Lndovico Barthema, lib. vi. cap. xxxvii. 



1506.] EARLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 45 

board, headed by their beloved chief, who " fought with 
his little halberd." The i-esult was for the moment 
doubtful, for they found themselves engaged with six 
hundred of the enemy. It was not for long. Lourenco's 
valour bore everything before it, and ere many minutes 
had elapsed, every man of the six hundred had been 
killed or driven into the sea. 

Meanwhile the others had not been idle. Joao Serrao, 
brother to the Francisco Serrao who afterwards became 
the great friend of Magellan, was fighting as he never 
fought before, his ship attacked by more than fifty praus, 
from which he eventually shook himself free, though at 
the price of having almost all his men wounded. Simon 
Martins, the most daring of the Viceroy's captains, was 
in an even more desperate case, his low sloop being 
surroimded by four much larger vessels, who poured in 
a galling fire, imtil the Portuguese — their men all dead 
or wounded, and all their powder expended — were com- 
pelled to take refuge below deck. The Moors boarded, 
thinking she had struck, but they were quickly unde- 
ceived, for the captain, making a sally at the head of 
the survivoi's, cut down seven of them with his own 
hand, and the remainder were quickly driven overboard. 

While these two desperate struggles were continuing, 
Dom Lourengo had laid his ship alongside a second 
antagonist. She proved to be a heavier craft than his 
first prize, and carried over fifteen hundred men. Their 
very number was probably againet them, and Nuno Vaz 
Pereira boarding at the same time on the other side of 
the ship, the Moors found themselves between two fires, 
and were very soon overpowered. The enemy perceiving 
their two largest vessels taken, and many others either 
disabled or sunk, resolved on flight. The delight of the 



46 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ii. 

Portuguese was unbounded, for the victory, however 
much anticipated, was by no means safely within their 
grasp. "God be praised," exclaimed Dom Lourengo; 
" let us follow up our victory over these dogs ; " and the 
order was at once given. A scene of the most frightful 
slaughter ensued. Quarter was neither given nor asked. 
The sea was dyed with blood, and the bodies washed 
ashore next day " formed as it were a hedge " upon the 
beach. More than 3600 of them were counted. 

Upon the Portugviese side between seventy and eighty 
fell, and over two* hundred were wounded. Among the 
latter was Magellan, who, indeed, appears to have been 
habitl^ally unfortunate in this respect, to judge from the 
expression used by Gaspar Correa — " and at the affair 
with the Turks, and always in the armadas, and in 
Calicut, was he much wounded." ^ He was cared for, 
no doubt, at the hospital at Cananor, whither, we are 
told, all the wounded were brought. The dead were 
bulled at sea, in order that the Moors might not dis- 
cover the extent of their antagonists' losses. 

A victory so decisive was not without its effect, not 
only upon the Moors, but upon the native rulers, and 
matters now appearing more settled, Dom Lourengo was 
despatched at the head of a small squadron to the 
Maldives. Owing to bad navigation, they missed their 
destination, but sighting Cape Comorin, eventually came 
to anchor off Point de Galle, and for the first time rela- 
tions were established between Portugal and Ceylon. 
Magellan, meanwhile, was sent to Sofala under Nuno 
Vaz Pereira.2 As has already been stated, Dom Manoel's 

1 "E foy no feito dos Eumes, e sempre nas armadas, e em Calicut, 
muyto ferido." — Correa, ii. cap. iv. p. 28. 
- Faria y Sousa, Asia PoHugueza, torn. i. pt. i. cap. x. § 6. 



1507.] EARLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 47 

orders on the Viceroy's departure were that a fortress 
should be constructed in this city, but it will be remem- 
bered that the first port the latter entered in Eastern 
Africa was Quiloa. This was through no disobedience 
on the Viceroy's part, but the ship of Pero d'Anhaia, 
who accompanied Almeida as the future captain of 
Sofala, having gone ashore at the very moment of the 
sailing of the Viceroy's fleet, her officers and crew were 
forced to defer their voyage. Ultimately Sofala was 
reached and the fortress built, but Pero d'Anhaia's 
administration was a short one, for he was killed in the 
following year by the Moors. 

Nuno Vaz sailed with instructions to take over the 
command. His orders, however, were that he should 
first visit Quiloa. In that port the greatest disorder 
prevailed, owing to a dispute as to the succession to the 
throne, and on his arrival he had to decide upon the 
merits of the two claimants. Sailing thence for Sofala, 
he established himself as captain of the settlement, but 
his term of office was even shorter than that of his pre- 
decessor. On the 8th September, 1507, the fleet of Vasco 
Gomez d'Abreu arrived from Lisbon, and he had to resign 
his post. A few days later he left for Mozambique in 
the ship of Rui Gongalvez de Valadares. The pestilen- 
tial climate of the coast had told terribly upon his men, 
and he landed with a great number of sick. So nume- 
rous were they, indeed, that his first care was to build an 
hospital. The captains themselves took turns in attend- 
ance upon the patients. Correa naively describes the 
treatment adopted : " Much did they occupy themselves," 
he tells us,^ " with the care and healing of the sick, to 
whom they gave many marmalades and conserves, in 

1 Con-ea, op. cit., i. pt. ii. 1507, cap. i. p. 785. 



48 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ii. 

the eating of which they were greatly benefited." The 
season being now far advanced, and the north-east mon- 
soon established, Nuno Yaz Pereira and his comrades, 
unable to return to India, were forced to prolong their 
stay in Mozambique. They occupied themselves in 
building a church, and, it is needless to say, a fortress. 
Upon the change of the monsoon they sailed for Cochim, 
leaving a mere handful of men in charge under a feitor} 
Upon their arrival in India, Magellan and his comrades 
found the aspect of affairs mvich altered. They had left 
the country soon after a defeat of the most crushing 
kind had been inflicted upon their enemies. The power 
of Portugal seemed by it to have been fairly established 
in the East, and some of the lesser potentates, whose 
action appeared at one time doubtful, had formally 
acknowledged the Viceroy. Now all was changed. The 
fortress of Anchediva, which had cost them so much 
anxiety and so many lives, had been given up and razed 
to the ground. The King of Cananor, who had been 
most friendly, had been replaced by a successor whose 
sympathies were with the Zamorim of Calicut, and the 
Portuguese had tuidergone a siege of many months in 
their fortress, and suffered unusual hardships. But a 
far more serious danger confronted them. Hitherto the 
Moors had been the only foemen worthy of their steel. 
Now they were suddenly brought face to face with other 
enemies, who, at the very first rencontre, had put to flight 
their ships and slain their beloved leader, Dom Louren^.o. 

1 From this fact it is evident that Magellan could not have been 
present at the defeat of Dom Lourengo by Mir Hoseyn and Malik Jaz 
at Chaul in the spring of 1508. The expression already alluded to, 
that he was wounded " no fcito dos Bumez," "in the affair with the 
Turks," must therefore refer to the great battle off Diu, in which D. 
Francisco d' Almeida avenged the death of his beloved son. 



1507.] EAELY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 49 

Their new foe was the Sultan of Egypt, or rather his 
admiral, Mir Hoseyn. The Moors, finding themselves 
powerless to cope unaided with their adversaries, sought 
help from Cairo. It was readily afforded them. Not 
only were the Sultan's revenues affected by the check in 
the stream of traffic that poured into the Mediterranean 
through his dominions, but the enemy was at his very 
gates, and action of some kind had become an imperative 
necessity. Unprovided, however, with a fleet in the Red 
Sea, and without wood wherewith to build it, he was forced 
to cut the latter in Asia Minor, and transport it on camels 
from Alexandria to Suez. Despite these difficulties, a fleet 
of ten ships was constructed at this port ; it was placed 
under the command of the Emir Hoseyn, and at the 
end of December, 1507, it came to anchor off the great 
city of Diu, at the mouth of the Gulf of Cambay. Here 
the Emir joined forces with Malik Jaz, the governor of 
Diu, and a few weeks later the armada sailed for Chaul, 
in which river the Portuguese fleet under Dom Lourengo 
was at that time lying. The action that ensued, albeit a 
defeat for the Portuguese, was one of which they might 
justly be proud. Dom Lourenco, cut off from the rest 
of his fleet, and with his leg shattered by a cannon-ball, 
fought his sinking ship until her decks were nearly level 
with the water, and perished with the flower of his men, 
his end a fitting termination to a life brilliant in its 
untarnished honour, and conspicuous for deeds of the 
coolest daring. 

Against these reverses the Portuguese would have 
found it hard to make headway, had it not been that 
upon the northern shores of the Indian Ocean the name 
of Affonso d' Albuquerque had already become a terror 
to the Mussulmans. Albuquerque had left Portugal 



50 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ii. 

with tlie understanding that he was eventually to super- 
sede Almeida as Viceroy, and having finished his cruise 
upon the coasts of Arabia, turned southwards to India 
to deliver his papers. The two great captains met at 
Cananor on the 5th December, 1508, but Almeida refused 
to hand over his seal of ofl3.ce until he should have taken 
his revenge on Hoseyn and Malik Jaz — with which end 
in view he was then sailing for Diu — and Albuquerque 
bad no alternative but to give way. 

Nuno Yaz Pereira — and with him, no doubt, Magellan 
— had meanwhile returned safely from Mozambique to 
India in the summer, and had been almost immediately 
despatched to Ceylon. Whether Magellan went thither 
with him or not we do not learn from the records of con- 
temporary historians, but it is more than probable that 
he accompanied his old commander, who got back from 
Ceylon just in time to join Almeida's avenging fleet. 
On the 12 th December the armada sailed. It consisted 
of nineteen ships, ^ which carried thirteen hundred Por- 
tuguese and four hundred Malabaris. On his way, the 
Viceroy, after touching at Baticala and Onor, made a 
descent upon Dabul, and so completely destroyed the 
city, that the action passed into a proverb, " May the 
vengeance of the Franks overtake you, as it overtook 
Dabul." 

Arriving off Diu on the 2nd February, 1509, the Vice- 
roy foimd both Mir Hoseyn and Malik Jaz awaiting 
him. The former, thinking that the open sea offered 
the best chances of success, crossed the bar to meet the 
enemy. An engagement followed which advantaged 
neither party, and on the approach of night Mfr Hoseyn 

^ De Goes, op. cit., 2nda parte, fol. 63 ; but Correa, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 
924, says, "partio .... com vinte e uma velas armadas." 



1509.] EAKLY LIFE AND INDIAN SERVICE. 51 

retired to the harbour, resolving there to await the 
renewal of the Viceroy's attack. Next day the Por- 
tuguese boldly entered the river and the two fleets 
engaged. Almeida found opposed to him a force number- 
ing over a hundred sail, which bore eight hundred Mame- 
lukes, and many Christian soldiers, Venetian and Sclav, 
all of whom were clad in chain-armour. A large num- 
ber of Malabaris from Calicut and the formidable con- 
tingent of Malik Jaz crowded the smaller vessels. The 
Viceroy wished personally to engage the ship of Mir 
Hoseyn, but, at the earnest entreaty of his officers, 
allowed himself to be dissuaded, and deputed the 
task to his beloved captain Nuiio Vaz Pereira. With 
him, there is little doubt, went Magellan, in company 
with many of the most distinguished of the Viceroy's 
lieutenants. Thus manned, the Holy Ghost led the van, 
and fought her way to the great galleon of Mir Hoseyn. 
Desperate as was the struggle that ensued, the issue was 
not for long doubtful. The Egyptian admiral, boarded 
on both sides, was soon forced to yield, and the loss of 
the flag-ship so disheartened the captains of his other 
vessels, that the battle was from that moment practically 
decided. The ship of Malik Jaz, owing to her unusual 
strength, for a long time bade defiance to the Portuguese, 
but she was at length sunk by a broadside from the large 
bombards. The slaughter was even greater than on the 
occasion of the defeat of the Zamorim of Calicut. Be- 
tween three and four thousand men were killed, and of 
the eight hundred Mamelukes but twenty-two survived. " 
The victory was decisive ; Malik Jaz submitted, and Diu 
was entered in triumph by Almeida. But it was not 
without its cost. Nuiio Vaz Pereira fell, shot in the 
throat, and other brave souls with him. Great numbers, 



52 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ii. 

too, were wounded, and among them, Correa tells na, 
was Magellan. The engagement over, and a treaty of 
peace having been signed with Malik Jaz, the Viceroy 
returned with the fleet to Cochim. The power of the 
Portuguese in India was now fairly and indisputably 
established. 



CHAPTER III. 

SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE AND IN MOROCCO 
—DEN A T URALISA TION. 

Almeida, who had not yet delivered the seal of office to 
Albuquerqiie, returned to Cochim on the 8th March, 1509, 
and found his successor awaiting him. After his years 
of loyal service, after having at length brought security 
and success almost within measurable distance, he was 
called upon to resign his post. He had borne the burden 
and heat of the day, and now another was to reap the 
benefit of his toil. The trial was a most bitter one for 
him, and the differences in which he soon found himself 
involved with Albuquerque were not without excuse. 
Instead of resigning, he placed Albuquerque under arrest, 
and sent him to Cananor. 

Whether Magellan joined with others in openly ex- 
pressing disapproval of this action we do not know, but 
there is some reason to believe that he did so. On the 2 ist 
April there arrived at Cochim from Lisbon an armada 
destined for the reconnaissance of Malacca, under the com- 
mand of Diogo Lopes de Sequeira. Almeida affected to 
think that this force was insufficient, and added another 
vessel, with a crew of seventy men, under the command 
of Garcia de Sousa, with whom he was not upon the best 
of terms. Some of the officers are mentioned by Barros 
and De Goes ; among them Nuno Yaz de Castellobranco, 

who was sent " on account of the differences between 

53 



64 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. III. 

him and the Viceroy 3 " and we learn that Magellan and 
Francisco Serrao, who later became his bosom friend, 
also sailed in the same vessel.^ 

The little fleet, consisting of four ships of about 150 
tons, and a " taforea" — a sort of barge — sailed from'' 
Cochim on the 19th August,^ and sighting Ceylon upon 
the 2ist, made for Sumatra. Sequeira was now in 
unknown seas — seas, at least, which had never before 
been navigated by European vessels. His first port was 
Pedir, at the northern extremity of Sumatra, and having 
made a treaty of peace with the kmg both of this place 
and of the neighbouring city of Pacem, he proceeded 
without loss of time to Malacca, and anchored in the 
port on the nth September, 1509. 

Malacca had been for years a familiar name to the 
Portuguese as the great mart for all the merchandise of 
the far East. Now that they had at last reached it, 
they found that it in no way fell short of their expec- 
tations. Hither, Barros tells us, had gathered Arabs, 
Persians, Gujaratis, Bengalis, Burmese, Liu-kiuans, 
Javanese, Chinese, and natives of the Philippines ; and 

De Barros Arana, op, cit., p. 14, speaking of Magellan, says, " Em 
principios de 1508 estava elle de volta em Portugal," and tells us that 
he sailed from Lisbon with Sequeira ; but Barros (Decadas da Asia, 
Dec. ii. liv. iv. cap. iii.) concurs with De Goes, who writes : " Por Ihe 
pare^er que leuaua pouca gete pera hum tamanho nego^io, Ihe deu 
hua taforea com sesseta homes, capitao Garcia de Sousa, com que iha 
Fernao de Magalhaes & FraQisco Serrao." Barros uses nearly the 
same words. If Magellan accompanied Nuno Vaz Pereira to the East 
African coast in October 1506, and went with him the following year 
to Mozambique, and if he was " no feito dos Piumes " in the beginning 
of 1509, as we gather from Faria y Sousa {Asia Port., vol. i. pt. i. cap. 
X.) and Correa (ii. cap. iv. p. 28), he certainly could not have returned 
to Portugal at the date mentioned by Arana. 

2 " Partido Diogo Lopes de Cochij a oito de Setembro," says Barros, 
Dec. ii. bk. iv. cap. iii. , thus differing from Castanheda and De Goes. 



1509.] SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE. 55 

the city, although not of any great depth, extended 
along the coast for a vast distance. The port was 
crowded with shipping, and the enormous trade carried 
on with all parts of the world was evinced by the busy 
scenes upon its quays. The advent of the Europeans, 
whose deeds in India were not unknown, was productive 
of a temporary panic. Confidence was soon restored, 
and on the third day the king formally received the 
envoys of Dom Manoel, and appeared desirous of show- 
ing them the greatest kindness and respect. His atti- 
tude was nevertheless intended to conceal his real designs, 
which were to seize Sequeira's fleet at the first oppor- 
tunity, and inflict such a decisive blow upon the Portu- 
guese as should effectually check their threatened move 
upon the gates of the Pacific. 

Sequeira, it must be confessed, did his best to further 
them. No one ever adventured himself more confidingly 
into a nest of hornets. Warned that the Malays were 
not to be trusted by some friendly Chinese captains and 
again by a Persian woman, of whom one of the Portu- 
guese was the lover, he persisted in ignoring the advice, 
and his men visited the city and the natives Sequeira's 
ships " as though they had been at anchor off the city 
of Lisbon." Tlie king's first plot was to invite the 
Captain-general and a large number of his people to a 
banquet, and, their forces thus weakened, simultaneously 
to attack his guests and the ships. Even Sequeira, 
however, declined to fall into so transparent a trap, and 
another ruse had to be adopted. 

The Portuguese had expressed their desire of leav- 
ing as soon as they could get their cargo of spices, in 
order that they might not miss the monsoon for their 
homeward voyage. Taking advantage of this, the king 



56 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. Hi. 

informed Sequeira that lie had got together a large quan- 
tity of pepper and other goods, which he would deliver 
to him if he would send all his boats ashore on the fol- 
lowing day, together with plenty of men to load them. 
The Captain-general gladly acceded. Francisco Serrao 
in command of a large party, and with all the boats 
except that of the ^^taforea" proceeded ashore, and the 
strength of the fleet being thus reduced, the natives 
crowded to the ships with the ostensible purpose of 
trading, and awaited the signal for a general onslaught, 
which was to be given from the citadel. 

Garcia de Sousa, more quick-witted than his com- 
mander, was not long in realising the impending danger. 
"Without the loss of a moment's time, he drove the 
Malays out of his ship, and sent Ferdinand Magellan in 
the only remaining boat to the flag- ship to put Sequeira 
on his guard. Magellan found the Captain-general 
playing at chess, surrounded by eight Malays, even 
then unwilling to believe that any treachery was con- 
templated. Hardly taking his eyes from the board, 
Sequeira merely ordered one of the saUors into the main- 
top to see if all were well with the shore party, and 
Magellan at the same moment left the ship. WhUe 
aloft, the sailor chanced to look down, and saw a Malay 
standing behind Sequeira with his kris half drawn, 
while a comrade in front motioned to him not to strike, 
as the signal had not then been given. At the same 
moment Francisco Serrao and two or three others were 
seen running for their lives to the beach, and the puff 
of white smoke — the signal for the massacre — floated 
from the summit of the citadel. The sailor's Avarning 
cry of " Treachery ! treachery ! " came not an instant too 
soon. Sequeira bounded from his seat, and escaping 



1509.] SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE. 57 

the blow from the kris of his would-be murderer, ran 
to arms. The Malays, seeing themselves outnumbered, 
jumped overboard. Serrao meanwhile, in a small skiff 
and almost unarmed, was making desperate effoi-ts to 
shake himself clear of a number of boats by which he 
was hard pressed. Already one of his men had been 
severely wounded, and the enemy had boarded their craft, 
when Magellan and Nuno Vaz de Castelbranco came to 
their rescue. Although a bare handful of men, they 
fought so despei'ately that the Malays were driven over- 
board, and the Portuguese reached their ship in safety. 
It is not too much to believe that the courage and 
presence of mind of Magellan on this occasion greatly 
strengthened the bond of friendship between him and 
Serrao, and to this friendship, as we shall see later, the 
great voyage of the greatest of navigators was more or 
less due. 

The situation of the Portuguese at this moment was 
critical. Not only had the greater number of those on 
shore been captured or murdered, but a second party, 
who had landed upon a httle island hard by, had also 
been cut off. Sequeira had hardly realised his position, 
when a large fleet of armed praus was seen rounding a 
corner and making for the vessels of the Portuguese. 
However great his folly, the Captain- general was no 
coward. Instant action was necessary, and he took it. 
Slipping his cables, he at once bore down upon the 
enemy, and so well were his guns served that the Malays 
were soon only too glad to retire, many of their ships 
being sunk and others hopelessly crippled. 

Sequeira waited a day or two in the hope of ransom- 
ing some of his men. Sixty were missing, and although 
many were known to have been killed, he had reason to 



58 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. hi. 

suspect that as many as thirty were prisoners. His 
efforts were fruitless, and accordingly, putting ashore 
two of his captives with an arrow through their brains 
and a message affixed to their bodies that " thus the 
King of Portugal avenged the ti"eason of his enemies," 
he sailed for India. ^ 

The homeward voyage of the fleet was signalised by 
the capture of several junks. In one of these actions 
Magellan again distinguished himself in the same 
manner as at Malacca; for the Portuguese of Nuno 
Godiu's ship being almost overpowered, Castelbranco 
and himself, with only four sailors, went to their 
assistance in the small boat of the ^^taforea" and 
brought the fight to a successful issue. ^ In January, 
1 510, the fleet arrived at Travancore, reduced to three 
vessels — one having gone ashore in the Straits, and one 
having been purposely burnt. In this port they learned 
the news of Almeida's departure from India,^ where- 
upon Sequeira, who had sided with him in his quarrel 
with Albuquerque, thought it better to sail direct for 
Portugal Teisera's ship and the " if a/b?'ea," bearing 
Magellan and his friend Serrao, proceeded on theii' 
course, and anchored a few days later in the harbour 
of Cochim. 

1 Correa's account of the Malacca difficulties differs in toto from 
the above, which, with the exception of a few unimportant details, is 
that given by all the other old historians. In the Lendas da India 
the Portuguese are attacked by night in a small fortress which they 
had previously obtained permission to erect. 

■^ Castanheda, op. cit., liv. ii. cap. cxvi. 

3 Almeida, "the enemy of avarice," a great man in the best sense 
of the term, was destined never to reach home. Landing a small 
party in Saldanha Bay in search of water and provisions, a fracas 
occurred with the Kafirs, and in an attempt to revenge themselves 
next day (March i, 1510), the Portuguese lost sixty-five men, among 
whom were eleven captains and their beloved chief. 



1510.] SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE. 59 

Magellan and his comrades must have reached that 
capital almost simiiltaneously with Albuquerque. How- 
ever great a failure Sequeira's expedition had been, 
that of the Viceroy to Calicut, whence he was now 
returning, had been even greater. Upon the 2nd 
January he had arrived ojEf the city with a large 
armada. A few days later he left it, himself badly 
wounded, seventy-eight of his best men killed, and over 
three hundred liors de combat, with no advantage, save 
the slaughter of a lai^ge number of Moors, accruing to 
his side. Neither his wounds nor his defeat, however, 
prevented Albuquerque from busying himself in the exe- 
cution of his projects. He at once ordered an armada 
to be got ready to proceed against the cities at the 
entrance of the Red Sea, and despatched the rest of 
the homeward-bound fleet — the first part of which had 
already sailed — to Portugal vid Mozambique. 

The three vessels of which this second division of the 
fleet was composed left Cochim about the middle of 
January.^ One ship, commanded by Gomes Freire, 
sailing a little before her companions, had a prosperous 

^ The chronology of this period of Magellan's history is a little 
cbscui's. After the fight at Calicut, Albuquerque is mentioned by 
Correa (vol. ii. pt. i. cap. iii. p. 25) as sending Rebello thence to Cananor 
on the 10th January, and the historian adds, " gouernador esteue no 
porto de Calecut dous dias, despachando as cousas como ja disse, e se 
partio pera Cochym." It is probable, therefore, that he arrived at 
the latter city about the 14th. But De Goes (3ra parte, cap. iii. fol. 5 
V.) tells us that "partio Afonso dalbuquerque de Cochim na fim de 
Janeiro " — a not impossible date, since we know that he occupied Goa 
February 17th. If Magellan was with the Viceroy in his first descent 
upon Goa, as Arana [op. cit., p. 17) states, there is little enough of 
intervening time left for the preparation and despatch of the home- 
ward fleet, the wreck upon the Padua Bank, the reaching of the 
mainland in the boats, the sending of the caravel to succour the 
shipwrecked party, and their return to Cananor. Most probably 
Magellan was not present at the first occupation of Goa. 



60 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. ill. 

voyage, reaching Mozambique in safety, but the others 
— in one of which Magellan sailed — ran at night upon 
a shoal of the Great Padua Bank,^ and remained. The 
weather was good, and though the ships filled, they 
did not break up, and the captains, Sebastian de Sousa 
and Francisco de S4, were able to save not only suffi- 
cient provisions, but a good deal of the cargo also. The 
crews landed with their belongings upon a small island 
which was close at hand, and at daybreak a discussion 
took place as to the course to be pursued. It was 
resolved to make for the coast of India — distant about 
a hundred miles — in the boats, but owing to the want 
of room "there was much contention among them con- 
cerning which of them should go fixst. The captains, 
fidalgos, and persons of position desired so to do, but 
the sailors said that they should not unless they went 
also. "2 In this state of affairs Magellan came to the 
rescue, promising, with the ready coolness which, as we 
learn later, was so characteristic of him, that he would 
remain with the crews if they would swear to him that 
assistance should be sent immediately on the arrival of 
the boats in India. This was done, and the boats de- 
parted, reaching Cananor in eight days. Sebastian de 
Sousa kept his word, and sent Antonio Pacheco to their 

1 The Padua Bank or Pedro Reef has now twenty-one fathoms as its 
minimum depth of water, and it would naturally be concluded that the 
ships went ashore at some other place in the Lakadivhs ; more espe- 
cially from the fact that, according to one writer, the crew landed on 
an island or rock close at hand. But it appears that the banks off 
this part of the coast are gradually sinking. On the Elicapeni Bank, 
in lat. 11° 12' N., long. 73° 58' E., there is now from 8-15 fathoms, 
while in 1835 Captain Byrom found only 3^-9 fathoms. Such a rapid 
alteration renders it quite possible for the wreck to have occurred on 
the " Bassas de Pedro." 

2 Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xix. 



1510.] SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE. 61 

relief in a caravel without loss of time. Crew and 
cargo were safely got on board, and eventually the coast 
was reached -with, little more loss than that of the two 
vessels. 

From Barros we learn one possible reason for Magel- 
lan's action on this occasion — that there was a friend 
whom, " since he was a person of no great importance," 
the captain was about to leave behind. We are not told 
his name, but there is Kttle doubt that it was Francisco 
Serrao, and that it was his loyalty to him as a friend 
that prevented Magellan from considering his own 
safety.^ Whatever may have been the case, however, 
the deed was that of a cool, unselfish man, and it is 
recognised as such even by historians so adverse to him 
as Barros and Castanheda.^ 

At the moment of the rescue of Magellan and his 
comrades, Albuquerque was bound northwards with an 
armada of twenty-three ships for Ormuz, touching at 
Cananor and other neighbouring ports on his voyage. 
Whether the shipwrecked crews were incorporated with 

1 This incident is related by Herrera (Dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xix.), 
Barros (Dee. iii. lib. iv. cap. i. ), Castanheda (lib. iii. cap. v. ), and 
Damiao de Goes (ada parte, cap. xliii. fol. 73), but the latter does 
not mention Magellan. Correa (vol. ii. pt. i. cap. iv. p. 27) gives an 
account which differs in many particulars from that of the other 
historians, stating (a far from probable occurrence) that the crew 
remained in the vessels, which they shored up by means of the yards ; 
that all this was arranged and ordered by Magellan ; and that Gon- 
zalo de Crasto — not Pacheco — returned with the caravel. See also 
Lord Stanley's Magellan, Hakluyt Soc, p. xvii. 

2 It is worthy of remark that, in Herrera's laudatory comments 
upon Magellan's action on this occasion, we learn one of the few 
facts concerning his personal aspect to which history has treated 
us: — "Albeit his appearance was not greatly in his favour, since he 
was of small stature" (iiunque no le ayudaiia mucho la persona, por- 
que era de cuerpo pequeno "). 



62 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. iii. 

this fleet or not is uncertain, but it is by no means im- 
possible that such was the case.'^ The Viceroy altered 
his plans en route, and leaving the siege of Ormuz for a 
future occasion, made a descent upon Goa, which yielded 
to him on the 17th February, 15 10, almost without strik- 
ing a blow. He was not at that time, however, in a 
position to hold the city against a large force, and three 
months later — May 30th — was compelled to evacuate it. 
It was only for a time. During his short tenure of the 
place Albuquerque had realised its importance, and the 
next occasion on which Magellan appears upon the scene 
is at a council held by the Viceroy on the loth October, 
15 10, upon questions connected with a second siege he 
had then resolved on.^ 

The council was held at Cochim, and was composed of 
" all the captains of the King," to which rank it may be 
concluded that Magellan had by this time attained. The 
question for decision was whether the merchant ships — 
then loading in Cochim — should assist at the intended 
siege of Goa or not. Magellan, called upon to speak, 
gave a very decided opinion on the subject, saying that 
they " ought not to take the ships of burden to Goa, 
inasmuch as, if they went thither, they could not pass 
this year to Portugal, . . . and that there would not 
remain time for them to lay out their money, nor to do 
anything of what was necessary for the voyage." Albu- 
querque was of a different opinion, and said that " he 

1 Correa says that they returned to Cochim, while Castanheda 
implies that they went to Cananor. Barros, however, distinctly states 
that Pacheco returned with the rescued crew to Goa, and that they 
there found Alfonso d' Albuquerque. 

2 The document recording this council is preserved in the Torre do 
Tombo at Lisbon {Corp. Chron.. pt. 2a, ma?. 23, doc. 190), and a trans- 
lation appears in Lord Stanley's Magellan, p. sxi. 



/ 




APrONSO n ALBUQUERQUE. 



1510.] SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE. 63 

would sail with as many ships and men as he could get 
together, and would go and take Goa, as he trusted in 
our Saviour's Passion that He would aid him ; " but he 
added that he would not take any one away with him 
against his will. The captains, Correa tells us, paid little 
attention to this, being occupied with the profits result- 
ing from the sale and embarkation of the goods which 
they had to convey to Portugal. ^ 

Magellan, we know, did not belong either actually or 
in spirit to such men as these, and although we do not 
find him mentioned by name in Correa's list of the 
" valentes caualleiros " who accompanied Albuquerque in 
this expedition, he may well have come under the head 
of the " outros caualleiros honrados " who were present. 
The Viceroy arrived off Goa on the 24th November. 
The fleet consisted of thirty-four sail, which carried 
fifteen hundred Portuguese troops and three hundred 
Malabaris. On the following day the assault took place 
— a splendidly fought action, which resulted in the fall 
of the city and its occupation for the second time by 
Albuquerque. Under his administration order and pro- 
sperity were rapidly restored. Money was coined ; the 
ambassadors of the kings of Narsinga and Cambay 
arrived to establish relations with the Viceroy ; the 
native women, embracing the Christian religion, became 

^ Lord Stanley, op. cit., p. xxiv., suggests that the adverse opinion 
given by Magellan on this occasion was the cause of the subsequent 
coldness and ill-will of his sovereign, and hence also of the great navi- 
gator's desertion of his country for Spain ; but this is hardly probable. 
None of the contemporaneous historians make any adverse comment 
upon the subject. An incident so trivial, unaccompanied by quarrel 
of any kind, would have passed almost unnoticed in such stirring 
times. The explanation of the King's attitude is more probably to be 
found a few years later in Magellan's return from Africa without 
leave. 



64 ' LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. hi. 

the wives of the conquerors, and trade was once more 
resumed. 

Affairs once satisfactorily settled in Goa, Albuquerque, 
who in energy and ambition was no whit inferior to 
Almeida, determined on fitting out an armada " a buscar 
hos E-umes." Not only were the ships of the Caliph — 
the bitter enemy of Lusitanian influence in the East — to 
be sought for and destroyed, but a fort was to be built at 
Aden, and another upon the Kamaran Islands in the 
Red Sea. The fleet left Goa at the end of March, 1511, 
but in doubling the Padua reefs they encountered such 
continued bad weather that they were forced to return, 
and it was ultimately settled that they should proceed to 
Malacca instead. In August, therefore — just two years 
subsequent to the sailing of Sequeira's expedition — an 
armada of nineteen vessels left Cochim for that city, bent 
on taking a full though tardy revenge for the treacherous 
slaughter of Serrao's comrades. During their voyage 
they captured no less than five ships from Cambay, and 
having lost the galley of Simon Martins in a storm, they 
touched, as before, at Pedir in Atjeh, and confirmed 
their treaties with the king. At Pagem (Passir) they 
were again well received. Farther south they encoun- 
tered two junks and a caravel, all of which they cap- 
tured. Unwittingly they had begun their revenge, for 
upon the latter ship, after she had struck, they found 
the body of Nahodabeguea, the organiser of the plot 
against Sequeira.^ 

1 De Goes relates a fable concerning this occurrence, embodying a 
belief which is not uncommon in many parts of the world. They find 
the body hacked to pieces, but no blood flows. On his wrist is a 
bracelet in which is set the " bone of a species of large cattle found 
in Siam, called ' Cabis.' " On pulling this off, the blood gushes out, 
and Nahodabeguea dies instantly. 



1511.] 



SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE, 



65 



On the ist July, 15 ii, the fleet arrived off Malacca.^ 
It was not until six weeks later that the city fell. 
Although unprovided with fortifications, the number of 
cannon it mounted and of fighting men by whom it was 
garrisoned made its redviction no easy matter. In the 
history of Portuguese India the taking of Malacca by 
Albuquerque is perhaps the most striking event, not 
less from its poHtical import than from the difficulty of 
the task and the richness of the booty,^ Upon the pro- 




MAI.ACCA (from Coi-rea). 

tracted struggle which ended so fortunately for the 
Viceroy's forces it is unnecessary to dwell. Even at this 
period Magellan had not yet fought himself into the 
first half-dozen or so of distinguished captains whose 
names and individual deeds were thought worthy of 
mention by the chroniclers of that date. For the present, 
he remained for the most part hidden in the obscurity 

1 Correa states that the fleet arrived in mid-June (vol. ii. pt. i. 
p. 219). 

2 *' Se tomou despojo de grao valor, o mor que nunqua se tomou 
n'estas partes, nem outro tal tomara." — Correa, Lendas da India, 
vol. ii. pt. i. p. 248. See also Comentarios do grande Afonso d' Albu- 
querque, cap. xxviii. 

E 



66 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. III. 

of the " outros caualleiros valentes " whose presence in 
the engagements is only rarely otherwise recorded. One 
writer/ however, speaks of him as " giving a very good 
account of himself " on this occasion. It is only what 
might have been expected from him, or indeed from any 
one of the courageous band who effected the downfall 
of the most important city of the East. Against the 
twenty thousand fighting men, with three thousand pieces 
of artillery, whose workmanship, as we learn from the 
Commentaries of Albuquerque, could not be excelled 
even in Portugal, the Viceroy could bring a bare eight 
hundred Portuguese and six hundred Malabar archers. 
They had indeed need to give a good account of them- 
selves, and for a protracted period the issue hung in the 
balance. " Assuredly," says Castanheda, " from the time 
we began the conquest of India until now was no affair 
undertaken so arduous as this battle, . . . nor one in 
which so much artillery was employed, or in which so 
many were engaged in the defence." 

The fall of Malacca was of greater political importance 
than that of Goa. Not only was the city the key to the 
Eastern gate of the Indian Ocean — the gate through 
which the whole commerce of the Moluccas, the Philip- 
pines, Japan, and " far Cathay " passed on its road to 
the Mediterranean — but it was at the same time one 
of the largest marts in Asia. In its harbour rode the 
ships of countless nations and peoples, from " Cipangu " 
to Timor. It is little surprising, therefore, that the 
news of Albuquerque's success spread far and wide 
throughout the Eastern world, and that the sovereigns 
of the neighboui'ing countries were anxious to solicit his 

1 Herrera, oj). eit, Dec. ii. liv. ii. cap. xix. p. 66: "Dando de si 
muy buenas muestras." 



1511.] SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE. 67 

protection. The alliances concluded with them tempted 
— if not to fresh conquests — at least to further explo- 
rations. The Spice Islands — an Eldorado even more 
ghttering than the New World — had by this time 
passed from the cloud of uncertainty that hung around 
them, to become a reality almost within grasp. The 
Viceroy and his comrades had doubtless talked over 
their riches a hundred times, had met their ships and 
men, and had made themselves acquainted with such 
details as were possible of their navigation. But it 
must have been from Luigi Varthema, the Italian — the 
first European who had ever sailed into these waters 
— the traveller who had seen with his own eyes the 
hitherto unknown wonders of the Moluccas — that they 
derived their most trustworthy information. His 
accounts of " Maluch " and its cloves ; of Banda — the 
" isola molto brutta & trista " — and its nutmegs, must 
have been fresh in their memories. Little wonder, 
then, that we find Albiiquerque fitting out and despatch- 
ing an expedition to these long-sought-for lands without 
a moment's delay. The streets of Malacca were hardly 
cleared of the debris of the assault, the conquerors hardly 
rested from their laboiu-s, ere Antonio d'Abreu weighed 
anchor with his three galleons, and sailed in quest of 
the unknown islands whose perfumed products were 
even more coveted than the gold of America. 

The captains of the other ships were Francisco Serrao 
and — according to Argensola — Ferdinand Magellan.^ 
The Portuguese forces had been so weakened by battle 
and disease that it was impossible further to reduce 

* According- to De Goes and Correa, the third vessel was commanded 
by Simao Afonso Bisagudo {Chronica de D, Manoel, sra parte, cap, 
xsv. fol. 51). 



68 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. hi. 

them to any considerable extent, and barely a hundred 
European soldiers sailed. The ships, however, bore 
numerous Malabaris and other mercenaries upon their 
roll, in addition to their ordinary complement of sea- 
men. Leaving Malacca at the end of December, 1511,^ 
the fleet followed a southern track, skirting the north 
coast of Java. 2 They passed between that island and 
Madura, and holding an easterly course, left Celebes on 
their port-hand and entered the Banda Sea. The in- 
structions given by Albuquerque were most explicit. 
No prizes were to be taken, no vessel was to be chased 
or boarded, and at every port the greatest respect was to 
be shown for the authorities and customs of the country. 
Further to secui-e their good reception, a junk preceded 
them, having on board a certain Nakoda Ismael, well 
versed in the navigation of these seas and in the com- 
merce of their islands. Passing to the north of the 

1 "Em nonembro d'este ano de 1511 " (Correa, vol. ii. pt. i. p. 265), 
perhaps a more probable date, as Albuquerque left Malacca for India 
December i. 

2 With regard to this first voyage of the Portuguese to the Moluccas 
the greatest discrepancies exist, in spite of the diff useness of its narra- 
tion by some of the contemporaneous historians, and the extreme im- 
portance of the enterprise. The question is vfliether Magellan really 
did sail with D'Abreu upon this occasion or not. Barros does not 
mention his presence, nor does the almost equally prolix Castanheda, 
and Correa, De Goes, and Galvao are also silent upon the subject. 
Again, from a document found in the Lisbon archives, it is known 
that Magellan was in that city in June, 1512. If the expedition left 
IMalacca for the Spice Islands in December, 151 1, or even in the middle 
of November, a very limited space of time is left for the completion 
of its work and the return of Magellan to Portugal. On the other 
hand, Argensola tells us very plainly that Blagcllan wont as captain of 
the third ship, and a few pages farther on says, " Auiendo Magallanos 
passado soyseientas leguas adolante hazia Malaca, se hallaua en unas 
islas desde donde se correspondia co Serrano " {ojk cit., lib. i. p. 15). 
Oviodo also, referring to Magellan, calls him " dicstro en las cosas de 



1512.] SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE. 69 

volcanic islet of GunoBg Api, they touched at Bouru, 
and finally reached Amboina in safety. 

The distance between Amboina and Banda is such as, 
with a fair wind, might be easily accomplished in one 
day, even by the clumsily-built galleons of that period. 
Abreu chose, therefore, to visit this group, the home of 
the nx\tmeg, before proceeding northward to Ternate. 
Serrao's command — a Cambay ship taken at the siege 
of Goa — had, however, become so unseaworthy that it 
was found necessary to abandon her. Officers and crew 
were taken on board the Santa Gatalina to Banda, where 
a junk was purchased to take her place. So abundant 
was the supply of spice in that port, that they were able 
fully to lade their ships, and Antonio d 'Abreu resolved 
to return to Malacca without visiting Ternate, not only 
because he was unable to take more cargo, but also on 
account of the weather. ^ On the return voyage Serrao 

la mar, y quo por vista de ojos tenia mucha noticia de la India oriental, 
y de las Islas del Maluco y Espe^ieria" (0-\aedo y Valdes, Hist. 
General de las Indias, lib. xx. cap. i. ). A still stronger argument, 
perhaps, exists in Magellan's own letter to Charles V. in September 
1519 (Leg. I of Molucca documents, Seville archives ; Navarrete, vol. 
iv. p. 188), in which he speaks authoritatively of the geographical 
position of the different islands of the Moluccas. 

These arguments in their turn are open to objection. Argensola is 
the least accurate of all the historians, and an obvious anachronism 
occurs in the same sentence with the passage quoted. Magellan's 
knowledge of the Moluccas, too, may very well have been obtained 
through his friend Francisco Serrao, who at that time had been resi- 
dent in Ternate for nearly eight years. The question, having regard 
to probabilities, must be answered in the negative, but it is of great 
interest. For, if Magellan did reach Banda, it may be justly claimed 
for him that at the period of his death in the Philipj)ines he had in his 
own person completed the circumnavigation of the globe — an honour 
that is in general assigned to his successor, Sebastian del Cano. 

^ "Por culpa dos tempos Ihe tergare mal," says Castanheda. Per- 
haps the strongest argument against Magellan having sailed on this 
expedition with d'Abreu is afforded us by a consideration of the 



70 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. in. 

was destined again to meet with misfortune, or at least 
with what appeared at the time to be such. Getting 
separated from the rest of the fleet in heavy weather, 
his vessel struck on the reefs of the Schildpad Islands,^ 
and became a total wreck. 

Of Serrao's future history, romantic and interesting 
as it is, it is impossible here to give a detailed account, 
though, from its connection with that of his friend 
Magellan, a glance at it is perhaps necessary. Thrown 
upon a deserted island, famous as the resort of pirates 
and wreckers who reaped the harvest of its formidable 
reefs, they feared that " if they met not their death 
from thirst and hunger, they might expect it from these 
corsairs." The very thing they most dreaded proved 
their salvation, and Serrao extricated himself from his 
dangerous position by a ruse as clever as it was laugh- 
able. Some pirates, having sighted the wreck, landed 
to hunt down the survivors. Serrao, meanwhile, had 
hidden his men close to the beach, and waiting until 
the new-comers had disembarked, quietly emerged from 
his place of concealment and took possession of their ship. 
His antagonists, with the prospect of being left without 
food or water, begged for mercy, which was granted 
upon condition that they should repair the wrecked 
junk. All reached Amboina in safety, and were well 
treated by the natives. The kings of Ternate and Tidor 

prevailing winds of those seas. Even had the fleet sailed in November, 
and reached Amboina in a fortnight, it is extremely unlikely that an 
attempt would have been made to beat back against the west monsoon. 
The east monsoon is faii-ly established in July, and it may be said, 
■with a confidence approaching certainty, that such of the fleet as 
returned to Malacca arranged their departure so that they might take 
advantage of it. 

1 The Schildpad Islands lie in lat. 5° 30' S., long. 127° 40' E., and 
about 140 miles W.S.W. of the Banda group. 



1512.] SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE. 71 

were at that time engaged in a dispute abont their 
boundaries, and not unwilling to obtain an aid of which 
both were wise enough to perceive the advantages, made 
overtures to the powerful foreigners, whose fame had by 
this time spread to the farthest boundaries of Malaysia. 
Serrao cast in his lot with that of the ruler of Ternate, 
and for the remainder of his life established himself in 
the Moluccas. From Ternate he wrote many letters to 
his friends, and especially to Magellan, " giving him to 
understand that he had discovered yet another new 
world, larger and richer than that found by Vasco da 
Gama." These letters, joined possibly with a personal 
knowledge of those regions, formed, it may safely be 
conjectured, no slight inducement to the undertaking 
of the voyage which ended our hero's life and made his 
name immortal.^ 

Whether, then, Magellan did or did not see with his 

1 " Das quaes cartas comegou este Fernao de Magalhaes tomar huns 
novos conceitos que Ihe causaram a morte, o metteo este Eeyno em 
algfum desgosto, como logo Yeremoa " (BaiTos, Dec. iii. liv. v. cap. vi.). 
"Este Francisco Sorrao foy o que mandou enformagao do Maluco A 
Fernao de Magalhaes, quo fez despois trey^ao aa casa real de Portugal, 
querendolhe tirar estas ilhas da sua conquista & dalas a coroa de 
Ca.ste\a. " (Castankcda, lib. iii. cap. Isxxvi.). The letters written by 
Magellan to Serrao were found among the papers left at the lattei-'s 
death. In them he promises "that he will be with him soon, if not by 
way of Portugal, by way of Spain, for to that issue his affaii-s seemed 
to be leading " (Navarrcte, vol. iv. note v. p. Ixxiv. ; Barros, Dec. iii. 
lib. V. cap. viii. ). A certain mystery enwraps the prolonged stay of 
Sorrao in the Moluccas. It is quite possible — nay, almost certain— that 
it was contrary to orders, but that on the next visit of the Portuguese 
he was a person of such influence that they found it advisable to leave 
him alone. This is borne out by a document found by Munoz in the 
Seville archives, which says, " Francisco Serrano, grande hombre do 
navegacion, y muy amigo de Magallanes ... el qual con tomor y 
desagrado del Eey de Portugal y do sus gcntos huyo de Malaca en uu 
junco de los que solian ir a comcrciar en Maluco" (see Navarrete, 
iv. p. 371). 



72 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. ill. 

own eyes this promised land/ one thing at least is cer- 
tain, that the two friends never met again. In what 
ship or by what fleet he returned to Portugal we do not 
know, but that he did return about the period is con- 
clusively proved, not only from the fact that the historians 
give the length of his Indian service as seven years,^ 
but from the evidence of certain documents of the Casa 
Real de Portugal, brought to light by the historian 
Muuoz. It was the custom in those days that all who 
belonged to the king's household — the "criagao de El 
Eey" — should receive a stipend which, though merely 
nominal in value, corresponded to their rank.^ This 
stipend was known as the moradia. Magellan, borne 
on the books as " mo9o fidalgo," received a monthly 
pension of a milreis,^ and an alqueire of barley daily, 
and on the 1 2th June, 1 5 1 2, we find him signing a receipt 
in Lisbon acknowledging the fact.^ It is probable that 
this receipt was signed not long after his arrival in 

1 Upon the Molucca expedition see De Goes, sra parte, caps. xxv. 
and xxviii. ; Argensola, lib. i. pp. 6 and 15 ; Barros, Dec. ii. liv. vL 
cap. vii., and Dec. iii. liv. v. cap. vi. ; Castanheda, bk. iii. caps. Ixxv. 
and Ixxxvi. ; Correa, bk. ii. pt. i. pp. 265, 267, and 280 ; Galvao, Des- 
cohrimentos, Hakluyt Soc, p. 115. 

• Gomara, Hist. General de las Indias, cap. xci. 

3 Osorio, De Bebus Emmanuelis, lib. xi. p. 327 (ed. Col. Agrip. 
MDLXXVI.), tells us the origin of this stipend. " Olira erat apud 
Lusitanos in more positum, ut in Rogia, qui Regi serviebant ipsius 
Regis sumptibus alerentur. Cum ver6 multitudo domesticorum tanta 
fuisset, difficillimum videbatur cibos tantre multitudini i^rseparare. 
Quocirca fuit d Portugalise Regibus statutum, ut sumptum, quern 
quilibet erat in Regia facturus, ipse sibi ex regia pecunia faceret. Sic 
autem factum est, ut cuiHbet certa pecuniae summa, singulis mensibus 
assignaretur.'' 

4 The milreis or dollar, although at that period of considerably 
greater value, is now worth about 4s. 5d. of our English money. The 
alqueire is as nearly as possible 28 lbs. 

5 Bk. vi. of Moradias da Casa Real, fol. 47 v. 



1512.] SERVICE WITH ALBUQUERQUE. 73 

Portugal, as from a similar document, dated one month 
later (July 14, 1512), we learn of his promotion to the 
rank of "fidalgo escudeiro," which he presumably ob- 
tained for his services in the East. The increase in 
his pension was, comparatively speaking, considerable 
(850 reis), but of far more importance was the improve- 
ment in his position at court; for, as we learn from 
Osorio, " each person was esteemed the more noble 
according to the amount of salary that he received." 

Returned once more to his native land, Magellan 
remained there for nearly a year. Whether he retired 
to his estate at Sabrosa or breathed the more stirring 
air of the court at Lisbon, we are not informed. But 
to one of his temperament — one who for seven long years 
had led a vivid hfe of adventure by sea and land, a Hfe 
of siege and shipwreck, of endless war and wandering — 
a country existence must have become impossible. To be 
with his fellows, with men who had tasted of the sweets 
and bitters of the wider life, to be within reach of news 
from India, to watch the preparations for further and 
perhaps greater expeditions — this must have been to 
him as the breath of his life, and we cannot dovibt that 
he remained in Lisbon. It is wonderful that he should 
have remained so long. That he was not the man to 
sink into inaction either of mind or body we may be 
quite sure, and we can picture him perfecting himself in 
the art of navigation^ or planning fresh explorations 

■■■ Magellan's ability as a trained navigator is constantly referred to 
by writers of the period. It is not actually stated that he was a 
pupil of Martin Behaim, but he may quite well have been so. That 
cosmographer, after completing his globe in 1492, left Nuremberg for 
the Azores vid Portugal, but returned to the latter country shortly 
afterwards. He died in Lisbon in 1506. Between these two dates — 
with the exception of a mission to Flanders — he is believed to have 



74 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. hi. 

or conquests in the vast island-scattered seas through 
which — well-nigh spent with hunger and scurvy — he was 
afterwards destined to wander for so many weary weeks. 
It was to India, doubtless, that Magellan looked as the 
scene of his future success — to the Farther India of which 
Serrao had written to him, and of which he himself later 
said that he would find his way thither, " if not by way 
of Portugal, then by way of Spain." It was not, how- 
ever, in India that he was next to serve. In the summer 
of 1513 difficulties arose with the Moors of Azamor in 
Morocco. In the time of Dom Joao II. a treaty had 
been concluded with them. Portuguese subjects resided 
in the city, their ships entered the harbour free of dues, 
and their goods passed the customs without charge. 
The peace remained unbroken until, tired of paying 
tribute, Muley Zeyam rebelled. Dom Manoel was not 
the monarch to leave an insult long unavenged. An 
armada was fitted out in Lisbon such as neither befoi'e 
nor since weighed anchor from the shores of Portugal.^ 

Why so large a fleet was despatched is not clear. It 
consisted, all told, of more than four hundred ships, 
which bore no less than eighteen thousand men-at-arms 
in addition to the cavalry and sailors. The command 
was given by Dom Manoel to his nephew Jayme, Duke 
of Braganga. Leaving Belem on the 13th August, 15 13, 
the force arrived off Azamor on the 28th. A pretence 
of fighting was gone through, but the Moors were wise 
enough to realise that they had not sufficient strength 

resided partly in Fayal and partly in Lisbon. Magellan, as we know, 
passed these years at the Portuguese capital. That the two never 
met is in the highest degree impi'obable. 

1 (Jurita, Anales de Aragon, lib. x. cap. Ixxix. fol. 374 v. Goes, 
op, cit. 3ra parte, cap. xlvi 



1513.] SERVICE IN MOROCCO. 75 

to cope with so formidable an enemy, and the city opened 
its gates without further bloodshed. 

Among the many distinguished captains who entered 
them, we look in vain through the chronicler's list of 
names ^ for that of Magellan, although we know, from 
his being mentioned in the pages of Barros very shortly 
after, that he must have been present. The Duke of 
Braganga returned in November to Portugal, and left 
Dom Joao de Meneses in command, a general noted for 
valour and energy, of whom it was said that " he ceased 
not for a moment from making cruel war against the 
Moors." 2 The city was scarcely settled ere a series of 
" entradas " or armed reconnaissances was instituted, 
which, making their descent where least expected, 
greatly harassed the Moors and kept the country in a 
perpetual state of terror. In one of these, under the 
leadership of Joao Soarez, Magellan was wounded in the 
leg by a lance, which appears to have injured some 
tendon behind the knee in such a manner that he re- 
mained slightly lame for the rest of his life.^ 

Towards the end of March, 1514, the Portuguese 
received information that the kings of Fez and Mequinez 
were preparing a large army for the recapture of Azamor. 
On the 12 th April the patrols sent out from that city 
gave notice of the approach of the advance-guard, and 
Dom Joao de Meneses led his troops at once against 
them. Although the Moors were completely routed, 
leaving over two thousand of their men upon the field, 

1 Faria y Sousa, Africa Poriugueza, cap. vii. ; De Goes, op, cit,, 
3ra parte, fol. 87. 

2 Pedro de Mariz, Dialogos de varia Historia, dial. iv. cap. xviii. 
fol. 286 v. 

3 " Parece quo Ihe tocou em algum nerva da juntura da curva, con 
que depois manquejava hum poco."— Garros, Dec. iii, liv. v. cap. viii. 



76 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. hi. 

the Portuguese also suffered considerable loss, and the 
advance of the enemy was unchecked. On Easter Eve 
they arrived at the river of Azamor. So great were 
their numbers, that seven days were occupied in the 
crossing, while behind them *' everything was consumed, 
laid waste, and destroyed," The very size of the army 
was, however, the cause of its ruin. Already au bout de 
ses forces, it arrived in the neighboxirhood of the city 
only to find the wells destroyed and the country devas- 
tated. The Portuguese had an easy task. With the 
aid of their native allies the invading host was soon put 
to flight. The booty was large. Over eight hundred 
horses alone were captured and a thousand Moors made 
prisoners. 

Either on this occasion or very shortly after an inci- 
dent occurred which, if we may believe the historians, 
was indirectly the cause of the differences between 
Magellan and his sovereign. Owing partly to his lameness 
and partly to his friendship with Joao Soarez, our hero 
was selected, in company with another captain, Alvaro 
Monteiro, as quadrileiro mor in charge of the booty. 
Whether he had refused to wink at irregularities, and 
had hence become unpopular and open to unfounded 
accusations, or whether he was really guilty, it is impos- 
sible with certainty to discover; but the fact remains, 
that, together with his comrade, he was accused by 
certain people of selling the cattle to the Moors, and per- 
mitting them to be carried off at night with his full 
knowledge and connivance. It is probable that under 
his old commander, Dom Joao de Meneses, he would 
have had little difficulty in clearing himself, but the 
sudden death of the latter and the succession of Pedro 
de Sousa to the command of Azamor placed matters on 



1514.] SERVICE IN MOROCCO. 77 

a different footing. Magellan, desirous perhaps of per- 
sonally explaining the affair, left Africa and returned to 
Lisbon. 

Dom Joao de Meneses had died on the 15th May, 15 14. 
It must have been, therefore, at some date not far 
removed from this that Magellan presented himself 
before his sovereign. It is probable that he thought 
little or nothing of the charge that had been brought 
against him and that his conscience was clear, for we 
are told that he took the opportunity of preferring his 
claims for promotion on account of his long service in 
the East, and petitioning for an increase of moradia. 
It was perhaps not the wisest of actions. Dom Manoel 
was by no means disposed lightly to regard the matter, 
the more so from the fact that he had received a letter 
from Pedro de Sousa informing him that Magellan had 
left Africa without his permission. It was in vain that 
the supposed culprit tried to justify himself. The King 
refused to listen to him, and ordered him at once to 
return to Azamor to answer the charges of which he 
stood accused. 

Magellan had no alternative but to go, but on his 
arrival the authorities declined to proceed against him. 
No greater argument in favour of his innocence could 
be adduced, and he returned without loss of time to 
Portugal, bearing the documents which, he confidently 
expected, Avould restore him to his sovereign's favour. 
Doubtless he looked forward with certainty to the 
coveted rise in the moradia — that minute inci'ease 
which, paltry though it was in actual value, meant so 
much to those who were of the King's household. ^ 

1 The increase of stipend for which Magellan petitioned was a half- 
cruzado per month, about e(|uivalent to 13d. of our money. " Subir 



78 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. iit. 

Foremost in his mind, however, must have been the 
hope of a command — of a return to India. He was 
doomed to disappointment. " Sempre Ihe ElRey teve 
hum entejo " — " the King always loathed him," Barros 
tells us.^ His reception was not more gracious than it 
had been on the occasion of their last meeting. Dom 
Manoel turned a deaf ear to his entreaties, and Magellan, 
cruelly hurt at the ingratitude shown him after his years 
of honourable service, was left to realise that, so far as 
his king and country were concerned, his career was 
over. 

The lapse of nearly four hundred years renders it diffi- 
cult, perhaps, for us to judge between the two, but there 
is no doubt that such evidence as we have is in favour 
of subject rather than king. Mariz, in his Dialogos de 
varia Historia,^ has treated us to a eulogy of the stereo- 
typed kind upon the latter — a florid tribute which has 
little genuineness in its tone. If we turn to facts, how- 
ever, the story reads differently. Yasco da Gama, to 
whom must at least be conceded the honour of discovering 
India, whatever may be said with regard to his cruelties, 
was left in obscurity by his royal master for eighteen 
years, and his services only properly acknowledged on 



cinco reales en dinero, es subir muchos grades en calidad," however, 
as Faria y Sousa tells us {Asia Portugueza, vol. i. pt, iii. cap. v.). 
That the refusal of one king to raise the pay of an old and faithful 
servant thirteen shillings per annum led to endless disagreements with 
another, to a great loss of profit to the first power of Europe, and to a 
still greater loss of gloiy, is a reflection not devoid of interest. " Quo 
mysterios de estreitezas fazem os Eeys muytas vezes em cousas que 
pouco importao, sendo prodigies de prodigalidades em outras ! " re- 
marks a Portuguese historian. — Fr. Luiz de Sousa, Aimaes de Elltei 
Dom Jodo III. , lib. i. cap. x. p. 41, 

1 Decadas, Dec. iii. liv. v. cap. viii. 

2 Pedro de Mariz, op. cit., dial. iv. cap. xix. fol. 305 v. ctseq. 



1514.] SERVICE IN MOROCCO. 79 

the accession of the next monarch, Dom Joao III. Lord 
Stanley^ describes Dom ]liIanoel as " of a most niggardly 
disposition, suspicious of his servants, and very jealous 
of directing personally all the details of government." 
That the former attribute was true there can be no 
doubt, and no better instance could be given than that 
on the occasion of the great defeat inflicted upon the 
Calicut armada, when the Viceroy doubled the pay of 
the men who had been wounded in the engagement, the 
King "did not approve of his action in this matter." ^ 
Osorius would have us believe that Magellan's applica- 
tion was refused on principle by the King ; ^ but we 
gather from Barros and others that while he himself 
was denied, he was exposed to the double mortification 
of seeing others promoted whose success " was due to 
intrigue and patronage rather than to any merit of their 
own." The bitterness with which he felt the injustice 
of his treatment was in no way mitigated by the insinua- 
tion that his lameness was feigned in order to support 
his claims. 

Of Magellan's movements subsequent to this affair we 
are unfortimately left for some time without any detailed 
account ; but even without the general statement of the 
historian Joao de Barros that he " was always busied 
with pilots, charts, and the question of longitudes," we 
should have had little difficulty in guessing his occupa- 
tion. He was unemployed, and was likely always to 
remain so, so long as Dom Manoel was on the throne ; 
but it is probable that this fact disturbed him very little, 

1 Vasco da Gama (Hakl. Soc, 1S69), p. xvii. 

2 Correa, vol. i. pt. ii. cap. ix. p. 604. 

3 ''Rex, ne aditum ambitiosis aperiret, id negayit." — Osorius, De 
Rebus EmnuinueUs, lib. si. fol. 327 v. 



80 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. hi. 

and that he had long decided what action he would 
take. It is not by any means certain, indeed, that he 
had not an alternative in his mind on the memorable 
occasion of his interview with the King — a question to 
which we shall have presently to return. Be that as it 
may, however, his future action was probably not a little 
influenced at this period by his becoming strongly united, 
if not by the bonds of friendship, at least by those of 
common interests, to a fellow-countryman, Ruy Faleiro. 
Of Faleiro's antecedents we know little or nothing. 
Of what happened to him after the paths of the two 
lives diverged, we know almost less. But for two years 
or more their histories were so closely linked together 
that it is impossible not to feel an interest in him. 
Like Magellan, though not a native of the wild Traz-os- 
Montes, he too was from the highlands of Portugal,^ 
and like him he was in disfavour with his king. Both 
had as mistress the science of cosmography. But while 
Magellan — the soldier who had served under Dom Lou- 
rengo, the sailor who was the first to navigate to Malacca 
— was essentially the man of action, Faleiro was of a very 
different stamp. Student and dreamer, a lover of books 
and theories, he was little fitted for the practical life. 
His reputation as an astronomer and cosmographer was 
nevertheless undoubted, although his enemies declared 
it to be the work of a familiar spirit.^ His knowledge 

1 In an dbUgacion made by Magellan and Faleiro with Aranda, 
dated February 23, 1518, and now in the archives of Siniancas, the 
place of residence of Faleiro is given as Cunilla. It should have been 
Cubilla, as Navarrete (iv. p. no) has spelt it, which is a mere tran- 
script of the Portuguese Covilba. 

2 " Ruy Fnlero, que mostraua ser gran Astrologo y Cosmographo ; 
del qual afirmauan los Portugueses que tenia vn demonio familiar, y 
que de Astrologia no sabia nada." — Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xix. 



1515.] DENATUEALISATION. 81 

of the principles of navigation was probably as extensive 
as that possessed by anybody at that period; and his 
treatise upon the means of calculating longitude was 
given to Magellan on his departure, to serve as guide 
and text-book throughout the voyage. Each man doubt- 
less found in the other much to be admired ; but, while 
Magellan benefited greatly from his companion's acquaint- 
ance with the sciences, the fact that the latter did not 
accompany him upon his memorable voyage is not much 
to be regretted. Of uncertain temper, gloomy, and 
jealous of Magellan's influence and position, his presence 
would have served but to add one more difficulty to the 
many with which the indomitable navigator had to 
contend. 

At what exact period this friendship, or rather ac- 
quaintanceship, originated does not appear. It is said by 
a contemporary historian^ that the two men had pre- 
viously arranged to denaturalise themselves and offer 
their services to Spain, and it is therefore more than 
probable that they were known to each other at the time 
when Magellan's humiliation at his sovereign's hands 
was still fresh in his memory. That that incident did 
not consist in the mere refusal of moradia there is every 
reason to believe, even had Barros not strongly implied 
the contrary.^ But he tells us that it was shortly after 
his interview with the King that Magellan wrote to 
Serrao in the Moluccas, to tell him that he would be 
with him soon — " if not by Portugal, then by way of 
Spain." There can be little or no doubt that for a long 
time — perhaps for years, possibly ever since his Malaccan 

1 Barros, iii. lib. v. cap. viii. ; vide Navarrete, op. cit. , vol. iv. 
p. xxxiii, 
" Decadas, Dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii. p. 627 (edit. 1777). 

P 



82 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. III. 

experiences had put him in relation with the farthest 
Bast — the project of reaching the Spice Islands by the 
western route had been the idee mere of the great navi- 
gator's restless brain. That it was this project that he 
laid before Dom Manoel is almost certain. Whether, 
like Columbus, he was laughed at as a visionary and a 
fool,^ we do not know. All we know is, that his plans met 
with a cold refusal. At seven-and-thirty, a born leader 
of men, of varied Eastern experience, a master of the 
art of navigation, his mind filled with an all-absorbing 
project, Magellan found himself condemned to a life of 
obscurity and inaction. The former might perhaps have 
been possible to him — inaction was not. Still more in- 
tolerable must have been the thought that, with his hands 
thus fettered, another might come and grasp the prize 
which he was now the only one to see. Already Chris- 
tovao Jacques had led his ships far south along the coast 
of Patagonia, and Vasco Nunez de Balboa had seen the 
vast Pacific lying at his feet from the summit of the 
Darien sierra. To a man of Magellan's character and 
training but one course lay open, and that course he 
took. Bidding adieu for ever to Portugal, he publicly 
denaturalised himself, and passing into Spain, entered 
the service of the Emperor Charles V.^ 

This action of Magellan drew down a perfect storm of 
abuse and invective, not only from Portuguese writers 

1 " Teniendo a Colon por ytaliano burlador." — Garibay, (7omp. Hist, 
de las Chron. 

2 From Correa we learn something of the final severance of rela- 
tions between Magellan and his sovereign. The former "demanded 
permission to go and live with some one who would reward his ser- 
vices. . . . The King said he might do what ho pleased. Upon this 
Magellan desired to kiss his hand at parting, but the King would not 
oifer it to him." — ii. Anno de 1521, cap. xiv. 



1516.] DENATURALISATION. 83 

of that date, but from others to whom a more enlight- 
ened age and absence of the odium 2^0'trium should have 
taught broader views and a calmer judgment. With 
these violent outpourings whole pages might be filled. 
"We have seen something of them in the will of Francisco 
da Silva Telles,^ and Osorius is perhaps even more 
unmeasured in his language. ^ Andrd Thevet, borrowing 
from the latter, reviles the offender as one who " imagina 
en son esprit vn tel mes-contentement qu'oubliant toute 
foy, piete, et religion il ne cessa iusques a ce que (entant 
qu'en luy estoit) il eut trahy le Roy, qui I'avoit esleue, 
le pays de sa naissance, et hazardant sa vie a de merueil- 
leux dangers, eut mis I'estat en extreme danger." ^ But 
all these are put into the shade by a later writer of 
Portuguese history. " The two monsters Magellan and 
Faleiro," he says, " traitors to the King whom it was 
their duty to serve, barbarians towards the country for 
which it was their duty to die, conspired to bring about 
a fatal war between two neighbouring and friendly 
powers."'^ Manoel Faria y Sousa, and later Barbosa, 

^ Vide p. 23. 

2 " Abiura fidem quantum voles ; perfidiam tuam publicis Uteris 
contestare ; insignem memoriam sceleris infandi posteritati relinque ; 
nullis tamen testimoniis numinis offensionem et dedecoris sempiterni 
ruaculam vitare poteris." — Osorius, op. cit., lib. xi. fol. 328. 

3 Thevet, Les Vrais Povrtraits et Vies des Hovivies Tllastres, p. 528. 
* D, Antonio de Lemos Faria e Castro, Historia Gercd de Portugal, 

liv. xli. cap. vii. torn. xi. p. 193. The continuation of tliis 2:>assage is 
still stronger, and possesses also the merit of being amusing. "Agora 
porem, nas primeiras conferencias, os dous Portugueses — trahidores 
polas suas dimensoes geographicas e astronomicas rospectivas &s Indias 
Orientaes e Occidentaes, a que o odio e a paisao langava as hnhas o 
formava os triangulos o angulos quo (as leis da Historia me darao 
licenga para dizor) tinhao mais de agudos que de rectos — elles persna- 
dirao ao Eei Carlos e ao Cardeal Ximencs quo as Molucas pcrtenciSo 
.\Castella." 



84 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. hi. 

are among the few who refused to join in this cuckoo- 
cry of traitor. " The renderer of many a service to his 
country," says the latter, " the owner of a name whose 
glory he had made imperishable, he returned to Portugal, 
where he besought from the King some increase in his 
moradia. . . . The King, to the lasting injury of his 
country, refused this most just request, and Magellan, 
deeply hurt at his refusal, left a country so unworthy of 
such a well-deserving son." ^ 

It is hardly necessary at the present day to ofiFer an 
apology for Magellan's act of denaturalisation, although, 
were it so, the elaborate arguments of Lord Stanley of 
Alderley ^ should prove more than sufficient. A great 
discoverer, whether in the realms of science or cosmo- 
graphy, belongs to no country, and, moreover, has no 
right to permit any false ideas of patriotism to check 
the advance of knowledge. That they were false ideas, 
and that Magellan in no way injured Portugal, is evident. 
By the Tordesillas capitulation of 1494 the world had 
been divided into two halves, of which Spain was to have 
one, and Portugal the other. The western line of divi- 
sion had been agreed upon, but where the eastern fell 
geographical knowledge was not then sufficiently far 
advanced to discover. Upon which side of it the Moluccas 
were situated was unknown. But his countrymen appear 
to have forgotten that no action of Magellan could affect 
the question. Either the islands belonged to Spain or they 
did not, and the great explorer, with all his geographical 
knowledge, was unable to shift their longitude one hair's- 
breadth. Nor, even with the most critical eye, can we 
discover any ground for the anger of the historians save 

1 Barbosa, BlUiothcca Lusitana, vol. ii. p. 31. 

2 First Voyage Round the World by Magellan (Hakl. Soc. ), p. ii. 



1516.] DENATURALISATION. 85 

the extreme jealousy then existing between the two 
nations. The custom of denaturalisation was fully re- 
cognised ; it was not regarded as blameworthy, and it 
was at that period a common occurrence. Among naviga- 
tors especially the taking service under a foreign power 
was almost as much a rule as an exception. Colum- 
bus, Cabot, and Vespucci are only three of many in- 
stances. But even with this, Magellan was careful not 
to offend in the slightest degree against the country 
which, after his long services, had treated him so cava- 
lierly. "Before consulting his own interests," says 
Faria, " he first did everything that honour demanded of 
him." ^ By a clause in his agreement with the Emperor 
of Spain he pledged himself to make no discoveries within 
the boundaries of the King of Portugal, and to do no- 
thing prejudicial to his interests. He did not sail upon 
his great voyage until two years after he had signed the 
act of denaturalisation. Finally, it should be remem- 
bered that there was a sort of tacit understanding that 
the Spanish were to prosecute their discoveries to the 
west and the Portuguese to the east.^ Magellan's long- 
planned expedition was to lead him into occidental 
waters, and it is probable that this fact was not without 
its effect upon his action. "Yet this," says Faria, "is 
the man whose honour has been so fi.ercely assailed by 
the great writera" ^ 

1 Manoel Faria y Sousa, Comcntarioa a la Lusiada de Camoes, canto 
X. 140. 

2 "Hinc factum est, ut Castellani per meridiem in occidentem 
semper nauigauerint. . . . Portugallenses uero per meridionem et 
littora Hesperidum, et sequatorem, et tropicum Capricor i prseter- 
euntes in Orientem nauigauerunt." — Munster, Cosmographia Univers., 
p. 1 103. 

2 Europa Portuguesa, vol. ii. pte. iv. cap. i. 



86 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. IIL 

But whether Magellan was justified in his action, or 
whether he was not, matters little as far as regards the 
result. The fact remains, that, for the second time, Por- 
tugal threw away the chance that fate bad offered her. 
Hardly a quarter of a century before, King John II. 
had ridiculed the ideas of Columbus, and regarded him 
as a boasting adventurer. Now Magellan learnt from 
his successor that "he might do as he pleased." The 
discovery of the New World and the circumnavigation 
of the globe are the two greatest deeds of geographical 
history, but Portugal, who had both within her grasp, 
cannot claim the credit of either of them. 



CHAPTER lY. 

MAGELLAN'S PROJECT AND ITS ADOPTION BY 
CHARLES V. 

It was for Seville, the centre of the West Indian trade 
and the busiest city of Spain, that Magellan set out 
upon leaving Portugal, taking with him other navigators 
" suffering from a like disorder " ^ — the neglect or enmity 
of their king. Faleiro, as we have seen, came under 
this head, but he was unable to travel with his friend. 
On the 2oth October, 15 17, Magellan arrived at his des- 
tination. He found himself immediately among com- 
patriots and men whose interests were of the same nature 
as his own. Foremost among them was one Diogo Bar- 
bosa, also a Portuguese, a commendador of the Order 
of Santiago, alcaide of the arsenal, and a person of con- 
siderable importance in Seville. At his hands Magellan 
received the greatest kindness and assistance. From 
his personal knowledge of the East this help was of 
double value. Nor did he limit it to advice and counsel. 
He persuaded Magellan to be his guest, and it appears 
that the latter resided at his house until his departure, 
three months later, for the Spanish court at Valladolid. 
Diogo Barbosa, although he had held his post under 
the Spanish flag for nearly fourteen years,^ and had 

1 " Levando alguns pilotos tambem doentes desta sua enfermidade." 
— Barros, Dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii. 

2 We learn from an auto fiscal of the 3rd June, 1529, executed 

87 



88 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. iv. 

" served much and well in Granada and Navarre," had 
also drawn his sword for Dom Manoel and Portugal in 
the far East. In 1501 he captained a ship of the fleet 
of Joao da Nova, and sailed for India. ^ Although this 
armada returned almost immediately, the voyage was 
conspicuous for the discovery of the two islands, Ascen- 
sion and St. Helena. 2 His son, Duarte Barbosa, was 
even more distinguished. At what exact period he 
had sailed from, and in what fleet he returned to his 
native land is unknown, but he had navigated the Indian 
seas for years, making notes of all he saw and heard. 
These notes — Livro de Duarte Barbosa — a descrip- 
tion of all the ports then visited in the Indian Ocean, 
and even beyond — he finished in the year 15 16, a few 
months before Ferdinand Magellan came to live beneath 
his father's roof.^ Father and son were sailor-adven- 

by a son, Jaime Barbosa, and now in the Archivo das Indias (1-2-3/3), 
that Diogo was made "Alcaide en los Alcazares" in 1503, and con- 
tinued to hold that post until his death in 1525. Vide Medina, Coleccion 
de Documentos iniditos para la Historia de Chile, 1888, vol. ii. p. 
308. 

1 According to Correa, he was only an escrivdo or clerk, and was 
borne on the flag-ship. Vol. i. p. 235. 

2 The former was discovered on the outward voyage, the latter on 
their return home in 1502. 

3 This work of Duarte Barbosa was first published, in an abbreviated 
form, by Ramusio in his Navigationi et Viaggi. In 1813 the full text 
was given in the Collecg&o de Noticias para a Historia e Geographica 
das Na0es Ultramarinas, published by the Acad. Real das Sciencias, 
vol. ii. No. vii. Some time ago a MS. was discovered in Madrid with 
the following title : — "Descripeion de los reinos, costas, puertos e islas 
que hay en el mar de la India Oriental desde el Capo de Buena Espe- 
ranza hasta la China, de los usos y costumbres de sus naturales ; su 
gobierno, religion, comercio, y navegacion ; y de los frutos y efectoa 
que producen aquellas vastas regiones, con otras noticias muy curiosas ; 
compuesto por Fernando MagaUanes, piloto portugues que lo vio y 
anduvo todo ; " but it has been conclusively proved by Varnhagen 
and others to be only a copy of Barbosa's work. 



1517.] MAGELLAN'S PROJECT. 89 

turers born and bred, and even if no family connection 
existed between them and Magellan,^ the bond uniting 
them must have been of no ordinary strength. It was, 
moreover, of no disadvantage to the new-comers that the 
Alcaide-m6r or chief of the arsenal was also a Portu- 
guese, and a person of great distinction — Don Alvaro of 
Portugal. A brother of the celebrated Duke of Bra- 
ganga, who was executed by Joao II., he was only one 
of many such refugees ; and, all things considered, 
Magellan could scarcely have met with kinder or more 
influential protectors than those who welcomed him on 
his arrival in the country of his adoption. 

Close as was the friendship between host and guest, 
the two were destined before very long to be still more 
nearly connected. The life of Magellan had been, and 
was yet to be, one of the most vivid interest. Full of 
vigour and incident, kaleidoscopic in its change of scene, 
never resting, it ended in a grand success and a great 
disaster. Romantic in many ways it doubtless was, but 
of romance in the present acceptation of the word little 
or none has been handed down by the historians to 
interest or amuse us. In the drama of life Magellan 
was not one to be cast for the part of lover, although we 
feel that his character, from its vigour and undaunted 
tenacity of purpose, must have stroagly appealed to 
women's admiration. Such a r61e, however, it fell to 
his lot at this period to play. He made the part as 
short as possible. Before the year 15 17 had elapsed, 
within two months of his arrival in Seville, he married 

1 Such a connection, apart from that of his marriage, is suggested 
by De Barros Ai-ana (trad, de F. de M. Villas-Boas, p. 26), though 
upon what grounds is not stated. Herrera (Dec. iii. lib. i. cap. ix.) 
speaks of Duarte Barbosa as primo or cousin of Magellan, but tho 
term was sometimes used merely in the sense of relation. 



90 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. iv. 

Beatriz Barbosa, the daughter of his friend and 
host.^ 

We may finish the history of Magellan's married life 
here, so short is it, and so limited our information anent 
it. A year and a half later he sailed on the voyage from 
which he was destined never to return. A son, Rodrigo, 
had meantime been born to him, who, at the time of his 
departure, was about six months old. Neither mother 
nor child were fated to live much longer than the father. 
In September 1521, five months after the death of the 
latter in the Philippines, Eodrigo died. In March of 
the following year — " having lived in great sorrow from 
the news which she had received of the death of her 
husband " — Beatriz died also.^ Around the story we are 
left to throw what halo of romance we please, but it 

^ Although the date of Magellan's marriage is given as 1518, there 
is little doubt that it is incorrect. In his will of August 24, 1519, 
he speaks of his son being at that time six months old. This would 
fix the date of the marriage at some time previous to May 1518. But 
we know that from January 20th until August of that year Magellan 
was with the court at Valladolid and elsewhere. The probability is, 
therefore, that Beatriz was married in order to accompany her hus- 
band thither. This is made nearly certain by the evidence of her 
brother, Jaime Barbosa, on the 3rd June, 1520, "y se cas6 y vel6 con 
la dicha dona Beatriz Barbosa en esta ciudad de Sevilla en un dia del 
dicho ano" (1517). Vide Autos Fiscales de Jaime Barbosa, q. cit. ; 
Archive de Indias, Medina, op. cit, vol. ii. pp. 306-307. Gomara falls 
into the mistake of making Beatriz a daughter of " Duardo" Bar- 
bosa (cap. sci. p. 83). For an attempt at the genealogy of the Bar- 
bosa family see Ajjpendix I., p. 315. 

" "Porque (yo, Guiomar de Silvera) la vido viva e con mucha pena 
por la nueva que le habia venido de la muerte del dicho su marido." 
This, the evidence of a witness in support of Jaime Barbosa's claim to 
Magellan's estate {ride Medina, op. cit., vol. ii. p. 322), is extremely 
interesting, as showing that the news of the arrival of the Victoria 
and Trinidad in the Moluccas must in some manner have reached 
home vid the Poi-tuguese Indies before March 1522. The VictoHa 
did not arrive in Spain until September 6th of that year. 



1517.] MAGELLAN'S PROJECT. 91 

seems more than probable that the loss of her husband, 
child, and brother within so short a period may have 
had some connection with her own untimely death. 

Magellan's courtship, it is to be presumed, had little 
or no effect upon his plans. Tliese had been carefully 
pre-arranged, and he lost no time in furthering them to 
the best of his ability. His agreement with Faleiro 
before leaving Portugal had been most explicit. Both 
were to be equal ; to stand on precisely the same footing. 
If anything should occur to either touching the project 
they had in hand, he was bound to communicate with 
his comrade within six hours, and if either desired to 
renounce the arrangement and return to Portugal, he 
could do so on fulfilling the same conditions. Their 
project — the attempt to reach the Moluccas by way of 
America — was to be revealed to no third party until the 
arrival of Faleiro at Seville. However much its broad 
outline might be surmised, the details and the actual 
route were to remain a secret. 

We have already considered the gradual development 
of the Hispano-Portuguese difficulty.^ The line of divi- 
sion fixed by the Bull of Pope Alexander VI. on the 4th 
May, 1493, fell, it may be remembered, a hundred leagues 
west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands. The pro- 
tests of Dom Joao 11. of Portugal caused it, a year 
later, to be placed about 21° further to the west, and 
Brazil — as yet undiscovered — fell to his country's share. 
As the knowledge of the South American coast- line 
gradually progressed, the contiaent was found to trend 
westward until it was once more crossed by the dividing 
line, and agaia became Spanish. It was to this part, 
as yet dimly known from the explorations of Gon^alo 
1 Vide ante, p. 11. 



92 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. iv. 

Coellio and Christovao Jacques, and possibly from other 
sources, tliat Magellan and his friend Faleiro proposed 
to direct their course. Columbus, as we know, con- 
sidered his new world only as a portion of the old. 
Nor did his later discoveries undeceive him. It was 
only when, on the one hand, the work of Gama and 
Albuquerque had begun to give a definite outline to 
the Indies, and, on the other, when each western- 
sailing navigator found land at whatever latitude he 
might choose to cross the Atlantic, that the European 
world realised the existence of a new continent, and 
realised it as a vast, interminable barrier which stretched 
apparently from pole to pole. Then came the search 
for some strait by which to pass it. The inward 
trend of the land at the Isthmus of Darien led later 
explorers to seek it there. Others, however, had tried 
before them. Columbus had attempted, upon leaving 
Cuba on his fourth voyage, to navigate westward with 
the idea of returning to Spain by sea. Far to the north, 
too, efforts had been made, and made in vain, although 
Sebastian Cabot wrote to Ramusio that he believed the 
whole of North America to be divided up into islands.^ 
But the isthmus and the north alike proved impene- 
trable, and Magellan felt, even at that date, that it was 
not through the ice of a north-west passage that he was 
likely to reach the Moluccas. His route lay by the far 
south. Whether he actually knew of the existence of 
the strait that bears his name is a question we shall 
have presently to consider. One thing we do know ; 
that he went for the special purpose of seeking a passage 
from the Atlantic to the already known Mar del Sur, or 

1 Ramusio, op. cit., vol. iii. preface, p. 6. 



1517.] MAGELLAN'S PROJECT. 93 

South Sea/ and that for the discovery of that passage 
he was prepared to push on to 70° S. 

Magellan, we have seen, allowed nothing to delay the 
execution of his plans. Although bound not to reveal 
them in detail by his promise to Faleiro, he was equally 
engaged to bring them before the notice of those who 
had to do with Indian affairs. He offered, then, firstly 
to show Spain the shortest route to the Spice Islands, 
and, secondly, to prove that they lay within her legal 
boundaries.^ With his introductions he had no difficulty 
in gaining access to the authorities. It was to the Casa 
de Contratacion that he first applied. 

On the history of this body — the India Office of Spain, 
and of all corporate bodies the most important at that 
time — it is unnecessary here to dwell. It had, among 
other rights and duties, the power of granting letters of 

1 Vasco Nunez de Balboa — the man who " knew not what it was to 
be deterred" ("hombre que no sabia estar parade"') — was the first 
European to sight the Pacific from the West. Taking with him a 
picked band of 190 Spaniards, he sailed from Darien for Carreto. 
Leaving some of his men in charge of the ship, he took Indian guides 
and started for the Sierras. At Quarequa he was opposed by the 
chief Torecha, and in the engagement which followed the latter 
perished with 600 of his men. Leaving the sick and wounded, Vasco 
Nunez continued his march with the sixty-seven soldiers remaining to 
him, and reached the summit of the chain on the 25th September, 
1513, where he knelt and gave thanks to God and besought help " a 
conquistar esta tierra i nueva mar quo descubrimos." Descending, the 
little band of Spaniards reached the sea at the Gulf of San Miguel, 
and it is recorded that Alonso Martin de San Benito was the first 
European to adventure himself upon its surface. (Peter Martyr, 
De Orbe Nwo, Dec. iii. cap. i. p. 182; Gomara, op. cit, cap. Ixii. ; 
Herrera, op. cit. , Dec. i. lib. x. cap. i. ) Balboa's reasons for calling it 
the South Sea are very evident if the sharp westward turn of the 
isthmus be taken into consideration. ITie Pacific must have appeared 
as a vast ocean lying directly to the south. 

2 Fr. Luiz dc Sousa, Annaes de ElBei Dom Jodo HI., bk. i. cap. 
X. p. 41. 



94 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. iv. 

marque, of giving instruction in navigation, of collecting 
information upon newly-discovered lands, and of settling 
all legal difficulties that might arise in connection with 
these and kindred matters.^ Whether the Casa was at 
that time too much taken up with other affairs — for it 
was just then the most eventful period of the history of 
the New World — whether it really considered Magellan's 
project as that of a visionary and a faddist, or whether 
it felt it unwise to adventure upon thin ice and court 
misunderstandings with the sister kingdom, we do not 
know. The result, however, was that the scheme, if 
not actually rejected, was shelved, and but for a chance 
circumstance might never have been carried out. 

It happened that one of the thtee chief officials ^ — a 
certain Juan de Aranda — was very much more astute 
than his fellows. Possibly he saw his way to a share in 
the future glory of the expedition, and, as we shall see, 
in its pecuniary benefits; possibly he had no interest 
beyond the advancement of his country. It is not 
necessary, at this distance of time, to impute motives. 
The fact has merely to be recorded that he took the 
earliest opportunity of questioning Magellan more 
closely. Whether from his adroitness, or from the 
latter's feeling that he could be trusted, does not appear, 
but it was not long before he had persuaded the navi- 
gator to acquaint him with every detail. They were 
such as to commend the plan still more strongly to his 
favour. But he was cautious. Before taking further 
steps he wrote privately to certain friends in Lisbon for 

■" For the first ordinances of the Casa do Contratacion (January 
20, 1503), vide Navarrete, vol. ii. p. 285, and Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, 
Hakl. Soc. , p. 14. 

2 These, we learn from the Ordinances, were a tcsorero, a factor, 
aiid an cscrihano. 



1517.] MAGELLAN'S PROJECT. 95 

information about the two men.^ What he learnt was 
in their favour, and from that moment he threw himself 
heart and soul into the affair. He wrote instantly to 
the Chancellor of Castile, warmly counselling the de- 
spatch of an expedition, and recommending Magellan 
as " one who might do a great service to his Highness." 
Meanwhile, at the beginning of December, Faleiro 
arrived in Seville. Aranda had as yet said nothing of 
the letters, but he now told the two friends of the steps 
he had taken. Magellan was merely vexed at his want 
of straightforwardness, but Faleiro was furious, and his 
anger was especially directed against Magellan, whom 
he upbraided for his " Ugereza " and failure in the fulfil- 
ment of his promises. It was in vain that the latter 
pleaded that he had only acted, as he thought, for the 
best. Faleiro's temper, as ready to take offence as it 
was slow to forgive, caused a rupture between the two, 
which, though temporarily healed, was destined to break 
out afresh at no very distant date. Magellan's partner- 
ship with such a firebrand as Faleiro rendered his 

1 " Habia escrito a Cobarrubias mercader e a Diego de Haro mor- 
cader que residian eu Lisboa." — Archivo de Itidias. Vide Medina, 
op. cit., vol. i. p. 27. Our only source of information concerning this 
period of Magellan's life is this long procts-verhal , in ■which Aranda 
was arraigned for having, while an ofBcial of the Casa de Contratacion, 
illegally contracted with Faleiro and Magellan to receive a certain 
percentage of the profits ari.'^ing from the expedition. The evidence 
of the three parties in the case is given at length, followed by nine 
letters from Aranda to the King, bringing forward his services, how he 
had spent 1500 ducats over his two proteges, and had succeeded in 
preventing their return to Portugal, and finally how he had worked 
to get people to join the fleet. At a meeting of the Consejo de las 
Indias in Barcelona, Juno 25, 1519, under the presidency of the Bishop 
of Burgos, he was severely censured, and again on the 2nd July by 
the King's fiscal, but it seems that the affair was subsequently allowed 
to drop. The greater part of the very lengthy evidence tends to 
exonerate Ai'anda from blame. 



96 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. iv. 

position most difficult, and such it remained almost up 
to the moment of the departure of the expedition. 

It was perhaps not the best of times to choose for 
the initiation of plans such as these. Affairs in Spain 
were at this period in a condition which, at best, could 
not be regarded as other than uncertain. Charles V., 
who had at last made up his mind to visit his kingdom, 
had set out from Flanders, and landed in Villaviciosa, 
on the north coast of Spain, on the 13th September, 
15 1 7. Proceeding with the army to Santander, he 
marched thence to San Vicente de la Barquera, and by 
Burgos and Palencia to TordesUlas, where his unhappy 
mother Joanna — for years hopelessly insane — still re- 
sided. On the 1 8th November he entered Valladolid, 
Ten days previously the Regent of Castile — Cardinal 
Ximenes de Cisneiros — wisest and most capable of rulei-s, 
had ended his long life while on his way to meet and 
welcome his sovereign, and with his loss the affairs of 
the kingdom became yet more complicated. The King 
was surrounded by Flemings, anxious only to get what 
pecuniary benefit they could from their position. Him- 
self hardly able to speak the language of his people, he 
looked upon the country merely as a means of affording 
supplies to aid him in his designs in Middle Europe. 
Mistrustful of their sovereign and bitterly jealous of 
his Flemish courtiers, the Cortes was summoned to 
Valladolid. It was into this mixture of nationalities 
and interests, this hotbed of hrigue, that Magellan and 
Faleiro proposed to adventure themselves in order to 
expound their views upon an obscure point in geography, 
concerning which it was more than probable that no 
single one of their auditors would be interested. 

On the 20th January, 15 18, the two men started 



1518.] MAGELLAN'S PROJECT. 97 

together to ride from Seville to Valladolid.^ Aranda 
had arranged to go also. They joined the party of Doiia 
Beatrix de Pacheco, Duchess de Arcos, and went by the 
Toledo road. Faleiro, still unforgiving, refused to travel 
in company with Aranda, and the latter, though he] left 
at the same time, took another route." He had begged 
them to await the arrival of the answer to the letter he 
had written to the Chancellor, but in vaiu. On his 
journey he met it, and finding that its tenor was in 
every way favourable to his prot^g^s, he sent it on to 
them, together with a letter to say that he would wait 
for them at Medina del Campo, a town some thii-ty 
miles from Valladolid. The messenger met them as 
they were crossing the Sierra de Guadarrama, at Puerto 
de HeiTadon, and Faleiro's resentment had sufficiently 
cooled to permit of his acceding to Aranda's proposal. 
They met at the town indicated, and went to the same 
posada, and in a short time good relations were once 
more established between the trio. 

They were now within easy distance of the court, but 
as yet Aranda had not found an opportunity of bringing 
forward a proposal he had doubtless long had in view. 
It was hardly to be supposed that such kindness as he 
had shown them — strangers, it must be remembered, 
who had no claim whatever upon him — should bo entirely 
disinterested. Unaided and alone, it was in the highest 
degree unlikely that they would obtain the King's ear 
when business of much greater moment remained un- 
touched ; but to Aranda, the most important official 

1 Francisco Faleiro, brother of Ruy Faleiro, went with them, and 
most probably Beatriz, Magellan's wife. 

2 The "Camiuo de la Plaza" (? the Estremadura road). Vide 
IMagellan's evidence in Aranda's action already alluded to. 

G 



98 LIFE OF MAGELLAN, [chap. iv. 

of the India House, much was possible. To ensure the 
success of their scheme, he had undertaken a long and 
wearisome journey, had exposed himself to frequent 
rudeness at Faleiro's hands, and was now about to spend 
still more time and pains in introducing them at court. 
His kindness, however, did not end here. At Seville he 
had offered them his purse, and he again renewed his 
ofPer before arriving in Valladolid. Faleiro, Magellan 
tells us, had actually taken advantage of it. And so, 
as the little party crossed the Duero, a few miles only 
from their destination, Aranda asked them if they would 
give him a share of the profits in the event of the King 
deciding to despatch an armada. 

The request was not an vmfair one, and Magellan's 
frank and generous character was ready to grant it at 
once. But it was different with Faleiro. Suspicion 
held in his mind the place that gratitude should have 
occupied. A careless half-assent given by his comrade 
again aroused his anger. Precisely what occurred it is 
not easy to make out from the conflicting accounts of 
the three interested parties. It seems that Aranda 
suggested that he should receive one-fifbh of the profits 
as his share, but only upon condition that the armada 
was commissioned at the expense of the King, If the 
cost of it had to be borne by the two navigators and 
their friends, he neither asked for nor expected any 
return. Faleiro at first would not hear of anything 
being promised, and his brother was of the same opinion. 
Magellan, wiser and less mean, proposed that Aranda 
should have one-tenth. The ill-temper of Faleiro, how- 
ever, was such as quickly to cause a rupture. Aranda 
took it with his usual good-humour. " If they did not 
wish to give him anything, he did not want anything, 



1518.] MAGELLAN'S PROJECT. 99 

and whether they gave it him or not, he would still ad- 
vance their cause to the best of his ability, since by so 
doing he did a service to his sovereign." With this ho 
rode on alone to Valladolid, while Magellan and his 
comrade stopped at Simancas to talk the matter over.^ 

The result of their discussion was a resolve to offer 
Aranda an eighth share. Three days later they rode 
into Valladolid. Aranda came out to meet them, and 
took them to his inn, where they lay that night as his 
guests. Next day, anxious to be independent, they 
sought another posada. Aranda lost no time. He took 
them first to Sauvage, the Lord High Chancellor, who 
had succeeded to that post on the death of Ximenes, and 
then introduced them to the Cardinal Adrian of Utrecht 
and to the Bishop of Burgos. Finally, he procured 
them a personal interview with Charles V. himself. All 
this, we gather, was done upon the day following their 
arrival, or if not, within a very short period after it. 
Aranda had gone a long way towards proving his title 
as a man of business. He went still further by having 
a document ready for the two navigators to sign, in 
which they legally bound themselves to fulfil the oral 
promises of the day before. This agreement was exe- 
cuted on the 23rd February, 1518.^ In it it is worthy 

1 Navarrete, vol. iv. p. sxxv. ; Medina, op. cit., vol. i. p. 21 et seq. 

2 "Otorgamos e conoscenios," the text runs, "que todo el provecho 
i interese que hobieremos del descubrimiento de las tierras 6 islas que 
placiendo a Dios hemos de descubrir e de hallar en las tierras e limites 
e demarcaciones del Eey nuestro Seiior Don Carlos, que vos hayais la 
octava parte, e que vos daremos de todo el interese 6 provecho que 
dello nos suceda en dinero, 6 en partimiento, 6 en renta, 6 en oficio, 6 
en otra cualquier cosa quo sea." (Navarrete, vol. iv. p. 110; Medina, 
op. cit., vol. i. p. 2.) The whole affair is instructive. Whatever their 
motives, interested or disinterested, those who aided the armadas in 
those days were apt to find their claims entirely ignored. The result 



100 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. IV. 

of note that Magellan has become Spanish even to his 
signature. Fernao de Magalhaes has ceased to exist, 
and we make acquaintance for the first time with 
Fernando Magallanes. 

Everything, so far, had gone well with the plans of 
the two friends, and Magellan might have been excused 
in feeling that success was within his grasp. Had ho 
known more of those with whom he had to deal, he 
would not have been too sanguine. Thi-ee out of the 
four were Flemings, and the fourth — Fonseca, Bishop of 
Burgos — had made himself conspicuous for his bitter 
enmity to Columbus and other explorers of the New 
World. The Flemings were men of very unequal merit. 
Far superior to the others in ability and force of character 
was Charles's minister and guardian, Guillaume de Croy, 
Seigneur de Chi^vres. A man of the court rather than 
of the schools, he nevertheless encouraged Charles in the 
study of history and the art of government, and, from 
his early appointment as his tutor, had contrived to 
gain extraordinary power over him. He exercised it 
in keeping his charge as much as possible away from 
Spanish influence, and, knowing and caring little for 
foreign affairs other than European, was not likely to 
interest himself much in projects of exploration. His 
avarice, which was boundless, was perhaps the only 
channel by which he might be approached. In this ho 
was equalled, if not excelled, by Sauvage, the newly 
appointed successor to Ximenes, of whose character 
little more is known.^ 

of this venture of Aranda was a lengthy lawsuit, a loss of all the money 
he had advanced, and, as already mentioned, a public censure by the 
Consojo de las Indias. 

1 Of the corruption of Charles V.'s court at this time history has 
given us a full accoimt. ' ' Everything was venal and disposed of to 



1518.] MAGELLAN'S PROJECT. 101 

The third — Cardinal Adrian of Utrecht, afterwards 
Pope Adrian VI., who was made Charles's preceptor 
under De Croy — was a person of no real ability. Of low 
extraction, a theologian of a conventional type, and a 
person of weak character, his advancement must always 
be regarded with wonder*. Nominally he had acted in 
conjunction with Ximenes as Kegent of Castile, but the 
latter, though on the best of terms with his coadjutor, had 
never even pretended to consult him. His opinion upon 
an affair of this kind was of little importance. That of 
Fonseca, Bishop of Burgos, on the other hand — the last of 
the four — was of very different weight. As President 
of the India House, he took an assured position as an 
authority upon colonial matters. Less a prelate than 
a man of business, Las Casas tells us he was well suited 
for such work as the fitting out of armadas. His char- 
acter, nevertheless, was a despicable one. His hatred of 
Columbus has already been referred to.^ He thwarted 
Las Casas upon every point in his struggle to amelio- 
rate the condition of the Indians. ^ Cortez he declared 
a traitor and a rebel, and it is more than probable that 
he instigated a plot to assassinate him.^ To Balboa he 
was equally opposed. The most sanguine of project- 
mongers would have gone to him with something more 
than diffidence. 

These were the men, together with a boy -sovereign 
of eighteen, on whom Magellan's future depended. It 

the highest bidder." (Robertson, Charles V., vol. ii. p. 58.) Peter 
Martyr, who, from his position, had special means of information, 
•wrote that in ten months 1,100,000 ducats were remitted from Spain 
into the Low Countries. (Pet. Mart., Opus Epist., Ep. 608.) 

^ Irving, Columbus, Appendix, No. 34. 

" Herrera, oji. cit., Doc. ii. lib. ii. cap. iii. 

3 Herrera, np. cit., Dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. iii. 



102 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. IV. 

might be imagined that support from the Flemings was 
an accidental possibility, but that none could be expected 
from Fonseca'. Nothing is more certain, however, than 
the unforeseen. Whether the Bishop, venal and avari- 
cious like his fellows, looked to the possibilities of future 
profit, or whether, having lost prestige from his oppo- 
sition to the projects of Columbus, he was anxious to 
win it back over an expedition whose probable success 
he was wise enough to foresee, we do not know, but from 
the beginning he took up the cause of the two peti- 
tioners. From that moment its success was ensured. 

Magellan came well prepared with arguments, animate 
and inanimate, to support his project. At the first 
formal meeting of the King's ministers he showed the 
letters from his friend Francisco Serrao, in which he 
told him that if he desired to get rich he should come 
to the Moluccas. He produced Yartema's account of 
his voyage to those islands ; how they lay beneath the 
Equator, and far distant from Malacca. He showed a 
slave whom he had bought in the latter city, and who 
was a native of the Spice Islands, and a slave-girl 
from Sumatra, "who understood the tongues of many 
islands." "Other bids for credence did he make," we 
are told by Gomara, ^ "conjecturing that the land 
(i.e., South America) tvirned westward, in the same 
manner as did that of Good Hope toward the east, 
since Juan de Solis had coasted it up to 40° S., with his 
course always more or less westerly. And since on the 
track thus taken no passage existed, he would coast the 
whole continent till he came to the cape which corre- 
sponds to the Cape of Good Hope, and would discover 
many new lands, and the way to the Spice Islands, as 

' Op. cit, cap. xci. i>. 83. 



1518.] MAGELLAN'S PROJECT. 103 

he promised." Such an expedition, Gomara goes on to 
say, "would be long, difficult, and costly, and many did 
not understand it, and others did not believe in it; 
however, the generality of people had faith in him 
(Magellan) as a man who had been seven years in 
India and in the spice trade, and because, being Por- 
tuguese, he declared that Sumatra, Malacca, and other 
Eastern lands where spices could be found belonged to 
Castile." The arguments and projects of the two navi- 
gators were illustrated by means of a globe that Magellan 
had brought with him from Portugal. ^ Upon it were 
shown the continent, as he conceived it to exist, and his 
intended route. But, according to Herrera, the strait 
which it was his purpose to seek was intentionally 
omitted, in order that no one might anticipate him.^ 
Finally, when his companion had finished his demon- 
strations, Paleiro took up the argument and proved to 
his audience that the coveted islands lay within the line 
of demarcation arranged by the Tordesillas capitulacioii 
of 1494. 

It was not to be expected that the project should meet 
with entire and instant approval. Some of the mini- 
sters pooh-poohed it ; others took no interest in it. 
But upon further discussion the advice of Fonseca pre- 
vailed, and it was finally agreed to recommend the enter- 
prise to the favourable consideration of the young King. 

1 A planisphere according to Argensola (CoJi^'. delas Molucas, bk. i. 
p. 16). — " Vn planisferio dibusado por Pedi-o Reynel." 

2 "Trahia Magellanes un globe bien pintado adonde se mostrana 
bien toda la tierra, y en el senal6 el camino que pensava lleuar ; y de 
industria dex5 el estrecho en bianco, porque no se lo pudiessen 
saltear " (Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xix. ). Dcxar en bianco should, 
of course, be rendered "to omit," but it is amusing to note that — 
probably from the pi-esumed antithesis of the bien pintado—it has been 
literally translated by one author ! 



104 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. iv. 

We can understand the delight with which the news 
of this resolution — tantamount to an actual order for 
the preparation of their armada — must have been re- 
ceived by Magellan and Faleiro. It only remained for 
them now to lay their proposals in due form before the 
King. Two ways — both commonly adopted at that time 
- — were open to them. They could either fit out the 
expedition at their own cost, giving a certain percentage 
of the profits to the Crown, or, leaving the expenses to 
be borne by the King, sail as the captains of the ships, 
investing a certain fixed amount in articles of barter, 
and looking to their sovereign, upon their return, to 
confer upon them what benefits he thought fit. 

Neither of the applicants was in the position to pur- 
chase and equip ships at his own expense. Faleiro was 
a poor student. Magellan, though a noble and a land- 
owner, had profited no whit by his seven years' residence 
in the East. Most of those who survived the glorious 
uncertainties of that life made money. But Magellan 
was not as other men, and whatever sin might be laid 
to his charge, that of greed was not one. In the East, 
we are told, " perdeu a sua pobreza " — he lost the little 
that he had. But there were plenty of rich and influ- 
ential friends to assist him. His father-in-law, Diogo 
Barbosa, was a man of position, and Aranda was willing 
enough to place himself, purse and voice, at his dis- 
posal. Just at that moment, moreover, he had made an 
acquaintance which effectually banished all anxieties on 
the score of money. His acquaintance, who afterwards 
became his friend, was the great merchant Christopher 
de Haro. 

The Haros were an Antwerp firm of traders — the 
Rothschilds of that day — who carried on an enormous 



1518.] MAGELLAN'S PROJECT. 105 

and most profitable business with both the East and 
West Indies. In the various towns of these countries 
they had agents and clerks, who kept them informed 
upon every point of interest in trade, poHtics, and geo- 
graphy. Christopher de Haro resided in Lisbon, and 
had an agreement with Portugal concerning the Guinea 
trade. For some reason which does not appear, he had 
seven of his vessels sunk by the King's ships while on 
the coast. He sought indemnification, but his claim was 
ignored, and feeling that it would be wiser to quit a 
country where so little justice could be had, returned to 
Spain, his native land.^ He had but recently arrived. 
Magellan's project was the one above all others to com- 
mend itself to his favour. It gave him an opportunity 
of indirectly revenging himself upon Portugal, and at 
the same time of making a very profitable speculation. 
His ships had traded to the farthest East, had even 
reached China,^ and he knew what a monopoly of the 
spice trade would mean. He did not hesitate to offer all 
the aid that lay in his power. 

Fortified with such strong support, the two Portuguese 
addressed their proposals formally to the King.^ They 
fell under two heads — those made with the understand- 
ing that the King should charge himself with the entire 

1 It appears from the letter of Maximilian Transylvanus that Haro 
(who, it may be remarked, was his father-in-law's brother) corrobo- 
rated Magellan's evidence before the Council as to the position of the 
Moluccas. "Csesari ostenderent (M. etHaro) . . . sinum magnum ot 
Sinarum populos ad Castellanorum nauigationem pertinore. Hoc 
item haberi longe certissimum, insulas quas Moluccas uocant ... in 
occidente Castellanorum contineri." 

2 " Et tandem Sinarum populis mercaturam fecerat." — Letter of 
Max. Trmisylvanus. 

3 Arch, de Scvilla, Leg. i°, pap. d. Maluco, 1519-47 ; Medina, vol. i. 
p. 5 ; Navarrete, vol. iv. p. 113. 



106 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. iv. 

cost of the armada, and those suggested m the case of 
the expenses being borne by themselves. 

In the first case they sought the concession of the fol- 
lowing privileges : — That no other exploring expeditions 
should be sent out to the Spice Islands for a period of ten 
years, but that, if this could not be granted, they should 
have the right to a twentieth share of the resulting 
profits ; that of all the lands and islands discovered by 
them a twentieth share of the annual profit should be 
theirs ; that in this and every other succeeding expedition 
they should be permitted to send goods to the value of a 
thousand ducats for trading purposes ; that in the event 
of the discovery of more than six islands, the SenoHo 
of two should be conferred upon them ; that of this first 
expedition, they should have one-fifth of the net profits ; 
and finally, that the title of Almirante should be con- 
ferred upon them. 

In the case of the armada being commissioned and 
despatched at their own expense, they besought the King 
to grant them the trade and ownership (seiiorio) of all the 
lands discovered by them, and the privilege of the sole 
right of exploration and discovery for ten years. In 
return, one-fifth of the profits were to be handed to the 
Crown, 

The document was retui'ned, with comments under 
each section, to Magellan, leaving the matter still un- 
decided ; but a few days later, on the 22nd March, 15 18, 
a capitulacion was granted by Charles V. which defi- 
nitely settled the terms under which the two explorers 
were to sail.i 

They were as follows : — First, the King engaged with- 

1 Seville Archives, Leg. 4°, See Navarrete, vol. iv. p. 116; Medina, 
vol. i. p. 8. 



1518.] MAGELLAN'S PROJECT. 107 

out delay to fit out an armada of five ships, provisioned 
for two years, and bearing a complement of 234 ofl&cers 
and crew. Under certain restrictions and reservations, 
he conceded the demand that no other explorers should 
be sent out for ten years. ^ He stipulated that no ex- 
ploration should be prosecuted within the territories of 
his " dear and well- beloved uncle and brother the King of 
Portugal." Of all the profit arising from their disco- 
veries, Magellan and Faleiro should receive the twentieth 
part. Henceforward they might be permitted to send 
goods to the value of a thousand ducats for trading pur- 
poses in eveiy armada, but for this voyage they were to 
content themselves with one-fifth of the proceeds. If 
more than six islands should bo discovered, they might 
choose two, from which they would be permitted to receive 
one-fifteenth of the profits. Of the lands discovered 
they were to have the title of governors or aclelantados, 
which title was to be hereditary. Finally, it should rest 
with the King to appoint a factor, treasurer, contador, 
and clerks, who should be responsible for the accounts of 
the expedition. 2 

Accompanying this document was another, by which 
Magellan and his comrade were appointed Captains- 
general of the armada, entitled from that moment to 

^ Part of this passage is interesting : — " Pero entiendesc quo si Nos 
qiiisexiemos mandar descubrir o dar liconcia para ello a otras personas 
por la via del huesto, por las partes de las islas a tierra firme e a todas 
las otras partes que estan descubiertas hacia la parte que quisieremos 
para buscar el estrecko de aquellos mares, lo podamos mandar." 

2 By a ccdula of 30th March of the following year (1519) Charles 
appointed Luis de Mendoza treasurer at a yearly salary of 60,000 
maravedis, and Juan de Ca,rtagena,Veedor-[/ene7'al at 70,000 maravedis, 
and also captain of the third ship at 40,000 maravedis. On the 30th 
April Antonio de Coca was made Contador of the armada at 50,000 
maravedis. Roughly speaking, 1000 maravedis were equivalent to 
IIS. 6d. of our money. 



108 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. iv. 

draw pay at the rate of 50,000 maravedis per annum 
from the Casa de Contratacion at Seville. 

Charles, who in his bid for popularity had succeeded 
but ill with the Castilians, now resolved to visit Aragon. 
Summoning the Cortes of that country to meet him in 
Zaragoza, he marched thither in the beginning of April. 
Upon the way he stopped at Aranda de Duero, where 
his brother Ferdinand was then living, a prince so great 
a favourite with the Spaniards that the King's design — 
which was to send him out of the country — was no ill- 
advised step. But, in spite of the many intrigues and 
difficulties in which he found himself involved, and the 
barrier to external influences interposed by his Flemish 
courtiers, Charles found time to interest himself in the 
affairs of the future expedition. Magellan and Faleiro 
had followed the court, and being in constant communi- 
cation with the King, were enabled to escape the delays 
which must otherwise inevitably have arisen. By certain 
cedulas issued by Charles at this time the pay of the two 
captains was raised to 146,000 maravedis, and they were 
granted a siim of 30,000 maravedis to defray initial 
expenses. The privilege of appointing a pilot was given 
to them, with the promise that, if approved by the Casa 
de Contratacion, he should have the title of "piloto real " 
conferred upon him. Not less welcome was a grant to 
the heirs of either navigator, in the event of his death, 
of all the privileges and profits to which the latter was 
entitled.! 

Although charged to proceed to Seville in order that 

1 This cedula, dated from Aranda de Duero, April 17, 1518, was 
that upon which his relation, Lorenzo do Magalhaes, afterwards (1567) 
founded his claim to Magellan's estate. Vide Medina, op, cii., vol. 
Ji. p. 356. 



1518.] MAGELLAN'S PROJECT. 109 

they might place themselves en rapport with the oflScials 
of the India House and forward the preparation of the 
armada, Magellan and Faleiro were led to defer their 
journey. Leaving Aranda de Duero, Charles proceeded 
by Calatayud to Zaragoza, into which city he made a 
formal entry on the 15 th May. The two friends followed 
in his train, for a check had lately come upon the pro- 
gress of their scheme. Against want of money and 
interest, against the apathy or opposition of those in 
power, they had fought for months, and fought success- 
fully ; but now they wore confronted by an obstacle not 
less serious, though long foreseen — the silent intrigues 
and loudly-expressed remonstrances of the Court of 
Portugal. 



CHAPTER V. 

PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 

It could hardly be otherwise than that the news of 
Magellan's approaching voyage should reach Portugal. 
The defection of two such well-kuown navigators, and the 
fact that they took others with them " sick with a Hke 
disorder," could not be passed unnoticed, and the subse- 
quent movements of the Consejo de las Indias at Seville 
were, no doubt, fully reported to Dom Manoel by the 
Portuguese "factor" resident in that city. But it 
happened that a special circumstance brought the matter 
still more prominently forward — so prominently, in fact, 
that, advanced as were the preparations, the expedition 
was within an ace of being countermanded. 

The question of the marriage of Dom Manoel to Doiia 
Leonor, sister of Charles V., was at that time under 
consideration,'^ and Alvaro da Costa, the ambassador of 
Portugal at the court of Spain,^ was charged with the 
arrangement of the alliance. The treaty was concluded 
at Zaragoza on the 22nd May, 15 18, and ratified at the 
same place on the i6th July. It was the very period 

1 Eleanor became the thii-d wife of Dom Manoel in November 1518, 
although at that time only twenty years of age, and thirty years his 
junior. After his death in 1521, she married Francis I. of France, 
who also predeceased her. 

2 Alvaro da Costa was chamberlain and Guarda-rOupa Mor to Dom 
Manoel. 

110 



1518.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. Ill 

when Charles was most taken up with the project of 
Magellan, and Da Costn, naturally, was brought much 
in contact both with the affair and the principals con- 
cerned. They appear to have caused him far more 
anxiety than the marriage. From a letter to his sove- 
reign, stUl existing in the Torre do Tombo, we get a 
glimpse of the means he employed to frustrate them. 
It was not the first time that the Portuguese, having 
been led by their ignorance and folly wilfully to reject 
one of the world's greatest chances, fought tooth and 
nail to coimteract its outcome. When Columbus reached 
the shelter of the Tagus upon his first return from the 
New World, it was suggested by some of those at court 
that much future trouble with Spain would be obviated 
by his assassination. Not that these methods were con- 
fined to Portugal. The value of each discovery, owing 
perhaps to the rapidity with which it followed upon a 
previoTis one, was so little understood, that either of the 
two countries was ready at a moment's notice to take up 
an attitude of protestation, if not of something worse. 

At first Da Costa confined himself to simple dissuasion. 
In the course of various interviews with Magellan, he 
told the latter that, if he persisted in his enterprise, not 
only would he sin against God and his King, but would 
for ever stain the honour of his name, and, moreover, that 
he woidd be the cause of dissension between two kings 
who would otherwise, by the approaching marriage, still 
further strengthen the ties of friendship which already 
existed between them. Magellan's answer was that his 
first duty was to his King; that he had pledged his word 
to him, and that he too would sin against his honour and 
his conscience should he break it. To Da Costa's temp- 
tation of reward if he went back to Portuaral he turned 



112 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. v. 

equally a deaf ear. Failing thus both in threats and 
persuasion, the Portuguese ambassador turned his atten- 
tion to the King's ministers. The Cardinal, Adrian 
of Utrecht, weak and vacillating, half fearful of conse- 
quences and half mistrustful of the success of the expedi- 
tion, played into his hands. "The Cardinal," writes 
Alvaro to his sovereign, "is the best thing here."^ 
Chievres, too, was hardly against him ; but Fonseca's 
convictions were so strong and his influence so great, 
that it was impossible to ignore them. Again foiled, 
Alvaro wrote to Dom Manoel. The news was received 
with renewed irritation, and discussed in various juntas 
and conselhos. Some advised that Magellan should be 
bribed to return ; others were against this, as affording 
a bad precedent. There were not wanting those who 
advised that he should be put out of the way. One of 
them was a bishop. Lafitau, in his Conquetes des Portu- 
gais, hides, as a Jesuit, the name of this honourable 
counsellor ; ^ Faria and De Goes give it to us for eter- 
nal obloquy — it was Ferdinand Vasconcellos, Bishop of 
Lamego, who afterwards became Archbishop of Lisbon. ^ 
The news of his contemplated assassination reached 
Magellan while still in Zaragoza, but he paid but slight 
attention to it, and pursued his daily avocations, although 
exposing himself as little as possible, and " when night 
surprised them in the house of the Bishop of Burgos," 
Herrera tells us " the latter sent his servants to guard 

1 "Eu, senhor, o tynha ja bem praticado com o cardeal que ho a 
milhor cousa que qua ha, e Ihe nom parece bem este negocio." — Letter 
of Da Costa, Torre do Tombo, fav. i8, ma9. 8, num. 38. 

2 Latitau, op. cit., vol. ii. liv. viii. p. 35. 

3 Faria y Sousa, Europa Portugueza, pt. iv. cap. i. torn. ii. p. 543, 
" bispo dixe que seu parecer era que o mandasse el Rei chamar e Ihe 
fczcsso merces, ou o mandasse matar." — Goes, 4ta. pte. cap. xxxvii. 



151S.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 113 

them home."^ Of Faleiro they made little account. 
His odd manner and uncertain temper led people to the 
conclusion that he was not quite of sound mind.^ 

There were other reasons besides those of caution 
which called for the departure of the two navigators from 
Zaragoza. Their presence was needed in Seville, The 
Casa de Contratacion, as a body, had never been very 
favourable to their scheme. Some jealousy with Aranda 
possibly stood in the way ; possibly the officials really did 
not believe in its chances of success. But they opposed 
it, if not actively, at least with a dead wall of difficulties 
which rendered the future prospects of the expedition 
none of the brightest. Charles, with a quiet but firm 
hand, now put all these obstacles aside. In a letter 
written on the 20th July, 15 18, he informed the India 
House that it was his intention to carry out the pro- 
posed expedition ; that certain moneys lately arrived 
from the West Indies were to be used for the purpose of 
defraying the expenses ; and, finally, that he desired the 
armada should be fitted out in every way in conformity 
with the ideas and wishes of Magellan and Faleiro.^ 
But at the same time that he wrote the letter, anxious 
to hasten these preparations, he intimated his wish that 
the two captains should depart for Seville without delay. 

In order to mark still further his sense of the impor- 
tance of the expedition and of his confidence in those 

1 Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xxi. 

2 "Polo bacharel nom dou eu muito que anda cas fora de seu 
syso." — Letter of Alxaro. 

3 " Y que de los 5000 pesos de oro que habian llegado para S. M. 
de la Isla Fernandina gastasen hasta seis mil ducados 6 lo que fuese 
necesario conforme a dicho memorial, a vista, contentamiento, y 
parecer de los mismos Magallanes y Falero." — Arch, de Seville. Vide 
Navarrete, vol. iv. p. 123. 

H 



114 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. v. 

to whom he had intrusted its command, Charles signified 
his intention of conferring upon Magellan and his com- 
rade the honour of the Order of Santiago. They were 
decorated with the cross of Comendador in the presence 
of the Council, and at the same time the conditions of 
the agreement concluded at Valladolid on the 22nd 
March were formally confirmed.^ A few days later — at 
the end of July — the two Comendadores left the court 
for SevUle. 

In answer to the remonstrances expressed by Alvaro 
da Costa, Charles had written to Dom Manoel to explain 
the object of Magellan's voyage. In his letter he assured 
his future brother-in-law that nothing shot.Jd be done 
in any way to the detriment of Portugal, and that if 
he had not complied with his wish, it was because the 
explorations proposed would not be carried beyond the 
limits of Spanish waters.^ His reasoning was in vain. 
Alvaro renewed his complaints and remonstrances, and 
Chievres being ill, succeeded in obtaining a private 
interview with the King. The sum and substance of it 
he gives in the letter addressed to Dom Manoel, and 
dated from Zaragoza, September 28th, 1518, to which 
allusion has already been made. 

" Sire, — Concerning Ferdinand Magellan's affair, how much I 
have done and how I have laboured, God knows, as I hare 
written you at length ; and now, Chievres being ill, I haVe 
spoken upon the subject very strongly to the King, putting before 
him all the inconveniences that in this case may arise, and also 
representing to him what an ugly matter it was, and how un- 
usual, for one king to receive the subjects of another king, his 
friend, contrary to his wish, — a thing unheard of among cavaliers, 

1 Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. ix. 

2 Argensola, Analcs cle Ara^on, i. caps, Ivii. and Ixxix. 



1518.] PREPAEATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 115 

and accounted both ill-judged and ill-seeming. Yet I had just 
put your Highness and your Highness's possessions at his service 
in Valladolid at the moment that he was harbouring these per- 
sons against your will. I begged him to consider that this was 
not the time to offend your Highness, the more so in an affair 
which was of such Uttle importance and so uncertain ; and that 
he would have plenty of subjects of his own and men to make 
discoveries when the time came, without availing himself of 
those malcontents of your Highness, whom your Highness could 
not fail to believe likely to labour more for your dis-service than 
for anything else ; also that his Highness had had until now so 
much to do in discovering his own kingdoms and dominions, and 
in settling them, that he ought not to turn his attention to these 
new affairs, from which dissensions and other matters, which 
may well be dispensed with, may result. I also represented to 
him the bad appearance that this would have on the year and 
at the very moment of the marriage, — the ratification of friend- 
ship and affection. And also that it seemed to me that your 
Highness would much regret to learn that these men asked 
leave of him to return,^ and that he did not grant it, the which 
are two faults — the receiving them contrary to your desire, and 
the retaining them contrary to their own. And I begged of him, 
both for his own and for your Highness's sake, that he would do 
one of two things — either permit them to go, or put off the affair 
for this year, by which he would not lose much ; and means 
might be taken whereby he might be obliged, and your High- 
ness might not be offended, as you would be were this scheme 
carried out. 

" He was so surprised, sire, at what I told him, that I also was 
surprised ; but he replied to me with the best words in the world, 
saying that on no account did he wish to offend your Highness, 
and many other good words ; and he suggested that I should 
speak to the Cardinal, and confide the whole matter to him. 

" I, sire, had already talked the matter over with the Cardinal, 
who is the best thing here, and who does not approve of the 
business, and he promised me to do what he could to get off the 
affair. He spoke to the King, and thereupon they summoned the 
Bishop of Burgos, who is the chief supporter of the scheme. 
And with that certain two men of the Council succeeded in 

1 This statement, there is every reason to believe, was a pure fiction 
of Da Costa. 



116 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. V. 

making the King believe that he did your Highness no wrong, 
since he only ordered exploration to be made within his own 
limits, and far from your Highness's possessions ; and that your 
Highness should not take it ill that he should make use of two 
of your subjects — men of no gi-eat importance — while your 
Highness himself employed many Spaniards. They adduced 
many other arguments, and at last the Cardinal told me that the 
Bishop and the others insisted so much upon the subject, that 
the King could not now alter his determination. 

" While Chievres was well, I kept representing this business 
to him, as I have just said, and much more. He lays the blame 
irpon those Spaniards who have pushed the King on. Withal he 
will speak to the King, but on former occasions I besought him 
much on this subject, and he never came to any determination, 
and thus, I think, he will act now. It seems to me, sire, that 
your Highness might get back Fernao de Magalhaes, which 
would be a great blow to these people. As for the bachelor,^ I 
do not count him for much, for he is half crazy. 

" Do not let your Highness think that I went too far in what I 
said to the King, for beside the fact that all I said was true, 
these people do not perceive anything, nor has the King liberty 
up to now to do anything of himself, and on that account his 
actions may be less regarded {por iso se deue de syntyr memos suas 
cousas). May the Lord increase the life and dominions of your 
Highness to His holy service. From Sarag09a, Tuesday night, 
the 28tb day of September. 

" I kiss the hands of your Highness. 

" Aluaeo da Costa." 2 

This letter was not the last of its kind, for though 
the protestations of the Portuguese ceased for the time 
being, they were again renewed upon the removal of the 
court to Barcelona. Nor did they end until Magellan 

1 Euy Faleiro. 

2 Arch, da Torre do Tombo, Gav. 18, Ma(;o 8, No. 38. Tho letter 
is given in the original Portuguese by De EaiTos Arana, p. iBi, and 
also by Lord Stanley in his First Voya{/e. Navarreto (vol. iv. p. 
123) gives an excerpt, and Medina {op, cit., vol. i. p. 16) a translation 
into Spanish. 



1518.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 117 

finally weighed anchor at S. Lucar de Barrameda, and 
started on his voyage. 

We must return to Seville, vrhither the two newly- 
made knights had meanwhile arrived. Their presence was 
regarded by Fonseca as likely to smooth the difficulties 
made by the Casa de Contratacion. This body, although 
definitely instructed by the King's cedula in March, 
as we have seen, demurred somewhat to the aiTangement 
thei'eia contained, and wrote again asking for a confir- 
mation of a despatch signed by the Chancellor of Bur- 
gundy,^ expressing themselves, however, as ready to fulfil 
the King's orders " if we have at the time money of his 
Highness at our disposal." The reply was Charles's letter 
of July 2oth already mentioned, charging them to fit out 
the fleet according to the ideas and wishes of its com- 
manders. It IS probable that they themselves carried 
this document and presented it in person.^ But what- 
ever may have been the way it reached its destination, 
its effect was magical. " We are greatly pleased," 
write the officials, "at the arrangement concluded; . . . 
it is a very honourable and advantageous undertaking, 
as we inform the Bishop of Burgos." ^ They add that a 
certain sum of money had arrived from India, and ask 
whether it should be used for the expenses. Everything 
seemed to be couletir de rose. But even at the hands of 
the Casa de Contratacion Magellan and his friend had 
yet to experience difficulties and unpleasantnesses, and 
to learn that the King of ^pain — despite the lengthy 
titles heading his cedulas — was not all-powerful. 

1 This letter is dated May 31, 1518. Vide Lord Stanley's First 
Voyage, p. sxxiii. 

2 " Eecibimos la de V.A. de 20 de julio crni el Comendador Magal- 
lanes." Fide Navarrete, vol. iv, p. Ixxvi. 

3 Navarrete, idem. 



118 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. v. 

The altered attitude of the India House, together with 
the energy of Magellan, gave an impulse to the work of 
preparation which must have gone far towards compen- 
sating the great navigator for the months of disappoint- 
ment and heart-burnings through which he had passed. 
Now his way seemed clear before him, and he worked 
with double vigour, writing letters to the King and the 
Bishop of Burgos to inform them of the progress of 
affairs. At the outset, good-natured and a hater of 
quarrels, he had ceded to the fitful temper and morose 
disposition of his comrade, and permitted him to take 
the lead ; but when it came to practical work — to the 
fitting out of a fleet and to the choice of his men, then 
the experience gained by years of service in the East 
necessarily placed Magellan in a position of authority 
which was beyond the power of Faleiro to question. So 
long as they had to bow the knee in kings' houses, 
petitioners and place-seekers, they were equals; but 
upon the ship's deck in Seville, away from the flattery- 
laden air of the court and almost within sound of the 
sea, there was little doubt as to which meant to com- 
mand. And so, little by little, it came about that 
Faleiro, albeit nominally on the same footing — the " con- 
junta persona " with Magellan — fell insensibly into the 
second place. 

The preparations, then, were pushed on with all speed. 
The King, in his letter of July 20th, 15 18, had informed 
the officials of the Casa de Contratacion that since so 
many articles were to be obtained both better and cheaper 
in Biscay, he had sent thither to purchase them. Other 
materials were apparently brought from Flanders.^ The 

^ Navarrete, iv. p. 123. 



1518.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 119 

ships, as we learn from documents in the Seville archives/ 
were all bought at Cadiz. The duty of purchasing them 
devolved upon Aranda, who was probably totally lacking 
in the technical knowledge necessary for such a respon- 
sible task, for we learn from the Portuguese factor 
Alvarez, then residing in Seville, that they were not in the 
best condition. " They are very old and patched," he says, 
"... and I would be sorry to sail even for the Cana- 
ries in them, for their ribs are as soft as butter." ^ In 
Charles's original capitulacion to the two captains he 
had promised that two should be of 130 tons, two of 90, 
and the fifth of 60.^ Those obtained for the expedition 
were tolerably close to the promised tonnage, being in 
the aggregate only twenty tons short. 

The names and burden of the five vessels were as 
follows: — Santo Antonio, 120 tons; Trinidad, no tons; 
Goncepcion, 90 tons; Victoria, 85 tons; Santiago, 75 
tons.* What they were, how rigged and masted, we do not 
know. From a few chance words of Herrera ^ we learn 
that the poop and forecastle of each was provided with 

1 Papeles del Maluco, leg. i. Vide NavaiTete, iv. pp. 162, 3. 

* " Sam muy velhos e Remedados porque os vy cm monte corrcgeer, 
ha onzo messes que se correjeram e esta na agoa agora calefetam asy 
nagoa cu entrey neles algiias vezcs §ortifico a vosa alteza que pa 
canaria navcgaria de maa Tontade neles, porq' sous liames sam de 
sebe." — Letter of Alvarez to the King of Portugal, Vide Arana, p. 184 
et seq. 

3 Navarrete, iv. p. 119. 

* It is difficult to assign an exact value to these '' toneles dc portc." 
They may perhaps be taken as roughly representing tho ordinary tons 
of the present day. Navarrete (vol. iv. p. 3) says that tonclcs and 
fowcZatias must not bo confused. "The Biscayans reckoned formerly 
by toneles and the Sevillians of tho Indian trade by toneladas, which 
measures are in the relation of five to six — ten toneles making twelve 
toneladas.^' In Nunez's Dictionary, however, the latter measure is 
said to be equivalent to two tonclcs. 

^ Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xi., and Dec. iii. lib, iv. cap. ii. 



120 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [ciiAP. v. 

high, obras muertas — with castles, in short — as was not 
unusual at that period. Such vessels are ^een in the 
illustrations of De Bry, and indeed in Columbus's own 
sketch of the Oceanica Classis. It is, however, nearly 
certain that all the ships in Magellan's fleet were decked, 
while but one of the three which the discoverer of America 
took on his memorable voyage was thus advantaged. 

The ships once obtained, Magellan occupied himself 
unremittingly in overhauling them and putting them 
in a seaworthy condition before starting upon his long 
and dangerous voyage. It was when engaged in this 
work, on the 22nd October, that an incident occurred 
which once more brought forcibly before him the fact 
that the emissaries of Portugal were still at work to 
thwart his plans. He had no longer Alvaro da Costa 
at hand to tell him that he was a renegade to his face, 
and to connive at his assassination in secret, but his 
place was taken by an individual even more unscrupu- 
lous — Sebastian Alvarez, the factor of the King of Por- 
tugal at Seville, and it was probably at his instigation 
that the incident arose. 

On the day in question, Magellan had taken advantage 
of the tide to careen the Trinidad at an early hour. At 
daybreak he ordered four flags bearing his own arms to 
be placed upon the four capstans. In this position it 
was the custom always to carry the captain 's flag, while 
the royal ensign and that of the vessel itself were flown 
at the mast-head. On this occasion these latter were not 
hoisted, having been sent to be painted, and Magellan, 
engaged with his work, had not noticed their absence. 

As the work proceeded, a gradually increasing crowd 
of idlers watched its progress. It was maliciously sug- 
gested by some one that the capstan flags bore the arms 



1518.] PREPAKATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 123 

of the King of Portugal, and, in the midst of consider- 
able disturbance and murmuring, an alcalde arrived upon 
the scene. Without consulting Magellan, he incited the 
bystanders to tear them down. The crew now summoned 
their captain, till then engaged below, who explained 
to the official that " the arms were not those of the King 
of Portugal ; that they were his arms, and that he was 
a vassal of the King of Spain." Sailor and aristocrat, 
Magellan was not one to bandy words with an alcalde, 
and he returned to his work without further discussion. 
The alcalde was not so easily satisfied, and insisted 
upon the removal of the obnoxious flags, and Matienzo,^ 
the chief official of the India House, who arrived at 
this juncture, advised Magellan to yield for the sake 
of calming the mob. He agreed, but the moment was 
a bitter one for him, for among the crowd he recog- 
nised an agent of the King of Portugal,^ whom he felt 
to have been the instigator of the riot. Meanwhile the 
alcalde had gone in search of the port-captain (teniente 
del almirante), whose appearance was the signal for a 
renewal of the tumult. Arriving on the scene, he called 
upon his men to " arrest the Portuguese captain who 
flew the ensign of the King of Portugal," at the same 
time roughly demanding of the Comendador "where 
were the flags, and why were they hoisted upon the 
capstans ? " Magellan's answer was that he was not 

^ The learned doctor, Sancho Matienzo, a well-known person at that 
period, was a Canon of Seville and a personal friend of Magellan, who 
appointed him as his executor in his will of August 24th, 1519. 

2 " Puesto que me era afrenta hacerlo por estar alii presente un caba- 
llero del Rey de Portugal, que por su mandado vino a esta ciudad a. 
contratar conmigo que me volviese a Portugal, 6 a hacer otra cosa 
que no fuese mi proveeho." — Letter of Magellan to Charles V., 24th 
October, 1518 ; vide Navarrete, iv. p. 125. There is little doubt that 
the caballero in question was Sebastian Alvarez. 



124 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. V. 

responsible to him for his actions. The port-captain 
instantly called upon the alguaciles to arrest him, but 
Matienzo cautioned the irate official that if he laid hands 
upon the King's captain he would have to answer for it 
to the King. His interference so enraged the alguaciles 
and companions of the teniente, that they rushed upon 
him with their drawn swords, threatening to kUl him. 
Seeing the highest official of the India House thus treated, 
Magellan's people — or such of them, he naively remarks, 
as had been paid in advance — thought it best to decamp. 

The ship was at the moment in a somewhat dangerous 
position. Magellan, ever ready of resource, saw in this 
fact a means of strengthening his hand. He threatened 
to leave it, and to make the officials responsible for any 
damage that might occur. Already conscious, perhaps, 
of having gone too far with Matienzo, the port-captain 
thought it best to alter his tactics, and he eventually left 
the ship, contenting himself with arresting some of the 
crew and disarming others. The teniente del asistente, 
to whom Magellan had appealed for support, refused to 
interfere. 

Two days later Magellan wrote a full account of the 

affair to Charles V., begging him to order a searching 

inquiry to be made. The fearlessness and independence 

of the letter is chai"acteristic of the man. He asks for 

full satisfaction, I'eminding Charles that " the insult was 

offered not to Ferdinand Magellan, but to one of your 

Highness's captains." He requests that the principal 

actors in the emeute may be punished, and that for the 

future he may be secured against the recurrence of such 

acts of violence.^ We have not Charles's answer, but 

1 See Magellan's letter, already referred to. Herrera also gives a 
detailed account of the occurrence (Dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. ix.) ; and 
Argcnsola also refers to it in the A^ialcs de Aragon, lib. i. cap. Ixxix. 



1519.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 125 

we have Herrera's account of it. The King expressed 
his regret at the incident, and his approval of Matienzo's 
action. He censured the teniente del asistente and the 
Sevillians for refusing to aid Magellan, and ordered the 
officials who had taken the chief part in the distiu-bance 
to be severely punished. His prompt action and readiness 
to support the two Portuguese on this occasion went far 
towards smoothing their difficulties for some time to come. 
In January, 15 19, Charles Y. left Zaragoza. He 
arrived at Lerida in the beginning of February, and 
entered Barcelona on the 15th of that month. Fonseca, 
the staunch friend and supporter of the explorers, accom- 
panied him, and kept their undertaking and its many 
needs constantly before his notice. Fearing anticipation 
by Portugal, he counselled the prompt despatch of the 
fleet at all costs. At Seville the two treasurers of the 
armada, Alonso Gutierres and Cristobal de Haro — the 
great East India merchant already mentioned — were 
doing their best to forward the preparations. Money 
was greatly needed. The coffers of the India House 
were well-nigh exhausted, and Charles, who regarded 
Spain as the milch-cow of the Netherlands, was not 
likely, even if it lay within his power, to replenish them 
from his own pocket. At this juncture Haro offered 
his purse, and we learn from the letter of Alvarez, by 
which private information was given to the King of 
Portugal of the affairs of the armada, that he advanced 
four thousand ducats, the fifth part of the whole cost.^ 
Haro himself claims to have given 1,616,781 maravedis.^ 

^ " A q'nta ptc desta armaga he de spova de haroo q ncla meteo iiij. 
ducados." — Vide Arana, op. cit, p. 189. 

2 Medina, op. cit., vol. ii. p. 235. It was not a remunerative ven- 
ture. Haro met with the not uncommon fate attending those who at 



126 LIFE OP MAGELLAN [chap. v. 

His coadjutor, Gutierres, also aided, and, with permission 
of the Bishop of Burgos, other Seville merchants joined 
in the venture. In this manner the entire cost of the 
armada, 8,751,125 maravedis, or ;^S032, was finally 
defrayed.^ 

From the court in Barcelona the King's cedulas were 
now despatched in quick succession. Writing on the 
loth March, 15 19, he grants to the merchants who have 
advanced money the right of investing an equal sum in 
the three expeditions next succeeding.^ On the 30th of 
the same month Luis de Mendoza was appointed ti-ea- 
surer to the fleet, with a salary of 60,000 maravedis per 
annum during the voyage. At the same time Juan de 
Cartagena was gazetted captain of the third ship and 
Veedor-general, for which he was to receive pay at the 
rate of 110,000 maravedis. Gaspar de Quesada was 
nominated captain of the fourth or fifth ship on the 6th 
April, and a few days later Antonio de Coca was made 
Contador of the armada at 50,000 maravedis. 

On the 1 8th April Charles orders that, ready or not 
ready, the fleet must sail before the end of May, and on 

that period were unwise enough to put their trust in princes. After 
an interminable lawsuit with the Crown, he at length got back his 
money, with no interest or profit whatsoever, after an eighteen years 
delay. He had also been unfortunate enough to invest a nearly equal 
sum in the succeeding expedition, which was also returned under the 
same conditions. Vide Medina, vol. ii. p. 292. Others who had lent 
money were not even so lucky as Haro. Twenty years after the expe- 
dition sailed the plaint of Antonio Fucar (Fugger) and Company was 
brought before the courts. They had advanced 10,000 ducats, and 
had not had a maravedi. But they were Germans, and the Consejo 
had no hesitation. It declared the Crown free and quit of all liability, 
' ' and from henceforth we decree that the said Antonio Fucar y Ca. 
shall for ever hold their peace ! " — Idem. vol. ii. p. 324. 

1 Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. ix. p. 129. 

2 Navai'rete, op, cit. iv. p. xlvii. 



1519.] PREPAEATIONS FOE THE VOYAGE. 127 

the following day issues a species of sailing orders, 
charging the officers and crew " to defer to the opinion 
and orders of Magellan, and to proceed straight to the 
* spicery.' " ^ The despatch of a second armada by the 
same route appears to have been early contemplated, for 
in a cedula of the 30th April, Francisco, brother of Ruy 
Faleiro, is assigned a salary of 35,000 maravedis to 
reside in Seville and take in hand the affairs of the fleet 
" which was to be sent after that of which Magellan 
and his brother were in command." A week later, May 
5th, the King desires that the number of the crew of the 
squadron should be limited to two hundred and thirty- 
five men, and directs that, if possible, it may further be 
reduced. It was left to Magellan, " por cuanto tiene 
mas experiencia," to choose his men. The captains were 
directed to declare in wi'iting the course they meant to 
take, and the rules to be followed in making observa- 
tions. At the same date Charles granted certain entre- 
tenimientos to Magellan's wife, ordering that during the 
voyage her husband's pay should be received by her. 
He also offered to reward the pUots and masters accord- 
ing to their services upon their return to Spain ; but 
whether he yielded to the petition of the former to 
raise their pay to three thousand maravedis per mensem 
does not appear. 

Such is the gist of some of the many cedulas that the 
labour of Muiioz disinterred from the mass of papers in 
the Seville archives. The last, and most lengthy of all, 
was despatched from Barcelona on the 8th May, and 

1 " Pa q los del armada sigan el parecer y determynacio de Magallans 
pa q an?s y p™° q a otra pt vaya a la especerya." This document 
appears to have fallen into the hands of the Portuguese in Ternate 
when Antonio de Brito seized the Trinidad. See Lord Stanley's First 
Voyage, p. xxsiii., and Appendix, p. xii. 



128 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. v. 

contains the most minute instructions for the voyage. 
So minute and diffuse are they indeed, that a bare refer- 
ence to the subjects touched upon can only be given 
here. The document is divided into seventy-four heads, 
and might with advantage have been furnished with an 
index. The captains are cautioned not to overload their 
ships, and to keep the orifice of their pumps well out of 
the water. They are to communicate every day if the 
weather permit, and to follow certain rules with regard 
to lights at night, while in the case of a ship getting lost 
full details are given as to the course to be pursued. 
There are instructions about landing in unknown 
countries, about making friends with the chiefs, about 
dealing with " Moros," about prizes, and about the dis- 
tribution of prize-money. The last article is specially 
interesting as showing the comparative value of each 
rank in the service at that time. The captains are 
specially enjoined to treat their men amorosamente, to 
personally visit the wounded and the sick, and to pre- 
vent the surgeon from taking any fees. Stringent regu- 
lations are given with regard to the rations, which are 
to be issued every other day, and from time to time to 
be carefully inspected. A dozen or more of the seventy- 
four heads relate to trade and barter ; others guide the 
morals of the crew, who are not to swear, and not to 
play games of chance, such as dice and cards, " for from 
such often arise evil, and scandal, and strife." Insult 
and violence offered to women were to be severely 
punished, but a tolerable amount of Hberty appears to 
have been allowed to the crew, and every one was per- 
mitted to write home as he thought fit. There are wise 
regulations about guarding against fire, and still wiser 
anent building houses in the tropics, counselling their 



1519.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 129 

erection in good air, on the slopes of the mountains, and 
not on marshy ground or shut-in valleys. The docu- 
ment ends with a long list of the " quintaladas " per- 
mitted to the different members of the ship's company.^ 
Finally, while the King orders that " under no condition 
whatsoever shall they touch at or explore land, or do 
anything within the boundaries of the most Serene King 
of Portugal," he nevertheless takes care to direct that, 
in the case of a Portuguese ship being found in Spanish 
waters, she should be called upon to quit the neighbour- 
hood and to surrender her cargo, 

Charles's strong support with regard to the emeute 
about the flags on the 22nd October had rendered in- 
advisable, for the time being, at all events, any inter- 
ference on the part of the agents of the King of Portugal. 
It is possible that another reason existed. Gomara 2 
tells us that at one time Dom Manoel was not greatly 
disturbed about Magellan's projected voyage, being per- 
suadeil in his own mind that there was no other route 
to the Spice Islands save and excepting that taken by 
his own ships. But as the months passed, and the 
armada approached completion, this faith became less 
secure, and before long another attempt was made to 
persuade Mngellan to relinquish the expedition. The 
author was Sebastian Alvarez, the Portuguese factor at 
Seville, and the instigator of the disturbance just men- 
tioned, A letter written by him to Dom Manoel on the 
1 8th July, 15 19, is still existing. It throws a flood of 
light upon the various plots surrounding the explorers. 

1 The quiiilaJada was the free freight allowed to officers and crew. 
It was permitted to every one, from captain to cabin-boy, and varied 
from 8oc» to 75 lbs. according to rank. It paid a duty of one-twenty- 
fourth to the Crown. 

2 Gomara, op. cif., cap. xci. p. 83. 

I 



130 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. v. 

After acknowledging two letters from his royal 
master, from which it may be concluded that he had 
not failed to keep him well informed with regard to 
Seville affairs, he goes on to acquaint him of the arrival 
of Cristobal de Haro and Juan de Cartagena, bringing 
instructions more or less at variance with those of 
Magellan. Upon this, he says, the oiEcials of the Casa 
de Contratacion summoned the latter, and demanded to 
know, amongst other things, why he took so many Por- 
tuguese with him. Magellan answered that, as captain 
of the fleet, he should do as he chose, without rendering 
an account to them. High words passed. The factors 
of the India House ordered pay to be given to all 
except the Portuguese, and, charged with the complaints 
of both parties, a messenger was despatched at once to 
Charles V. to obtain his decision. Having put Dom 
Manoel in possession of these details, Alvarez thus 
proceeds : — 

" And seeing the affair begun, and that it was a convenient 
season forme to say what your Highness commanded, ^ I went to 
Magellan's house, where I found him filling baskets and chests 
with preserved \actuals and other things. I pressed him, pre- 
tending that, as I found him thus engaged, it seemed to me that 
his evil design was settled, and since this would be the last word 
I should have with him, I desired to bring back to his memory 
how many times, as a good Portuguese and his friend, I had 
spoken to him, dissuading him from the great mistake he was 
committing. And after asking pardon of him, lest he should be 
offended at what I was about to say, I reminded him how many 
times I had spoken to him, and how well he had always replied 
to me, and that from his replies I always hoped that in the end 
he would not go, to the so great injury of 3"0ur Highness. And 
what I always told him was, that the path he had chosen was 
beset with as many dangers as the wheel of Saint Catherine, and 

1 Hence it appears certain that Alvarez acted under the King's 
orders. 



1519.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 131 

that he ought to leave it and take that which led to Coimbra, 
and return to his native land and to the favour of your Highness, 
at whose hands he would always receive benefits. In our conver- 
sation I brought before him all the dangers I could think of, and 
the mistakes he was making. He said to me that now, as an 
honourable man, he could only follow the path he had chosen. 
I replied that unduly to gain honour, and to gain it with infamy, 
was neither wisdom nor honour, but rather lack of wisdom and 
honour, for he might be sure that the chief Castilians of this 
city in speaking of him held him for a low person and of no 
breeding, since, to the dis-service of his true king and lord, he 
embarked in such an undertaking, and so much the more since 
it was set going, arranged, and petitioned for by him. And he 
might be certain that he was considered as a traitor, engaging 
himself thus in opposition to your Highness's country. Here he 
replied to me that he saw the mistake he made, but that he 
hoped to oljserve your Highness's service, and by his voyage to 
be of assistance to you. I told him that whoever should praise 
him for such an expression of opinion did not understand it ; 
for unless he touched your Highness's possessions how was he 
to discover what he said ? Besides, it was a great injury to the 
revenues of your Highness, which would affect the whole king- 
dom and every class of people, and it was a far more virtuous 
thought that inspired him when he told me that if your High- 
ness ordered him to return to Portugal that he would do it without 
further guarantee of reward, and that when you granted none to 
him, there was Serradossa, and seven yards of grey cloth, and 
some gall-nut beads open to him.^ So then it seemed to me that 
his heart was true as far as his honour and conscience were con- 
cerned. Our conversation was so long of duration that I cannot 
write it. 

" At this juncture, sire, he began to give me a sign, saying that 
I should tell him more ; that this did not come from me, and 
that, if your Highness commanded me, that I should tell him so, 
and also the reward that you would grant him. I told him that 
I was not a person of such weight that your Highness would 
employ me for such a purpose, but that I said it to him as I had 



1 Magellan's irony is the more amusing from the fact that it is 
utterly lost upon Alvarez, who takes his alternative of a hermit's life 
au pied de la lettrc. 



132 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. y. 

on many other occasions. Here he wished to pay me a compli- 
ment, saying that if what I had begun with him was carried 
on without the interference of others, your Highness would be 
served, but that Nuno Ribeiro had told him one thing, which 
meant nothing {q fiofora nada), and Joao Mendez another, which 
bound him to nothing, and he told me the favours they offered 
him on the part of your Highness. He then bewailed himself 
greatly, and said he was much concerned about it all, but that 
he knew nothing which could justify his leaving a king who had 
shown him such favour. I told him that it would be a more 
certain matter, and attended with a truer honour, to do what he 
ought to do, and not to lose his reputation and the favours your 
Highness would grant him. And if he weighed his coming from 
Portugal (which was for a hundred reals more or less of moradia 
that your Highness did not grant him, in order not to break your 
laws), and that there had arrived two sets of orders at variance 
with his own, which he had at the hands of the King, Don Carlos, 
he would see whether this insult (desprczo) did not outbalance 
it — to go and do what it was his duty to do, rather than to 
remain here for that for which he came. 

" He was greatly astonished at my knowing so much, and then 
he told me the truth, and how the messenger had left — all of 
which I already knew. And he told me that certainly there was 
no reason why he should abandon the undertaking, unless they 
failed to fulfil anything in the terms of the agreement ; but that 
first he must see what your Highness would do. I said to him, 
what more did he desire to see than the orders ? — and Ruy 
Faleiro, who said openly that he was not going to follow his 
lantern,' and that he would navigate to the south, or he would 
not sail with the fleet ; and that he (Magellan) thought he was 
going as admiral, whereas I knew that others were being sent in 
opposition to him, of whom he would know nothing, except at 
a time when it would be too late to save his honour.^ (And I 
told him) that he should pay no heed to the honey that the 
Bishop of Burgos put to his lips, and that now was the time for 
him to choose his path, and that he should give me a letter to 



^ The capitana or flag-ship always carried the farol or lantern. 

2 "Eu sahia que avia out°^ mandados em conf^iro, os quaees elle no 
saberia sena a ?po que no pudese Remedca"' sua onrra." From this 
the previous plotting of the mutiny is evident. 



1519.] PREPAEATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 133 

your Highness, and that I, out of affection for him, would go to 
your Highness and plead his cause, because I had no instruction 
from your Highness concerning such business, and only said what 
I thought I had often said before.^ He told me that he would 
say nothing to me until he had seen the answer that the mes- 
senger brought, and with this our conversation finished. I will 
watch the interests of your Highness to the utmost of my power. 
"... I spoke to Ruy Faleiro twice, but he replied nothing to 
me, save ' how could he do such a thing against the King, his 
lord, who conferred such benefits upon him ; ' and to all that I 
said to him he gave me no other answer. It seems to me that 
he is like a man affected in his reason, and that this his familiar 
has taken away whatever wisdom he possessed. I think that if 
Fernao de Magalhaes were removed that Ruy Faleiro would 
follow what Magalhaes did." 

The rest of the letter of Alvarez, which is one of great 
length, need not be quoted. He gives the King of 
Portugal information about the ships and their arma- 
ment, together with a list of the Portuguese who had at 
that time taken service in the fleet. A passage concern- 
ing the proposed route and the charts and instruments 
provided is, however, of interest : — 

" The route which it is reported they are to take is direct to 
Cape Frio, leaving Brazil on the right, until they pass the boun- 
dary-line, and thence to sail W. and W.N.W. direct to Maluco, 
which land of Maluco I have seen laid down on the globe and 
chart which Fernando de Reynell made here, the which v/as not 
finished when his father came here for him, and his father 
finished the whole and marked these lands of Maluco, and on 
this pattern are constructed all the charts which Diogo Ribeiro 
makes. And he makes all the compasses, quadrants, and globes, 
but does not sail with the fleet ; nor does he desire anything 
more than to gain his li\-ing by his skill. 

" From this Cape Frio to the islands of Maluco by this route 
there are no lands laid down in the charts they take. May God 

1 That this was a direct untruth can be seen by a reference to the 
first sentence of the letter. 



134 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. v. 

the Almighty grant that they make a voyage like that of the 
Cortereals,! and that your Highness may remain at rest, and 
ever be envied — as your Highness is — by all princes." 

Such a letter as this gives us some idea of the diffi- 
culties with which Magellan had to contend. They 
were augmented by the relations existing between his 
colleague and himself. Always of uncertain temper, 
Faleiro had of late become still more difficult to deal 
with. What was his real condition it is impossible to 
say. Although the suggestion has been stoutly com- 
bated by some historians, the balance of evidence is in 
favour of the fact that he became insane. Both Acosta 
and Sebastian Alvarez in their letters to Dom Manoel 
already quoted speak of him as being half- crazy. From 
what we know of his previous history, the supposition is 
not an impossible one — is even probable, perhaps. The 
contemporary writers for the most part support it. 
Argensola tells us that having gone out of his mind, 
he was sent to the madhouse in Seville. Gomara says 
that he went mad from the fear that he would be unable 
to fulfil his promise, and Oviedo speaks of him as muy 
loco, having lost both his health and his reason. By 
others it is hinted that the madness may have been 
feigned with the idea of commanding the squadron which 
was to follow that of Magellan, Barros gives a still 
more ingenious story — that Buy Faleiro, being an astro- 
loger, cast his own horoscope, and finding that the voyage 
woiild be disastrous and end in his death, he feigned 
madness at the last moment to avoid sailing. ^ Herrera 

1 The Cortereals sailed in Cabot's track to find a north-west passage, 
and of either of them — Gaspar in 1501 and Miguel in the following 
year — no tidings were ever heard. 

2 Argensola, Conq. de las Molucas, lib. i. p. 16 ; Gomara, o^?. cit. 
cap. xci. p. 83 ; Oviedo y Valdcs, op. cit. lib. xx. cap. i. ; Argens, 



1519.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 135 

tells us that differences arose between the two com- 
manders, and it seems that Alvarez was instrumental in 
fomenting them. But whatever may have been the 
difficulty, the King had ultimately to dismiss Faleiro. 
By a cedida dated from Barcelona on the 26th July, 1519, 
he ordered that he should remain in Seville to superin- 
tend the preparations of the second fleet, ^ and Magellan 
from this date remained practically in sole command, in 
spite of Juan de Cartagena — to whom Faleiro's ship was 
given — being spoken of in some documents of the India 
House as his " conjunta persona." His position was 
further strengthened by an order from the King that 
Lviis de Mendoza, the captain of the Victoria, and 
treasurer of the fleet, who had been insolent and in- 
clined to question his authority, should render unhesi- 
tating obedience. We may be sure that with this 
Mendoza's hatred of Magellan was in no way mitigated. 
It culminated before long, as we shall see, in the mutiny 
of Port St. Julian, where a swift and terrible punish- 
ment was the reward of his treason. It would have 



Avales de Aragon, lib. i. cap. Ixxix. ; Barros, op. cit. Dec. iii. lib. v. 
cap. viii. p. 631. 

1 "Mando elRey que pues Ruy Falero no se hallaua con entera 
salud, se quedasse hasta otro viage." — Hcrrera, Dec. ii. lib. fv. cap. 
ix. Faleiro afterwards returned to Portugal, and was imprisoned 
there. From prison he wrote to the Cardinal Adrian, begging that ho 
would interest himself with the King to procure his release. Possibly 
this was done ; we know at least that he was in Seville on March 22, 
1523, and that he wrote thence two letters to the King upon the 
importance of retaining the spice trade, and begging that his pension 
should be paid, as he had not received it, and was in want. He also 
sought permission to fit out a small armada, suggesting that with his 
charts and instruments he would be of great service. Both these 
letters exist in the Seville archives, together with the letter to the 
Cardinal, which is written in Latin. Vide Medina's Colcccion, vol. i. 
p. 313. It is believed that Faleiro died in Seville in 1523. 



136 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. v. 

been better for him had he been dismissed his ship, as 
were two mutinous Portuguese at this period. The 
plots of Alvarez had already begun to work, and dis- 
affection was rife long ere the ships left the Guadal- 
quivir. 

One of the points upon which Charles Y. had most 
strongly insisted was that the number of Portuguese 
borne upon the ship's books should be reduced to the 
smallest possible hmits. In a letter written from Bar- 
celona on the 17 th June he gives orders that under no 
circumstances whatever are these to be more than five in 
number. Writing again on the 5 th July to Ruy Faleiro, 
who had sought permission for his brother to accompany 
him, the permission is given, but only on condition that 
he should form one of these five. On the 26 th July the 
same order is reiterated. Nevertheless, circumstances 
brought it about that many more ultimately sailed. It 
may well be imagined that there were not wanting 
people who ascribed the worst of motives to Magellan 
with regard to the matter. To clear himself he pre- 
sented an informacion to the India House on the 9th 
August, drawn up in the then customary form of ques- 
tion and answer, and giving the evidence of five men cf 
known position and character, among whom we find the 
name of Sebastian del Cano. From it we learn several 
facts of interest. It tells us how in the streets and 
squares and quays of Seville the public crier announced 
the departure of the fleet, and called for volunteers ; how 
the people said the pay was too small, and would not go ; 
how the officers were sent to Cadiz and Malaga and 
other ports, and still could not get their complement ; 
and how, finally, a number of foreigners — and among 
them several Portuguese — were enrolled, with whom 



1519.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 137 

the captains were, nevertheless, quite satisfied. Of the 
varied nationalities and tongues thus brought together 
one reads with astonishment. Besides the Spaniards, 
Portuguese, and Basques, there were Genoese, Sicilians, 
French, Flemings, Germans, Greeks, Neapolitans, Cor- 
fiotes, Negros, and Malays. One Englishman there 
was, and one only, a certain Master Andrew of Bristol, 
master-gunner of the flag-ship.^ Of Portuguese there 
ultimately sailed no less than thirty-seven — probably 
indeed even more, for our sources of information, though 
wonderfully full, are not absolutely complete.^ 

Despite the difficulty in obtaining men, the prepara- 
tions were by this time nearly finished. From a letter 
of Magellan to the India House we learn that his chief 
anxiety was to obtain possession of E,uy Faleiro's book 
of the various methods of taking observations. He 
desires to take Francisco Faleiro as captain in place of 
his brother, but fears that even then the latter may not 
see fit to put him in possession of the coveted book. 
His fears, however, were groundless, for though Fran- 
cisco Faleiro decided not to sail with him, but to await 
the following expedition, the book upon which Magellan 
so greatly depended for his observations was presented 
to him by his former friend and comrade before sailing. ^ 

Before starting upon an expedition of such magnitude 

1 We cannot claim him as one of the immortals — the little band of 
survivors who shared among them the glory of being the first circum- 
navigators. He died on gth March, 1521, just after the fleet had 
reached the Ladrone Islands. 

2 See Appendix, No. III., for this and other information concerning 
the personnel of the expedition. 

3 This book consisted of thirty chapters, and is referred to at some 
length by Barros, in conjunction with the book of Andres de San 
Martin, who practically filled his place upon the expedition. Bairos, 
Dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x. 



138 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. v. 

as this, it was the custom, as we have already seen, to 
attend a solemn church service en masse. Upon this 
occasion the ceremony was one of more than usual 
interest. It must have been felt by all that the voyage 
before them was of no ordinary character. They were 
not bound for the now well-known West Indies, nor 
about to sail the trite watei's of the Indian Ocean. 
Their very first experiences would be in almost unknown 
lands and seas. And so, when the Corregidor of Seville, 
Sancho Martinez de Leyva, solemnly entrusted Magellan 
with the royal standard in the church of Santa Maria de 
la Victoria, and received from him the oath that, as a good 
subject of the King, he would carry out his enterprise, 
there must have been few of the onlookers to whose 
minds the difficulties and dangers of their future path 
did not present themselves. To Magellan the captains 
and officials of the armada swore a like oath of allegi- 
ance, promising to follow the course ordered by him and 
to obey him in everything. Alas for man's sincerity 
and honour ! Many of those who knelt before the altar 
were at that moment pledged to join in open mutiny 
against their leader directly the fitting opportunity 
should arrive. 

The preparations were now sufficiently far advanced to 
permit the fleet to leave the quays of Seville. On Wed- 
nesday the loth August, 1519, the vessels weighed and 
dropped down the river to the port of S. Lucar de Bar- 
rameda, at its mouth. Here they remained for more 
than a month. It was now evident that, so far as the 
actual start of the expedition was concerned, the efforts 
of the Portuguese had failed, and their predictions 
proved incorrect. To within a few months of his sailing, 
Magellan had been represented to Dom Manoel as "a 



1519.] PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 139 

boaster and a man of little worth, who would not carry 
out his promises." ^ Now they formed a different 
opinion. The plots and intrigues to let and hinder the 
expedition did not therefore cease even with its depar- 
ture. Dom Manoel sent ships to the Cape, and also to 
Santa Maria in the Rio de la Plata, with orders to 
intercept their passage, and these having failed in their 
object, Diogo Lopez de Sequeira was instructed to send 
six ships from Cochim to the Moluccas for the same pur- 
pose — an order he was unable to fulfil on account of 
there being no vessels available at the time.^ 

Unconscious of these added dangers, Magellan woi'ked 
hard at the innumerable matters of business connected 
with his immediate departure. Together with his cap- 
tains, he went backwards and forwards between Seville 
and the ships, supplying the various omissions which at 
the last moment so frequently declare themselves. One 
of his last acts was to address a memorial to Charles V., 
assigning the geographical position of various places 
more or less connected with the line of demarcation — 
among them the Moluccas ^ — giving as his reason " that 
the King of Portugal may assert that they lie within 
his limit, and that no one understands the matter as he 
(Magellan) understands it." 

On the 24th August he made his will. The document 
is still in existence in the SevUle archives. It bears 
evidence of strong religious influence, if not religious 
feeling. In it he desired that one-tenth part of his 

1 "Dezian los Portugueses que el Rey de Cnstilla perderia el gasto, 
porque Hernando de Magallanes era liombre hablador y do poca sus- 
tancia, y que no saldria con lo que prometia."' — Herrera. 

2 Pigafctta, lib. iii. p. 141, Milan edit, of 1800. 

3 Seville Archives, leg. i. of Molucca documents. Navarrcte, iv. 
p. 188. 



140 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. V. 

share of the profits of the expedition (which share was 
to be one-fifth of the whole) should be taken and divided 
into three equal shares, one of which was bequeathed to 
the Convento de los Minimos of Victoria de Triana, where 
he was to be buried if he died in Seville. The other two 
shares were to be equally distributed between the monas- 
tery of Monserrat in Barcelona, the convent of S. Fran- 
cisco in Aranda de Duero, and S. Domingo de las Duenas 
in Oporto. Of the effects he might die possessed of in 
the fleet and of his real and personal property in Seville, 
he desired that a fifth share should be expended in saying 
masses for his souL 

The rule and seignorial rights of the lands he might 
discover he desired should pass in regular succession, first 
to his son Eodx'igo, or, to the child which might be born 
to him — his wife being then pregnant — or, failing direct 
descent, to his brother Diogo de Sousa, or to his sister 
Isabel. If the property should pass to the side branch, 
the holder of the mayorazgo should, in the event of the 
survival of Dona Beatriz, his wife, pay to her annually 
a fourth part of the revenue and a sum of two hundred 
ducats. 2 

Of the 50,000 maravedis of pension conferred by the 
Casa de Contratacion upon his hfe and that of his wife, 

1 Magellan's son Rodrigo died in 1521 ; his second child was still- 
bom ; his wife died in 1522 ; Duarte Barbosa was killed in the sur- 
prise of May I, 1521, and the father, Diogo Barbosa, dying in 1525, 
the Crown took possession of the estate, which was claimed by Jaime 
Barbosa and other sons of Diogo. The case, after having remained 
seven years unheard, was again brought forward on the 6th June, 
1540. The claimants had spent all their money and were reduced to 
want, and though Magellan had given his life in the service of Spain 
nineteen years before, they had not received a maravedi. What was 
the ultimate result we do not learn, but knowing what we do of 
Spanish justice at that period, we can guess. 



1519.] PEEPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 141 

the latter was to pay annually to the said sister Isabel 
the sum of 5000 maravedis. His son or sons were left 
residuary legatees. His heirs were to take the name 
and arms of Magallanes, and to reside and marry in 
Spain.^ 

Magellan appointed as executors his father-in-law, 
Diogo Barbosa, and Don Sancho de Matienzo, the cano- 
nigo of Seville who had supported him on the occasion 
of the riot instigated by Alvarez. At the same time 
that he made his will he addressed a letter to the King, 
asking that the 12,500 maravedis presented to him on 
the occasion of his decoration with the Order of Santiago 
might be paid to the convent of Victoria de la Triana, 
he having already promised it to them. 

All was now ready, and the Captain- general rejoined 
his ship and hoisted his pennant. Every day, Pigafetta 
tells us, officers and men had gone ashore to hear mass 
at the church of Nossa Seiiora de Barrameda, and now, 
on the eve of sailing, Magellan gave orders that all 
should confess, " in the which he himself showed the 
way to the others." Next day, Tuesday the 20th Sep- 
tember, 15 19, a favourable breeze having sprung up, he 
gave the order to weigh, and a little later the ships 
cleared the river and commenced the memorable voyage 
which, through almost unparalleled suffering and dis- 
aster, was to win an immortal name for its survivors as 
the first circumnavigators of the globe. 

1 Seo Appendix II. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE LAST VOYAGE— I. S.E. AMERICA AND THE 
MUTINY IN PORT ST. JULIAN. 

Before entering upon the narrative of Magellan's final 
expedition, the issue of which was to stamp him as the 
greatest of the world's discoverers, we must turn for a 
moment to consider the materials with which he was 
provided. To the ships themselves allusion has already 
been made. They were for the most part old, small, and 
in anything but good condition. The Trinidad, though 
not the largest, was the most seaworthy and most 
suitable for capitana, and at her mast-head Magellan 
accordingly flew his pennant. Juan de Cartagena cap- 
tained the aS'. Antonio, the largest vessel of the fleet. 
The Concepcion was commanded by Caspar Quesada, and 
the Victoria by the traitor Luis de Mendoza, treasurer 
of the armada, who had already been reprimanded by 
the King for insolence to the Captain-general. The little 
Santiago was given to Joao Serrao, whose long experience 
in the East and great knowledge of navigation rendered 
him one of the most important members of the expedi- 
tion. 

The command of the Santiago by Serrao was, as it 
happened, an affair of no little moment to Magellan. 
But for his old friend and comrade it is more than pos- 
sible that the mutiny of Port St. JuHan might have 

proved too much for him, and the great discovery of 
142 



1519.] THE LAST VOYAGE— I. 143 

Magellan's Straits might have been postponed to deck 
another brow with laurels. Upon the Portuguese in 
the fleet, despite his altered nationality, Magellan relied 
even more as friends than as navigators. By the time 
the squadron had crossed the bar, the originally-permittod 
number of five had greatly increased. Among the 280 
men, more or less, who sailed, thirty-seven, as we have 
seen, were Portuguese, and of these many held most 
important posts. On the Trinidad were Estevao Gomez 
the pilot, Magellan's brother-in-law — Duarte Barbosa — 
Alvaro de la Mezquita, and eight others. The S. Antonio 
bore the cosmographer Andres de San Martin and Joao 
Rodriguez de Mafra. All the pilots of the fleet, indeed, 
were Portuguese, just as the gunners were foreigners ; 
and Joao Lopez Carvalho and Vasco Gallego navigated 
respectively the Concepcion and the Victoria. 

The armament of the fleet was on an extensive scale. 
The artillery comprised sixty-two culverins, ten falconets, 
and ten large bombards. Small firearms were not then 
greatly used, and only fifty arquebuses were carried. 
There were, however, a thousand lances, two hundred 
pikes, ten dozen javelins, ninety-five dozen darts, sixty 
crossbows, with 360 dozen arrows, and " sundry swords 
which the captain took." One hundred corselets, with 
gauntlets, shoulder-pieces, and casques, appear in the 
list, together with an equal number of cuirasses. Finally, 
we learn that as much as 5600 lbs. of powder were put 
on board. 

The " instrumenios " with which the navigators were 
provided wei-e of the simplest nature. Twenty-three 
parchment charts by Nuno Garcia, six pairs of compasses, 
twenty-one wooden quadrants, seven astrolabes, thirty- 
five compass-needles, and eighteen hov;r-glasses formed the 



144 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vi. 

entire list ; and not all of these, we are told, were ulti- 
mately taken. The number of articles for barter was, 
however, very large. In the " Priuie Notes given by a 
Gentleman to the Marchants of the Museouie Com- 
pany," with which Hakluyt has made us acquainted, 
the importance of such expeditions being provided with 
"looking-glasses for women, great and fayre," is dwelt 
upon, and Magellan's squadron was amply supplied with 
these, together with 500 lbs. of " crystals, which are 
diamonds of all colours." Knives, fish-hooks, stufff, 
and velvets, ivory, quicksilver (2240 lbs.), and brass 
bracelets all figure largely in the list; but it appears 
that bells were considered to be the most useful objects 
of barter. Of these no less than 20,000 were taken. 

The cost of the fleet, with its stores and armament, was 
for those days considerable. From papers existing in 
the Seville archives, we know the exact amount to a 
maravedi. The entire expenditure was 8,751,125 mara- 
vedis, or ;^5032, 6s. 3d. But some of the stores having 
been left behind, the sum was reduced by 416,790 mara- 
vedis, or about ;j^24o. Tlie ships, together with their 
artillery, powder, and small-arms, cost ^^2249 ; the 
victualling, ;!^9i3 ; the articles of barter, ;^965, and 
the instruments and minor expenses, ;:^238.^ Of the 
whole sum, about one quarter was supplied by Cristobal 
de Haro and his friends, the rest was at the King's 
expense. 

Our knowledge of the events of Magellan's great yet 
disastrous expedition is drawn from limited soiu^ces. Of 
those persons who actually took part in it, only four 
have left any description of its incidents. In Ramusio's 

1 For modern money the equivalent would be about five times these 
sums. 



1519.] THE LAST VOYAGE— I. 145 

Navigationi et Viaggi occurs an exceedingly brief account 
by an unknown Portuguese, so brief, indeed, as to be 
almost valueless. In the Seville archives there exists a 
derrotero or log-book, supposed to be written by Fran- 
cisco Albo, the contramaestre of the Trinidad, but it is 
little more than a collection of nautical observations, 
which, though of the greatest interest in furnishing 
data for the actual course sailed by the vessels of the 
fleet, tell us little or nothing of the ordinary incidents 
of the voyage. A third account is that of the so-called 
Genoese pilot. ^ From the fact that the manuscript is 
in the Portuguese language, and, moreover, in remark- 
ably pure Portviguese, it has been conjectured that the 
author was not a Genoese. The naiTative is tolerably 
full, but it bears no evidence of having been written by 
a pilot, and it is further worthy of remark that no 
Genoese sailed as pilot in the fleet. 

The chief source of information we have, however, is 
neither of the foregoing. When the despatch of the 
fleet was finally decided upon, a certain Italian gentle- 
man — Antonio Pigafetta by name — a native of Vicenza, 
being in Barcelona, and " desirous of seeing the wonder- 
ful things of the ocean," obtained permission to accom- 
pany Magellan on his voyage. Through the many 
adventurous months of wandering that fell to his lot, 
he kept his joui-nal, finally publishing it upon his return. 
In it hearsay evidence is largely mixed with personal 
experience, but upon the whole it gives by far the best 
and fullest account of the expedition. There are reasons 
for supposing that it was originally published in French — 
— reasons too lengthy to discuss here. It was dedicated 

1 Published in vol. iv. of the Colleqdo de Noticias of the Lisbon 
Academy. 

E 



146 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vi. 

to the celebrated Grand Master of Rhodes, Villiers de 
risle Adam — Pigafetta himself being a Knight of 
Rhodes — and a copy was presented by him to the 
Regent, Louise of Savoy, mother of Francis I. 

The most careful account written by mere historians 
of the event, who had taken no part in the voyage, is 
that of Maximilian Transylvanus, an under-secretary 
at the court of Charles V. This person, who had 
married Cristobal de Haro's niece, was a natural son of 
the Archbishop of Salzburg, and a pupil of the cele- 
brated Peter Martyr.^ Upon the arrival of the survi- 
vors of the expedition at Valladohd (whither they had 
gone to present themselves to the Emperor), they were 
carefully interrogated by both Peter Martjr and Maxi- 
milian. The former, we are told, wrote a long account 
of the afiFair. *' This viage," says Eden in his trans- 
lation of the Decades,^ "was written particularly by 
Don Peter Martyr of Angleria, being one of the coun- 
sayle of Themperours Indies, to whom also was com- 
mytted the wrytynge of the hystorie and examination of 
al suche as returned from thense into Spayne to the 
citie of Siuile in the yeare mdxxii. But sendynge it to 
Rome to bee prynted in that miserable tyme when the 
citie was sacked, it was lost, and not founde to this 
day, or any memory remaynynge thereof, sauynge suche 
as simi that i-edde the same haue borne in mynde." 

1 Peter Martyr of Angliera, so called from having been bom in the 
suburb of Milan in 1455, entered the service of Ferdinand and Isabella, 
and was sent by them as ambassador to Venice and Egypt, He lived 
the greater part of his life in Castile, becoming secretary to Charles V. , 
and dying in 1526. As protonotary of the Consejo of the Indies, 
he was brought much in contact with geographical matters, and 
besides the well-known Opv^s Ejnstolamm, wrote the De Navigatione 
et Tcrris dc Novo Eepcrtis. 

2 Rich. Eden, TJif Decades of the Nevx Worlde, 1555, fol. 214. 



1519.] THE LAST VOYAGE— L 147 

Maximilian's account, however, remains. It was written 
on the 24th October, 1522, to his father, and reached him 
in Nuremberg in the following month. The description 
of such a voyage naturally attracted much attention, 
and the manuscript, which was in Latin, was printed 
in Cologne in January of the following year, thus pro- 
bably preceding the Nauigation et Descouurement of 
Pigafetta.^ 

In addition to these sources, both Correa and Herrera 
give descriptions of the voyage which bear evidence in 
a greater or less degree of first-hand information j and 
among the mass of documents in the Seville archives are 
sundry informaciones and other papers throwing consi- 
derable light upon the mutiny and other salient incidents 
of the expedition. 

We must return to the squadron, whose coiirse on 
leaving Spain was shaped southward for the Canaries. 
Immediately on getting to sea, Magellan instituted a 
strict system of signalling at night by means of lights, 
and appointed the watches, as was even at that time 
customary. The admiral's ship led the van, bearing on 
the poop the farol or lantern, which it was the duty of 
his fleet to keep in sight. The night was divided into 
three watches — the first at the beginning of night; the 
second, called the medora, at midnight ; and the third 
towards daybreak. The last was known as la diane, or 

1 The precise date of the publication of Pigafetta's narrative is not 
known. In August, 1524, he petitioned the Doge and Council of 
Venice for permission to print his book in that city, and to have the 
exclusive copyright for twenty years {vide Lord Stanley's First Voyage, 
Appendix, p. xiv. ). The permission was granted. But it will be seen 
that ample time existed for tlie publication of a previous edition. Tlie 
edition for the most part referred to and used in these pages is that 
of Amorotti, published in Milan in iSoo. 



148 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vi. 

the watch of the morning star. Each night they were 
changed ; those who had kept the first watch kept the 
second on the following day, the second the third, and 
so on. In accordance, too, with the customary rules laid 
down by the India House, the crew of each vessel was 
divided into three companies — the first belonging to the 
captain or contramaestre, who took it in turns to com- 
mand ; the second to the pilot ; and the third to the 
maestre. " The Captain-general, a discreet and virtuous 
man, careful of his honour," says Pigafetta, *' would not 
commence his voyage without first making good and 
wholesome ordinances." 

On the 26th September the fleet arrived at Tenerife,^ 
and remaining three or four days to take in wood and 
water, sailed for a port called Monte Rosso on the same 
island,^ where they again delayed two days to supply 
themselves with pitch, or, according to Herrera, to await 
a caravel which was to bring them fish. It was while 
they were in Tenerife that an incident occurred which 
early brought home to the Captain-general the difficulties 
which lay in his path. 

Of the existence of disaffection among his crew Magel- 
lan must have been well aware. Before starting, two of 
his men had been dismissed for insvibordination. We have 
seen how, in Sebastian Alvarez' letter to Dom Manoel, 
he hints at a prearranged conspiracy.^ Pigafetta tells us 
that the captains of the other ships hated their leader,^ 
and the fact must have been patent enough. But though 
he may have been fully conscious of the danger which 

1 The log-book of the " Genoese pilot " gives the 29th as the date. 

2 ? Puata Roxa, at the south end of Tenerife. 

3 ' ' Eu sabia que avia ouf^ mandados em contrairo os quaces elle no 
saberia sena a tpo que no pude.se Remedcar sua onrra." 

* Pigafetta, Primo Viaggio intorno al Gloho, Milan, 1800, p. 8. 



1519.] THE LAST VOYAGE— I. 149 

threatened him, this danger had not as yet assumed de- 
finite shape. Now, at the very beginning of his voyage, 
at the moment of adventuring himself into unknown 
seas, it was to do so. A caravel arrived bearing a secret 
message from his father-in-law, Diogo Barbosa, warning 
him to "keep a good watch, since it had come to his 
knowledge that his captains had told their friends and 
relations that if they had any trouble with him they 
would kill him." ^ Argensola gives us the same story — 
that *' his captains had resolved not to obey him, parti- 
cularly Juan de Cartagena. "^ The news — which pro- 
bably was no news to Magellan — did not dishearten him 
one whit. He sent back answer to Barbosa that, were 
they good men or evil, he would do his work as a servant 
of the Emperor, and "to this end," he added, "he had 
offered his life." His letter, Correa tells us, was shown 
by Barbosa to the Corregidores, "who greatly lauded 
the stout heart of Magellan." 

Pigafetta, ere leaving the Canaries, duly chronicles the 
semi-fabulous story of the island of Hierro — old even in 
those days, for Pliny records it — how its single tree is 
perpetually enveloped in a cloud from which it distils an 
unfailing supply of water — a story founded upon fact, 
as we know now, for both in Madeira and the Canaries 
the laurel and other heavy-foliaged evergreens condense 
abundant water from the daily mists. The fleet left 
Tenerife at midnight on the 3rd October,^ running under 
foresails only until they cleared the land, when they 
closed and held a south-west course untU noon on the 
following day, when the observations taken placed 

1 Correa, Lenclas da India, vol. ii. p. 627. 
" Argensola, Conq. de las Mol., lib. i. p. 16, 
3 On the 2inl, according to Herrera's account. 



150 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vi. 

them in 27° N. lat, having made a run of twelve 
leagues. 

From here they followed in the wake of the admiral's 
ship, steering sometimes south, sometimes south by west, 
and early on the following morning the S. Antonio, run- 
ning under the stern of the Trinidad, demanded the 
course. The pilot replied that it was south by west. It 
having been previously settled, Herrera tells us, that, 
until they reached the latitude of 24° N., the course was 
to be south-west, Juan de Cartagena demanded to know 
why it was changed. Magellan replied that " he was to 
follow him and not ask questions." ^ The captain of the 
S. Antonio retorted that he ought to have consulted the 
captains and pilots, and not to have acted thus arbi- 
trarily, and added that it was an error of judgment to 
keep so near the African coast. Magellan's reply was to 
the same effect as his first answer — that the squadron 
must follow his flag by day and his lantern by night. 

For fifteen days the fleet held good weather, passing 
between Cape "Verde and its islands without sighting 
either, and running along the African coast. Between 
the cape and Sierra Leone they encountered calms and 
bafiling winds for twenty days or more, during which 
time they advanced only three leagues upon their way. 
Provided with few or no data in physical geography, 
they had chosen what we now know to be a disadvan- 
tageous course. Following on the calms thay had an 
entire month of head winds and very heavy storms. 
So heavy indeed were some of these squalls, that the 
vessels dipped their yardarms, and the captains were 
more than once on the point of ordering the masts to be 

1 " Que lo siguissen y no le pidiessen mas cuenta." — Herrera, ii. iv. 
cap. X. 



1519.] THE LAST VOYAGE— I. 151 

cut away. Striking all sail, they ran under bare poles at 
the mercy of the wind. Pigafetta, to whom the sea and 
its natural phenomena were novelties, gives us a vivid 
account of the ten-ors of this period. " In these tem- 
pests," he says, "the Corpo Santo or St. Elmo's fire 
often appeared, and in one which we experienced 
on a certain very dark night, it showed itself at the 
summit of the mainmast with such brightness that 
it seemed like a burning torch, remaining there for a 
space of more than two hours ; the which was of such 
comfort to us that we wept for joy. And when it left 
us, it cast such a vivid light in our eyes that for near a 
quarter of an hour we remained as blind men, crying 
out for mercy, for we gave ourselves up for lost." ^ 

For nearly sixty days they encountered rain while in 
the neighbourhood of the Line, " a thing very strange 
and unaccustomed to be seen," according to the ideas 
prevalent at that time. Sharks often came round their 
ships — " large fishes with terrible teeth " — and were 
caught by hooks ; but the sailors do not seem to have 
appreciated the flesh, which they pronounced, in the case 
of the large ones, to be hardly fit to eat, while the smaller 
fish were little better. Notes of a like naive nature 
follow upon birds. 2 The men had fitted the well-known 
legend of the bird-of- Paradise — heard doubtless by the 
old hands in some far Eastern port — ^to some petrel or 
diver. " They make no nest," it ran, " because they have 
no feet, and the hen lays her eggs on the back of the 
cock, and there hatches them." 



1 Pigafetta, op. cit., p. i8. 

2 "Vidimovarie specie d'uccellistram : alcuni iion banno culo. . . 
Altri son detti Cagassela perche cibansi dello stereo d'altri uccelli."- 
Pigafetta. op. cit, p. 14. 



152 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vi. 

The slowness of their progress during this early part 
of the voyage caused some anxiety as to the sufficiency 
of provisions, and the crew were accordingly placed on 
diminished rations. Four pints of water only were 
allowed daily, a smaller measure of wine was given, and 
the weight of bread reduced to a pound and a half. The 
voyage was destined to be attended by unusual difficulties 
and disasters, even for those perilous times — disasters 
only equalled by the world-famed success of its issvie — 
and foreshadowings of the miseries awaiting the naviga- 
tors in the Pacific early darkened their path. 

Their troubles with regard to the insufficiency of stores 
were, however, at that time of no very great moment. 
They were forgotten before a more serious difficulty than 
any that had hitherto arisen. The dissensions which 
had already commenced between Juan de Cartagena and 
his chief had shown no sign of abatement as the voyage 
progressed. Before the Line was reached they cul- 
minated in open rupture. It was the custom, ordained 
by the King and embodied in his letter of instructions 
to Magellan,! that every evening, whenever the weather 
rendered it possible, the captains should communicate 
with the flagship, to salute the admiral and to take his 
orders. One day the quartermaster of the S. Aiitonio, 
hailing the Trinidad, gave as greeting, " Dios vos salve, 
senor capitan y macstre, e buena compania." Magellan, 
resenting the studied omission of his proper title of 
Captain-general, informed Juan de Cartagena that_he 
expected to be rightly addressed in future. The latter 

^ " Dareis luego por ordenanza a los capitanes de las otras naos que 
cada dia a las tardes vos den sus salvas, segund se acostumbra hacer 
a los capitanes mayores de cualquier armada. " — Seville Archives, Pap. 
de Malum, leg. i. ; Navarrcte, iv. p. 131. 



1519.] S.E. AMERICA. 153 

replied that " he had sent the best man in the ship to 
salute him, and that another day, if he wished, he would 
salute him through one of the pages." For three days, 
however, he failed altogether to comply with the rule. 

Magellan, though not the man tamely to submit to 
insults from his subordinates, took no immediate action, 
but a day or two latei", a court-martial being held upon 
a sailor of the Victoria, Cartagena was summoned with 
the other captains to the flag-ship. The trial over, a 
discussion of the course to be steered followed. Carta- 
gena, emboldened by Magellan's quiescence and the 
success of his former insults, renewed them without 
more ado. But he had mistaken his man. The Captain- 
general, seizing him by the breast, exclaimed, " You are 
my prisoner. " Cartagena called in vain upon those pre- 
sent to aid him and to seize Magellan. No one stirred, 
and he was led off in custody to the stocks, and entrusted 
to the keeping of Luis de Mendoza, captain of the Vic- 
toria. The command of the S. Antonio was given to 
the contador, Antonio de Coca. It was a pity for the 
offender that the prompt and resolute action of the 
admiral upon this occasion did not serve as a warning 
to deter him from future insubordination. 

Steering a more westerly course, the fleet approached 
the New World, and arrived off Cape St. Augustin, near 
Pcrnambuco, on the 29th November. They continued 
to hug the coast, and on December 8th were close to 
land, and in only ten fathoms. Next day they found 
themselves in lat, 21° 31' S., in sight of a very high 
mountain near Cape St. Thomas. Rounding Cape Frio, 
they anchored in Rio harbour, which, since they entered 
it on the day of that saint, the 13th December, they 
called the Bay of Santa Lucia. Here they remained 



154 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. VI. 

a fortnight, taking in wood and water and trading with 
the natives, " a good people and numerous," as Alvo 
records. Pigafetta has left a lengthy record of their stay 
here, and of the customs and peculiarities of the country 
and its people, partly from his own observation, partly 
from that of former voyagers, notably Vespucci. The 
pine-apples — " a very sweet fruit, more tasteful than 
any other " — sweet potatoes, fowls, and tapir were much 
appreciated by the sailors after their reduced rations. 
They were to be had in abundance and upon the 
easiest terms. For a knife or a fishhook five or six 
fowls might be obtained ; for a comb or mirror enough 
fish for ten men, and for a little bell a large basket 
full of sweet potatoes. A still better bargain was made 
by Pigafetta himself, who exchanged the king from a 
pack of cards for six fowls. Besides articles of food, 
parrots and other birds were brought for sale by the 
natives, who were ready enough to barter away their 
children for an axe or a large knife. The admiral, how- 
ever, forbade the purchase of any slaves, not only on 
account of the difficulty of feeding them, but in order 
that the Portuguese, within whose country the territory 
lay, should have no ground of complaint. 

It is unnecessary to dwell on Pigafetta's evidently 
hearsay or borrowed account of the Indians and their 
customs. He speaks of their sleeping in " nets of cotton 
that they call amache,'" and of their boats called canoe. 
On the authority of Joao Carvalho, the pilot of the 
Concepcion, who had resided with them for four years,^ 

1 Brazil, it must be remembered, had been discovered twenty years 
at the time of Magellan's voyage, and it is worthy of record that Car- 
valho took with him upon this voyage a son whom he had by a native 
wife during his former residence in Rio. We learn incidentally that 



1519.] S.E. AMERICA. 155 

he describes their cannibal customs, and dilates upon the 
wonders of the country. His account of his personal 
experiences is more interesting. It had not rained for 
two months before the visit of the fleet, and the arrival 
of the strangers coinciding with the termination of the 
long drought, the people thought they had brought the 
rain with them, and were easily converted to Chris- 
tianity. Mass was said twice on shore while the ships 
lay in the bay, and the natives assisted with the utmost 
devotion at it, " remaining on their knees with their 
hands joined in great reverence, so that it was a pleasure 
and a pity to see them." It is remarkable that none of 
the historians of the voyage mention the presence of 
Portuguese in Rio de Janeiro, although there is every 
probabihty that some may have been there at the time, 
since a trading station had been established in the bay 
some years before. 

The fleet, well furnished with fresh provisions, resumed 
its voyage on the 26th December. ^ Before doing so, 
however, an attempt had been made by the cosmo- 
grapher Andres de San Martin to fix the longitude of 
the bay. On the 17 th December the altitude of the 
moon and Jupiter were observed, and from their posi- 
tion it was computed that the latter was in conjunction 
with the moon at the place of observation at 7h. 15 m. 
after noon of the previous day. The tables of Eegio- 
montanus were supposed to give the time of the con- 
junction at Seville. Herrera describes the observation 
at some length : it led to no definite conclusion, for the 

another Brazilian of semi-European parentage was borne on the rolls. 
Carvalho's son never returned, having been made prisoner by Sri Pada, 
King of Borneo. 
1 On the 27th, " El dia de San Juan," teste Herrera, ii. iv, 10. 



156 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vi. 

result obtained was evidently erroneous, and Andres 
ascribed the error to the almanac. 

Sailing along the coast on a W.S.W. course, the ves- 
sels arrived off the Bahia de los Reyes ^ upon the last 
day of the year. No landing was effected, and they 
continued their route to the southward, still hugging 
the coast and constantly taking soundings. They were 
well acquainted, even in those days, with the art of 
arming the lead, and Herrera tells us on more than one 
occasion what bottom was found. On the 8th January, 
being in shoal water, they anchored for the night. On 
the loth^ they were passing very low land, with no 
landmarks save three hummocks, which appeared to be 
islands. These the pilot Carvalho declared to be Cape 
Santa Maria, saying that he recognised it from the 
account of Joao de Lisboa, who had been there. Losing 
the land here on their then course, they ran back north- 
wards in search of shelter — having met with a terrific 
storm of thunder and lightning — and anchored. On the 
following day they weighed and proceeded W. ^ N., but 
the water becoming very shallow, the Santiago was sent 
ahead. They were at the mouth of the great river 
where Juan de Solis lost his life at the hands of the 
cannibals — the Rio de la Plata of to-day. 

Their exploration of the river was a careful one. The 
account given of it by Herrera differs somewhat from 
that of Alvo the pilot, but in general outline it is the 
same. For two days they followed up the stream. The 
pilots grumbled at the risk, for the greatest depth they 
found was three fathoms, and Magellan gave the order 
to anchor. They remained here six days, taking in water, 

1 Probably the Bay of Paranagua, in lat, 25° 28' S. 
" January 11, Herrera, 



1520.] 



S.E. AMERICA. 



157 



and catching great quantities of fish. Many natives 
gathered in canoes, and, mindful of the fate of Juan 
de Solis, the Captain-general ordered three boats to be 
manned and armed, upon which the people fled ashore. 
The Spaniards landed and tried to catch them, but in 
vain. " They made such enormous strides," says Piga- 
fetta, *' that with all our running and jumping we covQd 




EAST COAST OF PATAGONIA. 

not overtake them." The country was found to be 
beautiful, but without sign of habitation. At night an 
Indian dressed in goat-skins came alone in a canoe and 
visited the flag-ship without a sign of fear. The admu-al 
presented him with a cotton shirt and a jersey of coloured 
cloth, at the same time showing him a silver plate, to 
ascertain if he knew the metal. The native gave him 
to understand that there was much of it among his 



158 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vi. 

tribe, but Magellan's hopes of barter were doomed to 
disappointment, for the man went away next day and 
did not return. 

By Alvo's log-book we learn that the vessel or vessels 
sent on in advance were absent fifteen days, and that 
two other ships were also sent southwards. Of these, 
the S. Antonio was one, and in her Magellan himself 
went, anxious to examine the coast with his own eyes,^ 
Alvo's description of this incident, especially when read 
side by side with Pigafetta's account, is of great interest. 
Both the reconnaissances were made with the object of 
seeing if there might not by chance exist a strait leading 
into the Pacific.^ Such a strait, according to the Italian, 
had been rumoured, or its possibility surmised. But 
twenty leagues to the south the Captain-general reached 
the opposite bank of the river, and fresh water still 
washed the sides of his ships. He had to do, then, with 
the mouth of a great river only, and with nothing more ; 
and the fine della terra, which Cape Santa Maria had 
been supposed to form, was not yet. 

Rejoining the other ships, and beating back against 
strong head- winds to " Monte Vidi," Magellan anchored 
with his squadron off the site of the present city. On 
the morning of February 3rd he weighed and resumed 

1 Herrera, op. cit. Dec. ii. bk. ix. cap. x. 

2 "For ver si habia pasage," "a ver si habia pasage para pasar," 
are the two phrases used by Alvo. Lord Stanley of Alderley, in his 
First Voyage (p. 214), has rendered pasa^/e as "roadstead" — "to see 
if there was a roadstead for staj'ing at " ! ! Speaking of the Rio de la 
Plata and Cape Santa Maria, Pigafetta says, "Si era creduto una 
volta esser questo un canale che mettesse nel mar del Sur, cioe del 
mezzodi." The mere fact that Magellan sought for a strait here (or 
perhaps sought to disf)rove its existence) proves nothing with regard 
to the great question of what he knew concerning the straits that now 
bear his name. 



1520.] S.E. AMERICA. 159 

his voyage to the south. Next day a leak was discovered 
in the S. Antonio, but it was got under after a delay of 
two days, and on the 6th the course was once more 
resumed. Keepmg close to the coast off Cabo San 
Antonio, they rounded what is now known as Cape Cor- 
rientes, which, owing to its sandhills and shoals, they 
called Pvinta de las Arenas. On the 12th February they 
encountered a very severe storm of thunder and lightning 
and rain, the worst of which being over, the " glorioso 
cuerpo" of S. Elmo appeared to them, "the which some 
call that of S. Pedro Gonzalez, others of Santa Clara, and 
others again of S. Nicholas." Whichever it may have 
been, it afforded them much spiritual consolation, and 
" many who held the matter in derision," says Herrera, 
"not only saw it, but believed in it, and affirmed its truth. " 
On the 13th February they found themselves among 
shoals,^ and the VictoHa bumped several times, but for- 
tunately did not remain. They thought it best, however, 
to keep off shore, and a course was steered which took 
them out of sight of land for two or three days. It does 
not appear whether Magellan thought that during this 
time he may have missed the possibility of a strait, or 
whether some other reason came into play, but either on 
the 22nd or the 23rd he decided partially to retrace his 
steps, and a W.N. W. course was set. It brought them, 
February 24th, to the mouth of the Gulf of San Matias, 
which they entered " to see if there were not an outlet for 
the Moluccas. " 2 None appeared, and at the approach 
of night, finding no proper anchorage, they again stood 
out to sea. The bay received its name from its discovery 

1 The "Bajos anegados" of Ribero's map. 

2 Genoese pilot. " Viendo si habia alguna salida para el Maluco." 
See also Herrera, Dec. ii. bk. ix. 



160 



LIFE OF MAGELLAN, 



[CHAP. VI, 



upon S. Matthias' Day. It was here that they appear 
to have first felt the effects^ of the oncoming winter. 
Herrera speaks of the great cold they experienced, and 
chronicles a succession of storms which separated the 
ships for three or four days. 

Three days later, February 27th, they arrived at an 
inlet to which they gave the name of Bahia le los Patos, 




TIERA de PATAGONES 






Y^cU los patos 

Y" ie Sanson 



^"onos 



D.RIBERO. 

1529. 



TIEKA DE PATAGONES. [I). Rihiro, 1529.) 

or Duck Bay, from the number of penguins frequenting 
it. A boat with six men was sent to get wood and 
water, but, fearful of the natives, they went to a small 
island instead of visiting the mainland. Upon it they 
found so many "sea wolves "^ and penguins that they 
were astounded. The whole fleet could have been laden 

1 These "sea-wolves" were probably some species of the Otariidse 
or fur-seals. 



1520.] S.E. AMERICA. 161 

with them. Unable to discover either wood or water, 
the sailors filled their boat with these creatures, but a 
storm springing up, they found themselves unable to 
retiim, and they were forced to spend the night upon 
the rock, fearing that they would either be devoured by 
the "wolves" or die from the cold, Next morning a 
number of men were sent to their rescue, who found 
their boat upon the rocks, and concluded that they had 
perished. On shouting out for their comrades, an enor- 
mous number of seals sprang out, of which they killed 
many ; and searching farther, they came upon the missing 
men buried beneath the seals they had killed, and half 
dead from cold and exposure. On their return to the 
fleet another storm came on, so heavy that the cables of 
the Trinidad parted, and only one held. Close to the 
rocks, and horribly afraid, they promised a pilgrimage 
to N.S. de la Victoria, and commended their souls 
to God. With morning the storm ceased, and there 
was not sufficient wind for them to get under way. But 
their troubles were not over, and they had yet to learn 
the meaning of autumn and winter on the shores of 
Patagonia, At midnight another storm burst upon 
them, lasting three days, and carrying away their fore- 
castles and poops. Again they vowed pilgrimages in 
their distress, and again their prayers were heard. The 
three holy bodies, S. Anselmo, S. Nicholas, and S. Clara 
appeared at the mastheads, and the storm c&ased. 

Great as their anxiety and hardships had been, it 
seemed that they were destined to grow worse as the 
fleet advanced. A few days later they arrived at a bay 
with a narrow entrance, which appeared, since it was 
roomy inside, to be suitable for them to winter in. They 
entered it, and in six days encountered severer storms 



162 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vi. 

and ran greater danger than had yet fallen to their lot. 
A boat that went ashore to water upon their arrival was 
unable to return, and the crew subsisted as best they 
could upon shell-fish, " At last," — Herrera tells us, — " at 
last it pleased God that they should leave that bay, and 
they named it the Bay of Toil." ^ How long a time had 
been passed in it does not appear, but considerable delay 
must have occurred either in the bay itself or its imme- 
diate neighbourhood, for it was not until the 31st March, 
1520, that the fleet anchored for the winter in Port St. 
Julian in lat. 49° 20' S. The weather had become too 
sevei-e for a farther advance, and, well sheltered and 
abounding in fish, the harbour seemed in every way a 
suitable one. But it was destined to be no haven of rest 
to Magellan, for it was here that the mutiny, so long 
planned and so long foreseen, at length broke out. 

Upon their arrival, one of the first steps taken by 
the Captain-general was to place ofiicers and crew once 
more upon diminished rations. Bearing in mind the 
long winter they had before them, no wiser action could 
have been taken. But such actions, however wise or 
even necessary they may be, are rarely popular, and this 
was no exception to the rule. The sailors grumbled, as 
sailors will grumble, and, hating Magellan, and anxious 
only for the failure of his expedition, it is little probable 
that the Spanish captains showed much energy in check- 
ing them. Matters grew daily worse. The extreme cold 
they were beginning to experience, the frequent storms 
they encountered, their disbelief in the existence of a 
strait, combined to render them oblivious alike of poten- 
tial honours and of duty. They openly demanded either 
that they should be put on full rations, or that the home- 
^ "Bahia de los trabajos " — possibly C. de los Desivelos, in lat. 48° 15' S. 



1520.] THE MUTINy. 163 

ward voyage should be at once commenced. It was evi- 
dent, they said, that the land stretched without a break 
to the Antarctic Pole, and that there was no hope of 
finding any strait ; that the winter, from whose rigour 
some had already died, was upon them ; and that to 
remain meant the loss of ships and men, which were of 
more importance than all the cloves and spices of the 
JNIoluccas. They alleged that it was not the intention of 
the King that they should continue to seek the impos- 
sible, and that it was sufficient that they had arrived at 
a point whither no one hitherto had been bold enough to 
penetrate, adding that if they went farther south they 
would in all probability be wrecked upon some inhospi- 
table coast, where every soul would perish. 

Magellan's answer was such as we might expect from 
him.^ Although so many were against him, nothing was 
further from his intention than to yield. The voyage, 
he said, was undertaken at the King's orders, and come 
what might, it was imperative to push on to the termina- 
tion of the continent and to the strait, which they could 
not fail to find. The winter, indeed, made their task 
impossible for the moment, but upon the advent of 
spring they could continue, if they pleased, to latitudes 
where the days were three months long. He marvelled 
that Castilians should be guilty of such weakness ; and 
as for the want of provisions, there was little cause for 
complaint, since in the bay in which they lay at anchor 
there was plenty of wood, good water, and an abundance 
of fish and birds. Neither the bread nor wine had as yet 
run short, nor would they. In fine, since he himself 
was determined to die rather than shamefully to turn 

1 "Magellan," says Herrera, describing the incident, was "hombre 
piompto, y acudia luego al remedio de qualquiera novedad." 



164 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. VL 

back, he felt sure thcat among such comrades as em- 
barked on such an expedition there could be no lack 
of that spirit of valour which always animated the 
Spanish nation, and he asked them, therefore, to endure 
patiently untU the winter should pass. The greater 
their labour and privation, the greater would be their 
sovereign's reward. They were to reveal to him, he 
concluded, an unknown world abounding in gold and 
spices, which would bring wealth to each and all con- 
cerned in its discovery.^ 

For a time, we learn, the crews were content, satisfied 
with the arguments he had advanced, but it was not for 
long. The treachery of his captains was at work, and 
the murmurings broke out afresh. The men began to 
talk to one another of the long-standing hatred between 
the Portuguese and Spaniards, and of Magellan being a 
Portuguese, saj-ing that he could do no greater service to 
his country than to lose this fleet and all its sailors ; that 
it was incredible that he should wish to find the Moluc- 
cas even if he could, and that it would be enough if he 
could delude the Emperor for a year or two with false 
hopes. Even their course, they said, was not towards 
the Moluccas, but towards snow and ice and perpetual 
storms. 2 This time Magellan took other measures to 
repress the discontent. As a man of spirit and honour, 
Gomara tells us, he showed his teeth, and seized and 

1 The demands of the crew, and Magellan's speech in reply, are 
almost identical in Oviedo and Herrsra. Both perhaps are borrowed 
from the letter of Maximilian Transylvanus, which they also resemble 
almost word for word. Faria y Sousa, in his Asia Po7-tugucm, puts 
an absurdly bombastic and most voluminous speech into Magellan's 
mouth, which, it is unnecessary to state, is purely imaginary. Asia 
Portu(ju€sa, vol. i. pt. iii. cap. v. 

2 Letter of Mas. Transylvanus. 



1520.] THE MUTINY. 165 

punished the offenders.^ His action was, however, too 
late to ward off the blow that was about to fall. An 
early warning of the coming storm was afforded not 
long after the arrival of the fleet in Port St. Julian. 
Magellan had given orders that upon Easter Day all 
should go ashore and attend mass, and that afterwards 
the captains of the ships should dine at his table. Some 
changes had been effected in the command. It will be 
remembered that, upon the degi'adation of Cartagena, 
Antonio de Coca had been appointed captain of the 
S. Antonio. We do not learn what action of his de- 
prived him in his turn of his post, but deprived he was. 
Arana tells us ^ that Magellan mistrusted him. What- 
ever may have been the cause, his command was con- 
ferred upon Alvaro de Mesquita — a first cousin of the 
Captain- general. It is not improbable that the appoint- 
ment of a Portuguese was obnoxious to the Spaniards. 
At any rate, both Caspar Quesada and Luis de Mendoza 
refused to attend mass, fend Mesquita alone dined with 
his kinsman on board the Trinidad. Magellan, we are 
told, looked upon the affair as of ill augury, and his 
suspicions proved only too well founded. 

The blow fell the very same night. In the middle 
watch Caspar Quesada, captain of the Concepcion, ac- 
companied by Juan de Cartagena, Juan Sebastian del 
Cano, and some thirty armed men, boarded the S. 
Antonio, and entered the cabin of Alvaro de Mesquita 
with drawn swords. Resistance was useless. He was 
immediately put in irons, secured in the cabin of Gero- 
nimo Guerra, and a guard placed over him. The dis- 
turbance at once brought the maestre, Juan de Lorriaga, 

1 Gomara, op. cit., ch. xcii. p. 84. 

2 Op. cit., p. 66. 



166 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vi. 

upon the scene, a faithful Basque, who had no thought 
of joining the rebels, even in face of such serious odds. 
He called upon Quesada instantly to leave the ship, and 
upon his refusal, ordered the contramaestre, Diego 
Hernandes, to summon the crew to arms. Quesada, 
exclaiming, "We cannot be foiled in our work by this 
fool," sprang at him and stabbed him repeatedly with a 
dagger, leaving him for dead.^ The contramaestre had 
meanwhile been overpowered and made prisoner. So 
rapidly and unexpectedly had the affair taken place, 
that the crew, deprived of their officers, had no alter- 
native but to submit. They were at once disarmed, and 
the arms placed in the cabin of Antonio de Coca, who 
had cast in his lot with the mutineers. 

Measures were next taken to secure the ship against 
recapture. The command was given to Juan Sebastian 
del Cano, to whose name the stain of mutiny must ever 
attach, despite the honour so justly won by him at a 
later period. The artillery was mounted, and the decks 
cleared for action under his orders. Antonio Fernandes 
and Gongalo Rodrigues, two Portuguese who had re- 
sisted Quesada's authority, were put in irons, together 
with a certain Diego Diaz, who had helped them. The 
stores were broken open, and the wine, bread, and other 
provisions freely distributed. In this and other matters 
Antonio de Coca, the former captain of the S. Antonio, 
was active in assisting Quesada, as was also Luis del 
Molino, the latter's body-servant. The chaplain of the 
ship, Pedro de Valderrama, though occupied in confess- 
ing the apparently dying maestre, observed them, and 
mentioned the fact in his evidence before Magellan. It 
obtained for Molino a sentence of death, but for lack of 
^ Lon-iaga died from the efifects of his wounds on 15th July. 



1520.] THE MUTINY. 167 

an executioner his life was spared, upon the condition 
that he himself should execute his mastex\ 

The ship Victoria, whose captain, Luis de Mendoza, 
treasurer of the armada, had always been a bitter 
enemy of Magellan, had from the beginning given in 
its adherence to the mutineers, although a marked 
element of loyalty existed among the crew. The suhle- 
vaclos were therefore in a very strong position. They 
held the Concex)cion, the S. Antonio, and the Victoria, 
and were headed by Quesada, Juan de Cartagena, 
Antonio de Coca, and Mendoza. Of the little Santiago 
we hear nothing. Her captain, Serrao, was the brother 
of Magellan's staunchest friend, and of her crew of 
thirty-two, one-half only were Spanish. It is unlikely 
that any attempt was made to interfere with her, either 
by force or persuasion. Quesada and his party felt 
strong enough to carry out their plans without her 
assistance. 

Such was the state of affairs to which Magellan woke 
upon the morning of the 2nd April. The S. Antonio 
had been carried so rapidly and quietly that no suspicion 
of the truth had occurred to the ofTicei's of the flag-ship. 
It first dawned upon them, the chronicler Herrara tells 
us, on Magellan sending a boat to the S. Antonio to pick 
up some men for a watering-pai-ty. They were hailed 
and told to keep off, and informed that the ship was 
vmder the orders of Caspar Quesada, and not Magellan. 
Hearing the news, and at once suspecting the serious 
nature of the affair with which he had to deal, the 
Captain- general ordered the boat to go round to the 
ships and ask for whom they declared. Quesada's reply 
was, " For the King and for myself," and like answers 
were given from all except the Santiago. Shortly after- 



168 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. VI. 

wards a boat arrived with a letter from Quesada. He had 
seized the ships, he said, in order henceforward to do 
away with the possibility of a repetition of the bad 
treatment which officers and crew alike had received at 
the hands of the Captain-general, but if Magellan would 
agree to their demands, they were ready once more to 
acknowledge his authority. Magellan, in reply, said 
that he would meet them on his ship, and would hear 
what they had to say ; but the mutineers, fearing that 
they would be seized if they ventured on board the 
Trinidad, declined to see him, excepting on the S. 
Antonio. 

Magellan had before him a task of which the difficulty 
would have appeared to most men almost invincible. 
Unless he won the day, the theories and hopes of his 
lifetime were doomed to complete and final failure. "With 
the Santiago only the continuation of the voyage was 
impossible. To return once more to the Seville quays, 
having achieved nothing after so great a flourish of 
trumpets at his departure, was, of course, to return to 
disgrace and oblivion. At any risk and cost, therefore, 
the mutiny must be suppressed, but how it should be 
suppressed was another matter. We have seen enough 
of Magellan's life and actions under Almeida to know 
that in cool daring few men were his superiors. But 
openly to attack the three revolted ships with no assist- 
ance other than the little Santiago would have been 
madness, and no one knew it better than he. If he was 
to succeed at all, it must be hy finesse — by the exercise 
of that faculty which, Herrera tells us, supplied him 
with a way out of every new difficulty as it arose. 

Magellan did succeed. Periculosior quies quam teme- 
ritas seemed to him an apt motto for the occasion. His 



1520.] THE MUTINY. 169 

first action was to seize the boat of the S. Antonio which 
brought him Quesada's message. Bearing in mind the 
large proportion of foreigners upon the Victoria, and the 
fact that he knew many of them to be loyal to him, he 
decided to address himself first to the capture of that 
vessel, hoping, if he were successful, to be more than a 
match for the others. The skiff, accordingly, carrying 
the alguacil Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa and five men 
bearing concealed arms, was despatched with a letter to 
Mendoza, summoning him at once to the flag-ship. 
Mendoza smOed at its contents — as though he wovdd 
say, "no me tomard alld " — "I am not to be caught 
thus." He did not calculate upon the instructions 
given by Magellan. As he shook his head in refusal 
Espinosa drew his dagger and stabbed him in the 
throat, and at the same instant he was cut down by 
another of Magellan's men. He feU dead upon the 
deck. The dangerous position of the alguacil and his 
handful of men had, of course, been foreseen. A boat 
with fifteen picked men of the Trinidad, captained by 
the trusty Duarte Barbosa, brother-in-law of Magellan, 
had been kept in readiness, and almost at the moment 
that Mendoza fell the Victoria was boarded with a 
rush. Hardly an effort at resistance was made. Either 
overawed at the death of their captain or loyal in reality 
to the leader of the armada, the crew surrendered at 
once. Barbosa hoisted Magellan's ensign, and, weigh- 
ing anchor, placed the captured ship in close proximity 
to the capitana at the entrance of the port. The Santiago 
took up a similar position upon the other hand. The 
three ships together effectually guarded the harbour's 
mouth, preventing the escape of the others, and 
Magellan held the game in his own hands. 



170 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vi. 

The mutineers were summoned to surrender, but re- 
fused, and it was conjectured that the two ships would 
attempt to escape under cover of darkness. Early in 
the day the Trinidad had been cleared for action. An 
order had been issued to " make a plentiful provision of 
much darts, lances, stones, and other weapons, both on 
deck and in the tops. " The watch was now doubled ; 
the men were allowed a good meal, and the strictest 
injunctions were given to guard against the escape of 
the vessels. A little after midnight the S. Antonio hove 
in sight. She was supposed to be bearing down upon 
the flag-ship, but was in reality dragging her anchors. 
Upon the quarter-deck was Gaspar Quesada, who, armed 
with lance and shield, called upon his men. No one 
stirred, and the Trinidad, opening fire with her large 
bombards, grappled her and poured her boarders over 
her side. At the same moment she was boarded on the 
starboard hand by the sailors of the Victoria. Their 
cry " Por quien estais ? " met with the answer, " For the 
King and Magellan." Quesada and his fellow-mutineers 
were quickly seized, and the captain and pilot, Alvaro 
de Mesquita and Mafra, set at liberty. Not a man was 
killed; hardly a blow struck. Mafra alone had any 
narrow escape of death, a ball from the flagship passing 
between his legs as he sat imprisoned below deck 

The mutiny was now over. Juan de Cartagena, per- 
ceiving the loss of the aS'. Antonio and the surrender 
of 'Quesada, realised that nothing was to be gained by 
further resistance. When the boat from the Trinidad 
came alongside and called upon him to surrender, he 
obeyed the order at once. He was placed in irons and 
brought back to the flag-ship, there to await his sentence. 

Next day the body of Mendoza was brought ashore. 



1520.] THE MUTINY. 171 

He was publicly cried as a traitor, the body was drawn 
and quartered, and the quarters spitted on poles. An 
inquiry was then held upon the circumstances of the 
mutiny, of which no details are given us. Forty men 
were found guilty of treason and condemned to death ; 
but partly because they were necessary for the service of 
the fleet, partly because he did not wish to make him- 
self unpopular by too severe measui-es, Magellan par- 
doned them. Such a clemency, however, could not be 
extended to Quesada nor Cartagena, whose insubordi- 
nation had been an affair of old date. Quesada, doubly 
guilty by the brutal manner in which he had stabbed 
the maestre of the S. Antonio, was sentenced to be 
executed. On Saturday, the 7th April, he was taken on 
shore and the sentence carried out, his head being struck 
off by his servant, Luis del Molino, and his body quar- 
tered, as in the case of Mendoza. No more justifiable 
punishment could have been inflicted. 

A different fate was reserved for Juan de Cartagena. 
Whether, since he had been directly appointed by Charles 
v., Magellan did not wish to take his life, or whether 
he considered that there were extenuating circumstances 
connected with his case, we cannot tell. A violent death 
at least was spared him, and he was sentenced to be 
marooned upon the departure of the fleet. With him 
the priest Pero Sanchez de Reina suffered a like punish- 
ment.^ His offence was a grave one, for he was found 

1 Herrera speaks of a clerigo frances as being the culprit, leaving 
it to be inferred that it was Bernardo Calmeta, the chaplain of the 
S. Antonio. In the "List of Deaths in the Fleet of Hernando de 
Magallanes " it is, however, distinctly mentioned that the offender 
was Pero Sanchez de Reina. It is nevertheless worthy of remark that 
Calmeta's name is not to be found among those who returned to 
Spain, nor among those who perished in the expedition. 



172 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vi. 

guilty of trying to incite the crew to mutiny for a 
second time, even after the failure of the plot and the^ 
justice executed upon its authors. No one would listen 
to him, and he was soon denounced and made prisoner. 
Of Antonio de Coca's punishment we hear nothing. 
We know only that he reached the Ladrone Islands with 
the fleet and died there. ^ 

Magellan's action in the mutiny of Port St. Julian 
has been made the subject of the severest strictures, 
more especially by those of the school of fireside criti- 
cism. His stratagem of capturing the Victoria has 
been stigmatised as assassination. By one author he is 
described as "a man of cruel and savage disposition," 
who "ruthlessly slaughtered his own comrades." But 
such expressions are as incorrect as they are violent. 
In times of mutiny, when right is no longer might, and 
the loyal crew are confronted by overpowering odds, 
legal measures are occasionally impossible, and fairness 
worse than a mistake. Mendoza, a mutineer and ipso 
facto worthy of death, only met his punishment — and 
met it, it should be remembered, at the hands of an 
alguacil — a few hours before it would otherwise have 
been inflicted. As a mutineer, moreover, he was well 
aware of the risks he ran — well aware that, if Magellan 
could, he would kill him. And finally, we cannot judge 
sixteenth-century matters by nineteenth-century stan- 
dards. The taking of a man's life was in those days 
a small matter. But in expeditions such as these, the 

1 Others, among them Andres de San Martin, the cosmographer, are 
said to have been punished by Magellan, but as we learn this from 
the evidence of the crew of the S. Antonio, which ship deserted the 
fleet a few months later, and as we know much of the evidence to 
be untrue, no reliance can be placed upon the assertion. See Navar- 
retc, vol. iv. p. 206. 



1520.] THE MUTINY. 173 

preservation of discipline was an affair of vital import- 
ance. In this case, had the attempt on the Victoria 
failed, the complete collapse of the work of the armada 
must inevitably have followed. 

Magellan has also been accused of having acted ille- 
gally in the pvmishment of the mutineers. In the letter 
of Maximilian Transylvanus this charge is brought 
against him.^ But though there may be a difference of 
opinion as to the justifiability of Mendoza's death, there 
can be none whatever upon this question. The "Titulo 
de Capitanes," granted by Charles to Magellan upon the 
22nd March, 15 18, gives the latter full power over the 
persons and property of those sailing with him.^ Correa, 
too, is definite upon the point. " The Emperor gave 
him power ' of rope and knife ' over every person who 
went in the armada," ^ and it is satisfactory to find that 
the punishments of Quesada and Cartagena were as 
strictly legal as they were well-deserved. 

The mutiny was the turning-point of Magellan's 
career. Thenceforward, whatever desire to question his 
authority may have existed, it remained unexpressed. 
The inflexible determination of the man, his strength of 
will, his readiness of resource, showed ofiScers and crews 
alike that obedience was the best policy. Had they 
known what suffering and what peril lay in their path, 
it is doubtful whether the resolution and energy of any 
single individual would have availed to stop their defec- 
tion. But Ruy Faleiro had only cast his own horoscope ; 

1 " Erant enim regii quiJam ministri, in quos nemo prseter Csesarem 
ipsum, ejusve senatum, capital! poena animadvertere jure potest." 

^ Vide Navarrete, vol. iv. p. 122. 

3 " E Ihe deu poder de barago e cutello em toda' pessoa que fosse 
n'armada." — Correa, ii. part ii. p. 627. 



174 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. vi. 

and so it happened that Magellan sailed southward to 
the discovery of the strait that bears his name.^ 

1 It is a singular fact that of the four persons who accompanied the 
expedition and wrote an account of it, two should have remained 
absolutely silent ujoon the subject of the mutiny, and two — the 
" Genoese pilot " and Pigafetta — have thought it worthy of only the 
barest mention. The account of the latter is remarkable for its extra- 
ordinary inaccuracy. "The Captains of the other Joxir ships," he 
writes, "plotted to kill the captain-general," and he then goes on to 
say that it was Cartagena who was executed and quartered, while 
Caspar Quesada was marooned. It seems incredible that an eye- 
witness — which he undoubtedly was — should have failed to remember 
circumstances such as these, and the fact somewhat lessens the value 
of his book as a credible narrative, although we know that such parts 
of the diary as were written on the spot, detailing his own experiences, 
are almost always accurate. Our real knowledge of the affair is due 
to three documents existing in the Seville archives — an informacion 
drawn up by Magellan at the time, giving the examination of 
witnesses ; a letter of the Contador Recalde to the Bishop of Burgos, 
containing the evidence of the deserters of the S. Antonio; and, 
lastly, an account of the evidence taken in Valladolid, October i8, 
1522, concerning certain events of the voyage. The historian Herrera 
has a tolerably full and correct account of the tragedy, but that of 
Correa, though nearly as full, is inaccurate in many points, as indeed 
it is often wont to be. 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE LAST VOYAGE— II. THE DISCOVERY OF 
THE STRAIT. 

Order having once more been established, Magellan 
kept all hands busily at work during the remainder of 
his sojourn in Port St. Julian. The vessels were careened 
and caulked, and such repairs as were found necessary 
were carried out. The S. Antonio especially stood in 
need of them. The mutineers, in chains, were kept 
working at the pumps until the carpenters had rendered 
such work no longer needful. It was not until the 
day of departure from the bay that they were set at 
liberty. 

Towards the end of April the Captain-general de- 
termined to undertake a reconnaissance of the coast in 
the vicinity. The fear of a more or less prolonged 
inaction and its effect upon the men most probably led 
him to this step. The Santiago, from her handiness 
and small draught, was chosen for the work, and her 
choice was the more indicated from the fact of Serrao 
being her commander. Few men were so well versed in 
the art of seamanship and navigation ; fewer still were 
endowed with his experience. He had long used the 
Eastern seas both as subaltern and captain. From the 
time of his first command under Rodrigo Rabello in 
1506 until his departure on the expedition, he had been 

constantly in active service. As brother, moreover, of 
175 



176 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. vii. 

Magellan's great frieBd, Francisco Serrao, the Captain- 
general knew that every trust could be reposed in him. 
He received instructions therefore to sail along the coast 
to the southward, examining each bay and inlet. He 
was not to carry his explorations too far, and if after a 
certain time nothing worthy of note was met with, he 
was to retrace his steps and once more rejoin his com- 
rades in Port St. Julian. 

It is to Herrera that we are indebted for an account 
of the voyage. The Santiago, working slowly along 
the coast, arrived on the 3rd May at the mouth of a 
river of considerable size, nearly sixty miles from the 
harbour whence she had set out. Serrao named it the 
Rio de Santa Cruz. The fish were so abundant that he 
was induced to prolong his stay for six days to lay in a 
supply. The seals, or sea-wolves, as the sailors termed 
them, were equally numerous, and of such large size that 
the Spaniards were astounded. One of them, deprived 
of the skin, head, and entrails, weighed nearly five 
hundredweight.^ Having replenished their stock of pro- 
visions, the explorers continued their voyage, but they 
had barely gone three leagues, when, on the 22nd May, 
they encountered one of the short but violent storms 
which at this season render the coast of Patagonia so 
dangerous. The ship was put under storm canvas, but 
the rudder having become injured by the heavy seas, she 
refused to obey her helm, and a sudden squall from the 
east drove her ashore. Fortunately she took the ground 
in such a manner that the crew were able to save them- 
selves by dropping from the end of the jib-boom, but 
they had barely time to escape with their lives. In a 

1 The great size of the old males of the fur seals, and their dis- 
proportion to the females, is a marked feature of these creatures. 



1520.] . THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT. 177 

few minutes the ill-fated Santiago was in pieces, and 
her crew, to the number of thirty-seven men, found 
themselves without provisions of any kind, exposed to 
the hardships of a most inclement climate, and separated 
by seventy miles of pathless wilderness from the succour 
of their comrades. The only good fortune attending 
them was of a negative kind. But one life was lost — 
that of the negro slave of the captain. 

For eight days the castaways remained in the neigh- 
bourhood of the wreck, hoping possibly to secure some 
articles — of food or otherwise — which might prove of 
service in the desperate journey that lay before them. 
Their hopes were vain. Among the jetsam, however, 
were numerous planks, and, mindful of the fact that 
between them and safety lay the river they had just dis- 
covered — the great Rio de Santa Cruz, a barrier three 
miles in width — they started on their march laden with 
sufficient of these to enable them to construct a raft 
wherewith to cross it. But short as was the distance 
they had to traverse, they became so exhausted by 
exposure and want of nourishment that they were forced 
to abandon the greater part of their load, and did not 
arrive at the river until the fourth day.^ Here at least 
they were safe from starvation, for, as they had previously 
discovered, its waters abounded in fish. It was I'esolved 
that the main body of the crew should encamp upon the 
banks, while two of the strongest of their number should 
cross in the little raft they had constructed and endeavour 
to make their way to Port St. Julian. 

'^ Herrera^ Dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xiii. It may be wondered why such 
toil and hardship were undertaken when a raft might have been built 
at the river-side. It is probable, however, that the shipwrecked men 
were unprovided with axes, and that there was also insufficient wood 
for the purpose. 

M 



178 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vii. 

How these unfortunate men eventually reached their 
destination, and how severe were their sufferings on the 
march, we learn from the pages of the Spanish historian 
already quoted. For eleven days they struggled on, 
living at one time upon roots and leaves, at another 
upon such shellfish as they were able to collect upon the 
shore. At first they attempted to follow the coast-line, 
as affording them better means of subsistence, but they 
were soon obliged to relinquish this plan, owing to the 
marshes that barred their passage and forced them to 
strike inland. At length the welcome harbour was 
reached. So altered were they from the hardships they 
had undergone, that they were recognised with difficulty 
by their old comrades. 

The weather continued so unsettled, that Magellan 
considered it better to try and reach the shipwrecked 
party by land, rather than expose another of his vessels 
to the risk of loss. He accordingly at once despatched 
a relief party of twenty-four men, laden with wine and 
biscuit. Like their two comrades, they experienced 
great hardships from the rigours of the climate and the 
roughness of the country. No water was to be found on 
the road, and they v.ere forced to melt the little snow 
they could discover to supply themselves with drink. 
On arriving at the river, they found their companions 
safe, although exhausted by exposure and privation. In 
parties of two or three — for the little raft could hold no 
more — the castaways were brought across the river, and 
the homeward march began. It speaks well for the 
courage and endurance of the Spaniards that they even- 
tually reached the fleet without the loss of a single man. 
Good fortune afterwards attended them with regard to 
the ship's stores and artillery, the greater part of which 



1520.] THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT. 179 

were saved and picked up by the Captain-general on 
resuming his voyage to the south. ^ 

"Upon their return, the crew of the Santiago were 
distributed among the foiir remaining ships, and Serrao, 
who had displayed both courage and ability in his con- 
duct of the shipwrecked crew, was rewarded by the 
command of the Concepcion. The ultimate result of the 
two disasters which had befallen Magellan was greatly 
to strengthen his hand. In Heu of three disaffected and 
traitorous captains — Quesada, Cartagena, and Mendoza 
— the commands were held by Portuguese, in whom he 
could place complete and absolute reliance. Seriao, as 
we have seen, took the Concepcion, while the S. Antonio 
and Victoria were captained by Alvaro de Mesquita and 
Duarte Barbosa, the former of whom was Magellan's 
first cousin, the latter his brother-in-law. ^ 

The winter was now fairly established, and the cold 
became more severe. Nor was the weather they experi- 
enced such as to tempt to a renewal of their explorations 
along the coast. But the Captain-general, anxious to 
learn something of the interior of the country, thought 
it advisable to despatch a small expedition with that 
object. Four men only were sent. They were well 
armed, and were furnished with instructions to pene- 
trate, if possible, to a distance of thirty leagues, to plant 
a cross, and to put themselves upon a footing of friend- 

1 Log-book of the "Genoese Pilot." Medina, vol. ii. p. 401. Correa 
gives a widely different account of the shipwreck, which, as is the 
case in many instances, is manifestly incorrect. 

2 Gomara, and indeed Oviedo also, makes Mesquita to be the nepheio 
of the Captain -general. " Alvaro de Mesquita queria entrar por el 
estrecho, diciendo que por alii iba su tio Magallanes." — Gomara, ch, 
xcii. p. 85. So, too, does Maximilian Transylvanus — " Una ex his cui 
ipsius Magellani ex fratre nepos Aluarus Mescbita prsefuit ; " and a 
few lines farther the words "patruus Magellanus " are used. 



180 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vii. 

ship with any natives they might happen to meet. The 
nature of the country was, unfortunately, such as to 
render the expedition a failure. Neither food nor water 
was to be found. The men were forced to be content with 
the ascent of a high mountain at some little distance 
from the coast. Planting a cross upon its summit, and 
giving to it the name of the Mount of Christ, they re- 
traced their steps, and arrived at the ships, informing 
Magellan that the coimtry was intraversable and without 
resources, and appeared to be entirely unpeopled. 

It was not long before the latter piece of information 
at least was proved to be incorrect. The fleet had 
remained at anchor for weeks in Port St. Julian, and no 
trace of natives had been seen. One morning, however, 
the sailors were astonished by the appearance of a man 
of gigantic stature upon the beach, who sang and danced, 
pouring sand upon his head in token of amity. Magel- 
lan sent a man ashore with instructions to imitate the 
action of the savage, and, if possible, to make friends 
with him. This he succeeded in doing, and the new- 
comer was brought before the admiral. Spaniards and 
native were equally surprised. The latter marvelled, 
Gomara tells us, to see such large ships and such little 
men, and pointing to the sk}', seemed to inquire whether 
they were not gods who had descended from heaven ; 
while the Spaniards, wondering at the great stature of 
their visitor, concluded that they had come upon a race 
of giants. " So tall was this man," writes Pigafetta, 
" that we came tip to the level of his waistbelt. He was 
well enough made, and had a broad face, painted red, 
with yellow circles round his eyes, and two heart-shaped 
spots on his cheeks. His hair was short and coloured 
white, and he was dressed in the skins of an animal 




A PATAGONIAN. 



1520.] THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT. 181 

cleverly sewii together." The description given of this 
animal leaves no doubt that it was the giianaco. The 
skin of the same creature served to make boots for these 
people, and it was the unwieldy appearance thus given 
to the feet which led Magellan to apply to the race the 
name of Patagao. 

The man seemed most peaceably disposed, though he 
did not lay aside his arms — a short, thick bow, and a 
bundle of cane arrows tipped with black and white 
stones. Magellan treated him kindly, and ordered that 
he should be given food. He was shown some of their 
objects for barter, among others a large steel mirror. 
So overcome was he on catching sight of himself, says 
Pigafetta, that he jumped backwards with an unex- 
pectedness and impetuosity which overset four of the 
men who were standing round hina. He was, neverthe- 
theless, not unwilling to accept a small mirror as a 
present, and some beads and bells having been added, 
he was put ashore under the care of four armed men. 

A companion met him upon landing, and confidential 
relations having been thus established, the Spaniards 
had no difficulty in persuading the natives to visit their 
ships. Others, accompanied by their wives, were not 
long in showing themselves, and eventually several came 
on board. " The women," we are told, " were loaded by 
them with all their belongings, as if they were so many 
beasts of burden. We could not behold them without 
wonder." They were not so tall as the men, but much 
fatter, and had breasts half as long as a man's arm. 
"With them " they brought four of those little beasts of 
which they make their clothing, leading them with a 
cord like dogs coupled together." The use of these, 
they said, was to tie up and entice others within range of 



182 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vii. 

the arrows of the hunter, who was hidden near. The 
Spaniards were anxious to secure some of these guanacos, 
and getting together eighteen of the natives, set half of 
them to hunt on either side of the entrance of the har- 
bour, but we are not told the result of their endeavours. 

Many visits were thus paid by the natives to the fleet, 
and Pigafetta was enabled to obtain a small vocabulary 
of their language. One of them, who seemed especially 
tractable and pleasing, remained with the ships some 
days. He was taught the Paternoster and Ave Maria, 
which he pronounced well, but in an exceedingly loud 
voice, and the priest eventually baptized him with the 
name of Juan Gigante. The Captain -general gave him 
a number of presents, with which he was much pleased, 
and on the following day he returned bringing a guanaco. 
Magellan, hoping to obtain some more of these animals, 
directed that further presents should be made him. The 
man was never seen again, however, and it was suspected 
that he had been murdered by his companions. 

The manners and customs of the Patagonians are 
described at some length by the supposed Genoese pilot 
as well as by Pigafetta. The fact that they devoured 
with great relish the rats which were caught on the 
ships filled the sailors with astonishment, which was not 
lessened by perceiving that they did not stop to skin them. 
Still more astonishing was their power of thrusting arrows 
down their throats without injury, which was apparently 
done more as a tour de force than for any definite purpose, 
although Pigafetta regarded it as a species of medical 
treatment, — *' in luogho di purgarsi," as he describes it.^ 

1 Pigafetta and Max. Transylvanus alone mention this story, and 
Oviedo borrows it from them. It is depicted in De Bry's illustration of 
Magellan passing the Straits, which is represented in this volume, p. 211. 



1520.] THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT. 183 

In spite of Magellan's fixed rule that the fleet should 
not be burdened with useless mouths, especially now that 
the rations had been reduced, he was so much struck 
with the gigantes, as they termed them, that he resolved 
to bring some of them back with him to Spain as a pre- 
sent to the Emperor. It was some little time before he 
was able to put his project into execution, for fifteen 
days elapsed before another native was seen. At length, 
upon the 28th July, four appeared upon the beach, and 
were brought on board the Trinidad. Magellan was 
anxious to keep the two youngest, but having an idea 
that their capture might not be an easy matter, he de- 
cided to use strategy rather than force. Loading them 
with presents, so that their hands were full, he then 
offered them a pair of irons, and, as they were unable 
to take them, showed them how they fitted upon the 
legs. A couple of strokes of the hammer riveted the 
bolts, and the two unlucky savages were prisoners before 
they realised their position. When they did so, they 
became furious, invoking Setebos,^ their Great Spirit, 
to their aid. Their two companions were conducted 
ashore with their arms bound by a party of men who 
were instructed to bring the wife of one of the captives, 
" who greatly regretted her, as we saw by signs." The 
huts of the natives were reached the same day, but as it 
was late, the pilot Carvalho, who was in charge of the 
party, decided on waiting till the following day. It 
happened that on the road one of their charges had 
attempted to escape, and in the struggle which ensued 
he was wounded in the head. His companions said 

1 Tbis name is put into Caliban's mouth by Shakespeare upon two 
occasions, Tempest, act i. scene 2, and act v. scene i, and was doubt- 
less borrowed from Pigafetta's narrative. 



184 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vil. 

nothing at the time, but next morning they spoke a few 
words to the women, and immediately all took to flight. 
At a little distance they halted to exchange shots with 
the Spaniards, and in the encounter Diego de Barrasa, 
man-at-arms of the Trinidad, was struck in the thigh 
by an arrow and died immediately. 

Magellan attempted to follow the Patagonians, either 
with the idea of punishing them, or more probably with 
the hope of capturing a woman of the tribe, but he was 
unsuccessful, and it seems that — by nature a wandering 
people — they disappeared for a time from the neighbour- 
hood. The action of the Spaniards upon this occasion 
was, of course, totally unjustifiable according to our 
ideas ; but it must be remembered that the humani- 
tarianism of the present day was at that time not even 
in its infancy. A selvaje was looked upon as hardly 
other than an animal, and giants, such as these were 
supposed to be,^ must have approximated them still 
more closely. No doubt the Captain -general regarded 
it as his duty to bring such curiosities to his Emperor, 
and did not consider his breach of faith as other than a 
perfectly justifiable proceeding. The two captives were 
placed in different vessels, and we learn from the account 
of the Genoese pilot that one arrived in Spain, brought 

1 The actual height and size of the Patagonians remained for a long 
time a matter of dispute. An assemblage of very tall people always 
causes an over- estimation of their height, and there is no doubt that 
Pigafetta's diary gives a bond fide record of the impression produced 
upon the mind of himself and his comrades. Lieutenant Muster.s, the 
greatest authority upon the country, gives the average height of 
the men as six feet, while some reach six feet four inches or more. 
Their muscular development is very great. Darwin, moreover, in his 
Voyage of the Beagle, says, " On an average their height is about six 
feet, with some men taller, and only a few shorter. Their height 
appears greater than it really is from their large guanaco mantles, 
their long flowing hair, and genei-al figure" (chap. xi.). 



1520.] THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT. 1S5 

thither in the S. Antonio, when she deserted the rest of 
the squadron in the Straits. According to other accounts, 
however, he died before reaching that covmtry.^ 

Weary, no doubt, of the continued inaction, and 
anxious to leave a place which must each day have 
brought the remembrance of the mutiny to his mind, 
Magellan resolved to pass the remainder of the winter 
in the Eio de Santa Cruz, which had been discovered by 
Serrao in the ill-fated Santiago. The ships were now 
repaired and refitted, and in good order, and the admiral 
hoped to make the passage without encountering one of 
the frequent storms which render this coast so dangerous 
in winter. He accordingly gave orders to prepare for 
sea. Before their departure, however, a sentence had to 
be carried into effect — that of the marooning of Juan 
de Cartagena and his fellow-culprit, Pedro Sanchez de 
Reina.^ For some reason that we do not learn, they 
were put on shore nearly a fortnight before the sailing 
of the fleet — on Saturday, August i ith. They were pi'o- 
vided with " an abundance of bread and wine," Herrera 
says ; ^ but it must have been a bitter punishment for 

1 Herrera's account of the intercourse of the Spaniards and Pata- 
gonians differs widely from the above in certain points. He relates 
their first meeting differently, describes the death of Diego de 
Barrasa as occurring in a chance rencontre with the natives, and 
records the despatch of a punitive expedition of twenty men as a 
sequel, adding that not one of the enemy was encountered (Dec. ii. 
lib. ix. caps, xiii.-xv. ). In the letter of Maximilian Transylvanus 
there occurs a lengthy description of a visit of seven men of the fleet 
to a Patagonian hut some distance inland, followed by an attempt to 
captiu'e three of the savages. One only was caught and brought on 
board, but his death occurred within a few days. Neither of these 
accounts, it should be remembered, are first hand. 

2 In the pay list of the voyage, published by Medina, this name 
appears as Pedro Sanchez de Viena. Medina, vol. i. p. 193. 

2 Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xiv. 



186 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vii. 

them to watch the departui'e of their comrades and to 
reflect how small was their chance of life — a chance 
still further diminished by the altered relations of the 
Spaniards with the natives. They were "judged to be 
worse off, considering the country in which they were 
left, than the others who were drawn and quartered." ^ 
Such an opinion seems to have been held many years 
later by another culprit, who, curiously enough, in iden- 
tically the same locality, foiind himself confronted by a 
like alternative. In June, 1578, when Drake's Httle 
squadron lay at anchor in Port St. Julian, Mr. Thomas 
Doughtie was found guilty of a plot against the life of 
the admiral. He was offered the choice of death, " or 
to be set upon land on the main," or to return to be tried 
in England. He chose the first, giving as his reason 
that the shame of his return as a traitor would be worse 
than death, and that he would not endanger his soul by 
consenting to be left among savages and infidels. 

On the 24th August, every member of the expedition 
having confessed and received the sacrament, the fleet 
left the bay, 2 They shaped their course S.W. ^ W., and 
two days later arrived off the mouth of the Santa Cruz 
river. Their passage was not accomplished without 
danger, for the ships were nearly lost in a heavy squall, 
*' God and the Corpi Santi, however," \vrites Pigafetta, 
" came to our aid," and they reached the shelter of the 
river and anchored in safety. The latitude was fixed, 
with very tolerable accuracy, at 50°. In this port, of 
whose desolate character Darwin has left us a graphic 

1 Letter of Recalde. See Navarrete, vol. iv. p. 206. 

2 Before their departure Andres de San Martin took observations to 
determine the latitude. The result he obtained was 49° 18' S. , which 
is wonderfully correct. Herrera, op. cit, Dec. ii. lib. is. cap. xiv. 



1520.] THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT. 187 

account,^ two montlis were passed The time was spent 
in provisioning the ships with such wood as could be 
obtained, and with fish, of which there was abundance. 
On the drying and preserving of a sufficient supply of 
these their future comfort — perhaps even their future 
plans — depended, for the stores of the fleet had already 
begun to reach an alarming stage of diminution. Visits 
were paid to the coast to the southward, where the wreck 
of the Santiago had taken place, and such articles as had 
since been washed ashore were recovered. 

No occurrence worthy of note befell the navigators 
during their delay in the river, if we except a supposed 
eclipse of the sun, recorded by the historian Herrera, 
but by no single one of those actually present who have 
left us an account of the voyage. In an age of writing 
which erred even more in ellipsis than garrulity, this 
latter circumstance could not, however, be advanced as a 
conclusive proof of its non-occurrence. "On the nth 
October," we are told," ^ " while in this river, an eclipse 
of the sun was awaited, which in this meridian should 
have occurred at eight minutes past ten in the morning. 
When the sun reached an altitude of 422^°, it appeared 
to alter in brilliancy, and to change to a sombre colour, 
as if inflamed of a dull crimson, and this without any 
cloud intervening between ourselves and the solar body. 
Not that the body of the sun, either wholly or in part, 
was obscured, but its clearness appeared as it might in 
Castile in the months of July and August when they are 
burning the straw in the surrounding country. This 
lasted till it reached an altitude of 44|°, when it regained 
its original brilliancy." 

1 Voyage of the Beagle, chap. ix. 

2 Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xiv. 



188 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. vil. 

What conclusion to draw from the above passage it is 
difficult to decide. The haziness of the sun could only 
have been due to some atmospheric cause. An annular 
eclipse of the sun certainly did take place October 
nth, 1520, but it was not visible upon the coast of 
Patagonia, the central line crossing the meridian of 
the Santa Cruz river, more than 30° north of the 
Equator. 1 

With the advent of October the weather improved, 
and on the iSth Magellan judged the spring to be suffi- 
ciently far advanced for the continuation of his voyage. 
The fleet was got under way. Feeling sure that he 
must ere long come upon the object of his search, the 
admiral ordered the ships to keep along the coast as 
before. For two days they were baffled by head-winds 
and bad weather, fighting their way southward inch by 
inch. At length the wind shifted to the north, and 
they ran before it on a S.S. W. course for two days more. 
On the 2ist October, 1520, they found themselves in 
sight of land; "and there," says the pilot Alvo, "we 
saw an opening like unto a bay." They were off Cabo 
de las Virgenes, and Magellan had found his long-hoped- 
for strait at last ! 

We must pause here for a moment to consider a question 
of the greatest interest — a question that has never yet 
been satisfactorily answered. Did Magellan know, as a 
certain fact, of the existence of the strait ? Or was his 
discovery of it due to a carefully reasoned-out argument 
based upon the presumed homology of the Cape of Good 
Hope ? Or was it from the blindest of chances, from 

1 Oppolzer's Canon der Finsternisse, published in the Denkschrif ten 
of the Vienna Academy, vol. lii. For this information the writer is 
indebted to the kindness of Professor G. H. Darwin. 



1520.] THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT. 189 

the sort of fortune that guides a caged bird, panting for 
liberty, to the broken bar of its prison ? 

In Pigafetta's account of the voyage there occurs a 
very remarkable passage, so clearly and definitely ex- 
pressed, that, did it only emanate from a more accurate 
author, the ma,tter would seem at once and for ever set at 
rest. " We all believed," it runs, speaking of the strait, 
" that it was a cul-de-sac ; but the captain knew that he 
had to navigate through a very well-concealed strait, 
having seen it in a chart preserved in the treasury of 
the King of Portugal, and made by Martin of Bohemia, 
a man of great parts." ^ The matter is also alluded to 
by Gomara,^ but he throws doubt upon it, and says that 
" the chart showed no strait whatever, as far as I could 
learn ; " and his evidence, as that of a contemporary his- 
torian, is not without weight. Herrera, speaking of the 
offer made by Magellan and Faleiro at the Spanish 
court, tells us that they proposed to conduct their ships 
to the Moluccas " by means of a certain strait, at that 
time not known of by any one," ^ and, a few lines farther 
on, gives the story of Martin Behaim's chart, and adds 
that " from him they obtained much information con- 
cerning this strait." M. Ferdinand Denis, in Ws, Portu- 
gal, gives us some information as to the 'provenance of 
this chart. ** On a affirm^," he says, "que le d^troit de 
Magellan avait ete clairement indique des le 15 me siecle, 

1 "Se non fosse stato il sapere del capitano-generale, non si sarebbe 
passato per quello stretto, perche tutti credevamo che fosse chiuso ; 
ma egli sapea di dover navigare per uno stretto molto nascosto, avendo 
cio veduto in una carta serbata nella tesoreria del Re di Portogallo, e 
fatta da Martino di Boemia, uomo excel! entissimo." — Pigafetta, Privio 
Viaggio, Milan edit., p. 36. 

2 Historia de las Indias, cap. xci. 

3 "Este seria por cierto estrecho de mar no conocido hasta entonces 
de ninguna persona." — Herrera, Dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. six. 



190 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. Vll. 

sur une des deux cartes apport^es jadis en Portugal par 
Don Pedro d'Alfarrobeira, et que Ton conservait pre 
cieusement jadis dans le couvent d'Alcobaga ; " but he 
offers no opinion as to the trutb of the statement. We 
have yet another of the great historians who discusses 
the possibilities of Magellan's foreknowledge of his strait 
— Oviedo, who wrote in 1546, a period which is within 
measurable distance of the great navigator's voyage. In 
one passage he speaks with no uncertain voice — "of 
which strait and voyage none had knowledge or remem- 
brance until the renowned Captain Ferdinand Magellan 
discovered and showed it to us."^ But elsewhere the 
claims of Martin Behaim are discussed, and he decides 
that, whether the discovery was due to his suggestion or 
to the pluck of Magellan, the latter is worthy of all 
praise, and " more is owing to his capacity than to the 
science of the Bohemian." 

All the foregoing, it will be observed, are the opinions 
of people writing after the event. For the journal of 
Pigafetta we know to be in many places no journal at 
all, but to have been written up some time after the 
occurrence of the various incidents, possibly even not 
till his arrival in Spain. The question will be asked. 
Is there any passage of a date anterior to the voyage 
which would lead us to conclude that the great navigator 
suspected the existence of an opening from the Atlantic 
into the Pacific ? and it may be answered in the affirma- 
tive. Whether that suspicion amounted to actual know- 
ledge it is difficult to say. However, not only have 
we the record of Herrera as to the examination of 
Magellan before Charles V.'s ministers, and the exhibi- 
tion of Pedro Reynel's globe, in which "de industria 
1 Oviedo, op. cit., Bk. xx. cap. i. 



1520.] THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT. 191 

dex6 el estrecho en bianco," but a document is still 
existing which places the matter beyond a doubt. In 
the capituladon granted by the King to Magellan and 
Faleiro on the 22nd March, 15 18, the phrase "para 
buscar el estrecho de aquellas mares " — to go in search of 
the strait — is used, and it would seem from the use of 
the definite article as if some actual known or rumoured 
strait was intended. 

We may now turn to the evidence of various maps 
and globes. There occurs in the Tratado of Antonio 
Galvao, which was afterwards englished by Richard 
Hakluyt in 1 601, an account of "a most rare and excel- 
lent map of the world, which was a great helpe to Don 
Henry (the Navigator) in his discoueries," and which 
may possibly have been the starting-point of Magellan's 
theory of the existence of a Pacifico- Atlantic passage. 
*'In the yeero 1428 it is written that Don Peter, the 
King of Portugal's eldest sonne, was a great traueller. 
He went into England, France, Almaine, and from 
thence into the Holy Land, and to other places ; and 
came home by Italia, taking Piome and Venice in his 
way : from whence he brought a map of the world 
which had all the parts of the world and earth described. 
The Streight of Magelan was called in it the Dragon's 
taile."^ QfK\\diO, par parentliese, mentions another map, 
which his friend Francisco de Sousa Tavarez had him- 
self seen, made in 1408, which marked the navigation of 
the Indies and the Cape of Good Hope. These two are 
doubtless those alluded to by Ferdinand Denis, and the 
clear account of them renders them at any rate worthy 
of mention as a piece of evidence. But they are, after 
all, but of slight weight in the scale. Of quite another 
^ Galvano, Hakluyt Soc, p. 67. 



192 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. vil. 

value are two still extant globes, which demand a careful 
and detailed consideration. 

These globes were constructed by Johann Schbner, 
Professor of Mathematics in Nurembei-g, in the years 
15 15 and 1520. Both are so alike in their outline of 
South America, that as far as concerns the question 
under consideration they may be regarded as one. 

A glance at the planispheres here reproduced will 
render a lengthy description unnecessary. Briefly, a 
Pacifico- Atlantic passage is in them boldly drawn. It 
is represented in or about latitude 45° S., and in the 
earlier, or Frankfort, globe a line is traced embracing 
the coast beyond the strait and enclosing the legend 
" Terra ult. incognita," thus implying — almost without a 
shadow of doubt — that this strait had been at that date 
already visited and recognised as a waterway between 
the two oceans. South of this an indefinite mass of 
land is figured, to which the name of ^^ Brasilie rer/io" 
or " Brasilia Inferior " is given. Some distance off the 
eastern mouth of the strait is placed a small group of 
islands. 

What had Schoner in his mind when he gave this 
strait a place upon his globes ? What were his sources 
of information ? Was it fact or conjecture that guided 
his pencil 1 These are the questions we have to answer. 

Some light is thrown upon them by a work of the 
cosmographer which was published at the same time as 
his early globe, and intended to be in great measure 
illustrative of it.^ In it he speaks of his " Brasilias 
regio " — that the country was not far from the Cape of 
Good Hope : that the Portuguese had explored it, and 

1 Luculentissima qucedd terrcB totius descriptio. Schoaer, Nurem- 
berg, 1515, 4to. 



SCHONER's 




SCHONER 

1520. 



CrThHipi Sm 



1520.] THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT. 193 

had discovered a strait going from east to west; that 
this strait resembled the strait of Gibraltar; and that 
"Mallaqua " was not far distant therefrom.^ 

All this information was, nevertheless, not gathered 
at first hand by Schoner. Shortly before he wrote — 
but how long we do not know, for the title-page bears 
no date — was published a certain pamphlet in bad 
German, anonymous, and apparently a confused trans- 
lation of a Portuguese original — the " Copia der Newen 
Zeytung mis Presillg Landt." From this he apparently 
took his description almost word for word, and the 
question thus shifts itself a point further back into the 
examination of the provenance and authorities of the 
" Copia:' 

"We do not get very much information from the work 
itself, but what we do get is very interesting. The 
captain of the ship, whose voyage it describes, was a 
'■^fast gilt frewndt " of the writer, and the expedition is 
stated to have been fitted out under the auspices of the 
Portuguese government by various private gentlemen, 
among wliom teas '■^ Christoffel de Haw" It is exceed- 
ingly probable then that it was either that of Gonzalo 
Coelho or of Christovao Jacques, and the probability 
is in favour of the latter. That it was little known 

^ Schoner, op. cit. Tract. II. cap. ii, fol. 60 v. "A capite bonae 
spei (quod Itali Capo de bona speranza vocitant) parum distat. Circum- 
navigaveniut itaque Portugalienses earn regionem, et comperierunt 
ilium transitum fere conformem nostrse Europaj (quam nos incolimus) 
et lateraliter infra orientem et occidentem situm. Ex altero insuper 
latere etiam terra visa est, et penes caput hujus regionis circa miliaria 
60, CO videlicet modo : ac si quis navigaret orientem versus et tran- 
situm sive striatum Gibel terrse aut Sibiliae navigar<=^t, et Barbariam, 
hoc est Mauretaniam in Aphrica intueretur ; ut ostendet Globus noster 
versus polum antarcticum. Insuper modica est distantia ab hoc 
Brasilia) regione ad Mallaquam." 

N 



194 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. vn. 

about, and only chronicled en passant by the historians, 
was no doubt owing to the fact that it was a purely 
commercial venture, in which the obtaining of a good 
cargo of Brazil-wood and slaves was of greater importance 
than cosmography. 

Dr. Wieser, although admitting that there is strong 
reason to believe the " Copia "to be the outcome of the 
voyage of Ohristovao Jacques, and consequently allowing 
the strait depicted on Schbner's globes to have been 
discovered by that explorer, does not admit that it was 
the strait of Magellan. He dismisses all possibility of 
such being the case upon the one argument that the 
" Copia " speaks of it as being in 40° S, The Nuremberg 
globes and this " Zeytung " can no longer, he says, be 
adduced in proof of the strait having been discovered 
before the voyage of Magellan.^ 

A careful consideration of the facts will not necessarily 
lead every one to the same conclusion as that arrived at 
by Dr. Wieser. The "Zeytung" is no learned geogra- 
phical disquisition published by some king's pilot or 
great cosmographer. It is a very sketchy and mediocre 
work, written by one who was merely a ^^fast gut 
frewndt " of the captain, and we cannot therefore place 
too great dependence upon the accuracy of his " viertzig 
grad lioch." It is easy to see that the exact position of 
the strait did not interest the author as much as the 
animals and products of the " Presillg Landt " he 
describes. Schoner, too, although adopting his text 
almost word for word, does not accept his latitudes, and 
the strait is figured in 45° S. Why he should not have 
placed it yet further to the south it is difficult to say, 
for if we turn to Ruysch's mappamundi, made in 1507, 
1 Wieser, Magalhdes-Strasse, Innsbruck, 1881, pp. 41, 47. 



1520.] THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT. 195 

we find, written across the lower pai't of the "Terra 
Sancte Crucis," a statement to the effect that the Portu- 
guese ships had at that time penetrated as far south as 
lat. 50°. 

The fact that certain islands are figured in Schoner's 
globes in the neighbourhood of the strait is of some 
interest. Whether they are or are not the Falklands it 
is difficult to say. In the 1520 globe they bear the text 
" Ins. delle Pulzelle." That Davis, for whom the honour 
of the discovery of the Falkland Islands is claimed, 
should have called them the Virgin's Land, if a coinci- 
dence, is at least a curious one. 

Perhaps the most important fact in connection with 
the question of Magellan's foreknowledge of his strait, 
is that of Christopher de Haro having been the chief 
person concerned in the fitting out and despatch of the 
ship whose voyage was the cause of the publication of 
the "Zeytung." We must not forget the friendship 
existing between him and Magellan, nor that he con- 
tributed more than a fifth part of the cost of his armada, 
nor that the great house of which he was one of the 
leading members, had probably more sources of infor- 
mation at command than any monarch. Look at the 
matter how we may, certain broad facts remain : — that 
both Coelho and Christovao Jacques pushed far south 
along the shores of South America before Magellan 
sailed on his great voyage, though how far is unknown ; 
that a pamphlet, likewise indisputably of an anterior 
date, describes a Pacifico-Atlantic strait at some length ; 
and finally, that Schoner considered the information he 
was possessed of to be sufficiently trustworthy to figure 
this strait upon his two globes of 15 15 and 1520. 

Shortly, then, we have three reasons, or groups of 



196 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. Vll. 

reasons, for supposing that the existence of Magellan's 
Strait was known prior to the visit of that navigator. 
Firstly, the passage in Pigafetta deliberately stating 
that such was the case, and the mention of the fact by 
various historians ; secondly, the use of the phrase " to 
go in search of the strait " in Charles V.'s capitulacion 
of 1518; and lastly, the evidence of various maps and 
globes and the "Zeytung aus Presillg Landt." Let us 
now consider the arguments that can be adduced on the 
other side of the question. 

According to Pigafetta, Magellan derived his informa- 
tion from a chart existing in the King's treasury. "We 
are not told when he saw it. Towards the end of his 
service with Portugal he was out of favour with the 
King. He was, indeed, never regarded by him with 
anything but dislike, and it is therefore improbable 
that he would be the only person permitted to see it. 
Gomara, too, says that when Magellan passed into the 
service of Spain, and his intention of visiting the 
Moluccas became known, Dom Manoel remained con- 
tent when he learned that he had promised not to take 
the route by the Cape, " thinking that he could find no 
other way nor navigation for the Spices other than that 
which he (the King) had." Dom Manoel would hardly 
have felt so reassured had he a chart depicting the 
straits in his possession, and knew that Magellan had 
consulted it. 

The uncertain, slow, and groping route followed by 
the fleet is also apparently in favour of a want of definite 
knowledge on the subject ; but it is quite possible that 
Magellan wished either to assure himself that no more 
northerly passage had escaped notice, or to make a 
tolerably complete survey of the coast. Finally, the 



1520.] THE DISCOVERY OF THE STRAIT. 197 

assertion made by the admiral that he would push on 
even to lat. 75° S. to find the object of his search shows 
considerable indefiniteness. And we must not forget 
that the historians are — save Galvao — one and all silent 
as to its former discovery. 

On the whole, then, the balance of evidence is in favour 
of a more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of 
some antarctic break in the vast barrier which America 
opposed to a western passage. No less indefinite state- 
ment can be made with any certainty. It is indeed pos- 
sible that the wish was father to the thought, and that 
the explorers of those days, having tried Central and 
Northern America in vain, and feeling that the land to 
the south of the Terra Sanctse Crucis alone offered them 
a chance, eventually persuaded themselves into a belief 
in the real existence of the object of their desire. There 
were reasonable arguments in favour of it also. The 
fact that the southern pai t of the continent ever trended 
to the west, that the vast mass of Africa terminated in a 
cape, appeared of no little import to navigators at the 
beginning of the sixteenth century. An idee mere does 
not take long in growing into a conviction. The shortest 
route to the enchanted East was the problem which filled 
the mind of every one. And so they were ready to push 
their explorations to the farthest limits, that their ships 
might float on the waters of the Pacific. So absorbing 
was this idea that it led them to contemplate the most 
gigantic of projects. If no strait could be found, they 
would see what human labour would do. They would 
attempt a task which we, with all the money and re- 
sources and engineering skill of the nineteenth century 
have attempted, only to fail — they would cut a Panama 
canal. No weightier evidence of the all-absorbing nature 



198 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vii. 

of the work of discovery in those days could be adduced. ^ 
Whether Magellan had a previous knowledge of his 
strait or not, we can understand how strong was his 
determination to do his best to find one. 

1 Gomara, Hist. General de las Indias, cap. civ., under the heading 
"Concerning the Strait which could be made in order to go more 
directly to the Moluccas," discusses the construction of a Panama 
canal at considerable length. The passage is one of great interest. 
Four alternative plans are given, and the undertaking is strongly 
recommended. " Sierras son, pero manos ai, Dadme quien lo quiera 
hacer, que hacer se puede : no falta animo, que no falterk dinero, i las 
Indias, donde se ha de hacer, lo dkn. Para la Contratacion de la 
Especearia, para la riqueza de las Indias, i para un Reino de Castilla 
poco es lo posible." Galvao, at nearly the same date, discusses the 
same question (Hakl. Soc. edit., p. i8o). 




EORG£ FHILIf A SON; LONDON A LIVERPOOL. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

1HE LAST VOYAGE— III. THE PASSAGE OF THE 
STRAIT. 

Thi explorers, we have seen, reached the entrance of the 
Struts on October 21, 1520. According to Thevet, it 
was Magellan himself who first descried it.^ "Cefut 
luyqui premier le descouurit sur la minuict, encores que 
les capitaines des aultres nauires estimassent que c'estoit 
quelque goulfe, qui n'auoit point d'issue." It is not im- 
probable that the great desire of his life should lend the 
leader of the expedition a preternatural keenness of 
vision, and reward him as it rewarded Columbus.^ Be 
that as it may, however, the order was given for the 
fleet to enter. On their starboard hand they passed a 
cape, which, since it was St. Ursula's day, they called 
the Cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins. The pilot 
Alvo took the latitude, and found it to be 52° S.^ The 
bay within was spacious, and seemed to afford good 
shelter. The admiral gave orders that Serrao and Mes- 
quita should continue the reconnaissance in the Concep- 
iion and S. Antonio. Meanwhile the flagship anchored 
in company with the Victoria to await their return, 
vhich was not to be deferred for more than five days.'' 

1 A. Thevet, Lcs VraisPvurtraits et Vies des Hommes niustres, p. 529. 

' In the narrative of the anonymous Portuguese published by 
Ramusio, the strait is called after the Victoria, "because the ship 
Viitoria was the first that saw it." 

^ Cape Virgins is in lat. 52° 20' S. 

* It is probable, assuming Pigafetta's account to be correct, that 
the vessels anchored in Lomas Bay, upon the south side of the strait. 
199 



200 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. viii. 

During the night one of the characteristic storms of 
these regions broke upon them, lasting until noon upox 
the following day. It blew, most probably, from the 
north-east, for they were forced to weigh anchor anl 
make an offino;, standing on and off until the weather 
moderated. The S. Antonio and Concepcion were in equally 
bad case. Endeavouring to rejoin the others, they fouod 
themselves unable to weather the cape which separaied 
them from the anchorage,^ and were obliged to put abcut, 
seeing nothing but certain destruction before them, for 
the bay, as they thought it, appeared as such — no opn- 
ing being visible at its head. As they gave themselres 
up for lost, they rounded Anegada Point, and the entrauce 
of the " First Narrows " revealed itself. Up these ttey 
ran, thankful for their escape, and emerged from them to 
find themselves in the great bay beyond.^ They prosB- 
cuted their explorations to the entrance of Broad Reach, 
and then returned, having rapidly surveyed the neigh- 
bouring waters, and assured themselves that the strait 
led onwards for an immense distance to the south. 

Magellan had meanwhile awaited them with more 

than ordinaiy anxiety. It was feared that they had 

been lost in the storm, more especially from the fact 

that certain " smokes " had been noticed on shore. These 

they afterwards learnt were caused by fires lit by two 

men from the missing ships, with the object of revealing 

their presence, but at the time they were considered t* 

For he distinctly tells us that the mouth of the " First Narrows" 
remained unknown to them until discovered by the S. Antonio ard 
her consort. This could not have been the case had they anchored in 
Possesfsion Bay, and they could not well have chosen any other sp^t. 
Lomas Bay is also the most natural shelter for a ship — sailing, it mist 
be remembered, upon unknown waters — to select. 

1 Probably the eastern horn of the Great Orange Bank. 

* St. Philip orBoucant Bay,— the Lago de los Estrechos of Oviedo. 



1520.] 



THE PASSAGE OF THE STRAIT. 



201 



point rather to the conclu- 
sion that a shipwreck had 
occiuTed. While the crews 
of the two vessels were 
speculating upon the fate 
of their comrades, the S. 
Antonio and Goncepcion sud- 
denly hove in sight, crowd- 
ing all sail and gay with 
flags. As they approached, 
they discharged their large 
bombards and shouted for 
joy, "upon which," says 
Pigafetta, " we united our 
shouts to theirs, and thank- 
ing God and the Blessed 
Virgin Mary, resumed our 
journey." 

The accounts given by the 
two crews were so different 
that it is probable that the 
vessels separated during 
their reconnaissance, and 
that one pushed on much in 
advance of the other. They 
gave it as their opinion 
that the inlet led onward 
to the Pacific. Not only 
had they ascended it for 
three days without finding 
any sign of its termination, 
but the soundings in the 
channel were of very gi'eat depth, and in many cases they 




202 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. Vlll. 

could get no bottom. The flood, moreover, appeared 
stronger than the ebb. It was impossible, they said, 
that the Strait should not be found to continue.^ 

After penetrating three or four miles within the 
'* First Narrows," the admiral signalled the fleet again 
to anchor, and despatched a boat ashore to survey the 
country. Most likely the appearance of habitations had 
attracted his eye, for Herrera tells us that at the dis- 
tance of a mile inland the men came upon a building 
containing more than two hundred native graves. On the 
coast they found a dead whale of gigantic size, together 
with a great quantity of the bones of these animals, from 
which they concluded that the storms of that region were 
both frequent and severe. Passing the Second Narrows, 
the squadron entered Broad Reach, and anchored on 
the 28th October off an island at its head.^ 

From the sketchy and confused accounts that have 
come down to us, it is impossible to reconstruct an exact 
itinerary of the passage of the Strait, or to present events 
in any certain chronological order. We are in possession 
of a few facts which are practically incontestable. We 
know that the fleet emerged from the straits upon the 
28th November ; that on 21st November Magellan issued 
a general order demanding the opinion of his captains and 
pilots upon the question of continuing the voyage ; that 
the S. Antonio deserted, and that she deserted almost 
without doubt in the beginning of November.^ But 

1 " Porque las corrientes eran maiores que las mengoantes era impo- 
silile que aquel bra^o de mar no pasase mas adelante." — Herrera, Dec. 
ii. lib. ix. cap. xiv. 

2 Alvo's diary. There is every probability that the anchorage at the 
north of Elizabeth Island, now known as Royal Eoad, was that chosen 
by Magellan. Cape S. Severin of Herrera is either Cape St. Vincent 
or the headland of Gente Grande Bay. 

3 Herrera (Dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xv. ) gives an account of a council 



1520.] THE PASSAGE OF THE STRAIT. 203 

with regard to the chronology of minor events we have 
to confine ourselves to probabilities. According to Her- 
rera, Magellan took the opinion of his officers at an early 
period of his passage through the straits. All with one 
exception were for pushing on. They had provisions for 
three months still remaining. Fired by the spirit of 
their chief, it seemed to them a disgrace to return to 
Spain at this juncture. What had they to show for all 
the bitter months of hardship through which they had 
passed ? Where were the riches of which they were in 
search, the islands over which they had been granted 
seignorial rights ? So utterly unknown was the Pacific, 
so vague the ideas at that time prevalent as to the actual 
size of the globe they were then circumnavigating for 
the first time, that there seemed to them no impossi- 
bility in the idea that the Spice Islands were already 
almost within their reach. It were folly at least not to 
carry on their explorations a little farther now that the 
summer was before them. 

The only voice raised in opposition was that of Estevao 
Gomes, pilot of the S. Antonio. Although a country- 
man of the admiral, and indeed a kinsman also,^ he had 
been for some time upon bad terms with his relative. 
Pigafetta tells us the hatred he bore him arose from the 
fact that the despatch of Magellan's expedition did away 

held by Magellan with regard to the advisability of the prosecution of 
the voyage in 2vhich Estevao Gomes, pilot of the S. Antonio, spoke. 
But Barros (Dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xix.) gives Magellan's "Order of the 
Day " in extenso, which bears date 21st November. It seems hardly 
probable that there were two councils upon this subject, or that, if 
there were, some reference to the fact should not have been made, 
but it is of course possible. It is also singular that in Magellan's 
"Order" of 21st November, and Andres de San Martin's reply to it, 
there should be no allusion to the desertion of the S. Anto^iio. 
1 Barros Arana, op. cit., p. 89. 



204 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. viii. 

with hopes he had formed of himself leading a voyage of 
exploration.^ Whatever ill-will may have pre-existed 
was probably increased by the command of the S. Antonio 
having been conferred upon Alvaro de Mesquita instead 
of himself, the king's pilot. The slight was none the 
less galling from the fact that his rival was a mere 
supernumerary borne upon the books of the Trinidad, 
and probably owed his fortune rather to his near rela- 
tionship to the admiral than to any skill as a navigator 
or seaman. 

The arguments brought forward by Gomes were plau- 
sible enough. Now that they had apparently found the 
strait, he said, it would be better to go back to Spain 
and return with another armada. For the way that lay 
before them was no small matter, and, if they encountered 
any lengthened period either of calms or storms, it was 
probable that all would perish. Magellan replied as 
those who knew him probably expected him to reply, 
albeit unmoved in manner — " con semhlante muy com- 
puesto " — " that if they had to eat the leather on the ships' 
yards he would still go on, and discover what he had 
promised to the Emperor, and that he trusted that God 
would aid them and give them good fortune." But the 
opposition of Gomes, whose skill as a pilot was beyond 
question, must have rendered his position a diiiicult one. 
Foreseeing the possibihties of fvirther grumbling, if not 
mutiny, he issued an order that no one, under pain of 
death, should discuss the difficulties of the task that lay 
before them, or the scarcity of provisions with which 
they were threatened. It is doubtful how far this would 
have availed had his crews known what misery was in 

1 " Molto odiava il Capitano-Gener.ale, il cui progetto fatto alia Corte 
di Spagna era stato cagione che I'lmperatore non affidasse a lui alcuue 
caravclle per iscoprire nuoveterre." — Pk/afetta, p. 38, ed. cit. 



1520.] THE PASSAGE OF THE STRAIT. 205 

store for them. For the admiral's words came literally 
true ; and, broken down with scurvy and privation in 
their long passage across the Pacific, the men did eat 
the leather on the yards, and the ships still pressed 
onward for the Moluccas. 

Next day the fleet made sail on a S.S.E. course 
down Broad Reach, approaching a point on their port 
hand. ^ Beyond they came to three channels, of which, 
according to Herrera, intelligence had been already 
brought by the Concepcion and S. Antonio — which two 
ships had been despatched on a second reconnaissance 
from Elizabeth Island. Of Ihese three fjords, " one led 
in the direction of the Scirocco (S.E.), one to the 
Libeccio (S. W.) and the third towards the Moluccas." - 
The fleet anchored at some place in the neighbourhood 
of their mouths, and Magellan ordered the two pilot 
ships to explore the south-eastern arm. Meanwhile, 
in company with the Vidoi'ia, the flagship followed 
up the main channel, having left instructions for the 
future course to be pursued by Mesquita and Serrao. 

Rounding Cape Froward, the admiral continued onward 
for fifteen leagues, when he anchored in a river to which 
he gave the name of the River of Sardines, from the 
abundance of those fish they obtained there. The ships 
watered and cut wood, which they found so fragi'ant 
in burning, that "it afforded them much consolation." 
Shortly after their arrival in this port they sent on a 
boat well manned and provisioned to explore the chan- 
nel further. In three days it returned with the joyful 

1 Some point between Gente Grande and Useless Bays, pcssibly 
Cape Monmouth. 

2 Admiralty and Magdalen Sounds, and Froward Reach of the main 
channel. 



206 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. Vlil. 

intelligence that they had sighted the cape which ter- 
minated the strait, and had seen the open sea beyond.^ 
So delighted were the explorers with this happy termi- 
nation to their anxieties, that salvoes of artillery were 
discharged, and Magellan and those with him wept for 
very joy. 

Four days or more had now elapsed^ without sign 
of the two other vessels, and the admiral accordingly 
decided to leave the River of Sardines ^ and retrace his 
steps in search of them. On their way they had leisure 
to examine the striking scenery by which they were sur- 
rounded. On entering the straits, they had found the 
country desolate and poor, more or less devoid of vegeta- 

1 "Dopo tre giorni essi tornarono, e ci riferirono d'aver veduto il 
capo a cui terminava lo stretto, e quindi il mare ampio, cioh I'oceano. " 
— Pigafetta, ed. cit., p. 38. 

2 According to Herrera, a stay of six days was made here, ii. 9, 15. 

3 It is difficult to identify the River of Sardines with any degree of 
accuracy. From Pigafetta's evidence it would be such a distance from 
the exit of the straits that the boat journey there and back would 
take three days. It would not be necessary to proceed beyond 
Tamar Island to sight Cape Deseado and the open sea, and it is 
possible to reach Tamar Island from any point in the neighbourhood 
of Carlos III. Island and return within the time given. Herrera tells 
us that after leaving the S. Antonio at Cape Valentyn, the admiral, 
anduvo un dia — went forward for one day — and then anchored in a 
river which is evidently the River of Sardines. Alvo says that after 
rounding Cape Froward they went on about fifteen leagues (obi'a de 
15 IcgiMs) and anchored. His journal renders it probable that it lay 
east of the entrance to Otway Water. A passage farther on in Piga- 
fetta tells us that the River of Sardines was close to the River of Isles, 
and that the latter had an island opposite to it, upon which Magellan 
planted a cross as a signal. This island must almost certainly have 
been one of the Charles Islands, which are full in the fairway of the 
channel, and admirably suited for the construction of a cairn or signal 
to attract the notice of any passing ship. Port Gallant and Port S. 
Miguel, therefore, most probably correspond to the River of Sardines 
and the River of Isles. In the Anuario Hidrographico de Chile, vol. 
V. p. 393, Andrews Bay is suggested as the River of Sardines. 



1520.] 



THE PASSAGE OF THE STRAIT. 



207 



tion, and consisting of nearly level plains. Here they 
were, as Herrera tells us, " in the most beautiful country 
in the world — the strait a gunshot across," separating 
high sierras covered with perpetual snow, whose lower 
slopes were clothed with magnificent trees.^ It was not 
long before they met with Serrao's ship, the Concepcion, 
but she was alone. Magellan, suspecting perhaps that 
some accident had happened to the S. Antonio, at once 
hailed and demanded news of her. Serrao had none to 




POUT FAMINE, MAGKI.I.ANS STRAITS. 

give. She had outsailed them almost from the moment 
of their departure from Cape Yalentyn, and they had 
not seen her since. 



1 The extraordinary suddenness of the change in the scenery of the 
straits is dwelt upon by Darwin in his Voyage of the Beagle, chap. 
xi. The distance between Port Famine and Cape Gregory in the 
"Second Narrows" is about sixty miles. "At the former place we 
have rounded mountains concealed by impervious forests, which are 
drenched with the rain brought by an endless succession of gales ; 
while at Cape Gregory there is a clear and bright blue sky over the 
dry and sterile plains." 



208 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. viii. 

Upon receiving the news, Magellan at once instituted 
a search. Admiralty Sound, for the exploration of which 
the S. Antonio had been detailed, was examined to its 
inmost recesses without result, and the Victoria was 
then despatched northwards with the idea that the 
missing ship, having misunderstood orders, might return 
upon her track under the belief that she would meet her 
consorts at Elizabeth Island. But Broad Reach was 
found to be deserted, and though the Victoria sailed back 
to the very entrance of the straits, no trace of the vessel 
was to be seen. 

It was scarcely possible that any misunderstanding 
could have occurred. In the " Instruccion " given by the 
Emperor to Magellan and Faleiro on the 8th May, 15 19, 
the fullest rules were laid down with regard to the course 
to be pursued upon the accidental separation of a ship 
from the squadron.^ One of two things had happened 
— the S. Antonio had either been lost, and lost with all 
hands, for otherwise their search must have revealed 
some traces of her, or she had deserted. The men of 
the Victoria, having placed ensigns in two conspicuous 
positions with letters of instruction buried at their feet, 
returned to the admiral with the news. He was awaiting 
them with the other ship in the River of Isles, in close 
l^roximity to his former anchorage, the River of Sardines. 

The intelligence was a great blow to Magellan, the 
greater because it occurred at the very moment of his 
success, and at a time when every ounce of food was of 
importance in the further prosecution of his journey. 
Unwilling to realise it, he was anxious to delay some 
time longer, in the hope that some unforeseen circum- 
stance might have happened, and that at any moment 
1 See Navarrete, vol, iv. p. 133, art. ix. 



1520.] THE PASSAGE OF THE STRAIT. 209 

the missing ship might return. But reflection convinced 
him of the uselessness of so doing, and he resolved to 
continue his journey. Barros tells us that, wishing to 
know what had occurred, the Captain-general requested 
the astrologer, Andres de San Martin, to cast the horo- 
scope. He was informed that the ship had returned to 
Spain, and that her captain was a prisoner.^ 

There were now but three vessels of the fleet remain- 
ing — the capitana or flagship, the Victoria, and the 
Concepcion. The desertion of the S. Antonio had doubt- 
less caused a new fear in the heart of the leader of the 
expedition — the fear that her example might be not 
without its effect, and that even now that he held suc- 
cess in his grasp, it might at any moment be wrested 
from him. He was no man of inactivity, masterly or 
otherwise. His custom was ever to meet his dangers 
and difl&culties half-way, and disarm them. And so, 
rather than permit the thoughts of ofiicers and men to 
dwell upon the weakened condition of the fleet, and the 
still more serious loss of provisions,^ without discussion, 
he sent an order to each ship that the various authorities 
should express their opinion upon the advisability of 
continuing the voyage. 

This order, to which allusion has been already made, 
came into the hands of the historian Barros among 
various papers of Andres de San Martin. It was promul- 
gated on the 2ist November in the River of Isles. The 
astrologer's reply was subjoined, and is the only one 
remaining to us. He was of opinion that they should 
go forward, "so long as they had the full bloom of 

1 Barros, Dec. iii. lib. v. cap, is. Correa also has this story. 

2 The S. Antonio was the largest vessel of the armada, and carried 
a proportionately large quantity of stores. 

O 



210 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. viii. 

summer with them," ^ and continue their discoveries until 
mid-January, albeit he did not consider that the straits 
offered a proper route to the Moluccas. He strongly- 
counselled that the ships should always anchor at night, 
not only for security's sake, but in order that the crew, 
toil-worn and weak as they were, should obtain sufficient 
rest. It is almost incredible that the ships — and sailing 
ships, it must be remembered — should have attempted 
such difficult navigation in unknown waters by night. Yet 
from this we can only conclude that such was the case. 

Whether the suggestion was adopted or not, Barros 
does not inform us, but he gives us the general tenor 
of Magellan's reply, which was of the usual character. 
The admiral, it is suggested, only requested the opinions 
of his officers as a mere matter of courtesy, his intention 
being to turn back for no one. He gave many reasons 
for pushing on, adding that God, who had brought them 
thus far to the discovery of their long-looked-for strait, 
would in due and fitting time bring them to the ulti- 
mate realisation of their desires. Next day, having 
given a general notification of his opinion, he weighed 
anchor amid salvoes of artillery, and made his way 
towards the Pacific. ^ 

1 "Parece que vossa mercS deve ir adiante por elle agora, em 
quanto temos a frol do verao na mao." — Barros, Dec, iii. lib. v. cap. ix. 

- From passages in the diary of Alvo and the so-called Genoese 
pilot, Magellan is supposed to have passed on the south side of Carlos 
III. Island {Anuar. Hidrogr. de Chile, vol. v. p. 394, note 41), but 
there are not suiBcient grounds for this supposition. Presuming the 
fleet to have sailed from Port S. Miguel, it is unlikely that they would 
have crossed the straits to navigate a much less evident passage. 
Had they passed on the north side, it is argued, they would have been 
led off the track into Otway Water. But the entrance to Otway 
Water is so obviously not the main channel, that it would never have 
led them to an exploration of its recesses. Moreover, they knew the 
way from the crew of the boat who had already sighted the Pacific. 



1520.] THE PASSAGE OF THE STRAIT. 213 

The constant fires seen upon the southern side of the 
straits had led Magellan to give to the land the name 
which it bears to this day, the " Tierra del Fuego." It 
remained for Schouten and Le !Maire, nearly a hundred 
years later, to prove the truth of his surmise concerning 
it — that it was no continent, but merely an island or 
group of islands. "To the left," says the letter of 
Maximilian, " they thought the land to consist of islands, 
for on that side they sometimes heard the beating and 
roaring of the sea, as though upon some farther shore." 
They must have been nearing the exit. On the evening 
of the 28th November, 1520,^ they passed Cape Deseado 
— "the longed-for cape," as they termed it — and the 
little armada sailed out upon the hitherto unknown 
waters of the South Pacific. ^ 

Before we leave the strait we must pause for a moment 
to glance at its nomenclature. Magellan, it has been 
often said, conferred upon it his own name, but that this 
was the case we do not learn from any contemporary 
narrative. Pigafetta figures it as the " Streto Pata- 
gonico," and, according to the diary of the anonymous 
Portuguese, it was called Victoria Strait, since that ship 
first sighted it, "though some called it the Strait of 
Magalhaes, since our captain was named Fernao de 
Magalhaes." On the arrival of the vessels at the narrow 
channel beyond Clarence Land the name of Todos os 

1 Both AIvo and Pigafetta agi-ee in this date. The anonymous 
Portuguese gives the 27th as the day, and the Genoese pilot the 26th. 

2 The account given by Herrera of the passage of the straits differs 
in certain particulars from that here given. The concurring state- 
ments of Pigafetta and either of the two pilots have, however, been 
taken as preferable whenever such concurrence exists. Elsewhere, 
what is evidently supplemental in Herrera's narrative has been intro- 
duced with as strict a regard for chronology as rare-occurring dates 
render possible. 



214 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vili. 

Santos, or Todolos Sanctos, was conferred upon it — it 
being All Saints' Day, the ist November. In 1580 Sar- 
miento re-christened it the Strait of the Mother of God. 
But, as may be imagined, the name of its discoverer was 
too closely associated with it to be put aside, and it has 
remained, and always will remain, the Strait of Magellan. 
We must turn now to the S. Antonio, whose base 
desertion had thrown still further difficulties in the path 
of the explorers. It appears that, from the moment of 




ADMIRALTY SOUND, MAGELLAN S STRAITS. 

separating at Cape Valentyn, the pilot Gomes had de- 
termined to put into execution his project of returning 
to Spain. On the third day, having proved Admiralty 
Channel to be merely an inlet, the vessel turned north- 
ward once more. They did not sight Serrao's ship, the 
Concepcion, which was probably already bound westward 
up the straits. One author, indeed, tells us that the S. 
Antonio slipped past the entrance of the inlet at night, 
with the express purpose of avoiding her. Whatever 



1520.] THE PASSAGE OF THE STRAIT. 215 

may have been the ca.se, when the time came to shape 
their course for the rendezvous prescribed by the flag- 
ship, Estevao Gomes and Geronimo Guerra,^ — who had 
been made tesorero of the ship by Magellan himself — 
resisted Mesquita's authority, and proposed an immediate 
return to Spain. What followed is not clear. The 
mutineers, who had laid their plans well, and won over 
a large proportion of the crew to their side, declared on 
their arrival in Seville that the captain stabbed Gomes, 
and that he in turn retaliated by stabbing the captain. 
The last at least was true, Mesquita was seized and 
placed in irons, ^ and, according to O^^edo, put to the 
torture in order that they might obtain from him a 
statement to exculpate the mutineers. 

Geronimo Guerra was made captain, and with Gomes 
as pilot the ship made sail to clear the straits as quickly 
as possible. It was proposed at first to return to Port 
S. Julian, in order to pick up their two comrades, Car- 
tagena and the priest, who, it wiU be remembered, had 
been left there as a punishment for their share in the 
mutiny. But whether it was thought better to proceed 
at once to Spain, or whether a visit was actually paid 
to the spot without finding their companions, the fact 
remains that the S. Antonio never brought them back 
to their native land.^ She shaped her course for the 

1 Guerra was a relation of Cristobal de Haro, and had been brought 
up by him — "su pariente y criado," Recalde'a letter, Nav. iv. p. 201. 

2 The date of this occuiTence is given in Recalde's letter as the 8th 
October — a manifest error, as the fleet did not enter the straits until 
the 2ist October. The incident must have occurred fully a month later. 

3 Argensola, i. 17, says distinctly that these men did return in the 
S. Antonio. But had they done so, we should have had some mention 
of the fact in the oiScial letter of Recalde to the Bishop of Burgos. 
Moreover, the result of this letter, as we learn from Herrera (iii. i. 4), 
was an order from the Casa de Contratacion to send a ship to rescue 



216 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. vill. 

coast of Guinea, where they took water and provisions, 
the former having already failed from the protracted 
length of the voyage. From this or other causes the 
Patagonian they were bringing home fell sick and died. 
On Wednesday, 6th May, 1521, the vessel arrived at the 
port of Seville. 

Gomes and his comrades had, of course, a well-con- 
cocted story to hide their treachery. They complained 
that the flagship had failed at the rendezvous, and 
having searched for her in vain they had no alternative 
but to return to Spain. But they did not confine them- 
selves to excuses. The gravest accusations were brought 
against Magellan — that he was guilty of great harshness 
and cruelty, that he sailed at random, and that he lost 
time and wasted the provisions by endless delays, and 
that all this was to no good end or profit whatsoever. 
" Les absents ont toujours tort." Magellan, unable to 
make a defence, was held for a culprit, and Mesquita — 
whose loyalty had procured him some stabs from a 
poignard, the rack, and six months in irons — was thrown 
into prison as his accomplice. It was in vain that Ma- 
gellan's father-in-law, Diogo Barbosa, came to his aid,^ 
for he remained there until the return of the Victoria. 
The result of the inquiry instituted by the India House, 
however, was such that Gomes and Guerra, together with 
two others more especially implicated in the mutiny, were 
also incarcerated. Beatriz, Magellan's wife, though not 
actually placed under lock and key, was strictly watched, 

them. We hear nothing further of this rescue. It is more than 
probable that the ship was .never despatched, and that the two 
mutineers expiated their sins with their lives. Vide Navarrete, iv. 
p. Ixxxii. 

J "Diciendo que el debria ser suelto, y los que lo trujeron presos." 
— Navarrete, iv. p. 202. 



1520.] THE PASSAGE OF THE STRAIT. 217 

" in order that she should not escape to Portugal until 
the facts of the case are better understood." ^ 

It is from the letter of the Contador Lopez de Recalde, 
already alluded to, that we gather most of the details of 
the S. Antonio incident. Two years later, in a memorial 
presented to Charles V., Diogo Barbosa alludes to the 
treatment allotted to the various persons concerned in it 
with a blunt frankness which is unusual even for those 
days. He complains that the mutineers "were very well 
received and treated at the expense of Your Highness, 
while the captain and others who were desirous of serv- 
ing Your Highness were imprisoned and deprived of all 
justice." " It is from this," he adds, " that so many 
bad examples arise — heart-breaking to those who try to 
do their duty." It must be allowed that his remarks, if 
not those of a courtier, have at least the merit of being 
true, and that had Spain treated better those who were 
at that time only too ready to shed their blood in her 
service, it would have been not without material effect 
upon the history of her colonies. 

1 Vide Navarrete, iv. p. Ixxxiii. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE LAST VOYAGE— IV. THE LADRONES AND 
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

The three remaining ships of the squadron, passing Cape 
Deseado, directed their course to less inhospitable shores 
and a warmer climate. Their passage of the strait had 
cost them thirty-eight days.^ Although its length was 
in reality not more than 320 miles, the many incidents 
that had arisen and the protracted time that they had 
spent within its limits led them to exaggerate its size, 
and the distance from mouth to mouth was variously 
estimated at from 350 to 400 miles. 

On reaching the Pacific, the other Patagonian captured 
in Port St. Julian died. He had been kept on board the 
flagship, and had apparently reconciled himself in part 
to his position. To Pigafetta he had become an object 
of curiosity and interest. " I conversed by signs or as 
best I could with the Patagonian giant we had on board, 
making him tell me the names of things in his language, 
whence I was able to form a vocabulary. When he saw 
me take the pen in my hand he used to tell me the 
names of the objects around us, or of some action he 

1 Herrera says they were " veynte dias que naveg6 por aquella 
estrechura," and Oviedo and Maximilian give the period as twenty- 
two days. This may possibly mean the actual time occupied in sail- 
ing, or perhaps the number of days passed in traversing the narrow 
part to which the name "Canal de Todos Santos" was more particularly 
applied. 

218 



1520.] VOYAGE ACROSS THE PACIFIC. 219 

might imitate. . . . When he felt himself gravely ill of 
the malady from which he afterwards died, he embraced 
the Cross and kissed it, and desired to become a Christian. 
We baptized him, and gave him the name of Paul." 

Faring northward to escape the cold, the explorers 
encountered such favovii-able weather that the difficulties 
and privations they had passed through were well-nigh 
forgotten. The sudden, violent tempests had given place 
to steady winds which wafted them on their course over 
the surface of a placid sea, and thankful for their deliver- 
ance from their troubles they gave the name of the 
Pacific to the vast ocean which had afforded them so 
friendly a reception. " Well was it named -the Pacific," 
Pigafetta writes, " for during this time (three months 
and twenty days) we met with no storm." ^ At first 
their course led them along the wild seaboard of western 
Patagonia. On the ist December they were some fifty 
or sixty miles distant from the coast in lat. 48° S., and 
from that time to the i6th followed a direction which 
kept them within measurable distance of the land. The 
abundance of fish astonished the sailors. Pigafetta de- 
scribes the albacores and bonitos, " which pursue other 
fish called colondrini.- On being followed these spring 
from the water and fly about a bowshot — so long as 
their wings are wet — and then regain the sea. Mean- 
while their enemies follow their shadow, and arriving at 
the spot where they fall, seize upon them and devour 
them — a thing marvellous and agreeable to see." 

On the 1 6th December the general direction of the 
course of the armada was altered for the fii'st time. 

1 Herrera'b statement that " anduuieron con gran tormenta hasta 
los diez y ocho de Deziembre " is not borne out by any of those Vfho 
saDed with the armada. 

2 The flying-fish -.—Golondrina (Sp.) = a swallow. 



220 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ix. 

Magellan, thinking he had pushed sufficiently far north- 
ward, bore away upon a more or less north-westerly track 
for the lands and islands of which he was in search. 
Day after day passed, but no land was met with to 
break the monotony of the apparently endless waste of 
waters that surrounded them. On the 24th January 
152 1, after nearly two months' sailing, an islet covered 
with trees was sighted. On approaching, it was dis- 
covered to be uninhabited, and, as they could find no 
bottom with the lead, the course was once more resumed. 
Its latitude was fixed by the pilot Alvo at 16° 15' S., and 
the name of St. Paul's Island was given to it. 

Eleven more days of sailing upon a course varying 
from N.W. to W.N.W., brought them again in sight of 
land.i Small and uninhabited like the first, it afforded 
them neither water nor fruit. " We found only birds 
and trees," says Pigafetta, " but we saw there many of 
the fish called Tiburoni." The island was accordingly 
called the Isla de los Tiburones, or Shark Island, and 
" since we found there neither people, nor consolation, 
nor sustenance of any kind, the name of Desaventu- 
radas — the Unfortunate Islands — was given to this and 
St. Paul's Island." 2 

Leaving Shark Island ^ on the 4th February, a steady 

1 Antonio de Brito, in his resume of tbe voyage sent to the King of 
Portugal, mentions this island as being 200 leagues from St. Paul's. 
According to the anonymous Portuguese, the distance separating the 
two is 800 miles. 

2 Maximilian and Herrera record that the fleet delayed here two 
days, but we know from Alvo's diary that this could not have been 
the case. 

3 Meinicke identifies S. Pablo, or St. Paul's Island, with Puka-puka 
in the Tuamotu Archipelago (lat. 14° 45' S., long. 138° 48' W.), and 
Shark Island, or the Tiburones, with Flint Island in the Manihiki group 
(lat. 11° 20' S., long. 151° 48' W.). Petei-mann's Mitthcil, 1869, p. 376. 
This identification has been accepted by Peschel. 



1521.] VOYAGE ACROSS THE PACIFIC. 221 

N.W. course was held. The disappointment felt at not 
being able to obtain provisions was great, for the con- 
dition of the majority of those in the fleet was now 
most pitiable. The I'ations were reduced to the smallest 
limits. " Such a dearth of bread and water was there," 
writes Gomara, " that they ate by ounces, and held 
their noses as they drank the water for the stench of 
it." The Italian historian gives a still more vivid 
account of their sufferings. "We ate biscuit, but in 
truth it was biscuit no longer, but a powder full of 
worms, for the worms had devoured its whole substance, 
and in addition it was stinking with the urine of rats. 
So great was the want of food that we were forced to 
eat the hides with which the main yard was covered to 
prevent the chafing against the rigging. These hides, 
exposed to the sun and rain and wind, had become so 
hard, that we were obliged first to soften them by put- 
ting them overboard for four or five days, after which 
we put them on the embers and ate them thus. We 
had also to make use of sawdust for food, and rats 
became such a delicacy that we paid half a ducat apiece 
for them." i 

The result of such privations may be easily imagined. 
Scurvy broke out, and broke out in its worst form. The 
sufferings of the invalids were aggravated by the lack 
of any reserve of suitable food for them, and many died.^ 
Others suffered greatly from pains in the arms and legs. 
Few were altogether well, but Pigafetta was one of them, 
"I ought to thank God," he says, "for not having 

1 Pigafetta, Primo Viaggio, lib. ii. 

2 According to Herrera twenty men perished, but a consultation of 
the official " List of deaths " reveals the fact that only seven were re- 
corded between the departure from the straits and the arrival of the 
ileet at the Ladrone Islands. Tide Medina, i. p. 173. 



222 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. ix. 

had the slightest illness during the whole of the 
period," 

Day after day the ships sailed onward — " nihil unquam 
nisi pontus et undique pontus " — until they reached the 
Line. Aware from the accounts of his friend Francisco 
Serrao that the Moluccas did not offer such opportuni- 
ties for victualling and refitting as he now desired, 
Magellan thought it best to shape his course further to 
the north, in the hope, perhaps, of attaining some part 
of China, with whose wealth and extent he was well 
acquainted from the accounts of the Chinese traders with 
whom he had mixed at Malacca. As they progressed 
upon their voyage, great attention was paid to the navi- 
gation. Exact means of estimating their position, it is 
true, they were without. They were capable of calculat- 
ing their latitude with tolerable accuracy, although their 
errors in the estimation of longitude were astounding,^ 
and the use of the log was known,^ as well as the exist- 
ence both of deviation and variation of the compass. 
On the latter phenomenon Pigafetta has an interesting 
passage. Magellan, having ordered a certain course, 
inquired of the pilots how they had laid it off on the 
charts. They replied-, " as he had ordered it." Upon 
which he said that " they had laid it off wrong, and that 
they must apply corrections for the error of the compass 
(cJie conveniva ajutare Vago calamitato), which in this part 
of the world was not attracted with such force as it is 
in its own quarter — that is, the northern hemisphere." 

1 So inaccurate were their methods that Alvo, on arriving at the 
Philippines, was no less than fifty-tico degrees and fifty-five minutes in 
error. 

2 That the log was in use in those days we gather from Pigafetta. 
" According to the measure we made of the voyage by means of the 
chain at the poop, we ran sixty or seventy leagues a day." 



1521.] VOYAGE ACROSS THE PACIFIC. 223 

Columbus upon his first voyage also noted the pheno- 
menon, and endeavoured to explain it. 

With its load of human suffering and anxiety, the 
armada pressed on for yet another month with a steady 
and favourable wind. Their position resembled that 
of Columbus before sighting the new world, as day 
after day their despairing glances were bent westward 
in hopes of land. Then came their reward, and an 
end, or at at all events a temporary end, of all their 
miseries. On the 6th March land was sighted. A 
number of praus came out to meet them, and all 
anxiety as to the existence of a population was at 
once set at rest. For ninety-eight days they had 
sailed over an utterly unknown sea, " a sea so vast that 
the human mind can scarcely grasp it," Maximilian 
writes in his letter. 

The group of islands thus discovered by the fleet was 
that now called the Mariannes,^ or more often, the 
Ladrones. To this day, although partially settled by 
the Spaniards, they remain as little known, perhaps, as 
any part of the accessible world. It is not absolutely 
certain which island or islands Magellan first sighted 
and visited, but there is not much doubt about the mat- 
ter. ^ In all probability the high peak of Rota was the 
first land to show itself above the horizon. Steering 
for this, Guam must have come into view on their 
port bow, and discovering it to be the larger of the two, 

1 The islands were thus named in honour of Marianna of Austria, 
widow of Philip IV., and Regent of CastUe in the minority of 
Carlos II. 

2 Maximilian is the only author of any authority who gives indi- 
vidual names to these islands. Oviedo and Gomara copy from him. 
He calls them Inuagana and Acaca. The former is probably Agana in 
Guam, and Acaca or A9a9a may perhaps be Sosan in Rota Island. 



224 



LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 



[CHAP. IX. 



Magellan altered course to S.W., in order to approach 
its shores. '^ 

Their visit to the islands was a short one. " The in- 
habitants were a people of little truth," as the Genoese 
pilot describes them. Hardly had the ships come to an 
anchor when the natives stole the skiff from under the 
stern of the admiral's ship, cutting the rope by which 
she was made fast, and carrying her off with great speed 



a»r 



ISLAS DE LAS sosa 

VELAS LATIKAS ^ 

(.SOUTHERN LAORONtS) 
Scale> V 2,500,000. 



'^scoi^/y 






Rota 



M^tUoKi y,.^^ 



*' '^'^OA.AuiA 



G ThUtpSuSoiu 



SOUTHERN LADEONK ISLANDS. 



and adroitness. They boarded the vessels and robbed 
the new-comers of everything that they could lay hands 
on. It was impossible to keep them off. Before long 
the order had to be given to eject them from the ships, 
and they found themselves involved in a melee, which, 
according to Herrera, became so serious that the Span- 
iards had to use their artillery, killing numbers of the 

1 " Y come fuimos in medio dellas, tiramos al sudueste y dejamos 
la una al noroeste." — Diary of Alvo. This does not at all prove that 
the ships passed between the two islands, but rather the contrarj'. 



1521.] THE LADRONE ISLANDS. 225 

savages,^ Magellan, much annoyed at the loss of his 
skiff, weighed anchor and stood on and off during the 
night lest he should be surprised. In the morning he 
returned, and landing in person with a force of fifty 
or sixty men, burnt the village and a number of boats, 
regained the skiff, and took a quantity of provisions. 
The natives, who seemed at one time disposed to offer a 
stout resistance, fled at the first discharge of the arque- 
buses. No casualties occurred on the side of the Spaniards, 
but the islanders lost seven or eight men killed. They 
appear, from Pigafetta's account, to have been quite 
unacquainted with the use of bows and arrows, for when 
wounded by one of the latter they would draw it out of 
their bodies and look at it with great surprise, an inci- 
dent which aroused the compassion of their antagonists. 
Their only arms were spears tipped with fiish-bone. 

In the " Primo Viaggio " we are treated to a short 
description of the manners and customs of the inhabi- 
tants of these islands which it is unnecessary to repro- 
duce here. Their praus — stem and stern alike, and fitted 
with an outrigger — struck with astonishment those who 
saw this species of boat for the first time. Their speed 
especially filled them with wonder. As the vessels left 
the port they were pursued by these craft. So dexter- 
ously were they handled that they passed between the 
ships going at full sail and the boats they towed astern. 
" They did this so quickly and skilfully," says Pigafetta, 
" that it was a marvel." It seems still more curious that, 
considering the relations existing between their visitors 
and themselves, the people should be quite willing to 
engage in barter, and that immediately after Magellan 
had burnt their village, boats should put off laden with 

1 This incident is not given hy any other narrator. 

P 



226 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. IX. 

provisions for that purpose. Possibly their love of gain 
overcame every other consideration. *' They are poor, 
but ingenious, and, above all, thieves," says the Italian 
historian, " and so for that reason we called these islands 
the Robber Islands." ^ 

Greatly improved in health from the fresh fruit and 
vegetables they had procured, the explorers left the 
Ladrones on the morning of the 9th March. On this 
day the sole Englishman in the fleet — " Master Andrew 
of Bristol " — died, the succour having come too late to 
save his life. The course was set W. \ ^., and held for 
seven days. On the i6th they saw land — the southern 
point of Samar Island of the Philippines. Finding the 
coast beset with shoals, they bore away to the southward 
and fell in with the conspicuous island then, as now, 
known by the name of Suluan. From thence they 
reached the neighbouring island of Malhou,^ and an" 
chored for the night. It appeared to be iminhabited, 
and next day, being anxious to rest his sick, Magellan 
ordered tents to be set up on shore and a pig to be killed 
for them — which animal, no doubt, was obtained dui'ing 
their stay at the Ladrone Islands. The sight of the fleet 
attracted the notice of a passing prau, and on Monday, 
March i8th, the Europeans made acquaintance for the 
first time with the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands. 
They were of a very different nature to those of the 
Ladrone gi'oup. The boat contained some notables from 
the little island of Suluan, who welcomed the new-comers 
without fear, Magellan ordered some caps, looking- 

1 We learn from the diary of the Genoese pilot that Magellan gave 
them the name of Islas de las Velas Latinas, or the Lateen-sail Islands, 
from the number of craft thus rigged with which they abounded. 

2 Humunu of Pigafetta, who calls their anchorage the " Aquade des 
bons signes." 



w 



Scale, 1:20.000,000 I <>. t '•,. ^c^\,;a>-~K 
Tracks ofthelactoria.' A^, ^L^ y ^ //X^\'-.V\ ?■ T 




1521.] THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 227 

glasses, bells, and other trifles to be given to them, and 
in return was presented with fish and palm-wine. Piga- 
fetta's " figs a foot long, and two cocchi," which he also 
mentions among the gifts, we have little difiiculty in 
recognising as bananas and coco-nuts. Friendship with 
the natives was still further cemented by their visiting 
the ships, and the hopes of the Spaniards were roused 
by being shown various spices, which must have enabled 
them for the first time to realise the proximity of the 
Moluccas. 

To the archipelago thus discovered the Captain-general 
gave the name of St. Lazarus, for he had first sighted 
the group upon the day sacred to that saint. It was 
not till long after that the present appellation of the 
Islas Philippinas was conferred upon them,^ and mean- 
while, curiously enough, they became known to the Portu- 
guese as the Eastern Islands while the Spaniards called 
them the Islas del Poniente, for, as we have seen, the 
latter power sailed westward round the world, and the 
Lusitanians eastward. This circumstance was the cause 
of yet another oddity. To the first circumnavigators the 
necessity of altering their day on passing the meridian 
of 1 80° was unknown, and so it came about that — the 
error persisting until quite recent times — Hong-kong 
and Manila called the same day Monday and Sunday, 
and it was not until the 31st December, 1844, that the 
matter was rectified by the omission of that day from 
the Manilan calendar. 

The natives returned to the fleet on the 22 nd March 
as they had promised. They brought an abundance of 
fruit, coco-nuts, oranges and bananas, and a cock, " to 
give us to understand that they possessed fowls in their 

1 They were thus called in 1542 after Philip II., son of Charles V. 



228 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ix. 

country."^ Tlieir chief, who accompanied them, had 
gold rings in his ears, and bracelets of the same metal, 
worn by most of them, attracted the covetous eyes of the 
Spaniards. With the free supply of vegetable diet the 
sick improved rapidly. Each day the admiral went 
ashore to visit them, and every morning gave them coco- 
nut milk to drink with his own hands. It was as good 
a treatment as could be prescribed by a physician of the 
present day, and the personal visits of their leader no 
doubt contributed not a little to their recovery. After 
a rest of nine days it was considered that the voyage 
might be safely resumed, and the order to weigh anchor 
was accordingly given on the evening of Monday, 25th 
March. While it was being carried out, an accident 
happened to Pigafetta which came near to bringing the 
chevalier and his diary to an abrupt conclusion. " I 
was going," he says, " upon the bulwarks to fish, when 
I put my foot upon a spar wet with rain, and slipping, 
fell overboard without being perceived by any one. 
When half drowned, it chanced that my hand touched 
the sheet of the mainsail which was in the water, and to 
this I clung and began to shout out until they heard me 
and came to my aid with the boat, the which help," he 
reverently adds, " was not due to any merits of my own, 
but to the protection of that fount of pity, the Virgin 
Mary." 2 

Leaving Malhou, the fleet struck across to the eastern 
shores of Leyte, or Seilani, as it was then called, and 
coasting them arrived on the morning of March 28th at 

1 It is probable that this bird was the jungle-fowl (Gallus hankiva), 
which is caught and tamed in large numbers by the natives of the 
Philippines, and is used to tJiis day for crossing with the domestic 
fowl. 

2 It was the day of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary. 



1521.] THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 229 

Mazzava or Mazaba, a small island which now appears 
upon the charts as Limassaua. Here for the first time 
they exchanged sign language for a more satisfactory 
means of communication, for Magellan's slave, Eniique 
of Malacca, found that his Malay was understood. The 
natives were nevertheless so shy that they would not 
approach the ship, and the presents that Magellan de- 
sired to give them had to be put upon a plank and 
floated towards them. Two hours afterwards the king 
came in a large canoe and had a long conversation with 
the interpreter. Although declining to go on board the 
Trinidad, he permitted some of his men to do so. They 
received good entertainment at the admiral's hands, and 
in return the king was desirous of presenting him with 
a large bar of gold, but Magellan refused, although at 
the same time thanking him much for his offer. 

The next day, which was Good Friday, Enrique was 
sent on shore to obtain provisions. He returned with 
the king, who brought dishes of fish and rice to the 
Captain-general with his own hand. Magellan gave 
him a Turkish robe of red and yellow and a red cap, and 
the ceremony of accepting each other upon terms of 
brotherhood, or casi-casi, was gone through.^ The day 
was spent in making a prodigal display of the wonders 
of western civilisation ; exhibiting the objects of trade, 
discharging the artillery, showing the charts and com- 
passes, and describing the events of the voyage. At the 
admiral's account of the immense size of the Pacific the 
king was greatly astonished. Equal astonishment was 

1 Pigafetta does not give us more details. The ceremony was pro- 
bably that of "blood brotherhood," consisting in each of the parties 
tasting the blood of the other, a widespread custom in the Mal^y 
Archipelago. 



230 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ix. 

caused by the men in suits of complete armour, who 
received the cuts and thrusts of their comrades unharmed. 
At the end of these performances Magellan asked if two 
of his officers might go ashore with the king to see the 
things of his country. Permission was given, and the 
Chevalier Anthony Pigafetta was chosen to be one of 
them. He has left us a very clear and detailed account 
of their experiences, 

"When we landed," he says, "the king raised his 
hands to heaven, and then turned towards us. We did 
the same, and so, indeed, did all the others. The king 
then took me by the hand, while one of his chiefs took 
my comrade's, and we were led in this manner under a 
canopy of canes where there was a halangai or canoe, 
like a galley, on the poop of which we sat, conversing by 
signs, for we had no interpreter. The king's followers 
remained standing, armed with swords, daggers, spears, 
and shields. A dish of pork with a large vessel full of 
wine was brought, and at each mouthful we drank a cup 
of wine. If, as rarely happened, any was left in our 
cups, it was put into another vessel. The king's cup 
remained always covered, and no one drank from it but 
he and I. Before drinking he raised his hands to 
heaven, and then turned to vis, and at the moment that 
he took the cup in his right hand he extended towards 
me the closed fist of his left, so that at first I thought 
he was about to strike me. Thus he drank, while I went 
through the same gestures towards him, seeing that 
every one did the same towards his companion when 
drinking. With these ceremonies or signs of friendship 
we took our dinner, and I was unable to avoid eating 
meat on Good Friday. 

" Before the hour of supper I presented to the king 



1521.] THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 231 

the many presents I had brought with me. I enquired 
the names of numerous objects, and wrote them down. 
They were struck with astonishment on seeing me write, 
and on hearing me repeat, in reading, the names they 
had given me. Then came supper time. They brought 
two large china dishes, the one filled with rice, the other 
with pork in its gravy. We ate our supper with the 
same ceremonies and gestures as before. We then 
repaired to the palace of the king, in shape like a sort 
of hay-loft or rick, covered with banana leaves, and 
supported on four large beams which raised it from the 
ground, so that we had to ascend to it by means of 
ladders. On our arrival the king made us sit upon a 
cane mat with our legs crossed like tailors on a bench, 
and after half an hour a dish of fish was brought, cut in 
pieces and roasted, another of freshly-gathered ginger, 
and some wine. The king's eldest son having entered, 
he was made to sit next me, and two more dishes were 
then brought, one of fish with its sauce and the other 
of rice, to eat with the prince. My companion, having 
eaten and drunk too much, became intoxicated. 

"For candles they used the gum of a certain tree 
called anime, wrapped up in leaves of the palm or banana. 
The king now made a sign to us that he desired to retire 
to rest, and departed, leaving the prince with us, in 
whose company we slept on cane mats with cushions 
stuffed with leaves. 

" Next morning the king came to seek me, and taking 
me by the hand led me to the place where we had supped 
to have breakfast ; but the boat which had been sent to 
take us off having found us, we took our departure at 
once. The king was in the best of humours, and kissed 
our hands on parting, while we kissed his. There came 



232 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ix. 

with us a brother of his, the king of another country, 
accompanied by three other men. The Captain-general 
kept them to dinner with him, and made them presents 
of various objects." 

The petty monarch last mentioned, Pigafetta learnt, 
ruled over the district of Caraca in Mindanao, his juris- 
diction extending to the island of Suluan, the land first 
sighted by the fleet. He was known as the Rajah 
Calambu,! and his brother as the Rajah Siani. His 
dress as described by the chevaHer — the silk cloth on 
his head, the dagger with a long handle which was 
all of gold, the chewing of betel, and so on — show 
that in many ways the costume and customs of that 
time were no whit dijfferent from those of the present 
day. 

The following Sunday, the 31st March, was Easter 
day. It was the anniversary, too, of the mutiny in 
Port St. Julian. If Magellan reflected, as he doubtless 
did, upon the events of that day, it must have been to 
thank God and his patron saint for the changed aspect 
of affairs. Then the outlook for him was well-nigh as 
dark and hopeless as it could be, and he was about to 
stake his all upon one desperate chance. Now, though 
disease and desertion had thinned his ranks, he had 
practically won the game. His great aim had been 
accomplished, and he had found his straits. The 
barrier believed to extend from pole to pole to separate 
the Atlantic from the Pacific had been proved not to 
exist. And now he had left behind him the perils of 

1 Gomara calls him the Rajah Calavar, and saj's that they made 
friends with him ' ' sacando sangre de la mano izquierda i tocando 
con ella el rostro i lengua, quo asi se usa on aquellas tierras " — the 
Common ceremony of " blood brotherhood." 



1521.] THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 233 

that vast ocean whicli his ships had been the first to 
penetrate, and had crossed the meridian of the Spice 
Islands, He had discovered an unknown and extensive 
archipelago, as rich in gold, apparently, as it was 
fertile, and had made friends with some of its kings. 
Everything pointed to a happy issue of the voyage and 
a continuation of the successes that he had so deservedly 
won. 2^0 shadow had as yet crossed his path ; no 
warning of the blow that was so soon to fall. 

Good Christian and devout Catholic as he was, there- 
fore, Magellan gave orders that the Easter services 
should be celebrated with the utmost ceremonial. The 
two kings attended, kissing the cross, and kneeling with 
joined hands like their visitors. At the elevation all 
the ships fired their broadsides. After mass had been 
said, a cross and crown of thorns was brought and pre- 
sented to the kings, with instructions that it should be 
set up on the siunmit of the highest mountain in the 
neighbourhood, that all might see and adore it. This 
they expressed themselves most willing to receive, and 
the Captain-general then asked if they were at war 
with any one, for if such were the case, he would go and 
defeat their enemies with his men and ships, and render 
them obedient to their authority, " The king answered 
that there were, indeed, two islands with which he was 
at war, but that it was not then a fitting season to pro- 
ceed against them, albeit they thanked him for his 
offer. The captain replied that, if it pleased God that 
he should return, he would bring enough men to con- 
quer all those countries. It was arranged that after 
dinner the cross should be planted on the summit of the 
mountain, and the festa having been concluded by a 
volley from our musketeers who were drawn up in 



234 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. ix. 

battalions, the kings and the captain embraced each 
other, and we returned to the ship." 

" After dinner, it being mid-day, we all went ashore 
in our doublets, and in company with the two kings 
ascended to the summit of the highest mountain in the 
neighbourhood, and there planted the cross. The cap- 
tain then explained the advantages it would bring them. 
Each one of us adored it, reciting a Paternoster and an 
Ave, whereupon we descended, crossing the cultivated 
grounds and going to the balangai, where the king 
caused refreshment to be brought." 

Magellan was now anxious to resume his voyage, and 
inquired which were the best ports for provisions and 
trade, wishing to turn some of his many articles of 
barter into gold and spices. He was told that there 
were three — Ceylon, Zzubu, and Calagan,^ but that 
Zzubu was the largest and had the most traffic. " He 
thanked them and deliberated to go there," says 
Pigafetta, " for thus his unlucky fate willed that it 
should be." Upon inquiring for pilots, the king offered 
to conduct them himself if they would wait for a day 
or two while he got in his rice harvest, at the same 
time begging for assistance in the fields. This was 
readily granted by the Spaniards, " but the kings had 
eaten and drunk so much the day before that, either 
because they were intoxicated or because they were ill, 
they slept the whole day and we could do nothing." 
By dint of hard work upon the two following days, 
however, the harvest was got in, and on Thursday, 
April 4th, the fleet weighed anchor and continued the 
voyage, after a stay of a week at the island. 

1 Ceylon is another name for the island of Ley te ; Zzubu is Sobu, and 
Calagan the district of Caraca in Mindanao. 



1521.] THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 235 

From Limassaua their course led tliem north-west- 
ward along the shores of Leyte, which they hugged 
closely to avoid the reefs barring the passage between 
that island and Bohol. Passing the little island of 
Canigan (Camigao), they touched at another to which 
Pigafetta gives the name of Gatigan, a name which it 
is impossible with any certainty to identify.^ Here the 
voyagers were much struck by the Pteropi or " flying 
foxes " — the huge fruit-eating bats of which so many 
species inhabit the Malay Archipelago. Pigafetta de- 
clares that they were as large as eagles, and describes 
the capture of one, saying its flesh resembled that of 
a fowl in taste. The mound-building Megapodes — 
gallinaceous birds peculiar to the Austro-Malayan sub- 
region — were also met with and their habits well 
described. " As large as fowls are certain black birds 
with a long tail, which lay eggs like {i.e. as big as) 
those of a goose and cover them with sand, and leaving 
them thus exposed to the sun's heat the chicks are 
hatched." From Gatigan a westerly course was steered, 
but, having outsailed the prau of the King of Limas- 
saua, who was piloting them according to his promise, 
they bore away for the Camotes group, where they 
awaited him. The good navigation of the Spaniards 
much astonished him on his rejoining them. At the 
Captain-general's invitation he went on board the 
Trinidad, and on Sunday the 7 th April the fleet entered 
the port of Sebu. 

Before arriving at the town many villages were 
passed ; evidence that then, as now, the district was 
one of the richest in the Archipelago. On reaching 

1 Presumably this island lies somewhere between Camigao and the 
Camotes Islands. It is perhaps Jimuquitan or Apit Island. 



236 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap ix. 

the anchorage Magellan commanded that the ships 
should be dressed, and that simultaneous broadsides 
should be fired, "at which," as may be imagined, "the 
people were greatly frightened." A messenger was at 
once sent ashore with the interpreter, who reassured the 
natives by telling them that the artillery had been fired 
in honour of the king, and as a sign of peace and 
friendship. The king in answer asked the business of 
the new-comers, whereupon the interpreter informed 
him that his master was an officer of the greatest king 
in the world, and that he was on his way to the 
Moluccas, but upon hearing of his courtesy and good 
fame from the King of Limassaua, he desired to visit 
him. The King of Sebu, emboldened by the pacific 
attitude of the Spaniards, replied that it was well, but 
that he required that every one entering the port should 
pay tribute. The interpreter was in no way intimi- 
dated. His king, he said, paid tribute to no one, and 
if he wished for peace he could have peace, and if he 
wished for war he could have war. 

It happened that at that moment a Siamese trader 
was in the port, a moro versed from boyhood in the 
affairs of the East. The conquests of the Portuguese 
in India and their widespread and increasing influence 
were well known to him, and, desirous of saving the 
king from the results of a rupture with the Spaniards, 
he informed him of the successes of the Europeans in 
greater India, and counselled him to make peace. The 
King of Limassaua added his influence to the same 
end, and eventually the most cordial relations were 
established between the Captain -general and the king. 
A formal treaty of peace was concluded, the ceremony 
of blood brotherhood performed, and an agreement 




111 




1521.] THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 239 

entered into whereby the Spaniards were to have the 
exclusive privilege of trading in the king's dominions. 

Magellan, from the very earliest accounts we have of 
him, appears to have been a man in whom the religious 
spirit was very largely developed. On the occasion of 
the conclusion of the treaty — which was arranged on 
board the flagship by the nephew of the King of Sebu — 
he alluded at some length to matters of the Christian 
faith. The statement that when their parents were old 
they paid no more attention to them, and the command 
passed to the children, drew from him the rebuke that 
the Creator expressly imposed upon sons the duty of 
honouring their father and mother, threatening with 
eternal punishment those who transgressed this precept. 
His impassioned address caused many of his auditors to 
express their desire of becoming Christians, and they 
begged that he would leave them two of his people to 
teach them the principles of that religion. Magellan's 
answer was that of a man singularly free from bigotry. 
He warned them against adopting Christianity either 
from fear or from the hope of deriving any temporal 
advantage from it, and said that he would never harm 
any one who desired to continue in the belief and observ- 
ances of his own faith and laws, although he would not 
conceal the fact that those who became Christians would 
be more beloved and better treated by his people. 

In whatever form his sentences reached the ears of 
his audience through the medium of the interpreter, the 
effect produced was all that the Captain-general could 
desire. The natives at once declared that they desired 
to become Christians, not from fear, nor from the wish 
to please their visitors, but of their own free will. They 
put themselves, they said, in his hands and desired him 



240 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. ix. 

to treat them as his servants. The captain, with tears 
in his eyes, embraced the chiefs, and swore by the faith 
that he had in God, by the fealty that he vowed to his 
king, and by the habit of Santiago that he wore, that 
perpetual peace should thenceforward reign between 
the kings of Spain and Sebu. 

Later in the day Pigafetta was despatched with one of 
the officers to the king, bearing the presents usual on 
such occasions. These were a robe of yellow and purple 
violet silk, a red cap of fine material, and some strings 
of crystal beads, borne upon a silver dish ; together with 
two gilded glass beakers, which the envoys carried in 
their hands. They were well received by the king, and 
his people, standing round, told him of Magellan's 
speech, and how he exhorted them to embrace the Chris- 
tian religion. The king asked them to remain to sup 
with him, but Pigafetta and his comrade made their 
excuses and returned to the ship. Next day, the loth 
April, they again went ashore early. Martin Barreta, 
who had sailed as a supernumerary of the Santiago, had 
succumbed to the privations endured when crossing the 
Pacific. A few hours later his comrade, Juan de Aroche, 
also died. Permission was sought to bury them, and was 
readily granted. The grave was dug in the open space 
in the middle of the town, and the funeral conducted 
with all possible pomp, in order to impress the people. 
Later the place was consecrated as the Christian ceme- 
tery. The Spaniards little guessed how many of their 
number were destined to leave their bones in Sebu, still 
less would they have dreamt, had they known it, that 
none of them should lie at rest within the consecrated 
area. 

Magellan's next object was to commence barter. In 



1521.] THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 241 

those days this was carried out with some ceremony. A 
store or large building of some kind was obtained on 
shore, filled with merchandise, and placed under a strong 
guard. When all was prepared the shop, for such it 
really was, was opened, and bartering began. On this 
occasion the objects were ready for display in two days. 
The people regarded them with the greatest wonder. 
For bronze and iron they were ready to exchange gold, 
giving value to the amount of fifteen ducats for fourteen 
pounds' weight of iron. For small objects they gave 
pigs, goats, and rice. The Captain-general gave strict 
orders that no great desire to obtain gold should be 
shown, " otherwise," writes the Italian historian, " every 
sailor would have sold his all for gold, which would for 
ever have ruined our future trade." It is interesting to 
note that many appurtenances of civilisation were found 
existing among the natives. They were possessed of 
measures of capacity, and knew the use of weights. 
Their scales were hardly different from those in use at 
the present day. Formed by a spear- shaft suspended in 
the middle by a cord, they had on the one arm a basin 
attached by three strings, and at the other a leaden 
weight to obtain the equilibrium. " The people Hve with 
justice, and good weight and measure," we are told. 

The king having expressed his wish to become a 
Christian, preparations were made for the celebration of 
his baptism with a becoming amount of ceremonial. In 
the open space already alluded to in the centre of the 
town a scaffolding was erected, and decorated with hang- 
ings and palm fronds. On Sunday, the 14th April, the 
rite was performed. Forty men in armour preceded the 
Captain-general and his ofiicers, before whom the royal 
standard was borne. On arriving at the place prepared, 

Q 



242 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. ix. 

Magellan and the king sat in two chairs, one covered 
with red and the other with violet velvet, while the 
notables sat around on cushions. Before the king was 
baptized Magellan instructed him in the meaning of the 
ceremony, and told him that if he wished to be a good 
Christian he must bum all his idols ^ and worship the 
Cross. A large cross was then raised in the market- 
place, and the people were told that they must adore it 
at morning and at mid-day upon their knees. The 
priest then baptized him, together with the prince, his 
nephew, the King of Limassaua, and others to the number 
of fifty or more. All were clad in white. To the king ^ 
the name of Carlos was given, in honour of the emperor ; 
to his nephew that of Hernando, either out of compli- 
ment to Magellan, or to the emperor's brother ; while 
the King of Limassaua became Juan, and the Moorish 
trader, who also appears to have embraced the new faith, 
Christopher. 

The Spaniards returned to the ships for dinner, after 
which the chaplain and many others again went ashore 
to baptize the queen. She was led to the place with 
forty of her ladies, and while waiting was shown a figure 
of the Virgin and Child carved in wood, which she ex- 
pressed a desire to have,^ and which, accordingly, was 

1 The idols are described by Pigafetta as being made of wood, 
hollowed out behind, with the arms and legs apart, and the feet 
turned upwards. They had a rather large face with four very large 
teeth, like those of a wild boar, and all of them were painted. They 
perhaps resembled the New Guinea korowaar, but their size is not 
mentioned. The people of Sebu at the present day are nearly all 
Christians. 

2 The king's, or rather rajah's, name, for he was of the latter rank, 
was Humabon or Hamabar, according to Gomara. 

3 Both Pigafetta, who gave her the figure, and Herrera mention 
this circumstance (Dec. iii. lib. i. cap. iii.). It is curious that years 



1521.] THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 243 

presented to her by Pigafetta. She took the name of 
Joanna, after the unhappy mother of Charles V., while 
the wife of the Rajah of Limassaua was baptized as 
Isabella. The example thus set by their rulers was 
followed immediately by the lower classes, and on that 
day no fewer than 800 persons were received into the 
Church. The news soon spread, and the people arrived 
in hundreds, until in eight days all the inhabitants of 
Sebu were baptized, and some belonging to other 
neighbouring islands. Maximilian Transylvanus records 
that the number was 2200, but it very possibly exceeded 
this considerably. 

It seems probable, from Pigafetta's account, that the 
authority of this King or Ptajah of Sebu was not so fully 
recognised by the surrounding chiefs and kinglets as it 
should have been. Magellan, now that he had concluded 
an alliance with him, was, of course, anxious to strengthen 
his position as much as possible. With this object in 
view he summoned a meeting of his two brothers and 
various chiefs who had exhibited a tendency to disobe- 
dience, and informed tbem that if they did not render a 
proper homage to their sovereign he should order them 
to be put to death, and their property to be confiscated. 
Such a notice his auditors were not in a position to gain- 
say, and they promised to obey. One of them, however, 
seems to have repented afterwards, and having again 
refused to submit to his authoi'ity, a punitive expedition 
was sent against him, which plundered and burnt his 
village, and erected a cross over the smoking ashes. 

afterwards, in 1565, when Miguel Lopez de Legaspe arrived at Sebu, 
he discovered this figure, which was regarded as an idol. The crosses 
set up by Magellan were also in existence, and in conseq^ience the 
later missionaries gave to the place the name of the City of Jesus. — 
Colin, Labor EvarvjeUca, lib. i. cap. xix. 



244 LIFE OF MAGELLAN, [CHAP. ix. 

"Had they been Moors," writes Pigafetta, "we should 
have set up a column as a sign of their hardness of 
heart, for the Moors are more difficult of conversion 
than are the Gentiles," ^ 

For these services, and in token of affection, the king 
presented Magellan with a pair of large gold earrings, 
two bracelets, and two anklets, set with precious stones, 
Spaniards and natives were now upon the best of terms, 
but the Captain-general, finding that the idols were not 
burnt, as he had ordered, and that offerings of meat 
were still made to them, reproved his converts severely 
for their breach of faith. They excused themselves by 
saying that they were preserved to restore to health a 
sick man, brother of the prince,^ " the most valiant and 
wisest man on the island," who lay so ill that for four 
days he had not spoken. Filled with zeal for his religion, 
Magellan said that if the king had true faith in our 
Lord, and burnt all the idols, and caused the sick man 
to be baptized, he would at once recover, and so sure was 
he of this, he added, that if it were not so he would 
cheerfully consent to forfeit his head. The king agreed, 
and a procession was accordingly arranged with the 
greatest pomp and show that lay in the Spaniards' 
power. Formed in the great square by the cross, it 
proceeded to the house of the sick man, who was found 
unable either to speak or move. He was baptized, and 
the Captain-general asked him how he felt. The " faith 
cure " was not long in taking effect, for the patient 
answered immediately that by God's grace he was 
tolerably well, 

1 It seems probable that tliis village was one of the King of Mactan, 
although we are not actually told so. 

2 Maximilian calls him a grandson of the king. 



1521.] THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 245 

" This great miracle was done under our very eyes," 
says the pious old historian. On the fifth day the man 
rose from his bed, burnt an idol that he had in his house, 
and proceeding to the sea-shore, where were several 
temples in which it was the custom to eat the meat 
offei-ed to the idols, caused them to be destroyed. The 
natives tore them down, shouting " Castille, Castille," 
and declared that if God gave them life they would 
burn as many idols as they could find, even if they were 
in the house of the king himself. The influence and 
prestige of the Spaniards had now reached such a point 
that it seemed impossible that anything should ever 
occasion its downfall. Yet, as we shall see, it was to 
last for a few days only, and to be annihilated with a 
rapidity and completeness even more astonishing than 
that of its establishment. 



CHAPTER X. 

THE LAST VOYAGE— V. BATTLE OF MACTAN 
AND DEATH OF MAGELLAN. 

It is probable that Bulaya — the village burnt by order 
of the Captain-general, on the occasion of the chastise- 
ment inflicted on the rebel chiefs — was situated on the 
little island of Mactan or Matan, whose rajah, Silapu- 
lapu, had rendered an unwilling obedience to the autho- 
rity of the Sebu potentate. He could not understand, 
he said, why he should do homage to one whom he had 
been accustomed for so long to command. The action 
taken by the Spaniards had not rendered his attitude in 
any way more submissive. While he was meditating 
upon some method of revenge, one of his chiefs, by name 
Zula, sent a small present to the admiral, together with 
a secret message to the effect that if he did not give a 
more suitable offering it was through no fault of his 
own but rather from fear of the rajah, adding that if 
Magellan would help him with a boat and a few of his 
men, he would undertake to subdue his chief and hand 
over the island to the Spaniards. 

Upon receipt of the message, Magellan at once re- 
solved to take the affair in hand. Although at first 
opposed to the enterprise, the King of Sebu was anxious 
to assist him when he saw that he was determined upon 

going. Joao Serrao, the captain's staunch adherent and 

246 



1521.] BATTLE OF MACTAN. 247 

right-hand man, the old and tried warrior of a hundred 
fights, was altogether against it, Not only was nothing 
to be gained by it, he argued, but they had ah'eady lost 
a number of men, and it would be unwise to leave the 
vessels as unprotected as they would be obliged to leave 
them, for the expedition needed a considerable force. 
But it was in vain that he protested. Filled with reli- 
gious enthusiasm at his successes in Sebu, Magellan 
desired to push them still farther, until the whole archi- 
pelago should recognise the authority of Spain and be 
received into the bosom of the Catholic Church. He was 
one, moreover, to brook no opposition from an indivi- 
dual whom he regarded as a rebel rather than an enemy. 
Action with him followed close upon resolve. Nothing, 
apparently, could ever make him reconsider a determi- 
nation, and if he took counsel it was for form's sake only. 
And so Serrao's wiser words of caution were put aside, 
and the expedition was prepared. At the last moment 
his officers besought him not to go in person. But ho 
would not have been Magellan had he listened to them. 
Good shepherd as he was, writes Pigafetta, he refused to 
desert his flock, ^ 

At midnight on Friday, 26th April, all was ready, and 
the expedition left Sebu. The Spaniards numbered sixty 
men all told. The Rajah of Sebu, the prince, a number 
of the chiefs, and a force of about a thousand men 
accompanied them in a fleet of twenty or thirty war- 
canoes. The Europeans had three boats only. The little 
island of Mactan is close to Sebu, forming in fact its 
harbour, and the spot chosen for landing was probably 

1 " Noi molto lo pregammo accio non venisse a questa impresa in 
persona, ma egli come buon pastore non voile abbandonare il suo 
gregge." — Pigafetta, op. cit., p. 97. 



248 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. x. 

not more than four or five miles distant from the fleet. 
It was reached three hours before daylight. No attempt 
was made to surprise and carry the town. The captain 
desired to try persuasion before force. Few men, pro- 
bably, loved the din of battle more dearly than did he, 
or joined with more readiness in a desperate undertaking. 
But here the aflFair seemed mere child's-play, and he 
probably did not think it possible that any number 
of naked savages could be a match for the sixty armour- 
clad Europeans he brought against them. And so, with 
characteristic straightforwardness, he sent the Moorish 
trader to Silapulapu, informing him that if he would 
submit and pay the tribute, no harm should be done to 
him, but if not, " he would learn how our lances 
wounded." 

The answer returned was defiant enough, that *' if 
the Spaniards had lances so also had they, albeit only 
reeds and stakes hardened by fire ; that they were ready 
for them, but they besought them that they would not 
attack before morning, as they expected reinforcements 
at daylight." 

This message, the most transparent of ruses, was of 
course recognised by Magellan as such. Warned, no 
doubt, by their previous encounter, the natives had 
ditched and staked the town and had dug pitfalls. A 
night attack would have been all in their favour, but 
they did not succeed in deceiving their enemies. The 
King of Sebu also counselled waiting for daylight. When 
it arrived, he begged the Captain-general to be allowed 
to lead the assault. With his thousand men and a few 
Spaniards to aid and inspire them, he declared the 
victory to be certain. Magellan, it is needless to say, 
would not hear of it. He ordered his friend and ally 



1521.] BATTLE OF MACTAN. 249 

to remain in the canoes with his men. He begged that 
they would look on, and note how his men coiild fight. ^ 

Owing to the coral reef surrounding Mactan, the 
boats from the fleet were unable to approach the shore. 
So far off, indeed, had they to remain that it was neces- 
sary to wade for a " distance of two good crossbow 
shots " before the attacking party set foot upon the 
beach. Of the sixty men, the Captain-general and 
forty-eight landed. The other eleven remained with the 
boats to guard them, and to serve the bombards. ^ 

As they stepped ashore, the dawn of the 27th April 
15 2 1 broke over the island. It was Saturday, a day 
specially chosen by the admiral, as he had a great 
veneration for it.^ Alas ! for his choice ! Alas ! for 
the spectacle of prowess that he had charged his Sebu 
alKes to watch ! ^ Of valour, indeed, there was enough 
and to spare, but it availed nothing against the blunder 
he had made of under-estimating the strength of his 
opponents. From the moment of landing it became 
evident that a determined resistance would be made. 
Numbers of natives — varying, according to different 
accounts, from fifteen himdred to sis thousand — sur- 
rounded them. Pigafetta, who was himself of the 
attacking party, records that they were divided roughly 

1 Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. i. cap. iv. Vide letter of Maximilian. 

2 Gomara (cap. xciii. p. 87) and Maximilian state that Magellan 
took forty men only. Herrera (Dec. iii. lib: i, cap. 4) says that 
fifty-five landed. But Pigafetta's account, here given, must be pre- 
ferred It is that of a participator in the engagement, and is 
evidently written with care and accuracy. 

3 "Giorno dal Capitano stesso prescelto, perch^ v'aveva una parti- 
colare divozione." — Pigafetta, op. cit., p. 100. 

* " Subuthicis uero ostendit, se non eos ad pugnandum, sed ad 
suorum fortitudinem ct in beHo robur spectandum adduxisse." — 
Letter of Maximilian. 



250 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. x. 

into three bodies, of which one opposed their advance, 
while the others assailed them in flank. The captain 
accordingly marshalled his men in two companies, as 
affording a better means of defence. It is probable that 
the ground greatly favoured the natives. It is not now, 
and probably was not then, the custom in the Philip- 
pines to build the houses of a vUlage in very close 
proximity to each other, and the trees and gardens by 
which they are generally surrounded, together with the 
thick bush which covers the uncultivated ground, 
^afforded the best of cover to the islanders. Close fight- 
ing was impossible, and hence, while the Spaniards were 
hardly j,ble to fire a shot with any certainty, they were 
exposed to a continuous and galling fire of spears and 
arrows. Showers of stones were also thrown, and 
though the men were well protected about the body by 
their corslets, it was not long before some of the mis- 
siles began to tell upon their limbs. It seems that but 
few arquebusiers were of the party. Such as there were 
kept up a desultory fire with the crossbow men for 
some time, but to little effect, and the natives, seeing 
the comparative harmlessness of the European weapons, 
grew emboldened. Magellan, realising that the ammu- 
nition was being wasted, shouted to his men to reserve 
their fire, but his orders were disregarded in the confu- 
sion of the melee. 

The attacking party were now getting so hard pressed 
that the Captain-general directed a small detachment 
to advance and set fire to a group of houses not far 
distant. The plan was not attended with the success 
that he had desired. So infuriated were the islanders at 
the destruction of their property — for, the wind having 
aided the Spaniards, twenty or thirty of the houses 



1521.] BATTLE OF MACTAN. 251 

were soon in flames — that they retvirned to the attack 
with redoubled energy, and, cutting off some of the 
incendiary party, succeeded in killing two of them. 
From this moment the issue of the day was practically 
decided, Magellan, whose right leg had been pierced 
by an arrow, saw that a further advance was impossible, 
and gave orders to retreat. In vain, however, did he 
command that the movement should be executed slowly 
and in order. Had his orders been carried out, the 
result of the battle might have been different. But to 
the Spaniards, spoilt by facile victories, a reverse was 
attended with unknown terrors, and the greater part of 
them fled immediately in wild disorder. Six or eight 
only were left to support their gallant commander in a 
steady retreat to the beach, surrounded by swarms of 
savages who poured in a heavy fire of arrows and spears 
upon the courageous little band. So heavy was it, says 
Pigafetta, who stayed by his beloved captain to the 
last, that we could hardly offer any resistance. Then 
the water's edge was gained, but no aid could be 
obtained from the boats. Their distance from the fight 
was so great that it was useless to bring the bombards 
into action, and friend so mixed with foe that even had 
they been within range it woiald have been impossible. 
And so, fighting hand to hand, and step by step retreat- 
ing, the coral reef was traversed, untU they were distant 
a bowshot from the shore, and the water reached their 
knees. 

Then the end came. The natives, confident in their 
numbers, and caring little for the weapons of the Euro- 
peans, pressed them still harder. Twice the captain lost 
his helmet, and a little later he received a spear wound 
in the right arm. The islanders recognised his rank, 



252 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. x. 

and directed their attacks especially against him ; and 
finding the bodies of their antagonists invulnerable, they 
endeavoured to wound them in the legs or face. The 
length of their spears being greater than that of the 
Spanish lances, gave them still further advantages. But, 
in spite of this, the resistance of Magellan and his men 
was determined and obstinate to a degree. The King 
of Sebu, recognising the gravity of their situation, had 
landed some of his men to draw off the attack, but it 
was too late. The rest must be told in Pigafetta's own 
words. 

'* Thus we fought for an hour or more, until at length 
an Indian succeeded in wounding the captain in the 
face with a bamboo spear. He, being desperate, plunged 
his lance into the Indian's breast, leaving it there. But 
wishing to use his sword he could only draw it half way 
from the sheath, on accoimt of a spear wound he had 
received in the right arm. Seeing this the enemy all 
rushed at him, and one of them with a long terzaclo, like 
a large scimitar, gave him a heavy blow upon the left 
lesr which caused him to fall forward on his face. 
Then the Indians threw themselves upon him with 
iron-pointed bamboo spears and scimitars, and every 
weapon they had, and ran him through — our mirror, 
our light, our comforter, our true guide — until they 
killed him. 

" While the Indians were closely pressing him he 
several times turned round towards us to see if we were 
all in safety, as if his obstinate resistance had no other 
object than to give time for the retreat of his men. We 
who fought with him to the last, and were covered with 
wounds, when we saw him fall, made for the boats, 
which were then on the point of pushing off. . . . There 



1521.] DEATH OF MAGELLAN. 253 

perished with him eight of our men i and four of the 
Christian Indians. We had, besides, many wounded, 
among whom I must count myself. The enemy lost 
only fifteen men. 

" He died, but I trust that your Illustrious Highness ^ 
will not permit his memory to be lost, the more so since 
I see born again in you the good qualities of so great a 
captain, one of his leading virtues being his constancy 
in the worst misfortune. At sea he endured hunger 
better than we. Greatly learned in nautical charts, he 
knew more of the true art of navigation than any other 
person, in sure proof whereof is the wisdom and intre- 
pidity with which — no example having been afforded 
him — he attempted, and almost completed, the circum- 
navigation of the globe." ^ 

So died Magellan, his life wasted in a miserable skir- 
mish with savages. The manner of his death has been 
related by various historians, the most trustworthy of 
whom differ in no essential point. The account of Piga- 
fetta, who fought by his side, is doubtless correct, but 
in a desperate struggle such as that in which the great 
navigator perished, it is not astonishing that the minor 

1 According to the official list of deaths seven died, but one suc- 
cumbed later to his wounds. 

2 Pigafetta's book, it must be remembered, was dedicated to Villiers 
de risle Adam, Grand Master of Ehodes. 

3 Pigafetta, op. cit., pp. 99 et seq. The last paragraph runs as 
follows in the original : — "Egli mori ; ma spero che Vossignoria Illus- 
trissima non lascera che se ne perda la memoria, tanto piii che veggo 
in lei rinate le virtu d'lm si gran Capitano, poiehe una delle principali 
virtii sue fu la constanza nella piii avversa fortuna. Egli in mezzo al 
mare seppe tollerar la fame piii di noi. Intelligentissimo di Carte 
nautiche, sapea piii d'ogni altro la vera arte del navigare ; del che e 
una sicura prova I'aver saputo col suo ingegno, e col suo ardire, senza 
che nessuno gliene avesse dato I'esempio, tentare il giro del Globe 
terracqueo che quasi avea compiuto." 



254 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. X. 

details of the onlookers' stories should vary. Thevet 
states that he was killed by an arrow,^ which is partly 
borne out by Nicholas of Naples, a sailor of the Victoria, 
in his examination as a witness in support of Jaime 
Barbosa's claim to Magellan's estate in the year 1540. 
" I was by his side and saw him killed by arrows and a 
lance- wound which pierced his throat." ^ Whether he 
met his death by spear or arrow, however, matters little. 
He fell as we should expect him to fall, fighting bravely, 
and up to the last moment of his life thinking of others 
rather than himself. 

When the King of Sebu heard the news he burst into 
tears. With the victory in their power they had deli- 
berately thrown away every chance, and had suffered a 
most disastrous defeat. Silently, and with bitter sorrow 
at their hearts, the Spaniards decided to return, and 
the little flotilla recrossed the bay to Sebu. Their 
anguish was the more poignant since the body of their 
commander remained in the enemies' hands. The same 
evening a special messenger was sent to Silapulapu 
demanding it, and offering to give whatever merchandise 
he desired upon its return. It was in vain that he 
pleaded. The rajah's reply was that for notliing in the 
world would they give back the captain's body, for they 
desired to preserve it always as a monument of their 
triumph. It was in vain, too, that Barbosa, the brother- 
in-law of Magellan, made renewed offers. The victors 

1 " A matan fallut venir au combat, ou ce vaillant Capitaine Magel- 
lan fut t\i6 d'vn coup de flesche qu'vn Matanois lui tira au visage," — 
Thevet, Vrais Povrtraits et Vies des Hommes Hlvstres, Paris, 1584, 

p. 529- 

2 "Este testigo estaba a la sazon junto con el a su lado, e lo vido 
matar de saetadas e una lanzada que le dieron por la garganta," — 
Medina, op. cit., vol. ii, p, 311. Also see Navarrete, iv. p. 286 ct seq. 



1521.] 



DEATH OF MAGELLAN. 



255 



were inflexible, and the bones of the brave old warrior 
and explorer rest to this day in Mactan. 

We do not know with any certainty where he fell, 
but the Spanish have attempted to identify the village 
upon which the attack was made, and a tasteless monu- 
ment has been erected to his memory on the spot. 
Under the copious rains and exuberant vegetation of 




TO MAOEI.LAX I\ MAOTAX. 



such a climate it seems to have suffered not a little. A 
little longer and the place thereof, perhaps, shall know 
it no more. But Magellan needs no monument. His 
name is written for ever, not only on his straits,^ but 

1 " For ever sacred to the Hero's fame, 

These foaming straits shall bear his deathless name. " 

— MicUe's Lusiad, bk. x., p. 275. 



256 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. x. 

upon the heavens, whose face, as astronomer and navi- 
gator, he had scanned so often, in fair weather and foul, 
in every quarter of the globe. ^ 

From the history of the last voyage of Magellan alone 
a fair idea might be gathered of the great commander's 
character, even had we known nothing previously about 
him. Its leading features do not alter. As he was in 
his youth in India — cool in danger, unselfish, and pos- 
sessed of a determination almost withovit parallel — so 
he remained to the end, until he fell in the little island 
of Mactan, before the cane spears of a horde of naked 
savages. On the very occasion of his death he exhibited 
these qualities in a most striking manner. The details 
of the engagement which we are possessed of show that 
his actions were distingiushed as much by coolness as 
by bravery. To his unselfishness, without a shadow of 
doubt, he owed his death. " His obstinate resistance 
had no other aim than to give time for the retreat or his 
men," Pigafetta tells us. Yet the expedition was under- 
taken in defiance of the advice of his officers and the 
entreaty of his friends. His fate was the outcome of 
an excess of self-reliance, of too blind a confidence in 
his own unaided judgment. 

By birth, education, and life, Magellan was a gentle- 
man — nay, more, an aristocrat, and cmstocrate au bout 
des ongles. Of noble family, reared at court, and a 
Queen's page, he passed into the Indian service under 
the first Viceroy, with the flower of Spain for his com- 
rades. With such a chief and fellow-ofiicers, and at such 

1 The honour of having first made known the Magellanic Clouds 
cannot be ascribed to the navigator. In 1515 Peter Martyr mentions 
them in his De Rebus Oceanis et Orbe Novo, and they were api3arently 
known to the Arabs five hundred years earlier. Vicle Humboldt's 
Kosmos, Sabine, 2nd ed,, vol. ii- p, 289. 



1521.] CHARACTER OF MAGELLAN. 257 

a period, the best qualities of his nature could not but 
become developed. Later, as we have seen, he served 
under Albuquerque. The fact that he was in India with 
the two ablest Viceroys, and that his long service was 
at the most exciting part of that country's history, 
had doubtless not a little influence upon his character. 
Magellan was a born leader of men from sheer force of 
character and strength of will. But there was more 
than mere energy in him. That he was a man of con- 
siderable intelKgence there is no doubt from the evidence 
of other writers besides Pigafetta, and entirely apart 
from the question of whether he was or was not pre- 
viously aware of the existence of the straits of which he 
went in search. But the most charming trait in his 
character is the carelessness of self which reveals itself 
so often in the history of his life, the readiness to sacri- 
fice himself on all occasions for others. How he died 
we have just seen. But we must not forget his action 
on the occasion of the wreck on the Padua bank, when 
he volvmteered to remain with the sailors; or the aid 
which, at imminent risk of his life, he afforded Serrao 
at the attempted massacre of the Portuguese at Malacca. 
With his own hands he tended his sick crew in the 
Philippines, after having shared on equal terms with 
them the privations of their voyage across the Pacific. 
With mutineers and traitors, in fact with all who re- 
belled against authority, even if only mere shirkers or 
grumblers, he was no doubt a hard master ; but to those 
who served him faithfully and did their duty he ever 
remained a staunch friend. Moreover, he bears a name 
of untarnished honour. There is no single story against 
him, nothing to hide or to slur over ; no single act of 
cruelty even id that age of cruelties. 

B 



258 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP, x, 

A question of no little interest yet remains for consi- 
deration — the question of what rank ought to be assigned 
to Magellan as a navigator and explorer. In the history 
of geographical discovery there are two great successes, 
and two only, so much do they surpass all others — the 
discovery of America, and the first circumnavigation of 
the globe. Columbus and Magellan are the only pos- 
sible competitors for the supremacy. Were the vote of 
the majority taken, it would without a shadow of doubt 
be recorded in favour of the former. We can see easily 
enough that it could not well be otherwise. Fortified 
by the dangerous possession of a little knowledge, the 
mass would grant the palm to him who first brought the 
vast continent of America to the ken of Europeans. It 
is difiicult to free the mind from the influence of the 
well-known couplet over the grave of Columbus : — 

" A Castilla y a Leon 
Nuevo mundo di6 Colon. " 

But, without detracting in any way from the ample 
honour which is his just due, an unbiassed comparison 
of his great voyage with that of Magellan leaves the 
latter navigator with the verdict in his favour on almost 
every point. If it be claimed for Columbus that he 
crossed an ocean of vast size whose western half was 
unknown to the inhabitants of the old world, it is equally 
incontrovertible that Magellan traversed a far vaster sea, 
upon whose waters no European ship had ever floated. 
When Columbus started on his voyage, his work lay 
immediately before him. Magellan did not arrive at the 
Pacific until more than a year after he weighed anchor 
from S. Lucar de Barrameda, for months of which he 
had undergone great and continued hardships. While 



1521.] CHARACTER OF MAGELLAN. 259 

the great Genoese made land on the thirty-sixth day 
after leaving the Canaries, the little armada of Magellan 
struggled for no less than three months and eighteen 
days across the unknown waste of the Pacific. Little 
wonder that they said it was more vast than the imagi- 
nation of man could conceive ! As an explorer then, the 
merits of Magellan must be ranked as superior to those 
of the discoverer of the New World. The long-foreseen 
mutiny, the ceaseless tempests and cold of Patagonia, 
the famine that stared him in the face, failed to daunt 
him, and he carried out an expedition infinitely more 
lengthy and difficult in the face of incomparably greater 
hardships. 

It is more difficult to adjudicate upon the respective 
merits of the two great discoverers as navigators. 
Columbus was an acute observer, and though his deduc- 
tions were by no means always correct, they evince con- 
siderable ingenuity and reasoning power. We know that 
he was a maker of charts and maps before he started 
upon his great voyage, and that he was in communica- 
tion with the leading cosmographers of the day. Never- 
theless he can hardly be called one of them. Girava 
indeed, writing in 1556, speaks of him as " a great sailor, 
but a poor cosmographer." ^ Whether his judgment is 
correct or not we cannot well decide at this our present 
date. Columbus's discovery of America is surrounded 
with such a halo of glory that we are blinded by its bril- 
liance, and forget that it was, after all, but an accident. 
For he died, as we know, in the belief that he had 
reached Asia; ignorant of the fact that a yet vaster 
ocean than that he had already traversed lay between 
him and the object of his desire. It was a magnificent 
1 Luciano Cordeiro. De la decouverte de V Ameriquc, p. 24. 



260 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. x. 

mistake doubtless — a mistake which in its results was 
worth a hundred accurate reasonings — but it was a mis- 
take nevertheless, 

Magellan we know to have been a cosmographer and 
navigator of exceptional skill. He is mentioned con- 
stantly as such during the period of his service in the 
East. Returning to Portugal, he applied himself heart 
and soul to his favourite science, his chief study being to 
establish some trustworthy method for obtaining longi- 
tude. His long acquaintance with Ruy Faleiro, who 
appears to have been one of the ablest astronomers of 
the day, perfected him in his science so far as it then 
went, and he left Seville with a reputation hardly infe- 
rior to that of his instructor. It is probable that 
Pigafetta's Treatise of Navigation was the outcome of 
Magellan's teaching. The successful way in which the 
latter conducted his ships upon his last great voyage 
speaks highly of his skill. ^ Neither as geographer nor 
astronomer can he be ranked beneath Columbus, and 
Lord Stanley's dictum that he is " undoubtedly the 
greatest of ancient and modern navigators," is an opinion 
which a careful investigation obliges us to accept.^ 

Few details have been handed down to us concerning 
the personal appearance of Magellan. We know, as has 
already been stated, that he was rather below than above 
the ordinary height, and that the wounds he received in 

' 1 It is asserted by one of Magellan's detractors that he reached the 
Philippines by mistake, intending to proceed to the Moluccas, but 
being ignorant of their position. Not only was he perfectly well 
acquainted with their situation, as is evidenced by the letter written 
by him to Charles V. immediately before starting on his voyage 
(Navarrete, iv. p. 189), but we are especially told by the Genoese pilot 
that Magellan kept to the north on purpose, knowing that it was 
impossible to refit and obtain proper provisions in the Moluccas, 
2 First Voyage, p. Iviii, 



1521.] PORTRAITS OF MAGELLAN. 261 

Africa had made him slightly lame, but our knowledge 
is practically limited to these facts. M. Ferdinand Denis, 
in his Portugal, gives an engraving of a portrait of the 
navigator, stated by him to exist -in the Louvre. It is 
not now to be found in that collection. Sr. Yargas y 
Ponce, in his Relacion del Ultimo Viage al Estrecho de 
Magallanes, gives a beautifully-engraved portrait, exe- 
cuted by Selma, from a painting then (1788) in the 
possession of Don Felipe Yallejo of Toledo.^ This 
painting was a copy of another existing in the gallery 
of the Duke of Florence, and ascribed, probably erro- 
neously, to Titian. 2 

The Versailles collection contains a striking portrait,^ 
copied by Larivi^re from a reputed original now existing 
in the Chateau de Beauregard, near Blois. It represents 
a man of singularly refined and intelligent features and 
of no little personal beauty, which is rendered not less 
attractive from a certain shade of melancholy in the 
expression. It is this portrait, never previously en- 
graved, which has been chosen for the frontispiece of 
this volume. 

1 This plate was afterwards used by Navarrete ia his Coleccion de 
Viages, vol, iv. , and a reproduction was made later for Lord Stanley's 
First Voyage, published by the Hakluyt Society. 

2 Vargas y Ponce, op. cit., preface, p. xiii. 

3 No. 3091 in the Souli6 Catalogue. 



CHAPTER XL 

THE LAST VOYAGE— VI. ARRIVAL AT THE 
MOLUCCAS AND RETURN TO SPAIN. 

Upon the arrival in Sebu of the survivors of the 
Mactan disaster, one of the first duties performed was 
the election of a successor to the post of captaio- 
general. A dual command — a not unusual custom in 
those days — was resolved upon, and the choice of the 
electors fell upon Duarte Barbosa and Joao Serrao. 
Both were navigators of no ordinary merit, who had 
seen long service under Almeida and Albuquerque in 
India, and both were Portuguese by birth. 

At the time of the conversion of the Sebu people, it 
will be remembered, a large store had been opened in 
the town, and much bartering had been carried on. We 
do not know whether the Spaniards had any definite 
reason to suspect treachery, but if such was the case 
they took the best measures to induce it, for one of their 
first acts was to transport this merchandise again to 
the ships. A more Ul-advised step could hardly have 
been conceived. Their defeat at Mactan had seriously 
damaged their prestige in the eyes of the islanders, and 
it behoved them to make as light of it as possible. The 
withdrawal of the goods from their store was tanta- 
mount to a confession of weakness — was courting attack, 

in short. 

262 



1521.] PLOT OF THE KING OF SEBU. 263 

The disaster came soon enough, whether the distrust 
exhibited by the Spaniai^ds was or was not a factor in it. 
What actually tempted the King of Sebu to the base 
act of treachery of which he was guilty seems uncertain. 
By some historians it is said that the chiefs who had 
made difficulties in submitting to his authority united to 
form a common cause, and sent to inform him that if 
he did not assist them in exterminating the Spaniards 
and seizing their ships, they would kill him and lay 
waste his country.^ Others declare the treachery to have 
originated in the fleet itself — a story related so circum- 
stantially that it is impossible not to give some credence 
to it. Magellan's slave, Enrique of Malacca, the inter- 
preter to the expedition, had been wounded slightly in 
the Mactan affair, and remained obstinately in his bunk, 
" atendiendo d su salud," and declining to move. As 
his injury was very trivial and his services were greatly 
needed, Barbosa rated him soundly, telling him that 
though Magellan was dead he was stiU a slave and the 
property of Donna Beatriz, that disobedience was not 
for dogs such as he, and that he would get a sound 
beating if he did not do what he was told with readi- 
ness and alacrity. The man obeyed and showed no 
resentment at the time, but he nursed his revenge and 
resolved to betray the Spaniards at the first oppor- 
tunity. Going in secret to the King of Sebu, he told 
him that his masters had decided to attack the town 
and carry him away captive on their ships, but that if 
he would follow his advice he might turn the tables 
upon them, and soon become owner of all their belong- 
ings.^ Improbable as the story was, its acceptation no 

' Larros, Dec. iii., lib. v., cap. x. ; Herrera, Dec. iii., lib. i., cap. iz. 
2 Maximilian and Gomara, cap. xcii. p. 87, give the same story, 



264 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. xi. 

doubt fell in with the king's desires, and he resolved 
at once upon a plan for the massacre of his former 
friends and the seizure of their vessels. 

It had been previously settled that an offering of 
jewels should be made by the native monarch to the 
King of Spain in recognition of his authority and pro- 
tection. All having been arranged, a message was sent 
to the commanders to intimate that the present was 
ready, and that they were desirous of offering it in due 
form. They therefore begged their presence, and that 
of every one who could be spared from the fleet, at a 
feast. Barbosa accepted without hesitation — Serrao had 
misgivings. But the arguments or banter of his friend 
gained the day, and he agreed to go. 

On the morning of Wednesday, May ist, the two 
captains rowed ashore in company with twenty- seven 
others. 1 Fortunately for Pigafetta, a wound which he 
had received in the face on the occasion of the Mactan 
affair prevented Ids joining the party, which included 
many people of importance. The cosmographer, Andres 
de San Martin, the escrihanos Sancho de Heredia and 
Leon de Espeleta, and the priest, Pedro de Valderrama, 
were of it. With them, too, was one Luiz Affonso de 
Goes, a Portuguese, supernumerary of the Trinidad,^ 

as does Pigafetta in his Prima Viaggio, and Sebastian del Cano in 
the evidence given by him before the Alcalde Leguizamo in October 
1522, with the exception that they make Serrao, not Barbosa, rate 
Enrique. 

1 According to Pigafetta only twenty-four were with them, but the 
above number must be correct, for two turned back, and twenty- 
seven appear in the list of killed. 

2 In the official death-roll, under the date of April 27th, the day of 
the Mactan tragedy, we find the name of Cristobal Kabello, who is 
described as captain of the Victoria. Under the date of May ist 
occurs the entry of Luis Alfonso de Lois, (sic) who is given a like 
description. Yet we know that Duarte Barbosa had been appointed 



1521.] MASSACRE OF THE SPANIARDS. 265 

Joao Carvalho, the pilot, and Espinosa, the alguacil. 
The king awaited them upon the beach, surrounded 
by numbers of his people, to escort them to the place 
where the feast had been prepared. But treachery was 
in the air, and others beside Serrao had an instinctive 
feeling of some approaching disaster. Espinosa and 
Carvalho, seeing Valderrama led away alone in a sus- 
picious manner, resolved instantly to turn back. Their 
caution saved them, but they alone of all the party 
escaped with their lives. Hardly had they got back 
to the ships and related their story when a great 
disturbance was heard on shore. The natives had 
gradually surrounded their guests, and on a given signal 
had fallen upon them with spear and kris. Hopelessly 
outnumbered, the Spaniards fought to the end, selling 
their lives as dearly as they could. Carvalho, who was 
now in command, and had apparently hove short his 
cables in anticipation of the disaster, weighed imme- 
diately, and approaching the shore poured broadsides 
into the village. At the same moment a group of natives 
came down to the water's edge dragging with them Joao 

captain of that ship after the mutiny. How can these apparently 
conflicting statements be reconciled ? 

A possible explanation is afforded by a few stray words in the bulky 
pay-list of the armada, under the name of Duarte Barbosa. They 
state that the captain -general placed Barbosa under arrest in Sta. 
Lucia Bay because he went away with the natives. He was guilty of 
a like offence in Sebu, being away three days from his ship, although 
the admiral sent a message to him to bid him return. He may, 
perhaps, have been deprived of his command in consequence and suc- 
ceeded by Rabello, while after the engagement at Mactan he would 
take command of Magellan's ship, while de Goes captained the 
Victoria. It is far more probable that the entries are wrong, and that 
Barbosa never lost his command. He at least drew pay as captain 
all this time, and the promotion neitlier of l^bello nor de Goes is 
mentioned in the pay-list. Vide Medina, vol. i. p. 190. 



266 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. xi. 

Serrao, bound, and bleeding from many wounds. They 
were desirous of bartering his life for cannon and mer- 
chandise.^ Serrao shouted to his friends the terrible 
story of his comrades' death, and implored Carvalho to 
cease firing, or he too would be murdered, and then, 
turning to his captors, said that if they took him to the 
ships they would receive whatever they demanded. This 
they refused to do, fearful of retaliation on the part of 
the Spaniards. Serrao was a fellow-countryman of Car- 
valho, and was, moreover, his compadre, his boon com- 
panion. It seemed hardly necessary to appeal to him 
for succour in such an hour, but seeing that no steps 
were being taken to despatch a boat to his assistance, 
Serrao implored that this might be done before it was 
too late. No boat, however, was sent. He did not 
know — he could not believe — that his friend intended, 
in cold blood, with a depth of cowardice and treachery 
beyond parallel, to leave him to be murdered. But so 
it was. As the ships slowly made sail and stood out 
to sea his friend's baseness dawned upon him. In the 
name of their friendship he again and again begged and 
implored his help. Then, seeing that it was in vain, he 
solemnly cursed him, praying God that at the last great 
day He would require Carvalho to render an account of 
his actions in this affair.^ 

As the vessels left, their crews, watching, saw the 
savages turn upon their captive. A little later and loud 
cries came from the midst of the crowd, portending his 

1 " Pedian por el dos bombardos, y dos bares de cobre, y algunas 
bretanas 6 telas de lienzo." — Letter of de Br ito to the King of Por- 
tugal, Navarrete, iv. 309. 

2 It appears from the account of Pigafetta that it was a far viler sin 
than cowardice of which Carvalho was guilty — that he refused to 
rescue Serrao in order to get the command. 



1521. THE VOYAGE RESUMED. 267 

death. At the same time another party were seen 
tearing down the cross that had been erected near the 
church. 1 Rapid and complete as had been the conver- 
sion of the natives, their recantation was no less so. 

With grief and despair in their hearts the members 
of the now much-weakened expedition resumed their 
voyage. Not only were they greatly reduced in num- 
bers, but the comrades they had lost were the strongest 
of the party. Many also were men of importance in 
the command or navigation of the ships. On mustering 
all hands it was found that only 115 remained of the 
original 270 or more who left Seville.^ The Co7icepcion, 
too, was leaky and unserviceable, and so, rather than 
run the risk of being undermanned and of losing her 
cargo, they resolved to burn her, after transhipping the 
best of her stores into the other vessels. This was 
accordingly done o£P the island of Bohol, and, while 
Espinosa was made captain of the Victoria, Carvalho 
was confirmed in his command as captain-general, a post 
which he did not very long retain. 

The course was now shaped to the southward for the 
Moluccas,^ and coasting the western promontory of the 
great island of Mindanao, where they touched and made 
friends with the natives, they bore away for Borneo, 

1 Argensola, lib. i. p. 19. 

2 The account of the Genoese pilot states the number to have been 
108 men, that of Barros 180. The latter number is evidently incorrect. 
The S. Antonio left Seville with nearly seventy men on board, and 
since she received her share of the Santiago's crew, it is probable that 
she did not desert with much fewer than eighty men. The list of 
deaths up to this time numbered seventy-two. This would leave 
about 120 men. 

3 Burney, in his Discoveries, p. 71, argues that Magellan did not 
know the latitude of the Moluccas, and in another passage sup- 
ports his argument by a passage from Pigafetta : — " In quest' isola, 



268 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. xi. 

having on their way undoubtedly received intelligence 
of the city now known:' as Brunei, Their track took 
them to the island of Cagayan Sulu. Pigafetta speaks 
of the very large trees in it,^ and records that its few 
inhabitants were Moors banished from Borneo, who re- 
garded the new-comers as gods. Provisions were now 
running very short, and their first object being to obtain 
them, they enquired for Palawan, where they heard that 
rice was procurable. They were directed northward 
again, and after running twenty-five leagues hit off its 
southern end, and coasted it for a considerable distance 
to the north-east. So reduced were they that but eight 
days' provisions remained, and they had had for some 
time under consideration the project of establishing 
themselves in some island and supporting life as best 
they could upon the fish and vegetables it might chance 
to afford them. Such a rash step was fortunately un- 
necessary. Palawan was found to be a promised land, 
abounding in pigs, goats, poultry, and fruits, and — more 
important still — in rice. They placed themselves upon 
a footing of blood-brotherhood with the chief in whose 
district they had landed, and after a few days' stay left 
on the 2 ist June ^ for Borneo. They had been astonished 
to find in the port a negro named Bastiao, who spoke 
Portuguese tolerably well, having acquired it in the 

prima che perdessimo il nostro capitano-generale, ebbimo noticia di 
Malucco." It is hardly necessary agaiu to refer to Magellan's own 
letter to Charles V., giving their exact position (Navarrete, iv. p. 189), 
or to explain that the quoted passage merely records the fact that 
those islands were not unknown to the inhabitants of the Philippines. 

1 These large trees seem to have disappeared, possibly as a result of 
subsequent volcanic eruptions. None of remarkable size, at least, 
were seen by the author in his visits to this island in the Marchcsa in 
1883 and 1884. 

- The MS. of S. Bento da Saude has "21st day of July." 



1521.] ARRIVAL AT BRUNEI. 269 

Molucccas, where he had become a Christian. With 
some difficulty they prevailed upon him to act as pilot, 
but when the time came for their departure he was 
nowhere to be found. The Spaniards did not permit 
themselves to be discouraged. Finding a ship about to 
enter the harbour they took her, and compelled three 
Moors whom they found aboard, and who said that they 
were pilots, to conduct them to Brunei 

Passing between the islands of Bal4bac and Banguey, 
the Trinidad and Victoria hugged the Bomean coast, 
and sighting " an exceedingly great mountain, to which 
they gave the name of St. Paul"— the present Kina 
Balu— anchored at some islands near the mainland. ^ 
The Bomean coast is beset with shoals and sandbanks, 
necessitating the utmost care in navigation, and the 
ships crept cautiously along, anchoring at night near 
the mouth of the Brunei river. Here they landed 
their pilots, together with a representative from the 
fleet, leaving them to make their way by land to the 
city to prepare the Sultan for their arrival, while the 
ships, ha%dng watched the course taken by some junks, 
were enabled to pick up the very difficult channel by 
which it is approached, and navigate it successfully for 
some distance. Next day praus arrived with presents 
from the Sultan, and piloted them to the usual berth, 
which appears to have been three or four leagues from 
the city— not as now, in its very heart. 

Pigafetta describes Brunei very much as it is in the 
present day ,2 a vast coUection of houses built entirely on 

1 The Mantanani Islands of the present charts. 

2 His account betokens a long-existent civilisation, even _m those 
days. Chinese money, it is interesting to note, was alone in circu- 
lation. 



270 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. xi. 

piles in the water. Its situation, in a lake-like expan- 
sion of the river, is singularly picturesque and quite 
unique in character. It must, however, have been of 
larger size then than now, for the Italian narrator 
speaks of the " 25,000 fires or families " of which it was 
composed. At the present time there cannot even be 
that number of inhabitants. The palace of the Sultan 
was then built on shore. Its great halls hung with 
silk brocades, its rooms full of courtiers, and the elabo- 
rate ceremonial observed, are now things of the past, 
and the Sultan lives, like his subjects, in a pile-built 
dwelling, which, in point of decoration and even repair, 
is but little superior to the surrounding dwellings. The 
elephants with their magnificent trappings, which bore 
the Spanish ofiicers to the Sultan's residence, have been 
for decades past unknown as domestic animals, and it 
is even suggested that the wild ones, which are only to 
be found in the north-east portion of the island, are 
the descendants of those escaped from captivity. But 
for centuries past the daily market— one of the most 
curious sights of the Eastern world— has been carried 
on at high tide, and will be, probably, so long as the 
city endures. The dense pack of canoes, the enormous- 
hatted women occupying them, the incessant movement 
of the little craft, and the strident cries with which 
business is conducted, together form a scene which is 
not less likely to impress the traveller of to-day than 
the ChevaHer Antonio Pigafetta of three centuries and 
a half ago. 

Although the people of Brunei had treated those of 
the fleet with apparent good-will, it seems that the 
latter, after trading for three or four weeks, were not 
without suspicions of treachery. Their experience at Sebu 



1521.] TREACHERY OF THE BRUNEI PEOPLE. 273 

had made them thoroughly mistrustful. They had, too, 
definite cause for alarm, for five of their number, having 
been sent on shore to obtain wax with which to caulk the 
vessels, were detained by the Sultan. At the same time 
some large junks came to anchor in close proximity to the 
Trinidad and Victoria, and between them and the bar. 
Next morning the watch were alarmed at seeing two 
hundred praus or more advancing upon them from the 
city, divided into three squadrons. The two ships at 
once got under weigh, and making straight for the 
junks, opened fire upon them without further ceremony, 
capturing one and driving others ashore. The result 
of the action intimidated their smaller antagonists, and 
the praus returned. Next morning, the 30th July, the 
Spaniards sighted a large junk, which they attacked and 
captured without difficulty. Their prize was commanded 
by a son of the King of Luzon himself, captain-general 
of the Sultan of Borneo. He was returning from a 
punitive expedition to the south part of the island, of 
which some districts appear at that time to have been 
desirous of Javanese rather than Bornean rule. 

"With these hostages Carvalho doubtless hoped to get 
back the men who had been detained by the Sultan, 
Sripada. One of them was his own son by a Brazilian 
woman. The other two, for two had already got back 
to the ships, were ordinary seamen — two Greeks of 
Corfu and of Naples.^ It is probable that they were 
deserters, or had perished in some street quarrel, for 
they were not returned. Carvalho, who was apparently 
a man of bad character, had meanwhile permitted the 

1 The death-roll of the expedition makes two others to have been 
left behind in Borneo, one of whom was the escribano of the 
Trinidad, 

S 



274 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. xi. 

Luzon prince to escape, having secretly received from 
him a very large ransom, which he appropriated to his 
own use. The others, to the number of fourteen or 
sixteen, were kept prisoners on board, and with them 
three women of great beauty who had been found in the 
junk. They were destined as a present to the Queen, 
writes Pigafetta, but Carvalho kept them for himself. 

Retracing their course, the Trinidad and her consort 
sailed north-east along the Bornean coast in search of a 
port in which to careen and repair before continuing the 
voyage to the Moluccas. Passing Cape Sampanmangio, 
the flagship took the ground and remained for some 
hours, but was eventually got off without injury. Shortly 
after, a harbour was found which seemed suitable for 
their purposes. It was in an islet off Banguey or 
Balambangan islands, so far as can be made out from 
the indefinite records left us.^ A stay of no less than 
six weeks was made here. The ships were beached, 
thoroughly overhauled and caulked. Each man worked 
according to the best of his knowledge and ability, but 
in the face of many diflS.culties. The greatest labour 
had to be gone through in obtaining wood for their 
work, the ground being covered with briars and thorns, 
and the men without shoes to protect their feet. 

On the 27th September the explorers once more 
resumed their voyage. During their stay in Port St. 
Mary — as they named the harbour — they lost the bom- 
bardier of the Victoria, who died from the wounds he 
had received in the engagement at Mactan. Either on 
leaving the port, or at an earher period — as we prefer 
to follow Herrera or the Genoese pilot — Carvalho was 

1 According to Herrera, this port was on the Bornean coast, while 
Pigafetta speaks of it as being in Palawan. 



1521.] THE SULU SEA. 275 

deprived of his command. His conduct had for a long 
time proved his incapacity for the position. Gonzalo 
Gomez de Espinosa, the alguacil, was appointed com- 
mander-in-chief, and Juan Sebastian del Cano took the 
post of captain of the Victoria. His conduct on the 
occasion of the mutiny in Port St. Julian had been 
deserving of great blame, but the ranks had been 
greatly thinned by the desertion of the S. Antonio and 
the disasters in the Philippines, and with his known 
ability as a navigator, the choice could not well have 
fallen upon any other. Making an easterly course for 
the island of Cagayan Sulu, the vessels fell in with a 
junk, which they engaged and captured. It had on 
board the Governor or Rajah of Palawan, with whom 
they had previously been on terms of friendship. 
Under Magellan such acts of semi-piracy would not 
have been encouraged, but it was characteristic of the 
new command that every strange ship should be looked 
upon as fair game. As a ransom they demanded four 
hundred measures of rice, twenty pigs, as many goats, 
and a hundred and fifty fowls, to be paid within eight 
days. This figured as a tribute to the King of Spain,^ 
and on receiving it — the 7 th October — they returned 
the rajah some of his krisses and arquebuses, and, having 
added a few presents, permitted him his freedom. 

Rounding Cagayan Sulu, the vessels sighted the 
island of Sulu, and would have visited it but for a head 
wind which compelled them to bear away for the south- 
west point of Mindanao. This they coasted, and, 
passing between it and Basilan, sailed for some distance 
up the Gulf of Mindanao. Here they fell in with a 
large prau, which, following their usual custom, they 
1 Document No. xxvii, of Navarrete, vol. iv. p. 296. 



276 



LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 



[CHAP. XI. 



captured, after a desperate resistance in which seven of 
her crew were killed. For the first time the nearness 
of their goal was revealed to them, for they foimd that 
the captain had actually been in the house of Francisco 
Serrao in Temate. The end of their troubles was 
approaching, and the riches of the Spice Islands — the 




THE MOLUCCAS. 

long-sought Eldorado of the old world — were about to 
become a reahty. 

Upon the details of the course of the two ships after 
leaving Mindanao it is not necessary to dwell. They 
steered southward, passing the Sanghir and Talaut 
islands, and, sighting the northern extremity of Celebes, 
altered course to the south-east. On Wednesday, the 



1521.] ARRIVAL AT THE MOLUCCAS. 277 

6th November, they passed between Mean and Zoar — 
now known as Tifore and Mayo islands, and a little 
later the high peaks of Ternate and Tidor appeared to 
their delighted gaze. How ovei-joyed the half-starved 
and toil-worn mariners must have been we can imagine. 
" The pilot who had remained with us," says Pigafetta, 
" told us that they were the Moluccas, for the which we 
thanked God, and to comfort us we discharged all our 
artillery. Nor ought it to cause astonishment that we 
were so rejoiced, since we had passed twenty-seven 
months, less two days, always in search of these 
Moluccas, wandering hither and thither for that pur- 
pose among innumerable islands." 

On the afternoon of Friday, November 8th, 15 21, the 
Trinidad and Victoria rounded the southern point of 
Tidor, and anchored in twenty fathoms, close to the 
shore of that island, discharging their broadsides as a 
salute to the king.^ Next day he came on board in 
state. An astrologer and prophet, Almanzor — as he was 
named — declared that he had divined the arrival of the 
stranofors.^ He met them with the warmest welcome. 
" After such long tossing upon the seas, and so many 
dangers," he said, " come and enjoy the pleasures of 
the land, and refresh your bodies, and do not think but 
that you have arrived at the kingdom of your own 

1 Francisco Serrao, on the occasion of the first discovery of the 
Moluccas in 1511, found that the jMalays had been established for 
over forty years upon the islands. He had settled, it will be remem- 
bered, at Ternate, the sultan of which island was not on friendly 
terms with the monarch of Tidor, and for this reason the Portuguese 
became paramount in the former island, while the Spaniards identi- 
fied themselves chiefly with Tidor. 

2 Argensola gives a similar story with regard to the King of 
Ternate, Boleyfe or Abuteis, when first visited by Serrao and bis 
Portuguese. 



278 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. xi. 

sovereign." Whether he regarded the Spaniards in the 
light of future allies who woidd help him against his 
enemies does not appear, but this explanation of the 
warmth of his reception seems the most probable. He 
doubtless dreaded the aid that the Portuguese were able 
to afford the people of Ternate if they so desired. The 
Spaniards, anxious to make treaties with him and with- 
out delay to load their ships with the coveted spices, 
encouraged his friendship to the utmost of their power, 
and loaded him and those of his suite Avith presents. 
So much did they give him, indeed, that they were 
requested after a time to cease their gifts, for " he had 
nothing worthy to send to our king as a present, 
unless, now that he recognised him as his sovereign, 
he should send himself." In spite of his humility of 
speech Almanzor was of kingly presence and bearing. 
Servants carrying golden vessels for water, betel, and 
other necessaries stood always in attendance, and his 
son bore a sceptre before him. Under no conditions 
would he bow or even incline his head, so that in enter- 
ing the cabin of the flagship he was obliged to do so by 
the opening from the upper deck, so as not to stoop, 
which he would have been obliged to do had he entered 
by the door from the waist of the ship. 

On the loth November, Carvalho and others went 
ashore, and after a long conversation with the king a 
treaty appears to have been signed,^ by which he acknow- 
ledged the sovereignty of Spain, He asked for the royal 
standard and the emperor's signature, and seeing the 
eagerness of the Spaniards to commence the lading of 
their ships, informed them that though he had not in 
Tidor a sufficiency of cloves ready, he would himself go 

1 Navarrete, vol. iv. p. 296, 




"I'lllllllllllll'll'""'"'""""""" 



1621.] IN THE MOLUCCAS. 281 

to the island of Batchian, where he trusted he should 
find enough. 

Although Magellan was no longer with them, it may 
be imagined that the Spaniards lost no time in making 
inquiries for Francisco Serrao, his great friend and rela- 
tion, of whom they must have heard so much. He was 
dead. The manner of his death was more or less 
shrouded in mystery, but they learnt that it had taken 
place seven or eight months previously, almost indeed at 
the same time as that of their great commander. He 
had been captain-general of the King of Ternate when 
that monarch was at war with the Sultan of Tidor, and 
having succeeded in beating the latter in various engage- 
ments, he compelled him to give his daughter in marriage 
to the King of Ternate, and to send him many sons of 
the chiefs of Tidor as hostages. The King of Tidor never 
forgave him, and Serrao having visited that island some 
years later to trade in cloves, the king caused him to 
be poisoned. 1 

On Monday, November iith, one of the sons of the 
King of Ternate came to visit the ships, having with 
him the Javanese widow of Serrao and her two little 
children. Aware of his hostility to their host, Espinosa 
and his officers were uncertain how to act, but Almanzor 
sent them a message to do as they thought fit. They 
accordingly had their interview with him in their boat, 
and presented him with various gifts. In his prau was 
a certain Indian named Manoel, servant of one Pedro 
Affonso de Lorosa, a Portuguese who had formerly 

1 According to others, he was poisoned by a Malay woman who 
acted under Portuguese orders, while Argensola states that Don 
Tristao de Meneses despatched him back to India, being afraid of his 
acquiring too much power, and that he died on board ship on his way 
to Goa. Argensola, i. pp. 8, 17. 



282 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. xi. 

resided in Banda, but after Serrao's death had settled 
in Ternate. From this man the Spaniards learnt that 
although enemies of the Sultan of Tidor, the Ternate 
chiefs were at heart in favour of Spain. On hearing 
this they wrote to Lorosa, telling him to visit the fleet 
without fear. 

The prices for barter were agreed upon, and a house 
arranged for the accommodation of the merchandise on 
the following day. It is interesting to note the esti- 
mate of the respective values of articles in those days. 
The standard measure of cloves was the hahar of 406 lbs. 
This could be obtained for ten ells of red cloth, fifteen 
of yellow, fifteen hatchets, thirty -five glass goblets, 
seventeen catties of cinnabar or quicksilver, twenty-six 
ells of common linen, a hundred and fifty knives, fifty 
scissors, forty caps, ten Guzerat cloths, or a hundred- 
weight of bronze. The Brunei gongs were as much 
esteemed then as now, and for every three of them — 
doubtless the spoil of some of their prizes — they were 
able to purchase two hahars. All these prices never- 
theless were prospective, for as yet no cloves or spices 
of any kind were to be obtained. The Sultan sent one 
of his sons to the island of Motir, and announced his 
intention of visiting Batchian in person in order to see 
what could be done. The Spaniards, anxious to please 
him in every way, gave him the three women and the 
men they had captured in the Prince of Luzon's junk, 
and killed all the pigs they had on board, which had 
always been a source of great annoyance to him as a 
Mohammedan. 

On the evening of the 14th November the Portuguese 
Lorosa arrived in a prau, and they were enabled for the 
first time to obtain news from civilised lips of what had 



1521.] IN THE MOLUCCAS. 283 

passed in the Moluccas. He had come with Serrao in 
the first expedition of 15 ii, and was well acquainted 
with native politics. He told them that Don Tristao de 
Meneses, whose large ship had left for Banda only a few 
months before, had brought news of the departure of 
Magellan's armada from Seville, and had informed them 
that the King of Portugal had sent ships both to the 
Cape of Good Hope and to the Rio de la Plata to in- 
tercept it, and that, learning later that Magellan had 
passed westward, he wrote to the Yiceroy of India, 
Diogo Lopez de Sequel ra, to despatch a fleet of six 
vessels to the Moluccas against him. This Sequeu-a was 
unable to do, owing to renewed difiiculties with the 
Arabs in the Red Sea, and a galleon which he had sent 
later under the command of Francisco Faria had been 
unable to reach its destination. The trade of Portugal 
in the islands must have been considerably developed, 
even at this date, for Lorosa informed his hearers that a 
great number of junks went yearly from Malacca to 
Banda to purchase nutmegs, returning by way of Ternate 
to complete their cargo with cloves. 

Two days later the Moorish king of Gilolo, an ally of 
Almanzor, visited them, and was given a quantity of 
presents. Great numbers of the natives of Ternate also 
came, their boats laden with cloves, desirous of com- 
mencing trade. But Espinosa, who did not wish to 
offend the Sultan, thought it best not to begin to sell 
the merchandise until his return from Batchian. This 
took place on the night of November 24th, amid great 
rejoicings. The Sultan's prau passed between the 
Trinidad and Victoria with drums beating, while the 
Spanish ships fired their broadsides in his honour. The 
Captain-general was informed that for four days there 



284 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. xi. 

would be a continuous supply of cloves. The Sultan 
was punctual to his promise, and next day they began 
the lading of the ships. " As they were the first cloves 
we took aboard, and as they were also the chief object of 
our voyage, we discharged many bombards for joy." ^ 

On the following day the Sultan informed them that 
it was the custom, when the first loads of cloves were 
embarked on a vessel, that he should give a feast to the 
crews and merchants, and he begged them, therefore, to 
attend an entertainment he proposed to give at which 
the King of Batchian would also be present. Espinosa 
and his men, however, who had not forgotten the Sebu 
incident, instantly suspected treachery, and refused. 
Their suspicions were, nevertheless, unfounded, for, 
though they learnt afterwards, on trustworthy authority, 
that certain of the chiefs had counselled their assassina- 
tion, they also learnt that the Sultan had indignantly 
rejected so base a suggestion. His loyalty to Spain 
and admiration of the Spaniards were doubtless sincere 
enough, Nor was he the only person to express a desire 
to become a vassal of the emperor. Many of those in 
authority in the neighbouring islands were also ready to 
place themselves under Charles's protection. On i6th 
November a treaty was signed with the King of Gilolo, 
on the 19th of the same month with the Rajah of 
Makian, and on the i6th or 17th December with the 
King of Batchian and various notables of the island of 
Temate.2 The King of Batchian sent a slave and two 
bahars of cloves as a present to the emperor. He was 
desirous of presenting ten bahars, but so heavily laden 

' Pigafetta, op. cit.,p. 148, 

• Documents collected by Munoz. Vide Navarrete, vol. iv. p, 
207. 



1521.] THE BIRD OF PARADISE. 285 

were the ships, Pigafetta tells vis, that Espinosa was 
afraid of taking more. 

Among his presents was one which greatly pleased 
and astonished the Europeans — some skins of the bird 
of Paradise. The mention made of them by Maximilian 
Transylvanus in his letter to the Cardinal of Salzburg 
is perhaps the first record that we have of the existence 
of these birds, although it is hard to believe that the 
Portuguese, who had at this time been for ten years 
upon the islands, were not perfectly well acquainted 
with them. The natives of New Guinea seem, from 
Pigafetta's account, to have prepared the skins in pre- 
cisely the same manner as that in use at the present 
day. To the Malay traders, judging from Maximilian's 
letter, they were apparently common objects. "The 
Mohammedans, who travelled to those parts for com- 
mercial purposes, told them (the Kings of Marmin) that 
this bird was born in Paradise, and that Paradise 
was the abode of the souls of those who had died, 
wherefore these princes embraced the religion of Mo- 
hammed, because it promised wonderful things about 
this abode of souls." The fact that the skins were pre- 
pared with the feet cut off doubtless caused the fable — 
given us by Maximilian and copied by a hundred authors 
— that they passed an entirely aerial existence, never 
alighting upon the ground nor upon any tree that grew 
upon it. Sometimes, report ran, they were seen to fall 
dead from the sky,^ and for these reasons, and from 

1 Pigafetta, op. cit., p. 156, calls the birds uccelli mortis which 
seems, to those acquainted with the Moluccas, to point to the exis- 
tence of a regular trade in the skins even in those days, for the trade 
name at the present day is burong matt, — words of precisely similar 
meaning. The Italian tells us that they were also called bolondinata, 
a misprint for bolon divata or diwata, which Oviedo corrects. This is 
only a form of burong dewata, i.e., the birds of the gods. 



286 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. XI. 

their beauty, the skins were much valued, and they were 
supposed to render their wearers safe and invincible in 
battle. 

If there had been an insufficient supply of cloves at 
the time of the arrival of the fleet, there was certainly 
no lack of them as the weeks wore on, and the time for 
sailing approached. The Sultan issued a proclamation 
that all who had them might sell, after which, says 
Pigafetta, " comperammo garofani a furia,^^ "we bought 
them like mad." The prices in consequence went down 
very much. For four yards of ribbon a bahar was 
obtainable, and at length, each man wishing to have 
his share in the cargo, and having no more merchandise 
to barter, gave one his mantle, and another his coat, 
and another his shirt or other garments to obtain 
them. 

On Monday, i6th December, they bent new sails to 
the ships, each adorned with the Cross of St. James of 
Galicia, and with the motto, " This is the Device of our 
Good Fortune." Eighty barrels of water were put on 
board each vessel, and the preparations for departure 
pushed forward. Their wood they had arranged to 
obtain at the little island of Mareh, whither the king 
had sent a hundred men to cut it. Anxious to be pro- 
vided with the best sources of information concerning 
the Moluccas and their trade, they offered Lorosa, the 
Portuguese, a high salary, and succeeded in persuading 
him to accompany them to Europe. He embarked at 
the risk of his life, for a Ternate chieftain — a friend of 
the Portuguese — attempted to seize him, with the inten- 
tion of delivering him to the commandant of Malacca. 
Lorosa escaped upon this occasion, but an ainlucky fate 
having thrown him a few months later into the power 



1521.] THE VOYAGE RESUMED. 287 

of his countrymen, he paid for his desertion with his 
head. 

The time had now arrived for the departure of the 
Trinidad and her consort. The Sultan of Tidor was 
inconsolable. He was as an unweaned child, he said, 
whom its mother was about to leave, and he was the 
more disconsolate since he had got to like not only the 
Spaniards but so many of the products of their country. 
He besought of them that they would not fail to return 
as quickly as possible, and meanwhile begged that he 
might be left some artillery in order that he should be 
the better able to defend his country. He was accord- 
ingly presented with some arquebuses that had been 
taken in the prizes captured off the Bornean coast, 
besides some swivel guns and four barrels of powder. 

On Wednesday, December 1 8th, all was ready. Much 
as the weary and wave-tossed explorers longed for rest 
and the pleasant land of Castile, they were heartily 
sorry to leave the Moluccas, where they had obtained 
so warm a welcome and so valuable a cargo. No one 
could bid adieu to so beautiful a country without regret. 
The charm of existence there, once tasted, can never be 
forgotten. " "What need is there of many words ? " says 
Maximilian.^ " Everything there is humble and of 
no value, save peace, ease, and spices. The best and 
noblest of these, and the greatest possible good, namely, 
peace, seemed to have been driven by men's wickedness 
from our world to theirs." Alas ! it did not long re- 
main there. For half a century or more from the time 
of which he spoke, the most atrocious acts of cruelty and 
treachery daily wrote the annals of the islands in blood. 

^ " Quid multa ? Omnia apud hos humilia ac sordida prseter pacem, 
otium et aromata." 



288 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. xi. 

The Sultans and Eajahs of Tidor, Gilolo, and Bat- 
chian, together with a son of the King of Temate, came 
to bid farewell to their visitors, and to accompany them 
as far as the island of March. The Victoria was first 
aweigh, and standing out a little waited for the flag- 
ship, which was in difficulties with her anchor. While 
engaged over this, a leak of the most alarming kind was 
suddenly discovered ; " the water rushed in with as 
much force as if it came through a pipe," but nowhere 
could they discover its exact situation. Learning what 
had occurred, del Cano returned and took up his former 
anchorage. The men were kept day and night at the 
pumps, but in vain, and the leak gained on them. Such 
divers as were available were employed, but to no pur- 
pose, and the Sultan sent to a distant part of the island 
for three other men who were possessed of special skill. 
These dived with their long hair loose, so that the in- 
rush of the water should act upon it, and thus indicate 
the leak ; but although they remained more than an hour 
in the water, they were unable to find it. 

The condition of the Trinidad was evidently serious, 
and a meeting was held to decide upon their course of 
action. Eventually it was settled that the Victoria 
should take advantage of the east monsoon, and sail for 
Spain without delay, while the flagship should discharge 
cargo, undergo a thorough refit, and start at the change 
of the monsoon for Panama. This decision arrived at, 
the captain of the Victoria, fearing that she also might 
spring a leak on account of the heavy cargo and the 
long voyage before them, thought it better to lighten 
her of some of her cloves. This was done, and some of 
the crew were put ashore, preferring to remain in the 
Moluccas, since they feared the ship could not last out 



1522.] THE "VICTOKIA" REACHES OMBAY. 289 

the voyage. Those that were to remain behind busied 
themselves in writing letters to their friends and rela- 
tions in Spain, and on Saturday the 21st December, at 
midday, del Cano started on his voyage. The ships took 
leave of one another by a mutual discharge of bombards, 
while, amid tears and embraces, the friends of many 
months' mutual hardships bade adieu. The greater 
number were destined never to see each other again. 

Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, with fifty-three men, re- 
mained with the flagship. The crew of the Victoria 
consisted of sixty men all told, of which forty-seven 
were Europeans and the rest natives. A hundred and 
one souls only were thus left of the two hundred and 
eighty who had originally sailed. 

Touching at Mare, and taking on board the wood 
that had been cut for them, the Victoria shaped a 
S.W. course, which took her to the west of the Batchian 
group. Anchoring at one of the Xulla islands on their 
way, they reached Bum on Friday, the 27 th December, 
and obtained fresh provisions. On New Year's eve they 
were off the Lucopin or Schildpad Islands, and sighting 
the great island barrier which stretches from Timor to 
Sumatra on the 8th January 1522, passed through it 
in a storm so severe that all vowed a pilgrimage to 
N. S. de la Guia.^ The ship was allowed to run before 
the gale on an easterly course, coasting the southern 
side of the chain, and eventually the island of Mallua — 
now Ombay — was reached in safety. 

Here they spent fifteen days. The ship stood in need 
of caulking, and the crew were kept at work at it. 

1 What passage was chosen by the Victoria is uncertain, but there 
is no doubt that it was either Flores Strait or Boleng Strait, from 
details in Pigafetta and Alvo's log-book. 

T 



290 



LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 



[CHAP. XL 



Ombay is to this day almost unknown, and the descrip- 
tion given by the Victorians people of its inhabitants is 
probably true even now. They seem to have been of 
Papuan origin, judging from Pigafetta's account of their 
" hair raised high up by means of cane combs with long 
teeth," and also by the beard being encased in reed 
tubes, " a thing," he adds, " which seemed to us most 
ridiculous." 




TIMOR AND FLORES. 



On Saturday, January 25th, del Cano sailed from Om- 
bay, and having run some twenty miles to the S.S.E., 
arrived at the large island of Timor. The Portuguese 
at that time had no settlements upon it as they have 
now, and indeed had never even visited it, but it was 
renowned throughout the archipelago for its trade in 
sandalwood and wax, and at the time of the Spaniards' 
visit a Luzon junk was trading in the port at which 



1522.] VOYAGE ACROSS THE INDIAN OCEAN. 291 

they touched. Having some difficulty in getting provi- 
sions, the captain ordered one of the chiefs who had 
visited the vessel to be detained until he ransomed him- 
self with live stock, but on receiving this del Cano gave 
him an equivalent value in articles of barter and sent 
him away satisfied. The Victoria then continued her 
voyage, coasting the north-western side of the island 
until its terminal cape was reached. On the 13 th of 
February she was put on a S.S.W. course across the 
Indian Ocean for the Cape of Good Hope.^ 

Day after day that course was held, except indeed 
when necessity compelled them, as it too often did, to 
strike all sail for purposes of repair. On the 14th March 
they kept a point or two more to the west, and four 
days later, while taking their mid- day observations, land 
was sighted ahead. An attempt was made to fetch it 
and anchor, but they were unable to do so, and they 
accordingly lay to until the following day. No landing, 
however, was effected, and the ship bore away to the 
north. The island was that now known as Amsterdam 
Island. 



1 Gomera, cap. xcviii. p. 91, records the visit of the Victoria to 
Ende or Floras Island, which would tend to prove that she passed 
through Floras Strait. His account also speaks of a mutiny at Timor. 
" Huvo alii un motin, i brega, en que murieron hartos de la nao ; " and 
Oviedo (xx. cap. ii.) has also a passage which seems to bear this out — 
" Y algunos fueron descaba§ados en la isla de Timor porsus delictos." 
Both, probably, borrowed from Figafetta's words, " chi fuggi nall'isola 
di Timor, a alcuni pur vi f urono condannati a morte pe' loro delitti " 
(p. 183). But the official death-list does not make any mention of such 
executions, while, on the other hand, it records the deaths of fifteen 
men on the high seas and the desertion of two others. Figafetta tells 
us that the ship left Tidorwith a complement of forty-seven, and we 
know that she reached the Cape Verdes with thirty-one — a number 
that exactly tallies, presuming that Figafetta did not count himself. 
We are therefore forced to reject the story of the mutiny. 



292 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. xi. 

Their long voyage had already begun to tell both on ship 
and men. On the 3rd April they were again compelled to 
strike all sail and busy themselves with the repairing of 
the ship. What these repairs were we are not told, but 
they were probably connected with the state of her huU, 
for she was then leaking considerably. The crew, after 
such long service within the tropics, felt the cold greatly. 
The meat had all become unfit for food. Their lack of 
salt had not permitted them properly to cure it, and 
hence all hands were reduced to a diet of i-ice, and rice 
only. Upon such rations there is little wonder that 
sickness broke out. So enfeebled were the crew that 
it was debated whether they should not make for 
Mozambique, where the Portuguese had been long 
established. " But the greater number of us valued 
honour more than Hfe itself," says Pigafetta, "and so 
we resolved at all hazards to attempt the return to 
Spain." 

From the 7 th to the i6th April the Victoria held her 
course between the fortieth and forty-first parallels of 
latitude. South of this she did not sail, and with a 
strong wind and heavy sea she bore to the north on the 
following day. For nearly a month they pressed on, 
until on the 8th May they sighted the high land of South 
Africa, and anchored on the following day. They were 
at fault both in latitude and longitude, for they had 
imagined themselves to have passed the meridian of the 
Cape. Running along the south coast they arrived off 
the mouth of the Rio del Infante, or Keiskamma river, 
on the I ith. They were not destined to pass the dreaded 
Cape without accident, for in heavy weather on the 
1 6th May they carried away their foretopmast and 
sprung their fore-yard. Two days later they passed Cape 



1522.] AERIVAL AT CAPE VERDE ISLANDS. 293 

Agulhas.^ Again they liad to stop for repairs, and again 
they struggled on. Scurvy and starvation had reduced 
them to the greatest misery and distress. Nearly one- 
third of their own number had died, and nine of the 
thirteen natives. Pigafetta was almost the sole person 
in health. " We noticed a curious thing in throwing 
the bodies overboard," he says; "the Christians re- 
mained with the face turned up to heaven — the Indians 
with the face downwards." 

The Line was crossed on June 8th, and on the ist 
July a meeting was held to decide whether they should or 
should not touch at the Cape Verdes. The conclusion was 
foregone, for dire necessity had rendered it impossible for 
them to proceed further. They arrived on Wednesday, 
July 9th, at Santiago, and anchored in the port. Know- 
ing that they ran great risk of being seized, instructions 
were given to those who went ashore to conceal who 
they were, and to pretend that they came from America, 
giv'ing out that the other two ships of their squadron 
had preceded them to Spain, but that they had been 
delayed by the loss of their foretopmast on the Line. 
We learn from Alvo's diary that they were well received 
and supplied with provisions by the Portuguese. On 
the night of Sunday, 13th July, they put to sea, the 
weather being threatening and the port unsafe. In the 
morning they returned and lay on and off while they 
sent a boat for rice. One ti'ip was made, but she did 
not again return. They waited until next day in vain, 
and then stood in towards the port, when a boat came 

1 Correa, ii. pt. ii. p. 634, saj's that the Victoria met and spoke the 
ship of Pero Coresma, then on her way to India, off the Cape. The 
incident is mentioned L>)' him alone, and is probably one of his many 
inaccuracies. 



294 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. xi. 

alongside and ordered them to surrender. The secret 
had leaked out, either by the bragging of one of the 
crew at a wineshop, or, as MaximiKan tells us, by an 
attempt made by a sailor to sell some of his cloves.^ In 
his answer, del Cano temporised, and asked for the 
return of his boat and men ; but seeing some caravels 
preparing to get under weigh, they crowded all sail and 
escaped, leaving their comrades in the hands of the 
Portuguese. 

They had now but eighteen Europeans and four 
natives left on board — scarce enough to work the ship ; 
for, although improved in health and strength by the 
fresh provisions, and cheered by the prospect of their 
rapidly-approaching return, the greater number of them 
were upon the sick-list. Their sufferings were not to 
endure much longer. Soon the welcome shore of Spain 
hove in sight. It proved to be Cape S. Vincent, and 
keeping away to the east and south the Victoria arrived 
oflf San Lucar de Barrameda on Saturday the 6th 
September. On Monday the 8th — three years all but 
twelve days from the date of their final departure from 
Spain — they anchored near the mole of Seville. The 
First Circumnavigation of the Globe was accomplished, 
and a voyage brought to a conclusion which was, and 
is, without parallel in its history of determination and 
suffering, disaster and success. With what delight 
must they not have discharged their salvoes of artillery, 
and recounted their adventures to the crowds who flocked 
to welcome them. Yet, amid their joy, the vows that 
they had promised so often in the hour of danger were 
not forgotten. On the day following their arrival all 

1 This latter statement is borne out by the evidence of Alvo and 
Bustamante. Vide Navarrete, vol. iv. pp. 292, 294. 



1522.] THE SURVIVORS REACH HOME. 295 

such as were able to walk went in procession, barefoot 
and carrying tapers, to the shrines of S. Maria de la 
Victoria and S. Maria de Antigua, and offered their 
heartfelt thanks for their safe return. 

Before the advent of the Victoria it was not realised 
that circumnavigation of the globe implied the loss or 
gain of a day, according to the east or west direction 
of the voyage. The Spaniards were accordingly much 
astonished, on reaching civilisation, to find themselves 
out in their calculations. The fact is given to us by 
Ramusio in his introduction to MaximiHan's letter, and 
Eden,^ in the quaint language of his day, also comments 
upon it : — " And amonge other notable thynges . . . 
wrytten as touchynge that vyage, this is one, that the 
Spanyardes hauyng sayled abowt three yeares and one 
moneth, and the most of them notynge the dayes, day 
by day (as is the maner of all them that sayle by the 
ocean), they founde when they were returned to Spayne 
that they had loste one daye. So that at theyr arryuall 
at the porte of Siuile, beinge the seuenth daye of Sep- 
tember, was by theyr accompt but the sixth day. And 
where as Don Peter Martyr declared the strange effecte 
of this thynge to a certeyne excellente man, who, for his 
singular lernynge, was greately aduanced to honoure in 
his common welthe and made Themperour's ambassa- 
doure, this worthy gentelman, who was also a greate 
Philosopher and Astronomer, answerd that it could e 
not otherwyse chaunce unto them, hauynge sayled three 
yeares continually, euer folowynge the soonne towarde 
the West." 

The thirteen men left at the Cape Verde Islands were 
released and sent on to Lisbon very shortly aftei'wards 
1 Decades of the Newe Worlde, Lond. 1555, ff. 214, 215. 



296 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. xi. 

in a homeward-bound ship from Calicut, and the united 
crew were received by the emperor at court. ^ Of the 
Indians, all except one were sent back to the Moluccas in 
Loyasa's expedition in 1525. That one unwittingly owed 
his detention to his over-shrewdness. "On arriving in 
Spain," says Oviedo,^ " the first thing he did was to 
inquii-e how many reals went to a ducat, and how many 
maravedis to a real. And going to the vendas and 
grocers' shops, he was wont to buy a maravedi's-worth of 
pepper, informing himself on all points concerning the 
value of spices in our country; and so sharp was he 
about it that the authorities feared his knowledge, and 
hence he himself brought it about that he never returned 
to his native land." The after-history of that intrepid 
and amusing traveller, the Chevalier Antonio Pigafetta, 
shall be related in his own words: — "Then, leaving 
Seville, I repaired to Yalladolid, where I presented to 
His Sacred Majesty Don Carlos neither gold nor silver, 
but other things far more precious in the eyes of so great 
a sovereign. For I brought to him among other things 
a book written with my own hands, giving an account of 
all the events which had happened from day to day in 
our voyage. Thence I set out as best I could, and went 
to Portugal, where I related to King John the things 
which I had seen. Returning by way of Spain, I came 
to France, where I presented some things from the 
other hemisphere to the Regent-mother of the most 
Christian Kmg Don Francis. Then I turned my face 
towards Italy, where I gave myself and what slight 
services I could render to the renowned and most 



1 Herrera, Dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. iv. 

2 Oviedo, XX. cap. iv. 



1522.] FATE OF THE "VICTORIA." 297 

illustrious SigBor, Philip de Villers Lisleadam, the most 
worthy Grand Master of Rhodes." ^ 

The ultimate fate of the Victoria we learn from 
Oviedo. After making one voyage in safety to the 
West Indies, she was again despatched to Cuba. But 
though she reached her destination she never returned 
Caught in some Atlantic gale, her timbers, rotten from 
age and tropic seas, must have proved unequal to the 
strain. Such at least we may conjecture, for neither of 
her, nor of those that sailed in her, were any tidings ever 
heard. 

1 Pigafetta, op. cit., p. 183. 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE LAST VOYAGE— VII. FATE OF THE 
" TRINIDAD." 

To complete the history of Magellan's voyage, we must 
return to the Trinidad. Her condition was such as to 
necessitate the discharge of all her cargo, and a thorough 
examination of her timbers. She was accordingly dis- 
mantled. Her artillery, cargo, spars, and fittings were 
sent ashore, and placed under guard in the store which 
the Sultan of Tidor had allowed them to erect, and the 
vessel having been careened the work of her repair was 
at once commenced. While engaged upon it Espinosa 
received a visit from the King of Gilolo, who begged for 
cannon or firearms to aid him in subduing some rebels 
with whom he was fighting. A small number of 
Spaniards were sent to his assistance, and before they 
returned the Indians had worked so well under the 
direction of the captain that the ship was ready for sea. 
It was decided to leave certain goods and articles of 
barter upon the island, as much that a centre of Spanish 
influence might be established as that trade should con- 
tinue until the arrival of the next armada. Luis del 
Molino was therefore selected as officer in charge, Juan 
de Campos acted as clerk and treasurer, and Alonso 
de Cota, Diego Arias, and Master Pedro — one of the 

Flemish bombardiers — formed the remainder of the 
298 



1522.] SAILS FOR PANAMA. 299 

garrison. Carvalho, the deposed captain-general, had 
died on the 14th February. 

On the 6th April, 1522, the Trinidad sailed upon her 
long voyage to Panama — a destination she was fated 
never to attain. She was manned by a crew of fifty- 
four men, all told, and took a cargo of a thousand 
quintals, or nearly fifty tons, of cloves. The course 
resolved on led them northwards, coasting the west 
shores of Gilolo until its terminal cape was reached. 
Rounding it they came in sight of Chao or Porquenam- 
pello and PyKom — two islands now known as Morti and 
Rau — and passed between them and the mainland of 
Gilolo on a southerly course. Their object was to make 
" Quimar," ^ a district under the authority of the 
Sultan of Tidor, where fresh provisions were awaiting 
them. After a stay of eight or nine days they again 
made sail on the 20th April,^ and, steering eastward, 
ran out into the open sea, when they set an E. \ N. 
course. Head winds, however, compelled them to alter 
it, and they ran to the N.E. and N.N.E. until, on the 
3rd May,^ two small islands were sighted. To these — 
which were in all probability Warwick and Warren 
Hastings Islands — they gave the name of the islands 
of St. Anthony. The ship was now navigated for the 
Ladrones, one of the northern islands of which — conjec- 
turally Agrigan — was visited, and a native taken on 

1 Quimar and its port Zanufo, Camafo, or Camarfya (which are 
doubtless synonymous), have been variously identified with Morotai or 
Morti, and the N.E. arm of Gilolo. The port at which they called is 
more probably Komo, on the northern peninsula of that island, a con- 
jecture further borne out by the Paris MS., which says that on 
leaving it they "steered seventeen leagues eastward, and came out 
of the channel of the island of Batechina (Gilolo) and the island Chao." 

2 The 25th April, according to the Paris MS. 
s May 6th, Paris MS. 



300 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [CHAP. xil. 

board. It is difficult to explain why, on leaving this 
group, a persistent north-easterly course should have 
been held, but so it was. They met, as might well be 
imagined, with constant head winds. Espinosa was 
probably more fitted for an alguazil than a captain. ^ 
The latitude of 43° N. was finally reached, but long 
before this they had begun to run short of provisions. 
Eventually they were reduced to rice, and rice only. 
Ill-provided with clothes and accustomed for so long to 
a tropical climate, they were unable to endure the cold. 
Disease found them a facile prey. To crown their mis- 
fortunes, they encountered a severe storm which lasted 
for five days and caused them the loss of their mainmast, 
besides considerable injury to their poop and forecastle. 
Under these circumstances it was found impossible to 
proceed, and Espinosa resolved to return by way of the 
Ladrones to Tidor. His effort to regain the island he 
first visited was unsuccessful, and he brought up off 
Saipan, or Pamo,^ as it was then called. Here the 
native he had picked up on his outward voyage ran 
away, together with three of the sailors,^ who were 
fearful of the epidemic which was at that time so rapidly 
reducing the crew in numbers. The return from the 
Ladrones to Gilolo was effected in six weeks, and they 

J- We are not informed who undertook the navigation of the ship. 
It was probably Juan Bautista Punzero, to whom de Brito declares the 
arrival of the fleet at the Moluccas to have been due, or possibly the 
Genoese Leon Pancaldo or Pancado — certainly not Espinosa, who was 
a person of no education and could not even write his own name. 

2 Otherwise Mao. Vide Navarrete, iv. p. 100. 

3 Oviedo, lib. xx., cap. xvi., tells us how, more than three years 
later, the ships of Lo3'asa came across one of these men, Gonzalo de 
Vigo, in Tinian. His two companions had been killed by the natives. 
This deserter was of much use to them, and he was taken on to the 
Moluccas. 



1522.] RETUENS TO THE MOLUCCAS. 301 

anchored off Dui, an island near its northern point. 
Further than that it was impossible for them to proceed. 
Three-fifths of their number were dead, and the rest 
were so disabled by scurvy and other disorders that they 
could no longer navigate the ship. 

Meanwhile a considerable change had taken place in 
the aspect of affairs at Tidor. On the 13th May, little 
more than a month after their departure, a fleet of 
seven Portuguese vessels, manned by over three hundred 
men, and under the command of Antonio de Brito, sailed 
into Ternate roads. His visit had, perhaps, been partly 
induced by finding in Banda— the port whence he came 
—one of the five Spaniards left behind in Tidor by 
Espinosa, who had doubtless gone thither for the sake 
of trade. De Brito's first step, as appears by his own 
letter to the King of Portugal,i ^as to demand the 
surrender of the store-house and its contents, together 
with the men in charge. They had no course open to 
them other than to yield to such a force. Possession was 
at once taken of the building, and the stores appropriated 

the captain-general demanding of the Sultan what 

right he had to admit the Castilians when the Portu- 
guese had been so long established in the islands. 

Espinosa had not been long at his anchorage before 
the news of the arrival and doings of the Portuguese 
was brought to him. He resolved, nevertheless, to give 
himself up to de Brito, so deplorable was his con- 
dition. Spain was, moreover, upon good terms with 
Portugal, and he hoped for fair treatment. He there- 
fore sent a letter by Bartholomew Sanchez, clerk of the 
Trinidad, to the Portuguese captain- general, begging 
succour. No answer arriving, Espinosa weighed anchor 
1 Navarrete, iv. p. 305. 



302 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. xii. 

and struggled on for a few miles to the port of Bena- 
conora, where he was at length met by a caravel and 
other small craft with Simon d'Abreu, Duarte de 
Resende, Don Garcia Enriques, and twenty armed 
Portuguese. They gave the captain a letter from de 
Brito,^ and at once took possession of the ship, seizing 
all the papers and log-books which could be found, as 
well as her astrolabes and quadrants. She was then 
brought in and anchored off Ternate, and her cargo 
discharged. It was the last veyage she was destined 
to make. During her unlading a heavy squall caught 
her, and she went ashore and broke up. Forty bahars 
of cloves were lost in her, but her timbers and fittings 
were saved, and served in the construction of the for- 
tress the Portuguese were then erecting in Ternate, and 
in the repair of their ships. 

It was in vain that Espinosa protested against the 
action taken by the Portuguese. They replied that he 
had done his duty to his sovereign, and that they should 
do the same to theirs. He asked that they would at 
least give him a certificate of the items of the ship's 
cargo, in order that he might render an account of it 
to the emperor, but he was told that if he wished an 
account rendered he should render it himself from the 
yard-arm of his vessol. He was called upon to deliver 
the royal standard, but this he declined to do, saying, 
that since he was in their power they could of course 
seize it, but that he was unable, as an officer of the 
emperor, to surrender it. 

When the Trinidad was brought to her last anchorage 
she had on board but nineteen survivors of the fifty-four 

1 For this letter, which is dated 21st October, 1522, see Navarrete 
iv, p. 295, 



1522.] FATE OF THE SURVIVORS. 303 

men who had sailed in her but six months previously. 
Pedro Affonso de Lorosa — the Portuguese who had 
deserted from Don Tristao de Meneses— was also with 
them. His fate did not remain long in doubt, for he 
was executed shortly after his arrival. Of the five men 
left in Tidor in charge of the stores one had died, three 
were prisoners of the Portuguese, and Luis del Molino 
was at large among the islanders. On receiving a mes- 
sage from Espinosa he came in and gave himself up. 
Fr*om these men the others learnt what had taken place 
in their absence. The Portuguese had levelled the 
factory and storehouse to the gi'ound, seizing all the 
ri-cring and fitting of the ships, together with the cloves 
and other spices that had been collected. Espinosa and 
his men were able to realise what was before them. 
Could they have seen the letter written by Antonio de 
Brito upon the subject to his royal master, their fears 
would scarcely have been alleviated. " So far as con- 
cerns the master, clerk, and pilot "-it runs-" I am 
writing to the captain-general that it would be more to 
your Highness' service to order their heads to be struck 
off than to send them there {i.e., to India). I kept them in 
the Moluccas, because it is a most unhealthy country, m 
order that they might die there, not liking to order 
their heads to be cut off, since I did not know whether 
your Highness would be pleased or not. I am writing 
to Jorge de Albuquerque to detain them in Malacca, 
which, however, is a very healthy climate." ^ 

With this laudable desire for their speedy decease in 
the heart of their captor, it may be imagined that the 
outlook of the Spaniards was not of a very promising 

1 De Brito's letter to the King of Portugal, vid^ Navarrete, Iy. 
p. 311. 



304 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. xii. 

nature. The sick were, however, sent to a temporary 
hospital. 1 The remainder went to the fortress upon 
Ternate, which the Portuguese were at that time engaged 
in building. There they were set to work upon it — 
Espinosa himself being ordered to labour with the others, 
an order that he declined to obey. It is negatively to 
the credit of de Brito that he thought it best not to 
press the matter. But they were subjected to many 
indignities, being openly and grossly abused before the 
natives in order that the authority and repute of the 
emperor might be as far as possible belittled. 

In this manner the twenty - three prisoners were 
detained in Ternate until the end of February 1523, 
when, with the exception of two carpenters whom de 
Brito needed, they started on their homeward voyage — a 
voyage destined to be protracted from months into years, 
and to end at last with the safe return of but four of 
their number. Terrible as had been the mortality on 
board the Victoria, it was as nothing compared with that 
of the Trinidad. 

The men were first taken to Banda. Four of them 
who left Ternate together never reached the island, and 
of the junk in which they sailed no tidings were ever 
heard. The others were detained in Banda four months 
and then despatched by way of Java, at whose ports 
they touched, to Malacca, where they came into the 
hands of Jorge d'Albuquerque, who was at that time 
Governor. More delays took place here. We have seen 
how de Brito gave actual instructions for their deten- 
tion, lamenting, nevertheless, the healthiness of the 

1 Great mortality prevailed at first in the Moluccas, as we learn 
from de Brito's letter. Within two months of his arrival he had lost 
fifty of his men, and only fifty remained in health. 



1524.] THE SURVIVORS REACH INDIA. 305 

climate. It was, however, sufficiently malarious or 
insanitary to bring four of the unhappy wanderers to 
the grave. Anton Moreno, a negro slave of Espinosa, 
■was appropriated by Albuquerque's sister, and it was 
not until five months had passed away that the voyage 
of the survivors was resumed. 

From ]\ralacca the prisoners, for such they still were, 
were sent to Cochim. They appear to have embarked 
in two or more ships. The junk in which Bartholomew 
Sanchez, Luis del Molino, and Alonso de Cota sailed was 
never more heard of, and when the others reached their 
destination the annual homeward-bound fleet had sailed. 
Despairing of ever getting back to their native land, two 
of their number, Leon Pancaldo and Juan Bautista 
Poncero,^ ran away and concealed themselves on board 
the Santa Catalina, each ignorant of the other's presence. 
This ship was bound for Portugal, but on arriving at 
Mozambique the two stowaways were put ashore, with 
the intention of returning them to Cochim. Both men, 
however, succeeded in disappointing their captors, for 
Juan Bautista died, and Leon Pancaldo, hiding himself 
just as Diogo de Mello's ship started for Cochim, managed 
to ship on board a homeward-bound vessel commanded 
by Francisco Pereira. Upon his arrival at Lisbon he 
was thrown into prison, but was eventually set free by 
order of the king. 

Meanwhile the others remained behind at Cochim. 
Vasco da Gama, then viceroy, had remained deaf to 
their entreaties for release. On Christmas Eve, 1524, 
he died, and was succeeded by Don Enrique de Meneses, 
who, more compassionate than his predecessor, consented 

1 This man, who originally sailed as maestro of the Trinidad, is 
described in various lists as Punzerol and Ponce de Leon. 

U 



306 LIFE OF MAGELLAN. [chap. xii. 

at length to their departure. But their numbers had 
sadly decreased. Four, as we have seen, had died during 
their detention in Malacca, and three more had fallen 
victims to their hardships in Cochim. Juan Rodriguez 
of Seville had escaped in the ship of Andres de Sousa, 
which was bound for Lisbon. There remained but three 
men, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, the captain ; Gines de 
Mafra, seaman of the Trinidad; and Master Hans or 
Aires, bombardier of the Victoria} Nor were their 
troubles over upon landing in the Peninsula, for they 
were thrown into the common prison, where, overcome 
by his previous sufferings and the treatment to which 
he was subjected, Master Hans died. Espinosa and 
Gines de Mafra remained incarcerated for seven long 
months, when the former was released. Mafra, having 
in his box some log-books and nautical works or notes 
written by Andres de San Martin, was supposed to be a 
pilot, and was detained longer. On proving his rank 
and condition he was permitted his liberty a month 
later ; but the books were seized, and afterwards, as far 
as can be learnt, came into the hands of Joao de Barros 
the historian.2 

Four men, and four men only, thus remained alive out 
of the fifty-four who sailed in the Trinidad from Ter- 
nate — Espinosa, Mafra, Pancaldo, and Juan Rodriguez 
of Seville. Espinosa was well received by his sovereign, 

1 There is a discrepancy in the various documents concerning this 
third individual. According to some, it was Morales the surgeon who 
returned with Espinosa and died in the Lisbon prison, while the 
bombardier Aires came back in the Victoria, and was one of those 
who went to court to be presented to Charles V. 

2 Barros, Dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x. p. 656. In this passage he speaks 
of having got papers and books from Duarte de Resende, who " took 
them from the astrologer Andi'es de San Martin," besides those he 
obtained from Espinosa. 



1525.] RESULTS OF THE VOYAGE. 307 

who rewarded him, and — if we may credit a passage 
in Oviedo — granted him a patent of nobility and a life- 
pension of 300 ducats.^ But so mean were the officials 
of the India House that they actually docked him of his 
pay during the time that he was a captive in the hands 
of the Portuguese, alleging as a reason that it was incon- 
testable that while in that condition he was no longer 
in the service of Spain! On the 14th January, 1528, 
Espinosa instituted a plaint to recover this money. A 
long pwces was the result, but whether he gained his 
cause or not is not recorded. ^ 

The fame of Magellan's voyage resounded through the 
length and breadth of the Peninsula, and reached all 
parts of Europe. Chai^les V., who had just arrived from 
Germany, on learning of the arrival of the Victoria 
wrote at once from Valladolid to Sebastian del Cano, 
instructing him to appear at court with two of the best- 
instructed of his crew — " los mas cuerdos y de mejor 
razon." The whole number, as we have seen, were 
ultimately presented. Charles was generous to del 
Cano beyond his deserts. He was granted an annual 
pension of 500 ducats, and a coat-of-arms commemo- 
rating the services he had rendered to Spain. ^ Fortune 
befriended him indeed. The little we know of him in 
Magellan's voyage — for until his appointment after the 
wholesale massacre at Sebu he was comparatively an 
obscure personage — is far from being in his favour. He 

1 Oviedo, bk. xx. cap. iv. The king, he says, " le hizo mer^edes 
y le con^edio un privillegio de muy nobles armas." 

2 Vide Medina, vol. ii. p. 180. 

3 Anns, or ; two cinnamon sticks in saltire proper, three nutmegs 
and twelve cloves ; on a chief gules a castle, or. Crest, a globe bear- 
ing the motto, " Primus eircun^dedisti me." Supporters, two Malay 
kings, crowned, holding in the exterior hand a spice branch, proper. 



308 



LIFE OF MAGELLAN. 



[CHAP. XII. 



took an active part in the mutiny at Port St. Julian, and 
gave evidence at Valladolid upon certain events of the 
voyage which was so biassed, and in some cases so 
untrue, that he forfeits much of his claim to our admira- 




COAT-OF-ARMS AND AUTOGRAPH OF DEL CANO. 

tion. As Vergara says,^ " Elcano did not always re- 
member the loyalty due to Magellan and his memory." 
Neither can he be given any very great credit for his 

1 Anuario Hydrogr, de Cliile, vol. v. p. 396. 



1522.] 



SEBASTIAN DEL CANO. 



309 



navigation, for it must not be forgotten that wlien he 
took the command the hitherto unknown Pacific had 
been crossed, and the ship was far beyond the longitude 
of the Moluccas, and dis- 
tant from them only six 
hundred miles. Antonio 
de Brito, moreover, in his 
letter to the King of Por- 
tugal, tells us that after 
the death of Magellan, 
Juan Bautista Poncero 
was the chief navigator. 
But to del Cano fell the 
good fortune of bringing 
home the Victoria, and, as 
her captain, the honours 
accorded upon the occa- 
sion of such a great event 
naturally fell to his share. 
It may be imagined 
that the arrival of the 
Victoria was a matter of 
no little joy to Alvaro de 
Mesquita, the unhappy 
captain of the S. Antonio. 
It will be remembered 
how the mutineers of that 
vessel, deserting their 
captain - general in his statue of del gang, cuiri zcoa. 
hour of need, overpowered their commander and brought 
him, wounded and in irons, to Seville. Although their 
story was but half -believed, Mesquita was still kept 
incarcerated, as was the manner of those times. Now, 




310 LIFE OF MAGELLAN, [chap. 

set at liberty, he was rewarded in common with his 
former friends and comrades, upon whom pensions and 
various distinctions were conferred. For some reason, 
perhaps the length of time that had elapsed since the 
occurrence, a corresponding punishment does not seem 
to have overtaken the mutineers. 

The papers in the Seville archives give us full details 
of the spices brought back in the Victoria. The bxilk of 
the cargo consisted of cloves, and of these, exclusive of 
the quintalacles or free freight permitted alike to officers 
and men, there were 520 quintals, or about twenty-six 
tons of our weight. The value of this was estimated at 
7,888,684 maravedis — in other words, ^^4536 — and in 
addition there was a certain quantity of cinnamon, mace, 
nutmeg, and sandalwood which raised the value nearly 
_;^6oo more. On the whole, despite the frightful losses 
both of ships and cargo during the voyage of the armada, 
the venture had been successful. Deducting the value 
of the Victoria and her fittings, and of the articles of 
barter aboard her, from the original cost of the entire 
expedition, the value of the spices was found to exceed 
the latter by some ;^200. 

We have done now with the great expedition of 
Magellan, and with the return of " that unique, that 
most famous ship, the Victot'ia," as Oviedo calls her. 
" The track she followed," he exclaims, " is the most 
wonderful thing and the greatest novelty that has ever 
been seen from the time God created the first man and 
ordered the world unto our own day. Neither has 
anything more notable in navigation ever been heard 
or described since the voyage of the patriarch Noah."^ 
The extravagant terms of admiration, the flowery 
1 Oviedo, bk. xx. cap. iv. 



Xll.] HIS FAME. 311 

periods, the elaborate metaphors characteristic of the 
period in which they lived, were lavishly used by the 
historians who chronicled the voyage. The keynote 
was struck by Maximilian Transylvanus in his Salzburg 
letter : — " Digniores profecto nautse quae aeterna me- 
moria celebrentur quam qui cum lasone ad Colchidem 
navigarunt Argonautse," and the theme has been intro- 
duced by every one who has written upon the subject, 
from Argensola and Gomara to Camoens. The latter, 
indeed, seems to have borrowed the idea of a famous 
verse in the Lusiad from Oviedo, and tiums Magellan's 
praise into Gama's.^ But all this praise and glory came 
too late for Magellan's family, as they did for the 
immortal commander. His wife was dead and his only 
child was dead, and he himself lay at rest in a little 
islet in the far Pacific. 

1 Cessem do sabio Grego, e do Troiano 
As navegaQoes grandes que fizeram 
Calle-se de Alexandre e do Trajano 
A fama das victorias que tiveram 
Que eu canto o peito illustre Lusitano 
A quern Neptuno, e Marte obedeeeram. 
Cesse tudo o que a Musa antigua canta 
Que outre valor mais alto se alevanta. 

— Canto i. ^. 



APPENDIX. 



I.— GENEALOGY OF MAGALHAES. 



315 



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316 APPENDIX. 

II. 

MAGELLAN'S WILLS. 

The first will of Magellan was discovered in Lisbon in 
1855 '^y ^ descendant of the great navigator. It was 
executed at Belem on 17th December, 1504, on the eve 
of his departure with Almeida's expedition, before the 
notary Domingo Martins. It is in many ways more 
interesting than his final will. While the latter is 
written in Spanish and in the stilted legal phraseology 
which proclaims it the work of the notary-public, that 
executed at Belem bears evidences of being more or less 
the product of bis own pen, and is in his native tongue. 
The most important clauses run as follows : — 

" I desire that, if I die abroad, or in this Armada in 
the which I am now proceeding for India in the service 
of my Sovereign, the Most High and Mighty King, Dom 
Manoel, whom may God preserve, that my funeral may 
be that accorded to an ordinary seaman, giving to the 
chaplain of the ship my clothes and arms to say three 
requiem masses." 

" I appoint as my sole heirs my sister Donna Thereza 
de Magalhaes, her husband, Joao da Silva Telles, and 
their son, my nephew, Luiz Telles da SQva, their suc- 
cessors and heirs, with the understanding that the afore- 
said my brother-in-law shall quarter his arms with 
those of the family of Magalhaes, which are those of my 
ancestors, and among the most distinguished, best, and 
oldest in the kingdom ; founding, as I hereby found, in 
the male line — or in the female in default thei'eof — 
descendants of the aforesaid my sister Donna Thereza 
de Magalhaes, and her husband, my brother-in-law, and 
their son, Luiz Telles da Silva, a bequest of twelve masses 



II.— MAGELLAN'S WILLS. 317 

yearly to be said at the altar of the Lord Jesus in the 
Church of S. Salvador in Sabrosa in connection with my 
property, the quinta de Souta, in the aforesaid parish of 
Sabrosa, that it may be a legacy in perpetuo, and that it 
may remain for ever as a memorial of our family, which 
it will be the duty of our successors to re-establish, 
should it through any chance or misfortune fall into 
desuetude, without increase or diminution in the number 
of the masses, or other alteration. 

" And everything that I thus ordain I desire may be 
carried out justly, and remain without alteration hence- 
forth and for ever, should I die without legitimate 
offspring ; but should I have such, I desire that he may 
succeed to all my estate, together with the same obliga- 
tion of the entailed bequest, that it remain established 
as such, and not in any other form ; in order that the 
barony may increase, and that it may not be deprived of 
the little property I own, the which I cannot better, or 
in any other manner bequeath." "^ 

Magellan's Last Will. 

In the name of the Most High and Mighty God our 
Lord, who is without beginning and reigns without end, 
and of the most favoured Glorious Virgin, Our Lady, 
Holy Mary, His blessed Mother, whom all we Christians 
own as Queen and Advocate in all our actions ; to their 
honour and service, and that of all the Saints of the 
courts of Heaven. Amen. 

Know all ye by these presents, that I, Hernando de 
Magallanes, Comendador, His Majesty's Captain-general 
of the Armada bound for the Spice Islands, husband of 
Dona Beatriz Barbosa, and inhabitant of this most noble 
and most loyal city of Seville, in the precinct of Santa 

1 De Barros Arana, Ferndo de Magalhdes. Trad, de F. de IVL 
Villas-Boas. Lisboa, i88l, p. I77- 



318 APPENDIX. 

Maria, being well and in good health, and possessed of 
such my ordinary senses and judgment as God our Lord 
has, of His mercy and will, thought fit and right to endow 
me ; believing firmly and truly in the Holy Trinity, the 
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost — three persons and one 
only true God, as every faithful Christian holds and 
believes, and ought to hold and believe, and being in fear 
of death, which is a natural thing from which no man 
can escape ; being willing and desirous of placing my soul 
in the surest and most certain path that I can discern 
for its salvation, to commit and bring it unto the mercy 
and forgiveness of God our Lord, that He, who made 
and created it, may have compassion and pity upon it, 
and redeem and save it, and bring it to His glory and 
His heavenly kingdom. 

Whereas I am about to proceed in the King's service 
in the said Armada, by these presents I make known 
and declare that I make and ordain this my Will, and 
these my bequests, as well of my goods as of my body 
and soul, for the salvation of my soul and the satisfac- 
tion of my heirs. Firstly, the debts owed by me and to 
me owing : they are such as will be found written in my 
book of accounts, the which I confirm and approve and 
acknowledge as correct. The following are the legacies 
bequeathed by me : — 

Firstly, I commend my soul to God our Lord, who 
made and created it, and redeemed me with His precious 
blood, and I ask and beseech of the ever-glorious Virgin 
Mary, Our Lady, His blessed Mother, that, with all the 
Saints of the heavenly kingdom, she may be my inter- 
cessor and supplicant before her precious Son for my 
sovJ, that He may pardon my sins and shortcomings, 
and receive me to share His glory in the kingdom of 
heaven. And when this my present life shall end for the 
life eternal, I desire that if I die in this city of Seville 



II.— MAGELLAN'S WILLS. 319 

my body may be buried in the Monastery of Santa 
Maria de la Vitoria in Triana — ward and precinct of this 
city of Seville — in the grave set apart for me ; And if 
I die in this said voyage, I desire that my body may be 
buried in a church dedicated to Our Lady, in the nearest 
spot to that at which death seize me and I die ; And I 
bequeath to the expenses of the chapel of the Sagrario of 
the Holy Church of Seville, in grateful remembrance of 
the Holy Sacraments which from the said church I have 
received, and hope to receive, if it be the will of God our 
Lord, one thousand maravedis ; And I bequeath to the 
Holy Crusade a real of silver ; And I bequeath to the 
Orders of the Holy Trinity and Santa Maria de la 
Merced of this city of Seville, in aid of the redemption 
of such faithful Christians as may be captives in the 
country of the Moors, the enemies of our holy Catholic 
faith, to each Order a real of silver ; And I bequeath to 
the Infirmary of San Lazaro without the city, as alms, 
that they may pray to God our Lord for my soul, another 
real of silver; And I bequeath to the hospital de Las 
Bubas of this city of SevOle, to gain its intercession, 
another real of silver ; And I bequeath to the Casa de 
San Sebastian in Tablada, to gain its intercession, another 
real of silver ; And I bequeath to the Holy Church of 
Faith in Seville another real of silver, to gain its inter- 
cession ; And I desire that upon the said day of my 
burial thirty masses may be said over my body — two 
cantadas and twenty-eight rezadas, and that they shall 
offer for me the offering of bread and wine and candles 
that my esecutors desire ; And I desire that in the 
said monastery of Santa Maria de la Vitoria a thirty- 
day mass^ may be said for my soul, and that the 
accustomed alms may be given therefor ; And I desire 
that upon the said day of my burial three poor men may 

1 Treintanario de misas cerrado. 



320 APPENDIX. 

be clothed — such as I have indicated to my executors — 
and that to each may be given a cloak of grey stuff, a 
cap, a shirt, and a pair of shoes, that they may pray to 
God for my soul ; And I also desire that upon the said 
day of my burial food may be given to the said three 
paupers, and to twelve others, that they may pray to 
God for my soul ; And I desire that upon the said day 
of my burial a gold ducat may be given as alms for the 
souls in purgatory. And I confess — to speak the truth 
before God and the world and to possess my soul in 
safety — that I received and obtained in dowry and mar- 
riage with the said Doiia Beatriz Barbosa, my wife, six 
hundred thousand maravedis, of the which I made 
acknowledgment before Bernal Gonzalez de Vallecillo, 
notary-public of Seville ; and I desire that before every- 
thing the said Dona Beatriz Barbosa, my wife, may be 
paid and put in possession of the said six hundred 
thousand maravedis, her dowry, together with the arras 
that I gave her. 

And forasmuch as I am proceeding in the King's 
service in the said Armada, and since of all the gain 
and profit which with the help of God our Lord may 
result therefrom (save and excepting the first charges of 
the King), the share allotted to me is one-fifth of the 
whole, in addition to that which I may acquire from the 
merchandise which I take with me in the said Armada — 
of all this which I may acquire from the said Armada I 
desire to set aside one-tenth part, touching which, by 
this my will and testament, I desire and order, and it is 
my wish, that the said tenth may be expended and dis- 
tributed in the manner following : — 

Firstly, I desire and order, and it is my wish, that 
one-third of the said tenth part may be given to the said 
monastery of IST. S. Santa Maria de la Vitoria in Triana, 
for the construction of the chapel of the said monastery, 



II.— MAGELLAN'S WILLS. 321 

and that the monks of the said monastery may hence- 
forth for ever engage to pray to God for my soul. 

Furthermore, I desire, and it is my wish, that the 
remaining two-thirds of the said tenth part shall be 
divided into three equal parts, of which one part shall 
be given to the monastery of N". S. Santa Maria de Mon- 
serrat, in the city of Barcelona ; another to the monas- 
tery of San Francisco in the town of Aranda de Duero, 
for the benefit of the said monastery ; and the third to 
the monastery of S. Domingo de las Duenas, in the city 
of Oporto, in Portugal, for such things as may be most 
necessary for the said monastery ; and this bequest I 
make that they may pray God for my soul. 

Furthermore, I will and desire, and it is my wish, 
that of the half of the rest of my estate of the said 
Armada belonging unto me, together with that of the 
other estate of which I am possessed in this said city of 
Seville, one-fifth part may be set aside to fulfil the neces- 
sities of my soul, and that my executors out of this said 
fifth part may fulfil these necessities of this my will and 
testament, and whatever more may seem fitting unto 
them for the repose of my soul and conscience. 

I desire, moreover, that there may be paid to Cristobal 
Robelo, my page, the sum of thirty thousand maravedis 
from my estate, the which I bequeath unto him for the 
services he has rendered unto me, and that he may pray 
God for my soul. 

And by this my present will and testament, I declare 
and ordain as free and quit of every obligation of capti- 
vity, subjection, and slavery, my captured slave Enrique, 
mulatto, native of the city of Malacca, of the age of 
twenty-six years more or less, that from the day of my 
death thenceforward for ever the said Enrique may be 
free and manumitted, and quit, exempt, and relieved of 
every obligation of slavery and subjection, that he may 



322 APPENDIX. 

act as he desires and thinks fit ; and I desire that of my 
estate there may be given to the said Enrique the sum 
of ten thousand maravedis in money for his support; 
and this manumission I grant because he is a Christian, 
and that he may pray to God for my soul. 

And whereas His Majesty the King has granted unto 
me, my sons, and my heirs in tail male the governorship 
of certain lands and islands that I may discover with the 
said Armada, according to the terms contained in the 
Cajntulacion made with His Majesty, together with the 
title of Adelantado of the said lands and islands dis- 
covered, and also the twentieth part of their produce, 
and other benefits contained in the said Gapitulacion ; 
by these presents, and by this my will and testament, I 
declare and name for this mayorazgo — in order that, upon 
my decease, he may succeed to the above — Rodrigo de 
Magallanes, my legitimate son, and the legitimate son of 
the said Doua Beatriz Barbosa, my wife, and thereafter 
unto any legitimate son that God may grant him ; and 
should he have no legitimate sons born in wedlock 
to have and inherit the above mayorazgo, I desire and 
command that the other legitimate son or daughter whom 
God may give me may inherit,^ and so successively from 
father to son ; And if by chance a daughter should hold 
the mayorazgo, in such a case I desire that the son whom 
God may give her to inherit the said mayorazgo, shall take 
the name of Magallaes \sic\, and bear my arms without 
quartering them with any others ; And, should he fail to 
take the name of Magallaes and to bear my arms, in such 
case I desire and order, and it is my wish, that a son or 
nephew or nearer relation of my lineage may inherit 
the said mayorazgo, and that he may live in Castile, and 
bear my name and arms ; And if — which may God for- 
bid — the said Bodrigo de Magallaes my son should die 
^ Doua Beatriz was at that timo enceinte. 



II.— MAGELLAN'S WILLS. 323 

without leaving sons or daughters born in wedlock, and 
that I should beget no other sons nor daughters to suc- 
ceed to the mayorazgo, I desire and order, and it is my 
wish, that Diego de Sosa, my brother, who is now living 
with His Serene Majesty the King of Portugal, may 
inherit the above, and come and live in this kingdom of 
Castile, and marry in it, and that he adopt the name of 
Magallaes, and bear the arms of Magallaes, as I bear 
them — the arms of Magallaes and Sosa ; And if the said 
Diego de Sosa, my brother, have neither sons nor 
daughters born in holy wedlock to inherit the aforesaid 
mayorazgo, I desire and order, and it is my wish, that 
Isabel de Magallaes, my sister, may inherit the said 
mayorazgo, provided that she call herself Magallaes, and 
bear my arms, and come to reside and marry in this 
kingdom of Castile. 

And furthermore, I desire and order, and it is my 
will, that if the said Diego de Sosa, my brother, or the 
said Isabel de Magallaes, my sister, succeed to the afore- 
said mayorazgo, they shall be obliged to assist the said 
Dona Beatriz Barbosa, my wife, with the fourth part of 
all that the said my mayorazgo produces, fairly and 
justly, and without let or hindrance soever ; And I 
desire that the Comendador Diego de Barbosa, my 
father-in-law, may undertake the charge of the person, 
goods, and mayorazgo of the said Rodrigo de Magallaes, 
my son, and of the child or children with whom the said 
Dona Beatriz Barbosa, my wife, is now pregnant, until 
they reach the age of eighteen years, and that during 
this period the said Comendador Diego Barbosa may 
receive and collect all the produce and rents which the 
said estate and maijorazgo may produce, and give and 
deHver to the said Dona Beatriz Barbosa, my wife, his 
daughter, the fourth part of all that may therefrom 
result, until such time as my sons aforesaid be of the age 



321 APPENDIX. 

stated ; the said my wife, Dona Beatriz Barbosa, living 
widowed and chastely ; And if she should marry, I desire 
that there may be given and paid to her the sum of two 
thousand Spanish doubloons, over and above her dowry 
and arras, and the half of the accumulations thereon.^ 

Furthermore, I desire, and it is my will, that the said 
Comendador Diego Barbosa may take and receive, as his 
own property, one fourth part ; and that he may expend 
the remainder in the maintenance and education of my 
sons; And likewise, I desire and order, and it is my 
wish, that if the said Diego de Sosa, my brother, or the 
said Isabel de Magallaes, my sister, inherit the aforesaid 
my mayorazgo, that above and beyond that which I have 
desired may be given each year to the said Dona Beatriz 
Barbosa, my wife, they shall be obliged to give each year 
to the said Comendador Diego Barbosa, for the remainder 
of his life, two hundred ducats of gold, to be paid from 
the estate of the said mayorazgo. 

Furthermore, I desire that, if the said Comendador 
Diego Barbosa collect the aforesaid my estate, he may 
give of it to the said Isabel de Magallaes, my sister, for 
her marriage, such as seems fitting to the said Comen- 
dador Diego Barbosa. 

Furthermore I desire that of the fifty thousand mara- 
vedis that I have for my life and that of the said Dona 
Beatriz Barbosa, my wife, from the Casa de Contratacion 
of the Indies in this city of Seville, the said Doiia Beatriz, 
my wife, may give to the said Isabel de Magallaes, my 
sister, the sum of five thousand maravedis per annum 
until the arrival of my estate resulting from this my 
present voyage, when the said Comendador Diego Bar- 
bosa can give her that which I have arranged and desired 
in this my will that he should give her for her marriage. 

1 Allendo su doto e arras do lo qi;e ha do haber de su mitad dc 
niultiplicado. 



II.— MAGELLAN'S WILLS. 325 

And this my will and testament having been fvilfilled 
and discharged, together with the bequests and clauses 
therein contained, relating to the aforesaid my posses- 
sions, whether fixtures, movables, or live-stock, in com- 
pliance with that herewith prescribed and expressed, I 
desire that all and everything of the said possessions 
which may remain over and above may be had and 
inherited by the said Rodrigo de Magallaes, my legiti- 
mate son by the said Dona Beatriz, my wife, and by the 
child or children of which the said Dona Beatriz is now 
pregnant, being born and living the period that the law 
requires, whom — the said Rodrigo de Magallaes, my son, 
and the child or children of which the said my wife is 
pregnant — I appoint and establish as my legal residuary- 
legatees, equally the one with the other ; And if, which 
may God forbid, the said my son, or child borne by my 
wife, die before attaining the proper age for the succession, 
I desire that the said Dona Beatriz Barbosa, my wife, may 
inherit the said my estate, save and excepting that of the 
mayorazgo, and I appoint and establish her as my resi- 
duary legatee. 

And for the discharge and quitment of this my wUl 
and testament, and of the bequests and clauses concern- 
ing the said my estate therein contained, in compliance 
with that herewith prescribed and expressed, I hereby 
appoint as my executors for the payment and distribu- 
tion of the said my estate, without hurt to them or 
theirs, Doctor Sancho de Matienzo, Canon of Seville, 
and the said Comendador Diego Barbosa, my father-in- 
law ; And I bequeath to the said Doctor Sancho de 
Matienzo for the burden thus laid upon him in the ful- 
filment and discharge of this my will the sum of thirty 
gold ducats and two pesos. ^ 

^ Here follows the customary conclusion in legal terms. 



326 APPENDIX. 

Done in Seville, in the King's Customs of this city of 
Seville, Wednesday, the twenty-fourth day of the month 
of August, in the year of the birth of our Saviour Jesus 
Christ one thousand five hundred and nineteen. And I, 
the said Comendador Hernando de Magallaes, sign and 
confirm it with my name in the register, in the presence 
of the witnesses Diego Martinez de Medina, Jvian Rodri- 
guez de Medina, and Alfonso Fernandez, notaries of 
Seville. 



III. 

PERSONNEL OP MAGELLAN'S ARMADA. 

From various causes — the haste in the despatch of the 
ships, combined with the difiiculty in obtaining hands ; 
the shipping of some of the crew in the Canaries ; and, 
perhaps, the purposed omission of certain names owing 
to the ships having become more largely manned by 
Portuguese than would have seemed desirable to the 
authorities — it is impossible to arrive at the exact 
number of persons who sailed with Magellan upon his 
final voyage. From the official lists, and from the casual 
occurrence of names in the nrunerous and lengthy autos 
fiscales connected with the expedition, we gather that at 
least 268 individuals embarked. The actual names of 
such a number are given. It is more than probable 
that there were others who were neither entered in the 
ships' books nor the subject of casual mention, and it 
may be affirmed with tolerable certainty that between 
270 and 280 persons manned the five ships which formed 
the squadron. 

The flagship is known to have carried a crew of 62 
men, the S. Antonio 57, the Concepcion 44, the Victoria 



III.— PERSONNEL OF THE ARMADA. 327 

45, the Santiago 31. Of the other 29 who are mentioned 
by name, we do not know the ships. After the loss of 
the Santiago, her crew was distributed among the other 
vessels, and it may be concluded that when the S. 
Antonio deserted in the Straits of Magellan, she did not 
carry away with her less than seventy men. Practically, 
then, the heroes of the voyage — that wondrous voyage 
which, with amusing hyperbole, Oviedo and others have 
compared to those of Jason and Ulysses — were as nearly 
as possible 200 in number. How many returned we 
have already seen. Thirty-one of the Victoria's crew 
reached home, and months — nay, years — later, four of 
those who had sailed in the Trinidad. The remaining 
hundred and sixty or seventy men had perished ! 

An examination of the ship's books shows that each 
vessel carried a captain and one or more pilots — who 
were without exception Portuguese — a maestre and 
contramaestre — who would correspond to the mates of a 
merchant vessel — a purser, steward, carpenter, barber, 
caidker, and cooper. Two classes of sailors were borne 
— the marineros, or A.B.'s, and the grumetes, or ordinary 
seamen. Of the former the flagship carried 14, and 10 
grumetes; the other vessels a few less. Upon each ship 
were three gunners or lomharderos. All these men were 
foreigners, generally French, but sometimes Germans or 
Flemings. The master-gunner of the flagship was a 
certain Maestre Andrew, of Bristol, the only English- 
man in the expedition.^ Three or four chaplains seem 
to have accompanied the fleet, but only one surgeon, the 

^ Master Andrew had married a certain Ana Estrada of Seville, 
and had also, apparently, changed his religion, for we find that the 
sum of 4014 maravedis was paid in his name after his decease to 
the Brotherhood of Nuestra Seiiora de la Vitoria. The amount of 
his pay is given in one of the documents of the Seville archives : it 
was at the rate of £12, i8s. gd. per annum. 



S28 APPENDIX. 

Bachelor Morales, whose duties must indeed have been 
arduous. Various pages and body-servants of the officers 
completed the lists of the ships' crews. The young men 
of good family, who took part in the expedition from love 
of adventure or desire for advancement m military ser- 
vice, shipped as sohresalientes or supernumeraries. In 
this class came Duarte Barbosa, Magellan's brother-in- 
law, and Alvaro de Mesquita, his cousin. 

A glance at the list of the officers and crews of the 
five ships reveals a great number of Portuguese names. 
On the 17th June, 15 19, Charles V. sent a special order 
to Magellan and Ruy Faleiro that no one of that nation- 
ality should accompany the expedition except four or 
five for the service of each of them. Later, hearing 
several of the gntmetes are Portuguese, he writes that 
they must be dismissed. But there was a great dearth 
of men, no matter of what nationality. The expedition 
was cried throughout Seville, and advertised at the street 
corners and on the quays, but the pay offered was so scanty 
that it was found impossible to obtain hands. Crimp- 
ing was not permitted. Several of Magellan's officers 
were accordingly sent to other ports to endeavour to get 
the necessary complement, and Charles's regulations as to 
the admission of Portuguese had ultimately to be relaxed. 
In a later Cedula permission is given for the enrolment 
of twenty-four, twelve to be nominated by the Emperor, 
and twelve by Magellan. We find, however, that thirty- 
seven at least sailed on the voyage, and as some of these 
entered themselves as of Seville or some other Spanish 
port, it is probable that even this number is not inclu- 
sive and final. The numerous nationalities represented 
have already been commented upon. After the Portu- 
guese came the Genoese and Italians in point of numbers. 
Of these there were thirty or more. The French num- 
bered nineteen. There were besides Flemings, Germans, 



IV.— EQUIPMENT OF THE FLEET. 



329 



Sicilians, Corfiotes, Malays, Negroes, Moors, Madeirans, 
and natives of the Azores and Canary Islands. Despite 
the fleet sailing from Seville, only seventeen men are 
entered as of that city. The Biscayans, as was always 
the case on such expeditions, were largely represented. 



IV. 



STORES AND EQUIPMENT OF MAGELLAN'S 
FLEET. 



From various documents existing in the Seville archives 
we gather extraordinarily precise details, not only as 
regards the articles supplied to the Armada, but also as 
to their price and their exact distribution among the 
different ships. This information is of much interest, 
showing as it does what stores were at that period con- 
sidered necessary. It also throws light upon various 
events connected with the preparation of the fleet of 
which we should otherwise have remained in ignorance. 



Ships, Fittings, <&c. 

The Co7icepcion, with rigging and boat . 

The Victoria, do. do. 

Tiie S. Antonio, do. do. 

The Trinidad, do. do. 

The Santiago, do. do. 

Bringing ships from Cadiz to Seville, and expenses 

of Juan de Aranda in going to Cadiz 
Workmen careening ships, &c. . . . 
Carpenters for repairing ships 
Caulkers for caulking ships 



Maravedis.i 
228,750 
300,000 
330,000 
270,000 
187,000 

24,188 

13,482 

104,244 

129,539 



1000 maravedis may be reckoned at lis. 6d. 



330 



APPENDIX. 



Maravedis. 

Sawyers for sawing planks. &c., for ships . . 6,790 

Wood for beams and planking, &c. . . . 175,098 
Nails used in repair of ships, together with the 

supply for the voyage 142,532^ 

Oakum do. do. 3i>67o 

Pitch, tar, and resin do. do 72,267^ 

Grease do. do. S3>852 

173 pieces of canvas for sails, &c 149,076 

Twine for sewing the above, with needles and 

awls, and money paid for making . . . 32,825 

Masts, yards, and spare spars .... 37>437 

Skiff purchased for the Trinidad .... 3)937^ 

Pumps, bolts, and nails 1 5)475 

Oars and sweeps 6,563 

Leather bags, hose, and leathers for the pumps . 9,364 

Pulleys and blocks i}285^ 

3 timbers for knees <, 3>687^ 

8 large blocks . . . . ' . . . 4,204 

Standing and other rigging, and rigging ditto . 34,672^ 

3 large pitch ladles 5 ^ ^ 

13 lighters of ballast for the ships .... 1,962 
32 yards of coarse canvas for making sacks for the 

ballasting 807 

Pay of workmen and sailors during the prepara- 
tions for the voyage 438,3355 

Thirteen anchors ....... 42,042 

8 saws, large and small 1,008 

Bits and braces, large and small .... 1,762 

6 pickaxes to dig the ditch to careen the ships . 663 

76 hides to make pitch-brushes to pay the ships . 2,495 

Fuel used in pitching the ships .... 4,277 

Pilots for bringing ships from S. Lucar to Seville . 1,0545 
221 quintals of cables and hawsers and 1000 
arrobas of hemp to make the rigging and 
cordage, which, together with cost of manu- 
facture (38,972 ms.) and money paid for sedge 

and esparto-grass rope (14,066 ms.), make . 324,1705 
Zo flags, and the painting of them, with a royal 

standard made of taffety 25,029 



IV.— EQUIPMENT OF THE FLEET. 331 

Maravedis. 

Cost of the " bergantym " 49}5o4 

Expenses of Duarte Barbosa in Bilbao wben he 
went to buy the articles for the ships, together 

with those of Anton Semeno . . . . 84, 1 44 

Artillery, Munitioiis, Arms, d'c. 

58 culverjns, 7 falconets, 3 large bombards, and 

3 " pasamiiros," all from Bilbao . . . 160,135 
50 quintals of gunpowder from Fuenterrabia and 

freight 109,028 

1 65 lbs. of powder for proving the artillery in Bilbao 5,477 
Shot and cannon-balls of iron and stone . . 6,633 
6 moulds for making cannon-balls . . . 3»85o 

221 arrobas 7 lbs. of lead for bullets, save 84 

arrobas used as plates for leading the seams 

of the ships . 39,890 

Paid for mounting the artillery .... 3,276 

Wages of the lombarderos 8,790 

100 corselets with armlets, shoulder-plates, and 

helmets, and 100 breastplates with throat-pieces 

and helmets from Bilbao .... 110,910 

60 crossbows with 360 dozen arrows from Bilbao . 33,495 
50 arquebuses from Biscay ..... 10,500 
Coat of mail and two complete suits of armour for 

the Captain- General from Bilbao , . . 6,375 

200 shields from Bilbao 6,800 

6 sword-blades for the Captain from Bilbao . . 680 

95 dozen of darts, 10 dozen javelins, 1000 lances, 

200 pikes, 6 boarding-pikes, &c., from Bilbao 44,185 
120 skeins of wire for the cross-bows, &c. . . 2,499 
Cleaning the arms, 6 lbs. of emery, leathers, tacks, 

buckles, &c. . 3,553 

50 flasks and prickers for the arquebuses, and 1 50 

yards of fuses 5,61 1 

Stores, d;c. 

Biscuit, 363,480 maravedis, i.e., 2138 quintals 3 
lbs., at 170 maravedis per quintal, hire of 
sacks, portage, &c. ; total .... 372,510 



532 



APPENDIX. 



Maravedis. 
Wine, 508 butts from Jerez, 511,347 ms. and costs 

thereon ; total 590,000 

50 cwts. beans ; 90 cwts. cliick-peas ; 2 cwts. lentils 23,037 

47 quintals 3 arrobas of olive-oil .... 58,425 

200 barrels anchovies, 238 dozen large dried fish . 62,879 

57 quintals 12 lbs. dried pork .... 43,908 

7 cows for the voyage (14,000 ms.), 3 pigs (1180 

ms.), and meat for workmen ; total . . 17,740 

984 cheeses, weighing 112 arrobas .... 26,434 

417 pipes, 253 butts, 45 barrels for the wine and 
water (230,170 ms.), staves, oil- vessels, barrels 

for the cheeses, jars for vinegar, &c. ; total . 393,623 

21 arrobas 9 lbs. of sugar, at 720 ms. per arroba . 15,451 

200 arrobas vinegar ...... 3,655 

250 strings of garlic and 100 ditto onions . • 2,198 

1 8 quintals of raisins, &c 5,997 

16 quarter casks of figs 1,130 

12 cwts. of almonds in their shells , . . 2,922 

54 arrobas 2 lbs. of honey 8,980 

2 quintals of currants 750 

3 jars of capers 1,554 

Salt 1,768 

3 quintals 22 lbs. of rice i,575 

I cwt. of mustard 380 

Preserved quince ....... 5,779 

Medicines, unguents, salves, and distilled waters . 13,027 

5 pipes of flour 5,927 

Hardware and Store-Room Articles. 

Copper kitchen utensils : 6 large cauldrons, weigh- 
ing 280 lbs. (6165 ms.), 5 large pots, weighing 
132 lbs. (3700 ms.), 2 baking ovens, weighing 
171 lbs. (7695 ms.), I pot weighing 27 lbs. 
(121 5 ms.), and large vessel for pitch, weighing 

55 lbs. (2200 ms.) &c. ; total .... 21,515 

10 large knives ....... 884 

42 wooden pint measures for the rations . . 516 

8 arrobas of candles, and grease for 42 arrobas 

more, &c. 3,440 



IV.— EQUIPMENT OF THE FLEET. 



333 



89 lanterns 

95 lbs. ornamented wax candles for the consecration 
of tlie ships 

40 cartloads of wood .... 

40 yards of coarse canvas for table-cloths 

14 large wooden trenchers 

Chain for large cauldron 

12 bellows 

22^ lbs. beeswax for waxing thread and for the 
crossbows 

12 large knives (calahozos) for the steward's room 

5 large iron ladles 

100 mess-bowls, 200 porringers, 100 choppers, 66 
wooden platters, 12 mortars, 62 trenchers, all 
from Bilbao . 

20 lights for the lamps 

12 funnels 

5 hammers 

18 extra trenchers . 

Brass pestle and mortar for the dispensary 

35 padlocks, given to the stewards . 

Irons, handcuffs, and chains, &c, . 

20 lbs. of steel for the pikes, &c. . 

An arroba of stamped iron weights 

50 spades and pickaxes .... 

20 bars of iron ..... 

56 iron pikes and hammers and 2 large iron mallets 

2 great ship's lanterns . 

8 pair of pincers .... 

Boathooks, ravIs, &c. 

50 quintals 20 lbs. of iron in small bars 

Mats and baskets for the entire fleet 

Fishing gear : 2 seines (chinchorros), (costing 8500 
nis.), 6 chain hooks (125 ms.), floats for the 
seines (425 ms.), fishing-lines and cords (8663 
ms.), harpoons and tish-spears from Biscay 
(8715 ms.), 10,500 fish-hooks (3826 ms.) ; 
total 

Forge, bellows, anvil, and fittings from Biscay 



Maravedis. 
1,430 

495 
8,860 
.1,280 
476 
158 
256 

1,530 
768 
204 



5,834 
240 

330 
125 

995 

653 

3,622 

3,091 

240 

297 

2,400 

1,600 

2,531 

1,200 

360 

1,224 

24,938 

10,639 



30,254 
9,147 



334 APPENDIX. 



Maravedis. 



15 blank account-books, 5 wherein to keep tbe 
accounts of the fleet, and 10 for the officials to 

keep current accounts 1,211 

Stevedores' wages for lading the ships . . . 2,635 
2 gi-indstones, and a hone for the two barbers . 2,125 

5 drums and 20 tambourines, given to the people 

of the fleet to serve for their pastime . . 2,895 
The furniture {el oriiamento) and all the necessary 

appliances for the chaplain to say Mass . . 16,513 
3700 ms. paid the pilots for bringing the ships 

from Seville to S. Lucar, and 1985 from S. 

Lucar over the bar to the sea . . . 5)685 

Paid Kodrigo de Garay for his work . . . 11,250 
Paid Juan de la Cueva do. do. ... 7? 500 

Carriage of quicksilver, vermilion, and other articles 12,014 
Paid courier who came from Portugal and returned 

to the Court 5>625 

Paid for posts and couriers to and from the Court 45,000 
Paid to the Caravel, and for rations for the mes- 
senger sent with letters to the Canary Islands 6,750 
Paid to Luis de Mendoza to purchase -various 

necessaries in the Canary Islands . . . 15,000 

Charts mid Nautical InstrvmenU. 

Paid Nuno Garcia to buy parchments for the charts i)i25 

I dozen skins of parchment given to the above . 900 
Another dozen do. do. . 864 
7 charts constructed by the orders of Euy Falero . I3>I25 

II charts made by Nuuo Garcia by the orders of 

Fernando Magallanes 11,250 

6 charts caused to be made by Ruy Falero, and one 

sent to the King ...... 13,500 

6 wooden quadrants made by Ruy Falero . . 1,121 

I wooden astrolabe made by the said Ruy Falero . 750 
I planisphere ordered to be made by the Captain 

Magallanes for the King .... 4,500 
Paid to the said Magallanes for 6 metal astrolabes 

with rulers ....... 4,500 



IV.— EQUIPMENT OF THE FLEET. 335 

Maravedis. 

Paid to the same for 1 5 compass needles . . 4.080 

Paid to same for 15 wooden quadrants, bronze-fitted 1)875 
Gilt compass in a box, sent to the King with chart 

mentioned above 476 

Leather case for the planisjihere .... 340 

12 hour-glasses bought by the Captain . . . 612 

2 compass needles that the Captain has . . . 750 

6 pairs of compasses 600 

Paid to Nuho Garcia for 2 compass needles . . 750 
Paid for the correction of an injured comj)ass 

needle . 136 

4 large boxes for four compasses, which Ruy Falero 

had made 884 

16 compass needles and six hour-glasses, sent by 

Bernaldino del Castillo from Cadiz . . 6,094 

Articles of Trade and Barter. 

20 quintals of quicksilver. 

30 do. vermilion. 

100 do. alum. 

30 pieces valuable coloured cloth at 4000 ms. per piece. 

20 lbs. of saffron. 

3 pieces " veintenes," ^ silver, red, and yellow. 

1 piece Valencia stuff. 
10 quintals of ivory. 

2 pieces of coloured velvets. 
200 common red caps. 

200 coloured kerchiefs. 

10,000 fish-hooks. 

1000 maravedis-worth of combs. 

200 quintals of lump copper. 

2000 brass bracelets. 

2000 copper do. 

10,000 bundles of yellow matamundo (?). 

200 small brass basins of two sorts. 

2 dozen large basins. 

20,000 small bells of three kinds. 

^ Pieces of cloth containing 2000 threads to the warp. 



336 APPENDIX. 

400 dozens of German knives of the commonest kind. 

40 pieces of coloured buckram. 

50 dozen scissors. 

900 small looking-glasses, and 100 larger size. 

100 quintals of lead. 

500 lbs. of crystals, which are diamonds of all colours. 

Total, 1,679,769. 

We learn from the same document that four months' 
pay was given in advance, and that the number of persons 
receiving it was 237. Either some of those who accom- 
panied the espedition did not receive pay — as, for ex- 
ample, the sohresalientes, many of whom were doubtless 
young men of good family — or some forty or more persons 
must have joined the fleet on the eve of its departure, 
which we have reason to beheve was the case. 

Another document informs us how the various stores 
and provisions were distributed among the five vessels of 
the squadron. A proportionate division of the latter was 
made according to the ship's burthen. The flagship 
took two cows, the other vessels one each. One surgeon 
alone being carried, all the medicines went with him on 
the Trinidad. The two ornamentos with robes and aU 
necessaries for Mass were carried on the flagship and 
the S. Antonio. 



THE FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATORS OF 
THE GLOBE. 

From Pigafetta's journal we learn that thirty-one men 
of the Victoria eventually returned home. HeiTcra also 
(Dec. III. lib. iv. cap. 4) gives the names of thirty-one as 
going to Court to relate their adventures to the Emperor. 



v.— THE FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATORS. 337 

Thirteen of these had been seized by the Portuguese in 
the Cape Yerde Islands, but they were released shortly 
afterwards and sent at once to Seville. 

Herrera's list has been copied by numerous writers, 
even by those of late date, such as Lord Stanley of 
Alderley and De Barros Arana, without any attempt, 
apparently, to verify it. It is nevertheless very erro- 
neous, as a careful consideration of the documents relat- 
ing to the expedition shows. The following Hsts have 
been corrected as far as is possible. 

Returned to Seville in the " Victoria." 

1. Miguel de Eodas, contramaestre of the Victoria. 

2. Miguel Sanchez, of Eodas, marinero ^ of the Victoria. 

3. Martin de Isaurraga, of Bermeo, grumete''- of the Goncep- 

don, 

4. Nicholas the Greek, of Naples, marinero of the Victoria, 

5. Juan Rodriguez,^ of Seville, marinero of the Trinidad. 

6. Vasco Gomez Gallego,^ Portuguese, grumete of the Trinidad. 

7. Martin de Judicibus, of Genoa, superintendent of the Con- 

cepcion, 

8. Juan de Santandres, of Cueto, grumete of the Trinidad. 

9. Hernando de Bustamante, of Merida or Alcantara, barbei", 

of the Concepcion. 

10. Antonio Pigafetta, of Vicenza. 

11. Francisco Rodriguez, of Seville, a Portuguese, marinero of 

the Concepcion. 

12. Antonio Eos or Rodriguez, of Huelva, mctrincro of the 

Trinidad. 

13. Diego Gallego, of Bayonne, marinero of the Victoria. 

^ Marinero and grumete corresponded more or less with our A.B. 
and ordinary seaman. 

^ Three men of this name sailed on the voyage. The other two 
were borne as marineros on the Concepcion. One died on the 
voyage; the other, nicknamed "el Sordo," was one of the four 
survivors of the Trinidad. 

^ Not Vasco Gallego, pilot of the Victoria, who died February 
28, 1521. 

Y 



338 APPENDIX. 

14. Juan de Arratia (or de Sahelices), of Bilbao, grumete of 

the Victoria. 

1 5. Juan de Acurio, of Bermeo, contramaestre of the Concepcion. 

16. Juan de Gubileta,^ of Baracaldo, page, of the Victoria. 

17. Francisco Albo,^ of Axio, contramaestre of the Trinidad. 

18. Juan Sebastian del Cano, of Guetaria, master of the Con- 

cepcion. 

Seized by the Portuguese in the Cape Verdes. 

1. Maestre Pedro,^ from Tenerife, of the Santiago. 

2. Richard,* from Normandy, carpenter of the Santiago. 

3. Pedro Gasco, of Bordeaux, marinero of the Santiago. 

4. Alfonso Domingo, marinero of the Santiago. 

5. Simon de Burgos, Portuguese, servant of the Captain, 

Luis de Mendoza, Victoria. 

6. Juan Martin, of Aguilar de Campo, do. do. 

7. Roldan de Argote, of Bruges, bombardier of the Concepcion. 

8. Martin Mendez, of Seville, accoixntant of the Victoria. 

9. Gomez Hernandez, of Huelva, marinero of the Concepcion. 

10. Ocacio Alonso, of Bollullos, marinero of the Santiago. 

11. Pedro de Tolosa, of Tolosa in Guipuzcoa, grum^te of the 

Victoria. 

12. Felipe de Rodas, of Rodas, m/irinero of the Victoria. 

13. Juan de Apega.^ 

Among the first circumnavigators must likewise be 
included the four sole survivors of the ill-fated Trinidad^ 

^ Or Zuvileta or Zubieta. 

2 Or Alvaro or Calvo, the pilot who has left us the log-book 
record of the voyage. 

^ Maestre Pedro, who is probably identical with Herrera's Pedro 
de Indarchi, was shipped in Tenerife on ist October 15 19. 

* Variously called Ricarte, Rigarte, Ripart, Ruxar, or Ruger 
Carpintete. His birth-place is given as Bruz (?) or Ebras (?). 

^ This man, mentioned by Herrera, la probably identical with 
Juan Ortiz de Gopega of Bilbao, steward of the S. Antonio. 

Herrera gives the following names in his list as being among the 
survivors : — Lorenzo de Iruna, Juan de Ortega, Diego Garcia, Pedro 
de Valpuesta, and Martin de Magallanes. All these men, however, 



v.— THE FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATORS. 339 

although they did not return to Spain until long after. 
They were : — 

1. Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, alguacil of the fleet, 

2. Gines de Mafra, of Jerez, marinero. 

3. Leon Pancado (or Pancaldo), of Saona near Genoa, marinero. 

4. Juan Rodriguez (el Sordo), of Seville, marinero, formerly of 

the Concepcion. 

Finally, the name of Hans Yargue (" Maestro Ance ") 
should perhaps be placed in the roll of honour. This 
man — a German — was master-gunner of the Concepcion, 
and was afterwards borne on the Trinidad. He reached 
Lisbon with Espinosa and Gines de Mafra, and being 
thi'own into prison with them immediately on his arrival, 
perished there. 

died on the voyage, and their deaths are recorded in the official list. 
It is a curious circumstance that they should all without exception 
have died near the termination of the voyage. Lorenzo de Iruna 
succumbed as the Victoria was rounding the Cape, while Martin 
Magellan, the last of the five, died on the 26th June 1522, almost 
within sight of the Cape Verde Islands. 



J 



INDEX. 



Abreu, Antonio d', sails for the Spice 
Islands, 67. 

Simon de, 302. 

A^aga, 223. 

Accounts of Magellan's expedition, 
145. 

Acurio, Juan de, 338. 

Adam, ViUiers de I'Isle, 146, 297. 

AdelantacLo, title ofiered to Magellan, 
107. 

Aden, 64. 

Admiralty Sound, 205 ; searched, 208 ; 
proved to be an inlet, 214. 

Adrian of Utrecht, Cardinal, Magellan 
meets, 99 ; character, 101 ; supports 
da Costa against Magellan, 112; is 
petitioned by Faleiro, 135. 

Aftica, discoveries on west coast of, 
4 et seq. 

Agana, Guam Island, 223. 

Agreement between Magellan and 
Faleiro, 91 ; between them and 
Aranda, 98, 99. 

Agrigan Island, Ladrones, 299. 

Aires, Master. See Hans. 

Albo, log - book of Francisco, 145 ; 
retm-ns to Spain, 33S. 

Albuquerque, Alfonso d', 49; meets 
Almeida, 50; arrested by Almeida, 
53 ; defeated at Calicut, 59 ; plans 
reduction of Ormuz, 61 ; occupies, 
but shortly evacuates, Goa, 62 ; 
plans seizure of Aden and Kamaran 
Islands, 64 ; sends an expedition to 
Malacca, 64; takes that city, 65; 
sends expedition to the Moluccas, 
67. 

Alcaide-m6r of Seville, 89. 

Alexander VI., Bull of Pope, 11, 12, 
91. 

Alfarrobeira, Pedro de, chart of, 190. 

Algoa Bay reached by Diaz, 7. 

Almeida, Dom Francisco de, expedi- 
tion to India, 28 et seq. ; character, 
29 ; outfit of his fleet, 30 ; blessing 



of his standard, 31 ; sails, 32 ; rounds 
the Cape, 33 ; his sailing orders, 34 ; 
arrives in India, 38 ; assumes his 
rank of Viceroy, 39; arrives at 
Cochim, 40 ; meets Albuquerque, 
50 ; avenges his son's death at Diu, 
50 ; destroys Dabul, 50 ; quan-els 
with Albuquerque, 53 ; leaves India, 
58 ; is killed at Saldanha Bay, 58. 

Alonso, Ocacio, 338. 

Alvarenga captains a fleet to India, 
27. 

Alvarez, Portuguese factor at Seville, 
his letter to the King of Portugal, 
119, 125, 130 ; instigates an emeute at 
Seville, 120 et seq. 

Alvaro of Portugal, Dom, 89. 

Alvo. See Albo. 

Amboina, 69, 70. 

America, South, exploration of coast 
of, 10 ; recognised as an impassable 
barrier, 92. 

Amoretti's edition of Pigafetta, 147. 

Amsterdam Island discovered, 291. 

Anchediva, 34, 38 ; evacuated, 48. 

Anconi, Mohammed, restored to throne 
of Quiloa, 36. 

Andrew, "Master," sails with Magellan, 
137 ; dies in Ladrone Islands, 226 ; 
note concerning, 327. 

Anegada Point, 200. 

Anegados, Bajos, 159. 

Angola discovered by Diogo Cao, 6. 

Anhaia, Pero de, loses his ship, 47 ; is 
kiOed, 47. 

Anime, 231. 

" Anonymous Portuguese," diary of, 
145. 

Apega, Juan de, 338. 

" Aquade des bons signes," 226. 

Arab trade in tlie Indian Ocean, 8, 35. 

Arabs cross swords with the Portu- 
guese, 42. 

Aranda, Juan de, 94 ; supports Magel- 
lan's project, 95 ; accompanies him 



J42 



INDEX. 



to uie Court at Valladolid, 97 ; procks 
against, 95 ; awaits Magellan and 
Faleiro at Medina del Campo, 97 ; 
proposes to share profits, 98; binds 
Magellan to an agreement, 99 ; buys 
the ships for the Armada, 119. 

Aranda de Duero, 108, 109 ; its convent 
endowed by Magellan, 140. 

Archipelago, Philippine, 227. 

Archives of the Indies, 17. 

Arcos, Duchess of, 97. 

Arias, Diego, 298. 

Armada, Magellan's, 106, 119 ; cost of, 
126, 329 ; personnel of, 326 ; leaves 
Seville quays, 138 ; begins the voyage, 
141 ; armament of the, 143 ; arrives 
at Tenerife, 148 ; passes Cape Verde, 
150 ; reaches American coast, 153 ; 
enters Kio Harbour, 153; reaches 
River Plate, 156; leaves Port St. 
Julian, 186 ; leaves Rio Santa Cruz, 
188 ; emerges from Magellan's Strait, 
202, 213 ; crosses Pacific, 218 et seq. ; 
arrives at Ladrones, 223 ; reaches 
Philippines, 226 ; leaves Sebu, 267 ; 
arrives at Brunei, 269 ; is attacked 
there, 273 ; captures King of Luzon, 
273 ; refits off Banguey, 274 ; captures 
Rajah of Palawan, 275; arrives at 
Moluccas, 277. 

Armament of Magellan's fleet, 143, 
331. 

Arms of Magellan, 21 ; of del Cano, 
307. 

Aroche, Juan de, death of, 240. 

AiTatia, Juan de, 338. 

Artillery of Magellan's fleet, 143, 331. 

Ascension I. discovered, 88. 

Assassination of Magellan counselled, 
112. 

Astrolabes taken on Magellan's fleet, 
143. 

Ayres, Master. See Hans. 

Azamor expedition, 74 ; taking of the 
city, 75 ; battle near, 75. 

Badajoz Junta, il, 14, 

Bahia de los Patos, 160. 

de los Trabajos, 162. 

Bajos Anegados, 159. 

Balabac, fleet pass, 269. 

Balangai, 230. 

Balboa, Vasco Nunez de, 82, 93. 

Bahda visited by Vartema, 67 ; by 
d'Abreu, 69 ; its trade in 1521, 283 ; 
de Brito visits, 301 ; crew of Trinidad 
taken to, 304. 

Banguey Island, fleet pass, 269. 

Barbosa, Beatriz, marries Magellan, 
90 ; dies, 90, 140 ; to receive her 
husband's pay, 127; estate be- 
queathed her, 140 ; watched by the 
Casa de Coutratacion, 216, 315. 



Barbosa, Diogo, '87, 140, 315 ; made 
Magellan's executor, 141; warns 
Magellan of the mutiny, 149 ; pleads 
for Alezquita, 216, 217. 

Duarte, 88, 140, 315 ; " O livro 

de," 88 ; joins the Trinidad, 143 ; 
captures the Victoria from the 
mutineers, 169 ; is made captain of 
Victoria, 179 ; tries to obtain Magel- 
lan's body, 254 ; is elected successor 
to Magellan, 263; arrested, 265; is 
murdered in Sebu, 265. 

Jaime, 88, 315 ; claims Magellan's 

estate, 140. 

Barcelona, Charles V. arrives at, 125. 

"Bargantyms," 32, 39. 

Barrameda, S. Lucar de, fleet leaves 
for, 138 ; Victoria arrives at, 294. 

N. S. de, final mass said in chui'cli 

of, 141. 

Barrasa, Diego de, killed, 184, 185. 

Barreta, Martin, death of, 240. 

BaiTos, becomes possessed of San 
Martin's books, 306. 

Barter, articles of, taken by Magellan 
on his Armada, 144, 335 ; carried on 
atRio, 154; at the Philippine Islands, 
226, 241 ; in Moluccas, 282. 

Barthema. See Vartema. 

Basques sailing with Magellan, 137. 

Bassas de Pedro, wreck on, 60. 

Batchian Island, cloves fetched from, 
283. 

Baticala, 50. 

Battle of Cananor, 43 ; of Chaul, 49 ; of 
Diu, 50 ; of Azamor, 75 ; of Mactan, 
249. 

Bay of Toil, 162. 

Paranagua, 156. 

Sta. Lucia, 153. 

Behaim, Martin, 73. 

Belem, 32, 74. 

Benaconora, 302. 

Bisagudo, Simao Affonso, 67. 

Biscay, ship's stores, &c., bought in, 
118. 

Blood-brotherhood, 229, 232, 236, 268. 

Bojador, Cape, 3, 4. 

Boleng Strait, 289. 

Bombordo and Estribordo, 33. 

Borneo first visited by Vartema, 43 ; 
Victoria and Trinidad coast, 269, 
274. 

Boucant Bay, 200. 

Bracelet, superstition concerning, 64. 

Braganza, Jayme, Duke of, commands 
fleet against the Moors, 74. 

"Brasilie regio," 192; described by 
Schoner, 192. 

Brazil discovered, 9, 154 ; accidentally 
sighted by Cabral, 154. 

Brito, Antonio de, establishes himself 
in Ternate, 301 ; seizes the Trinidad, 



INDEX. 



3i3 



302 ; his letter to King of Portugal, 

303. 
Brito, Lorenzo de, 40. 
Broad Reach, 200 ; fleet enters, 202 ; 

passes, 205 ; explored in search of S. 

Antonio, 208. 
Brunei, fleet aiTives at, 269 ; Chinese 

money current in, 269 ; description 

of, 270 ; Sultan attacks the Spaniards, 

273. 
Bull of Pope Alexander VI., 11, 12, 91 
Burgos, Fonseca, Bishop of, 96, 100 

Magellan meets, 99 ; character, 101 

favours Magellan's cause, 102 ; sup 

ports it before Charles V., 112 

counsels early despatch of Armada, 

125. 

Simon de, 338. 

"Burong-mati." S«e Paradise birds. 
Bustamante, Hernando de, 337. 
Byrom, Captain, his soundings on the 

Lakadivhs, 60. 

"Cabis,"64. 

Cabot, Sebastian, attends Badajoz 
Junta, 14 ; considers North America 
to consist of islands, 92. 

Cabral sights Brazil, 9. 

Cadiz, recruiting at, for Magellan s 
fleet, 136. 

Cagayan Sulu Island visited by the 
fleet, 268 ; passed, 275. 

Calagan. See Caraca. 

Calambu, Rajah, 232. 

Calatayud, 109. 

Calavar, Rajah, 232. 

Calicut, Gama reaches, 8 ; rendezvous 
of Arab fleet, 42 ; attacked by Albu- 
querque, 59. 

Calmeta, Bernardo, 171. 

Camoens, tomb of, 32. 

Camotes group, 235. 

Campos, Juan de, 298. 

Canal, Panama, early contemplated, 
197, 198. 

Cananor, 39 ; fortress built at, 40 ; 
visited by Soarez, 41 ; fortress be- 
sieged, 48 ; Almeida and Albuquer- 
que meet at, 50 ; shipwi'ecked crew 

Canary islands, 3, 4 ; Magellan's fleet 
shaped for, 147 ; arrives at, 148 ; 
leaves, 149. 

Canigan Island, 235. 

Cano, Sebastian del, attends the Bada- 
joz Junta, 14 ; witness in an Infor- 
viacion, 136 ; joins in the mutiny, 
165 ; is given command of the S. 
Antonio, 166 ; made captain of 
Victoria, 275 ; returns to Spain, 294, 
338 ; is rewarded by Charles V., 307 ; 
his coat-of-arms, 307, 308 ; autograph, 
308 ; statue of, 309. 



Cao, Diogo, reaches the Congo, 5. 

Cape Corrientes, 159. 

Deseado, 206, 213. 

Frio, 153. 

Froward, 205, 206. 

Monmouth, 205. 

of Good Hope doubled by the 

ancients, 6 ; Diaz rounds it, 6, 7 ; 
called Cape Tormentoso by Diaz, 7 ; 
passed by Vasco da Gama, 7 ; ships 
sent thither to intercept Magellan, 
139 ; Victoria doubles, 293. 

San Severin, 202. 

Sta. Maria, 156. 

St. Antonio, 159. 

St. Augustin, 153. 

St. Thomas, 153. 

St. Vincent, 202. 

Tonnentoso, Cape of Good Hope 

tlius called, 7. 

Capitana, the Trinidad selected as, 
142. 

Capitulaciones (Cedidas) of Charles V., 
106, 107, 108, 113, 117, 119, 126, 127, 
135, 136. 

Capitulacion of TordesiUas, 11, 13. 

Cufjassela, 151. 

Caraca, district of, 232. 

Carlos III. Island (Charles III. Is- 
land), 206, 210. 

Carreto, 93. 

Cartagena, Juan de, made Veedor of 
the Armada, 107, 126 ; brings instruc- 
tions to Seville, 130 ; made conjunta 
persona with MageBan, 135 ; made 
captain of the S. Antonio, 142 ; 
Magellan warned against, 149 ; his 
words with Magellan, 150 ; insults 
him, 152 ; is arrested and deposed 
from the command, 153 ; joins in the 
mutiny, 165 ; suri'enders to Magellan, 
170 ; sentenced to be marooned, 
171 ; the sentence executed, 185. 

Carvalho, Joao Lopez, joins the Con- 
cepdon, 143 ; his account of tlie Rio 
natives, 154 ; his son accompanies 
the fleet, 154 ; basely deserts Serrao, 
265 ; becomes Captain-general, 267 ; 
guilty of malversation, 274 ; deprived 
of his command, 275 ; dies at Tidor, 
299. 

Casa de Contratacion. See Contrata- 
cion. 

da Pereira, 23, 24. 

" Casi-casi," or blood-brotherhood, 229. 

Castellobranco (or Castelbranco), Nurio 
Vaz de, 53, 57, 58. 

Cedulas of Charles V. See Capitula- 
ciones. 

Cession of the Moluccas, 11, 15. 

Ceylon or Leyte Island, 234. 

Chao Island, 299. 

Charles Islands, 206. 



344 



INDEX. 



Charles V. cedes the Moluccas, 15 ; 
lands in Spain, 96 ; proceeds to Val- 
ladolid, 96 ; summons Cortes at Val- 
ladolid, 96 ; gives an audience to 
Magellan, 99 ; his ministers, 100 ; 
corruption of his court, 100 ; accepts 
Magellan's projects, 106 ; goes to 
Zaragoza, 108; directs India Office 
to fit out the Armada, 113; deco- 
rates Magellan and Faleiro with cross 
of Comendador, 114 ; leaves Zai'agoza 
for Barcelona, 125 ; issues sailing 
orders of the fleet, 127 ; instructions 
for the voyage, 128 ; limits the num- 
ber of Portuguese sailing, 136. 

Charts of Armada, by whom con- 
structed, 133, 334 ; number taken, 
143 ; of Martin Behaim, 189. 

Chaul, battle of, 49. 

Chifevres. See Croy. 

Circumnavigators, the first, 294 ; pre- 
sented at court, 307 ; number and 
names of, 336 et seq. 

Cloves, prices of, in Tidor, 282 ; abun- 
dance of, 284, 286 ; value of, in the 
Victoria, 310. 

Coca, Antonio de, made Contador of 
the Armada, 107, 126 ; made captain 
of S. Antonio, 153 ; deprived of his 
command, 165 ; joins the mutineers, 
166 ; dies in the Ladroue Islands, 
172. 

Cochim, 34 ; Arabs resolve to take, 42 ; 
Pereira returns to, 48 ; council held 
at, 62. 

Coelho, voyage of, 10, 27, 193, 195. 

Columbus applies to Joao II. and Henry 
VII., 5 ; his route to America, 9 ; 
tries to find an American strait, 92 ; 
his merits contrasted with those of 
Magellan, 258. 

Ferdinand, attends Badajoz Junta, 

14. 

Columns, custom of erecting, 37. 

Comendadores, Magellan and Faleiro 
made, 114. 

Compass, variation of, recognised, 222. 

Coneepcion, tonnage of, 119 ; com- 
manded by Quesada, 142 ; Portuguese 
on board, 143 ; held by the muti- 
neers, 167; sent to explore Magellan's 
Strait, 199 ; despatched on a further 
exploration, 205 ; is burned off the 
island of Bohol, 267 ; number of her 
original crew, 326. 

Congo discovered by Diogo Cao, 5. 

Contratacion, Casa de, its powers, 93 ; 
opposed to Magellan, 113 ; yields to 
Charles's instructions, 117 ; censures 
Magellan, 130 ; confers life pension 
on him, 140 ; imprisons Gomes and 
Giierra, 216 ; docks pay of Espinosa, 
307. 



Convent de los Minimos, 140; of S. 
Francisco, 140 ; of S. Domingo, 140 ; 
of Alcobaga, chart in, 190. 

Coresma's ship said to have been 
spoken by Victoria, 293. 

Corflotes sailing with Magellan, 137. 

Corpo Santo. See St. Elmo's fire. 

Corrientes, Cape, 159. 

Cortereal, the brothers, 27, 134. 

Cosmographers attending Badajoz 
Junta, 14. 

Cost of Magellan s Armada, 126, 144, 
329 et seq. 

Costa, Alvaro da, 110 ; plots against 
Magellan, 111 ; has a private inter- 
view with Charles, 114 ; his letter to 
Dom Manoel, 114. 

Cota, Alonso de, 298 ; dies, 305. 

Coulao, 34 ; reduced by Dom Lourengo, 
41. 

Council held at Cochim, 62 ; in Magel- 
lan's Strait, 203. 

Covilhao, Pedro de, 6. 

Crasto, Gongalo de, 61. 

Cross erected in Philippine Islands, 
233, 234. 

Croy, Guillamme de (Chi^vres), 100 ; 
inclined to oppose Magellan, 112. 

CubOla or Covilha, 80. 

Cunha, Tristao da, offered Viceroyship 
of India, 28. 

Cmiilla. See Cubilla. 

Currents of Magellan's Strait, 202. 

Da Gama. See Gama. 

Darien Isthmus believed to have a 

strait, 92. 
Day, difference of a, between Hong- 
kong and Manila, 227 ; loss of a, on 

Magellan's voyage, 295. 
Death of Magellan, 252 et seq. 
Denaturalisation of Magellan, 81 et 

seq. 
Derrotero of Francisco Abbo, 145. 
Desaventuradas Islands, 220. 
Deseado, Cape, sighted, 206 ; passed, 

213. 
Desertion of the 5. Antoiiio, 202, 208. 
Diane, La, or third watch, 147. 
Diaz, Diego, 166. 

rounds the Cape of Good Hope, 7. 

Dieppe caravels explore west coast of 

Africa, 4. 
Dismissal of Magellan, 78, 82. 
Diu, 49 ; battle of, 50. 
Domingo, Alfonso, 338. 
Doughtie, Mr. Thomas, execution of, 

186. 

ECLIPSK of the sun, 187. 

Eden, Richard, 146 ; comments on loss 

of a day in Magellan's voyage, 295. 
Elephants in Brunei, 270. 



INDEX. 



345 



Elicapeni Shoal, 60. 

Elizabeth Island, 202, 205. 

Elvas, meetings of the Junta at, 14. 

Ende or Flores Island probably visited 
by Victoria, 291. 

Englishman, a single, sails with Ma- 
gellan, 137. 

Enrique of Malacca, Magellan's slave, 
227 ; instigates treachery of King of 
Sebu, 263. 

Enriques, Don Garcia, 302. 

" Entradas " of the Portuguese in 
Morocco, 75. 

Equator first crossed, 4. 

Equipment of Magellan's fleet, 329. 

Errors in longitude, 222. 

Espeleta, Leon de, killed in Sebu, 264. 

Espinosa, Gonzalo Gomez de, stabs 
Mendoza, 1G9 ; escapes the Selni 
massacre, 265 ; made captain of Vic- 
toria, 267 ; elected Captain-general, 
275 ; takes command of Trinidad, 
275 ; sails for Panama, 299 ; returns 
to Moluccas, 300 ; made prisoner by 
■the Portuguese, 302 ; anives in Spain, 
306 ; ennobled and pensioned, 307, 
339. 

Explorations of the Portuguese, 2 et 
set]., 26, 27. 

Faleieo, Francisco, 97 ; intended for 
post of Captain-general of Armada 
to follow Magellan, 127 ; Magellan 
desires to take him with him, 137. 

— Rny, 80, 83 ; arrives in Seville, 
96 ; his temper, 96 ; goes with Ma- 
gellan to Court, 97 ; quarrels with 
Aranda, 98 ; appointed co-captain 
general with Magellan, lu7 ; shows 
signs of mental derangement, 113, 
133 ; made Comendador of Order of 
Santiago, 114 ; becomes mad, 134 ; 
is withdrawn from the Armada, 135 ; 
after history of, 135 ; his book of 
oliservations, 137. 

Falkland Islands, 195. 

Faria e Castro upon Magellan's de- 
naturalisation, S3. 

Faria, Francisco, sent to intercept 
Magellan, 283. 

Farol carried by the flag-ship, 132, 
147. 

Fernandez, Antonio, 166. 

Diniz, discovers Cape Verde, 4. 

Ferrera, Pero, a captain of Almeida, 
33. 

Fez and Mequinez, kings of, attempt 
to retake Azamor, 75. 

Fight with the natives of Ladrones, 
224. 

Firearms carried on Magellan's fleet, 
143. 

First Narrows, 200, 202. 



Flag, captain's, flown on the capstans, 

120 ; emeute at Seville concerning, 

120. 
Flanders, articles for the Armada 

bought in, 118. 
Flemings sailing with Magellan, 137. 
Flemish Ministers of Charles V., 100. 
Flint Island, 220. 
Flores Strait, 289. 
Flying-fish caught by bonitos, 219. 
Fonseca. See Burgos. 
Fonte Arcada, Visconde de, title of, 

given to descendant of Magellan, 

24. 
Freire, Gomes, 59. 
French sailing vfith. Magellan, 137. 
Frio, Cape, 153. 
Froward, Cape, 205, 206. 

Reach, 205. 

Fucar y Ca. lend money to equip 

Armada, 126. 
Fugger & Co. See Fucar. 

Gallego, Diego, 337. 

Vasco Gomez, 337. 

Vasco, made pUot of Victoria, 

143. 

Gallus bankiva, 228. 

Galvao, his account of early fifteenth 
century map, 191. 

Gama, Estevao da, leads an armada to 
India, 27. 

Vasco da, 78 ; roimds the Cape, 

7 ; reaches India, 8 ; supervises Al- 
meida's fleet, 30 ; dies, 305 ; tomb of, 
32. 

Garcia, Nuiio, attends Badajoz Junta, 
14. 

Garcio, Diego, 333. 

Garlic and onions used for port and 
starboard, 33. 

Gasco, Pedro, 338. 

Gatigan, 235. 

" Genoese PUot," logbook of, 145. 

Genoese sailing with Magellan, 137. 

Gente Grande Bay, 202. 

Germans sailing with Magellan, 137. 

Gigant«, Juan, 182. 

Gilolo, King of, visits fleet, 283 ; makes 
treaty of alliance with Spaniards, 
284 ; Trinidad coasts and visits, 299. 

Girava on Columbus, 259. 

Globe of Pedro Reynel shown by Ma- 
gellan, 103, 190 ; refeiTed to by Alva- 
rez, 133 ; of Schciner, 192. 

Goa first occupied by Albuquerque, 
62 ; fall of, 63. 

Godin, Nuno, 58. 

Goes, Luis Alfonso de, killed in Sebu, 
264. 

Gold found by Magellan in Philippines, 
229, 241. 

Gomez, Estevao, attends Badajoz Junta, 



346 



INDEX. 



14 ; joins the Trinidad, 143 ; opposes 

Magellan, 203 ; deserts with the S. 

Antonio, 202, 208, 214; arrives in 

Spain, 216 ; and is imprisoned, 216. 
Good Hope, Cape of. See Cape. 
Gopega, Juan Ortiz de, 338. 
Graves of Patagonians, 202. 
Great Orange Bank, 200. 
Greelcs sailing with Magellan, 137. 
"Grumetes," 327, 337. 
Guam, Magellan's fleet arrives at, 223, 

224. 
Guanacos, 181, 182. 
Gubileta, Juan de, 338. 
Guerra, Geronimo, 165 ; aids Gomez in 

deserting with S. Antonio, 215 ; made 

captain of that ship, 215. 
Guinea Coast settled, 5 ; Hispano-Por- 

tuguese quarrels over, 11. 
Gulf of San Matias, 159. 
Gutierres, Alonso, 125, 126. 

Hans, Master, survivor of the Trini- 
dad, 306 ; dies in prison, 306, 339. 

Haro, the firm of, 104. 

Christopher de, 105 ; offers aid 

to Magellan, 105 ; advances money 
to equip Armada, 125, 144 ; is ill- 
requited for his loan, 126; arrives 
at Seville, 130 ; Max. Transylvanus, 
his nephew, 146 ; the supporter of 
Jacques' expedition, 193, 195; Guerra, 
his relation, 215. 

Henry, Prince, renascence of geography 
due to, 2; fits out expedition to double 
Cape Bojador, 3 ; discovers Madeira, 
4 ; death of, 4. 

Henry VII., Columbus vainly applies 
to, 5. 

Heredia, Sancho de, killed in Sebu, 
264. 

Hernandez, Diego, 166. 

Gomez, 338. 

Hierro, fabulous story of, 149. 

Hispano - Portuguese difliculty, 11 et 
seq., 91. 

Hoseyn, Mir, 49 ; defeated by Almeida, 
50. 

Humunu Island, 226. 

Idols of Philippine Islanders, 242. 
India first reached by Vasco da Gania, 7. 
India- House. Sec Casa de Contratacion. 
Indians of the River Plate, 157. 
Instruments, nautical, of Magellan's 

fleet, 143, 334. 
Insule delle Pulzelle, 195. 
Inuagana, 223. 
Iruna, Lorenzo de, 338. 
Isaurraga, Martin de, 337. 
Islas del Poniente and Ilhas do Levante, 

227. 
Ismael, Nakoda, 68. 



Jacques, Christovao, voyage of, 10, 
193, 195. 

Jaz, Malik, 49; defeated by Almeida, 
50. 

Jimuquitan Island, 235. 

Joanna of Spain, 96. 

Joao II., 5 ; Columbus vainly applies 
to, 5 ; appeals against Bull of Alex- 
ander VI., 13, 91; character, 26; con- 
cludes treaty with the Moors, 74. 

Judicibus, Martin de, 337. 

Jungle-fowl, 228. 

Junta of Badajoz, 11, 14. 

Jupiter, conjunction of moon and, ob- 
served, 155. 

Kamakan Islands, 64. 

Keiskamma River Victoria reaches 

the, 292. 
Kina Balu, Mount, sighted, 269. 
King of Sebu baptized, 242. 
Komo in Gilolo, Trinidad visits, 299. 

Labrador visited, 27. 

Ladrone Islands, an-ival at, 223; 

natives of, 225 ; fleet leaves, 226 ; 

Trinidad visits, 299. 
Lago de los Estrechos, 200. 
Lakadivhs, wreck on the, 60. 
Lamego, Bishop of. See Vasconcellos. 
Lateen-Sail Islands, 226. 
Latitude correctly obtained in Magel- 
lan's time, 222. 
Lawsuit brought against Aranda, 96 ; 

brought by Espinosa against India 

House, 307. 
Lead, art of arming the, known, 156. 
Legaspe, Miguel Lopez de, 243. 
Le Maire and Schouten, 213. 
Leonor, Doila, 110. 
Lepe, Diego de, 10. 
Lerida, 125. 
Letter of Alvarez, 130; of the Con- 

tador Recalde, 174, 215. 
Letters of Serrao to Magellan, 71. 
Leyte Island, 228, 235. 
Leyva, Sancho Martinez de, 138. 
Limassaua, 229; King of, 230; fleet 

leaves, 234. 
Line first crossed, 4. 
Line of demarcation between Spanish 

and Portuguese possessions, 12 et 

seq., 91. 
Lisboa, Joao de, 156. 
Lisbon Harbour, 121. 
Log-book of Francisco Albo, 145; of 

the " Genoese pilot," 145. 
Log, use of, known, 222. 
Lomas Bay, fleet anchors in, 199, 200. 
"Lombarderos," 327. 
Longitude, errors in, 222. 
Lorosa, Pedro Alfonso de, 281, 282, 283 ; 



INDEX. 



347 



casts in his lot with the Spaniards, 

286 ; executed, 303. 
Lorriaga, Juan de, 165 ; is stabbed by 

Quesada, 1(36 ; dies, 166. 
Louise of Savoy, Pigafetta presents his 

book to her, 146. 
LonrenQO, Dom, takes Mombasa, 37 ; 

storms Onor, 38; reduces Coulao, 

41 ; interviewed by Vartema, 43 ; 

beats the fleet of the Zamorim of 

Calicut, 44 et seq. ; visits Ceylou, 46 ; 

killed at Chaul, 49. 
Lucar de Eairameda, 13S. 

iHACTAN, Rajah of, 244, 246. 

Madagascar, eastern coast discovered, 
41. 

Madeira, discovery of, 4. 

Maestre and contramacstre, ranks of, 
148. 

Mafra, Joao K«driguez de, joins S. An- 
tonio, rescued from the mutineers, 
170. 

■ Gines de, arrives safely in Spain, 

3:;9. 

M;igalhaes, Antonio de, 22. 

Christovao de, 22. 

Ginebra de, 22, 315. 

Isabel de, 22, 140, 141, 315. 

Martin de, 22, 338. 

Pedro Jaques de, 24. 

Pero Barreto de, 22. 

Thereza de, 22, 32, 315. 

JTagdalen Sound, 205. 

J'agellan family, genealogy of, 315. 

birth, 18 ; outline sketch of char- 
acter, 19 ; family, 20, 22 ; coat-of- 
anns, 21 ; succeeds to his estates, 23 ; 
becomes page to Queen Leonor, 25 ; 
enters service of l)om Manoel, 26 ; 
enlists with Almeida, 28 ; makes his 
will, 31, 316 ; sails, 82 ; wounded at 
Cananor, 46 ; is sent to Sofala, 46 ; 
returns to India, 48 ; present at battle 
of Din, 51 ; is wounded, 52 ; sails for 
Malacca, 54 ; saves life of Francisco 
Serrao, 57 ; his bravery off Sumatra, 
58 ; returns to Cochim, 58 ; wrecked 
on the Padua Bank, 60 ; made a cap- 
tain, 62 ; speaks at Council of Goa, 
62 ; distinguishes himself at the tak- 
ing of Malacca, 66 ; is said to have 
proceeded to the Moluccas, 67 ; re- 
turns to Portugal, 72 ; made " tidalgo 
escudeiro," 73 ; a trained navigator, 
73 ; goes to fight the Sloors, 75 ; 
wounded in Morocco, 75 ; charges 
brought against him, 76 ; returns to 
Lisbon, 77 ; is sent back by Dom 
Manoel, 77 ; again returns, and is 
dismissed, 78 ; applies himself to the 
study of navigation, 79 ; becomes a 
friend of Kuy Faleiro, 80; denatura- 



lises, 82 et scq. ; criticisms on his 
action, 83 ; goes to Seville, 87; marries 
Beatriz Barbosa, 89 ; date of his mar- 
riage, 90 ; his son, 90 ; makes an 
agreement with Faleiro, 91 ; his plan 
to reach the Moluccas, 92 ; applies to 
Casa de Contratacion, 93 ; his project 
supported by Aranda, 96 ; goes to the 
Coiut, 97 ; is presented to Cliarles V., 
99 ; signs an agreement with Aranda, 
99 ; adopts a Spanish signature, 100 ; 
expounds his project, 102 ; sliows a 
globe with his strait pm'posely un- 
marked, 103 ; his plans recommended 
to Charles, 103 ; makes friends with 
Haro, 104 ; addresses his proposal to 
tlie Emperor, 106 ; appointed Cap- 
tain-general of the AiTuada, 107 ; fol- 
lows the Court to Zaragoza, 108 ; is 
menaced by plots of Alvaro da Costa, 
111 ; made Comendador of the Order 
of Santiago, 114 ; returns to Seville, 
114 ; insulted on his own ship, 123 ; 
writes to Charles to complain, 124 ; 
receives sailing orders and instruc- 
tions, 127 ; has differences with the 
offlcials of India House, 130 ; inter- 
viewed by Alvarez, 130 ; entrusted 
with the Royal Standard, 138; re- 
ceives oath of allegiance, 138 ; assigns 
geographical position to the Moluc- 
cas, 139 ; makes Ids last will, 139, 
317 ; begins the voyage, 141 ; arrives 
at Tenerife, 148 ; is warned of the 
mutiny, 149 ; arrests Cartagena, 153 ; 
explores the River Plate, 156; reaches 
Port St. Julian, 162 ; addresses the 
half-mutinous crew, 163 ; punishes 
the offenders, 165 ; faces the mutiny, 
167 ; and masters it, 169 ; sentences 
the mutineers, 171 ; comments on his 
action, 172 ; despatches an expedition 
inland, 179 ; leaves Port St. Julian, 
180 ; discovers his Strait, 188 ; his 
foreknowledge of it, 188 et seq. ; re- 
solves to push on, 204 ; finds an 
exit, 206 ; emerges from the Strait, 
213 ; is defamed by Gomes, 216 ; ar- 
rives at Ladrones, 223 ; at Philippines, 
226 ; celebrates Easter service, 233 ; 
preaches to natives of Sebu, 239; 
works a faith cm'e, 244 ; proceeds 
against Rajah of Mactan, 246 ; is 
killed, 252 ; monument to, 255 ; char- 
acter of, 163, 256 ; his position as an 
explorer and navigator, 258 ; his per- 
sonal appearance, 61, 260 ; portraits 
of, 261 ; election of his successor, 
262 ; his praises sung by the poets, 
310, 311. 

Magellanic clouds, 256. 

Malabaris used as mercenaries by the 
Portuguese, 50, 63, 68. 



348 



INDEX. 



Malacca first visited, 54 ; the great 
mart of the far East, 8, 54, 66 ; taken 
by Albuquerque, 65; results of its 
fall, 66 ; prisoners of Trinidad taken 
to, 304. 

Malaga, recruiting at, for Magellan's 
fleet, 136. 

Malays sailing with Magellan, 137. 

Malhou Island, fleet rests at, 22C; leaves, 
228. 

Mallua Island visited by Victoria, 289. 

Manoel, Dom, 8 ; claims the Moluccas, 
14 ; ascends the tlirone, 25 ; charac- 
ter and alms, 26, 79 ; tomb of, 32 ; 
his Eastern policy, 35 ; fits out ex- 
pedition against Azamor, 74 ; sends 
Magellan back to Africa, 77 ; and 
dismisses him, 78 ; his eulogy by 
Marlz, 78 ; marriage with Leonor, 
110 ; sends ships to intercept Magel- 
lan, 139. 

Mantanani Islands, 269. 

Marao, Serra de, 18. 

Mare Island, Victoria touches at, 2S9. 

Mariana of Austria, 223. 

Marianne Islands, 223. 

" Marineros," 327, 337. 

Marooning of Cartagena and Pero 
Sanchez, 185, 215. 

Martin, Juan, 338. 

Martins, Simon, at the battle of Cana- 
nor, 45 ; loses his ship, 64. 

Martyr, Peter, 146; describes Jlagel- 
lanlc clouds, 256. 

Matlenzo, Sancho, 123 ; Magellan's exe- 
cutor, 141. 

Mayorazgo. Magellan's disposal of his, 
140, 322 k seq. 

Mazzava Island, 229. 

Mean Island, 277. 

" Medora," or second watch, 147. 

Megapodes, 235. 

Mellnda visited by da Gama, 7. 

Mello, Diogo de, Pancaldo escapes from 
his ship, 305. 

Mendez, Joao, 132. 

Martin, 338. 

Mendoza, Luis de, made treasurer of 
the Armada, 107, 126 ; censured by 
Charles, 135 ; commands the Victo7-ia, 
142 ; joins in the mutiny, 105 ; is 
stabbed by Espinosa, 169 ; drawn and 
quartered, 171. 

Meneses, Enrique de, succeeds Vasco 
da Gama, 305. 

Joao de, 27 ; commands at Azamor, 

75 ; defeats the Moors, 76. 

• Tristan de, visits Moluccas with 

news of Magellan, 283. 

Mezqulta, Alvaro de la, 143, 315 ; made 
captain of S. Antonio, 165 ; made 
prisoner by the mutineers, 165; 
rescued, 170; his relationship to 



Magellan, 179; stabbed and placed 
in irons by Gomes, 215 ; thrown into 
prison in Seville, 216 ; released and 
rewarded, 309. 

Mindanao visited by the fleet, 267, 275, 
276. 

Minimos, Convent de los, 140. 

Ministers of Charles V., 100. 

Mohammed Anconi restored to throne 
of Qulloa, 36. 

Mollno, Luis del, a mutineer, 166 ; exe- 
cutes his master, Quesada, 167, 171 ; 
left in the Moluccas, 298 ; dies, 305. 

Molucca, cession of, 11, 15 ; first 
visited by Vartema, 43, &I ; informa- 
tion afforded Albuquerque about, 
67 ; Albuquerque sends an expedi- 
tion to, 67 ; routes to, 129 ; first 
marked on Eeynel's globe, 133 ; their 
geographical position, 139 ; Victoria 
and Trinidad reach, 277 ; Victoria 
leaves, 289 ; Trinidad leaves, 299 ; 
mortality in, 304. 

Mombasa taken, 37. 

Monastery of Monserrat endowed by 
Magellan, 140. 

Money coined at Goa, 63. 

Monmouth, Cape, 205. 

Monte Ptosso, 148. 

Monte Vidi, 158. 

Monimient to Magellan, 255. 

Moors of Morocco, expedition against, 
74. 

Moradla, 72, 77, 132. 

Morales, the surgeon, 306, 327. 

Mortl or Morotai Island, 299. 

Mount of Christ, 180. 

Mouros In India and the East, 35. 

Mozambique visited by Pereira, 47 ; 
fortress built, 48. 

Munoz, Senor, 17. 

Mutiny, first rumours of the, 132, 136 ; 
resolved on, 138 ; further warnings 
of, 149 ; account of the, 162 et seq. ; 
sentences subsequent on, 171 ; com- 
ments on, 172 ; sentences legal, 173 ; 
the various accounts of, 174. 

NAHODABEaUEA, killed, 64. 

Nambeadora crowned King of Cochira, 
40. 

Narsinga, Almeida makes treaty with 
King of, 39. 

Natal discovered by Gama, 7. 

Nationalities, varied, of men in Magel- 
lan's fleet, 137, 328. 

Natives of Ladrone Islands, 225. 

" Nauincition et Descouurcmcnt" of 
Pigafetta, 147. 

Nautical Instruments of Magellan's 
fleet, 143, 334. 

Navarrete, M. F. de. 17. 

Neapolitans sailing with Magellan, 137. 



INDEX. 



349 



Negroes sailing with Magellan, 137. 
Negro, Rio, discovered by de Soils, 10. 
Nicholas the Greek, 213. 
Nomenclature of Magellan's Strait, 

213. 
Non, Cape, 3 ; land between it and 

India granted to the Portuguese, 4. 
Nova Joao da, discovers St. Helena, 

27,88. 

Oath of allegiance sworn to Almeida, 
31 ; to MageUan, 138. 

Officials of the India House, 94. 

Ombay Island visited by Victoria, 2Sf). 

Onions and garlic used for port and 
starboard, 33. 

Onor, 38 ; treaty made •oith King of, 
38 ; rebels, 38 ; visited by Almeida, 
50. 

Oporto, convent in, endowed by Ma- 
gellan, 140. 

" Order of the Day," Magellan's, 203, 
209. 

Ortega, Juan de, 338. 

Osorio on Magellan, 83. 

Otariidre, 160. 

Otway Water, 210. 

PABLO, St., Island, 220. 

Pacem visited by Magellan, 54 ; and 
Albuquerque, 64. 

Pacheco, Dona Beatriz de, 97. 

Pacheco succours Magellan, 60. 

Pacific Ocean known to Colmnbus, 10 ; 
fii'st seen by Balboa, 11, 93 ; navi- 
gated by MageUan, 218 et seq. 

Padua Bank, Magellan wrecked on, 60. 

Palawan Island, fleet visits, 268. 

Pamo, Ladrones, 300. 

Panama Canal proposed at beginning 
of sixteenth century, 197. 

Panama, Trinidad sails for, 299. 

Pancado or Pancaldo, Leon, 300, 305 ; 
arrives at Lisbon 305 ; and Seville, 
306, 339. 

Paradise-birds, first record of, trade in, 
and fables of, 285. 

Paranagua, Bay of, 156. 

Pasagc, Lord Stanley's rendering of, 
158. 

Patagonia, coast of, explored, 10, 176, 
180, 195 ; storms on, 160, 161, 176. 

Patagonians, first meeting with, 180 ; 
their appearance, 180 ; tlieir women, 
181 ; manners and customs, 182 ; their 
gi-aves, 202 ; two captured by Magel- 
lan, 183; onedies, 1S5, 216; the second 
dies, 218. 

Paul's, St., Island, 220. 

Payva, Affonso de, 6. 

Pay of the officers and men of Magel- 
lan's Armada, 107, 108, 126, 127, 136. 



Pedir visited by Magellan, 54 ; and 
Albuquerque, 64. 

Pedro, Master, 298, 333. 

Pedro Reef. See Padua Bank. 

Penguins killed for food, 160. 

Pereira, Nuno Vaz, at battle of Cana- 
Dor, 45 ; made captain at Sofala, 47 ; 
goes to Mozambique, 47 ; returns to 
Cochim, 48 ; goes to Ceylon, 50 ; leads 
the van at battle of Diu, 51 ; is killed, 
51. 

Personnel of Magellan's Armada, 326. 

Philippine Archipelago, fleet arrives 
at, 226; called after Philip II., 227 ; 
people of, 229 et seq. ; dress, 232 ; 
fleet leaves, 266. 

Pigafetta, Antonio, 145 ; his diary, 145 ; 
a Knight of Rhodes, 146; his book 
published, 147 ; makes a Patagonian 
vocabulary, 218 ; alone retains his 
health through the Pacific, 221 ; 
narrowly escapes drowning, 228 ; 
visits King of Limassaua, 230 ; relates 
the story of Magellan's death, 252 ; 
his Treatise of Navigation, 260 ; es- 
capes the Sebu massacre, 264 ; his 
after-historj-, 296, 337. 

Pilots, piloto real, 108. 

Pinzon explores the Brazilian coast, 9. 

Pirates of the Schildpad Islands, 70. 

Plata, ships sent to Rio de la, to inter- 
cept Magellan, 139. 

Ponce de Leon. See Punzero. 

Poncero. See Punzero. 

Pope Alexander VI., Bull of, 11, 12. 

Porquenampello Island, 299. 

Port Dale, 33. 

S. Miguel, 210. 

St. Julian, arrival at, 162. 

Porto Santo discovered, 3. 

Portugal objects to the first line of de- 
marcation, 13 ; claims the Moluccas, 
14 ; obtains them, 15 ; intrigues 
against Magellan, 109 ; sends ships 
to intercept him, 139. 

Portuguese, explorations of the, 2 et 
seq. , 26, 27 ; land between Cape Non 
and India gi'auted to the, 4 ; defeated 
at Chaul, 49 ; defeat the Moors at 
Diu, 50 ; reach Malacca, 54 ; reach 
the Moluccas, 69 ; nimiber of, sailing 
with MageUan, 136, 137, 143, 328; 
occupy Temate in force, 301 ; build 
a fortress, 304. 

Possessitm Bay, 200. 

Pi-aus of the Ladrone Islanders, 225. 

Pi-ester John, CoviUiao and Payva sent 
to kingdom of, 6. 

Prince Henry tlie Na^^gato^, the re- 
nascence of geography due to, 2 ; 
fits out expetlitlon to double Cape 
Bojador, 3 ; discovers Madeh-a, 4 ; 
dies, 4. 



350 



INDEX. 



Privations endured by Magellan's fleet 

in the Pacific, 221. 
Procuradores de Cortes strive to regain 

Moluccas, 16. 
Pteropi or flying foxes, 235. 
Piika-puka Island, 220. 
PulzeUe, Insule delle, 195. 
Punta de las Arenas, 159. 

Roxa, 148. 

Punzero or Poncero, Juan Bautista, 

pilots the Trinidad, 300, 309 ; dies, 

305. 
Pyliom Island, 299. 

Quadrants taken on Magellan's fleet, 
143. 

"Quadrileiro mor," Magellan made, 
76. 

Quarequa, 93. 

Quairel between Magellan and Dom 
Manoel, 76 et seq. 

Queen of Sebu baptized, 242. 

Quesada, Gaspar, made captain in 
Magellan's Armada, 126 ; takes com- 
mand of Coneepcion, 142 ; joins in 
the mutiny, 165 ; stabs Lorriaga, 166 ; 
is executed, 171. 

Quiloa, 34 ; stormed and taken, 36 ; 
visited by Nuno Vaz Pereira, 47. 

Quimar district, 299. 

Quintaladas, 129. 

Babello, Cristobal, 264. 

Rations, fleet put on reduced, 152,162. 

Rau Island, 299. 

Maya. See Line of demarcation. 

Bebello, Rodrigo, captains Dom Lou- 

renQO's ship at Cananor, 44. 
Recalde, letter of the Contador, 174. 
Regiomontanus, 155. 
Regulations issued for Magellan's 

voyage, 128. 
Reina, Pero Sanchez de, 171, 185. 
Resende, Duarte de, 302. 
Reyes, Bahia de los, 156. 
Reynell, Pedro and Hernando, make 

globes for the Ai-mada, 103, 133. 
Rhodes, Grand Master of, 146, 297. 
Ribelro, Nuilo, 132. 
Diego, at Badajoz Junta, 14 ; 

makes charts and instruments for 

Armada, 133 
Richard, of the Santiago, 338. 
Rio de Janeiro, fleet arrives at, 153 ; 

natives converted, 155 ; trading es- 
tablishment at, 155 ; fleet leaves, 

155 ; longitude of, 155. 

. de la Plata, fleet arrives at, 156. 

del Infante, Victoria reaches, 292. 

de Santa Cruz, 176, 177, 186 ; two 

months passed there by Magellan's 

fleet, 187 



River of Isles, identification of, 206; 

Magellan anchors in, 208. 
River of Sardines, Magellan anchors 

in, 205 ; identification of, 206. 
River Plate. See Rio de la Plata. 
Robber Islands, 226. 
Rodas, Felipe de, 338. 

Miguel Sanchez de, 337. 

Miguel de, 337. 

Rodrigo, son of Magellan, 90, 140. 
Rodrigues, Francisco, 337. 

Gongalo, 166. 

Rodriguez, Juan (el Sordo), arrives in 

Spain, 306, 339. 

Juan, of Sevme, 337. 

Roldan de Argote, 338. 

Ros, Antonio, 337. 

Rosso, Monte, 148. 

Rota Island sighted by Magellan, 223. 

P^oxa, Punta, 148. 

Royal Road, 202. 

Ruysch's Mappamundi, 194. 



Sa, Francisco de, 60. 

Sabrosa, 18 ; Magellan's estate at, 23 ; 
life at, 25 ; church at, endowed by 
Magellan, 32. 

St. Angelo, fort, built at Cananor, 40. 

St. Antony, Islands of, 299. 

St. Augustin, Cape, 153. 

St. Elmo's fire, 150, 159, 161. 

St. Helena discovered, 27, 88. 

St. Lazarus, Archipelago of, 227. 

St. Mary, Port, 274. 

St. Paul's Island, 220 ; St. Paul's Moun- 
tain, 269. 

St. Philip Bay, 200. 

St. Thomas, Cape, 153. 

St. Vincent, Cape, 202. 

Saipan Island, 300. 

Saldanha, Antonio de, leads a fleet to 
India, 27. 

Salzburg, Archbishop of, father of 
Transylvanus, 146. 

Samar Island sighted, 226. 

Sampanmangio, Cape, 274. 

S. Antonio, Cabo, 159. 

San Antonio declared the point de 
depart of the Raya, 15. 

S. Antonio, her tonnage, 119; Car- 
tagena made captain, 142 ; Portu- 
guese on board, 143 ; Coca made 
captain, 153; explores River Plate, 
158 ; springs a leak, 159 ; Coca 
replaced by Mezquita as captain, 
165 ; seized by the mutineers, 165 ; 
recaptured, 170 ; is repaired, 175 ; 
sent to explore Magellan's Strait, 
199; her desertion, 202, 203, 214; 
touches African coast, 216; returns 
to Spain, 216 ; number of her crew, 
267, 326. 



INDEX. 



351 



San Benito, Alonso Martin de, the first 
to float on the Pacific, 93. 

S. Domingo de las Duenas, convent of, 
140. 

San Martin, Andres de, liis book of 
observations, 137 ; joins S. Antonio, 
143 ; tries to fix position of Rio, 155 ; 
is said to have been punished by 
Magellan, 172 ; fijids latitude of 
Port St. Julian, 186 ; replies to 
"Order of the Day," 203, 209; casts 
a horoscope, 209 ; is killed in Sebu, 
264 ; his book, 306. 

San Matias, Gulf of, 159. 

San Miguel, Gulf of, 93. 

S. Salvador, church of, endowed by 
Magellan, 32. 

S. Severiu, Cape, 202. 

San Vicente de la Barquera, 96. 

Sanchez, Bartholomew, 305. 

Lopo, loses his ship, 33. 

Pero, is marooned, 171. 

Sanghir Islands, fleet passes, 276. 

Santa Lucia Bay, 153. 

Maria de la Victoria, church of, 

13S. 

Maria, Cape, 156. 

Santander, Charles V. proceeds to, 96. 

Santandres, Juan de, 337. 

Santiago, Cape Verdes, Victot-ia 
arrives at, 293. 

Santiaqo, her tonnage, 119 ; com- 
manded by Joao Serrao, 142 ; re- 
mains faithful to Magellan, 167 ; 
sent on a reconnaissance, 175 ; is 
lost on coast of Patagonia, 177 ; 
sufferings of crew of, 178 ; reach the 
fleet and are distributed among the 
other vessels, 179 ; number of her 
crew, 326. 

Santiago, Order of, Magellan and 
Faleiro made Comendadores, 114. 

Sardines, River of, 205, 206. 

Sauvage, successor of Ximenes, 99, 
100. 

Schildpad Islands, 70, 289. 

Schoner's globes, 192. 

Schouten and Le Maire, 213. 

Scurvy breaks out in the Armada, 221. 

Seals or "sea-wolves," 160, 161, 176. 

Sebu, fleet arrives at, 235 ; King of, 
236 ; scene in, 237 ; alliance con- 
cluded with, 239 ; cemetery conse- 
crated in, 239; the natives become 
Christians, 241 et seq. ; attack Mac- 
tan with Magellan, 247 ; the King 
turns traitor, 263 et seq. ; fleet 
leaves, 266. 

Second Narrows, fleet passes, 202. 

Seiiorio, rights of, 106 ; left by Magel- 
lan to his son, 140. 

Sequeira, Diego Lopes de, arrives at 
C'ochim, 53 ; reaches Malacca, 54 ; 



attacked by the Malays, 56 ; sent to 
intercept IMagellan, 139, 283. 

Serra de Marao, 18. 

Serradossa, 131. 

Serrao, Francisco, sails for Malacca, 
54 ; is attacked by the Malays, 56 ; 
succoured by Magellan, 56 ; remains 
with Magellan on the occasion of 
the wreck, 61 ; captains a ship to 
the Jloluccas, 67 ; loses it, 69 ; reaches 
Banda, 69 ; loses a second vessel, 70 ; 
arrives at Amboina, 70 ; is taken to 
Temate, 71 ; writes to Magellan, 71, 
81, 102, 277 ; is poisoned, 281. 

Joao, at the battle of Cananor, 

45 ; is given command of the San- 
tiago, 142 ; remains faithful to Magel- 
lan in the mutiny, 167 ; sent on a 
voyage of exploration, 175 ; discovers 
Rio de Sta. Cruz, 176 ; loses the San- 
tiago in a gale, 176 ; is made captain 
of Concepcion, 179 ; explores Strait 
of Magellan, 199 ; attempts to dis- 
suade Magellan from attacking 
Mactan, 246 ; elected successor to 
Magellan, 262 ; is murdered in Subu, 
265. 

Setebos, the Great Spirit of the Pata- 
gonians, 183. 

Seville, Magellan goes to, 87 ; returns 
again to, 114 ; emeute at the quays 
of, 120 ; Con-egidor of, 138 ; Annada 
leaves, 138. 

Shark Island, 220. 

Sharks caught for food, 150. 

Ships of Magellan's Armada bought in 
Cadiz, 119 ; their names and burden, 
119 ; their build, 120, 121 ; Santiago 
wrecked, 177 ; S. Antonio deserts, 
208 ; Concepcion bm-nt, 267 ; Trini- 
dad wrecked, 302; Victoria alone 
returns, 294. 

Shipwreck of Jlagellan, 60. 

Siani, Rajah, 232. 

Sicilians saUing vnth Magellan, 137. 

Sierra Leone, fleet passes, 150. 

Signalling, method of, adopted by 
Magellan, 147. 

SUapulapu, Rajah, 246, 248 ; refuses to 
yield Magellan's body, 254. 

Simancas, 99 ; archives of, 17. 

Slaves, of Magellan, 102, 229 ; not 
allowed on the fleet, 154. 

Soarez, Fernao, captains first home- 
ward fleet from India, 41. 

Joao, Magellan serves under, 

75. 

Sodre, Vicente, 27. 

Sofala, 34 ; fortress built at, 47 ; 
d'Al)reu's fleet arrives at, 47. 

Solis, Juan de, discovers the Rio Negro, 
10. 

Sosan, Rota Island, 223. 



INDEX. 



Sousa, Andrea de, 306. 

Diogo de, brother of Magellan, 

140, 315. 

Garcia de, sent to Malacca, 53 ; 

warns the Captain-general of a plot, 
56. 

Pedro de, succeeds Joao de 

Meneses, 76. 

Sebastian de, 60. 

South Sea, why so called, 93. 
Spaniards sailing with Magellan, 137. 
Spice Islands. See Moluccas. 
Sripada, Sultan of Borneo, 273. 
Sta. Catarina makes the first voyage 

to Banda, 69. 
Stores and equipment of Magellan's 

fleet, 329. 
Strait of Magellan, the argument 

thereon, 188 et seq. ; scenery of, 206 ; 

passage of, 199 ; nomenclature, 213. 
Strait, search for a, to pass America, 

92, 15S, 159. 
Streto Patagonico, 213. 
Sultan of Egypt builds fleet to proceed 

against the Portuguese, 49. 
Suluan Island, 226, 232. 
Sulu Island, fleet sights, 275. 
Sun, eclipse of, 187, 188. 
Superstition of " Cabis " bracelet, 64, 

Talaut Islands, 276. 

Telles, F da SUva, will of, 23, 83. 

family, 22, 23, 315. 

Joao da Silva, 32, 315. 

Tempests experienced by Magellan, 
156, 159, 160, 161, 176, 186, 200. 

Tenerife, Magellan's fleet arrives at, 
148 ; leaves, 149. 

Ternate sighted, 277 ; King of, 70, 277 ; 
visit from Prince of, 281. 

Thevet, Andr6, on Magellan, 83. 

Tiburones, Isla de los, 220. 

Tidor, fleet anchors at, 277 ; King of, 
70, 277 et scq. ; treaty signed with, 
278 ; King of, brings cloves, 283. 

Tierra del Fuego, 213. 

Tifore Island, 277. 

Timor, Victoria arrives at, 290; sup- 
posed mutiny in, 291. 

Todolos Sanctos, name of, conferred on 
Magellan's Strait, 214. 

Tolosa, Pedro de, 338. 

Toneladas, 119. 

Toneles de parte, 119. 

Tonnage of Magellan's ships, 119. 

Tordesillas, 96. 

Capitulacion, 11, 13, 84. 

Torecha, 93. 

Tormentoso, Cabo, Cape of Good Hope 
thus called, 7. 

Torre do Tombo, 17. 

Transylvanus, Maximilian, 146 ; his 
history of Magellan's voyage, 147. 



Traz-os-montes district, 18, 19. 

Treachery of King of Sebu, 263 ; of the 
Sultan of Borneo, 273. 

Treaty of marriage between Dom 
Manoel and Leonor, 110 ; of alliance 
with King of Sebu, 239 ; with Kings 
of Gilolo, Makian, and Batchian, 284. 

Triana, Victoria de, its convent en- 
dowed by Magellan, 140. 

Trinidad, her tonnage, 119; number of 
her crew, 326 ; evieute at careening 
of, 120; made flagship, 142; Portu- 
guese on board, 143 ; is nearly lost, 
161 ; engages the revolted San An- 
tonio, 170 ; goes ashore off Bornean 
coast, 274; gets off, 274; arrives at 
Moluccas, 277 ; loads with cloves, 
284 ; springs a leak, 288 ; repaired, 
298; sails for Panama, 299; returns 
to Moluccas, 300; seized by the 
Portuguese, 302 ; is lost in Ternate 
Roads, 302 ; after history of her crew, 
304 et seq. 

Tristao, Nimo, killed on the Gambia, 
4. 

Unfortunate Islands, 220. 

VALADARES, Rui Gongalves de, visits 
Mozambique, 47. 

Valderrama, Pedro de, gives evidence 
concerning the mutiny, 166 ; kiUed 
in Sebu, 264. 

Valentyn, Cape, 206, 214. 

Valpuesta, Pedro de, 338. 

Variation of compass, 222. 

Vartema, Ludovico, 43 ; in the fight at 
Cananor, 44 ; knighted, 43 ; his tra- 
vels published by Ramusio, 43; his 
account of Banda, 67. 

Vasconcellos, Bishop of Lamego, coun- 
sels Magellan's assassination, 112. 

Vaz, Tristao, discovers Porto Santo, 3. 

Velas Latinas, Islas de las, 226. 

Venice, Doge of, grants Pigafetta per- 
mission to publish his book, 147. 

Verde, Cape, Islands, Victoria arrives 
at, 293 ; men seized by Portuguese 
at, 294 ; but are released, 295. 

Vespucci, 10. 

Viceroy of India, Almeida first ap- 
pointed, 29, 31. 

Victoria de Triana, its convent endowed , 
by Magellan, 140, 141. 

Victoria, her tonnage, 119 ; commanded 
by Mendoza, 142 ; Portuguese on 
board, 143 ; court-martial held on, 
153 ; takes the ground, 159 ; held by 
the mutineers, 167 ; captured by 
Duarte Barbosa, 169 ; and captained 
by him, 179 ; despatched in search of 
S. Antonio, 208 ; arrives at Moluccas, 
277 ; starts on the homeward voyage. 



INDEX. 



353 



289 ; touches at XuUa and Bui'u, 289 ; 

visits Timor and crosses Indian 

Ocean, 291 ; sights South Africa, 292 ; 

reaches Cape Verdes, 293 ; arrives in 

Spain, 294 ; final fate, 297 ; spices 

brought back in, 310 ; number of her 

original crew, 32G. 
Victoria, Sta. Maria de la, chui'ch of, 

138. 
"Victoria Strait, 213. 
Viena, Pero Sanchez de. See under 

Reiiia. 
Vigo, Gonzalo de, deserts in Ladrones, 

300. 
Villaviciosa, Charles V. lands at, 98. 
Villers de lisle Adam, 146, 297. 
Virgenes, Cabo de las. See Virgins. 
Virgin and Child, figure of, presented 

to Ranee of Sebu, 242. 
Virgins, Cape, sighted by ^Magellan, 

188 ; passed, 199, 201. 
Virgin's Land, 195. 
Vuartman. See Vartema. 



Warren Hastings Island, 299. 
Warwick Island, 299. 



Watches kept on board Magellan's 
fleet, 147. 

Weights, use of, in Philippines, 241. 

Wieser, Dr., on the strait shown in 
Schoner's globes, 194. 

WUl of F. da SUva Telles, 23 ; of Ma- 
gellan, 31, 316, 317 et seq. 

World divided between the Spanish 
and Portuguese, 12. 

Wreck on the Padua Bank, 60. 

XiMENES, Cardinal, 96. 

Yanez, Gil, doubles Cape Bojador, 4. 

Zajiorim of Calicut, 42. 

Zaragoza, Charles V. arrives at, 109 ; 

treaty of marriage of Doni Manoel 

concluded at, 110. 
Zargo discovers Porto Santo, 3. 
Zeyam, Muley, 74. 
"Zeytung aus Presillg Landt," 193 

et seq. 
Zoar Island, 277. 
Zula, 246. 

Zuvileta, Juan de, 338. 
Zzubu, 234. 



GEORGE PHILIP AND SON, LONDON AND LIVERPOOL. 



MAPS 

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