A POPULAR HISTORY 



OF 



BRITISH INDIA 



/•A POPULAR HISTORY 



OF 



BRITISH India; 



COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE WITH 



CHINA, 



AND THE INSULAR POSSESSIONS OF 



ENGLAND 



IN 



THE EASTERN SEAS. 



// 



By W. COOKE ^TAYLOr! LL.D., &c., 

OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN ; 

AUTHOR OF "the MANUAL OF ANCIENT AND MODERN HISTORY," 

" THE NATURAL HISTORY OF SOCIETY," 

" ROUANIIC BIOGRAPHY OF THE AGE OF ELIZABETH," &C. &C. 



LONDON: 
JAMES MADDEN & Co. 

S, LEADENHALL STREET. 



MDCCCXLII. 




fc ■•#■ 



LONDON : 

Pbikted by Edward Bkewsteb, 

Hand Court, Cowgatx. 



TO 

Sir CHARLES FORBES, Bart. 

THE 

HONOURED FRIEND 

OF 

INDIA AND HER PEOPLE, 

THIS WORK IS 

BY HIS KIND PERMISSION 

MOST 

RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED 

BY 

HIS GRATEFUL AND OBLIGED SERVANTS, 

THE PUBLISHERS. 

October, 1842, 



PREFACE. 



The object of this compilation is sufficiently explained 
by the title ; India has now become so important to 
England^ that a convenient manual of its History must 
. be desii'able, if not necessary, to all who take an interest 
in the prosperity of their country. It has been the 
Author's aim to give a simple narrative of facts, derived 
from the best authorities, ^vithout introducing any opi- 
nions of his own, but leaving his Readers to form their 
own reflections and deduce their own conclusions. 

So much confusion exists in oriental orthography, that 
it would seem as if the sarcasm on philology, might be 
apphed to most attempts made to represent European 
names by Eastern characters, " the vowels count for 
nothing and the consonants for very little /' under such 
circumstances it would be entirely absurd to aifect a rigid 
purity. The system of Sir William Jones has been adopted, 
as that which most scholars have recognized as nearest to 
perfection, but it was impossible to adhere to it strictly, 
because famiharity and usage with other forms of spelling, 
have rendered other representations of the names both of 
persons and things too firmly estabhshed to be easily 
altered. It is probable that this necessity of conceding 
to popular usage, may have led to some inconsistencies in 
the orthography used in this Work, but it is believed that 
there are none of any amount to create difficulty to the 
reader. 



Vin PREFACE. 

An account of British intercourse with China has been 
subjoined, Ijecause that trade was, until lately, connected 
with the government of India, and must continue to exer- 
cise a great influence on the Asiatic relations of this coun- 
try ; but it was not deemed prudent to attempt even an 
abridged histoiy of the Celestial Empire, as this would 
have inconveniently increased the size and price of the 
volume. For the same reason, the notices of the British 
empire in the East have been made as brief as perspicuity 
would allow. 

It is intended in the successive editions of this Work, to 
bring down the history of the Indian Empire to the latest 
period. In such a mass of foreign names and varied dates, 
some typographical errors could hardly be avoided. Shoidd 
any such be found, the Reader is requested to send a note 
of them, or any other deficiencies, to the Publisher. 

London, Oct. 1843. 



POPULAR HISTORY 



OF 



BEITISH INDIA. 



CHAPTER I. 

EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 

Both in ancient and modem time, historians have been xinani- 
mous in regarding the Hindus as one of the earliest, if not the 
first, civilized nations of the world. Few nations, however, pos- 
sessing such a claim are more deficient in authentic records of 
antiquity ; instead of histories they possess only vague traditions 
exaggerated by the imagination of their poets, and monumental 
remains, which attest, indeed, by their stupendous size, the 
greatness of their founders, but afford no means of ascertaining 
the time when their builders existed. Independent of foreign 
accounts, the chief authorities for the early history of Hindustan, 
are the eighteen Puranas and the two great epic poems called the 
Ramayana and Mahabharat. These contain, in their form, deci- 
sive evidence of their traditionary origin ; nearly all of them are 
described as repeated by some person who had heard the story 
from another, and the truths they contain are involved in such 
a mass of fable, that it is difficult to detennine what statements 
should be received as realities. In the eleventh and twelfth 
centuries of our era some histories of Kashmir were written, 
which throw some light on the antiquities of India ; and more 

B 



2 EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 

accurate information respecting the state of the country during 
the three centuries preceding the Christian era, may be obtained 
from the Greek writers, who obtained some knowledge of these 
distant regions in consequence of the conquests of Alexander. 

The Hindus appear originally to have possessed only a small 
portion of India, the country between the rivers Seravoty and 
Kaggar, which is a tract about 1 00 miles to the north-west of 
Delhi, about seventy-five miles in length, and from twenty to forty 
in breadth. The rest of the peninsula was covered with forests, 
and tenanted by Mlechas, or barbarians, speaking a rude lan- 
guage. They very soon extended themselves, so that the ancient 
countrv of the Hindus may be said to have included the present 
provinces of Lahore, Delhi, Agra, Oude and Allahabad. 

Ayodha, or Oude, appears to have been the first capital of the 
nation ; it was the birth-place of the two principal families, 
called the dynasties of the Sun and Moon, both of which are 
said to have issued originally from Brahma (the Supreme Being, 
according to ihe mythology of the Hindus) through his sons, the 
patriarchs Daksha and Atri. Vaivaswat (the sun) had Daksha 
for his father, and Soma (the moon) was the child of Atri. The 
first prince of the family of the sun, was named Ikshwaku. He 
had several sons, one hundred according to the legend, who 
established themselves in different places ; but the direct line 
resided at Ayudha, or Oude, in wliich Ikshwaku was succeeded 
by his grandson, named Kakutstha. From fifty to seventy gene- 
rations of the solar race followed, distinguished only by legends, 
purely mythological, from each other. After these we come to 
the most celebrated hero of the solar line, Rama, the son of 
Damarantha, whose marvellous exploits and adventures form 
the subject of one of the great epic poems, the Raraayama. 
Stripped of its fabulous and romantic decorations, his story 
merely relates that Rama established a powerful kingdom in 
Hindustan, that he invaded the Dekkan, and conquered the 
island of Ceylon. But on this simple basis the Hindu poets 
have erected a structure of adventure, so wildly supernaiural that 
it is almost without a parallel in the whole range of fiction. A 
brief abstract of the poem will serve to show the nature of the 
legends which the Hindus have substituted for historj^ and also 
help to illustrate the nature both of the mythology and literature 
of this singular people. 



EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. S 

Dasaratlia, king of Oude, would have been the most fortunate 
of monarchs had he not long been childless. By the advice of 
the Brahmins he determined to propitiate the benevolent deities 
by the sacrifice of a horse, the most solemn of the religious cere- 
monies used by the Hindus, and one which requires the labour 
of years to be bestowed on its preparation. Princes and Brah- 
mins were invited to attend this important rite from afar, and its 
complete success ensured Dasaratha the blessing of male child- 
ren. The Devas and heavenly sages who had assisted at the 
sacrifice, proceeded to the mansion of Brahma, the chief of the 
Hindu gods, and informed him that the benevolent deities were 
worsted by certain evil genii, called Rakshasas, commanded by 
prince Ravanas, and that the good spirits were unable to make 
a successful resistance, having bound themselves by a jjromise to 
render their adversaries invulnerable. The god Vishnu " the 
illustrious lord of the universe," arrived during the discussion ; 
he was " clad in vestments of yellow, ornamented with golden 
bracelets and riding on the eagle Vainataya, like the sun on a 
cloud, and holding his discus and mace in his hand." At the 
request of the deities, Vishnu consented to become incarnate in 
the persons of four sons of Daranatha ; and, as notwithstanding 
these incarnations he still retained his dignity and station in 
heaven, the Indian fable ascribes to Vishnu five separate exist- 
ences at the same time. Rama is born, and on the demand of 
Vishnu, is furnished with an army of supernatural monkeys to 
aid him in the approaching war. 

When Rama and his brothers had attained a marriageable age, 
a sage named Visva Mitra appeared at the court of Daranatha, 
and obtained from the king a promise of whatever boon he de- 
sired. He had made a solemn vow of oflering a particular sacri- 
fice, but had hitherto been prevented by the opposition of the 
Rakshasas from perforaiing the ceremony in a manner accepta- 
ble to the deities ; he, therefore, implored Daranatha to give him 
the aid of his gallant son, Rama, against those impious demons. 
The aged monarch was unwilling to expose his beloved son in so 
perilous a war ; Visva Mitra severely upbraided him for breach 
of promise, and " at the wrath of the sage the earth trembled, 
and fear seized even the gods." Daranatha yielded ; Rama and 
his brothers set forth for the war, and " at their departure a 
shower of odorous flowers signified the approbation of heaven, 

B 2 



4 EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 

and the celestial inhabitants themselves celebrated the event with 
songs of joy." In the course of the expedition Visva Mitra 
instructed Rama in the history and nature of every important 
object they passed ; he also presented him with a suit of celestial 
armour, even more valuable than that which Thetis brought to 
Achilles, for each separate piece came without hands when sum- 
moned by its master, and was even able to enter into conversa- 
tion with the hero. 

Having slain the sorceress Taraka, Rama, his brothers and the 
sage, traverse the countries bordering on the Ganges, and at 
length reach the palace of a king named Janaka, who possessed 
an enormous bow which no person had yet been able to bend. 
.Tanaka received the sage, Visva Mitra, with all the veneration 
which royalty itself was bound to show to so illustrious a Brah- 
min. At the sage's request he permitted Rama to essay the 
bending of the bow, a feat which the king had promised to re- 
ward with the hand of his lovely daughter Sita. It required the 
labour of eight hundred men to draw the carriage which contained 
the ponderous bow. Rama, notwithstanding, grasped it with one 
hand, and not only drew it, but broke it in the middle " with an 
astounding noise like the crash of a falling mountain," Janaka 
at once consented that Sita should become the bride of the suc- 
cessful hero, and that Rama's three brothers should also be pro- 
vided vnth wives. Dasarathawas invited to witness the splendid 
ceremonials of the marriage ; he came with a large train, and 
when the nuptials were over, he brought Rama back to Ayodha, 
and associated him with himself in the government of the kinn-dom. 

Kaikeyi, one of the wives of Daranatha, was anxious that 
her son, Bharata, should succeed to the throne; and to effect 
this object, she excited such suspicion of Rama in the mind of 
the king, that he doomed his gallant son to an exile of fifteen 
years. Rama, followed hj his wife Sita, and his brother 
Lakshman, departed from Ayodha and retired into a forest, where 
he lived a life of penance. The grief of the father, when he dis- 
covered his error, which brought down his grey hairs with sor- 
row to the grave, is thus powerfully pourtrayed in a passage very 
faithfully translated by Millman. 

" My eye no more my Rama sees — and grief o'erbrims my spirit's sink, 
As the swol'n stream sweeps down the trees that grow upon the crumblin ' 
brink. 



EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. O 

Oh, felt I Rama's touch, or spake one word his home-returning voice, 

Again to life should I awake, as quaffing nectar-draughts rejoice. 

But what so sad could e'er have been, celestial partner of my heart, 

Than Rama's beauteous face unseen, from life untimely to depart? 

His exile in the forest o'er, him home return'd to Oude's high town, 

Oh, happy those that see once more, like Indra from the sky come down. 

No mortal men, but gods I deem, moonlike, before whose wondering sight, 

My Rama's glorious face shall beam, from the dark forest bursting bright. 

Happy that gaze on Rama's face, with beauteous teeth and smile of love ; 

Like the blue lotus in its grace, and like the starry king above. 

Like to the full autumnal moon, and like the lotus in its bloom, 

That youth who sees returning soon, how blest shall be that mortal's doom !" 

Dwelling on that sweet memory, on his last bed the monarch lay. 

And slowly, softly seemed to die, as fades the moon at dawn away. 

" Ah, Rama ! Ah, my son !" thus said, or scarcely said the king of men ; 

His gentle hapless spirit Had, in sorrow for his Rama then. 

The shepherd of his people old, at midnight on his bed of death, 

The tale of his son's exile told, and breath'd away his dying breath. 

After the death of Daranatha his coiiiicil proffered the vacant 
throne to Bharata, but he refused to accept it, declaring that he 
would not usurp the rights of his elder brother. The sages and 
Brahmins then resolved that Bharata should go in search of his 
brother; and he, after having settled a regency, departed on the 
quest. After several wondrous adventures, Bharata reached the 
forest where Rama and Sita lived in the disguise of penitents. 
He informed the hero of Daranatha's death, and begged of him 
to return home and assume the reins of government. Kama 
steadily refused to comply until his fifteen years of penance 
should be completed ; but to prevent the kingdom from falling 
into anarchy, he surrendered to Bharata the royal insignia, to 
wit, the golden slipper and the white umbrella, promising to 
resume them when his allotted term of penitence should be ex- 
pired. Bharata, in consequence, returned to Ayodha and admi- 
nistered the kingdom in the name of his brother, while Rama, 
with his wife and brother, continued their penance in the woods. 

In the meantime, Ravana, the prince of those impious daemons 
the Rakshasas, having accidentally seen the beautiful Lita, fell 
violently in love with her ; by stratagem and force he succeeded 
in bearing her off to his city of Lanka, situated in an island of 
the same name, where he kept her in strict seclusion. Rama, 
disconsolate for the loss of his lovely spouse, entered into an 
alliance with Hanuman, the chief of the supernatural monkeys, 



6 EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 

and engaged him to go in search of Sita. After many vexatious 
delays and disappointments, Hanuman obtained an interview 
with the ol)ject of liis search at Lanka, and after having delivered 
to her a consoling message from her husband, hasted to rejoin 
him. Rama and his allies immediately resolved to attack 
Lanka ; they constructed a wondrous bridge across the sea, over 
■which the allied armies of men, angels and monkeys, marched to 
the siege of the fortress. Fearful were the battles which took 
place round the city of the daemons. Earth, water and air, were 
equally the theatre of engagement, and heaven itself was alarmed 
by the furious struggle. Rama and Ravana encountered each 
other in their war-chariots ; so furious was the shock of their 
meeting that the earth trembled for seven days, but at length the 
prince of the Rakshasas was overthrown, and the gates of his city 
stormed. Rama and Hanuman made a triumphal entry into 
Lanka, but the hero after having delivered Sita began to express 
doubts of her fidelity, and she had to prove her innocence by 
submitting to the ordeal of fire. Heaven united with earth in 
the rejoicings occasioned by the establishment of the purity of 
the princess. Brahma and the other deities descended from 
heaven to bestow their benediction on her re-union with Rama. 
The whole party then returned to Ayodha, but Rama, instead 
of assuming his regal station, resigned the sceptre to his brother 
Lakshman, and ascended to heaven, his real abode. 

After Rama, sixty princes of the same race are said to have 
ruled in succession over his dominions, none of whom attained 
any great celebrity. It seems probable that Ayodha ceased to 
be the capital, and that the seat of government was transferred 
to Canouj. Another line of the solar kings descended from 
Nimi, the son of Ikshwaku, by whom the state of Mithila was 
founded. In this family Janaka was born, the father of Lita, 
the wife of Rama, and his companion in exile and penitence. 

The first prince of the lunar dynasty was Pururavas, the son 
of Buddha, the son of the moon. His capital was Pratisthana, 
at the confluence of the Ganges and Jumna. According to the 
legends, he obtained in marriage Urvasi, one of the Apsaras or 
nymphs of heaven, whose celestial charms were vrithout a parallel. 
Unfortunately, the king violated the conditions on which alone 
this unequal union was permitted ; his beloved Urvasi was taken 
from him ; and he felt the loss so severely that he was deprived of 



I 



.EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 7 

reason. After many years had elapsed, he discovered her sport- 
ing on the banks of a lake, and implored her to return ; the 
nymph refused, but at the same time promised to pay him an 
annual visit. The fruits of their union were six sons, of whom 
Ayus, the elder, succeeded to the throne. Pururavas was not 
satisfied with occasional visits from his celestial bride, he sighed 
for the permanent enjoyment of her society. Some deities pity- 
ing his distress, directed him to perform a sacrifice in a forest, to 
attain the gratification of his wishes. Fire was wanting to per- 
form this sacred rite, but the king by rubbing two branches of 
trees together, and reciting over them the holiest verse of the 
Vedas, generated a flame which enabled him to perform the 
necessary sacrifice. AVhen this was done he was elevated to the 
rank of a demi-god, and permitted to enjoy the constant society 
of his Urvasi in the celestial regions. From this legend it may 
be concluded that Pururavas was the first who introduced the 
worship of fire into India, and there are some other traditions 
which indicate his being the author of some important innova- 
tions in the Hindu ritual. 

Ayus had two sons, Nahusha, who succeeded him, and Kahe- 
travriddha, who established a separate principality at Kasi or 
Benares ; his grandson, Saunaka, is said to have established the 
distinction of castes, for in the age of purity all Hindus were 
equal. 

Nahusha was succeeded by Yayati, who had five sons. Ac- 
cording to the Puranic legend he married the daughter of an 
eminent saint, to whom he proved unfaithful. The queen com- 
plained to her father, and he infiicted on Yayati the curse of pre- 
mature decay, with permission, however, to transfer his infirmi- 
ties to any one who was willing to give him youth and strength 
in exchange. The king applied to his sons, all of whom refused, 
except Puru, the youngest. After a brief enjoyment of his 
renovated constitution, the king restored his youth to Puru, 
and resumed his own former decrepitude. He made this afiec- 
tionate son paramount over his elder brothers, each of whom, 
however, was appointed kings of circles or districts. By their 
descendants the greater part of southern and western India was 
colonized, and civilization introduced among the barbarous inha- 
bitants. 

Puru continued to reside at Pratisthana, and was the ancestor 



8 EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 

of several celebrated princes, amongst whom Bharata, the son of 
Dushyanta, exorcised such extensive power that India is some- 
times called after his name, Bharata Versha, or the country of 
Bharata. After about twenty descents from Puru, the crown 
devolved on Hastin, who removed the capital farther north, to a 
city which he erected on the banks of the Ganges, and called 
after his owii name, Hastinapur. After having long flourished, 
the city was finally ruined by the encroachments of the river, 
but vestiges of its remains may still be discovered. Four descents 
after Hastin brought the crown to Kura, " who gave his name 
to the holy district Kurukshetra," north-west of his capital, an 
appellation which is still retained. It seems probable that at 
this time the lunar race had been forced backwards towards the 
north, by the increasing power of the kingdom of Oude, under 
Rama and his descendants. 

Vichitravirya, the fourteenth in descent from Kuru, died with- 
out issue, but his half-brother, Vyasa, married the widow, by 
whom he had two sons, Pandu and Dhritarashtra. Vyasa is 
celebrated for having collected the hymns and prayers which 
constitute the Vedas, or sacred books of the Hindus, and for 
having arranged them under their present divisions ; he also 
established a school in which they were taught, and the Puranas 
are sometimes, but erroneously, ascribed to his disciples. He is 
further described as the original narrator of the Mahabharat, the 
second great Hindu epic. When his sons attained maturity, 
Vyasa resigned the government ; Pandu retired to the Himalaya 
mountains, where he had five sons ; Dhritarashtra remained in 
possession of the kingdom, and had a hundred sons, of whom 
Duryodhan was the eldest. 

The Pandavas, or sons of Pandu, came from the mountains to 
claim a share of their father's kingdom : they were at first re- 
garded as impostors, but a strong party being formed in their 
favour, a separate principality was assigned them, and they 
erected a new city for their capital on the banks of the Jumna, 
which was named Indraprastha. It was on or near the site of 
Delhi. Frequent dissensions between the kings of Hastinapul 
and Indraprastha led to the Great War, which forms the subject 
of the Mahabharat, as the name indicates. Most of the princes 
of India took a share in this mighty contest, but the chief ally of 
the Pandavas was Krishna, who having been driven from Ma- 



& 



EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 9 

tliura, the seat of his family, had founded a new city, Dwaraka 
in Guzerat. He was, like his allies, one of the lunar race, being 
a Yadava, or descendant of Yadu, the eldest son of Yayati. 

According to the legends, Krishna was an incarnation of the 
U'od Vishnu, and as such he is still worshipped by the Hindus. 
Though of royal birth he was educated in the cottage of a herds- 
man, where he was concealed from a tyrant who sought his life. 
The frolics and exploits of the deity in childhood, — his stealing- 
milk, his destroying serpents, — are favourite themes with the 
pastoral poets, and they love to dwell on his surpassing beauty 
as a youth, when he captivated the hearts, not only of the female 
rustics, but of the proudest princesses of Hindustan. As he 
advanced in years he achieved innumerable adventures ; among 
the rest, he destroyed the tyrant who usurped his inheritance, 
but was nevertheless unable to defend his native capital, and 
therefore established himself in Guzerat. It was chiefly by liis 
aid that the Pandavas triumphed in the g/eat battle, which lasted 
eighteen days ; Duryodhan and his host of brethren were slain, 
the undivided kingdom became the possession of the sons of 
Pandu, but they were so grieved by the dreadful slaughter which 
their ambition occasioned, that they resigned their power. The 
end of Krishna was also unfortunate ; he was accidentally killed 
in a thicket by a hunter, and his sons — driven from their paternal 
possessions — were forced to seek refuge beyond the Indus. The 
successors of the Pandavas seem to have transferred the seat of 
government to Delhi'; none of them attained any eminence, and 
the kingdom of INIagadha became the most flourishing in India, 
a rank which it continued to retain for several centuries. 

Jarasandha, who was descended from Puru by a collateral 
branch, appears to have been the first monarch of Magadha who 
acquired any remarkable power. He was slain by the Pandavas 
and Krishna, during the Great War at his capital, Ragaguba, an 
ancient city which can still be traced by its ruins. For many 
centuries the kings of Magadha belonged to the warrior caste, 
and during their dynasty the Buddhist religion was introduced 
by Sakya, or Gautma, the son of a feudatory prince, who claimed 
to be an incarnation of the divinity. The last king of the war- 
rior caste was Mahanandi, who was succeeded by Nanda, the 
son of a Sudia mother, who consequently was deemed one of 
that caste. Nanda's posterity held the throne for nine genera- 



10 EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN, 

lions ; the last of the line, who was also named Nanda, was 
murdered by a Brahmin, who raised a relative of his victim, 
Chandragupta, to the throne. 

We now begin to obtain more accurate information respecting 
India from the Greek historians, the conquests of Alexander 
having for a time opened the country to Europeans. Previous 
to his arrival, the western parts of Hindustan had been conquered 
by Darius Hystaspes, king of Persia, and his son Xerxes, was 
attended by a body of Indian troops when he invaded Greece. 
But the Persian dominion was brief in its duration and limited in 
its extent ; when Alexander crossed the Indus, he found Hin- 
dustan divided into several independent states, all of wliich are 
declared to have enjoyed a high degree of civilization ; the chief 
state appears to have been the empire of the Prasii, with its 
capital Palebothra, on the banks of the Ganges. From the 
accounts which the Hindus gave to the Greeks, it would appear 
that the Gangetic States had never been attacked by any foreign 
enemy, during the long interval between the exploits of Rama 
and the conquests of Alexander. Some perplexity has arisen 
from the inveterate habit, common to all the Greek historians, of 
identifying foreign deities with the gods of their own Olympus ; 
thus, they assumed that the achievements of Rama, described in 
the Ramayana, and the exploits of Krishna, detailed in the Ma- 
habharat, related to their own heroes Bacchus and Hercules, who 
must of course liave invaded India. Alexander did not advance 
beyond the Hyphasis, one of the five great streams tributary to 
the Indus ; he only knew the great empire of the Prasii by 
report, having turned back before he reached its western frontier. 
The kingdom of Bactria which the Greeks founded, probably 
became the means of introducing some portions of western civili- 
zation into Hindustan, but it could not have been the only, or 
even the principal source of the Sanscrit language and literature, 
since, as we have seen, the companions of Alexander are unani- 
mous in asserting that they found a system of civilization already 
established when they came to the frontiers of India, and also 
since there is not a particle of internal evidence, to show that the 
Hindus borrowed their systems of poetry and philosoj)hy from 
foreign sources. 

After the retreat of Alexander, there arose a conqueror in India, 
known to the Greeks by the name of Sandracottus, who has 



EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. II 

been successfully identified with the Chandra-gupta of Hindu 
poetry and legend. He was the son of a woman of low extrac- 
tion, and would therefore have been excluded from all share of 
power, had not his royal father, Nanda, provoked the hostility 
of the Brahmins. They united with some prince in the north of 
India, by whose aid they destroyed Nanda and his legitimate 
children, after which they raised Chandra-gupta to the throne. 
The new king not only refused to pay the stipulated reward to 
the prince, his ally, but procured his assassination. The prince's 
son led an army to revenge his father's murder, consisting of, his 
own subjects and a body of Greek auxiliaries. Chandra-gupta 
contrived by crafty intrigues, to excite dissensions between these 
allies, and thus the invasion was frustrated. He subsequentlj' 
entered into a treaty with Seleucus Nicator, who after the death 
of Alexander held for some time the sovereignty of Upper Asia, 
and probably by the aid of the Greeks extended his empire from 
the Ganges to the Indus. The descendants of Chandra-gupta 
were called Mauryas ; Asoca, the third of the line, established a 
commanding influence over the states north of the Nerbudda ; he 
erected columns, inscribed with edicts, for the regulation of the 
government, which from the remote points of their several posi- 
tions prove the extent of his government, while their injunctions 
bear testimony to the civilized character of his policy. The 
family of Maurya retained possession of the throne for ten gene- 
rations, and were succeeded by thi-ee other Sudra dynasties, 
under whom the prosperity of the kingdom of j\Iagadha gradu- 
ally declined. 

Though the kingdom of Avanti, or Oujein, cannot claim equal 
antiquity with those already mentioned, it is the first of which 
we possess any authentic date. The Samvat era, still current in 
the countries north of the Nerbudda, dates from Vicramaditya, 
B.C. 56. This prince was a great patron of learning and learned 
men ; nine of the sages whom he protected were called the Nine 
Gems of Science, and were scarcely less celebrated than the Seven 
Wise Men of Greece. Vicramaditya rendered a still more impor- 
tant service to India, by arresting the conquests of the Sakkas, 
or Scythians, who had overturned the Greek kingdom of Bactria, 
the modern Balkh. From his numerous wars against these bar- 
barians, he was named Sakari, or the Foe of the Sakkas. It is 
probable, however, that some tribes or wandering clans of this 



12 EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 

race, settled in northern India, and became the progenitors of the 
Najput tribes between Oude and Marwar. 

The celebrity of Avanti ceased with Yicramaditya, and the 
next prince of any note is Salivahana, king of Pratisthana in the 
Dekkan. The Daka era is reckoned from him, (a. d. 76,) but 
little is known of him beyond his name. From this time India 
appears to have been severed into a number of small principali- 
ties, distracted both by political and religious feuds, until it was 
invaded and brought under subjection by the Mohammedans, in 
the tenth century of our era. 

Modern investigations have shown that the Hindus were not 
the original natives of India, but that they came at some un- 
known age, from countries west of the Indus, bringing with them 
the Sanscrit language and the religion of the Vedas ; that they 
established themselves in the eastern part of the Punjab, or the 
country inclosed by the Indus and its tributary streams ; and 
that they gradually acquired dominion over the barbarous tribes 
in their neighbourhood. It is probable that the original immi- 
grants were a colony of priests, a religious and philosophical 
community rather than a political body, and that having esta- 
blished an ascendancy by their superiority of knowledge, they 
introduced the system of caste to secure the same advantages for 
their posterity. It is generally conceded, that the distinction of 
caste was not so rigidly observed in the more ancient periods of 
Hindu history, as it was in later times ; the Brahmins are 
described, as having been forced to share their exclusive pri\dlege 
of teaching the Vedas, with members of the wamor class, and 
both appear sometimes engaged in fierce contests both for spi- 
ritual and temporal supremacy. Caste is the fundamental prin- 
ciple of the Hindu polity, and the maintenance of its purity 
appears to be the main object of the great code of legislation 
ascribed to Menu. There are four original castes, the Brahmins 
or priests, the Kshatriyas or warriors, the Vaisyas or merchants, 
and the Sudras or vulgar. 

The Brahmins possessed the exclusive privilege of explaining 
the Vedas, and as these sacred books are the source of all Hindu 
learning, whether religious or scientific, the possession of know- 
ledge was confined exclusively to their caste. They were the 
only physicians, because diseases were regarded as a punishment 
for sin, which could only be removed by religious expiations. 



EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 13 

They were the judges, for they alone possessed a knowledge of 
law, and they were the national priests, having the exclusive 
right of offering sacrifice. Sovereigns were obliged to treat them 
with respect, as being of a supernatural order ; it was deemed 
impious to refuse their requests, their estates were free from im- 
post, and it was unlawful to put them to death even when con- 
victed of the most atrocious crimes. On the other hand, they 
were bound to perform ascetic duties, which, with the single ex- 
ception of celibacy, are as rigid as those of the strictest monastic 
order in Europe ; for without such austerities, the belief in their 
superior sanctity could not long have been maintained. It is 
impossible that such a system could have developed itself within 
any nation, but the example of the Jesuits in Paraguay, shows 
that there are no limits to the authority which a learned and 
judicious community, can establish over the minds of simple bar- 
barians. The Kshatriyas or warrior caste ranked next to the 
Brahmins, with whom they, as well as the Varsyas, shared the 
privilege of reading the Vedas, but were forbidden to make any 
comment or interpretation of the Sacred Books. It is exceed- 
ingly probable that the first immigrants found it necessary to 
defend the supremacy they had acquired, and that they therefore 
trained a body of warriors, whose allegiance they hoped to secure 
by communicating to them a portion of their own privileges, 
while at the same time, they took every precaution to prevent 
these soldiers from ever becoming rivals to the Brahminical 
power. In fact, we know that the warriors made more than one 
effort to overthrow the power of the priests, and hence the laws 
regulating the Kshatiryas, are better calculated to make monks 
than soldiers. To the jealousy of the Brahmins must be attri- 
buted the great want of warlike spirit among the Hindus, and 
the ease with which they were subdued by foreign conquerors. 
The Brahmins assert that the old warrior caste is annihilated, 
and the institutes of Menu relate that several of their tribes were 
expelled from their caste, for neglecting to observe holy customs, 
and pay proper respect to their spiritual superiors. 

Agriculture, trade and commerce, occupied the attention of the 
Vaisyas, who were probably the most numerous of all the castes. 
They, like the preceding classes, were permitted to wear the sacred 
cord, which was the symbol of regeneration ; but this privilege 
was refused to the Sudras, who, according to the Hindu expres- 



M EARLY HISTORY OF IIIN'DUSTAK. 

sion, were only .born once. The Sudras were absolutely forbidden 
all knowledge of the Vedas ; they were liable to be punished 
Avith death, if detected reading one of the sacred books. It was 
declared that they were bom to be servants ; that their first duty 
was to wait on a Brahmin, but if they would not obtain a priestly 
master, they were recommended to enter the service of a Ksha- 
triya or Vaisya. As some consolation for their degraded state, 
they were allowed to hope, that fidelity to a Brahmin would 
ensure the transmigration of their soul after death into a body of 
liigher caste. They had also other rights, particularly security 
of property and personal independence. In spite of all the legal 
restrictions on marriage, new castes were formed, chiefly by the 
intermarriage of the Hindus with the descendants of the primi- 
tive inhabitants of India. It has been, indeed, asserted that the 
Brahmins alone retained their original purity. Though the 
priests were excluded from reigning, they secured the dependance 
of the rajahs or kings on their order, by rigidly prescribing the 
routine of his daily occupations, and by insisting on the know- 
ledge of the Vedas, as a qualification for admission into his 
council. The Brahmins even took upon them to depose kings 
for impiety and tyranny. In one of the Hindu dramas, Rakshasa, 
a Brahmin, thus boasts of his share in the destruction of Nanda, 
to facilitate the elevation of Chandra-gupta as we have already 
described. 

" 'Tis known to all the world. 



1 vowed the death of Nanda and I slew him ; 
The current of a vow will work its way, 
And cannot be resisted. What is done 
Is spread abroad, and I no more have power 
To stop the tale. Why should I ? Be it known 
The fires of my wrath alone expire, 
Like the fierce conflagration of a forest. 
From lack of fuel, not from weariness. 
The flames of my just anger have consumed 
The branching ornaments of Nanda's stem, 
Abandoned by the frightened priests and people, 
They have enveloped in a shower of ashes 
The blighted tree of his ambitious councils : 
And they have overcast with sorrow's clouds 
The smiling heaven of those moon-like looks, 
That shed the light of love upon my foes." 

It has been already mentioned that the Vedas were the first 



EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 15 

sacred books which were regarded as the authorities for the reli- 
gious system of the Brahmins, but it must be added that the 
religion of the Hindus, in the present day, is very dissimilar 
from that taught in the Vedas. " The real doctrine of the Indian 
scripture," says Mr. Colebrook, " is the unity of the deity in 
whom the universe is comprehended; and the seeming poly- 
theism which it exhibits, offers the elements, and the stars and 
planets as gods. The three principal manifestations of the divi- 
nity, (Brahma, Vishnu and Siva, the persons of the Hindu 
trinity,) with other personified attributes and energies, and most 
of the other gods of Hindu mythology, are indeed mentioned, or 
at least indicated in the Vedas. But the worship of deified heroes 
is no part of the system ; nor are the incarnations of deities sug- 
gested in any portion of the text, though such are sometimes 
hinted at by commentators." "It is true," says Professor Wil- 
son, " that the prevaihng character of the ritual of the Vedas, is 
the worship of the personified elements ; of Agni, or fire ; Sudra, 
the firmament ; Vayu, the air ; Varuna, water ; Aditya, the sun ; 
Soma, the moon ; and other elementary and planetary person- 
ages. It is also true, that the worship of the Vedas is for the 
most part domestic worsliip, consisting of prayers and oblations 
offered in their own houses, not in temples — by individuals for 
individual good, and addressed to unreal presences, not to visible 
types. In a word, the religion of the Vedas was not idolatry." 

This simple and primitive form of worship, was succeeded in 
some remote and unknown age, by the adoration of images and 
types, and of historical personages elevated to the rank of divi- 
nities, which swelled into the most cumbrous body of legend and 
mythology to be found in any pagan nation. It is probable that 
this religious revolution was the work of the poets ; the story of 
the Ramayana and the jNIahabharat turns wholly upon the doc- 
trine of incarnations, all the leading personages being incarnate 
gods, demigods, and celestial spirits. We know that a similar 
change was wrought in ancient Greece by Homer and Hesiod, 
for previous to the appearance of their theogonies, the objects of 
worship were the Titans, who were pvirely elementary deities, like 
the gods of the Asiatic nations. The legends which now consti- 
tute the Hindu mythology, are collected in the Puranas, works 
generally believed to have been written or compiled about the 
tenth century of our era, when the original religion had been 



16 EARLY lUSTORV OF HINDUSTAN. 

corrupted, and the ancient system of civilization had fallen into 
decay. 

Manu, or Menu, was the legislator of the Hindus ; his code of 
laws was manifestly intended for an early stage of society, but it 
contains many excellent regulations relating to trade and com- 
merce, marking an era when improvement was progressive. 
Manu, except when the author of the code is intended, is a 
generic term, and signifies a sage presiding over a chronological 
period, called a Manivantara, of whom fourteen. The account 
given of one of these Manus, Patryavata, bears a striking simila- 
rity to the scriptural account of Noah, and it will be interesting 
to compare the Hindu legend of the flood with the authentic 
narrative of Scripture. Menu, like Noah, stands alone in an age 
of universal depravity ; he obtains the favour of the deity by the 
most rigid austerities. 

" He in wonder-working penance, sire and grandsire far surpassed. 
With his arms on high outstretching, wrought the sovereign of men, 
Steadily on one foot standing, penance rigorous and dread, 
With his downward head low-drooping, with his fixed unwavering eyes, 
Dreed he thus his awful penance, many a long and weary year." 

At length Brahma appeared to him in the shape of a little fish, 
and besought to be saved from some larger fish that threatened 
to devour him. Menu, without suspecting the presence of a divi- 
nity, placed the fish in a crystal vase ; Brahma soon became too 
large for the vessel, and was removed to a lake ; he outgrew the 
lake, and was transferred to the Ganges ; and finally was trans- 
ported by his kind protector to the ocean. Brahma then warned 
Menu of the approaching deluge, and informed him of the means 
by which he might escape from its destruction. 

" When the awful time approaches — hear from me what thou must do. 
In a little time, O blessed! — all this firm and seated earth, 
All that moves upon its surface — shall a deluge sweep away. 
Near it comes, of all creation — the ablution day is near ; 
Therefore what I now forewarn thee — may thy highest weal secure. 
All the fixed and all the moving — all that stirs, or stirreth not, 
Lo, of all the time approaches — the tremendous time of doom. 
Build thyself a ship, O Manu — strong, with cables well prepared. 
And thyself, with the seven sages — mighty Manu enter in. 
All the living seeds of all things — by the Brahmins named of yore, 
Place thou first within thy vessel — well secured, divided well. 
From thy ship keep watch, O hermit — watch for me, as I draw near ; 



EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 17 

Horned shall I swim before thee — by my horn thou'lt know me well. 

This the work thou must accomplish — I depart ; so fare thee well — 

Over those tumultuous waters — none without mine aid can sail. 

Doubt thou not, O lofty minded ! — of my warning speech the truth," 

To the fish th\is answered Manu — "All that thou requir'st, I'll do." 

Thus they parted, of each other — mutual leave when they had ta'en, 

Manu, raja ! to accomplish — all to him the fish had said. 

Taking first the seeds of all things — launched he forth upon the sea ; 

On the billowy sea, the prudent — in a beauteous vessel rode- 

Manu of the fish bethought him ; — conscious of his thought, the fish, 

Conqueror of hostile cities ! with his horn came floating by. 

King of men, the born of Manu ! — Manu saw the sea-borne fish, 

In his form foreshewn, the horned — like a mountain huge and high. 

To the fish's head his cable, Manu bound — O king of men ! 

Strong and firm his cable wound he — round and round on either horn ; 

And the fish, all conquering raja ! — with that twisted cable bound. 

With the utmost speed that vessel — dragged along the ocean tide. 

In his bark along the ocean — boldly went the king of men : 

Dancing with the tumbling billows — dashing through the roaring spray, 

Tossed about by winds tumultuous — in the vast and heaving sea. 

Like a trembling, drunken woman — reeled that ship, O king of men. 

Earth was seen no more, no region — nor the intermediate space ; 

All around a waste of water — water all, and air and sky. 

In the whole world of creation — princely son of Bharata ! 

None was seen but those seven Sages — Manu only, and the fish. 

Years on years, and still unwearied — drew that fish the bark along, 

Till at length it came, where lifted — Himavan its loftiest peak. 

There at length it came, and smiling — thus the fish addressed the sage : 

" To the peak of Himalaya — bind thou now thy stately ship." 

At the fish's mandate quickly— to the peak of Himavan 

Bound the sage his bark, and ever — to this day that loftiest peak, 

Bears the name of Naubandhana — from the binding of the bark." 

The virtue attributed to extravagant penances, of which notice 
is taken in the preceding extract, led to the promulgation of a 
new creed, which might be regarded as at once a religious, philo- 
sophical and political reform of Brahminism. This religion, 
which probably possesses more votaries than any existing, is 
named Buddhism. According to the Brahmins, Buddha was the 
ninth incarnation of Vishnu, but the Buddhists recognize several 
successive Buddhas, seven of whom were persons of mortal 
mould, who, by prayers, penances, and meditation, attained to 
such excellence of nature as to have been gifted with divine na- 
ture, and to have been finally absorbed in the essence of the 
deity. The doctrine of absorption, or Nirwana, may be regarded 



18 EARLY HISTORY OF IIIXDUSTAN. 

as the fundamental principle of the Buddhist creed ; it holds out 
the promise that the soul, when sufficiently purified, shall lose 
all consciousness of separate existence, and be received into the 
essence of the godhead ; and it teaches that this state of bliss 
is equally attainable by men, angels and demons. It substituted 
sanctity for sacrifice. " Genuine Buddhism," says Mr. Hodgson, 
" has no priesthood ; the ascetic despises the priest; the saint 
scorns the aid of mediators." As a consequence, it followed 
that the Buddhists recognized no distinction of caste, and that, 
wherever this system existed as a political institution, their creed 
tended to w-eaken and destroy its influence. It seems probable 
that the Buddhists for a time obtained an ascendancy over the 
Brahmins, particularly in the states of Western India, where 
symbols of their peculiar creed are found graven on the gigantic 
cave temples ; but in the end they were overcome by the Brah- 
mins, and driven by persecution from the Peninsula. The exiles 
earned their creed to the vast regions of Asia, which extend be- 
yond the north and east of India ; they preached it successfully 
in Nepaul, Mongolia, China, the farther peninsula, and the 
island of Ceylon, where it still flourishes with unabated vigour, 
and is supposed to include among its disciples fully one-third of 
the human race. It is probably owing to the expulsion of the 
Buddhists, that so much of the ancient literature of India has 
been lost, and that such darkness and uncertainty rest upon 
Hindu history. It was obviously the interest of the Brahmins 
to destroy every memorial of a contest which had nearly proved 
fatal to their power, and every record of a creed which struck at 
the very root of their pretensions. 

It is not necessary here, to enter on any discussion of the 
amount of civilization to which the Hindus had attained, while 
they continued under the government of their native princes. 
Professor Wilson's summary of their social state is so complete, 
and his authority of such weight, that we shall conclude this 
chapter by quoting his testimony. " The Hindus," says this 
eminent scholar and enlightened writer, " by the character of 
their institutions, and by the depressing influence of foreign 
subjugation, are apparently what they were at least three centu- 
ries before the Christian era. Two thousand years have done 
nothing for them, every thing for us. We must, therefore, in 
fairness compare them with their cotemporaries, with the people 



EARLY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. 19 

of antiquity; and we shall then have reason to believe that they 
occupied a very foremost station amongst the nations. They 
had a religion, less disgraced by idolatrous worship than most of 
those which prevailed in early times. They had a government, 
which, although despotic, was equally restricted by law, by insti- 
tutions and by religion. They had a code of laws, in many re- 
spects wise and rational, and adapted to a great variety of rela- 
tions, which could not have existed except in an advanced state 
of social organization. They had a copious and cultivated lan- 
guage, and an extensive and diversified literature ; they had 
made great progress in the mathematical sciences ; they specu- 
lated profoundly on the mysteries of man and nature ; and they 
had acquired remarkable proficiency in many of the ornamental 
and useful arts of life. Whatever defects may be justly attri- 
buted to their religion, their government, their laws, their litera- 
ture, their sciences, their arts, as contrasted with the same proofs 
of civilization in modern Europe, it will not be disputed by any 
impartial and candid critic, that, as far as we have the means of 
instituting a comparison, the Hindus were, in all these respects, 
quite as civilized as any of the most civilized nations of the an- 
cient world, and in as early times as any of which records or 
traditions remain." 



20 



CHAPTER II. 

THE AFGHAN, AND MONGOLIAN CONQUESTS OF INDIA. 

Before the discovery of the passage round the Cape of Good 
Hope had opened India to European enterprize, the greater part 
of the country had been subdued by foreign invaders, animate 
equally by cupidity and religious fanaticism. From the earliest 
ages, the wealth of India has been the theme of so much exagge- 
ration in western Asia, that the Saracens had scarcely become 
masters of Persia, before they evinced an anxiety to obtain some 
portion of the riches, which their native traditions as well as the 
legends of the countries which they had subdued, led them to 
believe were accumulated in the countries on the eastern side of 
the Indus. After the conversion of the Afghans to Mohamme- 
danism, which took place in less than half a century from the 
first promulgation of that religion, frequent incursions were made 
into the territories of the Hindus : avarice and bigotry combined 
to stimulate the marauders to cruelty, for they regarded theii- 
victims as at once the most wealthy and the most obstinate of 
idolaters. 

After their first great burst of success, the Saracens sunk into 
indolence and effeminacy ; their sovereigns, the Khaliphs, began 
to recruit their armies from the wild tribes of Turks and Tartars ; 
in a short time, these mercenaries became masters of the empire, 
and their generals founded independent principalities, limited in 
their extent and temporary in their duration. The Samanian 
dynasty, established by a Turkish adventurer, possessed the 
eastern provinces of the Persian empire, but obtained only a no- 
minal obedience from the military hordes of the Afghans, who have 
been distinguished by their love of savage independence, from 
the time that their name first appears in history. To control 
these dangerous subjects, they entrusted the government of Can- 
dahar, or (as it is sometimes called) Ghazni, to one of their officers 
named Sabektekin, who had risen from the condition of a slave 
to the highest rank in the army. His extraordinary talents 



THE AFGHAN, AND MONGOLIAN CONQUESTS OF INDIA. 21 

enabled him to unite a great number both of Turkish and Afghan 
tribes under his government ; he soon became so powerful that 
he not only rendered himself independent of the Samanian 
sultan, but even crossed the Indus to invade the kingdom of 
Lahore, (a. d. 997, a. h. 387.) Jeipal, a Brahmin prince who 
then ruled Lahore, or as it is called from its five rivers, the 
Punjab, assembled a pow^erful army to protect his religion and 
his country, but was twice defeated with enormous loss, and 
forced to purchase peace by the sacrifice of a large portion of his 
dominions. The causes of the success of the invaders, were the 
discipline of their soldiers, and the weight of their horses. Hin- 
dustan was at this time apportioned among various tribes of Raj- 
puts, who were bound to perform a kind of feudal service for 
their lands ; but the Rajput vassals were an ill-equipped and 
worse-officered bodj' of national militia, suddenly called into the 
field on moments of emergency; their horses were the feeble race 
of steeds peculiar to the country, untrained to act in concert. 
The Turks, like their predecessors the Saracens, had been parti- 
cularly attentive to the breeding and training of their horses, and 
hence the Hindus used to describe the dreaded charge of the 
Ghazni cavalry, as " the burst of a whirlwind." 

On the death of Sabektekin, (a. d. 997,) his son, Mahmud, 
ascended the throne ; he was bigotedly attached to the Sunnite 
form of the Mohammedan faith, equally proud of his theological 
skill and military prowess ; from his very childhood he believed 
himself divinely summoned, to extirpate idolatry and establish 
the creed of Islam beyond the Indus. Jeipal was once more 
forced to take the field against invasion, and was again defeated ; 
he was taken prisoner after the fight with several of his kinsmen, 
and the jewels found upon his person have been valued at eighty 
thousand pounds. The unfortunate prince, believing that his 
misfortunes arose from some crime which he might expiate by 
self-sacrifice, resigned his crowir to his son, Ananga Pal, and 
terminated his life on the funeral pile. The renewal of the war 
bv the Rajput chiefs, who refused to obey Ananga Pal, on 
account of his submission to Mahmud, led the sultan a second 
time across the Indus, when he completed the subjugation of the 
Punjab, and captured the important city of Multan. A third 
expedition was undertaken to punish a refractory vassal ; but a 
fourth and more important invasion, was rendered necessary by 



22 THE AFGHAN, AND MONGOLIAN 

the revolt of Ananga Pal, who was stimulated by the remon- 
strances of the priests to make a great effort for throwing off the 
]\rohamme(lan yoke. The battle which decided the fate of the 
Punjab, was fought in the neighbourhood of Peshawur. Durin<r 
forty days the armies remained watching each other : ^lahmud 
at length commenced the battle, but his archers were driven back, 
and his lines thrown into confusion by the furious charge of the 
Gakkars, a wild mountain tribe, the ancestors of the modem 
Jats. The Mohammedans were on the point of being routed, 
when the elephant, on which Ananga Pal rode, being terrified by 
the balls of burning naphtha hurled at him by the Afghans, 
turned and fled : the Hindus, believing themselves deserted by 
their sovereign, and disheartened by his apparent cowardice, gave 
way in every direction. A vigorous pursuit was maintained for 
two days, and more than twenty thousand men are said to have 
fallen in the battle and the flight. 

Mahmud's fifth invasion of India was undertaken to acquire 
possession of Nagrakot, a mountain fortress between the sources 
of the Ravi (Hydraotes) and the Beyah (Hyphasis), celebrated 
for its strength and reputed sanctity. Its temples were stored 
with gold and jewels; and that extraordinary spectacle of nature, 
a burning foimtain in its neighbourhood, had from remote ages 
been regarded with superstitious veneration. Nagrakot yielded 
after a feeble defence ; the treasures, which for many years had 
been accumulating in its shrines, became the prey of the con- 
querors, and ]\Iahmud on his return home proclaimed a solemn 
festival, that the followers of the Prophet might have an oppor- 
tunity of admiring his magnificent plunder. The next four ex- 
peditions were undertaken to obtain similar treasures, but it is 
not necessary to recite the particulars ; the mind is fatigued and 
sickened by the sameness of the horrors perpetrated to gratify 
fanaticism and avarice ; towns were burned, temples destroyed, 
idols broken, and such a multitude of captives driven into slavery, 
that in the Mohammedan camp the price of a sti'ong man was 
only ten drachmas, or about five English shillings. 

Mahmud's tenth and most celebrated invasion, w^as directed 
asainst the temple of Somnath. The idol of this shrine was one 
of the twelve famous Lingams or Phalli erected in Hindustan, and 
was dedicated to Siva under his title of Swayan Nath, or " the 
Self-existent." Though situated in Gujerat, water was brought 



CONQUEST OF INDIA. 23 

from the distant streams of the holy Ganges for the daily washing 
of the idols, the revenues of ten thousand villages were assigned 
for the support of the temple, and princes devoted their daughters 
to the service of this obscene emblem. Undaunted by the diffi- 
culties of the expedition, Mahmiid entered the inhospitable de- 
sert, between Multan and Gujerat, his soldiers suffered severely 
during the march, but they felt that all their toils and perils 
were rewarded when they beheld the walls of Somnath. The 
Hindus, animated by the Brahmins, defended themselves with 
all the rage of fanaticism and despair ; but they were unable to 
resist the enthusiastic fury of the Turks and Afghans, who be- 
lieved that plunder would would be the reward of life, and para- 
dise the recompense of death. On the second day the fortress 
was taken by storm, incalculable treasures were found in the 
temple, which were removed to Ghazni, and the idol was broken 
to pieces, though the Brahmins offered immense sums for its 
ransom. INIahmud did not long survive this brilliant conquest; 
he died after having raised his kingdom to the highest rank 
among the states of Upper Asia, and collected in his court the 
most eminent poets and philosophers who had yet contributed to 
Persian literature. 

A disputed succession weakened the Ghaznevid power after 
the death of Mahmud ; and when J\Iasud secured the crown by 
triumphing over all other competitors, his plans of Indian con- 
quest were frustrated by the increasing j^ower of the Seljukian 
Turks. Pressed forward by other tribes in their rear, vast hordes 
of Turks had crossed the Oxus, and among them a warlike sept, 
commanded by the three sons of Seljuk, had obtained permission 
from Mahmud to occupy the vacant jDastures of Kborassan. 
Masud, jealous of the strangers, wished to drive them back, but 
Togrul Beg, the grandson of Seljuk, collected the scattered tribes 
of Turks, defeated the sultan, and Avrested from him all his 
northern provinces. The Seljukians established their empire 
over all the country between the Euphrates and the Jaxartes, 
while the Ghaznevids, expelled from their ancestral possessions, 
removed to their Indian possessions and made Lahore their capi- 
tal. When once an eastern dynasty begins to decline, nothing 
can arrest the progress of decay ; in a few years the power of 
the Ghaznevids had become little better than a name ; many of 
the Hindu princes asserted their independence, resumed the 



24 THE AFGHAN, AND MONGOLIAN 

practice of their idolatrous rites, and retook several of their an- 
cient fortresses. The Mohammedans, indignant at this proof of 
their sinking supremacy, became anxious to obtain a new and 
more prosperous race of sovereigns. 

The family of Ghor originally possessed the mountainous dis- 
trict of Ghori, south-eastward of Khorassan ; it had been con- 
nected with the royal family of Ghazni by several intermarriages ; 
but these ties, as is frequently the case in Asia, produced hos- 
tility rather than amity ; murders from envy and jealousy laid 
the foundation of bitter feuds. A series of desultory wars en- 
sued, which ended in placing the Ghorians in possession of the 
ancestral territories of their rivals. Mohammed Ghori having 
been appointed by his brother, viceroy of Ghazni, resolved to ex- 
tend his power over Northern India, he invaded the Punjab at 
the iiead of an Afghan army, which then, as now, was superior 
in valour to any military body in Asia, laid siege to Lahore, 
captured the city by treachery, (a. d. 1187) and the last of the 
Ghuznevid dynasty, Khosran II. terminated his life in prison. 

Mohammed Ghori was emulous of the fame of the first great 
sultan of Ghazni ; he resolved to extend his empire over Hin- 
dustan, but he found a formidable opponent in Prithvi Raya, the 
prince of Ajmir. In the first engagement between the rival 
sovereigns, the Ghorian monarch was defeated with great loss, 
and was so depressed by the unexpected result that he remained 
inactive for several years. At length a pretended saint predicted 
to him success over the enemies of Islam, and he again marched 
an army into the territories of Ajmir. Prithvi Raya, lulled into 
fatal security by his former victory, was surprised in his camp, 
but he made a desperate though vain resistance. He was at 
length overcome and taken prisoner. Ajmir, deprived of its 
monarch, suiTcndered immediately, and M(;hammed, having ap- 
pointed one of his slaves viceroy of his new dominions, returned 
to Ghuzni, in order to raise new hordes of Afghans and recruit 
his army for further conquests. Kuttub, to whom the govern- 
ment had been delegated, was raised from the condition of a slave 
to that of a general by Mohammed, who was a shrewd judge of 
merit ; he improved with diligence and ability the advantages 
which his master had gained; he reduced the surrounding dis- 
tricts, and after having taken the fort of Merat, laid siege to 
Delhi. The garrison ventured to meet him in the field ; he de- 



CONQUEST OF INDIA. 25 

featetl them so severely that the citizens refused to continue their 
defence, and the city was surrendered. 

Java Chandra, rajah or prince of Kanauj, had remained a tame 
spectator of Prithri Raya's downfall : but the wanton cruelty of 
the Mohammedan conquerors inflamed his courage, and he led an 
army against the Ghorian viceroy, (a. d. 1194.) Information 
of this movement, which threatened formidable consequences, was 
sent to Mohammed, at Ghazni ; he immediately assembled his 
Afghans, crossed the Indus, and effected a junction with the 
troops of Kuttub. After some preliminary skirmishes, a decisive 
battle was fought on the banks of the Jumna, in which the Hindus 
were totally defeated, and Jaya Chandra slain. The results of 
this victory, were the capture of the holy city of Benares, and the 
subjugation of Hindustan, even to the confines of China. These 
conquests consolidated the power of the Mohammedans in India, 
and laid the foundation of tlie empire of Delhi. 

The conquerors next assailed the barbarous Gakkars and 
reduced them to obedience, but on their return Mohammed 
Ghori was murdered by two of these mountaineers, who eluded 
the vigilance of his guards and during the night penetrated to his 
tent, (a. d. 1206.) As he left no children, the succession to the 
empire was disputed by his nephews ; Kuttub finally prevailed 
over the other competitors, but resigned himself to sloth and in- 
dolence. His son, Aram, exhibited still more deplorable weak- 
ness ; in less than a year he was deposed by Altmish, originally 
a slave, whom Kuttub had elevated to tlie highest dignities, 
having bestowed upon him the hand of his daughter and declared 
him his adopted son. The usurper's reign was prosperous, but 
after his death, his son Feroze dissipated the public treasures 
and brought the monarchy into such contempt that he was de- 
throned by his own sister, Ruzia Begum. The queen's feeble- 
ness invited rebellion ; after a reign of six months she was slain 
in battle, and the empire remained in confusion until Nassir-ed- 
din Mahmud, the youngest son of Altmish, obtained the crown, 
(a. D. 1247.) 

Mahmud II. had been consigned to a prison after his father's 
death, and had been compelled to support himself by his skill in 
caligraphy ; but he never complained of the fatigue of copying 
books, declaring that " he who would not work for his bread did 
not deserve it." He was subsequently released, and appointed to 

c 



26 AFGHAN, AND THE MOHAMMEDAN 

the government of a province, where his prudent administration 
obtained such fame that the Omrahs resolved to entrust him with 
the fortunes of the empire. In his reign the terrible Mongols, 
who under the command of Jenghiz Khan and his successors, had 
carried conquest and devastation from the seas of China to the 
shores of the Mediterranean, crossed the Indus, but retreated on 
the ajjproach of Mahmud. After the death of this excellent 
monarch, who left no children, the vizier Pulbun or Balin, who 
like several of his predecessors, had been originally a slave, 
ascended the throne. His reign was long and prosperous — it 
may also be termed glorious ; for not less than fifteen Mohammedan 
sovereigns, driven from their thrones by the Mongolian succes- 
sors of Jenghiz Khan, sought refuge in the court of Delhi, and 
were supported in a manner worthy of their rank by its generous 
sovereign. The Mongols made a second atten.pt to penetrate 
Hindustan, and the king's favourite son, Mohammed, a prince of 
great promise, was sent against them, while the monarch pro- 
ceeded to suppress a dangerous insurrection in Bengal. Moham- 
med encountered the invaders in the province of Multan, and 
gained a decisive victory ; but following the pursuit with too 
great eagerness, he fell into an ambuscade and was slain. 
Decisive as his own triumphs were, they could not console the 
aged monarch, who had reached his eightieth year, for the loss of 
his heroic son ; he sunk under the calamity, and was succeeded 
by his grandson, KaiKobad, (a.d. 1286). 

A troubled scene of revolutions, destitute of interest or im- 
portance, ended in the elevation of Allah-ed-din Khilji to the 
throne. Soon after his accession, the Mongols a third time in- 
vaded. Hindustan with a countless army ; they were met and 
defeated by ZafFer Khan, a general equally remarkable for his 
personal courage and skill as a commander. The last great 
battle was fought almost within sight of Delhi, and the gallant 
ZafFer Khan fell in the arms of victory. Allah-ed-din was not 
sorry for the loss of a general whose ambition he suspected, but 
the empire at large was filled with sorrow at being deprived of its 
great hero. " The bravery of ZafFer Khan," says Ferishta, 
" became so proverbial among the IMoguls, that when their horses 
started, they would ask them if they saw the ghost of Z;ifFer 
Khan?" Intoxicated by his victories over the Moguls, Allah- 
ed-din began to form the most extravagant projects ; he resolved 



CONQUEST OF INDIA. 27 

to found a new religion, after the example of Mohammed, and, 
like Alexander the Great, to intrust his dominions to a viceroy, 
and undertake the conquest of the world. The very ignorance 
that led to the formation of designs so insane, prevented the 
monarch from proceeding any length towards their execution ; 
his first efforts were productive of so many dangers and difficul- 
ties that he at once abandoned his ambitious enterprises, but at 
the same time consulted a holy man as to the means by which he 
might best transmit his name to posterity. The monarch was 
fortunate in his choice of an adviser ; he was recommended to 
secure his empire in Hindustan, by subduing the south-eastern 
provinces of the Peninsula, and to prevent the future incursions 
of the Moguls, by fortifying Kabul and Kandahar. He engaged 
with great ardour in the former of these enterprizes, and subdued 
several Rajahs, but the remembrance of his follies still rankled 
in the minds of his nobles, and several conspiracies were formed, 
from which he escaped with great difficulty. These dangers im- 
pressed upon his mind the disadvantages of ignorance ; though 
past the middle age of life he began the study of letters, and, as 
we are assured by the historians, in a short space of time became 
eminent for his proficiency. Mallek Kafur, a general of great 
reputation, in the mean time carried the Mohammedans' arms 
into the Dekkan, and gained so many victories, that on his re- 
turn to Delhi the king himself met him at the gate, and acknow- 
ledged that he was his debtor for a new kingdom. An atrocious 
act of cruelty soon afterwards sullied this generally good reign ; 
the Moguls who had been made prisoners, or who had deserted 
during the invasions of their countrymen, having become Mo- 
hammedans, were enlisted in the royal army ; the king from 
some unknown cause grew jealous of these converts, and dis- 
banded them without pay. In their distress a rebellion was 
projected ; the plot was discovered, and orders issued for the 
extermination of the Moguls, were obeyed as ruthlessly as they 
were given. Fifteen thousand of these unhappy men, were seen 
lying dead on one day in the streets of Delhi, and all their wives 
and children were enslaved. Allah-ed-din was poisoned by his 
favourite general, Mallek Kafur, (a.d. 1316), who procured the 
elevation of the king's youngest son, Omar Khilji, to the throne. 
The nobles of Delhi, dissatisfied with this arrangement, mur- 
dered Mallek, dethroned Omar, and chose his brother Mubarik 

c 2 



28 AFGHAN, AND THE MOHAMMEDAN 

for their sovereign. Miibarik was a weak debauchee ; he placed 
his entire confidence in a Hindu of the lowest origin, Mallek 
Khosrau, and thereby disgusted the ancient friends of his family. 
Mallek treacherously resolved to murder his benefactor ; infor- 
mation of his design^ was given to the king, but he refused to 
hear a syllable breathed against his favoiurite. He became the 
victim of his infatuation, and all his relatives were involved in 
his fate. The governors of the provinces on the news of the 
king's death, took up arms against the usurping Hindu, and 
having conquered him, put him to a cruel death, (a. d. 1321.) 
They then raised the most eminent of their own number, Gheias- 
ed-din Toghluk, to the throne, and their choice was enthusias- 
tically ratified by the people. 

Toghluk, like so many of his predecessors, had been originally 
a slave ; he displayed no wish to obtain the crown, for when he 
entered Delhi after his victory, he proclaimed, " ye subjects of 
this great empire ! I am no more than one of you who unsheathed 
my sword to deliver you from oppression, and rid the world of a 
monster. If, therefore, any of the royal line remain, let him be 
brought, that we, his servants, may prostrate ourselves before his 
throne. If not, let the most worthy of the illustrious order be 
elected among you, and I will swear to abide by your choice." 
But the people vehemently cried out that none of the royal 
family remained alive, and that be who had protected the empire 
from the Mongols, and delivered it from the tyrant, was alone 
worthy to become its sovereign. 

To"hluk's earliest care was to secure his dominions against the 
formidable jMongols ; he erected a chain of forts along the fron- 
tiers of Kabul, so judiciously placed, and so well garrisoned, that 
these invaders were deterred from making any effort to renew 
their incursions during his reign. He pursued the conquests 
which his predecessors had begun to make in the Dekkan, or 
peninsula of Southern India, and he reduced to obedience se- 
veral Omrahs, who had taken advantage of the former period of 
confusion to assert their independence. Returning from a vic- 
torious campaign, he was crushed to death in a temporary build- 
ing, in which he had been entertained by his son (a.d. 1323) : 
the fall of the roof, at the moment when the king was left with 
only a few attendants, has been, by many writers, ascribed to the 



CONQUEST OF INDIA. 29 

contrivance of the young prince, who was immediately proclaimed 
his successor. 

Mohammed Toghluk ascended the throne, conscious that he 
was suspected of parricide ; and, to avert the dangerous conse- 
quences, he rendered himself popular by excessive liberality. 
He was the most eloquent and accomplished prince of his time : 
even at this day, his letters in Arabic and Persian are regarded 
as the most perfect models of diplomatic correspondence. But 
literature did not change the native ferocity of his disposition ; 
few princes have rendered themselves more infamous by avarice 
and cruelty ; his eminent abilities only rendered him a greater 
scourge to his subjects. In the early part of his reign, he sub- 
dued several of the southern provinces, especially the greater 
part of the Carnatic, but the acquisitions of valour were lost by 
misgovernment. To inordinate taxation, he added the evils of a 
depreciated currency. Ferishta's account of the result of this 
expedient is too remarkable to be omitted, for it shews that an 
oriental writer, two centuries ago, had sounder views in the 
science of political economy, than many Europeans of our 
own day. 

" The king, unfortunately for his people, adopted his ideas of 
currency from a Chinese custom, of using paper on the emperor's 
credit, with the royal seal appended, in lieu of ready money. 
Mohammed Toghluk, instead of stamped paper, struck a copper 
coin, which he issued at an imaginary value, and caused it to 
pass current by a decree throughout Hindustan. The mint was 
under bad regulations. Bankers acquired large fortunes by coin- 
age. Foreign merchants made their payments in copper to the 
home manufacturer, though they themselves received for the ar- 
ticle they sold silver and gold in foreign markets. There was 
so much corruption practised in the mint, that for a premium to 
those persons who had the management of it, merchants had their 
coin struck considerably below the legal value ; and these abuses 
were connived at by the government. The great calamity, how- 
ever, consequent upon this debasement of the coin, arose from 
the known instability of the government. Public credit could 
not long subsist, in a state so liable to revolutions as Hindustan ; 
for how could the people in the remote provinces receive for 
money, the base representative of a treasury that so often changed 



30 AFGHAN, AND THE MOHAMMEDAN 

its master ? From these evils, the discontent became universal, and 
the king was at length obliged to call in the copper currency. 
So great abuses had occurred in the mint, however, that after the 
treasury was emptied, there still remained a heavy demand. This 
debt the kinir struck off, and thousands were ruined. The 
state, so far from gaining by this crude scheme, had exhausted 
its treasury ; and the bankers and some merchants alone ac- 
cumulated fortunes, at the expense of their sovereign and the 
people." 

Having heard of the great wealth of China, Mohammed 
Toghluk resolved to subdue that empire, and assembled a nu- 
merous army in the mountainous regions of Nepal. Having 
made arrangements for securing his communications, the Mo- 
hammedan general entered the Chinese frontiers with diminished 
numbers, and soldiers dispirited by the fatigues and perils of 
their march. A superior force was ready to meet the invaders, 
and the Indian army commenced a retreat. But the rainy 
season surprised them in the mountains ; the Nepalese, issu- 
ing from their fastnesses, harassed their flanks, the Chinese 
hung on their rear, and, out of their formidable forces, only 
a few miserable fugitives escaped to bring intelligence of their 
ruin. 

The next project of the king produced consequences scarcely 
less calamitous ; he resolved to make Dowlatabad the capital of 
his dominions, and ordered the citizens of Delhi to remove thi- 
ther, " leaving that noble metropolis a resort for owls, and a 
dwelling-place for the beasts of the field." 

At this time (a.d. 1340) the taxes were so heavy, that the 
cultivators of the soil, unable to endure the exactions of the re- 
venue officers, abandoned the entire fertile tract between the 
Jumna and the Ganges, set fire to their houses, and sought re- 
fuge in the jungles with their families and cattle. The vanity of 
the monarch was equal to his cruelty : having lost one of his teeth, 
he ordered it to be interred with great solemnity at Bir, and 
erected over it a magnificent tomb, which still exists as a monu- 
ment of his folly. At length, these excesses drove even the pa- 
tient Hindus to revolt, and several of the native Rajas recovered 
their independence. While engaged in subduing one of these 
insurrections, Mohammed died of a surfeit from fish, in the 
twenty-eighth year of his cruel reign. 



t 



CONQUEST OF INDIA. 31 

A body of Mongols, in Mohammed's service, had been sent to 
keep in control the turbulent people of Gujarat ; but these bar- 
barians soon set the power of Mohammed at defiance : they with- 
drew into the Dekkan, seized the strong fortress of Dowlatabad, 
and proclaimed their independence. The death of the Sultan 
was propitious to their efforts ; it afforded them time for laying 
the foundation of a new Mohammedan empire, which rose to 
considerable power, and preserved its existence for several cen- 
turies. Its sovereigns are known in history as the Rahmenee 
dynasty, and they included under their dominion all the pro- 
vinces which had ever acknowledged the sway of the emperors 
of Delhi. The governor of Bengal took advantage of the general 
confusion, to erect his province into an independent state, and 
several nobles of minor importance shewed themselves ready to 
take part in the dismemberment of the empire. Amid these com- 
motions, the Omrahs assembled, and resolved to confer the crown 
on Firoz Toghluk, the cousin of the deceased monarch. His 
claim was disputed for a time by the citizens of Delhi, who placed 
a son of Mohammed on the throne. But this competitor was 
only six years of age, and there was some doubt of his legiti- 
macy. The nobles on both sides, having agreed to discuss what 
was best to be done in an amicable interview, the boy's claims 
were set aside, and Feroz was universally acknowledged. But, 
during these disputes, the revolted provinces had concentrated 
their strength and consolidated their power, so that the new em- 
peror was compelled to recognize the usurpers of the Dekkan 
and Bengal as independent sovereigns, and to receive ambassa- 
dors from both. Notwithstanding their submission, Feroz seems 
to have dreaded the hostility of the citizens of Delhi, for he re- 
fused to reside within the wall, and erected the new city of Fi- 
rozabad in the neighbourhood, as the metropolis of his domi- 
nions. He was, indeed, so passionately fond of architecture, 
that he is said to have constructed fifty great aqueducts, or 
reservoirs of water ; forty mosques ; thirty schools ; twenty 
caravanserais ; a hundred palaces ; five hospitals ; one hun- 
dred tombs ; ten baths ; ten spires ; one hundred and fifty 
wells ; one hundred bridges, and pleasure-gardens without 
number. 

After he had passed his eightieth year, Firoz, finding that the 
cares of the government pressed too heavily on his advanced age, 



32 AFGHAN, AND THE MOHAMMEDAN 

resigned the crown to his son, Moliammcd Toghluk 11., who was 
devoted to pleasure, and slenderly provided with abilities. He 
gave himself up to debauchery, was deposed in a popular tumult, 
and the old king was forced to resume the reins of power. On 
his death, he bequeathed the crown to his grandson, who was, in 
a few months, assassinated by his cousin, Abu Bekr, and he, in 
his turn, fell a victim to Mohammed Toghluk III., a younger 
brother of I'iroz (a.d 1-3S7). The six years of Mohammed's 
reign were spent in quelling the revolts of his principal Omrahs, 
who aimed at independence, like the sovereigns of the Dekkan 
and Bengal ; their insurrections scarcely allowed him any interval 
of repose, and the anxiety they occasioned hastened his death. 
His son, Humayun, who succeeded, followed his father to the 
grave in less than two months, and a minor, Mahmud Toghluk, 
succeeded to a distracted empire and an exhausted treasury. The 
government fell into anarchy ; civil war raged every where ; 
three claimants for supremacy over the emperor, contended with 
each other in the streets of Delhi for as many years. Mahmud 
became the puppet of whichever obtained a temporary triumph, 
and the uncertainty of the state was increased by the neutral 
chiefs, who dreaded the establishment of the power of any of the 
competitors, and therefore when any one of them was too much 
depressed, lent him their aid to restore the balance. In the 
midst of this confusion news arrived of the approach of a for- 
midable enemy, Pir Mohammed Jehanghir, the grandson of the 
terrible Timur Lenk, who was sent by that terrible conqueror to 
subdue Hindustan. 

Timur was a Jagatay Turk, but in consequence of his claim, 
real or pretended, to descent from Jenghiz Khan, he is commonly 
called a Mongol, as if all traces of his jMongolian descent would 
not have disappeared in successive generations. Strongly at- 
tached to the Shia creed, he believed that he was employed by 
Heaven to extirpate heresy as well as idolatry, and to revenge on 
the Sonnites the murder of Ali. This belief consoled him for 
the ferocious massacres he had perpetrated, and was craftily 
encouraged by those who were anxious to conciliate his friend- 
ship. In that extraordinary specimen of autobiography, his 
memoirs, recently published, he shows us how strongly he was 
influenced by this persuasion. " In the year of the Hejra 771, 



CONGUEST OF INDIA. 33 

(a.d. 1378) when I had driven the Jetes (Uzbek Tartars) out of 
Turan (Transoxiana) and mounted the throne, and had directed 
the royal declaration to be read from all the pulpits, the Syeds, 
(descendants from the family of Mohammed,) the learned, the 
prelates, the rich and the poor, all raised their hands in prayer 
for my prosperity ; but Khuaje Abyd, who was the most cele- 
brated prelate of that time, forbade them to pray for me, saying, 
' Do not pray for this murderer and blood-thirsty Turk, who has 
put to death an innumerable number of Mussulmans, nor repeat 
blessings on him.' On that very night the Khuaje dreamed that 
he saw me standing in the presence of his holiness the prophet, 
that he entered, and several times made his obedience to Mo- 
hammed, without his salutation being returned ; at length he 
called out, ' O, messenger of God, do you permit this wretch 
Timur, who has murdered hundreds of thousands of your fol- 
lowers, and who has destroyed the habitations of so many 
Mussulmans, to stand before you, whilst you do not return the 
salutation of me, who am the zealous supporter of your religion, 
and the establisher of your law V His holiness replied to him 
in an angry manner, 'Although Timur has shed much of the 
blood of my followers, as he has been the friend^ the supporter, 
and the respecter of my posterity, why dost thou forbid the 
people to pray for and bless him ?' The Khuaje having awoke, 
came even during the night to me and asked pardon : when this 
intelligence reached the people, all of them raised their hands in 
prayer for my prosperity, and, considering me as supported by the 
divine favour, bore witness to my right. In gratitude for this 
favour, I day by day showed more attention, respect, and affec- 
tion to the descendants of Mohammed, and esteemed myself as the 
elect of God.'' 

Religion afforded Timur a pretext for invading and conquering 
the kingdom of Persia. The history of that country from the age 
of Jenghiz Khan to that of Timur, is an unvarying repetition of 
cruelties, usurpations, treasons, and assassinations ; the provinces 
sometimes independent, and sometimes professing a nominal 
allegiance, were devastated by a ferocious soldiery, and the 
mosques were either deserted or possessed by ignorant priests, 
whose doctrines were frequently inconsistent with the creed of 
Islam. Timur's conquest of the country was consequently 

c 5 



34 AFGHAN, AND THE MOHAMMEDAN 

favoured by a large party of the priests, who regarded him 
as the extirpator of heresy ; and it was on the petition of 
the Iniiims and doctors of the law, that he issued his cele- 
brated decree at Shiraz, for the massacre of all the princes 
of the house of Muzaffer, as obstinate disturbers of religion and 
the state. 

One great reason which rendered Timur ambitious of subduing 
Hindustan, was the great fame which the Sonnite hero, Mahmud 
of Ghazi, had obtained by establishing the creed of Islam 
amongst the idolaters beyond the Indus. He, too, aspired to be 
celebrated as a Gazi, or heroic promulgator of the faith ; and 
hoped, that like i\Iahmud, he would bequeath a name to be 
celebrated by history, poetry, and legend. He found, however, 
great difficulties in persuading his nobles to undertake such an 
achievement ; they were daunted by the severe defeats wliich the 
Mongols had suffered on former occasions, and by the fear of the 
perils and hardships which they would necessarily endure in 
forcing the mountain passes around Kabul. Timur's own re- 
solution was shaken, but his courage was restored by a dream, 
which he thus records in his singular autobiography : — " When 
I was about to invade Hindustan, and my chiefs by their back- 
wardness rendered me doubtful whether I should proceed, I 
dreamt that I was in a large garden, and saw a number of people 
who were pruning the trees, and sowing seeds ; that the garden 
was full of trees, both great and small, on the tops of which the 
birds had built their nests ; I thought that I had a sling in my 
hand, and that I destroyed the nests with stones from the sling, 
and drove away all the birds ; this dream was realized when I 
took that country, by expelling all the sultans, and taking pos- 
session of the kingdom." 

Mirza Pir Mohammed Jehan Ghir was sent to prepare the 
way for the conquest of Hindustan ; he crossed the Indus, de- 
feated the troops sent to oppose him, and took Multan by storm. 
The solstitial rains, however, compelled him to draw his 
army within the city, upon which the people of the country 
blockaded him closely and intercepted his supplies. In the mean 
time, Timiir, at the head of an immense army, was advancing 
over the stupendous range of mountains which separates India 
from the regions of the north. The passage of the Hindu Kiish, 
was not effected without great loss and difficulty ; the soldiers 



COKQUEST OF INDIA. 35 

had to make their way through deep snow, which effaced every 
trace of a road, and at the same time to defend themselves against 
the savage moimtaineers, who harassed them by continual 
skirmishes. The invaders, at length, forced their way to Kabul 
and thence to Attock, the celebrated passage of the Indus. 
Prince Mubarek, w-ho had revolted, after submitting to Moham- 
med Jehan Ghir in the preceding year, made a brave attempt to 
stop the progress of invasion, but he was badly supported by his 
troops, and with difficulty escaped being made prisoner. Having 
sent relief to his grandson, Timur, pursued his march towards 
Delhi, marking his track by massacre and desolation. Sultan 
Mahmud was roused to defend his kingdom ; he had a numerous 
and well-appointed army, attended by a formidable train of war- 
elephants and a rocket brigade, whose missiles were greatly 
dreaded. The battle was hot and terrible ; but at length, the 
enervated troops of Delhi, were borne down by the physical 
superiority of the iron men of the north ; the elephants were 
driven back on their own ranks, and many of them deprived of 
their guides, rushed wildly over the field, trampling friends and 
foes alike ; a small body of Afghans alone remained firm, and 
enabled the sultan to effect his retreat, abandoning the remains 
of his followers to merciless conquerors, who refused to give any 
quarter. Mahmud and his ministers fled from the city, which 
was surrendered to Timur without further resistance, on the con- 
dition of being saved from destruction by the payment of a large 
ransom. In levying the heavy contribution, some disputes arose 
between the citizens and the conquerors, which led to blows. 
The fierce soldiers of Timur, without waiting for any orders, im- 
mediately commenced an indiscriminate massacre and pillage, 
which continued for three days, until the barbarians were forced 
to show mercy, because from sheer exhaustion, they were no 
longer able to continue the work of cruelty. Having sent his 
plunder back to Samarkand, Timur led his forces as far as the 
Ganges, repeating the work of destruction with unvarying fero- 
city. At length, the intelligence of disorders and rebellions in 
Western Persia, imperatively recalled Timur from his sanguinary 
career; he quitted Hindustan, a.d. 1400, after having converted 
its fairest jorovinces into a desert. 

Zafir Khan, surnamed Azim Hiimayun, had been appointed 
Governor of Gujarat by Mohammed Toghluk II. (a.d. 1391, 



36 AFGHAN, AND THE MOHAMMEDAN 

A.H. 794), and had ruled the province with almost regal au- 
thority. His son, Mohammed Khan, having heen forced to fly 
from Delhi, where he held the office of Vizier, rebelled against 
both the Sultan and his father, and proclaimed himself King of 
Gujarat, just at the time that Timur invaded India. Mo- 
hammed Toghluk, when he fled from Delhi, sought refuge in 
Gujarat, but not meeting with a very courteous reception, he went 
to Malwa. jNIohammed Khan died soon afterwards, and was 
buried as a Saint in the city of Patau. Zafir Khan continued his 
allegiance to the nominal Emperors of Dehli until the family of 
Firoz became utterly powerless, when he suffered himself to be 
proclaimed King of Gujarat (a.d. 1407), and took the name of 
Musaffir Shah. The founder of the Patau dynasty, as the kings 
of Gujarat are sometimes called, from their capital city, was a wise 
and virtuous prince. " He continued," says the author of the 
Mirat Amadi, " to dispense justice, to punish the wicked, and to 
protect the poor, until he was poisoned by his grandson, Ahmed 
Shah." (a.d. 1410). 

After the departure of Timiir, Mahmud was nominally restored 
to the empire, but his authority was spurned by his factious 
nobles ; anarchy everywhere prevailed, and the death of the 
sultan was hailed as a relief by his suffering subjects. With him 
ended the third dynasty of the Afghan kings of Delhi. 

An Afghan noble attempted to usurp the throne, but he was 
unable to maintain himself against the superior power and popu- 
larity of Khizer Khan, a Syed (or descendant of the prophet) who 
became the founder of a new dynasty. Khizer refused the title 
of sovereign, pretending that he held the government as viceroy 
for the house of Timur, in whose name he ordered all the coins 
to be struck and all edicts issued. By this expedient, he ob\aated 
the jealousies of the Omrahs, whose claims to the crown were 
superior to his own, and he terrified insurgents by the dread of 
chastisement from a powerful ruler who had given them such 
dreadful proof of his merciless disposition. Khizer's admi- 
nistration relieved the empire from many calamities, and 
the people again began to enjoy the blessings of peace and 
protection. 

After a reign of seven years, Khizer died, and was succeeded 
by his son Syed Mubarek, who displayed considerable talents for 
government, and a more than ordinary attention to justice and 



CONaUEST OF INDIA. 37 

humanity. But his reign, which lasted thirteen years, was one 
continued series of wars with the petty principalities which had 
been formed from fragments of the Delhi empire, and with his 
own factious nobles. While he was thus engaged, the kingdom 
of Gujarat was daily increasing in importance, under the wisC 
administration of its second sultan, Ahmed Shah, who extended 
his conquests to the Dekkan. Mubarek was murdered (a.d. 
143.')), by a band of assassins, employed by his vizier, who 
placed the sultan's grandson, Syed Mohammed, on the throne, 
expecting to reign in his name. But the Omrahs were dis- 
gusted with the pretensions of the aspiring ministers ; they had 
recourse to arms ; and the king, probably without much reluct- 
ance, found it necessary to conciliate them by procuring the 
assassination of the insolent vizier. This concession, universally 
attributed to weakness, exposed the monarch to fresh demands, 
the refusal of which was followed by rebellion. Mubarek's 
power was reduced to a shadow, and a revolution was only 
averted by his death, (a.d. 1445.) Four years previous to 
this, the glorious reign of Ahmed in Gujarat had closed ; but his 
son and successor, jNIohammed, though of far inferior abilities, 
maintained the greatness of the kingdom. Syed Mohammed was 
succeeded at Delhi by his son Syed Allah-ed-din, who inherited 
the weakness as well as the throne of his father. After an in- 
glorious reign of seven years, he was compelled to abdicate, 
(a.d. 1450,) and so little was he feared, that he was per- 
mitted to live unmolested in his retirement fourteen years, 
— a circumstance which can hardly be paralleled in Oriental 
History. 

Beiloli Lodi, an Afghan by birth, became the founder of the 
fifth dynasty, established by his countrymen in Delhi. His 
mother was smothered while under the ruins of a fallins house, 
but her husband opening the body, saved the life of an infant 
destined to be the future emperor of Hindustan. In his early 
youth a dervish is said to have predicted his future greatness ; 
and this prophecy, by awakening his ambition, may well be 
believed to have had some influence in working out its own 
accomplishment. The turbulent Omrahs refused at first to sub- 
mit to one who had been long their equal, but by uniting firm- 
ness with prudent concession, he succeeded in establishing his 
authority over all the petty principalities round the metropolis. 



38 

During his entire reign, he was engaged in a tedious and indeci- 
sive war with the Kings of Junpur, whose obstinacy he had bound 
himself to subdue. Old age had arrived before his darling object 
was completed, and, feeling his infirmities, he divided his 
dominions among his children. Soon after the conquest of 
Junpur, Beiloli died (a.d. 1488), having reigned thirty-eight 
years. In the mean time, Gujarat was enjoying perfect tran- 
quillity, under the wise administration of Sultan Mahmud Ni- 
zarrah. 

On the death of Beiloli, the Omrahs assembled as usual to de- 
liberate on the choice of a successor. While they were debating 
Sultana Zema, a goldsmith's daughter, raised to the late king's 
bed on account of her eminent charms and witty conversation, 
addressed the assembly from behind a curtain, in favour of her 
son, Sekander Lodi, and thus united all the suffrages for his 
election. The brothers of the new emperor, dissatisfied by the 
choice of the Omrahs, refused to recognize Sekander's claims, and 
thus the early part of his reign was spent in a series of ruinous 
fraternal wars. One of the most remarkable events in his history, 
was a public discussion of the doctrine of toleration, the advocates 
of which, as might be expected, were pronounced guilty of heresy, 
and punished with death. Sekander's bigotry has rendered him 
a favourite with Mohammedan authors ; not content with extol- 
ling him as a saint, they -praise him as a hero — though, during 
his entire reign, he never performed any exploit worthy of being 
recorded. 

The tranquillity which the prudent administration of Mahmud 
Bigarrah had established in Gujarat, was disturbed by an event, 
which, in a future chapter, will engage our attention — the rapid 
progress of the Portuguese in Southern India. The Sultan of 
Gujarat joined in the Mohammedan league, formed for the des- 
truction of these Christian intruders (a.d. 1503); but he soon 
directed his attention exclusively to his domestic affairs, believing 
that the growing power of the Ottomans would, ere long, compel 
the Europeans to abandon the Indian seas. Bigarrah was suc- 
ceeded by his son, Mozafi^er II. surnamed, and deservedly, the 
Merciful. 

Syed Ibrahim Lodi succeeded his father in Delhi. A con- 
spiracy was formed to raise his younger brother to the throne, 
but it was fortunately detected almost at the very moment at 



i 



CONQUEST OF INDIA. 39 

which it was about to explode. Sultan Ibrahim punished not 
only the guilty, but the suspected, with such remorseless cruelty, 
that he drove most of his nobles into rebellion. Finding himself 
an object of suspicion to his sovereign, the governor of Lahore 
invited Baber, the sultan of Ferghana, and the descendant of the 
illustrious Timur, to his assistance, by whom Ibrahim was de- 
feated and slain. With him ended the last of the Afghan empires 
in India. The sovereignty was entrusted to a new race of mo~ 
narchs, called, by inveterate error, the Great Moguls : but before 
entering on the history of this revolution, we must briefly direct 
our attention to the countries west and north of the Indus, and 
trace the fortunes of the posterity of Timur. 



40 THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 



CHAPTER III. 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 



Within a very short period after his return from India, Timur 
had settled the affairs of Persia ; subdued Syria, Asia Minor, 
and Egypt ; defeated the Turkish emperor, Ilderim Payezid on, 
the plains of Galatia, and prepared a vast expedition against) 
China, which he was conducting over the mountains of Tartary, 
when he was overtaken by the stroke of death (a. d. 1405). 
He met his fate with the same steady resolution, which had borne 
him onward through his prosperous career : perceiving his end 
approach, he convoked his nobles, exhorted them above all things 
to preserve the unity of his empire, and to secure the supremacy 
for his favourite grandcliild, Pir Mohammed Jehan Ghir. Before 
the conqueror's body was laid in the grave, active intrigues were 
commenced for frustrating both his requests. His grandson 
Khalil, at the instigation of the principal officers of the army, 
usurped the government, and tried to secure his throne by a la- 
vish distribution of the treasure which Timur had accumulated ; 
but ihis great expenditure produced no effect, save the impove- 
rishment of his exchequer. Each chieftain who received his 
bounty, deemed that he had been underpaid when he learned the 
amount that had been bestowed on some other leader, whose 
consequence he underrated as much as he overvalued his own. 
Khalil succeeded in defeating his cousin, Pir Mohammed, and 
some other rivals ; but he was finally betrayed to Khodadad, the 
secret enemy of Timur's family, and, though he retained the 
name of royalty, he became a passive instrument in the hands of 
the Shah Rokh, the youngest son of Timur, who enraged at 
this insult offered to his family, marched from Khorasan, which 
•was the seat of his government, captured Samarkand, and re- 
duced all the rest of Mawer-al-naher under his obedience. 
Khodadad was slain by the Moguls, from whom he sought aid. 
Khalil submitted to his uncle, and was for a brief space treated 
with great kindness, but finally ended his life by poison 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 41 

(a.d. 1415, A.H. 817.) Shah Rokh restored the empire founded 
by his father, nearly to its greatest extent, and ruled his vast 
dominions with equal firmness and clemency ; but his death 
(a.d. 1446, A.H. 850) was followed by a renewal of the wars 
that had ensued on the decease of Timur. 

Ulugh Beg succeeded his father. Shah Rokh, in Samarkand : 
he was a prince of amiable dispositions, fondly attached to scien- 
tific pursuits, who has secured an honourable fame by the valu- 
able astronomical tables constructed under his directions, at an 
observatory which he caused to be erected in Samarkand for the 
purpose. All his relations, brothers, cousins, and nephews, 
raised insurrections against this estimable prince ; but there were 
two, more marked in their hostility, from whom far different con- 
duct might have been expected, his own son Abd-al-latif, and 
Abu-said Mirza, whom he had protected in infancy and youth, 
and had raised to rank and station. Ulugh was defeated and 
slain by his rebellious son (a.d. 1449, a.h. 853); but the par- 
ricide did not long enjoy the fruits of his crime ; he was murdered 
in a mutiny, and his cousin Abdallah was chosen emperor. Ab- 
dallah, in a few months, was dethroned by Abu-said. 

Almost every province of the empire had now been formed 
into a kingdom by one or other of the descendants of Timur : 
Abu-said was no Eooner established on the throne of Samarkand, 
tlian he prepared to extend his dominion over the different prin- 
cipalities formed out of the ancient kingdom of Persia. After a 
series of desultory wars, and many vicissitudes of fortune, he 
conquered the greater part of Timur's ancient empire, and placed 
his sons over the new provinces. His last expedition was into 
Persian Irak (a.d. 1467, a.h. 871), where he was defeated, 
taken prisoner by his enemies, and beheaded. 

The dominions of Abu-said were divided between his sons 
after his death. They engaged in mutual wars, barren of any 
interest, though productive of much misery. Omar Sheikh 
Mirza received the least of the provinces for his share — the pro- 
vince of Ferghana, on the upper Jaxartes, a river called by the 
orientals the Sin or Sihun. He was a restless, profuse, good- 
natured prince, and, on his death (a.d. 1494, a.h. 900), he 
left his dominions in considerable confusion to his eldest son, 
Zehir-ed-din Mohammed, surnamed Baber, or the Tiger. 

The state of Central Asia, when the illustrious Baber com- 



42 THE EMPIRE OF DKLIII. 

menced his reign, must be briefly described. His uncle, Sultan 
Ahmed INIirza, was king of Bokhara and Samarkand ; a second 
uncle, Mahnu'id Mirza, possessed Kunduz and Badakshan ; a 
third, Ulugh Beg Mirza, held Kabul and Ghazni ; Hussein 
Mirza, a descendant of Timur, and the most powerful prince of 
his age, ruled over Khorasan ; Mahmud Khan, a Mogul, and 
Baber's maternal uncle, possessed Tashkend and Shahrokhia, on 
the lower Jaxartes, and the chief power over the Moguls of the 
Desert ; finally, Sheibani Khan was collecting in the Desert a 
horde, compbunded of different races, destined in a future day to 
found a new monarchy. This was two years before the discovery 
of America by Columbus, and the passage round the Cape of 
Good Hope by De Gama ; the year in which Charles VIII. of 
France undertook his celebrated expedition against Naples. 

No sooner had Baber mounted the throne than his dominions 
were attacked on every side by his paternal and maternal uncles ; 
he repulsed the several invaders. Two of them, Ahmed and 
Mahmud Mirza, died soon afterwards, and their kingdoms were 
united under Khosrau Shah, a son of the latter. Khosrau was 
a weak imprudent prince, but his accidental triumph over the 
Sultan of Khorasan gave him a temporary importance, of which 
he knew not how to avail himself. To describe the wars be- 
tween the petty princes of Transoxiana would be tedious and 
uninteresting ; we shall therefore, for the most part, confine our 
attention to the progress of Baber, who (a.d. 1497, a.h. 903) 
made his first great step towards empire by the conquest of 
Samarkand. Scarcely, however, had he made the acquisition, 
when he was deprived of it by the desertion of one part of his 
followers and the revolt of others. Disheartened and weakened 
by sickness, he sought refuge in Khojend, where he prepared for 
fresh exertions, and after two years recovered his paternal 
dominions. 

In the mean time Sheibani Khan, at the head of the Uzbeks, 
as his tumultuary hordes were called, had made himself master 
of Samarkand and Bokhara. Baber, by a sudden march, sur- 
prised the former city, (a.d. 1500, a.h. 906,) and being joined 
by many of the Begs who had before deserted him, ventured to 
meet the Uzbeks in the field. He was defeated, and once more 
driven from the city, apparently a hopeless fugitive. 

Baber's sufferings and escapes — his total loss of his hereditary 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 43 

kingdom, and his adventures as the leader of a plundering horde 
rather than a regular army, have all the interest of romance ; but 
they want the importance of history. After having finally lost 
his inheritance, Ferghana, w^hich became the prey of the Uzbeks 
under Sheibani Khan, he seems to have resolved to seek a new 
kingdom in the south, and entered his cousin Khosrau's do - 
minions in Khorasan. Over this part of Baber's history there 
rests no little obscurity, our principal authority being liis own 
memoirs ; but even from these it appears that having been 
received by Khosrau as a friend and relation, Baber entered into 
secret intrigues for depriving his cousin of sovereign power. 
From Kunduz, Baber m.arched with the army, which he had 
enticed from the service of Khosran — against Kabul, which was 
distracted by civil commotions. He became master of the pro- 
vinces of Kabul and Ghazni, (a.d. 1504, a.h. 910,) but their 
superior wealth and power did not console him for the loss of 
his paternal Ferghana, to which he frequently cast " a longing, 
lingering look," as the country of his early affections. He 
shared his new acquisitions among his followers ; but finding the 
plunder exhausted before his troops were satisfied, he resolved 
on some new exploit, and after long deliberations it was deter- 
mined to invade Hindustan. This foray, for it does not deserve 
to be called a campaign, being finished, he returned to tranquil- 
lize and consolidate his new kingdom. This proved a very 
difficult task, principally on account of the complicated claims 
and pretensions made to sovereignty by the numerous descendants 
of Timur ; but Baber's power being established by his conquest 
of Kandahar, he once more turned his attention towards Hindus- 
tan. But a new vicissitude awaited him ; the army of Kabul 
revolted, as that of Samarkand had done before, and Baber was 
for more than two years a partisan chief before he could regain 
his kingdom. 

Scarcely was Baber restored to the throne of Kabul when he 
heard of the death of his great enemy, Sheibani Khan, and that 
consequently an opportunity was offered of re-conquering his 
beloved Ferghana. His enterprise was at first successful ; he 
for the third time became master of Samarkand, but the Uzbeks 
soon recovered from their dismay, and, being favoured by the 
natives, compelled Baber to relinquish the country of his an- 
cestors for ever. 



44 THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 

The project of invatlinf^ Hindustan was resumed by the active 
monarch when he lost all hope of recovering Ma-wer-al-nahar ; 
he crossed the Indus (a.d. 1519, a.ii. 925) no longer as a pre- 
datory adventurer, but, as he gravely infoims us, as a monarch 
coming to take possession of his right. " The countries among 
which I now was," he says, " had long been in the possession 
of the Turks ; I regarded them as my own domains, and was i 
resolved to acquire the possession of them either by war or 
peace."* After some partial successes he returned to Kabul ; 
and though he never resigned his plan, three years had elapsed 
before he could find a favourable opportunity of renewing his 
operations. Baber's fourth invasion of India was undertaken, as 
has been already mentioned, at the instigation of the nobles who 
were discontented with Ibrahim, the Afghan sultan of Delhi. 
On this occasion he subdued the whole of the Punjab, took La- 
hore by storm, and, enraged at the obstinacy of the resistance 
which he encountered, burned the city to the ground. 

The fifth and final invasion of Hindustan (a d. 1525, a.h. 
932) was professedly designed to support Allah-ed-din's claims 
to the throne of Delhi ; but that prince having intrigued against 
his ally, Baber no longer deigned to use the pretext of his name, 
and in his memoirs he never once alludes to Allah-ed-din's pre- 
tensions. Ibrahim levied an immense army to protect his 
crown, and hasted to meet Baber, whose progress had for some 
time resembled the procession of a monarch through his own 
dominions, rather than the campaign of an invader in a foreign 
country. After a severe conflict, Ibrahim was defeated and slain. 
This single battle decided the fate of the empire ; detachments 
from Baber's army occupied Agra and Delhi without encounter- 
ing any resistance. His nobles were now anxious to return 
home and disband their followers, f regarding their conquest 
merely as a successful inroad ; but Baber assembled them, and 
eloquently pourtrayed the superior advantages of Hindustan, and 
the glory that would result from founding a new empire. Four 
years were spent in subduing the Hindu Rajas and the Moham- 
medan provincial governors, who had established their indepen- 

• Memoirs of Baber, 254, 

f One vented his feelings in verses, to the following effect; 
If safe and sound I pass the river Sind, 
Deuce take me, if again I 'U visit Hind. 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 45 

dence during the recent distractions of the empire. These 
expeditions, some of which were attended with great danger and 
difficulty, finally proved successful ; the Turkish soldiers, recon- 
ciled to the climate of India, no longer spoke of returning home, 
and Baber assumed the title of Pad-shah or emperor, and 
Ghazi. 

Thus was founded the Empire of Delhi, absurdly called the 
empire of the Great Mogul, because a doubtful tradition had 
described one of Baber's very remote ancestors as a Mongolian 
prince. The error is now so inveterate that it would be vain to 
expect its cure ; we shall however use the name 'emperors of 
Delhi ' for the successors of Baber, which will prevent any mis- 
take, and avoid the difiiculty that might arise from the true de- 
signation Jagatays. 

The great fatigues he had undergone in the various vicissitudes 
of his shifting fortunes, broke down the strong constitution of 
Baber, and having arranged the affairs of the empire with great 
wisdom, he quietly awaited the stroke of death, having appointed 
his son, Humayun, his successor. While the emperor was on 
his death-bed, a plot was formed to procure the crown for his son- 
in-law, Mehdi Khwajeh, which was defeated by a very singular 
incident. Mir Khalifeh, Baber's Vizier, was the chief supporter 
of Khwajeh ; he one day, unperceived, stood behind the prince, 
with whom he had been previously conversing, and Khwajeh, 
supposing that the vizier had left the apartment, said to liimself 
aloud, " God willing, I will soon flay off your hide, old boy!" 
At the same moment, turning round, he saw the Vizier's eye 
sternly fixed upon him. Khwajeh attempted to turn the matter 
off with a jest, saying, "Ah! my good fellow, the red tongue 
often gives the green head to the winds ;" but Khalifeh was not 
so easily satisfied, and immediately after placed Khwajeh under 
ariTst, thus securing his inheritance to Hiimayiin. Baber died 
on the 26th December, 1530, (a.h. 935), having ruled over his 
new empire of Hindustan a little more than five years. 

In Gujarat, Mozaffer the Clement, displayed equal valour, 
prudence, and mercy, in the administration of his kingdom. On 
his death, he bequeathed the government to his son, Sekander, a 
youth of inferior abilities, and too exclusively attached to those 
who had been his favourities and companions while a prince. 
The rich largesses and presents he bestowed on these minions, 



40 THE KMPIRK OF DELHI. 

grievously offondcd the nobles; a conspiracy was formed, of 
wliifh the vizier was chief, ahd Sekander was murdered, after a 
brief n-i<,m of three months, (a.d. 1526). He left behind him 
a formidable avenger, his brother, the Sultan Bahadar, who 
marched ac^ainst the usurping vizier, routed his adherents with 
little difrieulty, and inflicted on him the just penalty of his treason. 
The new sultan marched against the Portuguese, who had settled 
at Diu and obtained some advantages, which, however, were not 
sufficient to compensate him for the expenses of the war ; he was 
more successful against the Hindu Rajas on the frontiers of his 
kingdom, several of whom he compelled to become tributary. 
In the midst of his victorious career, he was summoned to defend 
his own kingdom against the emperor of Delhi, who was preparing 
for thi- subjection of Gujarat. 

When Hiimayiln succeeded his father, Baber, on the throne of 
Delhi, few monarclis could have had fairer prospects of a peaceful 
and happy reign. He had distinguished himself before his acces- 
sion as a warrior and a statesman ; his superiority was readily 
acknowledged by his brothers ; and his literary attainments 
pained the respect of his subjects, who were now beginning to 
cultivate those sciences, which, for a season, rendered the court of 
Delhi one of the most brilliant and beneficial that ever existed in 
Asia. Ambition led him to invade Gujarat, where his success 
was so great that proposals were made for receiving that king- 
dom as a tributary state, and allowing Sultan Bahadar to reign 
as the emperor's deputy. Although Humayun was aware that a 
dangerous rebellion was on the point of exploding in his heredi- 
tary dominions, he rejected this judicious advice and resolved to 
annex Gujarat as a province to his empire, and appointed his 
natural brother, prince Askerry, its governor. Scarcely had the 
emperor returned to Agra, when Sultan Bahadar, assisted by a 
body of Portuguese mercenaries, recovered his kingdom and 
compelled Askerry to save himself by a precipitate flight. The 
Portuguese, relying on the services they had rendered to the 
sultan, began to extend and secure their dominions by the erection 
of forts, which gave just offence to Bahadar. He marched with 
a small army to check their encroachments, but was either slain 
in a petty skirmish, or, according to the Mahommedan accounts, 
was treacherously murdered in a conference to which he had been 
invited by the Portuguese commanders, (a.d. 1536). He was 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 47 

succeeded by his nephew, Mohammed II. who was taken from a 
prison to ascend the throne. From this time, Gujarat began 
rapidly to decline ; the princes of the Dekkan Avithheld the 
tribute they had previously paid to the sultans, and the Portu- 
guese ceased to pay any compensation for the ports of which they 
had taken possession. 

After his return from Gujarat, Humayun quelled several petty 
revolts which had broken out in his dominions ; but while thus 
engao-ed, he received intellioence of a formidable insurrection of 
the Afghans, headed by Shir Khan, and at the same time ob- 
tained private infonnation that the allegiance of his brothers, 
Hurdal and Kamran, was more than suspicious. Before march- 
ing against the Afghan insurgents, Humayun sent for all the 
princes of his family, and impressed upon them the necessity of 
uniting their interests, declaring that their intestine feuds must 
lead to the disolution of that mighty empire which had cost their 
father so much pains to acquire. They readily promised him 
their support, but he had no sooner departed to commence his 
campaign, than they commenced their treacherous intrigues with 
renewed vigour. 

The emperor's first operations against the Afghan insurgents 
were crowned with success. Shir Khan, unable to maintain 
himself in the open field, sought to make peace, and Humayun, 
dreading the machinations of his brothers during his absence, 
readily ofiered favourable terms. To render the treaty more bind- 
ing on the insurgents, like all Afghans, more remarkable for their 
superstition than their fidelity, he employed a celebrated saint. 
Sheikh Khalil, to conduct the negotiations, and under his auspices, 
the conditions were speedily and equitably arranged. 

The treaty, however, had been scarcely signed, when the trea- 
cherous Afghan made secret preparations to surprise the imperial 
camp, though most of his officers protested against an act which 
combined perfidy with impiety ; a few less scrupulous, how- 
ever, were found to volunteer ; and the choicest of the Afghan 
troops, with several war-elephants, were secretly drawn together. 
Sheikh Khalil, suspecting Shir Khan's designs, sent a messenger 
to warn Humayun ; but the emperor would not believe that Shir 
Khan would venture on such a breach of honour and religion, and 
passed the night without taking any precautions. Just as the 
sun was rising on the following morning, the Afghans attacked the 



48 THE EMPIRE OF DFEIII. 

imperial camp in the rear. Completely surprised, imperfectly 
aniH'd, aiul unable in the confusion to form their ranks, the sol- 
diers of Delhi made l)ut a faint resistance. Ilumayiin, after 
several brave but ineli'ectual efforts to rally his troops, could only 
escape captivity by rapid retreat across the Ganges. Though the 
stream was swollen, he plunged his steed into the river, but the 
horse sunk exhausted, and the emperor would have been drowned, 
had not a water-carrier lent him a inusek, or inflated leathern 
ba<' bv the aid of which he reached the opposite bank in safety. 
On this fatal day eight thousand of the imperial troops were slain 
or drowned in their efforts to pass the river. A second and still 
more fatal defeat compelled Humayun to abandon his capital. 
He retreated slowly through the Punjab, where he received un- 
questionable proofs of prince Kamran's treason. The officers and 
counsellors of the emperor advised him to inflict condign punish- 
ment on the traitor, but he nobly replied, — " No ! never for the 
vanities of this perishable world will 1 imbue my hands in a 
brother's blood ; for I shall always bear in mind tlie dying words 
of our common and respected parent. Almost with his last 
breath, he said to me, ' O ! Humayun, beware — beware ! do not 
quarrel with your brother, nor ever form evil intentions towards 
\)x\^^' — these words are graven on my heart." Several of his 
cliiefs were displeased by this clemency, so unusual in the East, 
and withdrew from the imperial standard. 

Shir Khan's advance soon compelled the emperor — weakened 
bv desertion — to abandon Lahore, and retire towards the Indus, 
A new misfortune seemed to await him at every step ; tlie princes 
of his family abandoned him to consult for their own safety, — the 
provincial governors refused to send him their contingents, and 
some whom he had loaded with benefits, attempted to seize him, 
and send him prisoner to Shir Khan. Thus beset, he was forced 
to seek refuge with a few faithful followers on the west bank of 
the Indus. The country through which they fled was a desolate 
waste ; their sufferings from want of water were dreadful — some 
went mad — others fell doAvn dead. On the fourth day they 
reached a well, from which they raised water by means of their 
buckets, and a rudely constructed wheel, put together on the spot 
by some of the soldiers. " So deep was the well," says Fe- 
rishta, " that a drum was beaten to give notice to the driver of 
the bullocks when the bucket had reached the top. The unhappy 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 49 

followers were so impatient for water, that as soon as the first 
bucket appeared, several of them threw themselves upon it before 
it had quite reached the surface, and fell in." During this 
calamitous retreat, prince Akbar, afterwards emperor, was born ; 
so severe was the pressure of his enemies on the unfortunate 
emperor, that he was obliged to leave his wife and infant son in 
his camp, where they were seized by the rebellious prince As- 
kerry, who carried off his nephew to Kandahar. Humayun had 
now no resource but to seek refuge in Persia, whither he was 
invited by the reigning monarch, Shah Tamasp ; he accordingly 
passed the frontiers, and was received by the Shah's orders with 
the utmost hospitality and kindness. 

When the emperor of Delhi entered Persia, he declared his 
determination of undertaking a pilgrimage to Mecca, if he could 
not obtain aid to recover his kingdom. Tamasp, however, pro- 
mised to render him efficient assistance, and revived his courage. 
by according to the exiled sovereign all the honours of royalty. 
This generosity has been highly celebrated by all the Persian his- 
torians, and by the European writers who have relied upon their 
statements ; but recent investigations have shewn, that Tamasp's 
conduct was not quite so honourable as it has been hitherto re- 
presented. The Memoirs of Humayun, written by Jouher, one 
of his confidential servants, shew us that the Persian monarch 
soon persecuted the royal exile for his adherence to the Sonnite 
creed, and only granted him assistance at the price of an exten- 
sive province. Though Timur himself was a bigoted Shiah, and 
made the injuries which the Syrians had inflicted on the house of 
All centuries before, a pretext for the destruction of Damascus, 
yet most of his descendants embraced the Sonnite creed, and 
Baber made it the established faith at Delhi. Soon after Hu- 
mayun had' entered Persia, he received, among other presents 
from Tamasp, a taj, or Persian tiara of crimson silk, wliich he 
refused to wear. This taj was of a high conical shape, divided 
into twelve segments, in honour of the twelve Imams, and was 
consequently a Shiah cognizance, which no one of the opposite 
sect could wear without incurring the imputation of apostacy. 
Tamasp was greatly irritated at Hiimayun's refusal of the taj ; and, 
as his biographer informs us, " when a large quantity of wood had 
been sent to the imperial residence for the use of the followers. 
Shah Tamasp sent a message to his majesty, saying, unless he 

D 



-,0 THE EMPIRE OF DEtlll. 

and nil his followers would become Shiahs, he would make a 
funeral pile for them with that wood." Nor was this an idle 
menace- ; wc learn from the same authority, that Tamasp con- 
sulted with his brother, Bahrara Mirza, respecting the destruction 
of llie royal fu.t,ntive, and was with difficulty deterred from such 
;i breach of hospitality, by the unanimous representations of the 
Persian princes. Humayun subsequently contrived to inspire 
the Shah with hopes of liis conversion, and told the king's sister, 
that " he had always been privately well disposed towards the 
Shiahs, out of which had partly originated the animosity of his 
brothers." Soon afterwards, Tamasp levied an army, which he 
entrusted to the command of one of his sons, and sent to under- 
take the restoration of Humayun. 

The first operation of the w^ar was the siege of Kandahar, which 
was obstinately defended by Prince Askerry. But the delay was 
advantiigeous to the emperor ; it afforded time for those who were 
weary of Kamran's usurpation, to rally round their lawful sove- 
reirm. and it lessened Ids obligations to the Persians, who seemed 
well disposed to secure all the fruits of \'ictory for themselves. 
Kandahar surrendered, and was garrisoned, according to agree- 
ment, by a Persian force ; but Humayun seized the first oppor- 
tunity of securing so strong a place for himself, and having thus 
provided a place of refuge in case of defeat, he advanced upon 
Kabul. On his road, he was joined by several deserters from the 
enemy, and Kamran was forced to abandon Kabul without strik- 
ing a blow. After a long and desultory war, in which Kabul 
frequently changed masters, Kamran was finally defeated, and 
betrayed into his brother's hands by one of his partizans. His 
life was spared, but he was deprived of his sight, and the effects 
of this cruel punishment soon brought him to the grave. In the 
mean time, the Afghan conquerors of Hindustan were engaged in 
disastrous civil wars, and inflicted such calamities on the country, 
that the citizens of Agi-a and Delhi sent pressing messages to 
Humayun, entreating him to return and rescue them from the 
oppressors. Humayun immediately crossed the Indus, and oc- 
cupied Lahore, without encountering any serious opposition. 
Alarmed at this unexpected event, the Afghans laid aside their 
jealousies to unite against the common enemy, but they were de- 
feated in three general engagements, forced to evacuate their fort- 
resses, and abandon all the conquests they had made. Humayun 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 51 

made liis triumphal entry into Delhi, after an absence of fourteen 
years, and soon saw every sign of the revolt effaced. But he did 
not long enjoy liis restoration; he accidentally fell down a marble 
staircase, and was so severely injured that he died within a few 
days. 

Humayun was succeeded by Ms favourite son, the illustrious 
Akbar, by whose abilities the empire of Delhi was raised to the 
summit of its glory. 

Scarcely had he ascended the throne, when a series of insur- 
rections in every quarter deprived him of all his dominions, ex- 
cept the Punjab ; but, though he had not yet attained his four- 
teenth year, he had sufficient wisdom to appreciate the abilities 
of Beiram Khan, whom he nominated regent of the empire by the 
affectionate title of Baba, or " father." This energetic minister, 
by several timely examples of severity, put an end to the spirit 
of mutiny which was rapidly spreading through the imperial army. 
Having thus restored discipline, Beiram Khan and Akbar marched 
against Hemu, a Hindu prince, who had usurped the throne of 
Delhi. The armies met at Paniput, and victory was long doubt- 
ful. At length Hemu, who was mounted on an elephant of pro- 
digious size, being pierced through the eye with an arrow, fell 
back into his howda, and was believed to be slain. Notwith- 
standing the intense agony of the wound, Hemu drew the arrow, 
and with it the eye, out of the socket, which he wrapped in his 
handkerchief, and, in spite of his painful situation, attempted to 
rally his wavering troops. He might have succeeded, had not 
the cowardly driver of his elephant, temfied by the approach of 
an imperial lancer, offered to drive the animal wherever he was 
directed, and consented to bring Hemu within his enemy's lines. 
The unfortunate prince was dragged from his howda and put to 
death, while his followers dispersed in every direction. The im- 
mediate consequences of this victory were the occupation of 
Delhi without opposition, and the capture of Mein-at, where 
Hemu's treasures were deposited. Not long after this victory 
Beiram Khan began to abuse his power, putting to death those 
whom he suspected of rivalry, and insulting the prerogatives of 
royalty. Akbar, sensible of his obligations to the minister, 
endured several affronts with patience, but his resentment was at 
length inflamed by a circumstance which is thus related by Abu'l 
Fazl : — " One day wliile the king was at Agra, one of the 

D 2 



52 Tlir. EMPIRE OF DELHI. 

dcnhants being must {veneris desiderio impulsus) attacked and 
kilU-.l another of Beiram Khans, who, at the spur of the moment, 
commanded the keeper of the royal elephant to be put to death 
witlmut first speaking to the king. Akbar was highly incensed, 
the more so on finding tliat the man was not to blame, havmg 
lost all control over the animal." Finding his favour dechne, 
IJ.-iram Klian revolted, but his followers were soon routed by the 
imperial troops, and he was reduced to such distress that he was 
forced to throw himself upon the emperor's mercy. The impres- 
sive scene of the repentant minister's reception by his generous 
master, is too illustrative of the character of both to be omitted 
even in our limited page ; it is thus pourtrayed by Ferishta :— 
" When Beiram Khan entered the court, he hung his turban round 
his neck, and advancing rapidly threw himself in tears at the foot 
of the throne. Akliar, stretching forth his hand, caused him to 
rise, and placed him in his former station at the head of the 
nobles. A splendid dress was now brought, and the king 
addressed the fallen minister in the following words :— ' If Beiram 
Khan loves a military life, the governments of Kalpy and Chan- 
dery offer a field for his ambition. If he choose rather to 
remain at court, our favour shall not be wanting to the benefactor 
of our family ; but should he be disposed to seek devotion in 
retirement, let him perform a pilgrimage to Mecca, whither he 
shall be escorted in a manner worthy of his rank.' Beiram Khan 
replied, ' The royal confidence being once shaken, how can I wish 
to remain in the presence ? The clemency of the king is enough, 
and his forgiveness is more than a reward for my former services. 
Let me, therefore, avert my thoughts from tliis world to another, 
and be allowed to proceed to the holy sepulchre.' " Akbar 
assented, and granted him a suitable retinue, and a considerable 
pension. Beiram Khan proceeded to Gujarat to seek means of 
transport to Arabia, but he was murdered on the road by an 
Afahan nobleman, whose father he had slain in battle. 

Akbar now took the reins of government into his own hands, 
and by a judicious mixture of firmness and clemency, quelled the 
turbulent dispositions of the feudatory princes in his diversified 
dominions, and greatly extended his territories on the side of 
Bengal. One of his most memorable exploits was the siege oi 
Chaitur, in which the officers on both sides displayed greater skill 
in mining and the construction of militarj- works than coulc 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 53 

liave been found in Europe at the same period. This fortress, 
the strongest in Malwah, was garrisoned by five thousand rajputs 
of acknowledged bravery, and plentifully supplied with provisions 
and the munitions of war ; it could not therefore be taken by 
storm or blockade, and Akbar resolved to assail it by sap. The 
approaches were made in three lines ; batteries were erected to 
cover the mining operations, and mounted with cannon cast upon 
the spot, a circumstance which greatly surprised the Hindus, 
who had greatly relied on the delay and difficulties attending the 
moving of the emperor's heavy ordnance. At length the miners 
were conducted under the wall, the chambers heavily loaded 
with gunpowder, and the trains fired. By some unfortunate 
accident one of the explosions was delayed until the storming 
party had mounted the breach ; it proved more fatal to the as- 
sailants than to the besieged, and the imperialists, thrown into 
confusion, were beaten back to their entrenchments. A new sap 
was commenced ; it was happily completed, and a lodgement 
formed at the head of it, calculated to afford ample security 
against any attempt on the part of the garrison ; several breaches 
were also opened by the batteries, whose fire was incessant, and 
the garrison was harassed by a series of false attacks, which gave 
them neither rest nor respite. Notwithstanding these vigorous 
operations, the besieged maintained an obstinate resistance, until 
me of the most popular chiefs was shot, while superintending 
the repairs of the principal breach, by Akbar's own hand. The 
breach was instantly abandoned : the imperialists gained the 
walls with little loss, and, opening the gates, gave admission to 
the war-elephants and cavalry, who rushed furiously through the 
streets. For some hours, quarter was neither asked nor given ; 
more than thirty thousand of the rajputs and citizens of Chaitiir 
were slain ; but a body of a thousand sharp-shooters, specially 
marked out for vengeance, escaped, by the ingenious stratagem 
of collecting their wives and children together, driving them on- 
wards, as if they had been captives taken in the storm, and re- 
presenting themselves as a body of imperial foot-soldiers, escort- 
ing plunder to the camp. 

The fame acquired by the capture of Chaitur, facilitated Ak- 
bar's conquests in Gujarat and Bengal, but it did not abate the 
hostility of the Afghans, the hereditary enemies of the descend- 
ants of Baber. They were, however, defeated in all their efforts, 



54 THE EMPIRE OF DEIHI. 

antl the emperor frradually extended bis sway over the whole of 
northern Hindustan. Akbar was naturally of a mild and tolerant 
disi)osition ; he spurned the solicitations of the bigots by whom 
he was surrounded in the early part of his reign, to persecute 
those who dissented from the established faith, and he aimed at 
the forniation of a new religion, which might unite into one body 
Mohammedans, Hindus, the followers of Zoroaster, and even 
Jews and Christians. Previous, however, to this time, he seems 
to have been well disposed to adopt the religion of the Gospel in 
preference to that of the Koran, for he addressed a letter to the 
King of Portugal, a copy of which has been preserved by Abu'l 
Fazl, requesting that Christian teachers, and translations of the 
sacred books of the Christians, should be sent to his court. This 
mission was entrusted to Xavier, a relation of the celebrated St. 
Francis Xavier, who presented the emperor with a translation of 
the Gospels ; but, unfortunately, he had mingled with them 
many of the popular Persian legends, trusting that they might 
thus be rendered more acceptable. This impious artifice had an 
effect directly contrary to that which was designed. Akbar was 
disgusted by meeting with legends of whose falsehood he was 
previously convinced, and regarded Christianity with suspicion. 
He now resolved to form an eclectic creed for himself, and, like 
most Mohammedan sectaries, especially insisted on the great doc- 
trine of the Divine Unity, which he declared was but obscurely 
revealed to the Prophets. Unlike, however, every other propa- 
gator of a new faith, his proceedings were regulated with the ut- 
most caution, and his appeals made solely to the reason. The 
religion which he endeavoured to introduce was nearly a pure 
Deism, and his ritual was mainly derived from the forms and ce- 
remonies of the ancient Persians, ascribed to Zoroaster. Many 
of the Hindus, and a great body of the Shiahs, declared their 
willingness to embrace the imperial creed ; but Akbar introduced 
an institution, which, though apparently of trifling importance, 
appears to have been the rock on which his entire system was 
ultimately shipwrecked. He forbade his subjects to wear beards, 
and thus gave more offence than had been excited by all his 
abuse of Mohammed, and ridicule of the incarnations of Vishnu. 
The conclusion of Akbar's reign was spent in vain efforts to 
propagate his new religion, which only spread where the court 
had influence. His eldest son, Jehan Ghir, strenuously opposed 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 55 

his father's tolerant principles, and attempted to extort from liim 
odicts of persecution, which the emperor not only refused, but 
endeavoured to convince his son of the folly of bigotry. Akbar 
had sent a large army into the Dekkan, Avhich had been dis- 
membered on the fall of the Bahmeni dynasty, and had reasonable 
hopes of extending his empire over the whole of India, when 
grief for the loss of his favourite son, Daniel, who fell a victim to 
intemperance, brought him to the grave, (a.d. 1598). Few 
sovereigns have been more generally or more deservedly lamented 
than Akbar ; he was far the most enlightened monarch that ever 
ruled over an oriental empire, and he was the only one of the 
Delhi .dynasty who had the wisdom to form a plan for uniting 
the various races subject to his sway, into an organized and 
single nation. 

Immediately after the death of Akbar became known, the 
nobles around the court assembled, and agreed to proclaim his 
eldest son Selim emperor, with the title of Jehan Ghir, which sig- 
nij&es " Conqueror of the World." The first measui'e adopted by 
the new sovereign was the restoration of ^Mohammedanism to its 
former supremacy, and the removal from office of all who had 
favoured the religious innovations of Akbar. In the very first 
year of his reign, Jehan Ghir had to take the fieldagainst his own 
son Khosni, who was supported in his rebellion by Hassan Bek, 
the governor of Kabul. The insurrection was suppressed, and 
eight hundred of the prince's chief supporters punished by the 
horrible death of impalement. But this did not prevent fresh 
conspiracies, which kept the emperor in constant anxiety. His 
chief consolation was derived from the company of the widow of 
Shir Afghan, a nobleman who had been put to death for treason. 
The emperor had loved this lady in the lifetime of his father 
Akbar, and had been grievously afflicted by her marriage with 
another. He became so deeply enamoured that he named her 
Nur-mahal, or the " light of the harem," * and spent every hour 
he could spare from the affairs of state in her company. In his 
autobiography the emperor declares, " At the period in which 
this is written (about the fourteenth year of the emperor's reign) 
I may say that the whole concern of my household, whether gold 
or jewels, is under her sole and entire management. Of my un- 
reserved confidence, indeed, this princess is in complete posses- 

* She was also called Nur-jehan, or "light of the world." 



56 THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 

Bion, nnd I may allege without a fallacy that the whole fortune 
of my cnipiro has been consigned to this highly endowed family ; 
the father being my finance minister, the son my lieutenant- 
general, with unlimited powers, and the daughter the inseparable 
companion of my cares."* During the reign of Akbar immense 
wealth had been accumulated in the royal treasures, and the 
(Jrcat Mogul, as the emperor of Delhi by pertinacious error con- 
tinues to be called, was celebrated throughout Europe as the 
richest monarch in the world. The European ambassadors who 
visited his court, among whom may be noticed Sir Thomas Roe, 
sent to negotiate a commercial treaty by the British sovereign, 
James I., confirmed the reports of the wealth and magnificence 
of the court of Delhi ; but their statements were suspected of ex- 
aggeration by many who knew not the value of India while its 
resources were yet unexhausted. An extract from the " Memoirs 
of Jehan Ghir " will show that the accounts of his magnificence 
given by the travellers of the seventeenth century, were not so 
much overdrawn as is usually supposed : " On the eleventh day 
of the month of Shaban, of the year (of the Hejra) 1019, (18th 
of September, IGIO), I bestowed the daughter of Mirza Rustam 
upon my favourite son Parviz, with a marriage portion of one 
lak of ashrcfries, (ninety thousand pounds). On the evening on 
which the bride was brought to the palace, I presented her with 
a necklace of sixty pearls, for each pearl of which my father had 
paid the sum of ten thousand rupees, (consequently the value of 
the necklace was sixty thousand pounds.) I also presented them 
with a ruby of the value of two hundred and fifty thousand 
rupees, (twenty-five thousand pounds) ; and I finally assigned 
for her support the annual sum of three laks of rupees, (thirty 
thousand pounds) ; and for the establishment of her household 
one hundred maidens from Surat, who were devoted to her 
service." -j- 

After the suppression of prince KhosnVs rebellion, Jehan Ghir 
directed his attention to the affairs of Bengal, and completed the 
subjugation of that province. His partiality for the relations of 
his favourite sultana, however, provoked the resentment of the 
royal family, and a new insurrection was planned by the em- 
peror's third son, Khorrum, better known in history by the name 
of Shah Jehan, who commenced his career by murdering his 

• Memoirs of Jehan Ghir, p. 27. \ Ibid, p. 30. 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 57 

brother Kliosru. The young prince laid siege to Agra, but 
being repulsed from the walls he hazarded a pitched battle, in 
which he was completely defeated. He continued, however, to 
maintain a vigorous struggle, passing with great rapidity from one 
province to another, while Jehan Ghir, influenced by the jealous 
councils of the sultana, treated his nobles and ministers so harshly 
that they were almost driven to rebellion in their own defence. 
Mohabet Khan, the best general in the emperor's service, having 
been treacherously attacked by the imperial forces, routed them 
with great loss, and profited by his victory to make Jehan Ghir a 
prisoner. The empress was not daunted by this misfortune ; — 
she secretly levied an army, and when she had mustered sufficient 
strength, contrived a plan for Jehan Ghir's escape, which per- 
fectly succeeded. Mohabet Khan, suddenly deserted by the 
greater part of his followers, fled to prince Khorrum, and both 
prepared to renew the war. But the death of the emperor 
averted the horrors of a new contest; the empress vainly at- 
tempted to raise up a rival to prince Khorrum, on whose approach 
all the nobles flocked to his camp, and saluted him emperor by 
the title of Shah Jehan, King of the Worid. (a.d. 1628). 

Although the empire of Delhi had reached the summit of its 
gi-eatness when Shah Jehan ascended the throne, it was at this 
very period that the signs of its future ruin became most appa- 
rent. It was too extensive for its unenlightened rulers : there 
was no bond of union between its discordant parts, and con- 
sequently insurrections were frequent in all the remote provinces. 
Shah Jehan was, like his father, ruled by his queen, and at her 
instigation he declared war against the Portuguese, and deprived 
them of their settlement, Hugli. After the death of his favourite 
sultana, the emperor abandoned himself to the most profligate 
debauchery, and exhausted his immense treasiu-es in gratifying 
the caprices of his favourite mistresses. But his strict adminis- 
tration of justice, and the wisdom of his decisions, which are still 
quoted with respect, saved him from the contempt which is 
usually incurred by voluptuous princes. As he grew older 
avarice succeeded to prodigality, and he made use of the most 
iniquitous pretexts to forfeit the property of his nobles, and in- 
crease the burdens of his people. To save the expense of 
maintaining his sons at court, he assigned them the government 
of distant provinces, without any appointments but what they 

D 5 



5y THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 

could draw from their subjects, and thus laid the foundation for 
a new series of calamitous civil wars. 

The mutual jealousies of Shah Jehan's four sons prevented 
them from acting in concert, and through fear of each other they 
remained quiet until the emperor became so dangerously ill that 
a report of his death was generally credited. Dara, the eldest, 
who was at court, hearing that his brothers were levying armies, 
hastened to assure them that Shah Jehan was not only alive, but 
was fast recovering. Sujah, the second son, refused to credit 
the report, and took the field with an army which he had been 
enabled to levy from the wealth he had amassed in his govern- 
ment of Bengal. Aureng-zib, the youngest of the princes, 
feigning that he had devoted himself to a religious life, took up 
arms under the pretence of supporting the claims of his brother 
Monid, and being consequently joined by that prince, steadily 
advanced towards the capital. In the mean time Sujah was 
defeated by the son of Dara, and forced to retire. Flushed with 
recent victory, the imperial army marched to drive back Aureng- 
zib and Morad, but through the treachery of one of the generals 
it was routed with great loss, and the two princes continued their 
progress. Dara, enraged at this unexpected failure, and trusting 
to the vast superiority of his forces, resolved to crush the revolt 
before it had time to extend further, and marched to encounter 
his brothers. Aureng-zib baffled Dara by the unexpected 
rapidity of his movements, and reached a place within five miles 
of Agra before his advance could be checked by the imperial 
army. In the battle that ensued, Dara, at the head of the 
elephants and cavalry, made so furious a charge that he bore 
down all opposition. Believing the victory secure, he descended 
from his elephant to mount a horse and pursue the fugitives, but 
no sooner did his followers miss him from the elephant, than, be- 
lieving him to have fallen by some sudden blow, they broke their 
lines and fell into confusion. Aureng-zib, who had contrived by 
immense exertions to keep a small band together, so ably pro- 
fited by this sudden turn of fortune, that he gained a decisive 
victory, and compelled Dara to seek shelter in Agra. Suleiman, 
the son of Dara, was hastening with a num.erous army to his 
father's aid, when he received news of this calamity. Pie pre- 
pared to remedy the disaster, but his principal generals, gained 
over by the secret intrigues of Aureng-zib, plotted his arrest. 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 59 

and he was compelled to fly with a few faithful friends to avoid 
being delivered up to liis uncle. 

Shah Jehan v/as well aware of Aureng-zib's crafty and am- 
bitious character, but he thought it best to dissemble his feelings 
and to throw the whole blame of the war on Dara. The emperor, 
however, had to deal with a master in the arts of duplicity. 
Aureng-zib affected to be perfectly satisfied until Shah Jehan was 
thrown off his guard, when he was suddenly arrested by Aureng- 
zib's son, Mohammed, and confined a close prisoner to the palace. 
Soon afterwards he seized his brother Morad, whom he had so 
long deluded, and confined him in a strong fortress near Delhi. 
His brothers, Dara and Sujah, however, still disputed the 
usurper's power to empire, and his own son, Mohammed, for a 
time supported the pretensions of the latter. They continued 
their efforts for two or three years, but they were finally defeated 
and put to death by Aureng-zib's command. Morad shared 
their fate, and the entire empire recognised the authority of the 
crafty usurper, (a.d. 1658). 

On his accession Aureng-zib took the proud tittle of Alum- 
ghir, or " Conqueror of the World." From the time that he was 
firmly established on the throne, the vigilance and steadiness of 
his administration preserved so much tranquillity in the empire, 
that historians have recorded few events worthy of notice. But 
though the prosperity of the empire appeared not to have suffered 
any diminution, causes were already in operation which menaced 
its future destruction at no very distant date. The bigotry and 
intolerance of the emperor revived religious animosities between 
the varied sects and parties subject to his sway ; the perfidy of 
which he set the example, spread through his court, so that he 
had neither a minister nor an officer worthy of confidence, and 
his sons evinced a disposition to emulate him in wars upon their 
father, and upon each other. Intent on conquest, he sent a 
large army to invade Assam ; but after having obtained several 
victories, the imperial forces were compelled to return by the 
violence of the rains, and were almost annihilated in their retreat. 
Several insuiTCctions were provoked by the rapacity of the im- 
perial tax-gatherers, but only one was formidable, from a general 
belief that the insurgents were protected by enchantment. 
Aureng-zib revived the spirits of his soldiers by distributing to 
them amulets, inscribed with verses from the Koran, and thus, 



80 TIIK EMPIRE OF DELHI. 

one superstition counteracting the other, the rebels were con- 
quered. An invasion from Persia menaced greater dangers, but 
it was averted by the death of Shah Abbas, in his camp, before 
he could reach the scene of action. His successor was too 
anxious for the security of his throne to commence his reign with 
an arduous war, and Aurcng-zib was more anxious to establish 
his su])rcmacy over the Dekkan, than to make conquests in 
Persia. 

Tlie power of the Mahrattas in southern India, was now begin- 
ning to be foniiidable under the guidance of Sevaji, who had 
been oriijinally a leader of banditti, and had gained the chieftaincy 
of the wild mountain tribes betvveen Canara and Gujarat. Sevaji 
had acquired great strength during the civil wars which preceded 
the accession of Aureng-zib, but he had submitted to the con- 
queror and offered to lead a part of the imperial forces against 
the Persians. A wanton insult from the emperor drove him to 
rebellion, and his progress in the south was facilitated by a si- 
multaneous rising of the Afghans, who never forgot that the 
empire of northern India belonged to them before the arrival of 
Baber. The Afghan chiefs were invited to a banquet, and 
treacherously murdered ; an act of treachery disavowed by 
Aureng-zib, but by which he profited without scruple. It was 
impossible to employ such arts against the Mahrattas : Sevaji and 
his successor Sambaji were too suspicious to place themselves 
voluntarily in the emperor's power. Sambaji was, however, 
surprised and made prisoner while amusing himself in the moun- 
tains ; he was at once put to death, his capital was forced to 
surrender, his wives and his infant son were made prisoners. 

As Aureng-zib had previously subdued the kingdoms of 
Golconda and Peijapore, his empire over southern India seemed 
on the point of being completed ; but Rama, the brother of 
Sambaji, with other Mahratta chieftains, maintained the war, 
eluding encounter when pursued, and issuing from their fast- 
nesses to devastate the country so soon as the imperial forces were 
withdrawn. So enriched were they by the spoils they obtained, 
and so strengthened by the number of desperate adventurers who 
joined their ranks, that towards the close of Aureng-zib's reisn, 
the advantages of the war had decisively turned in their favour. 
This contest continued to the emperor's death, which took place 
in the ninety-fourth year of his age and forty-eighth of his reign. 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 61 

(a.d. 1707). A civil war ensued on the emperor's death ; his 
three sons took up arms against each other, but the victory finally 
remained with Bahader Shah, who was recognized by all the pro- 
vinces of the empire. 

The brief reign of this emperor produced nothing worthjj- of 
note. His death was followed by a civil war between his children, 
which ended in favour of the eldest, Moiz-ed-din, who took the 
:itle of Jehander Shah, or " the King who possesses the World." 
Jehander Shah was a weak prince, and was so foolishly attached 
to his wife Lal-kiir, a woman of mean birth, that he endeavoured 
to fill the greatest offices of trust and honour throughout the em- 
pire with her relations. This conduct gave such offence to his 
nobles, that they conspired to raise his nephew to the throne. 
Ferokh-siar, whose father had already contended for empire, only 
waited for a favourable moment to assert his claims ; he readily 
obeyed the summons of the conspirators, and routed the imperial 
forces on the banks of the Jumna. Jehander Shah fled from the 
field to Delhi, where he was arrested by his own ministers, and 
given up to the mercy of the conqueror. Ferokh-siar ordered the 
unfortunate monarch to be slain, and his body to be dragged with 
shocking indignity through the streets of Dehli. The command 
was obeyed, and such was the cruelty of the conqueror that the 
corpse of Jehander Shah was denied a grave. It was during the 
reign of Ferokh-siar that the Sfkhs, now the most formidable 
native power in India, first rose into importance. They were 
originally a fraternity of mendicants, founded by Gdru Nanac, 
wlio gave them a code of morals, the basis of which is pure deism, 
and permitted the reception of converts from all classes of society. 
They soon increased their numbers, and desolated the province 
of Lahore, which has since become the seat of their power. 
About the same time also, the English East India Company 
obtained a firman exempting them from the payment of any 
duties within the emperor's dominions ; and this grant was the 
foundation of the power subsequently acquired by that body in 
Bengal. 

Ferokh-siar owed his elevation to the exertions of two 
brothers, Abdallah Khan and Hassan Khan, who claimed to be 
Syeds, or descendants of the Prophet. These powerful nobles 
seized on all the dignities of the empire, and finding that Ferokh- 
^iar grew jealous of their authority, they openly prepared to set 



Q2 THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 

liim aside, while tlie emperor, equally cruel and cowardly, could 
not be prevailed on to take any precautions for his secui-ity. The 
unfortunate Ferokh-siar was seized in his own harem, blinded 
with a red-hot iron, and afterwards put to death by cruel tortures. 
Refi-cd-Dc-rjat, son of Ref i-al-Kadr, the nephew of Bahader 
Shah in the I'emalc line, was then placed upon the throne by the 
Syed brothers, ])ut in less than three months he fell a victim to 
consumption, or as some say to poison. Ref i-ed-Dowlah, the 
brother and successor of Ref i-ed-Derjat, died a few days after his 
elevation, and the Syeds, who disposed of the empire at their 
pleasure, proclaimed as their pageant sovereign a grandson of 
Bahader Shah, who took the title of Nasir-ed-din Mohammed 
Shah. The nobles were now weary of the yoke imposed upon 
them by the Syed brothers, and they found no difficulty in in- 
spiring the emperor with the same sentiments. A secret con- 
sjMracy was organised ; Hassan was murdered in front of the 
emperor's tent, and Abdallah, who took up amis to avenge his 
fate, was defeated and taken prisoner. The Syed did not long 
survive his overthrow, he died in a few months from the effect of 
his wounds. Though he was a Mohammedan, forty-five of his 
wives and concubines burned themselves on his decease by setting 
fire to an apartment in the harem. Nizam-ul-mulk, the go- 
vernor of the D^kkan, was invited to accept the office of vizier ; 
he refused to accept it, under the pretence that his abilities were 
inadequate to the task, but in truth because he had resolved upon 
establishing an independent sovereignty in southern India. He 
excited the Mahrattas, a warlike race fast rising into importance, 
to ravage the imperial territories, while the feeble emperor wasted 
his time in indolent luxury. These freebooters extended their 
incursions to the very gates of Dehli, and, thougli they suffered 
a defeat, they induced the imperial generals to purchase their 
future forbearance by a large and dishonourable bribe. Nizam- 
al-nuilk, after much persuasion, was induced to visit the court, 
I)ut being insulted by the imperial favourites, he engaged the 
nobles, who were displeased by the disgraceful treaty with the 
Mahrattas, to invite Nadir Shah to invade the empire ; and that 
conqueror, already indignant at the protection afforded to his 
Afghan enemies, readily accepted the invitation. 

Some historians have expressed doubts of Nizam-al-Mulk's 
treachery, and it is not easy to comprehend what advantages he 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 63 

could hope to have reaped by betraying his country. Neither 
did Nadir's avarice or ambition need much prompting, as he 
must have felt assured of success over a court so degraded that 
it actually paid tribute to the plundering Mahrattas. The 
march of Nadir was more rapid than the court of Delhi had anti- 
cipated ; they were scarcely roused from their state of infatuated 
security until the conqueror had crossed the Indus. Mohammed 
Shah then collected an army, and established himself in a fortified 
camp in the plains of Kamal, near the banks of the Jumna. On 
Nadir's approach, the emperor having recently received a large 
re-enforcement, left his camp to encounter his adversary in the 
open field. After a fierce engagement, which lasted two hours, 
the imperialists were routed with the loss of 20,000 men, and so 
completely disheartened, that Mohammed Shah, without making 
any effort to defend his camp, surrendered himself, his treasures, 
and his dominions to the conqueror. Nadir received the con- 
quered emperor with great kindness, and promised to restore him 
to his throne at Delhi. The conquerors advanced to that city in 
order to receive, as the reward of their victory, the immense 
treasures of gold and jewels accumulated by the descendants of 
Baber, and to exact heavy contributions from the nobles and 
citizens (a. d. 1739). The cruel exactions of those appointed 
to collect the stipulated sum, were intolerable ; a false report of 
Nadir's death, induced the citizens to take up arms, and even 
when the mistake was discovered, they persevered in their insane 
attacks on their resistless conquerors. Nadir was, at length, so 
provoked, that he gave orders for a general massacre to his troops, 
who had come up from their encampment. The carnage con- 
tinued for several hours, during which time Nadir continued in 
a small mosque, silent, gloomy, and alone. No one dared to 
interrupt his solitude, until the unhappy Mohammed Shah forced 
his way to his presence, and in agonizing tones exclaimed " Spare 
my people !" Nadir immediately gave orders that the massacre 
should cease, and the promptitude with which he was obeyed, 
afforded the strongest proof of the strict discipline he had intro- 
duced into his army. 

Nadir continued at Delhi fifty-eight days ; he then returned 
with a treasure, which some have estimated so high as seventy 
millions, and none less than thirty millions. Before his depar- 
ture, he gave Mohammed Shah some judicious advice respecting 



64 THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 

the administration of his empire, and severely threatened the 
Omrahs if they failed in their obedience. But the injury which 
his invasion had inflicted on the empire, was incurable; the army 
was destroyed, the treasury exhausted, nearly all financial re- 
sources cut off: the Mahrattas ravaged the South, and all the 
provinces which had escaped their devastation were laid waste by 
Nadir's army. Under the able government of Baji Rav, and his 
successor, Balaji, the Mahratta power made such rapid progress, 
that it seemed not very improbable that India might again be 
formed into a Hindu empire. 

Other enemies began to appear in the east and north ; an 
Afghan colony, called the Rohillas, acquired possession of the 
country east of the Ganges, from Oude to the mountains. Their 
chief was Ali Mohammed, a Hindu convert adopted by an 
Afghan officer, in whose character were united the cunning of the 
Hindu and the courage of the Afghan. He raised the new state 
of the Rohillas to such importance, that it required an expedition, 
leaded by the emperor in person, to enforce even a temporary 
submission. 

A far more formidable combination of the Afghans had been 
formed in their own territories, and the death of Nadir, the worst 
enemy of India, was but the herald of new invasions and cala- 
mities to the unhappy land. Though Nadir had raised the Per- 
sian monarchy to the highest pitch of greatness, he had disgusted 
his subjects by his severe exactions, his excessive cruelties, but, 
above all, by his alienation from the national religion — the Shiah 
form of Mohammedanism. Aware of the hostility he had pro- 
voked, Nadir entrusted the guardianship of his person to mer- 
cenary Uzbegs and Afghans, who were, like himself, attached to 
the Sunnite creed. Preparations were in progress for the arrest 
of all the Persian nobles ; but some of them received warning of 
their danger, and averted it by the assassination of the Shah in 
his tent (a.d. 1747). Ahmed Khan Abdali, the leader of the 
Afghans, made a desperate attack on the Persian camp, hoping 
that he might be in time to rescue his sovereign. Finding him- 
self too late, he made good his retreat to his own frontiers with a 
large amount of treasure, in spite of all the efforts which the Per- 
sians made to intercept him. His fame soon spread abroad 
among his countrymen, and the Turkish and Tartar tribes north 
and west of the Himalaya ; before the end of the year, he was 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 65 

solemnly crowned king at Kandahar, and his authority was ac- 
knowledged, not only in Afghanistan, but also in Balkh, Scinde, 
Kashmir, and Beluchistan. From some superstitious motive, he 
changed the name of his tribe from Abdali to Durani, by which 
it has since been known. 

Though the distracted state of Persia might seem to have in- 
vited the ambition of the founder of a new dynasty, yet, either 
from a consciousness of the difficulties which beset such an un- 
dertaking, or from feelings of attachment to the family of Nadir, 
he preferred extending his territories on the eastern side, and led 
an army to the banks of the Indus, for the purpose of invading 
the Punjab. The emperor of Delhi sent his son and liis vizier 
to protect the fords : but Ahmed crossed the river in an un- 
guarded spot, took the Indian army in the rear, and captured 
Sirhind, where they had deposited their baggage, their stores, 
and a portion of their artillery. This boldness so intimidated 
the enemy, that they did not venture to meet him in the field, 
but fortified themselves in an entrenched camp. The Afghans 
assaulted their position for ten days, but were finally repelled 
with great loss, and compelled to retreat. Such, however, was 
the impression they produced, that the viceroy of the Punjab 
consented to pay a permanent tribute. 

Mohammed Shah did not long survive this imperfect success ; 
he was succeeded on the throne of Delhi by his son, Ahmed Shah, 
who bore the same name as his Afghan rival (a.d, 1748). The 
first efforts of the new emperor were directed against the Rohillas ; 
he entrusted the conduct of the war to his vizier, Safder Jang, 
who was a very incompetent general, and whose army was in 
such a miserable state of -discipline, that it was formidable to every 
body except the enemy. Over such a commander, and such 
forces, the brave Rohillas obtained an easy victory ; they took 
advantage of their success to invade the kingdom of Oude, and 
Safder Jang had no other resource than to seek assistance from 
the Mahrattas. By this degrading aid, the vizier triumphed in 
his turn, and the Rohillas were forced to submit to humiliating 
conditions of peace. 

On his return to Delhi, the vizier heard intelligence of dis- 
asters which more than counterbalanced his late imperfect success. 
The Afghan monarch had again invaded the Punjab, with an 
army which the viceroy was not prepared to meet, and having 



66 THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 

completed its conquest, had sent an envoy to demand the abso- 
lute cession of that province. Nadir's visit was too well remem- 
bered for compliance to be refused ; wlien the vizier reached the 
court, he found all arrangements concluded. His discontent was 
increased by the discovery that a favorite eunuch had superseded 
him in the confidence of the emperor, and, like a true oriental, 
he removed this rival by a treacherous assassination. The em- 
peror, enraged at this outrage, apphed for help to the powerful 
Omrah, Ghazi-ed-din, who, with the assistance of the Mahrattas, 
expelled Safder Jang, and became prime minister in his stead. 
But Ahmed Shah soon found his new vizier more intolerable 
than the former, and began to form secret machinations for his 
removal or destruction. Ghazi-ed-din discovered the intrigue, 
and sent an armed force against the emperor ; Ahmed Shah was 
taken prisoner by his rebellious minister, who, after depriving 
him of power, put out his eyes, as well as those of the queen, his 
mother. Ghazi-ed-din then selected one of the princes of the 
blood to bear the name of emperor, while he reserved the entire 
power to himself, and the new sovereign was proclaimed by the 
title of Alum-Ghir (a.d. 1754). 

Ghazi-ed-din maintained tranquillity for a considerable time 
by the stringent severity of his measures, but he at length provoked 
a mutiny among the troops, in which he narrowly escaped from 
destruction. The emperor's conduct, at this crisis, awakened the 
vizier's suspicions ; he resolved to strengthen himself against the 
probable designs of his master, and, therefore, attempted to obtain 
possession of the Punjab, then ruled by the widow of an Afghan 
noble, to whom Ahmed Shah Durani had entrusted the govern- 
ment during the minority of her son. Ghazi's outrage provoked 
a third Afghan invasion ; Shah Ahmed marched almost without 
resistance to Delhi, and repeated in that unfortunate capital the 
massacres and exactions of Nadir Shah. He was much struck 
by the unhappy position of the emperor ; and before returning 
home appointed a Rohilla chief to command in Delhi, trusting 
that his influence would be a sufficient counterpoise to the 
usurped power of the vizier. Ghazi-ed-din applied for assistance 
to the jMahrattas ; by their aid he captured Delhi, wrested the 
Punjab from the Afghans, made Alum-Ghir his prisoner, and 
put him to death (a.d. 1759). Shah Alum, the heir apparent, 
was fortunately absent, and to him the succession finally devolved. 



THE EMPIRE OF DELHI. 67 

In the mean time, Ahmed Shah had completed his preparations 
for his fom-th invasion of India ; the several Mohammedan states 
united with him against the Mahrattas, who had now become 
formidable to them all, and the future fate of India was placed 
on the hazard of a single battle. The Mahrattas were reluctant 
to meet the Afghan leader in a fair field, they sheltered them- 
selves in an entrenched camp, where they were soon blockaded 
by their active enemies, and compelled to endure all the ex- 
tremities of famine. Thus situated, the Mahratta leaders were 
forced to come to an engagement on the plains of Paniput ; the 
battle was one of the most sanguinary on record : finally, the 
fury of the Afghans bore down all opposition ; the Mahrattas 
were refused quarter, and found no safety even in flight, for the 
peasants whom they had plundered rose on the first news of 
tlieir calamity, and slaughtered the fugitives without mercy. 
The wreck of the army retired beyond the Nerbudda, abandoning 
nearly all their acquisitions in Hindustan Proper; and the govern- 
ment of the Mahratta Peishwa never recovered its former vigour 
(a.d. 1761). Ahmed Shah returned home without attempting to 
profit by his victory, and never afterwards took any share in the 
affairs of India. Shah Alum subsequently recovered Delhi, but 
afterwards fell into the power of Gholam Khadir, a Rohilla, who 
put out his eyes. Scindia, a Mahratta chief, having taken Delhi, 
kept the unfortunate emperor a close prisoner until 1803, when 
that city was captured by the English, and Shah Alum, after a 
life of misery and disaster, ended his days a pensioner on the 
bounty of the East India Company. On his death, his son, 
Akbar Shah, succeeded to his pension and his title, but the 
entire power of the race of Timur remained with the British 
government. 



68 



CHAPTER IV. 
EARLY INTERCOURSE BETWEEN EUROPE AND INDIA. 



PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY. 

Little is known of the Hystapid dynasty in Persia, except 
what has been communicated to us by the Greeks ; and the con- 
tinuous wars between them and the Persians, from the accession 
of Darius Hystaspes to the fall of Darius Codomannus, necessa- 
rily produced bitter animosities, which prevented the historians 
of Europe from devoting much attention to the detested despots 
of Asia. No stronger proof can be given of the little reliance to 
be placed on the Greek histories of Persia, than the utter incon- 
sistency between the accounts given of Cyrus the Great, by Xe- 
nophon and Herodotus : they differ, in almost every particular 
they record, respecting the birth, the life, and the death, of this 
mighty conqueror ; and, furthermore, neither historian can be 
successfully reconciled to the incidental notices of Cyrus in the 
Bible, or to the traditions preserved in Oriental writers. There 
is, however, little reason to doubt, that commercial intercourse 
existed, from a very early period, between India and Persia ; 
that the monarchs of the latter country reckoned some princes of 
Western India among their tributaries ; and that caravans con- 
nected the trade of the Indus with that of the Euphrates, pro- 
bably by the great road through Kandahar. The enterprising 
Phoenicians, and very probably the Egyptians, communicated 
with the countries of Southern and Eastern Asia, through the Red 
Sea, the Persian Gulf, and the Indian Ocean. It was for the 
purpose of procuring his subjects a share of this lucrative trade, 
that Solomon took possession of the port of Ezion-geber, on the 
Gulf of Akaba; but his subjects did not share his spirit of enter- 
prize : the Jews never reached such a state of civilization, as 
would enable them to appreciate the lucrative pursuits of com- 
merce, and the judicious plans of their wisest monarch died with 
him. 



PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY. 69 

About one hundred and sixty years after the reign of Darius 
Hystaspes, Alexander the Great undertook his great expedition 
into India : he did not penetrate farther than the Punjab — in- 
deed, he did not traverse the whole extent of that country, having 
been compelled to turn back by a mutiny of his troops on the 
banks of the Hyphasis. But, both as he advanced and returned, 
his soldiers were so spread over the country, and acted in so 
many separate divisions, and all his movements were so exactly 
measured and delineated by men of science, whom he kept in pay 
for the purpose, that he acquired a very accurate knowledge of 
that part of India. 

On his return to the banks of the Hydaspes, he found that his 
officers, during his absence, had assembled a numerous fleet, des- 
tined to sail down by that river and the Indus to the Ocean, and 
thence proceed through the Persian Gulf to the mouth of the 
Euphrates. The armament thus prepared was so great and 
magnificent, as to be worthy of such a commander as the con- 
queror of Asia. It consisted of two thousand vessels, of various 
sizes, one hundred and twenty thousand men, and two hundred 
elephants. As the conqueror pursued his course along the 
streams of these great rivers, the nations on both sides were com- 
pelled to submit ; but, for the first time in the annals of history, 
the march of civilization accompanied the progress of military 
triumph — cities were founded, commercial marts established, and 
an active intercourse opened with the unknown nations of the 
remote interior. It took nine months for Alexander to descend 
to the mouth of the Indus, a distance of more than a thousand 
British miles ; but the delay was occasioned by the prudent de- 
tennination of Alexander, to leave nothing unexplored or imat- 
tempted, which would advance his great and noble project, of 
uniting the Eastern and Western world by the bonds of mutual 
trade. On reaching the ocean, Alexander led his army back to 
Persia by land ; the fleet was left under the command of Near- 
chus, who, after a coasting voyage of seven months, conducted it 
safely up the Persian Gulf to the Euphrates, 

The magnificent schemes of Alexander were frustrated by his 
early death, and by the destructive civil wars which arose be- 
tween his successors. They were partially revived by Ptolemy 
the son of Lagus, who had taken a leading part in the Indian 
expedition, and who obtained Egypt for his share in the partition 



70 EARLY INTERCOURSE BETWEEN EUROPE AND INDIA. 

of the Macedonian empire. The Selcucidse might have more 
effectually carried out the schemes of the great conqueror, had 
they not been driven from Upper Asia by the Parthians, whose 
empire soon intervened between the Greeks of Bactria and Eu- 
rope, thus cutting off the Bactrians from all communication with 
the western world. The erection of the city of Alexandria on 
the Nile, and the establishment of the port of Berenice on the 
Red Sea, made Egypt the high road of communication between 
India and Europe. From Berenice, Indian goods were brought 
overland to Coptos, on the Nile, and thence down that river to 
Alexandria. This became the principal route for Indian com- 
merce, and so continued, during the two hundred and fifty years 
that Egypt flourished as an independent kingdom, under the pa- 
ternal government of the Ptolemies. 

Two other routes deserve to be noticed ; goods destined for 
northern regions, were sent up the Indus, and thence through the 
passes of the Hindu Kush to the river Oseus ; they were con- 
veyed down that river, which then flowed into the Caspian, and 
either by rivers or by land-carriage, distributed among the 
populous and opulent nations which then possessed the countries 
between the Euxine and the Caspian. The commodities of 
India, intended for the southern and interior proidnces of western 
Asia, proceeded by land from the Caspian gates to some of the 
great rivers by which they were circulated through every part of 
the country. This was probably the chief route of trade when 
Persia was governed by its native princes, and it has not been 
quite abandoned, even in the present day. 

An overland communication between the Syrian coasts and the 
great rivers of Mesopotamia, appears to have existed from very 
remote antiquity ; it was probably established before the time of 
Abraham. The journey through the intervening desert, was 
facilitated by its aff"ording one station abounding with water and 
capable of cultivation. Solomon appears to have been the first 
who appreciated the commercial advantages of this favoured spot: 
he erected there a city, called by the Syrians Tadmor, and by 
the Greeks Palmyra, both names, in their respective languages, 
being descriptive of the Palm-trees, which afford its inhabitants 
food and shelter. For many centuries this oasis was tenanted 
by a flourishing and independent community, until its last ruler, 



PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY. 71 

the gallant queen Zenobia, was conquered by the emperor Aure- 
lian, and its prosperity blighted for ever by the withering 
influence of Roman despotism. 

The trade between Egypt and India was diminished but not 
ruined by the Roman conquest, and it soon revived when the 
increasing taste for luxuries in Italy, produced a demand for the 
spices, precious stones, pearls, silks, and muslins of the east. 
An ambassador from the island of Ceylon, presented himself at 
the court of the Emperor Claudius, and the Chinese records con- 
tain an account of an embassy sent to their remote regions from 
Rome in the reign of the Antonines. When the seat of govern- 
ment was removed from Rome to Constantinople, the intercourse 
between the empire and the east was necessarily extended, but 
the Byzantines soon found fonnidable rivals in the Persians, when 
hey were liberated from the Parthian yoke, and the independence 
)f their country established under the native dynasty of the 
Sassanides. The Persians, with the usual rapacity of monopo- 
lists, raised the price of all Indian and Chinese commodities, par- 
ticularly silk, and like all monopolists, they were soon punished 
for their cupidity; the eggs of the silk-worm were brought 
iito Europe, concealed in a hollow cane, by two monks, 
lud the rapidity with which the animals were propagated in 
'-ireece and subsequently in Italy, soon rendered the European 
states independent of the East, for the supply of this valuable 
material. 

The conquests of the enterprising Saracens gave an immense 
stimulus to Eastern commerce. They established commercial 
navies on the Persian Gulph, and the city of Bussorah, founded 
by the Khaliph Omar, at the junction of the Tigris and Euphrates, 
soon became a place of trade, hardly inferior to Alexandria. The 
Egyptian trade through the Red Sea, was at the same time revived, 
and the hardy Arabs, not contented with following in the track 
of their predecessors, pushed forward their discoveries until they 
had accurately explored the greater part of the coast-line of 
south-eastern Asia. It is all but demonstrated that they obtained 
a knowledge of the mariner's compass from the Chinese, and that 
through them, this vast improvement in the art of navigation, 
was made known to Europe. 

The religious madness which inspired the crusading spirit, was 



72 EARLY INTERCOURSE BETWEEN EUROPE AND INDIA. 

felt through every part of Christendom ; Robert of Gloucester, 
in his Rhyming Chronicle, declares that it was felt by all the 
inhabitants 

Of Normandy, of Denmark, of Norway, and Bretagne, 
Of Walts and of Ireland, of Gascony and Spain, 

Of Provence and of Saxony, and of Allemagne, 

Of Scotland and of Greece, of Rome and Aquitaine. 

The Crusaders were ignorant and bigoted barbarians ; but the 
capture of the two flourishing cities, Antioch and Tyre, pointed 
out to them the pleasures of oriental luxuries, and the advantages 
of oriental commerce. Both were appreciated by the rising re- 
publics of Italy, where the arts and industry, the usual concomi- 
tants of freedom, had made considerable progress. The Italian 
States supplied the means of transport to the fanatical soldiers of 
the Cross, receiving, in return, valuable immunities and privileges 
in the several cities they subdued. At this time, the glory of 
the Saracens was gone ; they had been trampled down under the 
feet of their Turkish mercenaries and slaves, who sold or leased 
out to the spirited merchants of Italy, commercial advantages 
which they were too proud or too stupid to use themselves. 
Other revolutions followed, which gave to the Genoese the mo- 
nopoly of all the Eastern trade, which centred in Constantinople 
— and to the Venetians, the command of all the commerce which 
passed through Egypt. Travellers from these States penetrated 
into the remotest parts of Central Asia ; their observations led 
men to reflect on the geographical consequences resulting from 
the spherical figure of the earth, for, though the true shape of the 
globe had been long known, little attention had been paid to the 
inferences which necessarily followed. By a fortunate blunder, 
the eastern longitude of Asia had been increased far beyond the 
reality, and this error led Columbus to conclude, that India might 
be reached by a voyage undertaken in a westerly direction. 
He proposed this scheme to the Genoese, and afterwards to 
the King of Portugal, without success ; but, undaunted by 
these failures, he applied to the court of Spain, and obtained 
the means of equipping the little armament which discovered 
a new world. 

Ptolemy's undetected error led to the discovery of America ; 
the exposure of another of his mistakes was the chief cause of 



EARLY INTERCOURSE BETWEEN EUROPE AND INDIA. 73 

the first opening of a passage to India round the Cape of Good 
Hope. The ancient geographer asserted that Africa towards the 
south, extended its breadth westwards to some unknown and 
enormous distance. The Portuguese, on the contrary, as they 
pursued their discoveries along the western coast, not only re- 
futed the prevalent opinion — that the country beyond the tropic 
of Cancer was uninhabitable on account of the excessive heat, 
but also found as they advanced, that the continent seemed to 
contract itself and tend towards the east. Following out this 
important observation, Bartholomew Diaz, in 1486, actually 
rounded the southern point of the African continent, but suffer- 
ing severely by a tempest, he was compelled to return home, 
after having named the great promontory which he had passed, 
" The Cape of Storms." John II. King of Portugal, with a more 
just appreciation of the important discovery which had been 
made, commanded that it should be called " The Cape of Good 
Hope." His cousin and successor, Emmanuel, resolved to follow 
out the important discovery which Diaz had made, and on the 
8th of July, 1497, an exploring expedition sailed from the Tagus 
for this purpose, under the command of Vasco de Gama. On 
the 22nd of the following May, the bold navigators reached 
the port of Calicut, on the coast of Malabar. After escaping 
many plots formed for his destruction by the Zamorin, or 
monarch of Calicut, Gama returned to Europe, after having 
freighted his ship with the commodities peculiar to the Malabar 
coast, and with many of the rich productions of the eastern parts 
of India. 

The hopes and fears of all Europe were roused by this brilliant 
discovery ; it was at once seen that the Venetians, and their 
agents the Moors, must lose their lucrative monopoly of Indian 
commerce, and they entered into a treaty with the Sultan of 
Egypt, to prevent the establishment of Portuguese settlements 
in the eastern seas. Timber was supplied to him from the forests 
in Dalmatia to equip a fleet in the Red Sea, where twelve ships 
of war were soon built, and manned by a gallant body of Mame- 
lukes, under the command of experienced officers. The Por- 
tuguese encountered their new enemies with undaunted coui'age, 
and after some conflicts they entirely ruined the squadron, and 
remained masters of the Indian Ocean. 

After the overthrow of the dynasty of the Mameluke Sultans 

E 



74 EARLY INTERCOURSE BETWEEN EUROPE AND INDIA. 

by the Turks, the Venetians easily induced the conquerors of 
Egypt to join them in a new league for the overthrow of the 
Portuguese power in India. But the Turks had not the skUl 
and enterprize necessary for undertaking the perilous navigation 
of the Red Sea, and soon after the power of Venice was irretriev- 
ably ruined by the fatal league of Cambray. The Indian trade 
was consequently transferred from the Mediterranean Sea to the 
Atlantic Ocean ; and Lisbon for a time was in possession of that 
commerce which had been the source of the wealth and of the 
glory of Venice. 



o: 

es 

i: 



k 



75 



CHAPTER V. 

SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE PORTUGUESE EMPIRE 

IN INDIA. 

Emmanuel, King of Portugal, was well aware that the Moors 
would soon make preparations to dispute with him the empire of the 
Indian Seas ; they had indeed, from the first, exerted themselves 
to drive out the European intruders and menaced them witlt-a for- 
midable war. A fleet therefore of thirteen sail and fifteen 
hundred men, was fitted out for India, and the command of it 
given to an experienced ofiicer, Pedro Alvarez de Cabral. His 
instructions were to enter into a treaty Avith the Zamorin, and 
obtain leave to build a fort in the vicinity of Calicut. On his 
voyage he was driven to the coast of South America, where he 
made the first discovery of Brazil ; he lost several of his sloops 
in doubling the Cape, but still his forces appeared so imposing at 
Calicut, that the reluctant Zamorin deemed it prudent to conclude 
a commercial treaty with the Portuguese, and assign them a house 
for their factory in the city. Correa, with seventy men, took 
immediate position of this new acquisition. 

Cabral's fleet was to be laden with spicery ; the Moorish mer- 
chants used every effort to retard the collection of the freight, and 
in the mean time, the Zamorin reqiiested the admiral to take for 
him a large vessel belonging to the king of Cochin, with whom 
he pretended to be at war. Aware of the great importance of 
producing an impression of European superiority, Cabral sent 
one of the smallest of his sliips against this vessel. The Indians, 
exulting in their superiority of force, laughed the Portuguese to 
scorn, but when the battle had once begun, they were unable to 
endure the sustained fire of the European's guns and were 
brought in triumph into Calicut. This circumstance not only 
established the character of the Portuguese for bravery, but gave 
them a favourable opportunity to display their integrity and 
honour. When Cabral conversed with the captives, he found 
that he had been completely deceived by the Zamorin ; he there- 

E 2 



7G PORTUGUESE EMPIRE IN -INDIA. 

fore restored the sloop to the King of Cochin, and paid for the 
damage she had sustained. Some other circumstances created 
dissensions between the new allies, until at length the Zamorin, 
instigated by the Moors, attacked the Portuguese factory and 
slaughtered Corrca, with most of the garrison. Cabral imme- 
diately attacked the Moorish vessels in the harbour, ten of which 
he plundered and burned ; he then bombarded Calicut, and after 
having slain six hundred of the inhabitants, forced the Zamorin 
to submit to the new conditions of peace. The intelligence of 
these events brought ambassadors to Cabral from all the neigh- 
bouring powers, and he entered into very close alliances with the 
rulers of Cochin and Cannanore. Having left factors at some of 
the principal ports, he returned to Europe, and brought Emmanuel 
such information, as shewed that there was a necessity for great 
and continued exertion, in order to establish a Portuguese empire 
in India. 

The Portuguese monarch, in consequence of the information 
brought by Cabral, fitted out a fleet of twenty ships, the com- 
mand of which was given to Vaseo de Gama. On his arrival in 
India, Gama, disgusted with the treachery of the Zamorin, 
proceeded to trade with other states, upon which the sovereign 
of Calicut, sent out several armed cruizers, to intercept the 
Portuguese vessels ; his ships, however, were all destroyed, and 
Gama returned home, having left a squadron to protect the ruler 
of Cochin, whose favours to the Europeans had provoked the 
resentment of the Zamorin of Calicut. Loche, who had been 
left in command of the squadron, abandoned his duty, in the 
hope of obtaining prizes in another quarter. The Zamorin 
advanced against Cochin, and captured the city. Fortunately, 
the death of Loche, left the fleet at liberty to return ; the bro- 
thers Albuquerque arrived nearly at the same time, and Cochin 
was recovered for its former master. 

The command of the Portuguese now devolved upon Pacheco, 
under whose guidance, the forces of the King of Cochin, though 
inferior in number, defeated the undisciplined hordes of Calicut 
in several engagements. But the papal bull, by which all the 
East was bestowed on the Portuguese, began now to produce its 
injurious effects. The Portuguese, claimed as matter of right, 
the submission of the native princes, while they were utterlj 



PORTUGUESE EMPIRE IN INDIA. 77 

unable to conceive liow an old prelate residing in Rome, could 
acquire a claim to deprive them of the authority and indepen- 
dence which they had inherited from their ancestors. Almost 
every port now opposed the entrance of the Portuguese, and the 
cargo of almost every ship they loaded, was purchased wich 
blood. It was at this time, that Albuquerque was placed at the 
head of the Portuguese in India, and entered on the career of 
\'ictory, which has immortalized his name. One of his first 
visits, was to the island of Ormuz, an island barren by nature, 
but which commerce had raised to a temporary celebrity, such as 
has rarely been rivalled. The king of the island had prepared 
for defence and assembled an army, said to exceed thirty 
thousand men ; yet these were totally defeated, by the discipline 
and skill of less than five hundred Europeans, and the King of 
Ormuz submitted to vassalage. 

The foundation of the Portuguese empire in the East, may be 
said to date from the occupation of Goa, l)y Albuquerque. He 
fortitied it in the best manner, so as to render it impregnable 
against any attack of the Hindus, or Mohammedans, and having 
thus discovered the great advantage to be derived from the 
occupation of cities and harbours, be began to direct his Vvhole 
course of policy to territorial acquisitions. One of his first 
conquests was ]\Ialacca, and from this, to the island of Ormuz, 
the coast-line of India was studded with forts and commercial 
marts, occixpied by Portuguese garrisons, or dependent on their 
power. The financial talents of the governor, were even greater 
than his military prowess ; he raised the revenue by lowering 
the rate of duties, trade naturally flowing towards those places 
where it was least exposed to taxation and vexatious inter- 
ference. After a brilliant regency of five years, he died at the 
entrance of the harbour of Goa, on his return from the island of 
Onnuz, which he had rescued from the dangers to which it was 
exposed by a sudden attack of the Persians. " The princes of 
India," says an eminent historian, " who viewed Albuquerque 
as their father, clothed themselves in mourning on his death, for 
they had experienced the happiness and protection which his 
friendship gave them. And the sincerity of their grief showed 
Emmanuel what a subject he had lost. He was buried at Goa, 
and it became customary for the Mohammedan and Gentoo 



78 PORTUGUESE EMPIRE IN INDIA. 

inhabitants of that city, when injured by the Portuguese, to come 
and weep at his tomb, utter their complaints to his manes, and 
call upon his God to revenge their wrongs."* 

Under Soarez, tlie successor of Albuquerque, a system of 
peculation and corruption was introduced ; " the period," say 
the Portuguese authors, " commenced when the soldier no more 
followed the dictates of honour, when those who had been 
captains became traders, and rapacious plunderers of the innocent 
natives." Many quitted the military service, and became pri- 
vate adventurers ; and many who yearly arrived from Portugal, 
in place of entering into the king's service, followed this ex- 
ample. The courts established by Albuquerque, were either 
corrupted, or without power, and the petty governor of every 
petty fort, was arbitrary in his own harbour. After a regency of 
three years, Soarez was recalled, he left the affairs of his govern- 
ment in a state of the greatest confusion, and the power of the 
Portuguese perceptibly on the decline : nor was the administra- 
tion of his successor Sequeyra more beneficial ; unmeaning 
slaughter on the coasts of Madagascar, the Red Sea, India and 
the Moluccas, comprise the whole history of his regency. 

The death of King Emmanuel, produced a change in the 
Portuguese councils ; one of the first acts of the new reign, was 
to remedy the disorders of India, and for this purpose the 
government of the Eastern colonies was entrusted to Vasco de 
Gama, who had been raised to the dignity of Count de Vidi- 
gueyra. Though a very old man, Gama displayed equal 
wisdom, zeal and activity. He delivered Cochin from a siege, 
with which it was menaced by the Zamorin ; his detached 
squadrons cleared the seas of the Moorish pirates that infested 
them, and he made preparations for restoring the wise and liberal 
policy of Albuquerque. His death at the end of three months, 
soon followed by that of his successor Menezes, again threw 
affairs into confusion ; Sampayo and Mascarene, paying little 



* A little before his death, lie wrote this manly letter to the King of 
Portugal. " Under the pangs of death, in the difficult breathing of the last 
hour, I write this my last letter to your highness ; the last of many I have 
written to you, full of life, for I was then employed in your service. I 
have a son, Bias de Albuquerque ; I entreat your highness to make him 
as great as my services deserve. The affairs of India will answer for ; 
themselves and for me." 



PORTUGUESE EMPIRE IN INDIA. 79 

attention to the edicts of the distant court of Lisbon, contested 
the office of chief governor by force of arms. The contest 
terminated in favour of the former ; no sooner had he triumphed 
over his rival, than he entered on a career of sanguinary con- 
quest, in the midst of which he was arrested by Nunio, who had 
been commissioned to supersede him, and was sent home a close 
prisoner to Lisbon. 

Nunio soothed and relieved the wrongs of the various princes, 
whom his predecessors had injured ; innocence and industry 
were again protected ; prosperity began to revive. Taking 
advantage of the war between Bahader, Sultan of Gujarat and 
Humayun, Emperor of Delhi, the Portuguese by a promise of aid 
to the sultan, obtained possession of Diu, which had been long 
the object of their ambition. When the war was over, Bahader 
wished to resume liis gift, and a desultory war ensued. At 
length the sultan proposed that all differences should be arranged 
at a personal interview, to which the Portuguese commanders 
assented. Suspicions of treachery were entertained and were 
probably not unfounded at both sides ; they led to a squabble in 
the boats, which ended in the murder of the sultan, whether by 
accident or by perfidy, it is now impossible to determine. Selim, 
the Turkish sultan, sent an immense armament to the relief of 
his Mohammedan brethren in India ; Diu was closely invested, 
and the succours which Nunio had prepared for its relief, were 
delayed by Noronha, his unworthy successor. The desperate 
valour of the garrison daunted the Turks ; even the women took 
arms ; and the officers' ladies went from rampart to rampart, 
upbraiding the least appearance of languor. The Turks at 
length raised the siege, though there were not more than forty 
men, out of the original garrison of six hundred, who were in a 
condition to bear arms for the defence of the place. 

Although Noronha had made no effiart to relieve Diu, he pro- 
fited by the impression which its brave defence had produced 
on the princes of India; several of them, including the Zamorin, 
entered into alliance with Portugal, and thus afforded the 
governor leisure for extending the limits of the colony in Ceylon. 
Noronha's administration was sullied by much cruelty and op- 
pression, so that liis death gave equal joy to the natives and the 
settlers. 

Stephen de Gama, the son of the great Vasco, succeeded to 



80 PORTUGUESF, EMPIRE IN INDIA. 

the administration, but before he could execute the beneficial 
plans he had framed, he was superseded by the infamous Souza, 
who annulled the wise edicts of Nunio, conceding toleration to 
all religions, and established a system of grinding persecution in 
the Portuguese dependencies. The temples of Malabar were 
laid in ashes, and thousands of the unhappy natives, for the 
crime of idolatry, were slaughtered upon their ruined altars. 
The Sultan of Gujarat, aided by large bodies of Turkish and 
Moorish auxiliaries, again laid seige to Diu ; the city was as 
bravely defended as it had been on the former occasion, but it 
would most probably have fallen, had not the gallant John de 
Castro, been sent to take the place of the imbecile Souza. 
Castro not only relieved Diu, but he attacked the enemy in their 
fortified trenches and routed them with gi-eat slaughter. He 
then carried the war into the hostile country, and so humbled 
the monarchs of Gujarat and the Dekkan, that they were glad to 
submit to the terms of peace dictated by the conqueror. The 
civil government of Castro, merited even greater praise than his 
military exploits; under his sway, justice was fairly administered 
and commerce protected, so that Camoens was justified in 
saying, 

" O'er Indus' banks, o'er Ganges' smiling vales, 
No more the hind his plunder'd field bewails : 
O'er every field, O Peace, thy blossoms glow, 
The golden blossoms of thy olive bough ; 
Firm based on wisdom's laws great Castro crowns, 
And the wide East the Lusian empire owns." 

Under the administration of Castro, the Portuguese settle- 
ments in India touched the highest point of all their greatness. 
He was succeeded by Gabriel de Sa, whose brief rule is chiefly 
remarkable for the establishment of the Jesuit missions in the 
East, under St. Francis Xavier. The Jesuit was very superficial 
as an apostle ; he required from his converts little or no know- 
ledge of the Christian principles ; he baptized them, gave them 
crucifixes to worship, and then told them that they were sure of 
heaven. Nothing of course could be easier than such conversion, 
and the many thousands who, on his preaching, assumed the 
Christian faith, displayed a success which his admirers deemed 
miraculous. But as a politician, Xavier was far more minute 
and comprehensive, than as a missionary. Every offer of reli- 



PORTUGUESE EMPIRE IN INDIA. 81 

gious instruction which he made, was attended with the most 
flattering proposals of alliances ; — of alliancies, however, which 
were calculated to render the natives dependent on the Portu- 
guese, and in fact mere tributaries. In this plan of operations, 
the great abilities of Xavier were crowned with rapid success, 
kings and kingdoms, won by his preaching, sued for the friend- 
ship of the Portuguese. But while the olive of peace seemed 
ready to spread its boughs over India, the unrelenting villany of 
the Portuguese soldiers and merchants, counteracted the labours 
of Xavier, and several of the newly baptised princes, in resent- 
ment of the injuries they received, returned to paganism and 
hostility. Xavier, who acted as a spy upon the military and 
civil government of India, not only from time to time laid these 
abuses before the king of Portugal, but also interested himself 
greatly, both in the civil and military councils of Portuguese 
India. He was the intimate friend and counsellor of the great 
Castro, and his political efforts were only baffled by the hardened 
coiTuption of the Portuguese manners. 

A series of petty wars, under different governors, followed the 
death of Castro, but produced no event of marked interest or 
importance, until the misconduct of JSIesquita provoked one of 
the most desperate insurrections that ever occurred in India. 
Mesquita, v/as sent to obtain satisfaction for an insult offered to 
a Portuguese ship ; he scoured the coast of Malabar, seized all 
the native vessels he could find, and murdered the crews, gene- 
rally sewing them up in their own sail-cloths, and hurling them 
into the sea. A woman of rank, whose husband had been 
among Mesquita's victims, went from place to place among her 
countrymen, exhorting them to revenge ; they flew to arms, 
vowing never to relax in their efforts, until they had extirpated 
the Portuguese ; a body of the insurgents beset the fort of 
Cannanore and burned above thirty ships that lay at anchor 
under its cannon. The natives of Ceylon were driven to arms 
by similar outrages, and the people of Amboyna, expelled the 
Portuguese from the island. In the midst of these perilous wars, 
the death of Don Sebastian, king of Portugal, enabled Phillip 11. 
to annex that country to Spain. This change aggravated the evils 
of the Indian colonies ; so horrible were the cruelties practised 
by the Inquisition of Goa, that many of the native Christians 
joined the Pagans and Mohammedans ; through the influence of 

E o 



82 PORTUGUESE EMPIRE IN INDIA. 

the Jesuits, a bull was obtained, sanctioning a crusade against 
the infidels, and the subordinate governors were permitted to 
send out piratical expeditions, to plunder neutral and even allied 
states. 

Houtman, a Dutch merchant, while confined for debt in the 
jail of Lisbon, acquired some valuable information respecting 
India ; he sent an account of it to his countrymen, then engaged 
in their glorious struggle against the tyranny of Spain ; a sub- 
scription was made to pay his debts, and on his return to 
Holland, the Dutch East India Company was formed. The 
first appearance of a Dutch fleet in the Indian Seas, gave as 
much alarm to the Portuguese, as their own arrival had to the 
Moors ; no art was left untried by the Jesuits, to stimulate the 
Hindus against the Dutch intruders, but the name of the Portu- 
guese was detested in the East, and the machinations of the 
Jesuits recoiled on their own heads. The English soon appeared, 
to claim a share in the lucrative commerce of India, where they 
erected several factories, and the Portuguese became every day 
less able to compete with their enterprising rivals. The English 
were however fettered in their operations, by the senseless policy 
of their imbecile monarch, James I., who was not inaptly 
described as " the wisest fool in Europe ;" he sacrificed the 
interests of his own subjects, to conciliate the court of Spain. 
But the Hollanders, who were under a better government, defied 
the powers of King Phillip ; they gained nearly the whole of the 
spice trade, and annually interrupted the Portuguese commerce 
with China. To complete the ruin of the Portuguese colonies, 
an order was sent from the court of IVIadrid, to the governor- 
general Agevedo, commanding him to dispose of every employ- 
ment and office, civil or military, by public sale, in order that 
money might be raised to support his government. Shij)wrecks 
and dreadful tempestfe added to the miseries of the Portuguese, 
and the most remarkable events of the government of the Count 
de Redondo, who in 1617 superseded Agevedo, were the solemn 
fasts held at Goa. In some of these, the citizens lay day and 
night on the floors of the churches, imploring the divine mercy, 
in the deepest and most awful silence, while not a sound was 
to be heard in the mournful streets. 

In 1632, under the viceroyalty of the Count de Linarez, "our 
European enemies," says the Portuguese historian, " roved over 



PORTUGUESE EMPIRE IN INDIA. 83 

the seas without opposition, took away many of our ships, and 
ruined our trade. They also every where incensed the Indian 
princes against us ; for we had no agents at any of their courts 
to vindicate our cause." Yet, deep as such declension appears, 
Linarez, on liis return to Europe, presented the king of Spain 
with a hat-band, and the queen with a pair of pendants, valued 
at one hundred thousand crowns. In 1632, while the Archbishop 
of Goa was governor, a squadron of nine Dutch vessels rode 
triumphant in the river of Goa, and burned three galleons in the 
harbour without opposition ; " for the first, " says Feria, " was des- 
titute of both ammunition and men." In 1640, the kingdom of 
Portugal, by one of the noblest efforts on record, threw off the yoke 
of Spain, and the Portuguese in India acknowledged the Duke of 
Braganza as their sovereign. And in 1 642, a viceroy was sent to 
India, by John IV., but though the new monarch paid attention 
to India, and though the English during their civil wars aban- 
doned the commerce of the east, the Dutch were now so formid- 
able, and their operations so well connected and continued, that 
every exertion to recover the dominion of India, was fruitless 
and lost. Soon after the civil wars the English arose to more 
power and consequence, than even the Dutch in India, and 
many of the Portuguese became their agents and naval carriers. 
Towards the end of the seventeenth century, the court of 
India tiu:ned its attention to the Brazils and neglected India. 
A succession of viceroys was however continued ; but all their 
numerous settlements on every coast of the eastern world, the 
ports of Goa and Diu in India and the Isle of Macao in the 
Bay of Canton, alone remained in possession of the Portu- 
guese. Such was the fall of that power, Avhich once commanded 
the commerce of Africa and Asia, ii'om the Straits of Gibraltar, 
to the eastern side of Japan ! 

Religious intolerance and commercial exclusiveness, com- 
bined to overtlurow this great empire, and though there is no 
apparent connexion between freedom of conscience and freedom 
of trade, it is very common to find them united in history. 
The Inquisition at Goa was one of the most flagTant exhibitions 
of bigoted cruelty that ever disgraced a nation, and its ruins, 
which still exist, contain memorials of its savage barbarities, 
wliich fill the minds of visitors with horror. The Portu2;uese 
still retain Goa and Macao, but the trade of both has fallen 
into utter and hopeless insignificance. 



84 



CHAPTER VI. 

COMMENCEMENT OF INTERCOURSE BETWEEN GREAT 
BRITAIN AND INDIA. 

Soon after the termination of the Wars of the Roses, and the 
restoration of national tranquillity under the Tudors, the English 
people began to manifest the spirit of maritime discovery, com- 
mercial enterprize, and adventurous colonization, which they had 
inherited from their Saxon ancestors. This spirit had long been 
suppressed by the Norman aristocracy, alien to England in line- 
age, language and feeling ; but in the sanguinary struggle between 
the rival divisions of the Plantagenet family, the Norman nobles 
had wasted their resources, thinned their ranks, and lost their 
exclusive possession of political power. Families of Saxon 
descent began to be raised to the peerage ; the forfeiture of mo- 
nastic lands enabled Henry VIII. to endow the new nobility 
with estates, and other branches of the same families, emulous of 
their greatness, sought a road to fame and fortune in the paths 
which the discoveries of Columbus and Gama had opened to 
boldness and enterprize. Among all the navigators and adven- 
turers who suddenly appeared under the Tudors, there was 
scarcely one who could claim affinity with the old Norman nobi- 
lity ; nearly all of them belonged to the class of country gentle- 
men, the descendants of the Saxon Franklins, men who preferred 
the paths of honovarahle industry to the gilded profligacy, which 
had usurped the name of chivalry. 

Previous to the accession of Elizabeth, this country was sup- 
plied with Indian commodities from Venice, by an annual ship of 
great value, and as the Venetians could then charge what price 
they pleased, the commerce was any thing but lucrative to Eng- 
land. The shipwreck of a rich Venetian carrack, on the Isle of 
"Wight, excited the English merchants and mariners to attempt 
obtaining a share of the lucrative commerce of the East. Sir 
William Monson, who witnessed the loss of the vessel, appears 
to have taken an active part in urging the people of London to 



INTERCOURSE BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND INDIA. 85 

iittempt to rival the Venetians, and lie found the citizens very 
ready to second his attempts. "They devised," he says, "how 
such commodities may come into our hands by a more direct 
way, than to be served as we were at second-hand ; and there- 
fore resolved to make an overture, by favour of the Queen and 
her letters, to the Great Turk, for an immediate traffic from 
England to Turkey, and his dominions, and so thence again, 
■vnth ships of her own subjects, without being beholden to them 
i^the Venetians.) These letters were sent by her Majesty, and 
received with great humanity and courtesy by the Grand Seignor, 
as appears by his letters yet extant. In conclusion, the articles 
were agreed upon, and a grant of great privileges and immunities 
to her majesty's subjects, which have since continued and been 
peaceably enjoyed." Thus the first trade between England and 
India was opened tlu-ough the Levant, and the Turkey merchants 
were regarded as the true East India traders.* 

A London merchant, named Thorne, who had long resided in 
Seville, and acquired an extensive knowledge of the East India 
trade, on his return to England, represented to Henry VIII. the 
great advantages which the country might derive from Eastern 
commerce, and suggested that it would be possible to discover a 
new passage by the north-east or north-west to the Indian Seas, 
and avoid the tedious navigation round Cape Horn or the Cape 
of Good Hope. In 1576, some merchants of London, hoping to 
reap the benefits of this discovery, fitted out two ships under 
Captain Forbisher, who made three vigorous attempts to effect 
this passage, but failed as all his successors have done. Sir 
Francis Drake, on returning from his voyage round the world, 
gave it as his opinion that the route which Thorne had suggested 

* It appears from Hackluyt, that there was a very considerable trade to 
the Levant in English bottoms, between the years 1512 and ISS^. He 
tells us that several stout ships from London, Southampton, and Bristol, 
had a constant trade to Candia, China, Cyprus, and Beiroot in Syria. Our 
imports were silks, camlets, rhubarb, malmsies, muscadels, and other 
wines; sweet oil, cotton goods, carpets, gall, cinnamon and other spices. 
Our exports were fine and coarse kerseys, white western dogans, cloths, 
called statutes, and others called cardinal whites, skins and leather. From 
a cotemporary document it appears that in this early day Manchester had 
already acquired some fame as a manufacturing town, particularly for the 
production of certain woollen c'oths, which, singularly enough, were called 
cottons, a corruption of "coatings." 



86 COMMENCEMENT OF INTERCOURSE 

was impracticable. Captain Stephens went from England to the 
Cape of Good Hope in 1582, and sent home a very full account 
of his voyage from Goa. Further information was obtained from 
Ealph Fitch, a merchant of London, who had reached India by 
a different route. This gentleman, who appears to have been 
engaged in the Levant trade, travelled from Tripoli in Syria to 
Ormuz, and thence to Goa. After a short residence amongst the 
Portuguese, he sailed to Bengal, Pegu, Siam and Molucca, \-isit- 
ing the island of Ceylon, and the cities of Cochin and Calicut ; 
he then returned to Oniiuz, whence he proceeded overland to 
Tripoli, where embarking, he reached England a.d. 1591. The 
route, however, was still considered precarious until the famous 
Cavendish opened a certain passage to the East, in his voyage 
round the world, a. d. 1587. Cavendish was a young man of 
fortune, who had wasted his property by a life of fashionable 
extravagance, and hoped to retrieve it by a voyage to the south- 
ern seas. He sailed from England, in 1586, with three small 
ships equipped at his own expense. After having touched at 
Sierra Leone and the Cape de Verd Islands, he steered for the 
Straits of Magellan, through which he passed in the January of 
1587. Having coasted for some months along the western side 
of America, he crossed the Pacific to the Indian Archipelago, 
visited several of the islands and returned by the Cape of Good 
Hope to England, where he arrived in September, 1588. This 
voyage was highly instrumental in forwarding the Queen's design 
of opening a direct trade with the East Indies ; the merchants of 
London were so impressed with the importance of the informa- 
tion communicated by Cavendish, that they formed themselves 
into a trading company, and applied to the Queen for a charter. 
Their request was granted, and in December, IGOO, the merchant 
adventurers were incorporated under the title of " The Governor 
and Company of Merchants of London, trading to the East 
Indies."* 

In this charter, the first governor, Thomas Smythe, and twenty- 
four directors, were nominated by the crown, but power was 
vested in the company of proprietors to elect a deputy governor, 
and also a governor and other members for the future. The 

* The subscriptions or shares in this company were at first only £-50 
each, and the original capital £369,891. os. In 1676, this capital was 
doubled by adding the profits to the stock. 



BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND INDIA. 87 

privileges granted to them, their successors, their sons on attain- 
ing their legal majority, their apprentices, factors and servants 
who had been employed by the company for fifteen years, are 
thus stated in the original charter, " freely to traffic and use the 
trade of merchandise by sea, in and by such ways and passages 
already discovered or hereafter to be discovered, as they should 
esteem and take to be fittest, unto and from the East Indies, 
unto the countries and ports of Asia and Affica, and unto and 
from all the islands, ports, havens, cities, creeks, rivers and 
places of Asia, Africa, and America, or any of them, beyond the 
Cape of Good Hope to the Strait of Magellan, where any trade 
or traffic may be used, to or from every of them, in such order, 
manner, form, liberty and condition, as they themselves should 
from time to time agree upon and determine." They were fur- 
ther empowered to make bye-laws ; to inflict punishments either 
corporal or pecuniary, provided that such punishments did not 
contravene the laws of England, to export goods free of duty, 
and afterwards to be allowed a drawback of duty on all exported 
goods which might be lost on the passage, or so injured as to 
become unsaleable. 

The country had at this time made so much progress in the 
science of political economy, that doubts were entertained of the 
prudence of creating new monopolies, and Elizabeth was afraid 
that the exclusive privileges granted to the new company might 
be unpopular, and perhaps prejudicial to trade; she therefore in- 
serted a proviso, that if within the space limited by the charter, 
this monopoly should appear in any respect detrimental to the 
public, it should then upon two years' warning under the privy 
seal, become null and void. But if experience proved that this 
new corporation promoted the weal and benefit of the nation, her 
majesty pledged her royal word, that she would not only renew 
the charter, but add such other clauses and graces, as should 
appear most conducive to the interest of the commerce, the 
undertakers, and the general advantage of the kingdom. 

Five ships under the command of Captain Lancaster, were sent 
out by the new company ; they reached the roads of Achen on 
the 5th of June, 1602. A commercial treaty was concluded with 
the king of the country on equitable terms, after which, in order 
to complete their cargo, the little squadron proceeded to Java. 
Another commercial treaty was concluded with the king of Ban- 



88 COMMENCEMENT OF INTERCOURSE. 

tarn, after which the ships returned home, having made a most 
profitable voyage. This success led to several other voyages, 
which were generally attended by the same prosperous results. 

The rivals of the English were the Portuguese and the Dutch ; 
both nations had established forts and factories along the coast, 
and had made extensive territorial acquisitions, from which they 
most carefully excluded all foreign traders. The English com- 
pany felt this disadvantage very severely, especially as the Dutch 
equipped armed vessels to attack the English shipping; the 
Portuguese adopted the same course of policy, and the Company 
was forced to send larger vessels well armed into the Indian Seas. 
Sir Henry Middleton was attacked by the Portuguese with a 
very superior force off Surat, but he inflicted on them a very 
severe defeat, to the surprise and pleasure of the Indian princes, 
who had hitherto believed the Portuguese invincible. A second 
victory over the same jealous foes was obtained by Captain Best, 
whose valour was reported to the Emperor of Delhi, and produced 
a most favourable impression on his court. 

The governor of the Company wisely resolved to take advan- 
tage of these propitious events. In consequence of his applica- 
tion, Sir Thomas Roe was sent as ambassador to the court of 
Delhi, and nearly at the same time the Shirleys appeared as 
English envoys in Persia. Several factories were erected and 
some settlements formed, to the great annoyance of the Dutch, 
who were firndy resolved to prevent any interference with their 
lucrative monopoly of the spice trade. Negociations were com- 
menced in Europe to prevent any collision between the Holland- 
ers and the English ; but James I. who wanted money to gratify 
his rapacious and unprincipled favourites, deliberately sacrificed 
the rights of his subjects and the best interests of the nation over 
which he unworthily ruled, to the bribes that were offered him 
by the merchants of Amsterdam. 

Although in a great measure deserted by their government, 
the En"-lish imder many disadvantages bravely maintained their 
ground, and at length a treaty was concluded between the East 
India Companies of England and Holland. Such, however, was 
the confidence of the Dutch in the mercenary stupidity of the 
English monarch, that the negociations had been scarcely con- 
cluded when every article of the treaty was atrociously violated. 
At len"-th, under the pretence that the English had stimulated 



BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND INDIA. 89 

the natives to insurrection, all the Company's agents in Amboyna 
were arrested, and subjected to the most horrible tortures in 
order to force them to confession. They were then put to death 
in the most barbarous manner, and their destruction was followed 
by a series of public rejoicings and thanksgivings. 

When the intelligence of these atrocities arrived in Europe, 
the indignation of the English was extreme ; even James was 
roused to bestow heavy maledictions on the authors of such 
cruelties, but his wrath ended in execrations. His successor, 
Charles I., shewed himself more alive to the honour of the na- 
tion, but having been involved at the very commencement of his 
reign in a struggle with his own subjects, he had not leisure to 
bestow any attention on foreign affairs. The English trade with 
India rapidly declined, until the tennination of the great civil 
war, when Oliver Cromwell, who with all his faults possessed a 
true English spirit, having declared war against the Dutch, so 
completely humbled them, that they were forced to submit to the 
terms of peace which he dictated. One of the articles in the 
treaty concluded April 5th, 1654, was in the following terms, 
" that the Lords the States General of the United Provinces, 
shall take care that justice be done upon those who are partakers 
and accomplices in the massacre of the English at Amboyna, as 
the Republic of England is pleased to term that fact, provided 
any of them be living." In consequence of this stipulation the 
Dutch had to pay a compensation of £82,000 to the English 
East India Company, and also to give large sums to the families 
of their victims. 

Charles II. on his restoration confirmed and extended the 
privileges of the Company, and futhermore ceded to them the 
Island of Bombay, which formed part of the dowry he received 
on his marriage wdth the Princess of Portugal. In consequence 
of the improved aspect of their affairs, the English merchants 
resolved to attempt the recovery of Bantam, which had been 
wrested from them by the Dutch. An armament was prepared 
for that purpose, but when it was on the point of sailing, the 
Dutch offered a large bribe to the weak and profligate Charles II. 
who laid an embargo upon the expedition, and finally prohibited 
the enterprise altogether. Thus were the interests and honour 
of the kingdom, the rights of a chartered company, and the 
plighted faith of a government bartered by this mercenary sove- 



90 COMMENCEMENT OF INTERCOURSE 

reign, for the means of gratifying the rapacity of his minions and 
his mistresses. 

James II., the last of the Stuarts, was the best of the line, so 
far as trade and commerce were concerned. He afforded every 
encouragement to the Com2)any, and gave them additional ad- 
ministrative powers. But unfortunately their prosperity was 
greatly injured by one of their own servants, Sir John Child, 
Governor of Bombay, whose fraud, ambition, and tyranny brought 
the settlement to the very verge of ruin. His folly led him to 
provoke a war with the Emperor of Delhi, who sent a consider- 
able force to attack Bombay. Child's cowardice was as conspi- 
cuous as any of his other qualities, and the fort must have fallen, 
had not his seasonable death relieved the garrison from the 
greatest of dangers, an imbecile and treacherous commander. 
On Child's death, the emperor, Aureng-zib, consented to make 
peace, and granted more favourable terms than the English had 
a right to expect. Child's successors were little better than him- 
self; so great were their profligacy and rapacity, that from being 
a populous place, Bombay was almost rendered a desert ; it 
would most probably have been abandoned altogether if the Com- 
pany's servants could have found means of escaping from the 
insolence and oppression of their governors by returning to Eng- 
land ; but this favour was refused them, and they were detained 
by their tyrants without a glimmering of hope. 

In consequence of this misgovernment abroad, and the pecula- 
tion introduced by Sir Josiah Child into the management at 
home, the Company's affairs fell into sad confusion, and the 
merchants of London proposed either to throw open the trade 
with India and China, or to form a new commercial association 
on a wider basis. The matter was brought before the conven- 
tion parliament, which was assembled on the abdication of James 
II., and formed one of the many useful projects which the 
authors of the revolution sacrificed to base and mercenary mo- 
tives. The directors of the Company found the patriots and 
statesmen of the day ready to break their pledges to the nation 
for a share in the wages of iniquity ; perhaps, indeed, there never 
was a parliament in which purity was more loudly professed, and 
venality more extensively practised, than in that which conferred 
the crown upon William III. Bribes deferred the danger by 
which the Company was threatened for three years, but at length 



BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND INDIA. 91 

the increasing discontent of the commercial and mercantile inte- 
rests, compelled the House of Commons to interfere, and an 
address was presented to the King, praying that the Company 
might be dissolved and its charter revoked. William referred the 
matter to his privy council, the directors lavishly distributed 
bribes among its members, and an order for renewing and extend- 
ing the charter was obtained. The House of Commons had 
under discussion a bill for imposing taxes on several joint stocks ; 
they inserted a clause, that any company not paying the tax 
within a specified time, should forfeit its charter. The East India 
directors were so infatuated as to neglect the first quarterly "pay- 
ment, whereby their charter became void, and new arguments for 
dissolving the Company were furnished to their adversaries. 

The matter was again referred to the privy council ; on the 
one side were the petitions from the merchants of London and 
the manufacturers of the west of England, on the other were the 
ready bribes of the directors, and the latter of course prevailed. 
Great were the astonishment and indignation of the public ; the 
task of enquiry was forced upon the House of Commons, and it 
appeared from the books of the Company that the sum expended 
for secret services in one year had amounted to about one hun- 
dred thousand pounds, which was confessed to have been spent 
in " gratifications." It is mortifying to add that the parliamen- 
tary investigations stopjDed at this point ; a further prosecution 
of it would have involved many persons of the highest rank and 
influence, including the most flaming patriots of the day. The 
necessities of the government rendered it necessary to raise a loan 
of two millions ; a new association of merchants offered to pro- 
cure that sum, and in consequence they obtained a charter by 
which they were incorporated as a New East India Company. 
The two companies spent a few years in mutual attempts to 
damage each other, but they soon found that their common inte- 
rests were thus injured, and they at length formed a coalition. 
Little attention was now paid to East India affairs ; the nation 
was involved in an arduous war with France, to restrain the un- 
principled ambition of Louis XIV., and the readiness with which 
the united Company negociated loans, recommended them so 
strongly to the ministry and the parliament, that very large addi- 
tions were made to their privileges. 

From the union of the two Companies in 1708, a great change 



92 COMMENCEMENT OF INTERCOURSE 

was wrouo'ht in the management of East India affairs. The 
courts of directors and proprietors were regularly constituted, 
and their respective duties and relations clearly defined. In 
1726, a charter was granted, by which the Company were per- 
mitted to establish a Mayor's Court at each of the three presi- 
dencies they had created in India, Madras, Bombay, and Cal- 
cutta, consisting of a mayor and nine aldermen, empowered to 
decide in civU cases of all descriptions ; criminal jurisdiction over 
every offence, except high treason, was given to the court of 
quarter sessions ; and the president and council were erected into 
a court of appeal. In 1753 this charter was extended, and the 
authority of European courts finally established. 

The revolutions which followed the death of Aureng-zib 
opened many favourable opportunities for the extension of the 
Company's power in India. In 1715, an embassy was sent to 
the court of Delhi to procure additional privileges and protection, 
and in pursuance of advice received in Calcutta, the envoys 
gained the favour of Khan Dowran, a nobleman high in the con- 
fidence of the emperor, but, unfortunately for that very reason, 
an object of suspicion to the powerful vizier, Jaffier Khan. As 
the vizier was also viceroy of Bengal, he looked with a very 
unfavourable eye on the requests of the English, and it appeared 
probable that the objects of the embassy would be defeated. At 
this crisis, the emperor was attacked by a painful disease, which 
delayed the marriage he was anxious to conclude with the 
daughter of the Raja of Jodpore ; he was advised to make trial 
of the skill of a medical gentleman named Hamilton, who had 
accompanied the English embassy, and under his judicious 
treatment the emperor's health was soon restored. The grateful 
monarch desired his restorer to name his reward; Hamilton 
requested that the privileges solicited by the Company, including 
freedom of trade and some grants of territory, should be conceded. 
After some delay, the boon was granted; but the vizier con- 
trived for a considerable time to prevent the Company from pro- 
fiting by the imperial permission to purchase the villages round 
Calcutta. 

It was about the year 1720 that the French trade with the 
East Indies become so important as to attract notice, and from 
that time the English began to look with great jealousy on the 
flourishing colony of Pondicheiry, which their rivals had esta- 



BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND INDIA. 93 

Wished on the Coromandel coast. When war was declared 
between France and England, in 1743, Lord Carteret, who had 
then the principal management of public affairs, proposed that 
a squadron should be sent to the East Indies. Three ships of 
the line and a frigate, were accordingly despatched under the 
command of Commodore Barnet, who took several rich prizes. 
The French East India Company proposed that a neutrality 
should be established in the Indian Seas, but when their terms 
were rejected by the English, they made the most vigorous pre- 
parations to defend their interests, selecting for their commander 
Labourdonnais, an admiral of high reputation. By the death of 
Commodore Barnet, the command of the English squadron de- 
volved on Captain Peyton, who wanted both the courage and the 
skill necessary for such an enterprize. After an indecisive 
engagement, he fled from the Southern Sea to the Bay of Bengal, 
abandoning Madras, which was in a scandalously defenceless 
condition, to the mercy of the enemy. 

Labourdonnais made immediate preparations for the attack of 
this important settlement. On the 14th of September, 1746, he 
effected a landing about twenty miles south of Madras, and pro- 
tected by his fleet, which accompanied the march of the army 
along the coast, advanced to invest the town. Madras was 
badly garrisoned, and worse defended. After a siege of less than 
a week, the place capitulated, Labourdonnais stipulating that it 
should be restored on the payment of a ransom, but this condi- 
tion was not ratified by the Governor of Pondicherry. Labour- 
donnais behaved so generously to his prisoners, that at the con- 
clusion of the war, a large present was voted to him by the East 
India Company. On his return to Europe he was captured by 
an English cruizer, but his conduct at Madras was remembered ; 
all ranks vied with each other in shewing him respect, and he 
was liberated by the government on his simple parole. It is 
melancholy to add, that on his return to France, he was thrown 
into the Bastile, and detained a prisoner for three years by the 
machinations of his enemies. His merits, however, were finally 
established, but the unmerited treatment he received so weakened 
his mind and body that he did not long survive his liberation. 

Admiral Boscawen having arrived with a strong reinforcement 
to the English, it was resolved to undertake the siege of Pondi- 
cherry. Few enterprises have been worse constructed ; time 



94 COMMENCEMENT OF INTERCOURSE 

was wasted when every moment was valuable ; the trenches were 
opened at a distance from the walls, which rendered the fire of 
the besiegers ineffectual ; finally, the approach of the rainy 
season rendered it impossible for the army to keep the field, or 
the fleet to remain on the coast, and Boscawen at length retired, 
after having suffered a very severe loss in men and stores. 
Before his efforts could be renewed, intelligence was received of 
peace having been concluded between France and England at 
Aix-la-Chapelle ; but Boscawen seemed to be still pursued by 
misfortune ; several ships, and about twelve hundred seamen, 
perished miserably in a storm on the coast of Coromandel. 

The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was little better than a hollow 
truce in Europe, but in India it scarcely interrupted the opera- 
tions of war. A passion for territorial acquisitions appears to 
have seized the French and English Companies simultaneously, 
and each prepared to take advantage of the political revolutions 
so common in all oriental governments, to extend their dominions 
by hiring out their aid to rival competitors. The English were 
the first to draw the sword, and fi-om no higher inducement than 
the promise of a trifling fort belonging to the Raja of Tanjore, 
on the Coromandel coast. Tanjore was one of the petty king- 
doms, into which the Mohammedans found the country divided 
when ,they first invaded India ; it occupied little more than the 
space enclosed and intersected by the numerous mouths of the 
Cavery, being about seventy miles in length, with the same 
extent of breadth. After several revolutions, it was seized by 
the biother of Sivajee, the celebrated founder of the Mahratta 
empire, who bequeathed the throne to his posterity. Sahujee, 
one of his descendants, was dethroned, in 1741, by his chief 
minister, who transferred the title of king to Prataup Sing, 
notwithstanding the stain of illegitimacy attached to liis birth. 
The new monarch reigned quietly for several years, and the 
English rulers at Madras not only recognized his title, but 
entered into amicable correspondence with him, and solicited his 
co-operation against the French. In 1749, the dethroned Sahu- 
jee presented himself at Fort St. David, soliciting aid for the 
recovery of his dominions, promising to reward the assistance of 
his allies by the cession of the fort of Devi-Cotah, and declaring 
that many, if not most, of his subjects were ready to take arms 
in his favour. It was supposed that Coleroon, the northern 



BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND INDIA. 95 

)rancli of the Cavery, on -wliich Devi-Cotah stands, would afford 
the advantage of an excellent harbour, and it was therefore 
resolved to accept Sahujee's offer. A force of one hundred 
Europeans and five hundred sepoys was sent under the command 
of Captain Cope, to take possession of Devi-Cotah, and support 
any party which might be formed in favour of Sahujee. Artillery 
and provisions were ordered to be sent round by sea. 

Cope experienced no impediment until he had passed the 
Coleroon, and entered a difficult country covered with wood and 
jungle. His forces suffered severely from ambuscades of the 
Tanjorines, and when he came in sight of Devi-Cotah, he was 
unable to procure any intelligence of the sliips, though they 
were then anchored only four miles off, at the mouth of 
the river. After having thrown a few shells into the place, 
the English disgracefully retired ; they had found no party 
formed in favour of Sahujee, and, indeed, they do not appear 
to have taken the trouble of enquiring whether any such was 
in existence. 

A second expedition was sent out from Madras, under the 
command of Major Lawrence, to retrieve Cope's disgrace. In 
this army there was a young lieutenant, named Clive, destined to 
acliieve for himself the most memorable character in the annals 
of British India, who had been at first employed in the civil 
service, but had taken the earliest opportunity of exchanging the 
pen for the sword. La^vTence, who was a shrewd judge of merit, 
appreciated the talents of this young officer, and often consulted 
him in the difficulties of the expedition, which were neither few 
nor trifling. The armament proceeded by sea, a landing was 
effected on the side of the river opposite to Devi-Cotah, the 
ground of the bank where the fort stood being so marshy that it 
would have been impossible to erect breaching batteries on it. 
Three days after the fire of the artillery had opened, a practicable 
breach was effected, and preparations for storming were made. It 
was however necessary to cross the river, a work of some diffi- 
culty, for the stream was both wide and rapid, besides which the 
Tanjorines kept up a smart fire from the thickets which lined 
the opposite shore. A ship's carpenter, named John Moore, 
suggested the means for overcoming these difficulties ; a raft was 
constructed sufficient to convey four hundred men, and Moore 
swam across the river at night, and fastened a rope to a tree, by 



96 COMMENCEMENT OF INTERCOURSE 

•which it could be pulled across. Having secured the rope and 
carefully concealed it in the water and bushes, he returned unde- 
tected. Before the raft began to move, some pieces of artillery 
were brought to bear on the part of the bank to which the rope 
was fixed, which compelled the Tanjorines to remove to some 
distance. The first detachment having passed over in safety, the 
transport of the remainder was easy. Major Lawrence resolved 
to storm immediately, and Clive volunteered to lead the attack. 
He advanced with a platoon of Europeans and seven hundred 
sepoys, but rashly allowing himself and the platoon to be sepa- 
rated from the sepoys, he narrowl)'^ escaped with his life, and the 
platoon was all but annihilated. Major Lawrence advanced with 
his whole force, the soldiers mounted the breach, and after a 
feeble resistance took possession of the place. A little enquiry 
showed that there was no hope for Sahujee in Tanjore ; an ac- 
commodation was therefore made with Prataup Sing, and the 
English not only abandoned the legitimate monarch, but agreed 
to detain him prisoner, to prevent his giving any further moles- 
tation to the reigning sovereign. It is even asserted that but for 
the humanity of Boscawen, he would have been delivered into 
the hands of Prataup Sing. 

In the meantime, the French East India Company had engaged 
in transactions of still higher moment, and a great revolution was 
accomplished in the Carnatic. The Carnatic is the nam.e given 
to an extensive district stretching along the Coromandel coast, 
from the little river Gundigania to the mouths of the Cavery ; to 
this was sometimes added the range of country between the 
northern branch of the Cavery and Cape Comorin, but this was 
usually distinguished as the Southern Carnatic. In extending 
westward from the coast, the Carnatic includes every variety, 
both of soil and scenery, which is to be met on the great conti- 
nent of India ; that part between the first range of mountains and 
the sea, was called the Carnatic below the Ghauts ; the western 
district, between the first and second range of mountains, was 
called Canara or the Carnatic above the Ghauts. When southern 
India was annexed to the empire of Delhi, the Carnatic was 
included in the great Subah or vice-royalty of the Dekkan, go- 
verned by the Nizam ; the great extent of the Dekkan rendered 
the governors of districts, under the Nizam, persons of great 
power and influence ; they were called nabobs or deputies, and 






BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND INDIA. 97 

were not unfrequently rivals of the viceroy. When Nizam-al- 
Mulk was appointed Viceroy of the Dekkan, a chief named Sad- 
atuUa was Nabob of the Carnatic, and retained his situation under 
the Nizam until his death in 1732. Sadatulla's nephew and 
adopted son, Dost AH, then seized the nabobship without wait- 
ing for the sanction of the viceroy, and to strengthen himself in 
this position gave his four daughters in marriage to different 
chiefs, remarkable for their rank and power. One of these, 
Chanda Sahib, was appointed Dewan, or chief minister of finance 
to his father-in-law ; under pretence of collecting the arrears of 
the revenue he marched to Trichinopoly, a tributary state govern- 
ed by a native Hindu. Chanda Sahib's real object was to take 
advantage of a disputed succession ; the Raja of Trichinopoly 
died in 1 736, leaving a child to succeed him, whose mother 
exercised the sovereignty under the title of regent. She had to 
maintain a doubtful struggle against a competitor for the princi- 
pality, and she therefore cheerfully accepted the proffered aid of 
Chanda Sahib, which ensured her the victory. Grateful for his 
support and confiding in his friendship, the princess gave Chanda 
Sahib free access to the citadel ; he abused her confidence by 
making himself treacherously master of the fortress, and throwing 
the princess into prison, where she died of grief. Dost AH re- 
warded this perfidy by investing his son-in-law with the princi- 
pality of Trichinopoly. 

This ambitious treachery greatly alarmed the Hindu Rajas ; 
they applied to the Mahrattas, as a people of the same origin and 
religion, to march to their assistance, taking advantage of the 
struggles in Northern India, which engaged the attention of the 
Nizam too effectually to allow of his giving any assistance to 
his feudatory, the Nabob of the Carnatic. A Mahratta army, 
commanded by Ragojee Bonslah, advanced to the frontiers of the 
Carnatic in the month of May, 1740, The passes of the moun- 
tains might easily have been defended, but a Hindu officer be- 
trayed an important post, and left a free opening to the Mah- 
rattas. Dost AH then resolved to hazard an engagement ; he 
was defeated and slain ; his son, Safder AH, who was envious 
of Chanda Sahib, immediately entered into negotiations, paying 
them a large sum of money, and promising to offer no impedi- 
ment to their seizure of Trichinopoly. After some delay the 
Mahrattas invested that city ; Chanda Sahib defended himself 

F 



98 COMMENCEMENT OF INTERCOURSE 

gallantly for several months, but was finally forced to surrender, 
and was sent prisoner to Satarah. Fortunately, he had previously 
secured the safety of his family by sending them to the French 
settlement at Pondicherry, where they were most kindly treated 
by the prudent Governor, M. Dupleix, who foresaw that a time 
•would come when he might avail himself of the grateful services 
of Chanda Sahib. 

The descendants of Dost All filled the Carnatic with all the 
confusions of war, murder and assassination, the usual accom- 
paniments of a disputed succession, whether small or great, in 
Asia. Nizam al Mulk, on his return from Delhi, resolved to 
arrange the troubled affairs of the Carnatic ; and, after several 
changes conferred the nabobship on Anwar-ed-din Khan, but 
nominally as regent for the rightful heir, who was a minor. In 
a short time, however, the young nabob was murdered by a band 
of Patau soldiers, as the Afghan mercenaries were usually called, 
who clamoured for arrears of pay due to them, or pretended to 
be due to them, by his father. It was generally believed that 
this murder was instigated by Anwar-ed-din, which, combined 
with the oppressive nature of his government, rendered the peo- 
ple of the Carnatic anxious that he should be dethroned, and the 
line of Sadatulla restored in the person of Chanda Sahib. ]M. Du- 
pleix zealously seconded the same course of policy ; he corre- 
sponded with Chanda Sahib in his captivity, and advanced a 
considerable portion of the sum which the Islahrattas demanded 
for his ransom. On being liberated, in 1748, Chanda Sahib 
raised a body of partisan troops and entered into the quarrels of 
the petty Rajas between the coasts of Malabar and Coromandel ; 
by this means he collected some treasure and greatly increased 
his followers, so that at the death of Nizam al Mulk, in 1749, 
he was at the head of an army of 6,000 men. 

Nizam al Mulk was succeeded in the viceroyalty of the Dek- 
kan by his second son, Nazir-Jing, but as he had been in open 
rebellion against his father, it was afHrmed that the Nizam had 
bequeathed his dominions to a favourite grandson, Murzafa Jing, 
and, after a brief parade of negociations, an appeal was made to 
arms. Chanda Sahib immediately tendered his services to Mir- 
zafa Jing, and persuaded him to unite in commencing their ope- 
rations in the Carnatic, where the memory and interest of the 
family of Sadatulla w^ould afford them immense advantages. 



BETWEEN GKEAT BRITAIN AND INDIA. 99 

Dupleix entered into the views of the aspiring chiefs, and supplied 
them with a valuable auxiliary force. Thus strengthened, they 
marched against Anwar-ed-din, who had posted himself in an 
entrenched camp under the fortress of Amhoor. The French 
offered to storm the entrenchment, and though twice beaten back, 
at length succeeded in forcing an entrance. Anwar-ed-din, who 
had attained the uncommon age of one hundred and seven, fell 
in the engagement ; his eldest son was taken prisoner, and his 
second son, Mohammed All, fled with the wreck of the army to 
Trichinopoly, of which he was governor. 

Had the victorious leaders followed up their advantages, and 
at once advanced against Trichinopoly, that city must have fallen, 
and the war would have been at an end. They, however, pro- 
ceeded to Arcot, to make an idle parade of sovereignty, after 
which they visited Pondicherry, and rewarded the French for 
their efficient aid by bestowing upon them eighty-one villages in 
the neighbourhood of that settlement. 

So much time was wasted at Pondicherry, that Nazir Jing had 
time to collect a numerous force and to effect a junction with 
Mohammed Ali, the governor of Trichinopoly, and a small body 
of English auxiliaries, under the command of Major Lawrence. 
The hostile armies were in sight of each other, when thirteen of 
the French officers, displeased that they had not shared in the 
expected plunder of Tanjore, the siege of which had been raised 
by their allies on the approach of Nazir Jing, resigned their com- 
missions, and thus created terror and alarm in the troops they 
had been destined to command. D'Auteuil, the French com- 
mander, immediately commenced his march homewards, leaving 
his allies in a state of the utmost confusion : Murzafa Jing sur- 
rendered to his uncle, by whom he was thrown into chains ; 
Chanda Sahib, with his own troops, made his escape to Pondi- 
cherry. 

Dupleix did not despair ; he was well acquainted with the im- 
becile character of Nazir Jing, and ventured to send a detach- 
ment of only 300 men to attack him in his camp. This enter- 
prise was perfectly successful ; the French penetrated more than 
a mile into the camp, filled it with terror and confusion, slew 
more than a thousand of the enemy, and returned with the loss 
of only two or three men. Nazir Jing, not believing himself 
safe, retired to Arcot, where he quarrelled with and dismissed, his 

F 2 



100 COMMENCEMENT OF INTERCOURSE 

English auxiliaries. Here he was soon joined by Mohammed 
Ali, who had been severely defeated by the French at Trivadi, 
after he had, by similar misconduct, compelled the English to 
leave his camp. Dupleix took advantage of the crisis to open 
negotiations with Nazir, and at the same time to concert intrigues 
for his destruction, with some of the discontented leaders of his 
Patau auxiliaries. While he thus practised the wiles of diplo- 
macy, he did not neglect the more active operations of w^ar ; 
the French, by an unexpected attack, made themselves masters 
of the celebrated fort of Gingee, situated on an insulated rock, 
and justly believed to be the strongest fortress in the Camatic. 
After a vain attempt to recover Gingee, Nazir concluded a treaty 
with Dupleix ; but it had scarcely been signed when the 
governor of Gingee gave the concerted signal to the Patans ; 
they rose in revolt, Nazir was shot by one of the traitors, and 
Murzafa Jing was brought from his dungeon to assume the vice- 
royalty of the Dekkan. He was assassinated by the turbulent 
Patans, and the French, who now disposed of every thing, con- 
ferred the vacant dignity on Salabat Jing, the eldest surviving 
son of Nizam al Mulk (a.d. 1751.) 

The activity of the French was advantageously contrasted with 
the apathy or despair of the English ; at this very crisis, Major 
Lawrence, the commander of the troops, on whose military 
talents and authority their whole dependence was placed, was 
permitted to return home to England ; and the only exertion 
made by the authorities at Madras, was to dissuade INIohammed 
AH from surrendering Trichinopoly to the French. A detach- 
ment was sent to aid this chief; it was met on the road by Chanda 
Sahib's forces, and shamefully defeated. The European soldiers 
were the first to fly, and could not be persuaded to rally, though 
the native troops gallantly stood their ground. In consequence 
of this victory, Trichinopoly was immediately invested ; but a 
dispute havhig arisen between M. Law, the commander of the 
French army, and his superior, M. Dupleix, the siege made very 
slow progress. 

While the war thus lingered at Trichinopoly, Clive, who had 
been raised to the rank of captain, persuaded the Presidency to 
send him to create a diversion, by attacking Arcot, the capital of 
Chanda Sahib. His force consisted of two hundred Europeans 
and three hundred Sepoys, commanded under him by eight 



BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND INDIA. 101 

officers, six of whom had never heen in action. His artillery 
amounted only to three field pieces, but two eighteen-pounders 
were sent after him. On the 31st of August, 1751, he arrived 
within ten miles of Arcot ; it Avas the day of a fearful storm ; 
thunder, lightning, and rain more terrific than is usual, even in 
India, seemed to render farther advance impracticable, but Clive, 
aware of the impression that such hardihood would produce on 
oriental minds, pushed forward in spite of the elemental strife. 
Daunted by his boldness, the garrison abandoned both the town 
and citadel, the latter of which Clive immediately occupied, giving 
orders that private property should be respected. As a siege was 
soon to be expected, he exerted his utmost diligence to supply 
the fort, and made frequent sallies to prevent the fugitive garri- 
son, who hovered round, from resuming their courage. 

Chanda Sahib was greatly enraged at the unexpected fall of 
his capital ; he at once sent his son, Raja Sahib, with a force of 
four thousand men to expel the English, and this body was 
joined by one hundred and fifty Europeans from Pondicherry, 
and about three thousand men who had collected around the 
fugitive garrison of Arcot. These forces found no difficulty in 
entering the city. Clive, notwithstanding the enormous dis- 
parity of strength, resolved to dislodge them, and sallied from 
the fort with his artillery. The enemies, however, occupied the 
houses with their musketry, and he was compelled to retreat 
with the loss of fifteen men killed, and sixteen badly wounded, 
the latter including his only artillery officer. On the following 
day the enemy, reinforced by two thousand men from Vellore, 
commenced a regular siege of the citadel. One of Clive's 
eighteen-pounders was soon disabled, the other dismounted and 
withdrawn ; his light guns were, of course, utterly useless ; to 
add to these disadvantages, the enemy occupied some houses 
which overlooked the ditch, and swept the parapet with a heavy 
fire of musketry at a distance of thirty yards. Notwithstanding 
all these disadvantages, Clive, by frequent sallies, so retarded the 
operations of the besiegers, that, though they were assisted by 
French officers, it was a fortnight before they could eflfect a 
breach. Two of very considerable extent were at length opened, 
and Clive prepared for their defence, though he had only eighty 
Europeans and one hundred and twenty Sepoys fit for duty ; but 
he had contrived to infuse into them a portion of his own daunt- 



102 COMMENCEMENT OF INTERCOURSE 

less spirit, and they resolved to hold out to the last extremity. 
Raja Sahib made his assault on the 1 4th of November, the anni- 
versary of the martyrdom of All's family, the festival most re- 
verenced by Mohammedans of the Shiah sect; Clive had prepared 
for his reception by erecting some works behind the breaches, 
which commanded them and the traverses beyond. When the 
assailants advanced, they found themselves exposed to cross-fires, 
so close and well sustained that they were mowed down by entire 
ranks. They recoiled from the murderous discharge, but repeated 
their efforts and were again driven back, until at length they 
abandoned the attempt, with the loss of four hundred men in 
killed and wounded. The enemy evacuated the town that night, 
after having maintained the siege for fifty days. On the follow- 
ing morning, Clive being joined by a detachment from Madras 
and a body of Mahrattas, commenced an active pursuit, and 
having overtaken the enemy, inflicted upon them a severe defeat, 
and recovered Conjeveram, which had been garrisoned by the 
French. Two wounded officers, who had been taken on their 
road from Arcot to Madras, were prisoners in the fort, and the 
French governor threatened to expose them on the ramparts to 
the fire of their own countrymen, if Clive persevered in his attack, 
but these gallant men exhorted Clive to disregard their safety ; it 
is pleasing to add that when Conjeveram was taken they were 
found uninjured. 

Clive returned to Fort St. Da\ad about the end of December ; 
the enemy took advantage of his absence to resume their opera- 
tions, and he had to take the field in February to relieve Arcot, 
which was menaced with a siege. On his road he unexpectedly 
encountered the enemy, who were vastly superior in number, just 
as night was beginning to close with the usual rapidity of a tro- 
pical climate. A smart but irregular action was fought by moon- 
light, and the English seemed on the point of being routed, when 
Lieutenant Keene, who had been sent to attack the rear of the 
grove in which the enemies were posted, by a sudden charge, got 
possession of the French guns, and turned them on their former 
owners. The effect of the surprise was complete ; the enemy- 
fled in every direction, and few of the disbanded troojjs ever re- 
turned to their former standards. 

Clive would have made use of this success to attempt the cap- 
ture of Vellore, but he was summoned back to Fort St. David in 



BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND INDIA. 103 

(*rder to join Major La^v^ence, who had now returned from Eng- 
land, in raising the siege of Trichinopoly. Law, who commanded 
the besiegers, would at once have retired from Trichinopoly but 
for the pressing and reiterated commands of M. Dupleix ; he 
was, however, compelled to abandon his camp and take up a new 
position in the island of Seringham, formed by the branches of 
the Cavery. Here he was closely besieged by the English, who 
had been strengthened by contingents from the Rajas of Tanjore 
and Mysore. Dupleix, aware of the danger to which Law was 
exposed, sent a large reinforcement to his relief under D'Auteuil, 
but Clive intercepted the convoy, forced D'Auteuil to retreat, at- 
tacked him in the fort to which he retired, and made him prisoner. 
Law was now in distress for want of provisions, his camp was 
cannonaded by the English, the troops of Chanda Sahib deserted 
in whole battalions, and the nabob himself, despairing of escape, 
yielded himself a prisoner to the Raja of Tanjore. Chanda 
Sahib's fate was lamentable ; a dispute arose between the allies 
respecting the possession of so important a captive, which the 
Tanjorine ended by causing him to be assassinated. The French 
army, left without resource, was forced to capitulate, and Mo- 
hammed All was again recognized as Nabob of the Carnatic. 

Lawrence was anxious to recover the rest of the province, 
especially the strong fortress of Gingee, but he was mortified to 
find that Mohammed Ali was by no means eager to second his 
exertions. In fact, the nabob had promised to surrender Trichi- 
nopoly to the Raja of Mysore as the price of his timely assist- 
ance ; he now refused to fulfil his agreement, and the English 
sanctioned his breach of faith. This gave so much offence to the 
rest of the allies, that they returned to their own homes, while the 
Mysoreans and Mahrattas opened negociations with the French. 

There were many circumstances which prevented Dupleix 
from being so much dispirited by these successive reverses as 
might have been expected, but none was of greater weight than 
the influence he possessed in the court of the viceroy of the 
Dekkan. Salabat-Jing owed his elevation to the French, and 
particularly to M. Bussy, by whose aid he had been enabled to 
defeat the machinations of his turbulent nobles. The Omrahs 
were so enraged against Bussy, that they insisted on his being 
dismissed ; a treacherous ambuscade was posted to intercept him 
as he returned to Pondicherry, but he defeated the assassins by 



104 COMMENCEMENT OF INTERCOURSE 

his personal strength and valour ; when this was told to the 
Nizam, he ordered Bussy to be recalled to his court, and invested 
him with the goveniment of the four provinces called the Northern 
Circars ; " thus," says Mr. Orme, " rendering the French masters 
of the sea-coast of Coromandel and Orissa, in an unintercepted 
line of six hundred miles, from Medapelly to the pagoda of Jug- 
gernaut," These provinces not only afforded lar^e pecuniary 
resources, but furnished means of receiving reinforcements from 
Pondicherry and the Mauritius, so as to encourage the French to 
hope for the establishment of their political sixpremacy through 
the Avhole extent of the Dekkan. 

It was resolved, not very wisely, by the Madras Presidency, 
that the first military operation undertaken should be the reduc- 
tion of Gingee. Lawrence strenuously opposed the enterprize, 
but, being forced by ill-health to return to Fort St. David, his 
successor sent a detachment against the fortress ; it was in- 
tercepted by the French in the mountainous defiles, and routed 
with great slaughter. Soon after, a body of Swiss, sent from 
Madras to strengthen the garrison of Fort St. David in open 
boats, was met by a French ship of war and forced to surrender. 
Lawrence, though imperfectly recovered, would no longer remain 
inactive ; he hastened into the field, and on his approach, the 
enemy, though superior in force, retreated behind the bound- 
hedge of Pondicherry. This hedge, which commonly forms a 
part of Indian fortifications, is formed of thorny plants, which 
grow very rapidly and, twining together, soon make a fence very 
difficult to be penetrated. Lawrence hesitated to attack the 
enemy thus protected ; he feigned a retreat, and retired in appa- 
rent confusion to Bahur. Dupleix gave immediate orders for a 
vigorous pursuit ; Lawrence only waited until they had advanced 
so far as to render an action inevitable ; he then formed his troops 
into two lines, and charged the hostile ranks with so much im- 
petuosity that they were at once broken. Had the nabob's 
cavalry done their duty not a man of the enemy would have 
escaped, but these horsemen of the Carnatic turned aside from 
the pursuit, for the more agreeable task of plundering the camp, 
and the remnant of the French obtained time to shelter themselves 
again behind the bound-hedge of Pondicherry. 

In the following campaign some new circumstances brought 
the hostile armies once more into the neighbourhood of Trichino- 



BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND INDIA. 105 

poly. Captain Dalton had been left with a garrison in Trichi- 
nopoly, but had great difficulty in defending himself from the 
machinations of the Mysoreans or Mahrattas, who wished to gain 
possession of the place as jjerfidiously as they had been deprived 
>f it. Their disputes at length led to open war. Dalton was 
blockaded in Trichinopoly, and he had the mortification to find that 
the care of furnishing the magazines which he had entrusted to 
the Mohammedan governor, had been so grossly neglected that, 
instead of having provisions for six months, the supply was little 
more than adequate for twice that number of days. Information 
of his danger was conveyed to Lawrence, who immediately 
marched to relieve Trichinopoly, the French army advanced in 
the same direction, and for more than twelve months, a series of 
skirmishes and indecisive engagements took place in the vicinity 
of Trichinopoly, which generally terminated in favour of the 
English. 

The French East India Company had now become weary of 
the expenses in which they were involved by the ambitious 
policy of Dupleix ; the French and English governments were 
also displeased that their respective companies should carry on 
war while they were at peace in Europe ; a conference was ap- 
pointed in London, and there all parties agreed to throw the 
blame upon Dupleix. The enterprising governor was recalled, 
and a treaty was then concluded, which threw into the hands of 
the English all the advantages resulting from the revolutions of 
the Dekkan. Soon afterwards, Bussy displeased Salabat Jing by 
his reluctance to carry on war against the jNIahrattas, who were 
in close alliance with the government of Pondicherry. The 
Nizam was so displeased that he dismissed his French officers 
and auxiliaries, soliciting the Presidency of Madras to supply 
their place with an English detachment. Circumstances, how- 
ever, occurred in a different part of India, which jn-evented the 
authorities at Madras from profiting by the favourable disposi- 
tions of the Nizam, and led to events which, though threatening 
in the commencement, finally opened the way for establishing a 
British empire in India, 



F 5 



106 



CHAPTER VI. 

ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY IN BENGAL 
AND THE CARNATIC. 

Notwithstanding the patent rights and privileges which 
had been conceded to the English by the Emperor of Delhi, they 
were prevented from extending their power or possessions by the 
pertinacious opposition of Jaffier Khan, the influential Subahdar, 
or Viceroy of Bengal. On his death, Shujah Khan, by the 
address of two brother adventurers, obtained possession of the 
viceroyalty, and in gratitude for their services, he bestowed the 
administration of the province of Bahar on the younger of the 
two, Alverdi Khan. On the death of Shujar, his son and suc- 
cessor, SerefFraz Khan, ill-treated the brothers to whom his 
father had been so largely indebted, upon which Alverdi Khan, 
having obtained a patent for the viceroyalty from the court of 
Delhi, marched against Sereffraz, and slew him in battle. Al- 
werdi had reduced the whole country to obedience, and was 
rapidly increasing its prosperity by the wisdom of his administra- 
tion, when the Mahrattas of Berar, having forced the passes of their 
mountain frontier, began to ravage the rich provinces of Bengal, 
Bahar and Orissa. During the fifteen years of his administra- 
tion, or rather reign, for his obedience to the court of Delhi was 
merely nominal, Alverdi was engaged in almost incessant wars 
with the Mahrattas and his own Patau or Afghan mercenaries, 
who seized every opportunity of attempting to coerce him into 
gratifying their cupidity. These circumstances prevented him 
from paying all the attention to the character and education of his 
family which he might otherwise have bestowed ; as he had no 
children, he selected for his heir the eldest son of his youngest 
nephew, on whom he bestowed the title of Suraj -ad-do wla. A 
worse choice could hardly have been made ; Suraja indulged 
himself in all the vices of an oriental prince, and allowed nothing 
to interfere with the gratification of his passions. 



i 



ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY. 107 

The first act of Suraj -ad-do wla was to plunder his uncles and 
aunts of all the treasures they had accumulated under the 
government of Alverdi ; while thus employed, he learned that 
the finance minister of his second uncle had escaped to Calcutta, 
and his demand that the fugitive should be sent back was 
peremptorily rejected. Suraja had always disliked the English ; 
he knew that Calcutta was badly governed, and he believed it to 
be immensely rich ; to gratify, therefore, at once his rage and 
his avarice, he directlj^ marched against the town, nor could all 
the remonstrances and submissions of the governor and council 
divert him from his purpose. 

After a hurried consultation, the governor and council of Cal- 
cutta resolved that the place was untenable, and prepared to 
make their escape on board the shipping. This was effected 
with such disgraceful precipitation, that one hundred and forty-six 
persons were left behind, exposed to the doubtful humanity of 
the Subahdar. Suraj -ad-dowla did not meditate cruelty, he 
promised the prisoners that not a hair of their heads should be 
touched, and then gave orders that they should be secured for 
the night. The Hindu guards placed them in a small, ill-venti- 
lated chamber, called " The Black Hole," where one hundred 
and thii'ty-one of them died from heat and suffocation before the 
morning. Intelligence of this calamity was conveyed to Madras, 
where Clive and Admiral Watson were fortunately present, and 
the forces intended to be sent to Salabat Jing were ordered to be 
got ready for the recovery of Calcutta. 

Clive had gone to England, where he was rewarded for his 
services by the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the royal army, and 
the appointment of deputy governor of Fort St. David. On his 
arrival at Bombay, where it was arranged that he should act in 
concert with the Mahrattas, in attacking Salabat Jing and ex- 
pelling the French from the Dekkan, he found that the peace of 
Southern India had been restored by the events recorded in the 
conclusion of the preceding chapter, and he therefore resolved to 
reduce the pirate Angria, whose depredations had inflicted severe 
injuries on the English trade. Watson commanded the fleet, and 
Clive the land forces in this expedition ; they sailed to Gheriah, 
Angria's capital, which was situated on a rocky promontory 
nearly surrounded by the sea, and defended by a fort of extra- 
ordinary strength. Notwithstanding these advantages, Gheriah 



\ 



108 ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

was taken after a very ineffective resistance. The fort was 
retained by the English, in contravention of the terms under 
vv^hich they were engaged to co-operate with the Mahrattas, whom 
they contrived to anticipate in a mutually-projected scheme of 
deception. 

Notwithstanding the fame which he deseri'edly obtained by 
this exploit, Clive found some difficulty in obtaining the com- 
mand of the expedition designed to recover Calcutta. After 
two months had been spent in dispute, his appointment was 
finally sanctioned ; his authority was declared to be independent 
of that of the Presidency of Calcutta, and he received strict orders 
to return to Madras as soon as the objects of his mission should 
be accomplished. Clive found little difficulty in retaking Cal- 
cutta ; the garrison scarcely resisted the cannonade from the 
shipping for two hours, when they evacuated the place. The 
merchandize belonging to the Company was found mostly un- 
touched, because it had been reserved for the Subahdar, but the 
houses of individuals were totally plundered. This success was 
followed by the capture of Hoogly, a wealthy city about twenty- 
five miles higher up the river, an event which so enraged the 
Subahdar that he returned to besiege Calcutta. Clive resolved 
to surprise him in his camp, and though this bold attempt failed, 
if produced such an effect on the mind of the Subahdar, that he 
concluded a treaty with the English, and two days after, entered 
into an alliance with them, offensive and defensive. An attack 
was next made on the French settlement at Chandernagore, 
which was taken after a brief resistance, before tbe Subahdar, 
who had prohibited such an attempt, could elTect-Ually interfere. 
Clive had now effected more than what had been originally 
intended, and the time had come when, according to his instruc- 
tions, he was bound to return with the army to Madras. 

But Clive had now formed plans for establishing the British 
influence in Bengal on a pei'manent basis. jMir Jaffier, who had 
married the sister of Alverdi Khan, had organized a conspiracy 
against Suraj-ad-dowla, and by a promise of immense bribes 
to the English generals and members of council, he secured their 
co-operation in his traitorous attempts. The war with the 
Subahdar was renewed, and Clive took the field ; as he advanced 
he was surprised at not being joined by Mir Jaffier, but he received 
a letter from that nobleman, stating that he could not move 



IN BENGAL AND THE CARNATIC. 109 

in consequence of the awakened suspicions of the i^uhahdar, hut 
that, if the English proceeded and hazarded an engagement, he 
would desert to them on the day of battle. 

Clive called a council of war, in which it was resolved not to 
hazard a battle, but after the council had separ&,ted, further 
reflection led him to change his mind ; he crossed the river, and 
at about one o'clock in the morning of the 22nd of June, took 
up his position in the grove of Plassy. 

dive's forces amounted to little more than three thousand 
men, about one-third being Europeans ; his artillery consisted 
of eight six pounders and two small howitzers. The Subahdar 
advanced against this handful of men, with fifty thousand foot, 
eighteen thousand horse, and fifty pieces of cannon. At eight 
in the morning the battle commenced, and continued until five 
in the afternoon, but was nothing more than a distant and irre- 
gular cannonade. Mir Jaffier was seen moving off with his 
troops, at the moment that Qive was advancing to charge'; "both 
events^'so lenified the Subahdar, that he fled from the field on a 
fleet camel, accompanied by his attendants : no further resistance 
was made, and the English took possession of the hostile camp, 
having lost no more than eighty men in killed and wounded. 
Never, perhaps, before had the fate of a mighty kingdom been 
decided in so feeble an engagement. 

On the following morning, a message M'as received from Mir 
Jaffier, declaring that he and many of the Omrahs waited for the 
commands of the conqueror. Clive invited him to his quarters, 
whither the Mir went rather reluctantly, as he feared that the 
English general might reproach him, for not having joined him 
with the promised aid previous to the battle. His apprehensionis 
were soon dispelled, Clive received Mir Jaffier with the greatest 
kindness, and entrusted him with the charge of proceeding to the 
capital, in order to prevent the escape of Suraj-ad-Dowla and 
the removal of his treasure. 

The unfortunate Subahdar had fled fi.-om the field of battle to 
Moorshedabad, and sought shelter in his palace. He found 

himself 

" Deserted at his utmost need, 

By those his former bounty fed," 

no friend or partisan appeared to join him, so that when Mir 
Jaffier approached, he fled in disguise from the city, hoping to 



110 ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

make his escape to the French in Bahar. The rowers of his 
boat were soon worn out by fatigue ; they stopped at Raj Mahl, 
where the unfortunate Suraj-ad-Dowla was recognized by a man 
whom he had formerly treated with great cruelty ; he was seized 
and delivered over to Mir Jaffier, who placed him under the 
custody of his son. The son, a brutal and ferocious prince, 
caused him to be assassinated. 

Clive arrived at Moorshedabad on the 2.>th of June ; a meet- 
ting was held, to confer about the sums which Mir Jaffier had 
consented to pay in restitution to the Presidency, and in presents 
to the civil and military officers, but the chief officer of finance 
declared that the whole of the late Subahdar's treasures were 
inadequate to meet the demand. Tliis intelligence was equally 
painful and unexpected, but the most stringent enquiry only 
confirmed its truth. It was at last agreed that one half of the 
money should be paid immediately, and the remainder in three 
equal payments in three years. In this partition of plunder, a 
piece of consummate, but not unmerited, treachery was practised 
upon a Hindu merchant, wliich must not be passed over without 
notice. One of the principal agents in the plot against Suraj- 
ad-Dowla, was Omichund, the owner of a large property in Cal- 
cutta, but who had attached himself to the court of ^Moorsheda- 
bad. He was the principal agent in conducting the negociations 
between Mir Jaffier and the English ; he was thus master of the 
secrets of both, and he resolved to profit by his position. When 
every thing was prepared for action, he waited on Mr. Watts, 
the Company's agent at the factory of Casimbazar, and threatened 
to reveal the whole secret, unless he was assured of a donation 
of thirty lacs of rupees, equivalent to about £350,000. It was 
necessary to promise compliance with this exorbitant demand, 
for the rejection of it would have been followed by the murder 
of all the Company's servants at Casimbazar, the destruction of 
Mir Jaffier with all his family and adherents, and the frustration 
of all the great projects which the English had fonned. Lured 
by the expectation of so large a bribe, Omichvmd continued to 
divert the suspicions which the unfortunate Subahdar had formed 
of Mir Jaffier's fidelity, and thus led him blindibld to his ruin. 
Omichund now claimed the stipulated reward of his treachery, 
but he learned to his great surprise, that two treaties with Mir 
Jaffier had been drawn up and signed ; one in which satisfaction 



IN BENGAL AND THE CARNATIC. Ill 

should be provided for Omichund, and which he should see ; 
another, and that which should be really executed, in which 
he was not named.* When Omichund, at the final settlement, 
was informed of the trick that had been played upon him, 
he fainted away. It is added, that he lost his reason, and 
was from that moment insane ; but this statement is probably 
exaggerated. 

After the arrangements with Mir JafRcr had been concluded, 
Major Coote was sent with a strong detachment to expel the 
French from Bahar, and to reduce the governor of that province 
to the obedience of the Subahdar. The troops were forwarded 
in boats, so wretchedly manned and equipped that their progress 
was both slow and hazardous ; Coote disembarked, and attempted 
to push forward by land, but the European portion of his forces 
broke out in a dangerous mutiny. The result of these delays 
was tIiaF,loifg befbre'Coote "could reach Patna, the French having 
been amply supplied with every thing necessary to their con- 
venience, retired to Oude, where they met a ready reception, 
and fresh instructions arrived from Clive, which led to an amica- 
ble arrangement with the Governor of Bahar. 

Although Mohammed AH, whom the English had made 
nabob, was without a rival in the Carnatic, he received but a 
very small share of its revenues, and was, consequently, unable 
to pay the stipulated subsidies to the government of Madras. 
The forces of that presidency had been greatly diminished by 
'the sending of the armament to Calcutta, and Clive refused to 
send any of the soldiers back, though war now ragedT between 
FranSr arid England, a;nd a fleet was daily expected with rein- 
forceraients to the French" iiiPondicherry. Under these circum- 
sfarices,' the president and council of Madras adopted a general 
resolution to remain inactive, from which, however, they soon 
swerved, by directing Captain Calliaud, the governor of Trichi- 
nopoly, to attempt the reduction of Madura and Tinevelly, which 
were supposed to be capable of yielding large pecuniary supplies. 
Calliaud, who was a brave and enterprising officer, made the 
best preparation his inadequate means would admit, for the 
reduction of both places, but when he came before INIadura, he 

* To the honour of Admiral Watson it sliould be recorded, that he re- 
fused to be a party to this treachery. He would not put his name to the 
false treaty, and the committee forged his signature. 



112 ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

found the place much stronger than he had anticipated, and after 
an ineffectual attempt to take it by storm, he resolved to wait 
for his battering cannon. An expedition against Vellore was 
similarly circumstanced, but before artillery could be furnished, 
it was necessary to recall the detachment to Madras. 

The government of Pondicherry had resolved to wait for the 
arrival of the forces which they expected from Europe, but when 
they saw the English so largely employed, and their small army 
dispersed over so wide a space, they resolved to avail themselves 
of the advantages offered them by fortune. Carefully masking 
their intentions, they collected all their available strength, and 
when they were least expected, presented themselves before Trichi- 
nopoly. The garrison, deprived of the troops which had been sent 
against Madura, were insufficient to guard the walls, and they 
had five hundred French prisoners in the fort. Intelligence of 
the danger to which Trichinopoly was exposed, reached Calliaud 
before Madura. He immediately raised the siege, and marched 
for Trichinopoly, where an army five times the number of his 
own, waited his approach. On one side of the town was a large 
plain, seven miles in extent, consisting of rice-fields covered with 
water, which the French had neglected, believing it to be im- 
passable. But nothing could daunt the spirit of Calliaud's 
troops, wearied as they were by their forced march from Madura, 
they made their way through the rice-fields, up to their knees in 
mud, and formed a junction with the garrison. The French 
commander, astonished at the news of their entrance, and 
despairing of success, marched away from Pondicherry on the 
following day. 

Several petty operations were undertaken by the French and 
English, with little advantage to either side. Colonel Aldercron 
was sent with a detachment against Wandewash ; he took the 
town, but was unable to capture the fort, before the return of the 
French from Trichinopoly compelled him to retreat. At his 
departure he set fire to the defenceless town, an outrage which 
the French revenged by burning Conjeveram. A third power 
soon appeared to claim a share in the plunder of the Carnatic ; 
a powerful Mahratta army passed the frontiers, to claim payment 
of the chotit or annual tribute which they levied on the chief 
princes of India, and the English government found it necessary 
to comply with their demands. Calliaud renewed his attack on 



IN BENGAL AND THE CARNATIC. 113 

Madura, but, finding himself unable to take it by storm, he pur- 
chased its surrender by a large bribe to the garrison. The French 
and English troops, without engaging in any great enterprize, 
continued to make incursions upon each other, and to devastate 
mutually the unhappy country. " These operations," says Mr. 
Orme, " being always levelled at defenceless villages, carried the 
reproach of robbery more than the reputation of war." Events, 
however, were in progress, which soon changed the character of 
the war, and rendered it, on each side, a desperate struggle for 
existence. 

Upon the breaking out of the war between France and England 
in 1756, the French ministry resolved to strike an important blow 
in India. The Count de Lally was appointed to the chief com- 
mand ; he was descended from one of the Irish families, which had 
been compelled to emigrate at the revolution in consequence of 
their having adhered to the cause of the Stuarts, and he was 
therefore aniraatt-d by a bitter hatred of British ascendancy, which 
had crushed both his country and hiu creed. At the battle of 
Fontenoy he took several English officers prisoners with his own 
hand, and was raised to the rank of colonel by King Louis him- 
self on the field of battle. He was accompanied to India by his 
own Irish regiments, composed of the best troops in the service 
of France, by fifty of the royal artillery, and by several officers 
of great distinction. Although he lost more than four hundred 
men during the voyage, by a malignant fever caught at Brest, he 
was so confident in his strength that lie resolved to open the 
campaign with the siege of Fort St. Da\id, before which he left 
his fleet, while he proceeded to Pondichurry in order to collect 
and bring up the land forces of the Presidency. Here he found 
his first great difficulty in the deplorable ignorance of the French 
governor and council ; they could give him no information of the 
condition of the English, nor of the state of the towns along the 
coast ; they furnished him with unskilful guides, and an inadequate 
supply of provisions, so that his forces, when be arrived before Fort 
St. David, were quite worn down with hunger and fatigue. This 
gave them a motive and an apology for comniencing a system of 
plunder and insubordination, from which they could not be easily 
recalled. A more serious interruption to his plans was the arrival 
of an English squadron under Admiral Pococke, which, though 
inferior in force, at once proceeded to attack the French at their 



114 ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

station off Cuddalore. The engagement terminated to the advan- 
tage of the English, but, as their ships were superior in sailing, 
they all escaped with the exception of one which was driven on 
shore. 

Notwithstanding these disadvantages, Lally commenced the 
siege of Fort St. David, which he pushed forward with the most 
ardent spirit. The place was wretchedly defended ; the greater 
part of the ammunition was wasted in a distant cannonade, and 
the fleet, notwithstanding its success, made no attempt to throw 
in any relief. At length, after a month's siege, the English capi- 
tulated on the 1st of June, 1758. The officers and soldiers re- 
mained prisoners of war, but the fortifications were destroyed 
and levelled to the ground. Lally then sent a detachment 
against Devi-Cotah ; at its approach the garrison evacuated the 
place, and retired in the utmost trepidation to Trichinopoly. 

In the meantime the judicious policy of Bussy had established 
the temporary supremacy of the French in the Dekkan. After 
having forced the Nizam and his Omrahs to submit to his terms, 
by his brilliant defence of his position at Hyderabad in 1756, 
Bussy proceeded to the Northern Circars, for the purpose of 
collecting the revenues of these provinces at the point of the 
bayonet. Few of the Polygars, or local chiefs, ventured to re- 
sist his progress. The Polygar of Bohilee, however, defended his 
fort to the last extremity ; and when no furtlier hope of protract- 
ing resistance remained, he set fire to the fortress, the garrison of 
which slew themselves rather than yield to the enemy. The 
English establishments in the Circars, induding the important 
settlement of Vizagapatam, surrendered almost at discretion, but 
it is creditable to Bussy that he treated his prisoners with the 
greatest kindness and consideration. From these labours he was 
called to protect the Nizam from the results of a revolution which 
threatened him in his capital. Contrary to the prudent advice of 
Bussy, Salabat Jing had entrusted his two brothers with the 
government of important provinces, and in particular had bestow- 
ed upon Nizam Ali, the younger and more dangerous of the two, 
Berar, the most exte nsive province of the Dekkan, Taking ad- 
vantage of a dangeious mutiny of the troops, Nizam Ali pre- 
sented himself before his humbled brother, Salabat Jing, and 
offered to ensure lu s safety, provided he were recognized as heir 
to the government., and entrusted with the custody of the Nizam's 



IN BENGAL AND THE CARNATIC. 115 

great seal. Salabat Jing was forced to comply, and Nizam All 
transferred the seal to his brother, Bassalat Jing, having first 
taken security that it would be used agreeably to his directions. 

On receiving intelligence of these events, Bussy made a forced 
march to Aurungabad by a road which had never before been 
travelled by European troops ; his presence disconcerted the 
plans which had been formed for the dethronement of Salabat 
Jing, and Bussy having soon after secured himself by obtaining 
possession of the celebrated fortress of Dowlatabad, assumed the 
complete dictation of the Nizam's policy. One of the turbulent 
brothers was slain in a scuffle, and Nizam All was so alarmed 
that he fled northwards, leaving Salabat Jing in full possession 
of his recovered authority. Both the Nizam and Bussy were 
equally aware that the permanence of this state of things could 
only be ensured by the continuance of the French at Aurunga- 
bad : they were therefore equally surprised and annoyed when 
Lally sent an imperious order, that Bussy and his troops should 
immediately join him to carry out the schemes which he had 
formed for the complete overthrow of the British empire in India. 
Lally's gigantic plans were impeded by want of money, and 
he adopted the most desperate courses to obtain an immediate 
supply. The government of Pondicherry had a dubious claim 
on the King of Tanjore for five millions of rupees ; Lally resolved 
to enforce payment, and as there were not sufficient numbers of 
the lower caste in Pondicherry to perform the servile operations 
necessary in a camp, he pressed all the citizens without distinc- 
tion, or regard to Hindu prejudice, and compelled them to carry 
burdens and perform whatever labour might be required. Nor 
was he less harsh in his conduct to the Europeans ; he attributed 
their refusal to supply his large demands for funds and supplies, 
to dishonesty and misconduct, displaying so little prudence as 
incessantly to declare these opinions in the most pointed and 
offensive terms which his language could supply. Such proceed- 
ings rendered him in a short time odious to every class of men in 
the colony, precluded all possibility of cordial co-operation, and 
destroyed all chance of a tolerable management of their common 
concerns. 

From the teiTor of the Natives, the alienation of the Europeans, 
and the want of money, no part of the equipment of the expedi- 
tion against Tanjore, was complete in any one of its particulars. 



116 ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

During its progress the Pagoda of Kiveloor was stormed, but 
none of the wealth it was reputed to contain could be found, 
which so enraged Lally that he ordered six of the Brahmins 
belonging to the temple to be seized, and as if they had been 
convicted spies, to be blown to pieces from the muzzles of his 
cannon. The siege of Tanjore was commenced, but want of 
ammunition prevented the French from making a rapid progress, 
and Calliaud twice relieved the place by detachments from Tri- 
chinopoly. Still a vigorous assault might have been successful, 
but before it could be attempted, intelligence was received that 
an English fleet had arrived off Carical, whence the besiegers 
derived their supplies. A council of war was held, and a reso- 
lution taken to raise the siege. This was soon discovered by 
the garrison of Tanjore ; they sallied out, and severely harassed 
the rear of the retreating French, who had great difficulty in 
reaching Carical, where they found the English fleet anchored at 
the mouth of the river. Lally's hopes now rested on the French 
fleet, which was numerically stronger than that of the English, 
but in an engagement off Carical, which lasted about an hour, 
the French admiral was so roughly handled, that he was forced 
to sheer off and make all sail for Pondicherry ; and thence, 
in spite of the most urgent remonstrances, he departed to the 
Mauritius. 

Still resolved to besiege Madras, Lally made himself master of 
Arcot, where he failed to procure the supplies which he had 
expected, and what was scarcely less injurious to his cause, he 
neglected to sieze Chinglapet while it lay defenceless, thus giving 
his adversaries time to fortify a possession essential to the supply 
of the garrison. After many vexatious delays, he arrived before 
Madras, and took possession of the Black Town. The unity 
wanting in the councils of the besiegers, was maintained in 
Madras by the abilities of Governor Pigot and the veteran Law- 
rence ; still the weak defences might probably have yielded to 
the vigorous efforts of Lally, who, though opposed and impeded 
by his officers, was zealously supported by the soldiery, had not 
a reinforcement arrived from Bombay at a most critical moment, 
February 16th, 1759. "Words," says Lally, "are inadequate 
to express the effect which the appearance of these reinforcements 
produced. The officer who commanded in the trenches deemed 
it even inexpedient to wait for the landing of the enemy, and 



IN BENGAL AND THE CARNATIC. 117 

two hours before receiving orders, retired from his post. So 
precipitate was the retreat, that the sick and wounded were 
abandoned to the English, who treated them with all the care 
which the laws of war and humanity imperatively prescribe. • 

Reinforcements to both parties arrived from Europe, but the 
French fleet having been defeated in an indecisive naval engage- 
ment, returned to the Mauritius. Colonel Coote, who had come 
out with the new armament to take the command of the English, 
opened the campaign with the capture of Wandewash. Lally 
hastened to recover this important place, and Coote permitted 
him to exhaust the strength of his men in constructing approaches, 
until everything was ready for an assault. The English then 
advanced by a rapid march, which gave them the great advantage 
of being able to choose their ground before Lally could form 
his lines. At the very commencement of the action, the French 
cavalry, after having advanced a few paces, fled as if seized by a 
sudden panic, without striking a blow. Lally brought up his 
infantry, but permitted his men to exhaust themselves by open- 
ing fire at such a distance that their shot was ineffectual. As 
the column approached, it was received by the opposite English 
regiment with a close and murderous discharge ; but pressing 
forward by its own weight, it broke through the opposing bat- 
talion. This apparent success was fatal ; the severed ranks of 
the English overlapped the flanks of the assailing column, and 
completely destroyed it by close and repeated volleys. A panic 
seized the whole French line ; their entrenchments were carried 
at the point of the bayonet ; Bussy, who attempted to recover 
them, was dismounted and made prisoner ; it was no longer a 
battle, but a rout. The cavalry, which had behaved so badly in 
the action, protected the retreat with great gallantry, so that 
Lally was enabled to carry off his wounded and his light baggao-e, 
but his artillery, munitions of war, and heavy baggage, were 
abandoned to the victors. Had Coote immediately advanced 
against Pondicherry, the settlement wo\ild probably have fallen, 
so disheartened were the French and so divided were their 
councils. 

The English marched from Wandewash to besiege Arcot, 
taking Cheitapet on their road. Arcot made but a feeble resist- 
ance ; it capitulated when two breaches, neither of them practi- 
cable, had been made. Gingee was abandoned at the same 



118 ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

time, and Lally took up a position at Valdore, in order to keep 
open the communications of Pondichcrry with the southern 
districts, from which alone provisions could be obtained. The 
French army was absolutely without equipments, stores, and 
provisions ; Lally repaired to Pondicherry to obtain supplies, 
but the council of the presidency were unwilling, or unable, to 
afford him any effectual relief, and their mutual recriminations 
increased the distracted state of their affairs. Coote steadily 
pursued his victorious career. Timery surrendered after a feeble 
resistance ; Devi-Cotah was abandoned ; the Forts of Trinco- 
malee, Pennacoil, and Alamparva, were taken with little difficulty. 
It was expected that Carical, the chief naval possession of the 
French, would have made a very obstinate defence, but it was 
surrendered almost on the first summons ; Valdore, Chiilarabaram, 
and Cuddalore were taken about the same time, so that on 
May the 1st, 1760, the French were confined to the bounds of 
Pondicherry, and the English encamped within four miles of 
the town. Large reinforcements arrived from England, in- 
creasing the fleet to the amount of seventeen sail of the line, and 
adding greatly to the European part of Coote's army. Lally, as 
a last resource, applied for assistance to Hyder Ali, who had 
at this time become master of the resources of the kingdom of 
Mysore ; Hyder sent an auxiliary force to his aid, which defeated 
an English detachment that attempted to intercept their march. 
But the i\Iysoreans were soon discouraged by the wretched con- 
dition in which they found the affairs of the French, and having 
received information that their presence was required by an 
emergency at home, they quitted their camp in the night, and 
returned to Mysore. 

Eight months had now elapsed since the total discomfiture of 
the French at Wandewash, during which time the intrepid Lally 
had contrived to deter the English from forming the siege of 
Pondicherry ; even now, abandoned by the IMysoreans, and 
thwarted by his own countrymen, he formed a plan for surprising 
the English which displayed great judgment and sagacity. Four 
bodies were formed to attack the English camp in the night, and 
had they acted in complete concert, the issue would have been 
very doubtful ; but one of the divisions fell behind its time, and 
disconcerted the operations of the remainder : the French were 
repulsed, and their condition rendered worse than ever. 






IN BENGAL AND THE CARNATIC. 119 

At this critical moment, a commission arrived from England, 
giving the command of the forces to Monson and superseding 
Coote, who was ordered to Bengal. The council of Madras wished 
to delay the execution of these orders, but Coote at once resigned 
the command to Monson, and even permitted him to retain the 
services of his own regiment. Monson 's first operation was to 
force the bound-hedge of Pondicherry ; the plan was badly 
executed, and a considerable loss was incurred. Monson him- 
self was so severely wounded as to be rendered incapable of 
active exertion, he, therefore, united with the council in soliciting 
Coote, who had not yet sailed for Bengal, to resume the com- 
mand of the army. 

Coote's return gave the greatest pleasure to the soldiers ; 
under his guidance they executed all the fatiguing operations 
necessary to complete the investment of Pondicherry, while 
Lally made the best use of his post, in the Fort of Ariancopang, 
to annov the besiegers and obtain provisions for the town. The 
blockade was rigidly maintained during the rainy season, at the 
termination of which, batteries were erected for an active siege. 
On the night of the 30th of December, all the labours of the 
English were nearly frustrated by one of the most terrific hurri- 
canes remembered in India. Three ships of war foundered, by 
which eleven hundred lives were lost ; the tents were rent to frag- 
ments, the works blown down, and the whole camp thrown into 
confusion. Fortunately the tempest was accompanied by an inun- 
dation, which prevented the French from profiting by the disasters 
of the English ; and Coote used such diligence in repairing the 
works, that the trenches were openad on the 12th of January, 
1761. Two days afterwards, the pi'ace capitulated, the whole 
garrison and civil establishment remaining prisoners of war. 
The English were so much astonished a.t their own success, that 
they did not well know what to do with their new acquisition ; 
Coote and the military officers claimed Pondicherry for the 
I crown ; Governor Pigot asserted that it belonged of right to the 
'Company, and declared that no money should be advanced for 
the troops, until the Company's officers received possession of it. 
Coote, after solemnly protesting against the mi"!asure, gave way : 
possession was taken of Pondicherry in the nam es of the Direc- 
tors ; and, according to orders previously recei (''ed from home, 
aU its fortifications were destroyed. 



120 ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY. 

The capture of Theagur, Gingee, and Mahe, completed the 
total annihilation of the French empire in India; the intelligence 
excited great commotion in France, and the Directors had the 
art to turn the whole of the popular indignation against the 
brave, but unfortimate, Lally. On his arrival in Plurope he was 
seized and thrown into the Bastille, from whence, as a place too 
honourable for him, he was removed to the common prison. He 
was granted the mockery of a trial before the parliament of Paris, 
convicted, and sentenced to an ignominious death. With inde- 
cent precipitation he was executed that very day. He was 
dragged through the streets of Paris in a common dung-cart, 
and, to prevent him from addressing the people, a gag was forced 
into his mouth, so large that it projected beyond his lips. At 
a later period, full justice was done to the memory of this calum- 
niated victim ; his persecutors derived little advantage from the 
crime, — the French East India Company did not long survive this 
last display of imbecility and injustice. 



i 



121 



CHAPTER VII. 

FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN 
INDIA TO THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALL 

When Mir Jaffier had obtained the great object of his ambi- 
tion, the viceroyalty of Bengal, he found that he was in a far 
more difficult and unpleasant position than that which he had 
occupied before his elevation : his treasury was exhausted ; he 
had promised immense sums to the English which he was alto- 
gether unable to pay ; the chiefs whom he had seduced from 
their allegiance to Suraj -ad-do wla, were indignant because their 
rebellion had not produced such rich fruits as they had expected ; 
and the pay of his troops was in arrear. Under such circum- 
stances, it was impossible for any man to give perfect satisfaction 
to all parties, and Mir Jaffier's character was not the best suited 
to the difficult circumstances in which he was placed. In fact, 
had it not been for the guiding influence of Clive's superior 
mind, and the judicious manner in which he employed the 
authority which Mir Jaffier's failure to pay his debts had placed 
in the hands of the president and council, the viceroy must soon 
have effected his own ruin. In nothing was Clive's sagacity 
more clearly displayed, than in his preventing the viceroy from 
effecting the destruction of the Hindu agents of his government, 
who were the best ministers he could have procured, though he 
viewed them with jealousy and suspicion. 

Alverdi Khan, aware of the turbulent spirit of the adventurers 
from Persia and Afghanistan, who were usually the chief minis- 
ters and officers under the Mohammedan princes of India, 
adopted the wise policy of promoting the Hindus, who, though 
less enterprising, were also less dangerous. He entrusted Ram- 
narain, one of this race, with the important government of Berar ; 
another Hindu, Dooloob Ram, held the office of Dewan, or super- 
intendent of the finances ; while the celebrated family of the Sets 
of Jvloorshedabad, who by merchandize and banking had acquired 

G 



122 FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

the wealth of princes, shared in his councils, and influenced the 
operations of his government. Mir JafRer resolved to change 
this policy, and though he had been under the deepest obligations 
to Dooloob Ram, he resolved to commence with the destruction 
of that minister. His preliminary steps, however, provoked 
insurrections on every side, and he had no means of averting the 
danger with which he was threatened, but by invoking the aid of 
the Eno-lish. On his arrival at Moorshedabad, Clive effected at 
least a formal reconciliation between Mir JafRer and Dooloob 
Ram ; the insurgents were reduced to obedience, and the viceroy 
hoped that he might be able to remove Ramnarain from the 
government of Berar. Clive did not directly oppose this project, 
but he accompanied the viceroy's army into Berar, and prevented 
the commission of any act of hostility. The Subahdar of Oude, 
a French auxiliary force under Mr. Law, and a body of Mahratta 
marauders, being about to invade the province, Clive convinced 
the viceroy that a reconciliation with the Ramnarain was essen- 
tial to his safety, and induced him, though very reluctantly, to 
abandon his machinations against that chieftain. At the same 
time be obtained for the English a lease of the saltpetre mono- 
poly, which formed a principal part of the commerce of Bengal. 
He offered, indeed, the highest rent which the government had 
ever yet received, but Mir JafRer was very unwilling to lose his 
chance of extorting presents from a tenant placed at his mercy, 
and would not have signed the lease, but for the pressing neces- 
sity of his circumstances. 

On his return to ]\Ioorshedabad, Clive received intelligence of 
the indecisive engagement between the English and French fleets 
on the Coast of Coromandel, and the investment of Fort St. David. 
Concealing the latter circumstance, he spread a report that the 
Eno-lish had won a decisive victory, and then hastened to Cal- 
cutta, where the critical state of affairs required his presence. He 
found there that a new instrument of government had arrived, 
nominating a council of ten, and appointing four governors, each 
to preside three months in rotation. Clive's name was not men- 
tioned in the new arrangements, but the gentlemen to conduct 
the administration, unanimously resolved that he alone had suffi- 
cient authority to compel Mir Jaffier to perform his obligations. 
They invited Clive to accept the office of President, and soon 
found that by so doing they only anticipated the fresh instruc- 



TO THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALL 123 

tions which were sent out when intelligence of the battle of 
Plassy reached England. 

The intrigues of j\Iir JafRer and his son Meeran, for the destruc - 
tion of Dooloob Ram were renewed ; they were seconded by 
Nuncomar, a Hindu, who had risen into high employments under 
the government of the Subahdars, and at length Clive was ob- 
liired to give Dooloob Ram shelter in Calcutta to save him from 
destruction. More active interference in behalf of the injured 
minister, was prevented by intelligence of the disasters which the 
English had met in the Carnatic, where Fort St. David was taken 
and Madras threatened with a siege. Clive resolved not to send 
any of his forces to Madras, but, at the same time, he engaged in 
an enterprize likely to effect a diversion in favour of that presi- 
dency, and, at the same time, highly advantageous to the govern- 
ment of Bengal. 

Raja Anumderaz, one of the Polygars in the northern Circars, 
was greatly displeased at the conditions on which Bussy had 
granted him the investiture of his government, and, on the 
departure of that gentleman to support Salabat Jing against 
his rebellious relatives, the Raja attacked and took the French 
settlement at Vizigapatam. He then sent to the Presidency of 
Madras, offering to surrender his new acquisition to the English, 
provided that they would send him a body of troops to aid in the 
reduction of the Circars. The authorities of Madras were, at the 
time, too seriously alarmed by the progress of Lally to undertake 
any distant enterprize, and the Raja next made application to 
Clive. In spite of the unanimous opposition of the council, 
CEve at once concluded a treaty with Anumderaz, and despatched 
a large armament under Colonel Forde to his assistance. The 
Raja was in the condition of most Indian princes at the time ; he 
was believed by the Europeans to be immensely rich, but, in 
reality, was miserably poor. Forde's operations were, therefore, 
much retarded by want of money, and he found great difficulty 
in obtaining a moderate supply. Being joined by the Raja, 
Forde advanced against the French, who, with superior forces 
under M. Conflans, occupied a strong position at Rajamundri. 
Forde, who was worthy to be joined with ClivCj gave orders for 
an immediate attack, and though he was deserted by Anumderaz, 
who remained during the battle cowering in a hollow tank, pro- 
tected from shot, he defeated the French completely, took posses- 

G 2 



124 FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

sion of their camp, and drove them from Rajamundri. The reluc- 
tance of the Raja to fulfij his pecuniary engagements, prevented 
Forde from immediately profiting by his distinguished success. 
After a long and vexatious delay, the English again began to move, 
and I\I. Confliuis, afraid to meet them in the open field, threw him- 
self into the strong fort of Masulipatam. Forde summoned the 
place, but the French treated his pretensions with ridicule ; the 
defenders within were more numerous than the besiegers, both in 
their European and native force ; a considerable army of observa- 
tion was left in the field ; Salabat Jing was on his march to their 
aid with the grand army of the Dekkan ; and a large reinforce- 
ment was expected from Pondicherry. Under all these disadvan- 
tat^es, Forde resolved to attempt a siege, though his troops were 
in mutiny for want of pay, and his store of ammunition very 
scanty. He kept up a hot fire from the 2oth of March to the 
6th of April, 1759, when his engineers reported that there was 
not enough of ammunition left to supply the batteries for two 
days, and, at the same time, intelligence was received that the 
French army of observation was on the point of effecting a junc- 
tion with the approaching forces of the Dekkan. Under these ap- 
parently desperate circumstances, Forde resolved to hazard an 
assault. The batteries were directed to keep up as hot a fire as 
possible during the entire of the day, and the troops were directed 
to be under arms at ten that night. Forde divided his little force 
into three divisions, and led them at midnight under the walls of 
the fort. As no such enterprize had been expected, the as- 
sailants gained the palisades of the ditch before they were dis- 
covered ; a heavy fire was then opened on them which sadly 
thinned their ranks, but they pressed forward with undaunted 
energy, until they gained the ramparts, when, wheeling to the 
right and left, they stormed bastion after bastion with an impe- 
tuosity which bore down all opposition. Surprised, confused, 
and terafied by the sound of firing in different and opposite 
quarters, the French surrendered at discretion just as dawn began 
to appear. When the sun rose they found, to their mortification, 
that in Europeans and disciplined Sepoys they considerably out- 
numbered their captors. 

The effect of this, the most brilliant achievement of the war, 
was great and immediate. Salabat Jing at once entered into a 
treaty with Forde, ceding INIasulipatam to the English, and con- 
senting to banish the French for ever from his dominions ; the 



TO THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALL 125 

reinforcement from Pondicherry arrived too late, and having 
vainly endeavoured to perform some useful service, returned 
back, after having endured very severe privations. 

A new danger in the mean time menaced Bengal ; Alumgir TI. 
Emperor of Delhi, instigated by those who were dissatisfied with 
the government of Mir Jafiier, granted to his son the investiture 
of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, and the young prince assembled a 
powerful army to assert his rights. Had Ramnarain, the crafty 
ruler of Berar, joined the imperial forces, the power of Mir 
JafRer and of the English would have been greatly endangered, 
but the cunning Hindu temporized until he could discover which 
party had the fairer chance of success ; a visit to the imperial 
camp convinced him that the prince was not suited to the 
struggle he had undertaken, and he therefore closed the gates of 
Patna. The imperial forces besieged the place ; Clive hastened 
to its assistance, but before he arrived the prince's allies had 
turned their arms against each other ; the Subahdar of Oude 
having seized the fortress of Allahabad, and afterwards murdered 
its rightful owner, whom he had invited to trust himself to his 
generosity. The desertion of one ally and the murder of another, 
reduced the heir of the once mighty empire of Delhi to such dis- 
tress, that he was induced to write a letter to Clive, requesting a 
sum of money for his subsistence, and promising in requital to 
withdraw from the province. The terms were granted, and all 
danger was removed. Mir Jaffier was so grateful for his deli- 
verance, that he conferred upon Clive the rank of a chief Omrah 
of the empire, and bestowed upon him, as a jaghire, or estate, 
the rent which the Company was bound to pay for the lands 
round Calcutta. This splendid grant amounted to the enormous 
sum of thirty thousand pounds a-year. 

Clive returned to Calcutta, where he was joined by Forde just 
in time to meet the danger of another emergency. Although 
there was peace between England and Holland, the Dutch were 
exceedingly jealous of the progress which the English had made 
in Bengal ; an armament was prepared in Batavia, destined to 
form a counterpoise to the English power in that province. It 
consisted of seven ships, having on board seven hundred Euro- 
peans and eight hundred Malays. Clive obtained an order 
from Mir Jaffier, that the Dutch should not land, but this they 
disregarded ; they entered the Hoogley, and put their forces on 
store within a few miles of Calcutta, to commence their march 



126 FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

to the Dutch settlement of Chinsiira. Forde received orders to 
intercept their progress, and three of the Company's ships were 
prepared to attack the Dutch East Indiamen. It was not 
without some liesitation that Forde attacked the troops of a 
nation in amity with England,* but he, nevertheless, acted with 
such dexterity and promptness, that only fourteen of the Euro- 
peans ever reached Chinsura, the rest being either slain or taken 
prisoners. The seven Dutch ships were forced to surrender to 
the Company's cruizers, and thus the entire armament was 
destroyed ; and, to complete the matter, the Dutch, in order to 
avert their total expulsion from Bengal, were forced to pay the 
expenses of the war. After this exploit, Clive and Forde re- 
turned to Europe, leaving the command of the army to Colonel 
Calliaud, who had just arrived with reinforcements from the 
Camatic. 

Calliaud was not long permitted to remain idle ; the emperor's 
son again attempted to dethrone Mir JafRer. Scarcely had he 
commenced operations, when he received intelligence of his 
father's murder, and he immediately caused himself to be pro- 
claimed emperor, under the title of Shah Alum. The reverence 
■which still attached to the imperial majesty, and the influence of 
the Nabob of Oude, whom he wisely appointed his vizier, pro- 
cured him large additions to his forces, and he advanced to 
besiege Patna. Contrary to the advice of his most prudent 
counsellors, Ramnarain resolved to hazard a battle ; he was 
completely defeated, and the small English detachment which 
had been left for his protection, was cut to pieces. Calliaud im- 
mediately marched to save Patna, accompanied by Mir Jaifier's 
son, Meeran, whose cowardice, incapacity, and treachery nearly 
frustrated every arrangement made by the English leader. 
Notwithstanding these disadvantages, Calliaud gained a signal 
victory over the imperialists, which would have put an end to 
the war, had not Meeran refused to countenance a vigorous pur- 
suit, preferring to enjoy an interval of ease and pleasure at 
Patna. This neglect suggested to Shah Alum an enterprize of 

* He wrote for more explicit instructions ; Clive received the letter 
while playing a game of whist, he tore a slip from it, and wrote with a 
pencil, 

" Dear Forde, 
"Fight them immediately, and I will send an order of council to-morrow." 



TO THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALL 127 

^n-eat promise, to push forward to Moorshedabad and secure the 
person of Mir Jaffier. Had he shown the same promptitude in 
the execution of the plan, as there was vigour in its conception, 
he would assuredly have succeeded, but he delayed until Cal- 
liaud and Meeran arrived ; on their approach to attack him he 
set fire to his camp and fled. The imbecile jMeeran again pro- 
hibited pursuit, and the emperor, having been joined by Mr. Law 
with his small body of Frenchmen, renewed his attack on Patna. 
Law twice attempted to storm the town, and was with very 
great difiiculty repulsed. A third assault was expected, and 
scarcely a hope entertained of its being withstood, when Captain 
Knox, who had performed the journey li-om Moorshedabad to 
Patna in thirteen days, entered the walls with a strong reinforce- 
ment. Knox belonged to the same class of oflicers as Clive and 
Forde. Scarcely allowing his soldiers any time for rest and 
refreshment, he attacked the imperial camp during the hour of 
afternoon's repose, surprised his enemies in their sleep, and 
drove them from their works, to which they never returned. 

This victory had scarcely been achieved, when intelligence 
arrived that the Naib, or deputy-governor of Poorania, was ap- 
proaching to join the emperor with twelve thousand men and 
thirty pieces of cannon. Knox, whose forces consisted only of 
two hundred Europeans, one batallion of Sepoys, five field- 
pieces, and about three hundred irregular horse, perfectly 
astounded the people of Patna, by declaring his resolution to 
cross the river and give battle to the Naib. Ramnarain's sol- 
diers unanimously declared that they would have nothing to say 
to such an act of madness ; an auxiliary raja, who had about 
three hundred men in his pay, was, however, so charmed with 
Knox's valour that he volunteered his aid, which was accepted. 
Knox's first design was to surprise the enemy's camp at night, 
but his guide missed his way, and this plan was abandoned. 
His troops were preparing to take a little repose when the Naib's 
army was seen approaching. Knox promptly took his ground, 
and though surrounded by his enemies, defeated them at every 
point, drove them firom the field, and pursued them until his men 
were sinking from sheer exhaustion. Colonel Calliaud and his 
precious ally, Meeran, soon got on the track of the retreating 
Naib, and continued the pursuit for several days. At length, on 
the night of the 6th of July, 1760, Meeran's tent was struck by 



128 FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

lightning, and that prince with all his attendants perished. The 
death of their leader, i^s to an Indian army the^signal to disband, 
-and Calliaud, aware of this danger, returned with the English 
forces to Patna. 

Clive's departure for England produced injurious changes in 
the government of Calcutta. According to the usual routine, 
the government should have devolved on the senior member of 
council, but the court of directors conferred it upon Mr. Van- 
sittart, who had acquired an unmerited reputation for financial 
talents, and who possessed an imposing gravity of demeanour, 
which some believed to indicate steadiness of purpose, and others 
supposed to be the result of obstinate stupidity. His appoint- 
ment gave great and not unjust offence to many of the members 
of the Calcutta council ; parties were formed at the board, and 
state affairs were discussed, with a heat and violence which led 
to very disgraceful results. Vansittart found the treasury at 
Calcutta empty, the troops at Patna ready to m.utiny for want of 
pay, Mir Jaffier's allov/ance to his auxiliaries several months in 
arrear, and very little hope of obtaining either that or the large 
balance due to the Company from his first arrangement. Mr. 
Vansittart instead of consulting the council, discussed his plans 
with a secret and select committee ; the result of their delibera- 
tions was a determination to compel Mir Jaffier to place the 
entire administration of his affairs in the hands of his son-in-law, 
Mir Casim, and a detachment of troops was sent to Moorshed- 
abad, to enforce the viceroy's compliance. ]\Iir Jaffier acted 
with unexpected spirit, he refused to yield to any thing but 
force, and when he found he had no reasonable chance of defend- 
ing himself, he refused to retain an empty title, and came to 
reside as a private individual in Calcutta. Men remembered the 
high price which Mir Jaffier had paid for his elevation ; it was 
reported and believed, that Mir Casim had similarly purchased 
the viceroyalty from Vansittart and his select committee, and 
many condemned the impolicy of the transaction, because they 
despaired of obtaining any share of the bribes. 

Mir Casim exerted himself to pay the sums for which he 
had contracted, as the price of his elevation, the English lending 
him military aid to enforce the collection of revenues in the 
provinces. About the same time, Major Carnac, who succeeded 
Calliaud in the command of the troops at Patna, defeated the 



TO THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALL 129 

imperial forces, and compelled Shah Alum to abandon the pro- 
vince of Bahar. In this battle Mr. Law was taken prisoner, 
and the respect with which the English officers treated their 
gallant enemy, produced a very favourable impression on the 
minds of the Hindus and Mohammedans. 

The payments to the English and the expenses of reducing 
some insurgent chiefs who were aided by the Mahrattas, ex- 
hausted Mir Casim's resources; he resolved to recruit his finances 
by the plunder of Ramnarain, the Hindu governor of Berar. 
Major Carnac and his sucessor Colonel Coote, aware of the false 
pretences which were brought forward, for injuring so old and 
faithful a friend of the English, as Ramnarain, steadily protected 
him against the artifices of Mir Casim, but Mr. Vansittart was 
resolved to support the viceroy of his choice, and he recalled 
both Coote and Carnac from Patna. Mir Casim made that use 
of his opportunity, which Mr. Vansittart was unable or unwilling 
to foresee. Ramnarain was immediately seized and thrown 
into prison ; his house was plundered ; his friends tortured to 
obtain confession of hidden treasures, and his life was only 
spared for the moment, lest the indignation of the English should 
be too strongly roused. He was eventually put to death with 
circumstances of great barbarity. 

The intelligence of these events, excited a violent spirit of 
opposition against Mr. Vansittart's government, both in the 
presidency and the factories ; the natives of rank lost all confi- 
dence in English protection, when they saw so steady a supporter 
of the English interests as Ramnarain, sacrificed without scruple; 
and many of the Europeans, both in the military and civil 
service, did not scruple to assert, that such partiallitj' to Mir 
Casim was the result of corruption, or of a blind determination to 
support the viceroy at all hazards. At this critical moment, 
Mr. Vansittart's chief friends in the council were recalled to 
Europe, for having signed, conjointly with Clive, a letter in 
which the policy of the court of directors was condemned in 
very severe, or rather very intemperate terms. The president 
was thus left in a minority, and Ellis, the most violent of his 
opponents, was appointed resident at Patna. Ellis treated Mir 
Casim with the most insulting airs of authority ; he seized 
several of his collectors for interfering with the transit of goods 
to and from the stations, and he took forcible possession of a 

G 5 



130 FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

quantity of nitre which had been purchased for the viceroy's 
private use. In these acts of violence, Mr. Ellis was supported 
by the whole body of the Company's servants. Since ibfi-eleya- 
tion of Mir Casim, they had insisted that the Company^s^jasfiport, 
which was only entitled to protect the goods of actual e^cporta- 
tion, or importation, from the payment of transit duties, shouldf 
protect the private trade of the Company's agents, of all descrip- 
tions, in every part of the country. Thus protected, the English 
were fast engrossing the entire trade of the provinces, to the ruin 
of the native merchants, and to the annihilation of the customs* 
duties, which were the chief source of the viceroy's revenues. 
Vansittart honourably exerted himself to check this glaring 
abuse ; but it afforded vast emoluments to the majority of the 
council ; Warren Hastings alone supported the projected system 
of reform. An arrangement was made with the viceroy, by which 
private English traders were bound to pay the same transit du- 
ties as his own subjects, and no more. These equitable condi- 
tions were instantly and ostentatiously violated by the Com- 
pany's servants. Mir Casim then published an edict abolishing 
all transit duties in his dominions, in order that his own mer- 
chants should participate in the spoils of their sovereign. It will 
scarcely be believed that peculation had rendered the majority 
of the council of Calcutta so dead to every feeling of justice, 
shame and ordinary decency, as to induce them to declare that 
this abolition of duties was an act of hostility against the Com- 
pany, and to menace war, unless the edict was recalled. Mir 
Casim paid no attention to so iniquitous a requisition, and both 
sides prepared to decide the dispute by force of arms. 

Some boats, laden vnth muvskets for the use of the troops in 
Patna, arrived at Mongheer ; the viceroy, aware that the resident, 
Mr. Ellis, meditated the seizure of that city, stopped the boats, 
and it was with great difficulty that Messrs. Amyatt and Hay, 
who liad been sent to remonstrate with him by the party opposed 
to Vansittart, could obtain leave for the convoy to pass. After 
some discussion, he granted permission for Amyatt to return to 
Calcutta, but retained Mr. Hay as an hostage. Intelligence of 
Amyatt's departure having reached Ellis, he laid aside all mode- 
ration, and by a night-attack surprised and took the city of 
Patna. Mir Casim, justly enraged at such an outrage, sent a 
party to overtake and bring back Mr. Amyatt ; that gentleman 



TO THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALL 131 

resisted and was slain, with several of his attendants. The 
enterprize on Patna, was as unfortunate in its termination, as it 
was unjust in its conception ; the troops after entering the town, 
were allowed to disperse in search of plunder ; the governor, who 
had only retreated a few miles, when he was joined by a rein- 
forcement from Mongheer, returned and attacked them unex- 
pectedly ; the English were driven into their factory, which after 
a feeble defence, they evacuated and attempted to make their 
escape in boats. They were interrupted, forced to surrender and 
sent prisoners to Mongheer, and their fate was shared by the 
English belonging to the factory of Casimbazar, which was 
stormed and plundered by the natives. 

Wlien the news of these unexpected events reached Calcutta, . 
the council was thrown into the utmost confusion. After much 
angry crimination and recrimination, it was resolved, in opposi- 
tion to Vansittart and Hastings, that no proposals of accommo- 
dation should be received from Mir Casim., and that the imbecile 
Mir Jaffier should be invited to resume the authority of which 
he had been recently deprived. ]\Iir Casim's administration had 
been on the whole beneficial to the provinces ; he paid off the 
heavy arrears due from his predecessor to the English ; availing 
himself of the services of Sumroo, a German adventurer, who 
had been a serjeant in the French army, he trained several 
battalions of Sepoys in European discipline, and he had adopted 
many wise plans, to encourage the industry and trade of his 
native subjects. Such merits were, in the East, sufficient to 
counterbalance the original crime of usurpation, but in the view 
of the council of Calcutta, his very virtues afforded sufficient 
ground for his dethronement. 

On the 2nd of July, 1 ?63, the English army commenced the 
campaign ; their first engagement was with the van of the viceroy's 
army, which had taken up a strong position to protect Moorshe- 
dabad ; the Indians were defeated, but they fell back upon 
Gheriah, where they were joined by Mir Casim himself with all 
his forces. On the 2nd of August he was attacked, and, after a 
fierce engagement wliich lasted four hours, totally routed, with 
the loss of all his cannon, baggage, and one hundred and fifty 
boats laden with provisions. The beaten army then entrenched 
itself in the strong ground supplied by the range of hills at 
Oodiva; the English were detained nearly a month before the 



132 FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY. 

lines, but on the 5th of September they made a successful assault 
on the viceroy's position, and drove the viceroy's troops from 
their entrenchments, in the utmost confusion. They then laid 
siege to Mongheer, which the viceroy had made his capital ; a 
practicable breach was made, and the garrison, amounting to two 
thousand Sepoys, surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Each 
successive defeat inflamed the fears and rage of Casim to renewed 
acts of cruelty ; when routed at Gheriah, he commanded the exe- 
cution of Ramnarain with several chiefs and persons of distinc- 
tion ; after the rout of Oodiva, he put to death two of the Sets of 
Moorshedabad ; and now, driven almost to insanity by the loss 
of his capital, he commanded all his European pursuers to be 
butchered, with the single exception of Dr. Fullerton, who had 
won his favour by the exercise of his professional skill. The 
execution of this barbarous command was entrusted to the rene- 
gade Sumroo, who fulfilled it to the very letter. Patna was 
taken by storm on the 6th of November, and jVIir Casim, losing 
all hopes, fled to Oude, where he placed himself under the pro- 
tection of the Nabob-vizier. Though unable to compete with 
the English vizier, his disciplined Sepoys enabled the vizier to 
gain an easy victory over the revolted inhabitants of Bundelcund, 
who had refused to pay their quota of taxation. 

The English remained in cantonments on the frontiers of Oude, 
partly in hope that the Nabob-vizier could be induced to sur- 
render Mir Casim, Sumroo, and the other deserters, but princi- 
pally in consequence of the mutinous dispositions of the troops, 
three hundred of whom, principally French and Germans, marched 
off in a body to Benares. Sumroo, aware of the insurrectionary 
spirit in the English camp, suddenly attacked it near Patna, 
May 3rd, 1764, but was repulsed with great loss; Carnac, the 
English commander, was too weak to follow up his advantages, 
and the war lingered until the arrival of Major, afterwards Sir 
Hector Monro, with a strong reinforcement from Bombay. 

Monro had hardly taken the command when the spirit of 
mutiny raged fiercer than ever ; a whole battalion of Sepoys, 
with their arms and accoutrements, went off to join the enemy. 
They were, however, overtaken and captured by some troops 
which remained faithful, and twenty-four of the ring-leaders were 
sentenced by a court-martial to be blown from the mouths of 
cannon. The whole army was drawn out to witness this fearful 



TO THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALL 133 

execution ; four of the unhappy men were blown away, when 
the officers of the Sepoys came to the Major, and declared that 
their men would not allow the execution of any more. Monro at 
once ordered his field-pieces to be loaded with grape, and the 
Europeans to form in line, having the guns at proper intervals ; 
he then directed the Sepoy officers to return to their men and 
command them to ground their arms, declaring that if a single 
man stirred he would give immediate orders to fire. The Sepoys, 
daunted by his firmness, instantly obeyed, and the execution 
proceeded. 

After this exhibition of resolute determination, Monro marched 
against the Nabob-vizier of Oude, and completely routed his 
army near Buxar. The emperor Shah Alum himself now sought 
the protection of the English, declaring that he had been held in 
captivity by his ambitious vizier. Mir Casim fied to Rohillas, 
believing that he was no longer safe in Oude, and the emperor 
concluded a peace on terms which left the English supreme in 
Bengal. These advantages were counterbalanced by the dilapi- 
dated condition of the finances in Calcutta. It was utterly im- 
possible for Mir Jaffier to pay the sums due to the Company, and 
at the same time, to gratify the rapacity of individuals who claimed 
exorbitant compensations " for losses sustained, or said to be 
sustained, in an illicit monopoly of the necessaries of life, carried 
on against the orders of the Company, and to the utter ruin of 
many thousands of the Indian merchants." These demands were 
urged, too, at a time when half of his provincial revenues had 
been ceded to the Company, and when the abuses of private trade 
had completely deprived him of the income derived from transit 
duties. His embarrassments proved too much for liis feeble 
health, and he died a victim to care and vexation, in January, 
1765. 

The Company's servants, without even going through the form 
of consulting the emperor ..orJiis-vizier, took upon themselves to 
invest Mir Jaffier's second son with the viceroyalty, stipulating 
at the same time that the military defence of the country should 
be placed in their hands. They also appointed Rez-Khan to be 
tlieTiceroy's prime minister and deputy — a wise choice, though 
one which was far from being acceptable to the new potentate. 
Vansittart, finding that he was in every instance overborne by 
the majority of the co\mcil, resigned his office and was succeeded 



134 FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

by Mr. Spencer, under whose auspices the treaty with the new 
viceroy was completed. 

The East India proprietors in England, had been hitherto in- 
active spectators of the proceedings of their servants in India, 
but, alarmed at the intelligence of renewed wars in India, of the 
mutinous spirit of their troops, and the disturbed condition of 
their finances, they proposed to the court of directors that Clive, 
■who had been elevated to the peerage, should be appointed 
governor, as the only man capable of retrieving their disordered 
and almost desperate affairs. This was far from an agreeable 
proposal to the directors ; Clive's last act, before leaving India, 
had been a direct insult to their authority ; he had commenced a 
Chancery suit to recover from them the proceeds of his jaghire, 
which they attempted to withhold, and he undisguisedly was the 
strenuous opponent of Mr. Sullivan, the deputy chairman, and 
the most influential member of the court. After a violent con- 
test, thirteen of the directors voted for his appointment, which 
was resisted by eleven. The high powers which he demanded 
were given with less difficulty ; he was invested with the autho- 
rity of Commander-in-chief, President, and Governor of Bengal ; 
and, together with a committee of four, nominated by the direc- 
tors, empowered to act without consulting the council, or being 
subject to its control. 

Bengal was not the only part of India whose condition excited 
uneasiness ; the capture of Pondicherry enabled the English 
to secure the sovereignty of the Carnatic for their creature, 
Mohammed AH, and they soon began to show tlie Nabob that 
they expected him to rule for their profit. He was forced to 
raise large sums at an usurious interest to defray the expenses 
of the late war, and was, at the same time, defrauded of his share 
of the stores which had been taken from the French. Assistance 
was given him to reduce his revolted vassal at Vellore ; but they 
refused to aid him in the subjugation of Tanjore, and took upon 
themselves to act as mediators in the contest. They compelled 
the King of Tanjore to pay a large sum to the Nabob as a com- 
position for arrears, but, in return, they obtained for him permis- 
sion to repair the mound of the Cavery, an embankment which, 
by preventing the chief branch of that river from re-uniting with 
the Coleroon, supplies Tanjore with the means of irrigation, and 
thus contributes to the fertility of the country. They also joined 



TO THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALL 135 

him in no very justifiable attack on tlie governor of Madura, who 
made so obstinate a resistance, that his capture, which was finally 
efiected by treachery, is said to have cost a million sterling. 
Finally, the English resolved to take the entire administration of 
the revenues of the Carnatic into their own hands. The Nabob 
was very unwilling to consent to such an arrangement, but re- 
sistance was useless, and he submitted. 

Lord Clive had two monstrous evils to correct : the custom of 
receiving presents, which were in fact arbitrary extortions ; and 
the abuses of the private trade. To remedy the first, he insisted 
that the servants of the Company, both civil and military, should 
sign certain covenants, in which it was stipulated that they 
should not accept presents from the native princes under any 
pretence whatever. General Camac delayed signing these regu- 
lations until he had received two lacs of rupees from the emperor ; 
but this present was fairly earned, and was subsequently sanc- 
tioned by the East Indian authorities. The subject of trade 
presented far greater difficulties ; Clive knew very little about 
commercial principles, and he felt strongly the necessity of giving 
some emoluments to the servants of the Company, as a compen- 
sation for the miserable and inadequate amount of their salaries. 
Instead of abolishing the private trade, he created a monopoly of 
the trade in salt, betel-nut, and tobacco, to be carried on exclu- 
sively for the benefit of the superior servants of the Company ; 
the profits to be divided in shares proportioned to their respective 
ranks. No statesman in the present day would defend such an 
arrangement, but a century ago, few persons understood the real 
nature of trade ; the East India Company was itself a monopoly, 
and its servants could not suspect that they were wrong in acting 
on the principles of their masters. 

The war against the Nabob-vizier of Oude had been so vigor- 
ously prosecuted, that he was compelled to throw himself on the 
mercy of the English, and submit to whatever terms they were 
pleased to dictate. He was permitted to retain his dominions, 
with the exception of Korah and Allahabad, which were resigned 
to the emperor, and he engaged not to molest his vassal, Bulwant 
Sing, Raja of Benares, who had joined the English during the 
war, and rendered them important services. Warned by the 
abuses, which under the name of free trade, the Company's 
servants had perpetrated in Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, he refused 



136 FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH SUPREMACY 

to entertain any proposals on the subject, and the name of trade 
was not so much as mentioned in the treaty. The unfortunate 
emperor was obliged to abandon his claim to all the arrears of 
revenue due to him from the Bengal provinces, and, on the con- 
dition of receiving twenty-six lacs of nipees annually, to assign 
over to the Company, the Dewanee, or right of receiving and 
collecting all the public revenues in Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa. 

During the war, the Company had made an allowance to their 
officers, called Batta, to cover the heavy expenses which service 
in the field entails in India. When the army was sent to sup- 
port Mir Jaffier, he agreed to give the officers twice the usual 
amount, under the name of double batta ; and the practice had 
been continued by Mir Casim. When the revenues of Bengal 
were transferred to the Company, the double batta was found to 
be a very serious charge, which the finances could ill bear, but 
no party had courage to propose, much less enforce a reduction. 
Lord Clive resolved to remedy the evil, and having first esta- 
blished a new system for regimenting the troops, he issued an 
order, that from and after January 1st, 17C6, double batta 
should cease, and that, with some few exceptions in favour of 
distant and expensive stations, officers in the field should re- 
ceive single batta only, and when in garrison or cantonments, 
that they should have no allowance in addition to their pay. 

The officers entered into a conspiracy to resign their commis- 
sions in a body on a certain day, unless the double batta was 
restored, at a time when the province was menaced by an inva- 
sion of the Mahrattas. Clive received early intelligence of the 
danger ; he sent expresses to Calcutta and Madras for a supply 
of fresh officers, arrested the chief movers of the conspiracy, and 
took effectual care to prevent them from debauching the minds 
of the men. A number of the ringleaders, and among others, 
General Sir Robert Fletcher, were tried, convicted of mutiny, 
and dismissed the service. This leniency was probably caused 
by some doubt of the Company's power to punish Europeans 
capitally ; but Clive would probably have gone much farther, 
could he have foreseen that, by family interest and political 
intrigue, Sir Robert Fletcher would not only be restored to his 
rank, but appointed at no distant period to the command of the 
forces in the presidency of IMadras. 

The court of directors repeatedly disallowed the trading com- 



TO THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALT. 137 

paiiy which Clive had formed for the monopoly of salt, betel-nut, 
and tobacco ; finding their remonstrances disregarded, they sent 
out orders so direct and positive as to leave no room for dis- 
obedience, and it was arranged that the company should be dis- 
solved, so soon as existing conti'acts were fulfilled and accounts 
settled. With this event Clive's administration terminated ; he 
left his authority in the hands of a committee, at the head of 
which was Mr. Verelst. 

The intelligence of the great acquisitions Avhich Clive had 
made, raised the most extravagant expectations in the minds of 
the proprietors of East India stock ; forgetting the vast expense 
incurred in making these conquests, and the heavy charge which 
their retention involved, they carried, in opposition to the pro- 
prietors, a vote that the dividends should be increased to twelve- 
and-a-half per cent. ; as this could not be done without borrow- 
ing money at a ruinous rate of interest, the interference of the 
British ministry and parliament was invoked, and thus, to the 
annoyance of both parties, the question was brought before the 
public, of permitting a trading company to exercise sovereignty 
over a great and extending empire. The delusion of the enor- 
mous riches to be obtained from India, continued during the 
successive administrations of Mr. Verelst and Mr. Cartier, though 
even under their peaceful rule the revenues were scarcely ade- 
quate to meet the ordinary expenses of the government, and an 
expedition undertaken to restore the Raja of Nepaul, who had 
been dethroned by his neighbour, the Ghoorka, was abandoned 
for want of funds, it being necessary to husband all the resources 
which British India could afford, in order to meet the imminent 
dangers which menaced the presidency of Madras. 



138 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALII ADMINISTRATION 

OF WARREN HASTINGS. 

The East India Company was transformed from a trading 
association into a sovereign power, without its consent, and al- 
most without its knowledge. Hence it happened that many ad- 
vantages, which could have been obtained with little difficulty at 
critical moments, were abandoned, to be afterwards recovered 
with no small expenditure of blood and treasure. Many writers 
have assailed the Company and its servants for acts of question- 
able prudence, and still more questionable morality, in utter for- 
getfulness that Asia is not Europe, and that in the period when 
such an extensive empire as that of Delhi is crumbling into ruins, 
and when its fragments are placed to reward the cupidity of the 
first daring adventurer who can muster sufficient to proclaim his 
independence, it is impossible to adopt any uniform and con- 
sistent course of conduct. The most perfect beings that ever 
existed, must have been obliged to regulate their conduct by 
existing circumstances, which they could neither command nor 
control. When the conquest of Pondicherry gave the English 
the supremacy in the Carnatic, they little imagined that they 
would be involved in the complicated politics of the entire 
Dekkan, and that their effi^rts to obtain the tranquil possession 
of the Circars, would lead to the most perilous war in which they 
had ever been engaged in India. 

The Subahdar of the Dekkan, Salabat Jing, had not been mis- 
taken in his belief that the departure of Bussy and the French, 
would compromise his safety ; he was murdered in September, 
1760, by command of his brother, Nizam Ali, who resolved to 
assert the rights of his viceroyalty over the Dekkan, with greater 
stringency than his victim, and particularly to establish the 
ancient supremacy of his viceroyalty over the Carnatic. He 
invaded the country, and devastated it with more than the usual 
barbarity of Indian warfare, but on the approach of the English 






ADMINISTRATION OF WARREN HASTINGS. 139 

army, made a precipitate retreat. When the English obtained 
from the emperor the investiture of the northern Circars, which 
had been always considered part of the viceroyalty of the Dekkan, 
Nizam Ali resisted their attempts to take possession of the 
country, until they purchased his permission by stipulating to 
pay an annual tribute, and to assist him when necessary by the 
aid of an auxiliary force. The latter stipulation involved the 
presidency in hostile relations with Hyder AH, the Governor of 
Mysore. 

Hyder Ali, during the wars between the French and English 
in the Carnatic, had risen from being the captain of a petty band 
of marauders to the rank of commander of the army of Mysore, 
by prudently watching opportunities to sell his services at the 
moment when they were most wanting, and would bring the 
highest price. At the same time he acquired an independent 
principality for himself, by the conquest of the Nairs in Malabar, 
and by seizing several small districts, which in the distracted 
condition of Southern India, seemed to be left without a master. 
The English had joined with the Nizam, pursuant to their un- 
wise stipulation in the invasion of his acquisitions ; he made 
peace with that faithless prince, and prepared to attack the allies 
whom he had abandoned. 

Colonel Smith having received intimation that it was the in- 
tention of the Nizam to betray the English to Hyder, retreated 
to Trincomalee, after having sustained a smart action against the 
forces of his faithless ally and open enemy. In several engage- 
ments of little moment, the English maintained their wonted 
superiority over Indian troops, and the Nizam, alarmed at his 
danger, hastily broke off his connection with Hyder, and renewed 
the treaty with the Presidency of Madras. 

This change of policy on the part of the Nizam, filled the 
minds of the council of Madras with perilous dreams of conquest ; 
they looked upon Mysore as an easy acquisition, and actually 
conferred upon Mohammed AH the title of its sovereignty ; they 
recalled Colonel Smith, who was too experienced an officer not to 
understand the danger which was thus wantonly provoked, and 
conferred the chief command upon Colonel Wood, who was de- 
void of experience in Indian warfare. 

Hyder defeated Wood, who was unable to save his baggage, 
and then by a pretended show of timidity drew the English army 



140 THE FIRST WAR WITH IIYDER ALL 

to a distance from Madras. He then made a rapid march of one 
hundred and twenty miles in three days ; at the head of six thou- 
sand horse, he appeared suddenly on the Mount of St. Thomas, 
in the immediate vicinity of the English capital. The Presi- 
dency were filled with consternation. The fort might undoubt- 
edly have held out till the arrival of Smith ; but the open town, 
with its riches, the adjacent country and the garden-houses of 
the President and Council, would have been ravaged and destroy- 
ed. Peace was therefore made with Hyder on his own terms ; a 
mutual restitution of conquests, and a treaty of mutual alliance 
in defensive wars. 

In the meantime the British government was compelled to in- 
terfere in the concerns of the Company ; a bill was introduced 
into parliament, vesting the government of Bengal in a governor- 
general and four councillors, whose authority extended over the 
two other Presidencies, and establishing at Calcutta a supreme 
court of judicature, consisting of one chief and three puisne 
judges. The patronage of these officers was placed in the court 
of directors, subject to the approbation of the crown ; the Com- 
pany's correspondence of every kind, was obliged to be laid before 
the ministry ; presents were strictly prohibited ; and the go- 
vernor-general, the councillors and judges, were excluded from 
all commercial profits and presents. Finally, the qualification 
for a vote in the court of proprietors was raised to one thousand 
pounds, and instead of an annual election of the whole of the 
directors, it was enacted '* that only one-fourth of the number 
should go out every year." These changes were strenuously re- 
sisted by the Company, but the ministerial projects were sup- 
ported by large parliamentary majorities, and in due course of 
time became law. 

Mr. Warren Hastings succeeded Mr. Cartier, in the govern- 
ment of Bengal, early in 1772 ; great expectations were formed 
of his financial and administrative powers, from the improvements 
which he had effected, when employed in a subordinate station 
on the coast of Coromandel. The directors had been sadly dis- 
appointed in the amount of treasure derived from Bengal ; they 
first blamed their European servants, and then turned their wrath 
against the native agents ; orders were issued for the arrest of 
Mohammed Reza Khan, whom the English had themselves ap- 
pointed chief minister to the viceroy of Bengal ; and Raja Shitab 



ADMINISTRATION OF WARREN HASTINGS. 141 

Roy, who held the same office in the court of Patna, was simi- 
larly treated. After a long detention both were acquitted, but 
they were not restored to their offices. That portion of Reza 
Khan's duty, which consisted in the guardianship of the Raja's 
family, was conferred on Munny Begum, a second wife, or rather 
concubine of Meer Jaffier, and the administration of the finances 
was entrusted to Raja Goordass, the son of Raja Nuncomar. 

In the meantime, Shah Alum became impatient to be restored 
to his throne in Delhi, and urged the English to fulfil the pro- 
mises they had made of assisting him in effecting that object. 
His requests and remonstrances being disregarded, he entered 
into an alliance with the Mahrattas ; an army of these adven- 
turers easily opened for the monarch a way to his capital, but 
they insisted that their services should be rewarded by the plun- 
der of the country of the Rohillas. The emperor joined them in 
an expedition against Zabita Khan, whom he had deprived of the 
government of Delhi, and whom he therefore suspected of hostile 
designs. Zabita Khan made a spirited defence, but was unable 
to withstand the united forces of the imperialists and the IVIahrat- 
tas ; he was completely defeated, his wife and children fell into 
the hands of the enemy, and his country, which had long fiourished 
under a beneficent government, was laid waste by the Mahrattas 
in spite of the remonstrances of the emperor. The other Rohilla 
chiefs were filled with alarm ; in their terror they applied for aid 
to their old enemy, the Subahdar of Oude, who was exposed to 
equal danger -with themselves from the Mahrattas, and they 
entered into a treaty, by which they engaged to jiay him thirty 
lacs of rupees, on condition of his expelling the Mahrattas from 
the Rohilla country. In the meantime, the Mahrattas, having 
quarrelled with the emperor, returned to Delhi, forced an entrance 
into that capital, and made Shah Alum, in all but name, a pri- 
soner. Having extorted from their captive a grant of the districts 
of Korah and Allahabad, in which he had been established by 
the English, they returned to the banks of the Ganges, which 
they made preparations to cross. The Rohillas urgently re- 
quested the Subahdar of Oude to lend them effective assistance ; 
he evaded their applications, but, when the Mahrattas retired in 
consequence of events in their own country, he demanded pay- 
ment of the promised subsidy though he had never granted the 
stipulated protection. 



142 THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALL 

A meeting took place between the Subalidar and Mr. Warren 
Hastings, at Benares, in the beginning of September, 1773, and it 
led to a treaty in which the Emperor of Delhi and the Rohillas, 
were deliberately sold and sacrificed to the ruler of Oiide. From 
the time that Shah Alum had thrown himself into the arms of 
the Mahrattas, the English had made his conduct a pretext for 
withholding the stipulated tribute from Bengal, though it was 
their refusal of their promised aid, which had caused the unfortu- 
nate sovereign to take this course. Mr. Hastings now went 
farther ; he sold to the Subahdar of Oude, for the sum of fifty 
lacs of rupees, the districts of Korah and Allahabad, which the 
English occupied under pretence of preserving them for the 
emperor. Still more indefensible was the conduct pursued to- 
wards the Rohillas ; Mr. Hastings agreed to aid the ambitious 
ruler of Oude in the " extermination" of this innocent people, on 
condition of his paying forty lacs of rupees into the Company's 
treasury, and defraying the expenses of the corps employed in 
his service. 

No opposition appears to have been made to the withholding 
the stipulated payment from Shah Alum, and the alienation of 
the territories which had been placed under the guardianship of 
English honour : but the destruction of the Rohillas was so in- 
consistent with the plainest dictates of common justice, and even 
sound policy, that Mr. Hastings for some time concealed this 
part of the treaty of Benares from his council. The Subahdar, 
however, demanded the promised aid, and an English brigade, 
under the command of Colonel Champion, was sent to join in the 
projected invasion. The brunt of the war fell upon the English, 
who totally routed the Rohillas and slew their gallant leader, 
Hafiz Rahmet Khan ; but all the advantages of the victory were 
seized by the cruel and rapacious followers of the Subahdar. 
Never was triumph more fearfully abused ; every one who bore 
the name of Rohilla, was either butchered or forced to seek safety 
in flight and exile. The Emperor of Delhi had been induced to 
favour this enterprize by a promise of a share in the conquered 
territory, but, as his troops arrived too late to take an active 
part in the war, Suja-ed-dowla refused to fulfil his engage- 
ments, and was supported in his breach of faith by the English. 
In the end, the Subahdar acquired possession of the whole of 
Rohilcund, with the exception of a small district, which, at the 



ADMINISTRATION OF WARREN HASTINGS. 143 

entreaty of the English, he assigned to one of the Rohilla chiefs 
named Fyzollah Khan, after receiving full assurance of his fidelity 
and allegiance. 

On the 1st of August, 1774, the new constitution which the 
British parliament had firamed for the government of India, came 
into operation, and, on the 19th of the following October, three 
new councillors arrived from England, who, together with Messrs. 
Hastings and Barwell, were to form the board of administration. 
The subject of the Rohilla war was the first discussed by the 
council, and the three councillors who had just arrived, severely 
censured its justice and its policy. They also complained that 
the correspondence of Mr. Middleton, whom the governor-general 
had sent as political agent to the court of Oude, was withheld 
from them, and, in their indignation, they voted that the agent 
should be recalled, that the British forces should be withdrawn 
from the Subahdar, and that immediate payment should be 
demanded of the sums stipulated for their services. At this 
crisis, Suja-ed-dowla died, and the council insisted that his son 
and successor should not only fulfil his engagements, but cede to 
the Company the territory of the Raja Cheyte Sing, Zemindar of 
Benares, and raise the allowance for the service of the European 
brigade. Mr. Hastings protested against this extortion to no 
purpose ; the policy of his opponents in the council, was warmly 
approved by the court of directors at home. 

While the territories of the Company in Bengal and the Car- 
natic had been gradually enlarged, little or no addition had been 
made to their possessions in western India. Bassein and Salsette, 
which commanded the entrance into the harbour of Bombay, re- 
mained in the possession of the Portuguese until the year 1750, 
when they were occupied by the Mahrattas, by whom they were 
highly valued. An opportunity of acquiring these valuable posts 
appeared to be offered by a cruel war among the Mahrattas, 
arising out of a disputed succession to the office of Peishwa, 
which, though nominally a subordinate dignity, had for some time 
included all the real sovereignty of the state. A similar dispute 
at the same time distracted Gujarat, which had been wrested 
from the empire of Delhi by Pillagee Guccowar, or " the herds- 
man," who rendered the sovereignty hereditary in his family, and 
rendered the epithet by which he was distinguished, the title of 
royalty. The Presidency of Bombay supported Ragonat Ras, 



144 THE FIRST WAR WITH HYDER ALL 

or, as lie is more commonly called, Ragoba, as lawful claimant of 
the office of Peishwa, stipulating to receive Salsette, Bassein, and 
some other cessions as the price of their services. After some 
delay these terms were ratified, and these important stations were 
occupied by English garrisons. An army was at the same time 
sent to put Ragoba in possession of Poonah, the Mahrutta capi- 
tal, which would, no doubt, have succeeded had not orders arrived 
from the Supreme Council of Calcutta, disapproving the entire 
course of policy pursued by the Presidency of Bombay, and 
peremptorily commanding that the cause of Ragoba should be 
abandoned. A treaty was concluded with that chieftain's rivals, 
which deprived the English of Bassein and all their acquisitions 
in Gujarat, but which, at the same time, secured them the pos- 
session of Salsette and the adjacent islands. To complete the 
confusion, this arrangement had scarcely been made when letters 
arrived from the court of directors, approving, in the strongest 
terms, the previous proceedings of the Presidency of Bombay, 
which had just been condemned and overthrown by the council 
of Calcutta. 

In the meantime, the majority of the council had begun to re- 
ceive grave charges of corruption and peculation against Mr. 
Warren Hastings, while he exerted all his authority and influence 
as governor-general to stifle enquiry. The principal witness on 
the most serious charge, was the Raja Nuncomar, who exhibited 
the particulars of a sum amounting to 354,105 rupees, which he 
asserted that his son Goordass and Munny Begum, had paid for 
their elevation to the offices mentioned in a preceding page. So 
great was the effect produced on the council by this evidence, that 
Mr. Hastings was commanded to refund the money which he had 
thus illegally received. But he refused to acknowledge the 
majority as a council, and returned no answer. 

A suit was instituted against Nuncomar, for conspiring with 
others to get up a petition against the parties to the prosecu- 
tion, but it proved a complete failure. An obscure native was 
brought forward to indict Nuncomar for perjury, and on this 
charge he was arrested and thrown into prison. He was then 
tried before the supreme court, by a jury of Englishmen, 
convicted and hanged. The crime for which he was made to 
suffer, was not capital by the laws of Hindustan, whether Mo- 
hammedan or Hindii ; the date of its alleged commission was 



I 



ADMINISTRATION OF WARREN HASTINGS. 145 

1770, while the law which gave jurisdiction to the supreme 
court, was not passed until 1774; it had been expressly de- 
clared, that all civil disputes between native and native, should 
be decided in their own courts, and it was the obvious design of 
the framers of the statute to extend the same regulation to penal 
cases ; finally, there were said to have been marks of precipitancy 
and unfairness on the part of the judge, which shewed that 
Nuncomar was a predestined victim. The impeachment of Sir 
Elijah Impey, the judge who tried the case, subsequently failed, 
and the execution cannot therefore be fairly stigmatized as a 
judicial murder, but there can be no doubt that it was a case in 
which the rigours of the law were extended to their very utmost 
range, in order to remove an individual whose inconvenient 
disclosures rendered him dangerous to persons in power. 

The necessity of new arrangements for collecting the revenues, 
led to fresh disputes between Mr. Hastings and Mr. Francis ; the 
former proposed that the districts should be farmed to the 
Zemindars on leases for life ; the latter recommended that the 
Zemindars should be recognized as proprietors of the soil. After 
a long dispute, both projects were rejected by the court of 
directors, who ordered that the settlements should be made only 
from year to year, on an average of the collection raised during 
the three years preceding. At this time, the death of one of his 
opponents, gave Mr. Hastings a majority in the council, but he 
had previously deputed a gentleman of the name of Maclean, to 
convey his resignation to England, where it had been accepted 
by the court of directors. Mr. Wheler was named as his suc- 
cessor, presented to the king for his approbation, and accepted. 
General Clavering, as senior member of the council, was em- 
powered to administer the government until Mr. Wheler should 
arrive. 

When this intelligence arrived in Bengal, it produced a scene 
of confusion, which nearly led to fatal consequences. Hastings 
disavowed the proceedings of his agent, and refused to resign ; 
Clavering insisted that he should be recognized as governor. 
An appeal to arms seemed inevitable ; Hastings was ready to 
abide the result, but Clavering fortunately had either less 
courage or more prudence, and he referred the matter to the 
courts of law, which decided in favour of Hastings. No sooner 
was his authority thus recognized, than he began to reverse the 

H 



146 , THE FIRST WAR WITH IIYDER ALL 

proceedings of the former majority of the council. Mr. Bristow 
was recalled from Oude, and the governor's creature Mr. Middle- 
ton was sent to take his place ; Mr. Fowke was deprived of his 
office in Benares, under the pretence that the purposes of his 
mission were accomplished, hut in a few days after another 
resident was appointed. Both these transactions were condemn- 
ed by the court of directors, but Hastings paid no regard to their 
remonstrances. 

The interference of the supreme council in the affairs of the 
Mahrattas, had left the minds of the rulers of Poonah and those 
of the presidency of Bengal, in a state of mutual jealousy and 
dissatisfaction. Certain French emissaries made their appearance 
in Poonah, and there was reason to fear that they would obtain 
fi-om the Mahrattas, permission for their countrymen to establish 
a station on the coast of Malabar. Some of the council pro- 
posed to conciliate the Mahratta chiefs by yielding up Ragoba, 
but Mr. Hastings espoused the policy of the Bombay presidency, 
which he had so recently condemned, and ordered forces to be 
prepared to aid in restoring Ragoba to his office as Peishwa. 
Six battalions of Sepoys, one company of artillery, and a corps 
of cavalry, marched from the station of Calpee, under the com- 
mand of Colonel Leslie, to act in concert with the Bombay army, 
which was entrusted to Colonel Egerton and two civilians, who 
acted as field deputies. Never, perhaps, were any expeditions 
worse managed ; Egerton contrived, after wasting much precious 
time, to reach a post within sixteen miles of Poonah, where he 
found the Mahrattas prepared to dispute his progress. He and 
the other deputies lost what little sense or courage they pos- 
sessed ; in spite of the remonstrances of the military men, who 
felt assured of an easy victory, orders were given for an imme- 
diate retreat. It was as wretchedly conducted as it had been 
imprudently commenced. The Mahrattas overtook the retiring 
soldiers, and harassed them very severely ; the cowardly com- 
mittee then proposed to enter into a convention, and concluded 
a bargain for their own safety on the most humiliating terms. 

Colonel Leslie's conduct was equally disgraceful ; he advanced 
very slowly, wasting his time in negociations and transactions 
with various local chiefs, which exposed him to the suspicion of 
selfish and dishonourable motives. The supreme council, find- 
ing that he disregarded their urgent commands to accelerate his 



ADMINISTRATION OF WARREN HASTINGS. 147 

march, sent orders that he should be deprived of his command, 
but he escaped this disgrace by death ; he was succeeded by 
Colonel Goddard, an officer of a very different character. God- 
dard advanced into the very heart of the Mahratta country, in 
the hope of being able to co-operate with the Bengal army ; 
fortunatelv, he received timely notice of the disgraceful conven- 
tion which had been concluded ; he peremptorily refused to 
accede to its terms, and led his forces to Surat, after having 
marched three hundred miles in nineteen days, and baffled the 
efforts of twenty thousand Mahratta horse, sent to intercept his 
retreat. Here he was joined by Ragoba, who had contrived to 
make his escape from Poonah. 

The supreme council disavowed the convention which the 
committee had concluded, and appointed Goddard to the com- 
mand of the army. It required all that officer's firmness and 
prudence to overcome the paltry jealousy of the Bombay authori- 
ties, but he finally succeeded, and took the field in the beginning 
of January, 1 780. With little difficulty he obtained possession 
of Dubhoy, and carried Ahmedabad by storm ; the Mahrattas 
attempted to overreach him in diplomacy, by opening protracted 
discussions which would have detained him until the season for 
operations was past, but he refused to listen to their proposals, 
and on the morning of April 3rd, surprised Sciudiah and Holkar 
in their camp, routing their numerous forces with the utmost 
facility, and almost without loss. 

Sir Eyre Coote, who had been appointed to the vacancy in 
the supreme council produced by the death of Colonel Clavering, 
arrived in Bengal just as a treaty had been concluded with a 
Hhidu prince, called the Rana, who possessed a hilly country of 
considerable extent, lying on the Jumna, between the territories 
of the Mahratta chieftain, Scindiah, and the kingdom of Oude. 
Intelligence arrived that the territory of the Rama had been 
invaded by a body of Mahrattas, which his want of resources 
made it impossible for him to resist, A small body of troops 
which had been prepared, under Captain Popham, to reinforce 
Goddard, was sent to the assistance of the Rana. Though he 
had only a single battalion under his command, Popham greatly 
distinguished himself by his enterprise and talents. He expelled 
the Mahrattas from Gohud, pursued them into their own terri- 
tories, where he took the fortress of Lahar. But a much more 

H 2 



148 THE FIRST WAR WITH HVDER ALT. 

memorable exploit was the capture of Gualior, which had always 
been regarded as impregnable by the princes of Hindustan. 
This fortress is built on the summit of a stupendous rock, scarped 
round to the depth of about twenty feet, having a precipitous 
ascent of about one hundred feet from the scarp to the wall ; 
the rampart wall itself being thirty feet high. It was garrisoned 
by a thousand picked men ; yet Popham attacked it by escalade 
on the 3rd of August, and carried it by sheer valour. This 
brilliant exploit struck so much terror into the Mahrattas, that 
they abandoned the surrounding country, and conveyed the 
alarm to Scindiah in his capital. 

Out of this war arose a new series of disputes in the supreme 
council. Mr. Hastings and Mr. Francis mutually accused each 
other of profligate fraud and falsehood ; their disputes at last led 
to a duel, in which Mr. Francis was wounded, upon which he 
quitted the council, and returned to Europe. 



149 



CHAPTER IX. 

AFFAIRS OF THE CARNATIC ; SECOND WAR 
WITH HYDER. 

The position of the Company's affairs in the Carnatic, was very 
different from their relations to the country in Bengal. By the 
avowed possession of the dewannee in the latter province, they 
obtained for themselves and their officers, the direct discharge of 
the principal offices of internal government ; but in the Car- 
natic, they had recognized the Nabob, Mohammed Ali, as the 
undoubted sovereign of the country, and the rightful possessor 
both of military and financial power. On account of the Nabob's 
notorious imbecility, the presidency of Madras found it necessary 
to employ a British force for the protection of the country, and 
to insist that Mohammed AH should defray the expenses of its 
maintenance out of his revenues. It was soon found that his 
income was inadequate to his expenditure ; he was forced to 
have reeom-se to loans ; money was advanced to him on exor- 
bitant interest, by the servants of the Company, secured by 
mortgages on the revenues of particular districts, which they 
were entitled to draw direct from the collectors. By this course, 
the Nabob's embarrassments were greatly increased, while the 
exactions of the English merchants, his creditors, became more 
proportionately severe. It was the obvious interest of the Com- 
pany to check the Nabob in his pernicious career, and parti- 
cularly to prevent his alienating his revenues to rapacious 
usurers ; but these money-lenders were able to represent such 
interference as an unwarrantable restriction on the freedom of an 
independent prince, and to excite angry feelings against the 
prudent conduct of the Madras presidency, both in the parlia- 
ment and cabinet of England. 

At this crisis. Admiral Sir John Lindsay, arrived at Madras, 
July 26, 1770, invested with the power of a king's minister 
plenipotentiary, to maintain the arrangements which had been 



150 AFFAIRS or THE CARNATIC. 

made in India, by the eleventh article of the treaty of Paris. He 
at once adopted a course of policy, directly contrary to that which 
had been pursued by the presidency of Madras and sanctioned 
by the court of directors, and he formally recognized the Nabob 
as a fellow sovereign with the king of Great Britain, declaring 
that he had come to afford him the protection of the British 
monarch against all his enemies. The Nabob at once described 
the president and council of Madras as his worst enemies, averring 
that they had deprived him of the greatest part of his revenues 
and power. 

At this moment the presidency was on the brink of a dangerous 
war, arising out of the following circumstance. At the conclu- 
sion of the treaty with Hyder AH in 1769, it was agreed " That 
in case either of the contracting parties shall be attacked, they 
shall, from their respective countries, mutually assist each other 
to drive the enemy out. Hyder soon applied to the English to 
unite with him in supporting the insurrection of a JMahratta chief 
against the Peishwa, but this proposal was prudently declined. 
Early however in 1770, the Mahrattas invaded Mysore, and 
Hyder again applied for aid, pursuant to the conditions of the 
treaty, proffering to pay three lacs of rupees, if he could obtain 
effectual assistance. It was not easy for the English to find any 
pretext for a refusal, but they evaded, procrastinated and with- 
held, resolving not to take arms until the last extremity. The 
Nabob on the other hand was anxious to enter into an alliance 
with the Mahrattas : he had a personal dislike to Hyder ; the 
Mahrattas stimulated his ambition by the promise of splendid 
gifts of territory ; and finally, he believed that his alliance with 
them would render his government independent of the English. 
Sir John Lindsay warmly adopted the Nabob's views, with 
respect to the Mahratta alliance, and spared neither reproach, 
exhortation, nor threat, to compel the presidency to embrace the 
same course of policy. Intelligence of these disputes reached 
England, Sir John Lindsay was recalled, and Sir Robert Har- 
land, with an additional naval force, was sent to exercise the 
same powers in his stead. 

Sir Robert Harland warmly advocated the expediency of a 
Mahratta confederacy, but the presidency of Madras firmly 
refused to form such an alliance. The Nabob was thus obliged 
to content himself with mediating between the belligerents ; a 



SECOND WAR WITH HYDER. 151 

peace was concluded with the Mahrattas, on terms extremely 
unfavourable to Hyder, who thenceforth began to detest the 
English, for not only abandoning him in the hour of his need, 
but also for listening to projects which menaced his very exist- 
ence. 

But though the president and council refused to gratify the 
Nabob's desire for the Mahratta alliance, they tendered him 
ready aid, to subdue the Raja of Tanjore. This petty sovereign 
had furnished a smaller contingent, both of money and troops, 
during the late war with Hyder, than he had been expected to 
supply, and had even opened secret communications with the 
enemy. Both the Nabob and the English, were eager to punish 
him whenever an opportunity offered ; a pretence for war was 
afforded by the Raja's attack on the Polygars or chieftains of the 
districts called the Marawars, whom the Nabob claimed as his 
subjects, and he demanded that the Tanjore prince, should not 
attack his vassals. This remonstrance was disregarded, an 
appeal was made to the English, and an army was assembled at 
Trichinopoly, under the command of General Smith, to combine 
with the forces of the Carnatic, headed by the Nabob's son, 
Omrat-al-Omrah. Having captured several strong intervening 
places, the allies advanced to the capital of Tanjore, which they 
immediately invested. A practicable breach was effected and 
preparations for an assault were made, when on the very eve of 
the attack, General Smith was informed that Omrat-al-Omrah 
had concluded a treaty with the Raja, and that the war was at 
an end. Great was the indignation of the English authorities 
at this unexpected termination of the expedition, but rightly 
foreseeing that this accommodation was not likely to be lasting, 
they retained possession of the frontier town of Tanjore, and left 
their forces in the service of the Nabob. 

The Nabob immediately requested the service of the English 
to aid him in subduing those very Polygars of the Marawars, for 
whose protection he had ostensibly declared war against Tanjore. 
Notwithstanding the obvious inconsistency in the pretexts of the 
Nabob, the Presidency, without hesitation, consented to under- 
take the expedition. The IMarawars were conquered, and the 
innocent inhabitants of the district treated with the most signal 
barbarity and injustice ; and when this was accomplished, the 
Nabob resolved to renew his attack on the kingdom of Tanjore, 



152 AFFAIRS OF THE CARNATIC. 

under the false pretence that the conditions of the late treaty had 
not been fulfilled. The council of Madras having solemnly 
recognized the injustice of the war, resolved, nevertheless, to 
assist the Nabob on the ground of policy and expediency. On 
the 20th of August, 1773, the siege of Tanjore was renewed ; on 
the lOth of December a practicable breach was made, and entered 
by storm in the heat of the day, when the garrison did not expect 
an assault, and was unprepared for resistance. The assailants 
scarcely encountered any resistance ; the Raja of Tanjore and 
his family remained prisoners. Immediately after this victory, 
the Dutch were summoned to evacuate Nagore, which they had 
purchased from the Raja, and, as they were unable to maintain 
themselves, they were forced to comply. 

The deposition of the Raja of Tanjore was disapproved by the 
court of directors, and Lord Pigot, who was appointed Governor 
of Madras, where he had formerly ruled previous to his elevation 
to the peerage, brought out orders for the restoration of the 
deposed sovereign. He was also directed to effect some desira- 
ble changes in the financial administration of the Northern Cir- 
cars. Lord Pigot proceeded at once to the restoration of the 
Raja, in spite of the remonstrances of the Nabob and the oppo- 
sition of Sir Robert Fletcher, who, after having been cashiered 
for mutiny in Bengal, had been appointed to the chief command 
of the army of Madras. When this restoration was effected, a 
claim was made by Mr. Paul Benfield to a large share of the re- 
venues of Tanjore, which, he asserted, had been assigned to him 
by the Nabob of the Carnatic, in payment of a debt amounting to 
a quarter of a million of money. Two circumstances of suspicion 
naturally presented themselves — Benfield was a junior servant of 
the Company ; his salary was small, and the extravagance of his 
habits great : it was therefore in the highest degree improbable 
that this enormous debt really existed ; and, supposing that it 
did exist, there was great doubt of the Nabob's right to pay his 
own debts out of the property of the restored Raja of Tanjore. 
In fact, there was every reason to suspect that the whole was a 
collusion between Benfield and the Nabob, to defraud the Com- 
pany and the Raja. Benfield's claims were discussed in the 
council and rejected, but, after the lapse of a few days, it was 
voted that they should be reconsidered, and this was followed by 
a decision in favour of their validity. Lord Pigot, finding him- 



SECOND WAR WITH HYDER. 153 

• 

self opposed by the majority, resolved to exert his powers as Pre- 
sident to protect the Raja of Tanjore from demands wliich he 
declared to be iniquitous. The disputes between the hostile 
parties increased in bitterness, until at length the majority of the 
council took the extraordinary step of arresting Lord Pigot and 
])lacing him in close confinement. This insult so preyed upon 
his high spirit, that his health, which was never very strong, sunk 
under the shock ; he died after a confinement of eight months, 
and a coroner's jury recorded a verdict which indirectly accused 
his persecutors of murder. A compromise was effected with the 
Raja of Tanjore, but Benfield's exorbitant claims were never 
realized. 

When the intelligence of these events reached England, great 
indignation was excited, not only in the body of East India pro- 
prietors, but in the nation at large. The court of proprietors 
voted, by a large majority, that Lord Pigot should be restored, 
and that a rigid enquiry should be made into the conduct of the 
principal actors in his imprisonment. The court of directors 
sanctioned these resolutions by the casting vote of the chairman. 
But the influence of the ministry was exerted to neutralize these 
votes, and it was finally resolved that both parties should be re- 
called for the purpose of an enquiry into the whole affair. The 
death of Iiord Pigot, and the important public events which soon 
followed, diverted attention from this unexampled proceeding ; 
four of the most active members of the council were, indeed, 
prosecuted by the attorney-general, at the instigation of the 
House of Commons, after their return to England ; they were 
convicted of a misdemeanour, and sentenced to pay a fine of one 
thousand pounds each, which, in their case, was but a nominal 
punishment. 

On the death of Lord Pigot, the government of the Presidency 
of Madras devolved on Sir Thomas Rumbold, Mr. Whitehill, and 
General Sir Hector Mimro. A committee of circuit had been 
formed to regulate the collection of the revenues in the Northern 
Circars. Rumbold's first measure was to suspend the proceed- 
ings of the committee, and to command the Zemindars, or chiefs 
who farmed the revenues, to appear personally at Madras and 
enter into new arram^ements. It was asserted that this measure 
was adopted for the purpose of giving Rumbold and his sup- 
porters an opportunity of making a corrupt personal bargain with 

H 5 



154 AFFAIKS OF THE CARNATIC. 

each of the chiefs, and, in one instance at least, there was abun- 
dant evidence to justify such suspicions. Vizeram Raz, the 
Raja of Vizanagaram, was compelled to assign over the manage- 
ment of his affairs to his brother, Sitteram Raz, and at the same 
time agreed to receive from this favoured individual, not more 
than one half the amount of tribute which ought to have been 
obtained for the Company. It subsequently appeared that Sit- 
teram Raz had paid very large sums in Madras which never 
found their way into the Company's treasury, and that Sir 
Thomas Rumbold and his secretary, Mr. Redhead, had forwarded 
to Europe more than six times the amount of their respective 
salaries. 

When the arrangements had been made with the Nizam, in 
1776, it had been agreed that his brother, Basalat Jing, should 
hold the Circar of Guntur in jaghire during life, or so long as the 
Subahdar should remain in friendship with the Company. Some 
alarm was excited at Madras, by intelligence that Basalat Jing 
had taken a French force into his service ; a negociation was 
commenced with this prince, which ended in his agreeing to cede 
Guntur to the Company for a certain annual payment, and his 
encaging to dismiss his French auxiliaries on condition of his re- 
ceiving an English force for the protection of his country. His 
offers were accepted, and a body of troops, under General Harper, 
was sent to garrison his dominions. The French, however, were 
only dismissed to pass into the service of the Nizam, who was 
not a little jealous of the alliance which had been formed with his 
brother. 

The Nizam's indignation was still more justly excited, by the 
refusal of the Presidency of Madras to pay any portion of the 
tribute which had been stipulated for the possession of the Northern 
Circars. His claims were recognized by the supreme council at 
Calcutta, and this body sent a temperate letter to the council of 
Madras, remonstrating against the impolicy and iniquity of its 
proceedings. Sir Thomas Rumbold made an angry and most 
intemperate reply ; in order to evince further his disdain of con- 
trol, he granted a lease of Guntur for ten years to the Nabob of 
Arcot, though he was well aware that the court of directors had 
every reason to be displeased with his exertions in their jaghire 
and in his own dominions. The patience of the directors was at 
length exhausted: in their letter of the 10th of Januarv, 1781 



SECOND WAR WITH HYDER. 155 

after severely censuring the transactions just described, they dis- 
missed Sir Thomas Rumbold and two of his council from their 
service, deprived two more of their seat in the council, and 
expressed the strongest displeasure against the commander of 
their forces, Sir Hector Munro. 

But before Sir Thomas Rumbold and his associates were 
deprived of power, they had been guilty of greater political 
crimes than those already recorded, the consequences of which 
were long and severely felt throughout the whole of British India. 
Hyder Ali had been not unjustly displeased with the treatment 
which he had received from the government of I\Iadras ; he re- 
solved to form a connection with the French, who were on the 
brink of a new war with the English, and his advances were 
eagerly met by the Governor of Pondicherry, who supplied him 
with arms, ammunition, and other warlike supplies, through the 
French settlement of Mahe, on the coast of Malabar. Informa- 
tion of these transactions was conveyed to Rumbold, but he did 
not pay them any attention ; on the contrary, he continued to 
treat Hyder with studied disrespect, while he permitted the mili- 
tary and pecuniary resources of Madras to fall into a state of the 
greatest confusion. 

In the beginning of July, 1778, intelligence was received in 
Bengal which, though somewhat premature, was acted upon as 
certain, that war had commenced between England and France. 
A resolution was immediately formed to take possession of all 
the French settlements in India ; Chandernagore, Masulipatam, 
and Carical, surrendered without resistance, and it Vv'as resolved 
to lose no time in the reduction of Pondicherry. Sir Hector 
Munro, to whom the conduct of the siege was entrusted, proceeded 
with a culpable negligence and slowness, for which it is not easy 
to account, as he was certainly a man of unquestionable courage. 
Sir Edward Vernon, who commanded the British naval force, 
displayed great energies ; he defeated a French squadron so 
severely that its commander at once abandoned the Indian Seas, 
and then landed the marines and a body of sailors to aid in the 
assault. The Governor of Pondicherry, after a gallant defence, 
proposed terms of capitulation, which were cheerfully granted ; 
the garrison marched out with all the honours of war, and one 
regiment was permitted to retain its colours. The defences of Pon- 
dicherry were then dismantled, and the fortifications destroyed. 



156 AFFAIRS OF THE CARNATIC. 

The only place now loft to the French in India, was the small 
fort and settlement of Muhe, on the coast of Malabar. Hyder 
had formerly intimated to the Madras government, that he would 
oppose any attack on Mahe, and retaliate by an invasion of the 
Carnatic ; but, notwithstanding this threat, and the disheartening 
intelligence of the reverses which the Bombay army, as already 
mentioned, had suffered in the Mahratta country, the presidency 
of Madras pursued its designs. Mahe was captured without 
firing a shot, by Colonel Braithwaite, on the 19th of March, 
1779, and retained until the 29th of the following November, 
when Braithwaite being ordered to join General Goddard at 
Surat, levelled the fort with the ground. 

Before Braithwaite's arrangements for going to Surat could be 
completed, he received a requisition from the chief and factory at 
Tellicherry, which was exposed to considerable danger. Hyder, 
enraged at the protection granted to a Nair chief who had in- 
curred his displeasure, stimulated the neighbouring chieftains to 
attack the settlement, which would have been exposed to the 
most imminent danger, had not Braithwaite moved with his whole 
detachment to its support. These elements of dissention daily 
assumed a more threatening aspect, until at length, in November, 
1779, the Nabob of the Carnatic sent certain information to 
Madras, that a league, for the total expulsion of the English from 
India, had been formed by Hyder, the Mahrattas, and the Nizam. 
Notwithstanding this warning, no measures were taken which 
had a reference to the war, until the following June, when, orders 
were given that the detachment which had been sent to protect 
Basalat Jing, the command of which had been transfenred from 
Colonel Harper to Colonel Baillie, should cross the Kistna, 
to be more in readiness " in case of any disturbance in the 
Carnatic." 

On the 21st of July, intelligence was received, that Hyder 
had crossed the frontier with an army of one hundred thousand 
men, including twenty thousand trained infantry, thirty thousand 
cavalry, and four hundred Europeans who had been in the service 
of the Nizam. He had more than one hundred pieces of cannon, 
managed by Europeans and natives trained to the practice of artil- 
lery, and he was assisted by the councils of Mr. Lally, the leader 
of the French force, who was an officer of high reputation. To 
oppose this force, the English could only muster six thousand 



SECOND WAR WITH HYDER. 157 

infantry, one hundred trained cavalry, in addition to the Nabob's 
irregular horse, and a few pieces of cannon, for which there 
were scarcely any means of equipment. To this must be added, 
the total alienation of the people of the country, who were 
justly weary of the joint government of the Company and the 
Nabob. 

At this crisis. Sir Hector Munro exhibited the greatest re- 
luctance to assume the command of the troops : he wished to 
entrust the management of the campaign to Lord Macleod, who 
had just arrived in India at the head of a Highland regiment ; 
but Lord Macleod did not approve of Munro's plans, and he 
therefore refused to stake his reputation in executing military 
movements of which he more than doubted the wisdom. So 
fierce were the debates on this subject in the council, that Munro 
actually challenged one of the members. Much precious time 
was thus lost, but at length, Munro marched from St. Thomas's 
Mount, after having sent Baillie orders to join him at Conj eve- 
ram. Although cattle could with difficulty be procured for the 
transport of provisions, IVIunro persisted in encumbering his 
march with heavy artillery, the use of which, as he had no forti- 
fications to attack, it is not easy to conjecture. 

Hyder had now laid siege to Arcot, and Munro was eager to 
be joined by Baillie, in order to attempt the relief of the place ; 
but, on the 31st of August, he learned that Baillie, who was 
remarkably deficient in promptitude and decision, had been 
stopped by the swelling of a small river, about five miles north 
of Trepassore. On the same day, he learned that Hyder had 
left Arcot, and was moving on Conjeveram. Baillie had reached 
Perambaucum, within fifteen miles of the main army, when he 
when he was attacked by Tippoo Saib, Hyder's son, with a pro- 
digious superiority of force. After a desperate conflict of several 
hours, the English repulsed their assailants, but Baillie was so 
weakened, that he declared any onward movement was beyond 
the strength of his detachment, and urgently requested Munro 
to push forward to his relief, with the main body of the army. 
Instead of doing so, Munro sent a detachment to liis aid, under 
the command of Colonel Fletcher. This brave body effected a 
junction with Baillie, who quitted his ground on the 9th of 
September, in the full belief that his progress would be facilitated 
by some movement on the part of the main body. Such also 



158 AFFAIRS OF THE CARNATIC. 

was the persuasion of the Europeans in Hyder's service ; they 
urged that chieftain to retreat, and when his spies brought word 
that there were no preparations for a movement in the camp at 
Conjeveram, they insisted that the spies must have been bribed, 
for that such folly and blindness on the part of the English 
general were utterly incredible. 

In spite of the opposition made by Tijipoo's forces, Baillie 
continued his march during the night of the 9th, but early on 
the morning of the 10th, he was informed that the entire host of 
Hyder was approaching to overwhelm him. Nothing ever ex- 
ceeded the steadiness and determination with which Baillie's 
handful of men sustained the attack of their enemies ; had Munro 
made the slightest exertion to create a diversion in their favour, 
by attacking the enemy in the rear, Hyder's hosts would have 
been irretrievably defeated, but he did not move until late in the 
day, and he then returned after a short march, under the mis- 
taken notion that Baillie was victorious. Strange to say, the 
gallant band would probably have achieved a triumph had not 
two of their tumbrils blown up in the midst of the action, by 
which accident they were at once deprived of ammunition, and 
their lines were thrown into confusion. Though exposed to a 
heavy fire of rockets and cannon, charged home by masses of 
cavalry, and pressed by close volleys of musketry from bodies 
of infantry on their flanks and in their front, the Euroj)eans 
maintained the fight after the Sepoys had been annihilated, and 
still demanded to be led on, and to cut their way through the 
enemy. But Baillie, perceiving that his forces were reduced to 
about four hundred men, and despairing of receiving any assist- 
ance from jNIunro, held up a flag of truce. Quarter was promised 
on condition of an immediate surrender, but no sooner had they 
laid down their arms, than the savages rushed upon them with 
unbridled fury, and they Avould all have been massacred, but for 
the prompt and generous interference of Lally and the French 
officers. About two hundred Europeans were spared, but they 
were reserved for the horrors of a captivity which was worse 
than death. 

Munro was now forced to make a speedy retreat ; he reached 
St. Thomas's Mount on the evening of the 13th of September, 
with an army thoroughly dispirited and exhausted. The presi- 
dency began to tremble for Madras itself; the place was destitute, 



SECOND WAR WITH HYDER. 159 

not only of provisions, but of supplies of every kind, and had 
Hyder followed the English with his usual impetuosity, he would 
probably have overthrown their sovereignty in the Carnatic. 
At this calamitous period, the Governor-General of India, Warren 
Hastings, acted with a promptitude and wisdom which might 
well atone for many delinquencies. He at once proposed that 
fifteen lacs of rupees, and a large detachment of European 
infantry and artillery should be sent to Madras ; that Sir Eyre 
Coote should have the command of the army, and the sole 
management of the money transmitted, and that the Governor 
of Fort St. George should be suspended until further orders. 
To these mandates the presidency of Madras very reluctantly 
submitted. On the 7th of November, Sir Eyre Coote took his 
seat in the council at Madras, produced the decree deposing the 
governor, and had the satisfaction of finding it sanctioned by the 
majority of the members. 

Arcot had by this time fallen ; the first efforts of Sir Eyre 
Coote were therefore directed to protect Vellore and Wandewash, 
which were closely besieged but gallantly defended by feeble 
garrisons. The siege of Wandewash was abandoned on the ap- 
proach of the English, but, instead of pursuing their advantages, 
they were obliged to direct their course to Pondicherry, in conse- 
quence of the arrival of a French fleet on the coast. The flatter- 
ing prospect of retrieving the influence of their country in India, 
induced the Frenchmen of Pondicherry to forget the clemency 
with which they had been treated by their conquerors; they 
applied coercion to the English resident, enlisted Sepoys, and 
began to collect provisions at Carangoly. Sir Eyre Coote hasted 
to disarm the inhabitants, to remove the provisions from Caran- 
goly, and to destroy the boats. He then marched to protect 
Cuddalore, which was menaced by Hyder, making the most 
strenuous exertions to bring that leader to an action. Having 
failed in forcing a battle, the army next moved to protect Trichi- 
nopoly, which was threatened ; and on its road, attacked without 
success, the fortified Pagoda of Chillingbram. The failure was 
fortunate ; it gave Hyder courage to hazard a battle, at a time 
when want of provisions and means of transport threatened to 
force the English to coop themselves up in Madras. The fight 
was furious; it lasted six hours, and ended in the complete 
defeat of the enemy. Had the English possessed cavalry and 



160 AVFAIRS OF THE CARNATIC. 

other means of active pursuit, they might have deprived Hyder 
of his artillery and stores, and, possibly, reduced him to the neces- 
sity of evacuating the province. 

In consequence of this victory, Tippoo raised the siege of 
Wandewash, and Coote, being joined by a body of Sepoys which 
had come overland from Bengal, resolved to attempt the recovery 
of Madras. Hyder prepared to resist them on the ground where 
he had defeated Baillie. " His position," says Munro, whose 
description of the battle is brief but authentic, "was such that a 
stronger could not have been imagined. Besides three villages 
which the enemies had occupied, the ground along their front, 
and on their flanks, was intersected, in every direction, by deep 
ditches and water-courses ; their artillery fired from embrasures 
cut in mounds of earth, which had been formed from the hollow- 
ing of the ditches, and the main body of the army lay behind 
them. The cannonade became general about ten o'clock, and 
continued, with little intermission, until sunset, for we found it 
almost impossible to advance upon the enemy, as the cannon 
could not be brought up without much time and labour over the 
broken ground in front. The enemy retired as we advanced, and 
always found cover in the ditches and behind the banks. They 
were forced from all before sunset, and, after standing a short 
time a cannonade on open ground, they fled in great hurry and 
confusion towards Conjeveram." From this account it appears 
that Hyder's army was only saved from a total rout by the diffi- 
culty of getting at it, and that Hyder concealed his defeat by 
pretending that it was only a drawn battle. Soon afterwards 
Hyder marched to prevent the relief of Vellore. Coote followed, 
surprised him in his camp, and inflicted upon him a severe 
defeat ; Hyder could only save his guns by the sacrifice of his 
cavalry, which was almost annihilated in covering his retreat. 
After this exploit the army returned to St. Thomas's Mount, 
having lost nearly one-third of its members in this perilous 
campaign. 

Lord Macartney had now come out as Governor of Madras, 
and Sir Eyre Coote, aware that his lordship was not likely to 
allow him so much independence of command as he had pre- 
viously possessed, began to exhibit a sensitive jealousy which 
rendered the position of all parties peculiarly painful. Lord 
Macartney brought out intelligence of the commencement of war 



SECOND WAR WITH HYDER. 161 

between England and Holland, in consequence of which he re- 
solved to take possession of the Dutch settlements in India. He 
commenced by attacking Sadras and Pulicat, both of which sur- 
rendered with little opposition. The President next resolved on 
the attack of Negapatam, but was much annoyed by the strenuous 
resistance of Sir Eyre Coote, who would neither march to the 
attack himself nor spare any of his troops for the purpose. Lord 
Macartney collected the remaining forces of the presidency, and 
entrusted the command of the expedition to Sir Hector Munro. 
That officer displayed, on this occasion, more activity, zeal, and 
enteqDrise than he had manifested on former expeditions. In less 
than three weeks from the landing of the soldiers and marines, 
the Governor of Negapatam was forced to surrender, though his 
garrison was more numerous than the besieging force, A large 
quantity of warlike stores, together with a double investment of 
goods, no ships having arrived from Holland for the investment 
of the preceding year, was found in the place. Nor was this all ; 
a detachment was embarked and sent against the Dutch settle- 
ment of Trincomalee in Ceylon, which was added to the English 
conquests, so that the Dutch were expelled from every one of 
dieir stations in the Indian Seas. 

The fall of Negapatam, in spite of his opposition, and contrary 
to his predictions, did not tend to soothe the irritated feelings 
of Sir Eyre Coote. Lord Macartney had great difficulty in pre- 
serving even the appearance of harmony while he conducted a 
difficult negociation with the Nabob, which ended in the surren- 
der to the English of the financial administration of the Carnatic, 
on condition of paying the Nabob one-sixth of the revenue. In- 
telligence of the fall of Chittore, and of the danger to which 
Vellore was exposed, produced a more beneficial effect on the 
general than entreaties and remonstrances ; he immediately took 
the field, though he was so ill as to be able to travel only in a 
palanquin, and he did not turn back though he was attacked by 
an apoplectic fit on the road. In spite of Hyder's opposition, 
which was, however, confined to a distant cannonade, supplies 
for tluree months were conveyed to Vellore, and the general then 
led back his army in safety to the Mount. 

After the capture of Mahe, the Madras detachment remained 
at Tillicherry, besieged by the Nairs, until it was relieved by 
Major Abingdon with a force from Bombay. The fortress was 



162 AFFAIRS OF THE CARNATIC. 

again invested by one of Hyder's generals, and the major applied 
to the presidency of Bombay for reinforcements ; in reply he 
received orders to evacuate the place, but he concealed the letter 
from his soldiers, and sent such strong representations to his 
superiors that they supplied him with a considerable force. 
Thus strengthened, Abingdon resolved to confine himself no longer 
to defensive measures ; he sallied forth on the night of the 7th of 
January, 1782, suddenly attacked the enemy's camp, threw the 
besiegers into such confusion, that they dispersed without mak- 
ing any resistance, wounded their leader and made him prisoner. 
Having demolished the enemy's works and improved the fortifica- 
tions of Tellicherry, Abingdon marched against Calicut, which 
surrendered after a short siege, and was occupied by an English 
garrison. 

In the meantime, a secret expedition was prepared in England 
which occupied much of the public attention ; it was generally 
believed that the armament was designed to act against some 
part of Spanish America, but its real destination was the Cape of 
Good Hope, and subsequently the Indian Seas. M. de SufTrein, 
who commanded a French squadron, which had been prepared 
to support the cause of France in the east, discovered the secret 
of the- English designs. He followed in close pursuit, and found 
the English squadron anchored in Praya Bay, in the Cape de 
Verd Islands, utterly unsuspicious of the approach of an enemy. 
Though thus attacked at a disadvantage, the English beat off 
their foes, but so much time was wasted in refitting, that SufFrein 
reached the Cape long before them, and so strengthened its 
fortifications as to render an attack hopeless. Commodore 
Johnstone, however, made prize of the greater part of a fleet of 
Dutch East Indiamen, which were at anchor in Soldanha Bay ; 
he then returned to Europe with his prizes and most of his 
squadron, leaving the rest to proceed with troops to India. 
Why he should thus have abandoned the Indian Seas, when he 
knew that SufFrein had sailed thither, we are unable to explain, 
but at this unhappy period of the American war, the English 
arms were destined to suffer disgrace in every quarter of the 
globe, from the obstinacy and incapacity of those entrusted with 
the direction of affairs. While the principal ships of war, having 
on board General jSIeadows and Colonel Fullarton, with the chief 
part of the army, went in search of Admiral Hughes, on the Coast 



SECOND WAR WITH HYDER. 163 

of Coromandel, the remainder sailed for Bombay with a detach- 
ment entrusted to Colonel Humberstone Mackenzie. After his 
arrival, Humberstone hearing of the dangers to which Madras 
was exposed, resolved to make a diversion on the coast of Mala- 
bar, and for this purpose joined Abingdon at Calicut, whence he 
made incursions into Hyder's dominions, and gained several 
advantages. 

In the mean time, Suffrein having obtained reinforcements at 
the Isle of France, sailed for the Coast of Coromandel, and nar- 
rowly missed intercepting the English squadron, before it could 
effect a junction with Admiral Hughes. Twenty-four hours after 
this junction was effected, Suffrein appeared in Madras roads, 
and Hughes immediately prepared for action. The engagement 
was indecisive ; after a distant cannonade, Suffrein proceeded to 
Porto Novo, where he landed an army of three thousand men, 
including a regiment of Caffres, under the command of M. Bussy. 
Drury sailed for Trincomalee, to refit his ships. 

Hyder's son, Tippoo, hastened to join his French auxiliaries. 
He had just inflicted upon the English one of the heaviest losses 
which they had endured in the entire course of the war, by the 
destruction of Colonel Braithwaite's detachment in Tanjore. 
Braithwaite, whose force consisted of one hundred Europeans, one 
thousand five hundred sepoys and three hundred cavalry, had en- 
camped on an open plain, near the banks of the river Coleroon, 
believing that he v/as exposed to no danger from a distant 
enemy. In this position he was surrounded and attacked by 
Tippoo, at the head of ten thousand cavalry, an equal number 
of infantry, four hundred European troops, and twenty pieces of 
cannon. During twenty-six hours of incessant conflict, Braith- 
waite's gallant little troop repidsed the hordes brought against 
them by Tippoo ; at length, Lally with his Europeans advanced 
against them, the courage of the Sepoys failed, and they fell into 
confusion. Lally had the utmost difficulty in obtaining quarter 
for these brave men, but it must be added, that Tippoo subse- 
quently treated his prisoners with great humanity. 

The arrival of such large reinforcements from France, gave 
alarming strength to Tippoo ; he laid seige to Cuddalore, which 
surrendered on the 3rd of April, and became a convenient station, 
both naval and military, for the French. This loss might have 
been prevented by the English admiral, Sir Edward Hughes, 



164 AFFAIRS IN THE CARNATIC. 

but the king's officers, both on sea and land, disdained to receive 
orders from the Company's servants, and we shall subsequently 
see, that several opportunities of performing essential service 
which the sagacity of Lord Macartney pointed out, were wan- 
tonly thrown away by the naval and military commanders. 

Sir Eyre Coote took the field on the l7th of April, having 
delayed the anny in cantonments, partly for want of proper 
supplies, but principally in consequence of his disputes with the 
civil authorities. His object was to protect Parmacoil, but on 
arriving at Carangoly, he found that the place had already 
surrendered. He then made an attempt to surprise Arnee, 
where Hyder's treasures were deposited, but Hyder engaged the 
attention of the English, with a distant cannonade, while Tippoo 
with a strong detachment removed the treasure, after which he 
retired, affording the English no opportunity of coming to a 
decisive engagement. On his return to Madras, after this inde- 
cisive campaign, Coote had the misfortune to lose a regiment of 
European cavalry, which was drawn into an ambuscade and cut 
to pieces. 

Hyder contrived to amuse Sir Eyre Coote with pretended 
negociations, while he prepared to combine with the French fleet, 
in recovering Negapatam. Fortunately, Sir Edward Hughes 
met Suffrein as he was steering towards the place, and brought 
him to action. The engagement was close, warm and general ; 
the French were beginning to fall into disorder, when a sudden 
change of wind enabled Suff'rein to withdraw his shattered ships, 
with which he sailed to Cuddalore. Here he made the most 
vigorous and successful efforts to repair his vessels, and in a 
short time was again at sea in as good a condition as ever. In- 
telligence of this event was conveyed to Madras ; Lord Macartney 
sent the most pressing instances to Sir Edward Hughes, to put 
to sea and protect Negapatam and Trincomalee, which were both 
menaced, but the jealousy of the admiral rendered him obstinate; 
he refused to put to sea until it pleased himself, and he delayed 
until the 20th of August, nearly three weeks after the departure 
of Suffrein from Cuddalore. The consequences of this lamenta- 
ble folly may easily be anticipated ; when Hughes arrived off" 
Trincomalee, he found that the fortress had surrendered to the 
French three days before. Hughes, burning to revenge this loss, 
engaged the French fleet on the 3rd of September, and notwith- 



SECOND WAR WITH HYDER. 165 

standing the inferiority of his force, gained a victory, of which 
he did not know how to take advantage. One French ship was 
disabled, and two others so severely injured, that it was ten 
days before they could be got into harbour. Suffrein justly 
described these vessels as presents received from the English 
admiral, who made no attempt to take advantage of their defence- 
less condition, but returned to Madras. 

The dissensions between the English authorities were soon re- 
newed ; Sir Edward Hughes announced his intention of abandon- 
ing the Coast of Coromandel, and seeking shelter in Bombay 
during the season of the monsoon. He persevered in this design 
though information was received that Negapatam was already 
attacked, and that Sir Richard Bickerton was on his way to join 
him with five sail of the line. Bickerton arrived in Madras roads 
on the fourth day after the departure of Hughes, but, on learning 
the proceedings of the admiral, he followed him to Bombay. At 
the same time, Sir Eyre Coote, whose health had been long 
declining, surrendered the command of the army to General 
Stuart, who inherited all the obstinacy, but few of the better 
qualities of his predecessor. 

No military operations of any consequence were undertaken 
during the winter months, but Madras suffered all the horrors of 
a dreadful famine. A dreadful hurricane, which came on soon 
after the departure of the fleet, wrecked the store-vessels, which 
were laden with rice, no supply could be obtained from Bengal, 
and war had exhausted all the resources of the Carnatic. The 
multitude of the dead and dying superadded the horrors of pes- 
tilence ; fifteen hundred bodies were burned weekly in the 
trenches, and not less than half a million of persons perished in 
the Carnatic. 

We must now turn our attention to the war waged against the 
Mahrattas by the Presidencies of Bombay and Bengal. General 
Goddard, having received information that Holkar and Scindiah 
would be attacked from the upper provinces of Bengal, and thus 
prevented from interfering with his operations, resolved to lay 
siege to Bassein, while, at the same time, he sent Colonel Hartley 
into the Conkan to secure the revenues of that country for 
the British authorities, and also to cover the besieging ai-my. 
Hartley expelled the Mahrattas from the Conkan, and took up a 
position near the Bhore Ghaut, whence he retreated to Doogaur 



166 AFFAIRS IN THE CARNATIC. 

on the approach of an enormous hostile force. Here he was at- 
tacked, on the 10th and 11th of December, 1780, by twenty 
thousand Mahrattas, whom he completely defeated, with the loss 
of their general. Bassein surrendered at discretion about the 
same time. Goddard then made an advance upon Poonah, but 
soon returned, and suffered severely from the pursuit of the 
Mahrattas as he descended the Ghauts. On the Bengal side, 
Colonel Carnac, who had superseded Captain Popham, was on 
the very brink of ruin, when he adopted the bold resolution of 
surprising Scindiah's camp by night. The enterprise was com- 
pletely successful ; the enemy dispersed and fled in disorder, 
leaving several guns and elephants, with a quantity of ammuni- 
tion, in prize to the victors. Colonel Muir soon afterwards 
joined Carnac, and, as senior officer, assumed the command. 
He opened negociations with Scindiah, whose resources were 
now exhausted, and finally, a treaty was concluded with the 
Mahrattas at Salbye, on the 17th of May, 1782. 

Colonel Humberstone, who commanded at Calicut, having 
received reinforcements, took the field early in September, and 
captured several forts, though he was obliged to leave his heavy 
artillery behind, for want of draught cattle. The capture of 
Palacatcherry was necessary to the complete success of his 
operations, but finding that it would be impossible to take the 
place without artillery, Colonel Macleod, who had been sent by 
Sir Eyre Coote to take the command, resolved to occupy a camp 
at several miles distance, until his battering cannon should 
arrive. The officer entrusted with the conduct of the retreat 
gave wrong orders, so that the baggage and stores were thrown 
into the rear, an error which did not escape the notice of the 
watchful enemies. When the army had passed a narrow defile, 
with the exception of the rear-guard and baggage, the enemies 
suddenly made an attack, by which they obtained possession of 
all the provisions, and nearly all the ammunition. It now only 
remained for the English to make their retreat to the sea-coast 
with the utmost expedition, and on their road, they received in- 
formation that Tippoo was hastening after them with twenty 
thousand men, which Hyder had detached from the army of the 
Carnatic. Tippoo soon appeared ; the English continued their 
retreat, fighting at every step, and at length succeeded in occu- 
pying Paniani. Here they were assailed with desperate fury, 



SECOND WAR WITH HYDER. 167 

and had great difficulty in repelling the attack. They were 
preparing to meet a second assault, with some misgivings as to 
the result, when, to their utter astonishment, they saw Tippoo's 
army in full retreat, and in a few hours not one man of the Mysore 
forces could be seen. 

This unexpected movement was caused by the death of Hyder, 
intelligence of which had been secretly communicated to Tippoo. 
Though great pains were taken to conceal the event, the news 
was conveyed to Lord Macartney, who urged General Stuart to 
take advantage of the crisis, and attack the Mysorean army. 
Stuart peremptorily refused obedience, first pretending to dis- 
believe the intelligence, and then asserting that the army was 
deficient in equipments for marching at that season of the year, 
llyder died on the 7th of December, 1782, General Stuart did 
not commence active operations until the 5th of the following 
February, when the opportunity of striking a decisive blow was 
irrecoverably lost. Stuart withdrew the garrisons from Wande- 
wash and Carangoly, which it was held impossible to maintain, 
and blew up the fortifications of both. He then marched to- 
wards Vellore, where he received information that Tippoo was 
retreating from the Camatic, and had given orders for the evacu- 
ation of Arcot. 

Tippoo was recalled to the western side of India, not only by 
the necessity of establishing his authority in his hereditary 
dominions, but also for the purpose of repelling a very formidable 
invasion. After his departure from Paniani, the English army 
divided, the Sepoys proceeding by land to Tellicherry, and the 
Europeans by sea to Merjee. Here they were joined by General 
Matthews, from Bombay, with a considerable army, which he 
increased by collecting all the troops along the coast. Thus 
strengthened, he forced the passes of the Ghauts, took possession 
of Bednore, carried Ananpore by storm, and compelled Manga- 
lore to capitulate. It was proposed that the treasure found in 
these places should be applied to pay the large arrears due to the 
army, but Matthews refused to listen to any such proposition. 
Suspicions of his rapacity were spread, but he severely punished 
all refractory proceedings. Three of the principal officers, Colonel 
Macleod, Colonel Humberstone, and Major Shaw, quitted the 
army to lay their complaints before the governor and council of 
Bombay. So flagrant did the conduct of the general appear to 



1G8 AFFAIRS IN THE CARNATIC. 

these authorities, that they ordered him to be superseded, trans- 
ferring the command of the army to Colonel Macleod, who was 
next in rank. Unfortunately, Macleod, on his return to the 
army by sea, fell in with a Mahratta squadron, ignorant of the 
recent peace; Shaw was killed, Humberstone was mortally 
wounded, and Macleod, who was also wounded, remained a 

prisoner. 

While the army of Matthews was dispersed in detachments, 
Tippoo suddenly concentrated his forces and invested Bednore, 
which was unprepared for resistance. The English made a brave 
defence, but were finally forced to capitulate. In this extremity, 
Matthews distributed the public treasure among his soldiers, and 
Tippoo availed himself of this breach of faith to violate the terms 
of the capitulation. Matthews, after having suffered the most 
cruel tortures, was assassinated in prison ; his unfortunate com- 
panions were subjected to the horrors of a most rigorous cap- 
tivity. Tippoo, immediately after this success, proceeded to 
invest Mangalore, a seaport town, to the possession of which 
both he and his father attributed a very inordinate importance. 

"WTiile the army of Madras remained inactive, Suifrein, whom 
the English admiral had not yet returned to oppose, landed 
Bussy with a reinforcement of French troops at Cuddalore. 
Urgent requests were made to General Stuart by Lord Macart- 
ney, to prevent the French from establishing themselves in this 
important post, but neither reproaches nor remonstrances could 
induce him to move for several weeks, and then he marched at 
less than the rate of three miles per day. In the meantime, 
the fleet, greatly augmented, returned to Madras, whence it was 
sent to aid in the operations designed for the recovery of Cud- 
dalore. 

When General Stuart arrived before Cuddalore, he found that 
the French had already thrown up several fortifications. He 
hazarded an attack upon their lines, which was partially success- 
ful, but the English suffered so severely, that they made no 
attempt to improve their victory. The hostile fleets arrived 
nearly at the same time off Cuddalare ; an engagement ensued 
with the usual result. SufFrein was defeated, but remained near 
the scene of action to repair his losses, while the victorious English 
admiral, returned to Madras with as much precipitation as if he 
had been beaten. Suffrein landed as many men as could be 



SECOND WAR WITH HYDER. 169 

spared from the fleet, and Bussy, thus reinforced, made an attack 
upon the English lines, which was repulsed with great difficulty. 
It deserves to be remarked that Charles John Bernadotte, the 
present king of Sweden, then only an humble serjeant in the 
French service, was wounded and taken prisoner in this en- 
gagement. Bussy was preparing for a renewed attack, which in 
all human probability would have been successful, had not in- 
tellio'ence arrived that peace had been concluded between France 
and England. A cessation of arms was instantly agreed upon, 
and Bussy sent an invitation to Tippoo, to join in the treaty, at 
the same time recalling the French battalions engaged in his 
service. The same messenger who brought intelligence of the 
peace to the camp, conveyed to General Stuart a peremptory 
summons to appear before the Governor and Council of Madras. 
After some delay he obeyed ; a new series of disputes followed, 
and at len"-th, the governor and council resolved that Stuart 
should be dismissed the Company's service ; he refused to obey, 
and was supported in his refusal by Sir John Burgoyne, the 
second in command. Lord Macartney adopted the decisive 
measure of arresting Stuart and bringing him a prisoner to the 
Fort, whence, in a few days, he sailed for England. 

Amid all these errors and disgraces the honour of the English 
arms was nobly maintained by Colonel FuUarton, who had the 
command of the army in the southern provinces. In the midst 
of a career of conquest, he was stopped by orders from General 
Stuart, requiring him to join the troops at Cuddalore, and when 
he resumed his march, he received information that an armistice 
had been concluded. Learning, however, that Tippoo had re- 
newed hostilities against Mangalore, he pushed forward to make 
a dash upon Seringapatam without waiting for further orders. 
He reduced the strong fortresses of Palacatcherry and Coimba- 
tore, and had made every arrangement for moving on Seringapa- 
tam, when he received orders, on the 28th of November, to 
suspend all operations, and restore the places he had taken. 
Fullarton, aware of the treacherous character of Tippoo, retarded 
the execution of these commands, and had reason to be proud of 
his foresight when, on the 26th of the following January, he 
received directions to re-assemble his army, and renew the war. 
Tippoo was resolved not to listen to any terms of peace, until he 
had completed the reduction of Mangalore, which he had be- 

I 



170 AFFAIRS IN THE CARNATIC. 

sieged at great loss for more than a year. General Macleod, who 
had been sent with a squadron to relieve the place, instead of 
landing, entered into a ncgociation with Tippoo, and agreed to 
return to Bombay, on condition of being allowed to throw a 
month's provision into the garrison. The supply was drawn 
from damaged stores purchased of a navy agent, and was so bad 
that not one in twenty of the pieces of beef and pork could be 
eaten even by the dogs. At length the gallant Campbell, by 
whom and his garrison the place had been so nobly defended, 
proposed to capitulate. Tippoo granted them the most favour- 
able terms, and they marched to Tellicherry with arms, accoutre- 
ments, and the honours of war. 

In the negociations for peace with Tippoo, the English com- 
missioners submitted to many humiliations, which showed that 
their spirit was broken by the numerous disasters of the war. A 
treaty was at length concluded, March 11th, 1784, on the basis 
of a mutual restitution of conquests ; it was ratified by the 
supreme council at Calcutta, in the absence of Mr. Hastings, and 
an additional clause, which, contrary to every rule of equity, that 
gentleman, at a subsequent period, wished to introduce, was re- 
jected by the honourable firmness of Lord Macartney. 

During the entire of this period, there was an incessant strug- 
gle between the presidencies of Bengal and Madras. Hastings 
lost no opportunity of mortifying Lord Macartney, whom he 
viewed with jealousy on account of his rank as a peer, and still 
more for being the first person chosen from the king's service to 
fill one of those high offices which had been previously restricted 
to the Company's servants. After Sir Eyre Coote had returned 
to Bengal, Hastings sent him back with powers to resume the 
military command, exempt from dependence on the Madras 
government. It is probable that Lord Macartney would have 
resisted such a subversion of his authority, and thus the presi- 
dency might have been involved in civil war ; but the danger 
was averted by the death of Coote, who expired three days after 
his landing in Madras, April 26th, 1784. 



171 



CHAPTER X. 

CONCLUSION OF THE ADMINISTRATION OP 
WARREN HASTINGS. 



During the Mysorean and Mahratta wars, the Governor-gene- 
ral and council were involved in other affairs of no ordinary im- 
portance. A contest arose between the council and the supreme 
court of judicature which virtually involved the Company's right 
to sovereignty over the provinces which it had acquired, though 
it apparently was a mere struggle between the judicial and 
executive authorities. The supreme court created by Act of 
Parliament in 1773, consisted of one chief and three puisne 
judges. Its civil jurisdiction extended to all claims against the 
Company and against British subjects, and to all such claims of 
British subjects against the natives, as the party in the contract 
under dispute had agreed, in case of dispute, to submit to its 
decision. In criminal cases, its powers extended to all British 
subjects, and to all persons directly or indirectly in the service of 
the Company, or of any British subject at the time of the offence. 
Parliament, however, did not define what it was that constituted a 
British subject, and the judges adopted a wide interpretation of 
the phrase, which not only included all the subjects of the Com- 
pany, but even the subjects of the native powers over whom the 
Company exercised an immediate control. The judges had not 
been Ions in the exercise of their functions, when the eflFects of 
their pretensions began to appear, writs were issued at the suit 
of individuals against the Zemindars, in ordinary actions of debt; 
the Zemindars were ordered to Calcutta, to enter an appearance ; 
if they neglected the writ, they were taken into custody ; or if 
on their arrival at Calcutta, they were unable to find bail, which 
if they were strangers and the sum more than trifling, it was 
nearly impossible that they should do, they were consigned to 

I 2 



172 CONCLUSION OF THE ADMINISTRATION 

prison for all the time which the delays of English judicature 
might interpose between this calamitous stage and the final ' 
termination of the suit. 

It had been the immemorial practice in India, for that branch 
of the administration connected with the collection of the re- 
venue, to exercise a power of summary jurisdiction in all dis- 
puted matters connected with taxation. This power was vested 
in the provincial councils and the courts, called Dewannee 
Adaulut, established under their authority. The supreme court 
soon began to interfere with the Dewannee Adaulut ; when any 
coercive process was issued by the latter, the defaulters were 
tauo-ht to sue out a writ of habeas corpus in the supreme court, 
where it was held competent and was in practice customary, for 
the judges to set them at liberty upon bail. As the inhabitants 
of India are even more reluctant to pay taxes than those of 
England, the members of the government justly dreaded that it 
would become impossible to realize any revenue in India, if the 
payment could only be enforced by the tedious and expensive 
forms of English law. The Company had reserved to the Nabob 
of Bengal, Mobarek-al-Dowla, the Nizamut or administration of 
justice in civil cases ; to this government of the Nabob, the 
judges of the supreme, or, as they loved to call it, the King's 
Court, declared that they would pay no regard. " The act of 
parliament," said Mr. Justice Hyde, " does not consider Mobarek 
al-Dowla as a sovereign prince ; the jurisdiction of this court 
extends over all his dominions." Mr. Justice Le Maistre went 
farther : " With regard to this phantom," he said, " tliis man of 
straw, Mobarek-al-Dowla, it is an insult to the understanding of 
the court to have made the question of his sovereignty ; but it 
comes from the Governor-general and council : I have too much 
respect for that body to treat it ludicrously, and I confess I can- 
not consider it seriously." He further added, that " the Nabob 
was a mere empty name, without any real right, or the exercise 
of any power whatever." That the recognition of such preten- 
sions would have transfen-ed the entire of the government to the 
hands of the judges of the supreme court, is too obvious to re- 
quire any illustration. 

Mr. Hastings, in order to remedy this condition of affairs, in- 
stituted a new court of appeal from the provincial courts, which 
he named the Sudder Dewannee Adaulut, at the head of which 



OF WARREN HASTINGS. ItS 

he placed the king's chief justice, Sir Elijah Impey, with a salary 
of about £7000 annually. As both the place and the pay were 
held during the pleasure of the governor and council, it appears 
to have been presumed that Impey v^^ould no longer set the juris- 
diction of the king's courts in opposition to the Dewannee Adau- 
luts, and that he would become an instrument of conciliation 
between. the council and the court." The English House of 
Commons strenuously condemned these proceedings, and finally, 
Sir Elijah Impey was recalled to answer criminal charges founded 
on his conduct. Some important changes were at the same time 
made in financial afiairs ; a board of revenue was formed at the 
presidency, to superintend the collection of taxes, and to lease 
the revenues to the Zemindars, without the aid of any interme- 
diate agency. 

Having completed these arrangements, Mr. Hastings set out 
on his celebrated tour to the Upper Provinces ; the government 
was distressed for money, and he resolved to obtain it from the 
Raja of Benares and the Nabob of Oude. Cheit Sing, Raja of 
Benares, had been received into the protection of the Company 
on condition of paying a certain amount of tribute ; a large sub- 
sidy was now demanded in addition ; the Raja paid it for one 
year, with a stipulation that it should not be again required. It 
was demanded the following ; he remonstrated ; an army was 
sent to enforce compliance, and he was compelled to pay, not 
only the original demand, but £2000 as a fine for delay, under 
the title of expense of the troops employed to coerce him. In 
the third year the same remonstrances were repeated ; the Raja's 
agent paid the Governor-general two lacs of rupees as a present, 
but the contribution was nevertheless, enforced, and a new fine of 
£10,000 imposed. Mr. Hastings resolved to treat the Raja as a 
refractory Zemindar ; he proceeded to Benares, refused to admit 
Cheit Sing into his presence, and finally gave orders that he 
should be arrested as a delinquent. The people of Benares rose 
in defence of their ruler, forced a way into the palace, and de- 
stroyed the greater part of the Sepoys and ofiicers who had him 
in charge. During the confusion, Cheit Sing escaped by a wicket 
•which opened upon the river, and with some difficulty, made his 
way to the opposite side. An attempt to recover the palace was 
defeated with great loss ; Mr. Hastings, destitute of men and 
money, was exposed to great personal danger, but he eff'ected his 



174 CONCLUSION OF THE ADMINISTRATION 

escape from Benares to Chunar. The war that ensued was of 
brief duration ; the forces which Cheit Sing collected, when all 
his offers of submission were rejected, made but a feeble resist- 
ance ; after a severe defeat, they disbanded themselves, and the 
Kaja fled to Bundelcund, leaving his wife and treasure in the 
fort of Bijygur. This place was soon captured, but the treasures 
were divided among the soldiers, who refused to yield any part 
of it up to the government, even as a loan. Cheit Sing's deposi- 
tion was formally announced, a grandson of the late Raja Bul- 
want Sing, by a daughter, was selected as the new Raja ; the 
amount of tribute was raised to forty lacs of rupees, and the ad- 
ministration of justice in Benares was subjected to the control of 
the Company's officers. 

The attention of the Governor-general was next directed to the 
case of the Vizier-nabob of Oude, whose stipulated payments to 
the Company had fallen greatly into arrear, in consequence of 
the heavy expenses he incurred in supporting the English bri- 
gades which he had been compelled to maintain. *' It is notori- 
ous," says Mr. Francis, " that the English army had devoured 
his revenues and his country, under the pretence of defending it.' 
The debt with which the Nabob stood charged, amounted to 
£1,400,000; previous to adopting the measures on which he 
had resolved in order to obtain payment, Mr. Hastings super- 
seded Biistow, the resident at Lucknow, and appointed his 
creature, Middleton, to the vacancy, in defiance of the express 
orders of the court of directors. There were two princesses, 
known by the name of Begums, the mother of the late Nabob, 
and his widow, who was also the mother of the present Nabob ; 
they had been left in possession of large jaghires, to provide, not 
only for their own support, but for the maintenance of the 
numerous families of preceding nabobs, and Suja-ad-Dowla had 
bequeathed them at his death the greater part of the treasure 
which happened to be in his hands. The riches of the Begums 
appeared to Mr. Hastings an admirable resource ; he agreed to 
relieve the Nabob of the expense of maintaining the English 
troops and gentlemen which he was unable to bear, provided 
that he would strip the princesses of their treasures and jaghires, 
delivering the proceeds to the Governor-general. The reasons 
which Mr. Hastings adduced for this extraordinary proceeding i 



OF WARREN HASTINGS. 175 

■were, that the Begums had endeavoured to excite insurrections 
in Oude in favour of Cheit Sing, and that they had employed 
their power and influence to embarrass and disturb the Nabob's 
administration. 

The resumption of the jaghires was effected with little diffi- 
culty ; after which the Nabob, accompanied by Middleton, the 
English resident, with a body of English troops, proceeded to- 
wards the abode of the princesses at Fyzabad. After a short 
time had been spent in demands and negociations, the English 
were ordered to storm the town and castle ; but as no opposition 
was made, little blood was shed ; the troops took possession of 
all the outer enclosure of the palace of one of the princesses, and 
blocked up the other. 

It was deemed imprudent to shock oriental prejudices by 
violating the sanctity of the female apartments ; Middleton, 
however, seized upon the principal agents and favourites of 
the Begums, placed them in irons, and ordered that they 
should be kept without food until the princesses had surren- 
dered their treasures. By these means more than half a mil- 
lion of money was extorted from the Begums by the Resident, 
for the use of the Company. More, however, was required ; 
the prisoners were detained several months in close confine- 
ment, and, at least, menaced with torture, if corporeal punish- 
ment was not actually inflicted. At length, when it was 
evident that no more money could be had, the prisoners were 
set at liberty, and the joy which they naturally evinced at 
their deliverance, was actually quoted as a proof of their having 
had no reason to complain of the treatment which they had 

received. 

One more circumstance connected with these transactions re- 
mains to be mentioned ; Mr. Hastings accepted a present of one 
hundred thousand pounds from the Nabob, of which he informed 
the directors, and in very plain terms requested their permission, 
as a reward for his services, to make the money his own. But 
his proceedings began now to excite much dissatisfaction in 
England ; several of his measures were reprobated by the Coiirt 
of Directors, and, at length, on the 8th of February, 1785, he 
resigned his office, and embarked for England. Few rulers of 
any country have had to encounter more difficulties, and meet so 



176 CONCLUSION OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF WARREN HASTINGS. 

many extraordinary temptations as Mr. Hastings during his 
administration in Bengal. His government was, on the whole, 
popular both with the English residents and the Natives ; nor 
must it be forgotten, whatever may have been his defects, that 
he was the first, or among the first servants of the Company, 
who attempted to acquire any language of the Natives, and who 
set on foot those liberal enquiries into the literature and in- 
stitutions of the Hindus, which have led to the satisfactory 
knowledge of the present day. 



177 



CHAPTER XI. 

LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND RESPECTING 
INDIA. WAR WITH TIPPOO SULTAN. 



As the exclusive privileges of the East India Company were 
to expire on three years notice after the 25th of March, 1780, 
great anxiety was created in the beginning of that year respecting 
the terms on which the Charter should be renewed. The con- 
tests between the supreme council and the supreme court in Cal- 
cutta — the loud complaints which Mr. Francis made of the con- 
duct of Mr. Hastings, and the intelligence of the dangers to 
which the Carnatic had been exposed by the irruption of Hyder 
All, created a great excitement throughout the nation, and led 
many to fear that the English interests in Asia were brought to 
the verge of ruin by the misconduct of the persons entrusted 
with their management. Lord North, who was then prime 
minister, deemed it a fixed principle of constitutional law that 
the crown had an absolute and indefeasible right to all territories 
acquired by subjects, while the Company boldly asserted that the 
Indian provinces they had gained, belonged of right to themselves. 
With this abstract question another of more practical importance 
was joined, namely, what proportion of the proceeds from their 
Indian territories, the Company should be compelled to pay over 
to the nation. 

Lord North's administration was, at this period, tottering to 
its fall ; the American war, unwisely provoked and miserably 
conducted, had ended in the establishment of the independence of 
the United States, and the consequent loss to the nation of the 
most valuable colonies which had ever belonged to any em- 
pire. Ireland had taken advantage of the minister's weakness 
to demand freedom of trade and legislative independence ; a 
growing party in England began to agitate for parliamentary 

I 5 



178 LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND RESPECTING 

reform, and many who had been zealous supporters of the minis- 
ter in the House of Commons, went over to the ranks of opposi- 
tion. These circumstances induced the Company to resist the 
minister's proposals for a new arrangement, and an extension of 
the charter was finally obtained, with only one additional con- 
dition, the recognition of the minister's right to inspect all 
despatches relating to financial, civil, and military afiTairs, received 
by the directors from their servants in India. Select committees 
of the House of Commons were appointed to investigate various 
matters connected with the state of Indian affairs, and the valu- 
able reports which they published, put the legislature and the 
country in possession of a vast fund of information, illustrating 
the true condition of the British empire in the East. 

Lord North was driven from office in 1 782 ; his successor was the 
Marquis of Rockingham, who was the leader of a party notoriously 
hostile to those who at this period managed the affairs of India. 
A bill of pains and penalties against Sir Thomas Rumbold was 
introduced, but it was conducted very slowly through the several 
stages of legislation, and was finally abandoned. On the death 
of the Marquis of Rockingham, the Earl of Shelburne, afterwards 
Marquis of Lansdowne, became premier. This gave great offence 
to Mr, Fox, who not only seceded from the cabinet, but formed 
a coalition with his old political opponent, Lord North, To 
their united parliamentary strength, the Shelburne cabinet was 
forced to yield, and the coalition ministry was formed, to the 
great vexation of the king, and the secret discontent of the 
nation. In due time Mr. Fox introduced his plan for the better 
government of India ; he proposed to entrust the power and 
patronage possessed by the court of directors and proprietors, to 
seven commissioners chosen by the legislature ; and, at the same 
time, regulations were proposed for preventing the evils which 
had arisen in the local government of India. This plan was the 
signal for the fiercest strife of parties ever witnessed in England ; 
it was said that the minister aimed at engrossing all the power 
and patronage of India, through the means of commissioners, 
■who would only be his nominees, and that he thus designed ta 
make himself independent both of the king and the people. The 
ministerial measure, notwithstanding this clamour, passed the 
Lower House by large majorities, but, when it reached the 
Lords, the king empowered Earl Temple to declare that he 



INDIA. WAR WITH TIPPOO SULTAN. 179 

would consider every one who supported the measure as person- 
ally his enemy ; the bill was, consequently, lost on the second 
reading by a majority of eighty-seven against seventy-nine. The 
coalition-ministry was soon after dismissed, and a new cabinet 
formed under the auspices of Mr. William Pitt. 

Parliament having been dissolved, the result of the consequent 
election gave Mr. Pitt's cabinet a decisive majority, and enabled 
him to carry, triumphantly, his bills for the government of India. 

. The most important innovation he introduced, was the creation of 
a board of control, composed of six members of the privy council, 
chosen by the king, with power " to check, superintend, and con- 
trol all acts, operations, and concerns, which in anywise relate to 
the civil or military government, or revenues of the territories 
and possessions of the said united Company in the East Indies." 
This vague and indefinite phraseology left the relations between the 
board of control and the court of directors in a very unsettled state, 
and soon led to angry collision between these bodies. The power of 
the court of directors was increased, and that of the court of pro- 
prietors greatly decreased ; the directors were at the same time em- 
powered to elect a committee of secresy, which could transact busi- 
ness with the board of control, without making any inconvenient 
communications in open court. It was enacted that all servants 
of the Company should give an exact inventory of the amount of 
property which they brought from India ; and a new tribunal 
was constituted " for the prosecuting and bringing to speedy and 
condign punishment British subjects guilty of extortion and 
other misdemeanours while holding offices in the service of the 
king or Covnpany of India." As this tribunal has never since 
been called upon to act, it is not necessary to enquire into its 
constitution or efficacy. 

Mr. Macpherson, the senior member of council, assumed 
the government of India immediately after the departure of Mr. 
Hastings ; he made no change in the policy of his predecessor, 
to whom he imputed the blame of the large and dangerous acces- 
sion made to the Mahratta power when Scindia took possession 
of Delhi, and of the person of the unfortunate emperor. This, 
however, attracted less attention than the affairs of the Carnatic • 
the board of control decided that all the debts which the Nabob 
of the Carnatic had contracted, or was said to have contracted 

with private individuals, should be recognized as legitimate 



180 LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND RESPECTING 

claims, without any investigation or enquiry, and that means 
should be taken for their payment with interest. There was 
little doubt that many of these debts were collusive and forged, 
for when similar claims were investigated in 1805, out of claims 
amounting to twenty millions, little more than one million of the sum 
was found by the commissioners to be true and lawful debt ; but 
the persons who now urged their claims, had acquired considerable 
parliamentary interest by purchasing the representation of cor- 
rupt boroughs, and they formed a phalanx of supporters, with 
whose services the ministers were unwilling to dispense. Through 
their influence, also, it was directed that the Nabob should resume 
the management and collection of his revenues, which he had 
been induced to resign to the presidency of Madras. 

Lord Macartney strenuously resisted these proposed changes, 
and went to Calcutta to impress their pernicious tendency upon 
the minds of the supreme council. While thus engaged, he re- 
ceived information of his appointment to the office of Governor- 
general, but, previous to his acceptance of it, he resolved to 
return to England for the purpose of consulting with the ministers 
and the court of direetors. On coming home, he found that he 
was likely to encounter a very bitter opposition from the friends 
of Hastings and Macpherson ; he therefore asked to be raised to 
the British peerage, in order that his opponents might be daunted 
by such a signal mark of ministerial favour. No answer was 
vouchsafed to this request, and, three days after it was made, 
Lord Cornwallis was appointed Governor-General of India. 
This was soon after followed by the impeachment of Mr. Warren 
Hastings by the House of Commons, at the bar of the House of 
Lords. The trial commenced on the 13th of February, 1788, 
and ended on the 23rd of April, 1795, in the acquittal of the 
accused. The circumstances connected with it belong to the 
history of England rather than of India ; we need only say that 
Mr. Hastings was mainly indebted for his escape to the eloquence 
of his accusers ; they over-stated their case so monstrously that 
they excited public sympathy for the criminal, and the applause 
bestowed on their flights of oratory placed them before the public 
in the light of very graceful actors, not as persons engaged in a 
grave and serious transaction. 

Lord Cornwallis assumed the administration of Indian affairs 
in the month of September, 1786 ; his first attention was directed 



INDIA. WAR WITH TIPPOO SULTAN. 181 

to the affairs of Oude, in consequence of the complaints made by 
the Nabob-Vizier of the heavy expenses imposed upon him for 
the maintenance of the Company's brigades. The Governor- 
general, however, firmly refused to remove any portion of the 
troops, though he granted the Nabob some alleviation of his pecu- 
niary burthens. The Guntoor Circar was obtained from his high- 
ness the Nizam, on very favourable terms, but the close alliance 
which was formed in consequence, between the Nizam and the 
Company, gave great offence to Tippoo Sultan, and he showed 
his resentment by espousing the cause of the Raja of Cherika, 
who had quarrelled with the English respecting the payment of 
his debts, for which they held the customs of the port of Telli- 
cherry as a security. Some negociations ensued, which shewed 
distinctly the hostile designs of the Saltan of Mysore, but all 
doubts were removed when Tippoo blockaded Tellicherry, and 
led an army to invade the dominions of the Raja of Travancore, a 
faithful ally of the English. The territories of Travancore were 
defended by a line of works about thirty miles in length ; they 
consisted of a ditch about sixteen feet broad and twenty deep, a 
strong bamboo hedge, a slight parapet, and good rampart, with 
bastions on rising grounds, which almost flanked each other. 
On the 24th of December, 1789, Tippoo appeared before the 
lines of Travancore, and on the 29th, he turned the right flank 
of the works and introduced a portion of his army within the 
wall ; before, however, he could open the gates, his troops were 
thrown into confusion by an unexpected resistance, and driven, 
with great slaughter, across the ditch, Tippoo liimself effecting his 
escape with considerable difficulty. 

After his defeat, the King of Mysore disavowed the outrage, 
and described it as the unauthorized act of his troops ; but 
Lord Cornwallis was not easily deceived, and he immediately 
entered into treaties with the Nizam and the Mahratta authori- 
ties, at Poonah, to restrain the ambition of Tippoo. In the 
meantime, the sultan again assailed the lines of Travancore, and 
forced an entrance on the 7th of May, 1790 ; he then razed the 
lines, and spread desolation over the surrounding country. On 
the other hand. General Meadows, with the Madras army, ad- 
vanced to invade Coimbetore, and thence penetrate into the 
heart of the Mysore country, while General Abercrombie, with 
the army of Bombay, attacked Tippoo's territories on the Mala- 



182 LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND RESPECTING 

bar Coast. The first operations of the English were very suc- 
cessful ; a line of communication was established ; an enemy's 
country Avas obtained for the supply of the troops ; and nothing 
remained but to ascend the Gujelhutty Pass, and make Tippoo 
contend for his throne in the centre of his dominions. Before 
the attempt could be made, Tippoo descended with his army by 
this very pass, and nearly succeeded in surprising Colonel Floyd, 
who commanded a large division of the English army. By a 
very rapid and fatiguing march, Colonel Floyd effected a junction 
with the main army, while Tippoo made an unsuccessful attempt 
to surprise another English detachment commanded by Colonel 
Maxwell. But though disappointed in these enterprizes, the 
sultan captured several of the English depots, and obtained con- 
siderable booty, both in provisions and stores. The remainder 
of the campaign was spent in indecisive operations ; Meadows 
was unable to bring Tippoo to fight a pitched battle, and from 
deficient intelligence, was unable to take advantage of the 
sultan's desultory movements. 

Lord Cornwallis had not been long in India, before he became 
convinced of the necessity of once more taking the collection and 
management of the revenues of the Carnatic out of the hands 
of the Nabob of Arcot. The court of directors sanctioned this 
course of policy, which Lord Macartney had been so severely 
condemned for pursuing ; but it was, at the same time, declared 
that the arrangement was only temporary, and that the Nabob 
should be restored to perfect independence at the conclusion of 
the war. Having completed these financial arrangements, Lord 
Cornwallis prepared to open the second campaign in person, and 
successfully masking his movements, arrived at the Pass of 
Mooglce, before it was in the power of the enemy to offer any 
obstruction to his march. On the evening of the 5th of March, 
1791, the English arrived before Bangalore; the following morn- 
ing Colonel Floyd, with a strong detachment, unexpectedly en- 
countered Tippoo's entire army, and rashly gave orders for an 
immediate attack. His hardihood would, in all probability, have 
been crowned with success, had he not been severely wounded 
by a musket ball, when the soldiers, being left without orders, 
fell into some confusion. Fortunately, Major Gowdie covered 
the retreat with a body of infantry and a few guns, which effec- 



'J 

; 



INDIA. WAR WITH TIPPOO SULTAN. 183 

tually checked the pursuit. On (he night of the 21st of March, 
Lord Cornwallis hazarded the assault of Bangalore, though the 
hreaches were yet incomplete, and the sultan with his whole 
army lay in sight of the town. The valour of the assailants 
bore down all opposition ; the enemies, attempting to escape, 
crowded and choked the gate, a deplorable carnage ensued, and 
the bodies of more than one thousand of the garrison were buried 
after the assault. The capture of Bangalore did not bring the 
English all the advantages they had expected ; provisions were 
scarce ; the draught cattle were reduced to skeletons, and 
scarcely able to move their own weight, and the auxiliary force 
sent by the Nizam was utterly worthless. Notwithstanding 
these disadvantages, the Governor-general advanced to besiege 
Seringapatam, having previously sent orders to the Bombay 
army to invade Mysore on the Malabar side. But though a 
victory was gained over Tippoo, the want of necessary supplies, 
and the increasing sickness in the English camp, compelled Lord 
Cornwallis to retreat, after having sacrificed his battering train 
and all his heavy stores. A few days after this loss had been 
incurred, his lordship was joined by the Mahrattas, with a supply 
of provisions and draught cattle, but the season was now too late 
for resuming military operations, and the army continued its 
retreat to Bancjalore. 

Immense preparations were made for the ensuing campaign, 
and before it opened, detachments from the English army cap- 
tured several of the hill-forts which protected the passes into 
Mysore. The most important of these strong fortresses was 
Savendroog, a name which signifies " the rock of death ;" it was 
built on a rock computed to rise above half a mile in perpendicu- 
lar height, and was surrounded by a close forest, or jungle, several 
miles in depth, having its natural impenetrability heightened by 
thickets of planted bamboos. The strength of the mountain had 
been increased by enormous walls and barriers, which defended 
every accessible point ; and to these advantages was added the 
division of tlie mountain, by a great chasm, into two parts at the 
top, on each of which was erected a citadel ; the one affording a 
secure retreat, though the other were taken, and, by that means, 
doubling the labour of reduction. Yet this formidable fortress 
was taken by storm on the 21st of December, with no other 



184 LEGISLATIVE PROCEEDINGS IN ENGLAND RESPECTING 

casualty to the assailants than one private soldier slightly- 
wounded. Ootadroog, a fortress scarcely less important than the 
preceding, shared its fate a few days afterwards. 

The detachment sent to aid the Mahrattas, under the command 
of Captain Little, performed many eminent services without 
ohtaining any effective assistance from the allies, who were, in- 
deed, rather an impediment. With only seven hundred men, 
Captain Little attacked ten thousand Mysoreans, strongly posted 
in a fortified camp, put them to the rout, and captured the whole 
of their guns. This brilliant exploit was followed by the reduc- 
tion of the fortress of Lemoga, which opened to the allies a por- 
tion of Tippoo's territories which had hitherto escaped the ravages 
of war. Listead of advancing to aid General Abercromby, who 
had reached the top of the Ghauts on the Malabar side, the 
Mahrattas made a fruitless attempt on Bednore, tempted by the 
hope of its rich plunder ; and they thus materially deranged the 
governor's plan for the campaign, and led to the loss of Coimbe- 
tore, which was forced to capitulate to a Mysore army. The 
terms of the capitulation were atrociously violated, and this 
outrage prevented Lord Cornwallis from listening to Tippoo's 
overtures for peace. 

Having been joined by reinforcements from Hyderabad, the 
Governor-general advanced to undertake the siege of Seringapa- 
tam, and, on the 5th of February, 1792, arrived within sight of 
that capital. Seringapatam is situated on an island formed by 
two branches of the river Cavery, which, after separating to a 
distance of about a mile and a half, again unite about four miles 
below the place of their separation . The fortress is erected in 
the western angle of the island, and the eastern part was fortified 
with redoubts and batteries connected by a strong entrenchment 
with deep ditch ; the fort and the out- works were provided with 
three hundred pieces of cannon, and formed a second line, on 
which Tippoo could retire if driven from his fortified camp. This 
camp was placed in an enclosure between the bound hedge and 
the river — it was protected in front by a large tank or canal, and 
was further secured by six redoubts, mounted with more than 
one hundred pieces of heavy artillery. The Sultan's army con- 
sisted of about six thousand cavalry and fifty thousand infantry, 
commanded by Tippoo in person. 

On the evening of the 6th of February, the British troops. 



IXDIA. WAR WITH TIPPOO SULTAN. 185 

after having been dismissed from parade, were ordered to fall in again 
with their arms and ammunition. By eight o'clock the arrange- 
ments were completed for surprising Tippoo's fortified camp, and 
the army marched forward to the assault in three columns. The 
series of operations which followed is the most brilliant in the 
annals of Indian warfare ; two of the strongest redoubts were 
taken ; Tippoo's routed army was driven in confusion across the 
river into the island ; pursued thither by their assailants, several 
of their batteries stormed, and a defensible position secured in 
the island before the morning dawned. Vast numbers of Tip- 
poo's troops took advantage of the confusion to desert their 
standard, and one body, ten thousand strong, which consisted of 
persons forcibly enlisted in Coorg, wholly disappeared, the men 
having sought shelter in their native woods. 

The conflict was renewed at break of day ; the guns of the 
fort opened a tremendous fire on the redoubts, of which the Eng- 
lish had gained possession, and desperate attacks were made on 
every part of their position. Tippoo's soldiers were, however, 
defeated on every point, and, on the evening of the 7th, the 
battle was at an end. The English loss amounted to five hundred 
and thirty-five in killed and wounded, but more than four thou- 
sand of the Mysoreans are calculated to have fallen. Nine days 
afterwards Lord Cornwallis, Avho had, in the meantime, narrowly 
escaped from a sudden attack made by the enemy's cavalry, was 
joined by General Abercromby virith two thousand Europeans, 
' and about double that number of Native troops. 

On the evening of the 18th, while a small detachment beat up 
the enemy's camp, and threw the entire army into confusion, ground 
was broken on the northern side of the fort, and the first parallel 
completed before day-light without the loss of a man. Every- 
thing promised a favourable termination of the siege ; but on the 
morning of the 24th, to the great grief of the army, it was 
'announced that Tippoo had signed the preliminaries of peace. 
The conditions of the treaty were that he should cede one-half of 
his territories to the allies, pay three crores and two lacs of 
rupees to defray the expenses of the war, and give up two of 
his sons as hostages for the due performance of these stipulations. 
Such was the ascendancy gained by Lord Cornwallis over his 
Indian allies, that they confided the entire negociation to his 
discretion, declaring their willingness either to go on with the 



186 WAR WITH TIPPOO SULTAN. 

war or conclude a peace, and to agree to any terms which should 
meet with his approbation. 

Though Tippoo had sent his sons to the English camp, where 
they were most honourably received, he exhibited great reluc- 
ance to complete the negociations, particularly objecting to the 
article which secured the independence of the Raja of Coorg. 
Some preparations were made for renewing the siege, but the 
Sultan finally submitted on the 19th of March, and the hostage 
princes performed the ceremony of delivering the definitive treaty 
to Lord Cornwallis and the allies. Immediately after the con- 
clusion of this treaty, the Governor-general took possession of all 
the French settlements in India, the Revolution in France having 
precipitated that country into war with England. 



I 



187 



CHAPTER XII. 

ADMINISTRATION OF SIR JOHN SHORE AND LORD MORN- 
INGTON, AFTERWARDS MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. 

Lord Cornwallis introduced many important changes in the 
administration of the financial and judicial affairs of India, which 
were not so successful as his military operations. He resolved 
to erect the Zemindars or collectors of the land-revenue into a 
body of landed proprietors, renting their Zemindaries as estates 
from the Company, and paying the land-tax as a species of rent. 
This unfortunate project, which shewed utter ignorance of the 
peculiar tenure of land in India, brought ruin on the Zemindars, 
and inflicted severe injury on the Ryots or cultivators of the 
soil. Many of the judicial reforms were inapplicable to the 
social condition of India, and, therefore, failed to produce the 
beneficial results which had been too eagerly anticipated. In 
1793, the Charter of the East India Company was renewed with 
very little opposition, and, about the same time. Lord Cornwallis 
was succeeded by Sir John Shore, a civil servant of the Company, 
whose knowledge of the revenue system of India was held in 
particular esteem. 

The alliance, offensive and defensive, which had been con- 
cluded between the English, the Nizam, and the Mahrattas, 
included a mutual guarantee against their common enemy, the 
King of Mysore, but had no stipulations for the possible case of 
hostilities arising between two of the allies. This, however, was 
a contingency against which it was necessary to make some pro- 
vision, for the Mahrattas were jealous of the enlarged and grow- 
ling power of the English ; and they were impatient to reap the 
Ispoils of the feeble Nizam — an acquisition to which they regarded 
the connection of that prince with the English as the only ob- 
|struction. Scindia, the most powerful of the Mahratta chiefs, 



188 ADMINISTRATION OF SIR JOHN SHORE 

was the foremost in proclaiming his dissatisfaction, and he did 
not disguise his anxiety to see the power of Tippoo strengthened, 
as a counterpoise to the still more formidable power of the Eng- 
lish. The death of Scindia induced the Nizam to precipitate a 
war ; he advanced into the Mahratta territories, hoping to profit 
by the confusion which he believed to exist in the court of 
Poonah ; but the Mahrattas were on the alert, and sent a power- 
ful army to intercept his march. The armies met near Kurdla, 
and a sharp engagement took place. In the very heat of the 
fight, the Nizam and his officers were seized with a sudden panic ; 
they fled from the field, and their army was totally routed. The 
Nizara sought shelter in the little fort of Kurdla, where he was 
closely besieged by the Mahrattas, and, in two days, compelled 
to beg a peace on whatever terms his enemies pleased to dictate. 
It is not wonderfiil that this prince should have been much dis- 
pleased by the refusal of the Company to allow the British bat- 
talions which he had in his service, to accompany him in this 
campaign ; he dismissed them immediately after his return, and 
directed his attention to strengthen his own regular infantry, 
which had been disciplined by a French officer named Raymond, 
who had acquired great experience in Indian warfare. The exist- 
ence of this force was viewed with great jealousy by the English, 
especially as some French ofiicers, who were prisoners at xMadras, 
were detected in a project of escape, and as some of the Madras 
Sepoys had actually gone over to the French. The death of the 
Peishwa, and the intrigues in Poonah, which ended in the eleva- 
tion of Hajee Ras, the son of Ragoba, to the supreme power, 
enabled the Nizam to obtain more favourable terms from the 
Mahrattas than he had previously expected, and particularly 
a relaxation of the severe conditions which had been imposed 
upon him by the convention of Kurdla. 

When the treaty of Seringapatam had been fully executed. Sir 
John Shore sent back the sons of Tippoo, and took the opportu- 
nity of restoring these hostages, to make some effort for establish- 
ing friendly communications with the sultan. But Tippoo's pride 
had been too severely hurt to allow of friendship, and he disdained 
to act the hypocrite ; he received the officer who brought back 
his sons with cold civility, and declined entering into any con- 
ference. 

The affau-6 of Oude had fallen into great disorder from the 



AND LORD MORNINGTON. 189 

extravagance and incapacity of the Nabob-Vizir : his death 
threatened to superadd the horrors of a disputed succession, for 
his brother asserted that the reputed children of the late nabob 
were not really his offspring. At first the Governor-general 
decided in favour of the young Vizir All, but, having subsequently 
visited Lucknow, he became convinced that this prince's claims 
were unfounded, and he therefore transferred the throne to 
Sadat All, the brother of the late nabob. As the military force 
of Oude was entirely English, Vizir Ali was forced to submit, 
and, on the 21st of January, 1798, Sadat Ali was proclaimed 
without any opposition. 

The administration of the affairs of the Carnatic was even worse 
than that of Oude. Following the example of Lord Macartney, 
Lord Hobart, the Governor of Madras, endeavoured to obtain 
from the Nabob a renunciation of his powers ; but, being pre- 
vented by the governor-general from having recourse to any 
effective measures of intimidation, he was unable to succeed. 
Some fame accrued to Lord Hobart, from his promptitude in 
seizinsc on the Dutch settlements so soon as he received intelli- 
sence of the commencement of war between Ena;land and Hol- 
land ; their establishments in Ceylon, Malacca, Banda, and 
Araboyna were reduced almost without a struggle. Soon after- 
' wards. Lord Clive superseded Lord Hobart as governor of 
Madras, and Sir John Shore, who had been raised to the peerage, 
by the title of Lord Teignmouth, resigned the government of 
India and sailed for England. 

Lord Mornington arrived in Calcutta to assume the office of 
Governor-general on the 17th of May, 1798; he had been for 
some time previously, one of the commissioners for the affairs of 
India, and, during his short stay at the Cape of Good Hope, he 
obtained much valuable information respecting the state of the 
countiy he was to govern. About three weeks after his arrival 
in Calcutta, he received what purported to be a proclamation, 
issued by the French Governor of the Mauritius, importing that 
two ambassadors from Tippoo Sultan had arrived in the island to 
propose an alliance, offensive and defensive, with the French, 
land to request the aid of a body of troops for the expulsion of 
'the English from Southern India ; the proclamation then invited 
the citizens to volunteer their services on the very liberal terms 
which the Sultan's ambassadors were prepared to offer. The 



190 ADMINISTRATION OF SIR JOHN SHORE 

(Jovcmor-gpncral was at first disposed to treat this extraordinary 
puhlication as a forgery; naturally supposing that no man in his 
senses would make such a transaction the subject of a proclama- 
tion, but subsequent enquiries confirmed its authenticity, and it 
was resolved to anticipate danger by immediately proclaiming 
war against Tippoo. 

The condition in which the presidency of Madras was placed 
by the ruinous state of its finances, did not allow General Harris, 
who was then the acting governor, to act with the promptitude 
which Lord Mornington desired. Several of the most influential 
men in the presidency condemned the war altogether, as both 
unjust and impolitic, nor was it until the arrival of Lord Clive 
tliat any active measures were taken to prepare for hostilities. 
Another object of English policy was effected with little diffi- 
culty; the French corps in the service of the Nizam was dis- 
banded ; the officers who commanded it were compelled, by a 
mutiny of the troops, to seek shelter in the English lines, and 
they were treated with that generosity which a gallant mind is 
ever prompted to bestow. Their place was supplied to the 
Nizam by four battalions of British troops, in addition to the 
two which had been formerly in his service. 

The intelligence of Napoleon's invasion of Egypt, though fol- 
lowed by the account of Sir Horatio Nelson's destruction of the 
French fleet at the mouth of the Nile, induced the Governor- 
general to accelerate his preparations. Early in November, he 
addressed a letter of remonstrance to the sultan, and soon after, 
he went in person to Madras. All the preparations and arrange- 
ments were speedily completed ; General Harris took the com- 
mand of the army of the Carnatic, and General Stuart was 
appointed to lead the Bombay army, which was to join that 
of General Harris when he approached Seringapatam. The 
army of the Carnatic, including the Nizam's auxiliary force, 
did not fall very far short of thirty thousand men; and "an 
army," says the govenior-general, " more completely appointed, 
more amply and liberally supplied in every department, and 
more perfect in its discipline, and the acknowledged experience, 
ability, and skill of its officers, never took the field in India." 

On the Gth of ^larch, General Harris entered the Mysore 
territory, and captured several hill forts. Tlie Nizam's contin- 
gent, strengthened by an European regiment of the line, was 



AND LORD MORNINGTON. 191 

placed under the command of the Hon. Colonel Arthur Wellesley, 
then entering on the illustrious military career which has immor- 
talized his name as the Duke of Wellington. Tippoo's first 
efforts of stratagem were directed against the Bombay army ; 
having circulated a report that he was about to march against 
General Harris, he suddenly proceeded, with all possible secresy 
and despatch, two hundred miles in the opposite direction, hoping 
to cut off Colonel Montresor, who was stationed with a brigade 
of three Sepoy l?attalions at Sedaseer. He would, in all proba- 
bility, have succeeded, but for the accidental discovery of his 
encampment, on the evening of the 5th of March, by the Raja 
of Coorg, and some English officers whom the Raja had con- 
ducted to the top of Sedaseer, the highest hill in the country, for 
the purpose of looking into the Mysore territory. Montresor 
made immediate preparations for defence ; he was attacked on 
the following morning by Tippoo's numerous hordes, but he held 
them at bay until near three o'clock in the day, when General 
Stuart came to his relief with a reinforcement of European troops. 
The general found Montresor's men exhausted with fatigue, and 
their ammunition almost expended. Tippoo made a desperate 
effort to prevent a junction, but his troops gave way before the 
European soldiers ; after many of the Mysoreans had fallen, the 
rest threw down their muskets, swords, and turbans, and fled in 
confusion. Tippoo waited five days in the neighbourhood, but 
(lid not venture to renew the attack ; he then returned to 
Seringapatam. 

After having lost several opportunities of attacking the army 
of the Carnatic with advantage, Tippoo resolved to hazard a 
battle at Mallavelly. The plan of attack which was arranged 
between him and his able adviser, Poorniah, was very judicious. 
A force of three hundred men, commanded by Poorniah, was 
designed to break through the English line of the right wing, 
and Tippoo was then to pour his whole force of cavalry into the 
gap, and cut through the army. Fortunately, General Harris 
discovered Poorniah's detachment before an attack could be 
made ; he instantly ordered the Scotch brigade to make ready, 
but not to fire until the enemy came close. The troops had 
scarcely formed, when the three hundred horsemen, who had 
been infuriated by stimulating liquors, burst from the jungle. 
General Harris gave the word so opportunely, that about forty 



192 ADMINISTRATION OF SIR JOHN SHORE 

men and horses rolled on the ground within twenty yards of the 
line, one horseman was bayoneted by the grenadier company, 
and another cut his way through. The right wing then advanced, 
but Tippoo's soldiers were so disheartened by the failure of the 
first cliarge, that they instantly retreated, and the English were 
too deficient in means of transport for their artillery and stores 
to attempt a pursuit. Colonel Wellesley was still more success- 
ful on the left wing ; the close fire of his infantry threw the 
op])osing column into confusion ; the cavalry charged at the 
critical moment, destroyed great numbers of the enemy, and took 
their six standards. This battle cost the British army only a 
loss of sixty-six men killed, wounded, and missing, whilst that 
of Tippoo was nearly two thousand, amongst whom were many 
of his bravest men and best officers. 

General Harris now prejjared to execute the intention he had 
formed of crossing the Cavary, near Soosilly, if it should appear 
practicable, and of attacking Seriugapatam on the western side, 
in order to facilitate the juncture of the Bombay army, and of 
the supplies of grain which were expected to come through the 
western passes. Tliis movement was wholly unexpected by 
Tippoo, and when he heard that it had been successfully accom- 
plished he was filled with despair. Having assembled the whole 
of liis principal oflicers, he said to them, " We have arrived at 
our last stage ; what is your determination ?" " To die along 
with you," was the universal reply. 

On the !)t]i of April, the English army appeared before Seriuga- 
patam, and the same evening, Colonels Shawe and Wellesley 
were ordered to attack a watercourse, and tope or clump of trees, 
in which the enemy had formed an outpost. Some confusion 
arose from the darkness of the night, and Colonel Wellesley was 
repulsed ; through some neglect of the proper officer he was 
nearly too late to take the command when the attack was re- 
newed next morning, but General Harris delayed for his arrival ; 
the tope was again assailed, and taken in less than twenty 
minutes. 

The labours of the siege proceeded steadily until the 4th of 
May, which was chosen for the assault. The time fixed was one 
o'clock, when the orientals usually take some repose during the 
heat of the day. Syed Goffhar, Tippoo's ablest officer, sent 
word to the sultan that the English were about to make an 



AND LORD MORNINGTON. 193 

attack, but Tippoo, misled by astrological predictions, refused to 
credit the report, and while the Syed was deliberating on forcing 
the sultan to the breach, he was killed by a cannon-shot. 
Nearly at the same moment, Tippoo received information that his 
bravest general had fallen, and that the assault was commenced. 
At half-past one o'clock, General Baird stepped out of the 
trenches, drew his sword, and gave the signal to advance. In 
less than seven minutes after, the English colours were planted 
on the summit of the breach. 1 he companies of the two storm- 
ing divisions wheeled to the right and left as they ascended, 
fighting their way along the northern and southern ramparts, 
where every inch of ground was fiercely contested. Thousands 
fell before the victorious soldiers, and the carnage did not cease 
until the two divisions met on the eastern rampart. Nothing 
now remained to be taken but Tippoo's palace, the surrender of 
which was only delayed by the uncertainty that prevailed re- 
specting the fate of the sultan. Tippoo had fallen in the heat 
of the fight, severely wounded by three musket balls ; whilst he 
lay on the ground, an English soldier attempted to tear off his 
embroidered sword-belt, but the sultan, who still retained his 
sabre, made a cut at the man, and wounded him in the knee. 
The soldier immediately shot him through the head, and his 
death must have been instantaneous. It was late in the evening 
before the sultan's body was found and recognized, but in the 
mean time his family had been taken under the protection of 
the British officers. The body was buried the next day, Avith 
military honours, in the mausoleum of Hyder All ; and a violent 
storai of thunder and lightning, which destroyed several Euro- 
peans and Natives, gave an awful interest to these last solemn rites. 
The months of July and August were spent by General Harris 
in obtaining and securing possession of the various districts and 
forts belonging to Mysore, and in checking the ravages of Dhoon- 
diah, a plundering chieftain whom Tippoo had confined, but who 
was imprudently released by the English. With some difficulty, 
the banditti collected by this adventurer, were dispersed, and he 
was forced to seek shelter among the Mahrattas. Some dis- 
cussion was excited in the army by the appointment of Colonel 
Wellesley to the government of Seringapatam in preference to 
General Baird, who had commanded the assault, and was besides 
the senior officer ; but for this preference, a very sufficient and 

K 



194 ADMINISTRATION OF SIR JOHN SHORE 

honourable reason may be assigned ; Colonel Wellesley relieved 
General Baird the morning after the capture of the place, and 
won the confidence of the inhabitants by his exertions to put a 
stop to plunder, and other military outrages. 

The Governor-general had now to dispose of a kingdom ; he 
resolved that no part of it should be given to the family of the 
late sovereign, but he assigned them a residence in the fort of 
Vellore, and made a very liberal allowance for their subsistence. 
Part of the kingdom of Mysore, in the immediate vicinity of its 
ancient capital, was erected into a principality for the family of 
the original Hindu Rajas, whom Tippoo had deposed : some 
rich districts were assigned to the Nizam, others of equal value 
were retained by the English, and finally, a small portion of the 
conquered territory was given to the Mahrattas, although they 
had taken no part in the war. 

After the conclusion of the Mysore war, the Governor-general 
planned an expedition against the Isle of France ; this island 
had been for some years the resort of a number of armed vessels, 
which, with singular activity and boldness, carried on a preda- 
torv warfare against British commerce in the Eastern seas. The 
losses sustained by the merchants and Company from the depre- 
dations of those daring privateers, were estimated at two millions 
sterling ; and the existence of such a rallying point for any 
armament which might be equipped in France against the British 
possessions in India, was deemed, not unjustly, as disreputable to 
the national reputation as it was injurious to the national com- 
merce. Lord Mornington took prompt measures to put an end 
to this evil. A military annament was prepared to be placed 
under the command of Colonel Wellesley, and a communication 
was made to Admiral Rainier, who commanded the British 
squadron in the Indian Seas, requesting that he w'ould proceed to 
Trincomalee to meet the forces and transports assembled there, 
and co-operate in the attack upon the Isle of France. To the 
surprise of every body, the admiral peremptorily refused to take 
any share in such an expedition without express orders from 
home. As no imputation has ever been made against Admiral 
Rainier's courage, we are left to conclude that he was influenced 
by that jealous tenacity of authority, M-hich frequently led naval 
officers in the Indian Seas to refuse obeying orders from the 
Governor-general of India ; but whatever may have been his 






AND LORD MORNINGTON. 195 

motives, the results of his decision were most disastrous ; for the 
privateers of the Isle of France continued, during several subse- 
quent years of the war, to harass and plunder with impunity the 
commercial navigation of the Indian Seas. 

The Governor-general next resolved to send the troops which 
he had collected in Ceylon against the Dutch settlements in 
Batavia, but from this project he was diverted by instructions 
from England, directing him to send a force from India to Egypt 
in order to assist in the expulsion of the French from that coun- 
try. The forces assembled at Ceylon were therefore despatched 
to Bombay, to be joined there by a body of native infantry 
which had been held in readiness there for foreign service. The 
united force was placed under the command of General Baird, 
and was sent by the Red Sea to Egypt. It arrived too late to 
be of any service, the French having capitulated before it could 
commence any active operations. 

"WHiile this expedition was absent, the Governor-general, anti- 
cipating hostilities from the ]\Iahrattas, and aware that the 
Nizam was unable to defend his territories against them without 
an English auxiliary force, while the vacillating politics of his 
court might induce him to dismiss that force as he had done 
before, entered into arrangements by which the Nizam ceded to 
the English some rich districts, the revenues of which were to be 
applied to the payment of the auxiliary brigade. This arrange- 
ment was, of course, inconsistent with the act of parliament, 
which forbade the acquisition of a new territory, but its obvious 
policy prevented any objection being raised. Indeed, many 
would have rejoiced if the Nizam had been induced to surrender 
all his power for an adequate pension, in order that an end 
might be put to the corruption and profligacy of the court of 
Hyderabad. Dangers, however, menaced the Company from 
another quarter, and withdrew attention from the Nizam. 



K 2 



196 



CHAPTER XIII. 

CONTINUATION OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE 
MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. 

The Governor-general had long been dissatisfied, not unrea- 
sonably, with the arrangements which Lord Teignmouth had 
njade for administering the affairs of Oude. The Nabob- Vizir 
was irregular in the payment of his subsidies ; the armed rabble, 
which constituted his military force, was calculated to invite 
rather than deter enemies, and his civil administration was little 
better than a system of legal profligacy. During the Mysore 
war, and for some time previously, India was menaced with an 
invasion of the Afghans, whose enterprising sovereign, Shah 
Zeman, was tempted to such an enterprize by the solicitations of 
Tippoo Sultan, and by a fugitive prince of the imperial family, 
who persuaded him that his efforts would be supported by all 
the Mohammedans throughout India. His first invasion of the 
Punj-ab was commenced at the close of the year 1795, but he 
liad not been more than a fortnight beyond the Indus when he 
was obliged to return home to quell a dangerous rebellion. In 
the January of 1797, he renewed his attempt,, and advanced to 
Lahore, where he made some attempts, not wholly unsuccessful, 
to reconcile the Sikh chieftains to his dominions. The Sikhs 
were originally a peaceful religious sect, not unlike the society 
of Quakers ; their creed was a strange compound of Hindu and 
]\Iohammedan doctrines ; it spread rapidly through the Punj-ab 
and the countries bordering on the tributaries of the Indus, and, 
at first, attracted little notice. The bigoted advisers of the 
emperors of Delhi persuaded these princes to commence a cruel 
])ersccution of this harmless sect. They were himted down by a 
licentious soldiery, and at length took up arms in self-defence. 
A few years sufficed to change this patient race into hardy and 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MAtiaUIS OF WELLESLEY. 197 

independent warriors, able to defy the declining power of the 
empire of Delhi. 

Shah Zeman's efforts to conciliate the Sikhs, were resisted by 
the bigoted train of Mohammedan priests, which followed with 
his army, by the rapacity of his vizier, and by the licentiousness 
of his soldiers, which he was unable to restrain. Still, he was so 
far successful as to have a reasonable prospect of retaining the 
Punj-ab, and thence attacking the ancient empire of Delhi. 
The advance of the Afghans and the occupation of Lahore, did 
not fail in creating a strong sensation throughout India. The 
weakness of the Mahrattas, the whole of whose forces were drawn 
to the southward by their own dissensions ; the feebleness of the 
government of the Nabob-Vizir, and the disposition of the greater 
part of his subjects to insurrection and revolt, together with the 
anxiety of all the Mohammedans for the establishment of their 
ancient religious supremacy, prepared scenes of disorder and. 
anarchy wliich would, doubtless, have opened so soon as the 
Shah had advanced to Delhi. Many of the Rohilla chieftains, 
remembering the cruel injustice with which their race had been 
treated by Warren Hastings, were already in anns. Fortunately, 
the rebellion of his brother, Prince Mohammed, compelled 
Zeman to return home in the summer of 1797, but not until he 
had announced his intention of renewing the invasion on the 
earliest opportunity. He came back to Lahore the next year, 
but was soon compelled to abandon India in order to protect his 
own dominions from the Persians. This induced the Governor- 
general to send rather an expensive embassy to the King of 
Persia, for the purpose of negociating an offensive and defensive 
alliance with that monarch ; a treaty was concluded, but it never 
came into operation, for, early in 1801, Shah Zeman was de- 
throned by his brother Mohammed, who made him a prisoner, 
and deprived him of sight. 

Another circumstance besides the dread of Shah Zeman, ren- 
dered Lord Weilesley anxious to accelerate his meditated reforms 
in Oude. Vizir Ali, after having been deposed by Sir John 
Shore, was permitted to reside in Benares, but as this place was 
too near his former dominions, it was resolved that he should bo 
removed to Calcutta. He viewed this change with the utmost 
aversion, and remonstrated against it most strenuously. On the 
14th of January, 1799, he visited the President, Mr. Cherry, and 



198 CONTINUATION OF THE ADMINISTRATION 

complained of the hardship of his removal in very intemperate 
hmguage. Mr. Cherry remonstrated with him on liis impru- 
dence, wlien the young man started from his seat and struck at 
the president with liis sword. This was the signal to his at- 
tendants, they rushed upon the unfortunate gentleman, and mur- 
dered him on the floor. Four other Englishmen fell victims to 
these assassins ; but a fifth made so vigorous a defence, that time 
was given for the arrival of a body of horse, upon which Vizir 
All and his attendants took to flight. Though Saadat Ali be- 
lieved that his old rival was about to make an attempt upon his 
throne, his timidity was too great to allow of his making any 
vigorous exertion to overtake the criminals ; he pleaded an ex- 
cuse, that he could rely neither on the discipline nor the fidelity 
of his troops. Vizir All's career was, however, brief ; he at first 
assembled a numerous body of adventurers, but, meeting with 
some reverses, he was abandoned by his followers, and forced to 
seek refuge with a Rajput chief, by whom he was soon sur- 
rendered to the British government. 

The Governor-general now insisted that tbe Nabob Vizir of 
Oude should disband, as speedily as possible, the whole of his 
military force, and replace it by an army exclusively British. 
He was, however, to retain that kind of troops which had been 
employed to collect taxes. Colonel Scott was entrusted with 
the conduct of this negociation, which the Nabob Vizir protected 
with all the delays which oriental diplomacy could suggest. At | 
length the Nabob intimated a wish to resign the throne of Oude, 
a proposition which the Governor-general hesitated to accept, 
unless the abdication was made in favour of th.e Company. It 
soon appeared that Saadat All's object was merely delay ; he had 
great and natural objections to dismiss his own army, and entrust 
the defence of his dominions to the British troops, believing that 
his power would be thus reduced to a mere shadow, and that he 
would sink into an empty pageant of royalty. The vigorous 
measures of the Governor-general soon forced the Nabob into 
compliance, and on his representation that he was unable to meet 
the expenses of the British brigade, he was required to transfer 
the exclusive management of the civil as well as the military 
government of his country to the Company, under suitable pro- 
visions for the maintenance of his court and his family ; and, at 
the same time, he was informed that he must surrender, in abso- 



OP THE MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. 199 

lute sovereignty to the English, so much territory as would 
afford a revenue adequate to pay the subsidy stipulated with 
Lord Teignmouth, and defray the expenses of the military esta- 
blishment besides. 

Saadat Ali had again recourse to all the delays which his in- 
genuity could suggest, but the Governor-general inflexibly adhered 
to his demands, and threatened to employ force unless they were 
accepted. The Nabob waited until he heard that troops were 
actually on the march, and then, being incapable of resistance, he 
yielded a reluctant consent. Lord Wellesley proceeded to execute 
his plans with the same promptitude which he had displayed from 
the beginning ; on the very day that the treaty was signed, he 
issued a commission for the provisional government and settle- 
ment of the ceded districts, placing his brother, Mr. Henry Wel- 
lesley, at the head of the board. During the negociations, Lord 
Wellesley made a tour to the Upper Provinces, and visited 
Saadat Ali at Lucknow, where he seems to have in some degree 
soothed the irritation of the Nabob for the sacrifices he had been 
compelled to make. 

The court of directors was far from being satisfied with these 
arrangements ; it was whispered that the great object of the 
iMarquis of Wellesley's policy, was to provide lucrative places for 
his numerous brothers, and the appointment of Mr. Henry 
Wellesley was particularly condemned, as he did not belong to 
the class of Company's servants, to whom, by act of parliament, 
the filling up of vacancies in the civil service was limited. The 
board of control refused to sanction the order of the court of 
directors for the immediate removal of Mr. Henry Wellesley, 
declaring that the appointment was only temporary, and, there- 
fore, not within the restricting rules. In the meantime, a new 
necessity was created for continuing Mr. Henry Wellesley's ser- 
vices by the conclusion of an arrangement with the subordinate 
Nabob of Furruckabad, similar to that wliich had been already 
made with his superior, the Nabob of Oude. A Raja named 
Rugwunt Sing refused to submit to the alterations which were 
made ; it became necessary to employ force, and his two forts, 
Sasnee and Bidgeghur were besieged and taken. Some other 
refractory Zemindars, who had profited by the anarchy which 
formerly prevailed in the Doab, were compelled to submit to 
the British government, and, when the tranquillity of the ceded 



200 CONTINUATION OF THE ADMINISTRATION 

districts was established, Mr. Henry Wellesley resigned liis 

office. 

On the other side of India, misgovernment and neglect of 
payment aflorded a pretext for adding the dominions of the 
Nabob of Surat to the Company's territories. Surat had been 
the most flourishing commercial mart in India, when first the 
trade of that country was opened to European enterprize ; it was 
the usual port of embarkation for Mecca, and was generally 
called by the Mohammedans " the Gate of the Holy City." Many 
of the Parsees, or Persians who adhered to the ancient religion of 
Zoroaster, had settled in the city, and enriched it by the active 
trade which they conducted with the Arabian and Persian Gulphs. 
In tlie doctrine of the Delhi empire, the Nabob of Surat, like 
many other of the imperial feudatories, became virtually inde- 
pendent, and rendered the succession to his government heredi- 
tary. Disputes arose respecting the inheritance, which were 
decided by the interference of the English government, and the 
sovereigns of Surat gave further proofs of their weakness by con- 
senting to pay chout, or tribute, to the ISIahrattas. A disputed 
succession in 1799 afforded an opportunity for reducing the 
Nabob of Surat to the same condition as the Nabob of Oude ; he 
was induced to suiTender the civil and military administration of 
his dominions to the English, on condition of receiving a pension, 
and enjoying the empty title of sovereignty. The great diffi- 
culty remaining was to obtain deliverance from the misery of the 
Mahratta chout. The Guicowar prince expressed the greatest 
readiness to compliment the Company, to Avhom he looked for 
protection, with the share which belonged to him. But the 
business was not so easily arranged with the Peishwa, for the 
party opposed to the English was at this period very influential 
in the court of Poonah. 

The Raja of Tanjore was about the same time reduced to the 
condition of a mediatized prince. Some time previously, there 
had been a dispute respecting the succession to the throne of this 
country ; the Raja Zuljajee, on his death-bed, bequeathed his 
kingdom to his adopted son, Sarbojee, whom he entiiisted to the 
care of the celebrated missionary Swartz, but the validity of the 
act of adoption was doubted, and the English government decided 
in favour of Zuljajee's brother, Amar Sing. There soon appeared 
many valid reasons for doubting the propriety of this decision. 



OF THE MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. 201 

and they were strongly urged on the consideration of the govern- 
ment, when Sarbojee was forced to seek refuge at Madras from 
the tyranny of Amar Sing. Finally, Sarbojee was placed upon 
the throne on condition of assigning over to the English the 
civil and military administration of his kingdom. However 
mortifying this arrangement may have been to the sovereign, 
there is no doubt but that the better system of government which 
the English introduced, was attended by the most beneficial 
results to the Raja of Tanjore. 

Great inconveniences had arisen from the state of the relations 
between the government of Madras and the Nabob of Arcot ; his 
independence had been preserved by the sinister influence of 
those who had led him to contract debts at exorbitant rates of 
interest, and had absorbed to themselves nearly all the revenues 
of his country. But the impoverishment produced by this drain 
on his resources, soon exhausted the supply ; not only were the 
means of parliamentary corruption wanting to the peculators, but 
even the Nabob's subsidies to the Company fell heavily into 
arrear, and his neglect to pay the promised arrears at the com- 
mencement of the Mysore war, had very nearly produced the 
most fatal consequences. Soon after the capture of Seringapatam, 
documents were discovered among the secret records of the sultan, 
containing very strong evidence of a treacherous intercourse 
having been maintained by the late Nabob Wallajah and the 
reigning prince, Omdat-al-Omrah, with Tippoo Sultan, for objects 
hostile to the interests of the Company. Preparations were made 
for assuming the civil and military administration of the Carnatic 
by force, w^hen Omdat-al-Omrah died, and was succeeded by his 
reputed son, Ali Hossein, under the guardianship of two noble- 
men of the court. Lord Clive went in person to conduct the 
negociation with the young prince, who at first expressed his 
readiness to comply with the proposed terms, but, subsequently, 
retracted all his concessions. Not unreasonably offended at such 
vacillation. Lord Clive, with the concurrence of the Governor- 
general, resolved that Ali Hussein should be deposed, and the 
nabobship transferred to his cousin, Azim-ed-Dowlah. Ali 
Hussein protested against this change, and declared his willing- 
ness to accede to the terms offered by Lord Clive. No regard 
was paid to his remonstrances ; he soon after fell a victim to 
dysentery, and Amar Sing, the deposed Raja of Tanjore, died 

k5 



202 CONTINUATION OF THE ADMINISTRATION 

nearly at the same time. The an-angements for the future ad- 
ministration of Tanjore and the Carnatic, were therefore com- 
pleted without interruption. 

Lord Welleslcy was very eager to establish the same relations 
with the jNIahratta states which he had completed with the Nizam, 
nanu-lv, to procure their assent to the establishment of an English 
subsidiary force in their dominions, and an assignment of a por- 
tion of territory sufficient for their support. The obvious recom- 
mendations of this plan were, that the troops of the native princes 
were little better than hordes of banditti, subsisting on plunder 
rather than pay, and that the existence of such armies was 
utterly inconsistent with the maintenance of peace in India. On 
the other hand, the presence of a subsidiary disciplined force was 
sure to deliver the Indian princes from the dread of insurrection, 
which was the only check to their habits of cruelty and oppres- 
sion ; under such circumstances the English necessarily appeared 
to themselves and others, little better than hireling supporters of 
tyranny, and thus, after having taken the military administration, 
they were frequently compelled, and in all cases were tempted 
to seize the civil government likewise. 

The Governor-general commenced his negotiations with the 
Peishwa, who, by the Mahratta constitution, was the legal sove- 
reign of all the Mahratta chieftains. But his authority, though 
nominally recognized, was virtually rejected by several of the 
powerful feudatories who held under him by military tenure, and 
particularly by Holkar and Scindia. The latter, indeed, held the 
reigning Peishwa, Bajee Rao, in such a state of control that Lord 
Wellesley believed he would gladly embrace the proposal of 
receiving an English subsidiary force, in order to deliver himself 
from a degrading dependence upon his own vassal. Circum- 
stances arose within the Mahratta states, which seemed to favour 
tlie Governor-general's design. The powerful family of the Hol- 
kars, which had for more than three-fourths of a century been 
settled in the northern Mahratta states, had not only established 
their virtual independence, but had acquired an extent of power 
and dominion not inferior to that of the peishwa himself. A dis- 
puted succession gave Scindia a pretext for interfering in the 
affairs of the Holkars ; he conferred the sovereignty on Cashee 
Rao, put his rival and brother, Mulhar Rao, to death, but pre- 



OP THE MARQUIS OF WELLEStEY. 203 

served the posthumous son of the latter as a hostage for the fide- 
lity of his uncle. Jesswunt Rao, the son of the late Holkar by 
a concubine, escaped from Scindia's search, and soon appeared 
in the field at the head of a numerous army of adventurers. He 
was severely defeated by Scindia, in an engagement near In- 
dore, the capital of Holkar's dominions, on the 14th of October, 
1801, and fled, with the loss of his artillery and baggage. In 
the course of the next year, however, he had assembled a still 
more considerable force, and marched to attack the united forces 
of Scindia and the Peishwa, in the vicinity of Poonah. A battle 
was fought on the 25th of October, 1802. After a warm can- 
nonade of about three hours, the cavalry of Holkar made a general 
charge. The cavalry of Scindia gave way, when that of Holkar 
cutting in upon the line of infantry, put them to flight and gained 
a decisive victory. 

The Peishwa, not doubting of success, had quitted his palace 
with some intention of joining in the action, but being frightened 
by the noise of the firing, he turned oif to the southward of the 
town, in order to wait the result. When he learned the result, 
he fled to the fort of Singurh, having previously sent to the 
British Resident, Colonel Close, the preliminaries of a treaty by 
which he bound himself to subsidize six battalions of British 
Sepoys, and to cede twenty-five lacs of rupees of annual revenue 
for their support. During the engagement, the British flag 
floating over the Residency, ensured the respect of both parties, 
to which the high estimation in which Colonel Close was held by 
the Natives not a little contributed. 

On the day following the battle, Holkar sent a message re- 
questing an interview with the Resident, which was, of course, 
accepted. Colonel Close found the victorious chieftain in a 
small tent, ankle-deep in mud, wounded by a spear in the body, 
and by a sabre in the head. His conversation was polite and 
frank, he spoke lightly of his wounds, and expressed himself in 
the most friendly terms towards the resident and the British 
government. He seemed extremely desirous of obtaining the 
mediation of the resident in settling with Scindia and the 
Peishwa, and solicited Close, whom he detained about a month 
in Poonah, to act as arbitrator. Holkar's moderation, whether 
real or affected, was lost on the Peishwa; he retreated from 



20 1 CONTINUATION OF THE ADMINISTRATION 

place to place, sent letters to the Bombay government requesting 
that ships might be sent to convey him to that island, and actu- 
ally proceeded in an Englisli vessel to Bassein. 

We have already mentioned, that the Guicowar abandoned to 
the Company his share of the chout, which had been levied on 
Sural ; he also surrendered to them the district of Chourassy, 
and employed other means to obtain their alliance. The death 
of this prince, in September, 1800, exposed his country to 
mutinous disturbances. Anund Rao, his son and successor, was 
a prince of weak intellect, unable to control tlie intrigues of the 
various factions which divided the court of Baroda. These in- 
trigues soon led to an open war between the illegitimate brother 
of the Guicowar and Nowjee Appajee, who had been the chief 
minister under the late sovereign. The English government 
sided with the latter, and sent him a small detachment of 
troops. A decisive victory was gained over Mulhar Rao, the 
cousin of the late Guicowar, and the most powerful enemy of the 
minister. 

Rowjee was thus left free to pursue the schemes of economical 
reform which he had formed ; the most important of these was 
the dismissal of the Arab mercenaries in the Guicowar's service, 
but these fierce soldiers refused to disband until their demands of 
enoi-mous sums as arrears had been complied with ; they broke 
out into mutiny, seized Baroda, and detained the Guicowar a 
prisoner in his capital. Baroda was immediately invested by the 
English, and forced to surrender, after a siege of ten days. 
Many of the garrison, contrary to the articles of capitulation, 
went to join the rebel Kanhojee, but they were closely pursued, 
defeated them in two smart engagements, and ultimately drove 
Kanhojee from Gujarat. 

Holkar resolved to treat Bajee Rao's flight to Bassein as a 
formal abdication of his sovereignty, and in conjunction with 
several other Mahratta chiefs, he proclaimed Amrut Rao the 
legitimate Peishwa. Thenceforth all appearance of moderation 
was laid aside ; the ministers of the fugitive prince were tortured 
with the most dreadful cruelty, to force them to reveal the secret 
of their treasure ; and every respectable householder of Poonah, 
possessed of property, was seized and forced by every wicked 
means to give up his wealth. At the commencement of these 
cmelties, Colonel Close quitted Holkar's court, and proceeding 



OF THE MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. 205 

to Bassein, concluded with Bajee Rao a treaty on the basis of the 
preliminaries which had been transmitted to him at Poonah. 
By this treaty, the Peishwa bound himself to receive an English 
subsidiary force, and provide for its subsistence ; to exclude 
from his territories Europeans of all nations hostile to the Eno-- 
lish ; to relinquish his claims on Surat; and to submit to the 
arbitration of the English all points of dispute between him and 
the Guicowar. 

It is not to be supposed that Bajee Rao very willingly signed 
a treaty which virtually deprived him of independence ; it was no 
sooner concluded than he commenced secret intrigues with Scin- 
dia and Raghojee Bhonslay to frustrate its execution ; and these 
chieftains willingly combined to prevent arrangements which 
threatened to destroy the power they had hitherto possessed in 
the court of Poonah, and over the Mahratta states generally. 
The Govenior-general was prompt to fulfil his part of the engat^e- 
ment in restoring the Peishwa ; Colonel Stevenson, at the head 
of the Hyderabad subsidiary force, accompanied by fifteen thou- 
sand of the Nizam's troops, approached on the Peishwa's eastern 
frontier ; while Major-general Wellesley marched direct on 
Poonah, from the borders of Mysore, with a strong detachment 
from the Madras army. General Wellesley made a forced 
march on Poonah, in order to save the city, which, it was 
said, Amrut Rao intended to burn ; but both Holkar and he had 
evacuated the place previous to the arrival of the British troops. 
We may mention that Amrut Rao eventually entered into 
engagements with General Wellesley, and joined him during 
the progress of the war, with a body of horse. The Company 
rewarded his services by a liberal pension, and a residence at 
Benares. 

After Bajee Rao's restoration, the eflTorts of the Governor- 
general were directed to obtain the acquiescence of the leading 
Mahratta chiefs in the treaty of Bassein. Raghojee Bhonslay, 
Raja of Berar, opposed the conditions of the treaty with all his 
might, and laboured to reconcile Scindia and Holkar, that they 
might unite in frustrating the English policy. General Wellesley 
having been vested with full powers as political agent of the 
Governor-general, as well as military commander of the army of 
the Dekkan, soon grew weary of the vexatious delays and protes- 
tations of the chieftains ; he therefore demanded as a test of their 



20G CONTINUATION OF THE ADMINISTRATION 

sincerity, that Raghojee should withdraw with his troops to 
Berar, and Scindia to liindostan. This plain and distinct pro- 
posal, so characteristic of its author, perplexed the Mahratta 
chiefs ; they were obliged to give a decisive answer, and that 
bein" a refusal, was rcfrarded as a declaration of war. 

An army was collected in Hindustan, under General Lake, 
to act a"ainst the northern Mahrattas, where Scindia had large 
bodies of troops commanded and partially disciplined by French 
adventurers. General Wellesley, assisted by Colonel Stephenson, 
directed the operations in the Dekkan, which was the first theatre 
of war. Wellesley commenced by besieging Ahmednugur, which 
had the reputation of being almost impregnable, but which only 
held out four days. He then went in pursuit of the Mahrattas, 
who were anxious to avoid an engagement, and on the 21st of 
September, 1803, formed a plan, by which, he moving in one 
direction and Stephenson in another, should unite and attack the 
Alahrattas on the morning of the 24th. On the evening of the 
23rd however, ha-ving learned that the Mahratta army amounting 
to more than fifty thousand men, with a hundred pieces of 
cannon, had encamped in his neighbourhood, the general resolved 
to attack them, without waiting for Colonel Stephenson, though 
his whole force did not exceed four thousand five hundred 
men. 

The Mahrattas were formed in a long line on the bank of the 
Kailna river, near its junction, having their left flank resting on 
the fortified village of Assaye, near which their infantry and 
guns were posted. General Wellesley crossed the Kailna, a 
little below Assaye, and by thus placing his troops on the 
tongue of land between the two rivers, compelled the enemy to 
narrow their front, and thus deprived them of some of the advan- 
tages which they might have obtained from their immense supe- 
riority of force. The battle commenced with a heavy fire of 
round and grape from the Mahratta artillery, which did terrible 
execution. The English line, though destitute of artillery, still 
pressed forward, when a large body of Mahratta horse, charged 
the 74th regiment, which had suffered very severely. The Eng- 
lish cavalry, consisting of the 19th light dragoons, and the 4th 
Madras horse, received the order to charge with a joyous shout, 
to which the infantry responded, the very wounded cheering 
them as they passed. Their onslaught was irresistible ; the 



OF THE MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. 207 

enemy's first line fell back upon the second, and the British 
infantry pressing forward, drove both into the Juah at the point 
of the bayonet. Every attempt which the fugitives made, to 
form beyond the river, was defeated by the headlong charges of 
the British cavalry; the last body of infantry at length was 
broken ; the battle was completely decided, and ninety-eight 
pieces of cannon remained in the hands of the victors. Many 
of the Mahrattas, however, who had thrown themselves on the 
ground as if dead, when the British advanced, rose after they had 
passed and turned their guns on the British rear ; after the more 
important parts of the victory had been secured, it was some 
time before the firing thus occasioned could be silenced. The 
loss of the victors was severe ; upwards of one-third of their forces 
were killed or wounded, but they had achieved one of the most 
splendid victories recorded in Indian history. 

Colonel Stephenson did not join the main army until the 
evening of the 24th, when he was sent in pursuit of the fugitives. 
He did not overtake them, but he reduced the city of Burhan- 
pore and the strong fort of Aseerghur. At the same time a 
detachment from the Gujarat army, captured Baroach and some 
other fortresses of less importance. 

In the mean time. General Lake, who had been invested with 
the same powers in Hindustan, which General Wellesley possess- 
ed in the Dekkan, advanced from Cawnpore against Scindia's 
northern armies, which were commanded by M. Perron, a 
French officer of some ability and unquestioned valour. The 
first operation of the campaign was the storming of Aligurh, a 
fort which might easily have been made impregnable. It was 
taken by the heroism of the assailants, but they suffered a severe 
loss, principally caused by General Lake's want of foresight, a 
want which imfortunately was conspicuous on more than one 
occasion. The British cantonment at Shekoabad was surprised 
by a detachment of Malu-atta cavalry, under a Frenchman named 
Fleury, and the garrison compelled to capitulate, the detachment 
which Lake sent to its assistance, arriving too late to be of any 
use. 

Perron, at this crisis, received information, that Scindia had 
resolved to supersede him and transfer the command to one of 
his personal enemies. He therefore addressed a letter to General 
Lake, requesting to be allowed to pass through the Company's 



208 CONTINUATION OF TIIK ADMINISTRATION 

territories with his property, family and the officers of his suit, 
to Lucknow; by the direction of tlie Governor-general, the 
necessary safe-conduct was promptly granted. 

From Ahgurh, General Lake advanced upon Delhi, but when 
within six miles of the city, his advanced guard of cavalry was 
suddenly exjjosed to a heavy and destructive fire of artillery. 

Louis Rourquin, the French officer next in command to 
Perron, assembled a powerful Mahratta force, and concealing his 
puns by high grass, completely took the English by surprise. 
Lake saw that it was necessary to draw the Mahrattas from their 
strong position ; he therefore commanded the cavalry to retire, 
and the enemy, mistaking the movement for a retreat, rushed 
after them in full assurance of victory. The cavalry, however, 
retired in good order, until it reached the head of the advancing 
column, when opening from the centre, they permitted the 
British infantry to pass to the front. The battalions moved 
forward under a tremendous fire of grape, round and cannister 
from the Mahratta guns, until within a distance of one hundred 
yards, when they fired a volley and then charged with the 
bayonet. Scindia's infantry could not withstand the onslaught ; 
they abandoned their guns and fled. The English battalions 
then broke into open columns of companies, and the cavalry 
charging through the intervals, made dreadful havoc of the fugi- 
tives, many of whom only escaped the sabre to perish by drown- 
ing in the Jumna. The consequences of this victory, were the 
immediate possession of the imperial city of Delhi, and the 
deliverance of the emperor Shah Alum, from the degrading and 
painful captivity, in which he had long been held by the Mah- 
rattas. 

General Lake then marched against Agra, which was in a state 
of the greatest anarchy. Before the breaking out of the war, 
the garrison had been commanded by English officers, who had 
been confined by their own troops, on the commencement of 
hostilities. Seven battalions of Scindia's regular infantry, were 
encamped on the glacis ; but the garrison were afraid to admit 
them into the fort, lest they should plunder a rich treasury which 
they wished to reserve for themselves. These battalions were 
attacked by General Lake, and defeated with the loss of twenty- 
six of their guns. A few days afterwards, the garrison liberated 



OF THE MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. 209 

their officers, and capitulated on condition of being permitted to 
retire with their private property ; the treasury, the arsenal and 
one hundred and sixty-two pieces of cannon, fell into the hands 
of the victors. 

General Lake next marched against the battalions sent by 
Scindia from the Dekkan, which had been reinforced by the 
relics of Bourquin's army. After a tedious pursuit, he came up 
\\'ith them at sunrise on the 1st of November, and believing 
them to be in full retreat, ordered his cavalry to intercept their 
flight. But the Mahrattas, instead of retreating, had taken up 
a very strong position ; their right resting on the fortified 
village of Laswaree, their left on the village of IMohaulpore, 
and their front lined with seventy-five pieces of cannon chained 
together, so as to resist the charge of horse. Tlie cavalry were 
driven back, and the infantry with the brigade of guns came 
forward to the attack. Scindia's horse behaved in the most 
cowardly manner, but the battalions which had been trained by 
the French officers, fought with a desperate determination, which 
nothing could subdue. The greater part of them refused to 
surrender, but fell where they stood, with arms in their hands. 
The battle of Laswaree, cost the English more than eight hun- 
di-ed men in killed and wounded, but it completely destroyed 
Scindia's power in northern India ; and at the same time Eng- 
lish divisions completely subdued the districts of Kuttack and 
Bundelcund. 

In the Dekkan, General Wellesley, after many harassing 
operations, arising from the celerity with which the enemy 
moved from place to place, succeeded in bringing the confede- 
rates to an action at Argaom, on the evening of the 29th of 
November, and routed them with very little difficulty. This 
success being followed by the capture of Gawelgurh, terrified 
the confederates into peace. The Raja of Berar, was the first 
to yield ; he ceded a large portion of his territories to the Eng- 
lish and their allies, abandoned all claims of chout upon the 
Nizam, and consented that no European should be admitted into 
his dominions, without the permission of the British govern- 
ment. Accredited ministers from each of the contracting parties, 
were to reside at the court of the other, and the Raja very 
reluctantly received a resident at Nagpore, Scindia held out 



•J 10 CONTINUATION OF THE ADMINISTRATION 

a fortnight longer, but finally yielded to similar terms; but he 
had to sacrifice a much larger portion both of territory and 
influence than his ally. 

During the progress of hostilities, Holkar remained in Malwa, 
levying enormous contributions from friend and foe, scarcely 
crediting, or affecting to disbelieve, the accounts of the rapid 
victories of the English. AVhen it was too late he deter- 
mined to make an effort for retrieving the independence of the 
Mahrattas ; he sent ambassadors to Scindia, urging him to 
break the treaty wliich he had just concluded, but that chief- 
tain was, or pretended to be, so exasperated against Holkar 
that he immediately communicated the fact to the British 
authorities. General Lake believed that Holkar was amica- 
bly disposed ; he invited the chieftain to send ambassadors in 
order that a treaty might be negociated, but he was morti- 
fied when the Mahratta deputies urged the most extravagant 
demands, and supported them by a letter from Holkar stating 
that, in case of a refusal, " his country and his property were 
on the saddle of his horse, and to whatever side the reins of his 
brave wairiors should be turned, the whole of the country in 
that direction should come into his possession." The Governor- 
general having been made acquainted with Holkar's demands, 
resolved not to temporize any longer ; orders were issued 
directing General Wellesley and General Lake to attack Hol- 
kar's troops and possessions in every direction. Scindia at the 
same time professing the utmost readiness to co-operate with 
the British. 

After some trifling operations. General Lake placed his main 
army in cantonments, but sent Colonel Monson with a strong 
detachment, to co-operate with Colonel Murray, who was to 
attack Holkar's dominions on the side of Gujarat. Monson 
advanced with great spirit, but, hearing that Holkar was coming 
to meet him in force, he resolved to retreat. This movement, 
injudicious in itself, was conducted with a most lamentable want 
of skill, judgment, and discretion ; Monson had no confidence in 
the Sepoys, nor they in him; the officers and men desired 
for nothing so much as a halt and a fair fight ; their leader's 
determination was to seek shelter under the guns of some fortress. 
But the governors of forts on his line of retreat, declared against 
the English ; the troops, dissatisfied, weary, and starving, burst 



OF THE MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. 211 

through all bonds of discipline, and fled to Agra in broken parties. 
In consequence of this success, Holkar's fame spread through 
the country, and greatly increased the number of his followers. 

General Lake immediately took the field to repair these 
disasters, but, instead of making a dash on Holkar's infantry and 
guns, he wasted his energies in fruitless efforts to bring the 
Mahratta cavalry to action, and, when these failed, remained 
inactive at IMutha. This delay afibrded Holkar an opportunity 
of attempting an important enterprize, the svirprise of Delhi and 
the possession of the emperor's person, in which he very nearly 
succeeded. His failure must chiefly be attributed to the skill 
and valour of Colonels Ochterlony and Bum, who, with a small 
body of Sepoys, made a successful assault, repelled a sortie, and, 
under incessant fatigue, defended a city ten miles in circumfer- 
ence. General Lake marched to the relief of the capital, but 
Holkar's infantry had gone, five days before his arrival, towards 
the states of the Raja of Bhurtpore, who had broken his engage- 
ments to the English government. General Frazer undertook 
the pursuit, and, on the 13th of November, came up with the 
Maliratta infantry strongly posted, near the fortress of Deeg. 
Frazer headed the charging battalions in person ; he drove the 
enemy from their first range of guns, and was advancing on the 
second when he fell mortally wounded. The command now 
devolved on Colonel Monson, who was eager to avenge his late 
disastrous retreat ; under his guidance, the enemy were driven 
successively from each of their lines of battery until they got 
under the walls of the fort ; one body which attempted to make 
a stand, was driven into the lake, and many of them d^o^vned. 
Eighty-seven pieces of cannon were taken, and among them, 
Colonel Monson had the satisfaction to find fourteen of those he 
had lost during his retreat. 

Four days afterwards. General Lake, after a most persevering 
pursuit, overtook Holkar's cavalry at Furruckabad. The sur- 
prise would have been complete had not the accidental explo- 
sion of a tumbril, just before the onset, roused the Mahrattas to 
a sense of their danger. Holkar and his immediate followers 
escaped, but three thousand of his troopers were put to the 
sword. Deeg was immediately invested, and stoniied after a 
siege of ten days. Holkar now appeared on the verge of ruin, 
his territory in the Dekkan was reduced ; his principal forts in 



'J 12 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. 

Malwa, incliulinp his capital, Tndore, were in the possession of 
tlie English, and the reduction of Bhurtpore was alone wanting 
to reduce him to the condition of a helpless fugitive. 

The town of Bhurtpore, eight miles in extent, was everywhere 
surrounded by a mud wall of great thickness and height, and a 
very wide and deep ditch filled with water. The fort was situated 
at the eastern extremity of the town ; and the walls were flanked 
with bastions at short distances, mounted with a numerous artil- 
lery. The Jhats had crowded in from the surrounding districts 
to the defence of their capital, and the broken battalions of 
Holkar had entrenched themselves under the walls of the place. 
General Lake arrived before Bhurtpore January 2nd, 1805, with 
a very insufficient battering train, and without taking the ordi- 
nary precaution of reconnoitring the place, commenced a siege. 
Four desperate assaults were made, and repulsed with dreadful 
slaughter ; the two first failed, from the breadth of the ditch and 
tlie depth of its waters, not having been ascertained by the as- 
sailants. The two others were baffled by the unexpected 
strength of the defences, and the vigorous resistance of the be- 
sieged. All four were honourable to the valour of the troops, 
but not very creditable to the military skill of their general. The 
Raja of Bhurtpore was, however, disheartened by the preparations 
for continuing the siege ; he made proposals for peace, and was 
allowed to negociate on very favourable terms, although every 
one of the British authorities felt the disadvantage of leaving 
Bhurtpore to be a monument of their failure ; but it was deemed 
expedient to grant favourable terms to the Raja, at a time when 
tliere was every appearance of a renewal of hostilities with 
Scindia. 

Scindia had actually advanced towards Bhurtpore with an in- 
tention of taking part in the war, and had permitted the camp of 
the British President, to be attacked and plundered without 
making any attempt to discover and punish the offenders, when 
he heard that the Raja had concluded a treaty with the British. 
Even then he allowed Holkar to join his camp, but could not be 
again induced to encounter the perils of war. His negociations 
were protracted, until a change in the government of British 
India, was followed by the adoption of a course of policy by 
winch most of the advantages gained in the Mahratta war were 
thrown awav. 



213 



CHAPTER XIV. 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS CORNWALLIS AND 
SIR GEORGE BARLOW. 

Lord Wellesley's government of India had been very brilliant 
but very expensive ; his system of policy aimed at placing the 
entire military arrangements of India under the control of the 
British, by inducing or compelling the principal native princes to 
substitute a disciplined subsidiary force for their own undisci- 
plined and turbulent hordes, leaving them, however, the power 
of administering the civil government at their pleasure. Such an 
arrangement would clearly have given the Company an absolute 
control over all the foreign relations of the Indian princes, and 
rendered that body the guardian of general tranquillity. The 
subsidiary treaties with the Peishwa and the Nizam enabled the 
Governor-general so to dispose the forces supplied to both these 
powers, that they formed a complete chain of defence against any 
possible attack, not only covering the frontiers of both princes, 
but giving permanent security and tranquillity to all the southern 
parts of the Peninsula. Scindia, to whom such an abridgement 
of the Mahratta power, which prevented the levying of chout on 
the feeble states of the south and west, was peculiarly obnoxious, 
had been so humbled that there was very little fear of his ven- 
turing to renew hostilities. Holkar was little better than leader 
of a body of cowardly banditti ; his troops being so disspirited 
that they would not venture themselves within fifty miles of an 
English army. Great expenses, indeed, had been incurred, but 
it was certain that the pressure would only be temporary, for the 
revenues were beginning to improve, the conquered and ceded 
districts began to grow profitable after tranquillity had been re- 
stored, and the economic reductions, which were commenced as 
the war drew to a close, gave promise of a large and early sur- 
plus revenue from our possessions. 



214 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS CORNWALLIS 

The court of directors from the beginning took a very harsh 
view of Lord Wellesley's policy, and thwarted him in every 
particular where they were not checked by the interference of 
the Board of Control. Even the conquest of ■Mysore was very 
ungraciously recognized by the authorities in England, and six- 
teen years elapsed before General Harris received any public 
reward for his services at Seringapatam. But this hostility was 
mainly owing to an act of justice towards the merchants of Cal- 
cutta, which was deemed injurious to the interests of certain 
monopolies in England, and which certainly diminished the 
unfair profits which accrued to certain parties possessing great 
influence in the direction. On the renewal of the Charter, in 
1793, it had been stipulated that 3,000 tons of the Company's 
shipping were to be allotted annually to private merchants. 
The rate of freight, however, was not specified, and of course the 
Company's agents, with the usual impolicy and injustice of 
monopolists, fixed so high a rate that the British merchants and 
manufacturers were deterred from engaging extensively in the 
trade. Thus the exports to India were very limited in amount ; 
whilst there was an increasing amount of exports from India, 
which was liable to serious checks and hindrances from the un- 
certainty and cost of the means of conveyance. This was so 
strongly felt by the court of directors, that in 1798, they 
authorized the government of Bengal to take up ships on account 
of the Company, and re-let the tonnage to the merchants of Cal- 
cutta. Lord Wellesley refused to act on this notable plan, which 
would have superadded an immense quantity of fraud and jobbing 
to the previous evils of expense and delay ; he, therefore, per- 
mitted the merchants and ship-owners to make their own arrange- 
ments for the extent and rate of the freight, subject only to such 
regulations as would prevent any interference with the Com- 
pany's privileges. Not a word need be said in favour of this 
policy, it was obviously nothing more than establishing a princi- 
ple of common honesty in commercial aifairs, by placing the 
merchant and ship-owner on an equal footing. But common 
honesty, or freedom of trade, which is the same thing, was the 
most inconvenient thing in the world to those who profited by 
exorbitant profits ; and the arrival in the port of London of 
Indian produce, in India-built ships, created a sensation among 



AND SIR GEORGE BARLOW. 215 

the monopolists, which could not have been exceeded if a hostile 
fleet had appeared in the Thames. 

The ship-builders of the port of London took the lead in 
raising the cry of alarm ; they declared that their business was 
on the point of ruin, and that the families of all the ship-wrights 
in England were certain to be reduced to starvation. The con- 
nection between ship-building and the maintenance of a rate of 
freight, so high as to prevent shipping from being employed, was 
not, indeed, very obvious, but it suited the convenience of the 
monopolists to keep their own delinquencies of exorbitant charge 
out of sight. The interest of the consumers, that is, of the people 
of the tliree kingdoms, in obtaining a more certain supply of 
London produce at a cheaper rate than before, was, of course, 
more studiously concealed, and persons were allowed to declare 
that the trade of England would be ruined, because that trade 
with India had been greatly facilitated and increased. Fortu- 
nately, the President of the Board of Control, backed by nearly 
the entire of the independent mercantile interest of India, took 
the same view of the question as the Governor-general, and all 
the efforts of the monopolists to set aside the new arrange- 
ments were defeated. Their disappointment on the occasion was 
far from increasing their admiration of the government of the 
Marquis of Wellesley. 

The view which Lord Wellesley took of the shipping question, 
was the calm and deliberate result of his investigation of a mea- 
sure, concerning which he felt no particular solicitude. Any 
man of ordinary talents, who viewed the question without the 
bias of private interest, must have arrived at the same conclu- 
sion ; had his arrangements been set aside, he would only have 
lamented the strength of sordid interest and prejudice, but per- 
sonally, would have felt no annoyance. He shewed less indiffer- 
ence in his efforts to maintain the College of Fort William — an 
institution of which he was the creator and fosterer — but which 
encountered the most strenuous opposition from the court of 
directors. His exertions, however, were so far successful that a 
college was maintained for the instruction of Bengal writers in 
the oriental languages used in that part of India, and, some years 
later, a college was founded in England for the education of the 
junior civilians of all the presidencies in the usual objects of 



21G ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS CORNWALLIS 

European study, and in the principal languages of the East. 
This institution has proved of so much service that it is to be 
hoped its basis may be enlarged, and that it may extend instruc- 
tion to those who are intended for official and mercantile situa- 
tions in other oriental countries, particularly Turkey and the 

Levant. 

But the question by which Lord Wellesley's administration 
must finally be judged, is the policy of the subsidiary alliances 
which it was his great object to establish throughout India. 
There can be no doubt that their universal acceptance would have 
estiiblished the supremacy of the Company, and secured the general 
tranquillity of India ; but Lord Wellesley does not appear to 
have made sufficient allowance for the natural reluctance of 
princes to resign the military defence of their dominions into the 
hands of foreigners, and their dislike to the subjection which the 
nature of the subsidiary connexion necessarily imposed. At- 
tempts to shake off such fetters ought to have been anticipated, 
and when they occurred there was no alternative between the 
restoration of the prince to complete independence, or the utter 
annihilation of his power. But the East India Company had 
now succeeded to the central power, which had been anciently 
possessed by the Emperors of Delhi, and, upon the exercise of 
its controlling authority, the tranquillity of the whole Penin- 
sula depended. If the Company ceased to assert and exer- 
cise supremacy, all India must have fallen into anarch)^ Indeed, 
this result followed to a very great extent when the policy of 
Lord Wellesley was abandoned. 

The Marquis of Comwallis, in spite of his accunndated years and 
infirmities, was appointed the successor of Lord Wellesley. He 
arrived at Fort AYilliam in July, 1805, just as Lord Lake had 
intimated to Scindia, that no further delay in the liberation of the 
British president, whom he insolently detained a prisoner, would be 
])crniitted. Lord Cornwallis commenced his career by relaxing in 
this preliminary, and consenting to treat with Scindia on his own 
terms. Fortunately, for the honour of the British name, Lord 
Lake succeeded in obtaining the president's liberation before the 
degrading concession of the Governor-general was made known. 
By tlie new treaty with Scindia, the numerous Bajas west of the 
Jumna, who had been taken under the protection of the British 
government, were to be abandoned to their ow n resources, and to 



AND SIR GEORGE BARLOW. 217 

be compensated by cessions of the territories we had conquered, 
which they were manifestly unable to defend. The Raja of 
Jypore had entered into an alliance with the English against 
Scindia, and, though he had on many occasions deviated both 
from the letter and spirit of his engagements, yet, when Holkar's 
army approached his frontiers, he was induced by Lord Lake to 
take an active part in the war, and his services greatly contri- 
buted to its final success. Notwithstanding these services, and 
Lord Lake's remonstrances against the breach of the public 
faith, which he had plighted, the alliance with Jypore was dis- 
solved : the Raja's representatives boldly protesting that the 
English had made their honour subservient to their convenience. 

In the midst of his exertions, Lord Cornwallis sunk under the 
increased fatigue which he had imposed upon himself by a 
journey to the upper provinces. He was succeeded by Sir 
George Barlow, a civil servant of the Company, who had filled 
several subordinate situations creditably, but who did not possess 
the qualifications necessary for a post of so much importai'ice and 
responsibility as that of Governor-general of India. Sir George 
Barlow not only adopted Lord Cornwall is's policy of non-inter- 
ference, but carried it to a greater extent than his lordship ever 
contemplated. Treaties were concluded with Scindia and Hol- 
kar, which left those chieftains free to form new schemes of dan- 
gerous ambition ; he exerted himself to dissolve the intimate 
alliances which had been formed with some of the principal 
Native states, and to free the English from the obligations and 
protection contracted with minor chiefs ; it has even been said 
that both he and the Marquis of Cornwallis contemplated aban- 
doning all the British possessions west of the Jumna, as likely to 
prove sources of expense, trouble, and danger. 

But circumstances soon occurred, which led Sir George Barlow, 
not only to doubt, but to depart from his policy of non-inter- 
ference. Meer Alum, the able minister of the Nizam, whom the 
English had for many years supported, by his attachment to 
their interests lost the confidence of his feeble sovereign. In- 
trigues were detected at Hyderabad, not only for removing the 
minister, but for destroying the subsidiary alliance with the 
British government. The nature of this conspiracy and the 
character of those associated for its execution, which included all 
the discontented soldiery, required prompt decision. The 

L 



2IvS ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS CORNWALLIS 

necessary orders were sent to the resident and the commander 
of the troops, by whose promptitude the conspiracy was discon- 
certed. The Governor-general displayed equal wisdom, in 
opposing the recommendations of the court of directors to mo- 
dify the treaty of Bassein, which their persevering hostility to 
the Marquis of Wellcsley led them to regard as the great source 
of all their difficulties ; but every hour brought evidence from 
the Mahratta territories of the increasing importance and value of 
the arrangements made at Bassein, 

The policy of the IMarquis of Wellesley had made an immense 
change in the condition of the Mahrattas ; their perilous power 
was broken, their marauding expeditions checked, and their 
claims to chout, or payment for forbearance, which they had 
been accustomed to exact from their neighbours, were utterly 
annihilated. The Peishwa had ceded a large tract of country to 
the English ; he was controlled in his foreign relations and sup- 
ported on the throne by a British force. The territories of the 
other Mahratta chiefs had been dismembered ; the Emperor of 
Delhi had been taken under the protection of the English ; and 
they sat down exhausted and dismayed, sensible of some of their 
own errors when too late ; but with no plan, or even sentiment 
of union, except hatred to that nation by which they had been 
subdued. 

When Jesswunt Rao Holkar was restored to his dominions, he 
intimated to his army that he was under the necessity of dis- 
missing about twenty thousand of his cavalry, most of whom 
were natives of the Dekkan. Large arrears being due to these 
men, they mutinied, and were only pacified by receiving Holkar's 
nephew, Khondee Rao, as a pledge for payment. The posses- 
sion of the legal heir to the Holkar family, induced the mutineers 
to revolt, and proclaim their prisoner the legitimate sovereign. 
But the firmness of Holkar's infentry overawed them, and their 
arrears being soon after paid, by a sum of money extorted from 
the unfortunate Raja of Jypore, the sedition was quelled. The 
innocent instrument of the mutineers fell a sacrifice to his enraored 
uncle, who put both him and his brother to death. Not long 
after Holkar fell into a state of insanity, from w^hich h% never 
recovered until the day of his death, Oct. 20th, 1811. 

The regency of Indore, when it was found necessary to place 
Holkar under restraint, was divided between one of his concu- 



c 



AND SIR GEORGE BARLOW. 219 

bines, Toolzee Rye, a woman of profligate habits and most vin- 
dictive disposition, and Ameer Khan, who was nothing better 
than a chieftain of banditti. They administered the government 
in the name of Mulhar Rao Holkar, a boy about four years of 
age, the son of Jesswunt Rao, by another concubine. This de- 
plorable government, if such anarchy can be called a govern- 
ment, was alternately swayed by two factions, the Mahrattas 
and the Patans, who were constantly intriguing against each 
other, and nothing could exceed the miserable condition of the 
•ountry. At the court, bribery, executions and murders; in the 
provinces, violence, rapine and bloodshed. 

Scindia's territories were in a state scarcely less deplorable 
than Holkar's. His army was far too numerous for his finances, 
and in order to appease the clamours of his troops, he was 
obliged to allow them to subsist at free quarters in his provinces. 
The burthen of their exactions became in many places intoler- 
able, and districts which had previously been cultivated and 
profitable, were fast running to waste and wretchedness. The 
Peishwa was more fortunate ; his troops, commanded by Bappoo 
Gokla, who had been recommended to this station by General 
Wellesley, united with the English subsidiary force, quelled 
every appearance of insurrection in his dominions. 



l2 



220 



CHAPTER XV. 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINTO. 



Lord Minto reached Indica in July, 1807 ; he had previously 
acquired a high character as a statesman, and was remarkable for his 
reluctance to be fettered by mere precedent, and for his determina- 
tion to judge in all things for himself. If he had shared in the erro- 
neous views which many persons in England had formed of the ad- 
ministration of the Marquis of Wellesley, he found soon after his 
landinir, tlial the system which had been devised by the Marquis 
Cornwallis, and pursued by Sir George Barlow, was pregnant 
with the most injurious consequences to all the Native states, 
and perilous to the existence of the British empire in the East. 

The Pindarrics, a class of the lowest freebooters, had been 
long known in the Dekkan ; they were early employed in the 
Mahratta wars, and numbers of them engaged in the service both 
of Scindia and Holkar. They were in general more attached to 
their immediate commander than to the prince who hired their 
services ; they not unfrequcntly changed sides, and plundered 
their masters whenever they found an opportunity. So soon as 
the tide of Mahratta conquest was turned, the Pindarries were 
obliged to plunder the territories of their former masters for sub- 
sistence ; the very desolation they carried along with them 
brought them recruits, and their numbers were greatly augmented 
by the bodies of irregular horse which Lord Lake disbanded at 
the termination of the war. 

In every thousand Pindarries about four hundred were well 
armed and mounted ; of that number about every fifteenth man 
carried a matchlock, but their favourite weapon was the Mahratta 
spear, which is from twelve to eighteen feet long. The remaining 
six hundred were common plunderers and followers, armed like 
the Bazar retainers of every army in India, with any sort of 
weapon which chance supplied. Before the Pindarries set out 
on an expedition, a leader sent notice to the inferior chiefs, and 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINTO. 221 

hoisted his standard on a particular day after the cessation of the 
rains, generally about the period of the Dusserah, a Hindu feast 
in honour of the return of spring. As soon as the rivers were 
fordable, and a sufficient number had assembled, they moved off 
by the most unfrequented routes tovv^ards their destination. 
Commencing with short marches of about ten miles, they gra- 
dually extended them to thirty or forty miles a-day, until they 
reached some peaceful region against which their expedition was 
intended. Terror and dismay burst at once on the helpless 
population ; villages were seen in flames ; wounded and house- 
less peasants flying in all directions, fortified places shutting their 
gates, and keeping up a perpetual firing from the walls. The 
plunderers dispersed in small parties, and spread themselves over 
the whole face of the country ; all acting on a concerted plan, 
they swept round in a half circle, committing every sort of violence 
and excess, — torturing to extort money, ravishing, murdering, 
and burning in the defenceless villages ; but seldom venturing 
on danger unless the prospect of a booty was very certain. 
"VMien they approached a point on the frontier, very distant from 
where they had entered, they united and went off in a body to 
their homes. Whilst they continued their excesses, marauders 
of all descriptions sallied out to join them, or profit by their 
presence, and whole districts became a scene of rapine and con- 
flagration. 

The ordinary modes of torture inflicted by these miscreants, 
were heavy stones placed on the head or chest ; red-hot irons 
applied to the soles of the feet ; tying the head of a person into 
a tohra, or bag for feeding horses, filled with hot ashes ; throwing 
oil on the clothes and setting fire to them ; besides many others 
equally horrible, which could not be named with decency. The 
awful consequences of a visit from the Pindarries, can scarcely be 
imagined by those who have not witnessed them. For some 
time their ravages were chiefly confined to Malwa, Rajpootana, 
and Berar ; a few of them, however, ventured almost every year 
into the dominions of the Nizam and the Peishwa, though little 
notice of them was taken by the British government, while they 
refrained from molesting its own subjects and territory. 

The situation of the ancient Rajpoot states of Odepore, Joud- 
pore, Jypore, and other principalities, became at this period truly 
deplorable ; but their condition and sentiments cannot be painted 



2*22 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINTO. 

in more striking colours than by using the terms of a despatch 
from Sir Charles Metcalfe, the enlightened resident at Delia, who, 
adverting to their repeated applications for the aid of the British 
government, observes : — *' When 1 reply to these various appli- 
cations, I find it difficult to obtain even a confession that the 
moderate policy of the British government is just. People do 
not scruple to assert that they have a right to the protection of 
the British government. They say that there always has existed 
some power in India to which peaceable states submitted, and, in 
return, obtained its protection ; that then their own governments 
were maintained in respectability, and they were secure against 
the invasions of upstart chiefs and armies of lawless banditti. 
That the British government now occupies the place of the great 
protecting power, and is the natural guardian of the peaceable 
and weak ; but, owing to its refusal to use its influence for their 
protection, the peaceable and weak states are continually exposed to 
oppressions and cruelties of robbers and plunderers, the most licen- 
tious and abandoned of mankind." Nor were the Rajpoots alone ex- 
posed to danger ; the Sikh chieftains w^est of the Sutlej, from whom 
our protection had been withdrawn, were in a state of alarm and 
disturbance, dreading to be reduced under the sway of Runjeet 
Sing, who had founded a kingdom in the Punj-ab, which daily 
increased in strength. 

The court of directors expressed some dissatisfaction at the 
extent to which the policy of non-interference had been carried 
by Sir George Barlow ; they censured the abandonment of the 
Raja of Jyporc, expressing a hope that " the supreme govern- 
ment in India would take care, in all its transactions with the 
Native princes, to preserve our character for fidelity to our allies 
from falling into disrepute, and would evince a strict regard in 
the prosecution of its political views, to the principles of justice 
and generosity." The government in India had also shewn that 
it was alive to the evil impressions which might result from Sir 
George Barlow's having rescinded the article of the treaty con- 
cluded by Lord Lake, which precluded Scindia from ever again 
employing his profligate minister, Sirjee Rao Ghatkia, the author 
of the treacherous attack on the British residency. While be- 
stowing a very qualified approbation on the altered treaty, the 
court of directors expressed a hope that neither in the motives by 
which the supreme government was actuated, nor in the commu- 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINTO. 223 

nications with Scindia, any just ground was afforded for a sus- 
picion on the part of the Mahratta chieftains, that the British 
government entertained any dread of the consequences which 
might possibly result from insisting on a scrupulous adherence to 
the stipulations of treaties." But, notwithstanding the justness 
of these views, there still existed in the Directory a strong desire 
to avoid, by every possible means, any further extension of poli- 
tical connexions. It was hoped that peace might be preserved 
without our being compelled to assume that paramount power, 
which seemed to be the more dreaded, the nearer that it was 
brought within our grasp. So Lord Minto was entrusted the 
trial of the experiment, how far it was possible for us with safety 
to stop short of taking into our hands the supremacy, if not the 
sovereignty of England. 

Sir George Barlow had been obliged to make the court of the 
Nizam an exception to his policy of non-interference, and to take 
active steps to support that prince's prime minister, Meer Alum. 
On the death of that nobleman, there were several competitors 
for the vacant office, but after some time it was arranged between 
the Nizam and the Governor-general, that the office should be 
divided, the name of minister being given to the Nizam's 
favourite, Moneer-al-Mulk, and, its active duties being entrusted 
to an English partisan, Chand-u-Lal, under the title of Dewan. 

Chand-u-Lal was a Brahmin, but this circumstance did not 
prevent him from being taken into the service of a Mohammedan 
prince. The Brahmins of the Carnatic are generally men of 
education, acquainted with at least the principles of mathematical 
science, and remarkable for their skill in commercial and financial 
affairs. On the other hand, the Mohammedan Omrahs, to which 
class Moneer-al-Mulk belonged, are generally conspicuous for 
their conceit and their ignorance, unable to keep an ordinary 
account, and yet ready to undertake the most complicated affairs 
of the exchequer. Chand-u-Lal clearly saw that he would not 
long be permitted to retain his office as Dewan, unless English 
interest continued paramount at the court of Hyderabad ; he 
therefore exerted himself with all his might to forward those 
schemes of military reform, which had been originally suggested 
by the Marquis of Wellesley. Corps were disciplined by British 
officers, and a regular army sprung U]), organized in all its branches 
by the British resident. 



224 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINTO. 

Tiie Dcwan, who personally derived great support from this 
force, iniijjicilly acquiesced in every proposition which the resi- 
dent made for the appointment of officers, and for the pay and 
equipment of the new battalions. In return for this, and his 
steady adherence to the engagements of the defensive alliance, 
he was protected by British influence and power from the attacks 
of his numerous enemies, and left to control, as he thought best, 
the internal government of the country, the prosperity of which 
began early to decline, under a system which had no object but 
revenue, and under which, neither regard for rank nor desire for 
popularity existing, the nobles were degraded and the people 
oppressed. The Nizam (of whose sanity very reasonable doubts 
were entertained) lapsed into a state of gloomy discontent ; and 
while the Dewan, his relations, a few favorites, and money- 
brokers flourished, the good name of the British nation suffered ; 
for it was said, and with justice, that our support of the actual 
administration freed the minister and his executive officers from 
those salutary fears, which act as a restraint upon the most 
despotic rulers. The unhappy result of those arrangements 
which the fear of greater evils had led him to confirm, appears to 
have been felt and deplored by Lord Minto, but the remedy was 
most difficult without over-stepping the limits prescribed for his 
observance ; and, in fact, no effectual effort was made to check 
these evils during his lordship's administration. 

Bajee Rao had scarcely been restored to his authority by the 
treaty of Bassein, than he began to evince the distrust and dupli- 
city of his character towards his new allies ; and openly avowed, 
in regard to many persons subject to his authority, that revenge 
was his principal motive for entering into alliance with the Eng- 
lish. The Peishwa was, in fact, a profligate sensualist ; his 
favour was reserved for those who pandered to his passions and 
his crimes, and his ministers were chosen from his agents in lust 
and murder. Through these unscrupulous agents, he kept up a 
correspondence with the chief confederate against the British 
power, and ascribed his connexion with that government, which 
to them he reprobated and deplored, to necessity, occasioned by 
their absence, and to the treachery of the southern Jaghiredars. 
General "Wellesley (since, Duke of Wellington) had early appre- 
ciated the character of Bajee Rao, and had anxiously urged upon 
the government the necessity of speedily arranging the relations 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINTO. 225 

between the Peishwa and the southern chieftains. In fact, these 
powerful lords, though calling themselves the subjects of the 
Peishwa's family, had for ages shewn it a very lax obedience, 
submitting to its orders or usurping upon its rights, according to 
the character and means of the sovereign upon the throne. 
These Jaghiredars also had established a strong claim on the 
consideration of the English by their conduct during the war 
against Scindia and Holkar, so that, while the Peishwa was to be 
supported in the assertion of all his just rights as lord para- 
mount, it Avas obviously desirable that he should be prevented 
from effecting, what he earnestly sought, their utter ruin. 

The terms proposed by the resident at the court of Poonah, 
for adjusting the difference between the Peishwa and the Southern 
Jaghiredars were : — The mutual oblivion of past injuries — the 
abandonment of all pecuniary claims on either side — the guarantee 
to them of tlie Serinjamny lands, that is, lands granted to sup- 
port a specific number of troops for the service of the paramount 
prince, so long as they served the Peishwa with fidelity — the 
relinquishment, on their part, of all former usurpations — their 
attendance, when required, with the whole of their contingents — 
and of a third part at all times — under the command of a relation. 
So long as the Jaghiredars adhered to these terms, the Bri- 
tish government agreed to guarantee their personal safety, and 
that of their relations. Lord Minto sanctioned this departure 
from the policy of non-interference, which, from this time for- 
ward, may be said to have been virtually abandoned, and he sent 
orders to Madras, Mysore, and the Dekkan, to have a sufficient 
force assembled to compel the submission of any chieftains who 
might prove refractory. 

Bajee Rao and the Jaghiredars were equally unwilling to sub- 
mit their claims to the arbitration of the British government. The 
Peishwa would not at first listen to any proposition which did 
not comprehend the entire resumption of the lands held by the 
southern chieftains, and their being compelled to submit to his 
authority by force of arms. The Jaghiredars were equally un- 
willing to resign their old usurpations, and enter into fixed stipu- 
lations of allegiance ; but the presence of a large British force 
compelled obedience ; they all joined the Peishwa at Panderpore, 
whence they accompanied him to Poonah, where all matters were 
finally arranged under the mediation of the British resident. 

L 5 



226 ADMINISTRATION OF lORD MINTO. 

Tliougli tlicsc arrangements greatly increased the Peishwa's in- 
fluences and resources, Bajec Rao never forgave the English for 
not liaving given him the aid of their troops to execute his medi- 
tated scheme of vengeance on the Southern Jaghiredars. 

We have already mentioned Ameer Khan, as one of those who 
had seized on the regency of Holkar's dominions when the 
insanity of Jesswunt Rao, rendered him incapable of conducting 
the government, lie soon quitted Indore, and placing himself 
at the head of a large body of Pindarries, began to levy exactions, 
sometimes in Holkar's name, and sometimes in his own. One 
of his first acts, was to threaten the territories of Berar with 
invasion, under the pretence that the Raja owed large sums to 
Holkar. Lord Minto could not contemplate with indifference an 
army of Pindarries and other military adventurers, encamped on 
the banks of the Nerbudda, under an ambitious ]\Iussulman 
chief, whose conquest of Berar would bring them into immediate 
contact with the territories of the Nizam. Community of re- 
ligion would no doubt have induced a powerful party in those 
dominions, including most probably the Nizam himself, to join in 
schemes for the establishment of jMohammedam supremacy in 
southern India, and the consequent overthrow of British power. 
Under such circumstances it would have been ruinous to adhere 
to the policy of non-interference. Lord Minto abandoned it 
without hesitation, and tendered to the Raja of Berar the gratui- 
tous protection of the British government. Ameer Khan was 
driven from the frontiers of Berar, but Lord Minto would not 
sanction the pm-suit of the freebooter into his own dominions, 
and Ameer Khan escaped with an unbroken army to prosecute 
new schemes of conquest and oppression. 

Though the influence of the French in India was virtually 
annihilated, by the destruction of Tippoo and the dispersion of 
the armies which Perron and other French adventurers had found 
amongst the Mahrattas, yet Napoleon frequently exhibited a 
settled purpose to contest with the English the empire of the 
East, and early in the year 1808, he sent ambassadors to Persia, 
who were said to have been most favourably received by Futteh 
Ali Shah, the reigning sovereign, and to have concluded a treaty 
very menacing to the English interests. This intelligence 
excited much alarm, both in London and Calcutta ; missions 
without any apparent concert, were sent to Persia by the 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINfO. 227 

Governor-general and the British ministry ; the envoys took 
very different views of the course of policy which ought to be 
pursued, and that which was most absurd in itself and most 
pernicious in its consequences, was eventually adopted. Captain 
Malcolm, Lord Minto's envoy, proceeded to Abanshir, but on the 
king of Persia refusing him leave to advance to Teheran, and 
insisting on his negociating with his son, the Viceroy of Shirar, 
he declined going any further, as unbecoming the dignity of the 
English nation, that its representative should treat with a prince 
at a provincial caj^ital, while the French ambassador, who had 
been received in direct violation of an existing treaty, enjoyed 
the distinction of residing at the court and carrying on his nego- 
ciations with the king. These reasons and many others for not 
complying with his majesty's desire, were embodied in a memo- 
rial and sent to Teheran ; but producing no effect, the repre- 
sentative of the supreme government sailed for Calcutta. On 
his arrival there, orders were given to prepare an expedition, 
which was meant to occupy one of the Bahrein islands, in the 
Persian Gulph ; and as the early failure of the French promises 
was anticipated, they being quite inconsistent with the arrange- 
ments made between Napoleon and the Emperor of Russia, there 
existed no doubt that the Persian government, would soon be 
reduced to the necessity of asking that friendship which it had 
slighted ; and until it should be in this temper, it was obvious to 
every person with the slightest pretensions to statesmanship, that 
the alliance, would never take a shape which merited confidence 
or promised benefit. 

Sir Harford Jones, the ambassador from the court of London, 
took a very different view of affairs ; he was a weak man, in- 
toxicated by the pride of directly representing his sovereign, and 
anxious in every way to prove himself independent of the 
council of Calcutta. It was the fashion of the day, for England 
to pay people for protecting themselves, and to subsidize every 
power which seemed willing to accept a subsidy, almost thanking 
those who did us the honour to accept our money. Persia could 
not be treated less liberally than others ; a treaty was concluded 
in March 1809, by which Great Britain was bound to pay the 
king of Persia, an annual subsidy of one hundred thousand 
pounds, so long as he should be at war with Russia, to supply 
sixteen thousand stand of anns, with twenty field-pieces com- 



228 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINTO. 

plctc, and such iminbers as could be spared of artillery-men 
and oilicers, to instruct the Persian army ; on the other hand. 
Persia ai^rced to assist Great Britain in repelling any attempt 
on the ])art of the French, to invade the Company's territories 
in India. 

The pecuniary loss which it inflicted, to purchase the most 
worthless of guarantees, was the least of the evils resulting 
from tliis disgraceful treaty ; it was studiously circulated through 
the East, that England had been forced to purchase the protec- 
tion of the Persian monarch, and the Asiatic princes, who well 
knew the feebleness of Persia, felt and expressed their contempt 
for those who stooped to accept of such protection. The treaty- 
was concluded when Russia was an ally of France ; it seems not 
to have entered into the ambassador's head, that such a con- 
tingency was possible, as Russia becoming at some subsequent 
period the ally of England. When this event took place, 
England was rather awkwardly situated, by having made oppo- 
site engagements with Persia and Russia, but Persia as being 
the weaker power, was of course sacrificed. 

The same alarm of a French invasion which had caused these 
missions to Persia, suggested one to the court of Kabul, then 
governed by the late Sluija-al-Mulk, who had just conquered his 
brother Mohammed. An alliance was concluded with Shah 
Shyrja, and though he was soon afterwards driven from the 
throne, and became a pensioner on the bounty of the British 
government, the favourable impression made by the embassy on 
the minds of the Afghans, was not effaced until our late attempt 
to restore Shah Shuja to his kingdom after he had been thirty 
years an exile. 

We have mentioned in a former page, that the Marquis of 
Wellesley's wise plans for the reduction of the islands possessed 
by the French and Dutch in the Indian Seas, had been frustrated 
by the unaccountable obstinacy of Admiral Ranier. The weak- 
ness of the French marine, for several years prevented the enemy 
from availing themselves of their positions in the isles of Bour- 
bon and Mauritius on one side, and the harbours of Java and its 
dopeiulencies on the other, to annoy our commerce. But in the 
winter of 1808, a squadron of French frigates sailed from different 
ports of France and Holland, eluded the vigilance of the British 
cruizers, and reached the Indian Seas in the following spring. 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINTO. 229 

Grreat injury was done to English commerce by these unexpected 
enemies ; consequences still more disastrous were not unreason- 
ably anticipated, so that Lord Minto was universally applauded 
when he declared his resolution to reduce those islands, and 
deprive the enemy's ships of any harbour where they could find 
shelter. A large army was assembled in the Carnatic, and 
was almost ready for departure, when an unexpected event 
menaced the whole fabric of British power in the East with 
complete ruin. 

Sir George Barlow, on resigning the supreme authority had 
been appointed governor of Madras, where he employed himself 
in devising plans for the reduction of the heavy expenses of the 
army. An order was issued, that the allowance hitherto made 
to the officers commanding native regiments, for the purpose of 
providing camp-equipments for their soldiers, should immediately 
cease. The abruptness of this order, and the want of considera- 
tion for the feelings of the persons whose interests were con- 
cerned, gave general, and not unjust, dissatisfaction. A dan- 
gerous spirit of mutiny spread abroad through the army, which 
was greatly increased by Sir George Barlow's sending round a 
test of allegiance to the existing government, for signature, to the 
whole of the officers, in order that he might ascertain the names 
of those who would support or oppose his acts. Those who 
refused to sign, amounting to more than two-thirds of the officers 
of the Native army, were menaced with dismissal — a threat par- 
tially carried into execution. Some of the mutineers seized 
Seringapatam, and two battalions of Sepoys had rather a smart 
skirmish with the king's troops that besieged them. Every thing 
threatened a most perilous crisis, when the fortunate arrival of 
Lord Minto, who was universally respected, led to the restora- 
tion of tranquillity. Obedience was cheerfully tendered to his 
mild firmness, which the blustering violence of Sir George Bar- 
low had failed to obtain. A general amnesty was published, 
excluding only those who had taken a leading part in the dis- 
affection, and most even of these were subsequently restored. 

Very little difficulty was found in reducing the islands of 
Bourbon and Mauritius, but as the conquest of Java seemed to 
be a more perilous enterprize, the Governor-general made cor- 
responding exertions, and actually accompanied the expedition, 
which was commanded by Sir Samuel Auchmuty, serving as a 



230 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINTO. 

volunteer. On the 4th of August, 1811, the Java troops dis- 
embarked at a village about twelve miles from the capital of 
Batavia, and the landing of the whole was effected in twenty- 
four hours, without a single accident. After some minor opera- 
tions, Sir Samuel Auchmuty marched against the Dutch forces, 
which were strongly posted at Cornelis, occupying an entrenched 
camp, having each flank protected by a river, with a chain of 
redoubts and batteries in front, mounted with three hundred 
pieces of cannon. Batteries were i-aised against two of these re- 
doubts, which maintained so heavy a fire that the guns of the 
enemy were silenced. An assault was ordered on the morning 
of the 26th ; the outworks were carried at the point of the bayo- 
net, and the fugitives were so hotly pursued that they had not 
time to remove the bridges of planks which joined the works to 
the camp. Although the Dutch fought well on the outworks, 
they lost all courage when their camp was stormed ; numbers 
fell without any attempt to resist, and five thousand surrendered 
themselves prisoners of war. Notwithstanding this decisive 
defeat. Governor Jansens, with the characteristic obstinacy of 
liis nation, continued to protract the war ; but garrison after 
garrison was yielded to the English, and at length, on the i6th 
of September, this valuable island was surrendered. We need 
only add, that it was retained until the end of the French war, 
when the English having just held it long enough to learn its 
great value, and to win the affections of the native inhabitants, 
restored it to the Dutch. 

The policy of non-interference prevented Lord Minto from 
taking any steps to check the tyranny which the Nabob-vizier 
practised on his subjects in Oude ; but he exerted himself to 
secure Travancore and Bundelcund in their allegiance to the 
country, restoring to the latter country a tranquillity of which it 
had been for a long time deprived. Great alarm continued to be 
excited by the Pindarries, who no longer abstained from violating 
the British teiTitories, a party of them having burst into Mirza- 
pore, and left behind them at their departure, the usual traces of 
their ravages, villages burned, fields laid waste, and the cultivators 
murdered. Dread of exciting a new IVlahratta war, which was 
likely to be viewed with displeasure by the court of directors, 
prevented Lord IMinto from taking effectual steps to punish these 
barbarous marauders, but his despatches showed how eiToneous 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINTO. 231 

■was the course of policy which had been pursued since the de- 
parture of the Marquis of Wellesley, and prepared the way for a 
return to the vigorous measures of that enlightened statesman. 

The Pindarries were not the only marauders who menaced the 
tranquillity and security of British India. The Ghoorkas, a 
warlike race, on our north-eastern frontier, had, by dexterously 
availing themselves of the disputes and distress of their neigh- 
bours, extended their sway from the limits of their native hills 
over the entire province of Nepaul. They next turned their 
views to the adjoining plains, most of which were tenanted by 
Rajas depending either on the Company or its allies, and com- 
mitted several depredations in the districts of Gurruckpore and 
Sarun. These excesses seem, at first, to have been considered 
more as the irregular and unpremeditated acts of individual 
officers on the frontier, than as evincing any hostility in the 
nation. At length their frequency and increased boldness be- 
came intolerable, so that Lord Minto was induced to address the 
Ghoorka Raja of Nepaul in very decided language. " I cannot 
believe," said his lordship, " that while an amicable inquiry into 
disputed points concerning lands, is going on in the district of 
Gurruckpore, the unprovoked and unpardonable outrage just 
described to have taken place in the adjoining district, can 
have had the sanction of your government ; on the contrary, I 
am convinced it will excite your severe displeasure. It is im- 
possible for me, however, to suffer it to pass, without bringing it 
distinctly to your notice, and calling on you to disavow and 
punish the perpetrators of this act, and to cause the people who 
have been forcibly carried away to be released, and the plundered 
property to be restored ; complaints have also reached me of 
encroachments committed by your subjects in the district of 
Zeyhoot, which cannot be permitted to continue. 

" If redress is not afforded, and similar proceedings in future not 
prevented, the British government will be obliged to have recourse 
to its own means of securing the rights and property of its subjects, 
without any reference to your government. But I will not relin- 
quish the hope that your immediate compliance with the requisition 
contained in this letter, and a strict control over your officers and 
subjects in future, will prevent the recurrence of circumstances 
which cannot fail to render nugatory any attempt to adjust the 
disputed points by amicable enquiry and discussion, and to pro- 



232 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD MINTO. 

duce consequences which it must be the wish of the government 
to avoid." 

This document amply shows that Lord Minto was prepared to 
take active measures for checking the insolence of the Ghoorkas, 
if it should be found that moderation and forbearance had no 
effect except to increase aggression. But he left India before an 
answer to this despatch could be received, and on his successor 
devolved the duty of checking the encroachments of this proud 
and warlike people, and of vindicating, by their punishment, the 
insulted honour of the British government. " The administra- 
tion of Lord Minto," says Sir John Malcolm, " differs essentially 
from that of every Governor-general who preceded him. It was 
impossible for a man possessed of such clear intellect, and so well 
acquainted with the whole scheme of government, to be long in 
India without being satisfied that the system of neutral policy 
which had been adopted, could not be persevered in without the 
hazard of great and increasing danger to the state. His calm 
mind saw at the same time, the advantage of reconciling the 
authorities in England to the measures which he contemplated. 
Hence, he ever preferred delay, where he thought that it was un- 
accompanied with danger, and referred to the administration at 
home, whom he urged, by every argument he could use, to 
sanction the course he deemed best suited to the public interests. 
But this desire to conciliate and carry his superiors along with 
him, did not result from any dread of responsibility ; for wherever 
the exigency of the case required a departure from this general 
rule, he was prompt and decided." 

In 1813, Lord Minto returned to England, where he had been 
but a few weeks, when a sudden illness terminated the useful 
life of this virtuous and distinguished public servant. His loss 
at this juncture was a very serious misfortune, for no one was 
ever more calculated to succeed in impressing others with a just 
idea of the true condition of our Indian empire, or to give wiser 
counsel on every point connected with its future government. 



233 



CHAPTER XVI. 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 



The Marquis of Hastings arrived in Calcutta October 13th, 
181 S, with the authority of Governor-general. The authorities 
in England, had been for some time fully aware that it would 
soon be necessary to resort to strong measures, for the protection 
of our subjects and allies from the inroads of those large hordes 
of freebooters, whose excesses appeared to increase with our for- 
bearance. It seems, however, to have been expected that hos- 
tilities might be avoided, and tranquillity maintained, by forming 
alliances with such states as had not become predatory. At such 
a time, it was fortunate that the government of India was entrusted 
to a nobleman equally distinguished for his diplomatic and mili- 
tary attainments, and who had given many signal proofs of his 
talents as a soldier and a statesm.an. 

It was not until late in December, that an answer was received 
to the despatch which Lord Minto had sent to the Raja of 
Nepaul; the Ghoorka's reply to the complaints of the English 
was obsequious even to servility, but it evaded every one of the 
points in issue. Commissioners were appointed to meet those of 
the Nepaul prince, but the discussions led to no useful result. 
Points which had been adjusted on apparently incontrovertible 
evidence, and, with the assent of both parties, were revived by 
the Nepaulese commissioners ; and on the Governor-general 
refusins to enter anew into discussions which he had been led to 
believe were already adjusted, his agent was warned to quit the 
frontier, and the representatives of the Ghoorka government were 
recalled to Katmandu, the capital of Nepaul. The Governor- 
general then addressed a letter to the Raja, reviewing the late 
negotiations, and requiring that orders should be sent for the 
peaceable surrender of the districts which the Nepaiilese liad 

t 



234 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

seized, and of which they retained possession, though they had 
themselves confessed that these lands were the property of the 
British government. The Raja was distinctly informed that 
unless these districts were restored, possession of them would be 
taken by the British troops, and that all those villages which had 
been conditionally surrendered pending the negotiations, should 
be permanently annexed to the dominions of the Company. No 
notice being taken of these communications, Sir Roger Martin, 
the ma"-istrate of Gurruckpore, took possession of the Turaee 
country, which skirts the base of the Nepaulese hills, and, at the 
same time, the villages on the Sarim frontier were occupied 
without resistance, the Nepaulese troops retiring as the English 
advanced. Such was the state of afiairs when the setting in of 
the periodical rains, which in these districts is a most unhealthy 
period, made it expedient to withdraw the troops, and commit 
the charge of the disputed lands to the Native officers who had 
been appointed to their management. 

The Nepaulese had retired Avith a deliberate purpose ; no 
sooner did they perceive that the civil officers and police were 
left defenceless, than they rushed upon them from their fastnesses 
in the hills : alter killing eighteen, and wounding six of the police 
establishment stationed at Butwal, they murdered the superior 
officer, who had been left in charge of the place by the British 
government, with circumstances of great barbarity. This atro- 
cious murder, which was perpetrated in the presence of the 
Foujdar, or commander-in-chief of the Nepaulese on that frontier, 
was followed by several other insults and outrages. Remon- 
strances were again made to the Prince of Nepaul, but the Raja 
avowed and supported the outrages committed by his officers ; 
and refused to make any reparation for the injury and insult 
offi^red to the British government. 

All hopes of an amicable adjustment of the differences with 
the Ghoorkas were now at an end, and the Marquis of Hastings 
prepared for war. At this time the finances of Bengal were in a 
very unsatisfactory condition ; the treasury had been drained 
almost to its last rupee, so that it was difficult to find means for 
defraying the ordinary expenses of government. The young 
Nabob of Oude, who had recently succeeded his father, was in- 
duced, by his personal respect for the Governor-general, to lend 
large sums at a lower rate of interest than was usual in India, 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 235 

and thus a sufficiency was obtained to meet the immediate emer- 
gencies of the war. 

Although the Pindarries had not repeated their predatory ' 
visits, it was well known that they were only watching for a 
favourable opportunity of renewing their incursions ; and the 
Marquis of Hastings had represented to the government in Eng- 
land, in the strongest terms, the necessity of their immediate and 
specific sanction to a course of measures calculated to remedy 
this alarming and impending evil. As a precautionary means of 
effecting this object, negociations had been commenced for con- 
cluding a subsidiary treaty, and defensive alliances, with the Raja 
of Berar, or, as he is more frequently called, of Nagpore. But, 
after long delay, Rhagojee Rhonslah broke off the treaty in 1814, 
and even entered into a league with Scindia to reduce Vizir 
Mohammed, the Nabob of Bhopaul, a gallant chief, who had long 
maintained himself against the Hindu states, by whose combined 
arms he now appeared on the point of being overwhelmed. The 
position of the Nabob's territories, his personal character, and 
the friendship he had shewn to the English in the former Mah- 
ratta war, pointed him out, on the failure of the negociations with 
Nagpore, as a valuable ally, whose assistance was almost essen- 
tial to the success of the operations contemplated for the suppres- 
sion of the predatory system. 

A treaty, offensive and defensive, was concluded with the Raja 
of Bhopaul, and also with Govind Rao, the hereditary lord of 
Sagur. By these alliances the British stations in Bundelcund 
were connected with those of Berar, and means were provided 
for watching the intrigues of the various Mahratta princes, as 
well as of Runjeet Sing, the ruler of Lahore, and Ameer Khan, 
the principal leader of the Pindarries. This alliance gave great 
offence to Scindia, who affected to look upon the Raja of Bhopaul 
as one of his dependents, but his remonstrances were unheeded ; 
a communication was made both to him and the Raja of Nagpore, 
that any attack on Bhopaul would be resented as an act of hos- 
tility against the English government, and, in order to give 
effect to the menace, a body of troops was formed in Bundel- 
cund, while the subsidiary force with the Nizam, was advanced 
to Elichipore, the capital of Berar. Having nearly completed 
these arrangements, the Governor-general directed all his atten- 
tion to the Nepaulese war. 



23G ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

The frontier of Nepaul consisted, in addition to the Sal 
Forest, which separates it from the plains of the Turaee, of a 
scries of mountain ridji;cs, intersected in various places by narrow 
valleys and rugged defiles ; it extended about six hundred miles 
from east to west. It was resolved that this great frontier 
should be penetrated by four armies at the same time. General 
Ochterlony was directed to lead a force of six thousand Sepoys 
from Laodiana, through the passes of the hills which overlook 
the Sutlcj : General Gillespie moved from the Doab to the west 
of the Jumna, arriving ultimately at the important town of 
Nahir ; General Wood was ordered through Bootwal to Palpa ; 
and the principal army, under General Morley, received orders to 
force the passes of Gunduck, and march directly upon the 
Ghoorka capital, Katmandu. 

General Gillespie was the first in the field ; he crossed the 
frontier on the 22nd of October, 1814, and captured Dera, the 
principal town in the extensive valley of Dera-Daun, without 
opposition. Balbhadar Sing, who had been entrusted with the 
defence of the town, retreated to a steep hill called Nalapanee, 
where havin"; enlarged the works of an old fortress which stood 
on the summit, he determined to make a stand. Gillespie, who 
underrated both the strength of the position and the courage of 
its defenders, resolved to caiTy Nalapanee by assault. He led 
the storming party in person, but scarcely had he reached the 
foot of the wall, when he was struck dead by a musket bullet, 
which penetrated his heart. The troops immediately fled in 
confusion to the lines, leaving many of their comrades behind 
them. Intimidated by this result. Colonel Mowbray retreated to 
Dera, where he remained until he obtained a train of heavy artillery, 
for the purpose of reducing Nalapanee. Having procured a fine 
battery of eighteen-pounders, he again advanced, and after two 
days of heavy fire, succeeded in effecting a breach. An assault 
was then hazarded, but the Ghoorkas made a desperate resist- 
ance, and finally drove back the storming party with immense 
loss, particularly in officers. So disheartened were the Sepoys, 
that they could not be got to renew the attempt, and Mowbray 
was forced to have recourse to bombardment, which finally com- 
pelled the gallant garrison to evacuate the place, after it had 
been reduced from six hundred to seventy persons. Some in- 
decisive operations followed, Mowbray being probably unwilling 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 237 

to risk any great effort until he was joined by General Martindell, 
Gillespie's successor. 

General Martindell having reached the camp, the army ad- 
vanced against Nahir, which the Ghoorkas evacuated on their 
approach, taking their post round Jythuck, a mountain fortress, 
built on the crest of a ridge, nearly four thousand feet above the 
level of the plain. Having reconnoitred the position, Martindell 
resolved to turn it on both flanks, concealing his real designs by 
a false attack in front. Unfortunately, the grenadiers who led 
the southern column, despising their enemies, precipitately at- 
tacked a stockade which was flanked by rocks on either side. 
The stockade was bravely defended ; a heavy fire of musketry 
from the rocks on either flank, thinned the ranks of the assail- 
ants, and the grenadiers were driven back in great confusion. 
The Sepoys, who ought to have supported them, were found not 
to be formed into line ; the Ghoorkas therefore pushed forward 
driving the British troops in confusion before them, and chasino- 
them with great slaughter to the very verge of their camp. This 
unfortunate event rendered nugatory the successful exertions of 
the northern column, which was however withdrawn in compa- 
rative safety. General Martindell immediately retreated to 
Nahir, where he remained for some time inactive. 

Ochterlony's cautious movements with the second army, which 
he led from the banks of the Sutlej, to the north-eastern hills, 
formed a complete contrast to the rash enterprizes we have just 
described. He was opposed to Ameerah Sing, the bravest and 
best leader of the Ghoorkas ; instead of risking an engagement, 
he compelled the enemy, by a series of masterly manoeuvres, to 
abandon one strong post after another, until he obtained posses- 
sion of the hilly tract between Plassea and Belaspore. General 
Wood was less fortunate ; in passing through the Sal forest 
wliich extends in front of the Bootwal pass, his troops unex- 
pectedly encountered a stockade, and received a volley which 
did great execution. Colonel Hardyman, of the 17th royal 
regiment, restored order and turned the position of the Ghoorkas 
on both flanks ; but General Wood was so disheartened by the 
surprise, that he ordered the retreat to be sounded, much to the 
astonishment and indignation of the oflUcers and men, who were 
thus obliged to relinquish a certain victory. The rest of Wood's 
campaign corresponded with this inauspicious commencement • it 



238 ADMINISTRATIOK OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

was wasted in a series of timid movements, which showed an 
equal want of skill and courage in the commander. 

General Morley's career was scarcely less calamitous and was 
rather more discreditable, than that of General John Wood, 
llavin"- injudiciously left three large detachments at posts, 
twenty miles distant from each other and from all support, he 
was thrown into a state of pitiable consternation, on learning j 
that two of them had been cut off by the Ghoorkas. Such an 
effect did this calamity produce, that he suddenly quitted the 
camp, without leaving any instructions behind him, and made 
tlie best of his way to Calcutta. General George Wood, who 
succeeded him, adopted the cautious or timid policy of his 
mamesake, already mentioned, and the campaign was spent in 
idleness. 

So unexpected, and we may add, so disgraceful a termina- 
tion of a campaign, for which such ample preparations had been 
made, inspired confidence in all the enemies of the English 
throughout India. A marked change was observed in the tone 
assumed by the Peishwa and Scindia ; Runjeet Sing and Ameer 
Khan made several suspicious movements, showing that they 
were in readiness to act, so soon as an opportunity should ofier. 
The ]\Iarquis of Hastings was not disheartened, he learned that 
the district of Kumaoon, in the north of Nepaul, was nearly 
destitute of troops, and as he could not spare any of the army to 
take advantage of its condition, he determined to entrust the 
service to an irregular force. For this purpose he empowered 
Lieutenant-colonel Gardiner and Captain Hearsay, who had 
been formerly in the Mahratta service, to raise a force among the 
warlike Patans of Rohilcund, who readily enlisted under the 
English banners. 

Captain Hearsay possessed more bravery than skill ; he un- 
fortunately spread his troops over too wide a surface, and while 
a portion of them blockaded Koolulgurh, he was forced to give 
battle with the remainder, to a very superior army coming 
to relieve the place. The Rohillas fought bravely, but were 
finally defeated ; Hearsay was wounded and taken prisoner 
The Ghoorka conqueror, Hasta-Dal, conveyed his captive to 
Ahnora. This disaster was more than compensated by the 
distinguished success of Gardiner's Patans ; the colonel advanced 
from post to post, with equal celerity, caution and skill, availing 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 239 

himself so skilfully of the peculiar mode of fighting adopted by 
the Patans, that they proved superior to their antagonists in 
every engagement. He appeared before Ahnora, a little after 
Hearsay's defeat, where he was fortunately joined by two 
thousand regular infantry and a small train of artillery, under 
the command of Colonel NichoUs. Hasta-Dal, attempting to 
throw relief into Ahnora, was intercepted by a detachment, and 
slain in the skirmish which ensued. This so disheartened the 
Ghoorkas, that they surrendered Ahnora after a very feeble 
defence, and Captain Hearsay was restored to his friends without 
ransom. 

It was not until he had received repeated orders from Calcutta, 
that General Martindell could be induced to move, and then his 
operations were so utterly destitute of plan or object, that he 
might just as well have remained inactive. He spent the entire 
season before Jythuck, sometimes trying the effect of an active 
siege, but failing in nerve when the time for an assault arrived ; 
sometimes trying the effect of a blockade, without effectually 
closing the enemy's communications. 

In the meantime. General Ochterlony prepared to follow up 
the advantages which he had obtained. The Ghoorkas retiring 
before him, fell back upon a most formidable position, on a 
mountain ridge of abrupt connected peaks, all of v/hich but two 
were carefully stockaded, and were further protected by the stone 
redoubts of Maioun and Seringhar. Ochterlony seized the two 
peaks which had been neglected, confident that the efforts of the 
Ghoorkas to recover them would lead to a decisive action. He 
was not disappointed ; the Ghoorkas, headed by one of their 
bravest chiefs, assaulted the English position with desperate 
heroism, and, for more than two hours, maintained the closest 
combat which had ever been witnessed in India ; they were, at 
length, driven back, after having lost their leader and about one- 
third of their bravest men, and the entrenchments they had so 
carefully erected were rendered useless. Ameera Sing was 
anxious to protract resistance, but the other chiefs were so dis- 
heartened that they abandoned him one by one, and he could only 
procure safety for himself and his few faithful followers, by agree- 
ing to a convention, according to the terms of which all the 
country west of the Kalee was surrendered to the English. The 
fortress of Jythuck was included in this cession, and thus Ochter- 



240 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

lony's success made some compensation for the errors of Mar- 
tintlcU. 

Proposals for peace were now made and entertained, but the 
Ne])aul prince refused to accept the terms on which the English 
insisted, and the war was renewed. General Ochterlony, who 
was now deservedly placed at the head of the main army, 
advanced, in February, 1816, into the midst of those forests that 
guard the entrance into Nepaul, which had so long baffled the 
enterprize of his predecessors. He soon reached the first of the 
great series of fortifications which guarded the chief pass through 
the hills of Nepaul. A brief examination was sufficient to shew 
that the stockades could not be carried by assault, and he was, 
therefore, compelled to seek means by which they could be 
turned. Fortunately, a water-course was discovered by which 
it was barely possible to reach an eminence commanding the 
pass. Sir David Ochterlony himself took the lead of the column 
destined to thread this perilous labyrinth ; it had to encounter 
the greatest perils and privations, but the summit was finally 
gained, and the enemies abandoned the entrenchments, which 
were thus rendered useless. The Ghoorkas, in revenge, at- 
tacked, with their whole force, a post which the English had 
established at Makwanpore, but, after a severe contest which 
lasted several hours, they were completely defeated. Another 
victory was obtained by a detachment under the command of 
Colonels Kelly and O'Halloran, which so disheartened the court 
of Katmandu, that the Raja and his council intimated their 
readiness to comply with the terms which they had so recently 
rejected. 

At this crisis a third power was invited to take a part in the 
contest ; the Ghoorkas were nominally the subjects of the Chinese 
empire, and their Raja applied for assistance to the sovereign 
power. The Chinese assembled an army, but, with their usual 
procrastination, delayed their march until the war was over, and 
the terms of the treaty partially carried into effect. On receiving 
a statement from the English authorities of the causes of the war, 
and the purposes for which it was prosecuted, they at once declared 
that the Ghoorkas were in the wrong, upbraided them for their 
treachery, derided them for their weakness, and then abandoned 
them to their fate. The Governor-general was, however, not dis- 
posed to encumber the Company with distant and unprofitable 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 241 

possessions ; he confined the Ghoorkas within the limits of Nepaul 
Proper, but required no sacrifice of their ancient dominions. 

The reverses which the English met in the early part of the 
Nepaulese war, gave a fresh stimulus to the Maliratta intrigues ; 
Scindia was the chief of the secret confederacy, the stationary 
camp which he had established under the protection of the fort of 
Gwalior, had, in a few years, become a very thriving town, almost 
deserving the name of a city, and his pride was greatly increased 
by witnessing such a proof of his growing greatness. He not only 
intrigued with the Peishwa's court in Poonah, and with Holkar's 
regency at Indore, but entered into close alliance with the Raja 
of Berar, obtained promises of aid from Runjeet Sing and the 
Rajput princes, and even tried to gain over the Raja of Mysore. 
Had the storm burst forth when the British were engaged in the 
Nepaulese war, the consequences might have been very disas- 
trous ; but the Mahratta powers were jealous of each other ; 
they were equally conscious of their own perfidy, and suspicious 
of the faith of their allies ; it consequently required a long time 
to organize such a confederacy as would have the remotest chance 
of inspiring mutual confidence. Before the confederates states 
were prepared to act, the fortunes of the war in the hills had 
completely changed, and the peace concluded with the Ghoorkas 
of Nepaul, enabled the British to turn their undivided atten- 
tion to Central India. 

It was fortunate that, during this season of doubt and anxiety, 
Messrs. Elphinstone and Jenkins, the residents at the courts of 
Pconah and Nagpore, were gentlemen of unrivalled skill in diplo- 
macy, possessing great firmness of mind and decision of charac- 
ter, and intimately acquainted with the varied relations between 
the Native states. The Honourable Mountstuart Elphinstone 
was placed in a situation of peculiar difficulty at Poonah. Even 
when the Peishwa formed a treaty of defensive alliance with the 
British at Bassein, the Marquis of Wellesley foresaw that jealousy 
would rankle in his mind, and that he would, at some future 
period, manifest his hostility. " It was manifest," as this distin- 
guished nobleman observed, " that the Peishwa had only entered 
into the defensive alliance with the British government, because 
his highness was convinced he had no other way of recovering any 
part of his just authority, or of maintaining tranquillity in his 
empire. The state of his affairs taking a favourable turn, his 

M 



212 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

highness, supported by the different branches of the Mahratta 
empire, would be desirous of annulling the engagements he had 
made with the British government." 

The Peishwa was also far from being pleased with some deci- 
sions of the English governors, when called upon to act as 
mediators or arbitrators between him and some of his nominal 
feudatories. He thought, and perhaps not altogether without 
reason, that the English adjudicated on conflicting claims with a 
greater regard to their own interests than his rights. He was 
particularly annoyed at being obliged to renounce his claim to 
su]n"emacy over the petty states of Kolapore and Sawant Warree. 
These little states on the coast of the northern Concan had been, 
for more than a century, the scourge of the western seas. They 
fitted out piratical vessels of small size and light burthen, which 
easily baffled the vigilance of our cruisers, by keeping closer to the 
shore than would be safe for European vessels. 

In the year 1812, Lord Minto compelled these states to enter 
into certain engagements, by which their principal ports were 
])laced in our hands, and, consequently., the continuation of their 
piracies prevented. This, however, gave great offence to the 
Peishwa, who expected to derive the same advantages from the 
pirates that Scindia did from the Pindarries. We need not repeat 
what has been already said of the character of Bajee Rao, the 
reigning Peishwa; like most Asiatic princes, he was equally 
timid and ambitious ; daring in intrigue, but cowardly in action ; 
liis inordinate desires were restrained by his inordinate fears. 
Mr. Elphinstone knew him well, and, by uniting firmness with 
discretion, kept him in check until, as we shall hereafter see, the j 
influence of a profligate favourite led him through a disgraceful 
course of crime and treachery, which ended in the annihilation of 
his dynasty. 

In March, 1816, the Raja of Nagpore died, and was succeeded 
by his son Pursajee Bhonslah, who was blind, paralytic, and 
almost an idiot. Two factions contended for supremacy in the 
court, and the British resident entered into a secret alliance with 
Appa Sahib, the next heir to the mvsr.ud, or throne, to secure 
liim the regency, provided that he would support British interests. 
This arrangement gave a sudden shock to the Mahratta con- 
federacy, for, though Appa Sahib eventually proved faithless, his 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 243 

withdrawal from the Mahratta alliance, in the first instance, was 
of the greatest importance to the British interests. 

Although the Nizam was a Mohammedan prince, and there- 
fore odious to the Mahrattas, efforts wei;e made to engage him 
in the confederacy, which were defeated by the energy of the 
resident, Mr. Russell, But the close connexion between the 
British government and the obnoxious Detvan, Chand-u-Lal, 
exposed the English to great unpopularity. Although the 
Nizam's sons were young men of the most profligate and disso- 
lute habits, the general dislike of the Dewan gave them consider- 
able influence at Hyderabad. They maintained about their 
persons bands of ruffians, ready to perpetrate the most revolting 
ci'imes. On one occasion they seized a person in the employ- 
ment of the British resident, threw him into prison, and put him 
to the torture, in order to extort money. Justly indignant at 
such an outrage, Mr. Russell made a very strong representation 
on the subject to the Nizam, and v/ith his sanction sent a detach- 
ment of regular troops, under Captain Stone, to arrest the cul- 
prits. The princes stood on their defence, and repulsed the Se- 
poys vdth some loss. A serious struggle seemed impending ; but 
the resident immediately sent for reinforcements, and directed 
Colonel Doveton, who commanded the mass of the auxiliary 
forces concentrated at Elichipore, to march upon Hyderabad. 
These prompt measures disconcerted the enemies of British 
power ; the princes having laid down their arms, were sent 
prisoners to a distant fortress, and Colonel Doveton returned to 
his cantonments. This incident, though not attended with any 
important consequences, sufficiently proved that the inhabitants 
of Hyderabad were by no means favourably disposed towards 
the English alliance, which they associated with the unpopular 
administration of Chand-u-Lal. 

We have already noticed the readiness of Bajee Rao to give 
his confidence to unworthy ministers ; but by far the most per- 
nicious of his advisers was Trimbuckjee-Danglia, whose career is 
a lamentable exhibition of the low state of morals in oriental 
courts. Trimbuckjee commenced life as a runner, or messenger, 
to some of the lowest officers in the Peishwa's service, but having 
manifested great activity and intelligence, he was soon employed 
as a Jasoos, or spy. His exertions in this degrading office were 

M 2 



'J 11 ADMIN'ISTUATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 



VC 



rv important, and the Pcishwa took him into his personal 
service. Though Bajee Rao was of a most suspicious temper, 
the (lili'^once and unscrupulous obedience of Trimbuckjee won 
his confidence, and he trusted him with the secret management 
of his illicit amours. By pandering to the vicious indulgences 
of the Pcishwa, and never hesitating at the commission of any 
crime which would facilitate the gratification of his depraved 
desires the favorite acquired great influence over his master's 
mind, and was promoted to the command of the artillery, and 
finally to the rank of prime minister. Trimbuckjee, like most of 
ti\e Mahrattas, mortally hated all Europeans, but for whose pre- 
sence, he believed, his nation would obtain the supremacy in 
India. His whole course of policy was directed to maturing a 
combined movement for the expulsion of the English, and at his 
instir^ation, Bajee Rao revived his claims upon the Nizam and 
the Guicowar. He also seized upon the estates of the principal 
jaghiredars, or landholders, and caused their revenues to be paid 
into the treasury, thus ensuring a plentiful supply cf money for 
the ensuing struggle. By his oppression and violence he col- 
lected an enormous sum : it has been ascertained that the 
Peishwa, at the commencement of the war, possessed fifty crores 
of rupees, or about five millions sterling. 

It might be supposed that the rapacity and debauchery of 
Bajce Rao would have provoked an insurrection among his sub- 
jects, but he was supported by the influence of the Brahmins, 
whose favour he won by large largesses to themselves and their 
temples. He was, indeed, a slave to the grossest superstitions : 
one of his Gooros, or spiritual advisers, once told the Peishwa 
that the ghost of a Brahmin, unjustly slain by the Peishwa's 
father, had appeared to him iu a dream, and required the murder 
to be expiated by giving a dinner to one hundred thousand 
Brahmins. This expensive entertainment was actually given by 
B.ijee Rao. A more useful result of his superstition was the 
planting of more than a million of mango trees, in the vicinity of 
Poonah, as an expiation for his crimes. 

Mr. Elphinstone was soon aware that the outstanding de- 
mands on the Guicow-ar and Nizam, were urged chiefly as pre- 
tences for maintaining communications between the courts of 
Poonah and those of Baroda and Hyderabad; he, therefore, 
strenuously exerted himself to have them arranged, but was 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 245 

baffled by the delays and pretensions of the Peishwa and his 
crafty minister. The Guicowar was equally anxious to have the 
pecuniary relations between himself and tlie Peishwa definitely 
settled, and he therefore sent Gungadhur Shastree, a Brahmin 
of great reputation at Baroda, to be his representative at Poonah, 
with full power to conclude a final treaty. So great was the 
dread inspired by the violence and unprincipled conduct of 
Trimbuckjee, that the Guicowar deemed it necessary to have his 
minister's safety formally guaranteed by the British government. 
The Shastree, after the delay of more than a year at Poonah, 
finding that the negotiations were not likely to be brought to a 
conclusion, resolved to return to Baroda, and to leave the entire 
affair to the arbitration of the British government. 

Such a determination filled Trimbuckjee and his master with 
alarm, the departure of the Shastree would have interrupted 
their communications with Baroda, and they therefore resolved to 
use every artifice for conciliating his favour. The Shastree was 
a man of inordinate vanity ; he was consequently easily duped 
by the affectation of respect for his talents, which Trimbuckjee 
craftily manifested. It was stated, by some of the parties who 
actually participated in the intrigues, that Trimbuckjee went so 
far as to propose resigning his own place to the Shastree, in 
order that the Peishwa might avail himself of the services of so 
able a minister. Mr. Elphinstone had proposed that the 
Shastree should be sent home in honour and safety, but he was 
disconcerted by the refusal of that personage to quit Poonah, and 
soon after he was surprised to find that a marriage was proposed 
between the Shastree's son and the Peishwa's sister-in-law. 
But this alliance was disconcerted, by the refusal of the Guico- 
war to sanction some cessions of territory proposed by his minis- 
ter. The marriage was broken oflf, and Bajee Rao was further 
offended, by the refusal of the Shastree to permit his wife to 
visit at the palace. Indeed, no one who respected the honour 
of a female relative, could allow her to witness the series of gross 
debauchery and licentious profligacy, which formed part of 
every-day life, at the court of Poonah. 

Trimbuckjee saw that the Peishwa's quarrel with the Shastree, 
rendered a change in his own policy absolutely necessary, and 
as he was far too deeply committed, to extricate himself by 
ordinary means, he resolved to have recourse to assassination. 



'2\('> ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

TIk" Sliastrcc was invited to accompany Bajee Rao and his 
minister, on a pilgrimage to the temple of Pinderpore, which is 
highly venerated by all the Mahrattas. Mr. Elphinstone and 
the Shastrce's colleague accompanied the pilgrimage to Nafik, 
where thev were induced to remain, by a series of ingenious 
devices, while the rest proceeded to Pinderpore. On the night 
after their arrival, the Shastree was persuaded by Trimbuckjee to 
join the Peishwa in performing some ceremonies of peculiar 
sanctity in the temple ; he complied, although suffering at the 
time from fatigue and indisposition ; the devotions were per- 
formed, and both Bajee Rao and his minister were lavish in their 
protestations of esteem and friendship. Scarcely, however, had 
the Shastree quitted the temple, when he was attacked by a body 
of hired assassins and almost literally cut to pieces. This 
atrocious crime excited general indignation, the murder of an 
ambassador, for whose safety the British faith had been pledged, 
was aggravated by the facts ; the victim was a Brahmin, and that 
the crime had been committed in a place of extraordinary 
sanctity- 
Mr. Elphinstone instituted a minute and strict inquiry, which 
was conducted with great ability, under the obvious disadvantage 
of the criminals being the sovereign of the country and his 
powerful minister. Their guilt was incontrovertibly established, 
but the Peishwa was informed that he would be permitted to 
throw the blame upon the special perpetrator, if he would sur- 
render his unworthy minister to British custody. Bajee Rao at 
first seemed resolved to protect his favourite, but the speedy 
assembling of a British force at Poonah, so alarmed him, that he 
delivered up Trimbuckjee to the resident, having first received 
an assurance, that his life would be spared. 

Trimbuckjee was sent to Bombay, and was confined in the 
fort of Tannah, on the island of Salsette. During his captivity, 
he frequently admitted to British officers, his share in the murder 
of the Shastree, but asserted that he had merely obeyed his 
master's orders. The garrison of Tannah was composed entirely 
of Europeans, and this circumstance enabled Trimbuckjee to open 
a coTumunication with his friends abroad, through some of the 
Native servants in the fort. His principal agent was a horse- 
keeper, who passed and repassed the window of the place where 
Trimbuckjee was, daily, while airing his master's horse. He with 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OP HASTINGS. 247 

apparent carelessness, sung the information he had to convey in 
the monotonous recitative, which forms the staple of Mahratta 
singing, and the sentries ignorant of the language, never felt the 
least suspicion. When all was prepared, Trimbuckjee made 
some excuse for quitting his apartments, and throwing on the 
disguise of a servant, gained an embrasure, whence he lowered 
himself into the ditch by a rope, which one of his accomplices 
had fastened round a gun. His friends were ready outside, and 
long before his flight was detected, he was safe from all danger 
of pursuit. 

The Peishwa denied all knowledge of Trimbuckjee's move- 
ments, but Mr. Elphinstone discovered that he not only 
•supplied the adventurer with money to levy troops, but had 
eveii granted him an audience. A singular scene of fraud and 
evasion followed. Trimbuckjee and other partisans organized 
large bodies of Mahrattas and Pindarries, while the Peishwa, 
having first attempted to deny that any such assemblages were 
made, when this monstrous falsehood could be no longer main- 
tained, disavowed their proceedings and affected to treat them 
as insurgents. Finally, he issued a proclamation, setting a price 
on the head of Trimbuckjee Danglia, and sequestrated the pro- 
perty of some of his adherents. 

Before entering on the history of the important consequences 
which resulted from the transactions we have just recorded, it 
will be necessary to cast a glance at some other parts of oiir 
Indian possessions. The reputation which the British arms had 
acquired by the successful issue of the war against Nepaul, was 
increased in the following year by the reduction of Hatrass, the 
stronghold of Diaram, a chieftain tributary to the Company. 
Trusting in the extraordinary strength of his fort, which was 
regarded as inpregnable by the Hindus, Diaram exhibited a 
spirit of contumacy and disobedience which it was resolved to 
punish in an exemplary manner. The vicinity of the great 
military depot at Cawnpore, enabled the British to bring a train 
of artillery against Hatrass, equal, if not superior, to any that 
had ever been seen in India ; a few hours of its tremendous fire 
breached that boasted fortification. Its demolition was com- 
pleted by the explosion of the principal magazine, which de- 
stroyed all that remained of its buildings. This achievement, 
which was attended with no loss to the British, made a most 



248 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

salutary impression where it was much wanted, on their subjects 
in Jliiulustan Proper, and also on that turbulent class of feuda- 
tories to vvliich the chieftain of Hatrass belonged. 

The boldness and number of the Pindarries seemed to increase 
with the successes of the British. Immediately after the peace 
with Nepaul and the reduction of Hatrass, a strong body of these 
freebooters invaded and devastated part of the Madras territories ; 
and both in that and the succeeding year, they repeated their 
incursions in the Dekkan, which all our troops, and those of the 
Nizam, could not protect from their merciless ravages. The 
Governor-general, confident that the continued recurrence of 
these aggressions, and his repeated representations, would early 
draw the attention of the authorities in England to the consider- 
ation of this intolerable evil, limited himself to a defensive 
system, whilst he proceeded in making every preparation for 
that early contest, which the treacherous proceedings of the 
Mahratta powers showed to be inevitable. 

He was cheered in this prudent course, by perceiving that the 
authorities in England had at length become convinced that the 
policy of absolute non-interference could not be maintained, and 
that they were disposed, in some degree, to adopt a course dif- 
ferent from that which had been pursued by the Marquis of 
Cornwallis and Sir George Barlow. Immediately after the re- 
newal of the Company's charter in 1813, — an event wliich 
attracted a very small share of the public attention, — instructions 
were sent out, to take the state of Jypore, which had been aban- 
doned in 1 80G, under our protection, whenever an opportunity 
should offer. The war in Nepaul prevented the Marquis of 
Hastings from acting on these instructions, but soon after its ter- 
mination, he was induced, by the imminent danger in which the 
capital of Jypore was placed by the attack of Ameer Khan and 
his Pindarries, to make an overture for an alliance with its 
prince. The offer of this alliance, which had been so sedulously 
courted when the British government withheld its protection, 
was now received coldly ; and it was discovered that the nego- 
ciations for its accomplishment were protracted, in order that 
Ameer Khan might be induced to abandon his views, from a 
knowledge that the Jypore prince could at any time he pleased 
secure the protection of the British government. The Governor- 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 249 

general, disgusted at such conduct, and seeing no immediate 
prospect of impending danger, deferred the prosecution of the 
overture, to the period of making the more extensive arrange- 
ments wliich he now contemplated. 

Although the Peishwa continued to protest in the strongest 
terms that his attachment to the English was unabated, the 
Resident was enabled to forward to the supreme government at 
Calcutta, incontrovertible proofs that he was in secret league and 
correspondence with Trimbuckjee Danglia, and that he was, in 
fact, the principal promoter of a rebellion which was ostensibly- 
directed against his own government. Other facts proved that 
he was preparing for war ; his treasures were removed from 
Poonah ; his forts were repaired and garrisoned ; his adherents 
began to levy troops in every direction. It was decided by the 
governor in council, that Bajee Rao had violated his engage- 
ments, and placed himself in the relation of an enemy ; it was, 
therefore, resolved that he should be compelled to give us satis- 
faction for his past conduct, and security for the future, by a new 
treaty, which should increase our means of checking those 
dangers to which we had been exposed by his weak and treache- 
rous proceedings. As some of his strongest forts had been placed 
in the possession of the British, when he was restored to the 
musnud by the treaty of Bassein, Bajee Rao was reduced to the 
alternative of hazarding an immediate contest, for which he was 
not prepared, or of signing the treaty dictated to him by the 
British government. After a severe struggle, in which shame, 
fear, pride and despair, had alternate sway over his irresolute 
mind, he signed a treaty on the 18th of June, 1817, by which he 
abandoned his claims to be regarded as the head of the Mahratta 
confederacy, and ceded several districts to the English, including 
the important fortress of Ahmednagar. 

The southern Jaghiredars were by this engagement rendered 
more dependent on the British government than on the Peishwa, 
thouffh the latter continued to be their nominal head. Some of 
their lands, of which Bajee Rao had taken possession, were 
restored ; and the whole of the Jaghire of Rastea, which had 
been resumed, was, at the recommendation of the English 
government, given back to that once powerful Mahratta family. 
The Peishwa was thus deprived of that power which his perfidi- 

M 5 



260 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

ous conduct and hostile dispositions, shewed that he was likely to 
employ in counteracting or opposing the plans then in progress 
for the destruction of the Pindarries. 

'J'he consequence of the treaty with Bajee Rao was the nego- 
ciation of a supplementary engagement with the Guicowar, to 
wh»)m the events at Poonah were of the greatest advantage, as 
all the claims of the Peishwa were compounded for the trifling 
sum of f(mr lacs of rupees annually. The object of a new settle- 
ment with the court of Baroda, was to effect such a change in 
our relations as would benefit both states, and put an end to 
those recurring discussions and differences among local officers, 
resulting from governments administered on very opposite prin- 
ciples, having mixed territories and claims upon tributaries. The 
ncgociation to accomplish this desirable object was protracted 
till November, 1817, when a treaty was concluded, which ad- 
justed all points in a satisfactory manner, by mutual cessions of 
rights and interchanges of lands. The most important stipula- 
tions were those which gave to the British government the pos- 
session of the city of Ahmedabad. This city was the Moham- 
medan capital of Gujarat ; it is situated on the banks of a small 
navigable river which falls into the sea near the city of Cambay, 
and was a valuable acquisition, both on account of its political 
and commercial importance. 

These arrangements having been completed, the Marquis of 
Hastings prepared to execute his great plans for the extirpation 
of the Pindarries. "What I contemplated," he says, describing 
these operations, " was the pushing forward, unexpectedly, seve- 
ral corps, which should occupy positions opposing insuperable 
obstacles to the junction of the army of any one state with that 
of another, and even expose to extreme peril any sovereign's 
attempt to assemble the dispersed corps of his forces within his 
own dominions, should we see cause to forbid it." — " The suc- 
cess of this plan," his lordship adds, " depended on the secresy 
with which the preparations could be made, the proper choice of 
the points to be seized, and the speed with which we could reach 
the designated stations." 

One of the first results of this prudent policy, may be said in 
a great degree to have decided the success of the future war. 
Scindia, to whom the chiefs both of the Pindarries and the 
ilahrattas looked for aid, was so circumstanced by the position 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 251 

of a large division under the Governor-general's personal com- 
mand, and a corps under Major-general Donkin, that he was 
reduced to the necessity of acceding to a treaty dictated by the 
Marquis of Hastings, or of exposing himself to defeat and ruin. 
Scindia preferred the former course, however contrary to his in- 
clination, and repugnant to all his cherished feelings as a member 
of the Mahratta confederacy. His public defection from a cause, 
the success of which rested chiefly on his efforts, was a fatal 
blow, not only to the Pindarries, but to that more general com- 
bination against our power, the designs of which were so ably 
anticipated. 

Referring to this critical period, and the local situation of 
Scindia, Lord Hastings observes, " Residing at Gwalior, he was 
in the heart of the richest part of his dominions ; but indepen- 
dently of this objection, that those provinces were separated from 
our territories only by the Jumna, there was a military defect in 
the situation, to which the Maha-raja, (great chief, or king, a 
title assumed by Scindia,) had never adverted. About twenty 
miles south of Gwalior, a ridge of very abrupt hills, covered witli 
the tangled wood peculiar to India, extends from the little Scind 
to the Chumbul, which rivers form the flank boundaries of the 
Gwalior district and its dependencies. There are but two routes 
by which carriages, and perhaps cavalry, can pass that chain ; 
one along the little Scind, and another not far from the Chumbul. 
By my seizing, with the centre, a position which would bar any 
movement along the little Scind, and placing Major-general 
Donkin's division at the back of the other pass, Scindia was 
reduced to the dilemma of subscribing the treaty which I offered 
him, or of crossing the hills through bye-paths, attended by the 
few followers who might be able to accompany him, sacrificing 
his splendid train of artillery, (above one hundi-ed brass guns,) 
with all its appendages, and abandoning at once to us his most 
valuable possessions. 

" The terms imposed upon him were, essentially, unqualified 
submission, though so coloured as to avoid making him feel 
public humiliation. Their intrinsic rigour will not be thought 
overstrained or unequitable, when it is observed that I had ascer- 
tained the Maha-raja's having promised the Pindames decisive 
assistance, and that I had intercepted the secret correspondence 
with which he was inciting the Nepaulese to attack us. Nothing, 



252 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

in short, but my persuasion that the maintenance of the existing 
governments in Central India, and the making them our instru- 
ments for preserving tlic future tranquillity of the country, were 
desirable objects, could have dictated the forbearance manifested 
under the repeated perfidies of that prince. He closed witli the 
proffered conditions, and was saved by that consequence. The 
advantage in another quarter could only be a transient ebullition. 
To the more distant states, this non-appearance of a formidable 
force, with which they were to co-operate, was an event which 
absolutely incapacitated them from effort." 

The terms of the treaty dictated by the Governor-general, were, 
in substance, that Scindia should contribute his best efforts to 
destroy the Pindarries ; that he should furnish a specified con- 
tingent to act in concert with the British troops, and under the 
direction of a British officer, against these freebooters ; that the 
contingent should be kept in a state of complete efficiency ; that 
to provide for the pay of these troops, Scindia should resign for 
three years his claims upon the British government, vrhich had 
been recognized in the treaty he had concluded with General 
Wellesley (now Duke of Wellington) in 1804; that the amount 
of annual sums hitherto paid as pensions to his family and minis- 
ters, should be applied through British officers, to the regular 
payment of the bodies of cavalry he was to send to co-operate 
with the British troops ; and it was arranged, that, with the ex- 
ception of these corps, all the divisions of Scindia's army should 
remain stationary at the posts assigned by the British govern- 
ment, without whose concurrence none of them should move. 

It was further stipulated that Scindia should admit British 
troops to garrison the fort of Aseerghur and Hindia, during the 
war, as pledges for the faithful fulfilment of his engagements ; 
and he consented to the eighth article of the treaty, unwisely con- 
cluded with him under the sanction of the Marquis of Com- 
wallis, which left the Rajput states at his disposal. By the new 
arrangements, the English government was placed at liberty to 
conclude treaties with the Rajput states of Jypore, Joudpore, 
Odipore, Khottah, Bhondee, and others on the left bank of the 
Chumbul. This article, however, secured to Scindia, imder the 
guarantee of the British government, his established tribute fi-om 
these principalities, but restricted him, in the event of their 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 253 

forming engagements with the Company, from any future inter- 
ference in their concerns. 

However contrary such a treaty was to the inclinations of 
Scindia, it had the effect of rendering him inactive, if not neutral, 
throughout the operations that immediately ensued ; and much 
effort was necessary to hring into action even those parts of his 
army which we had obtained the means of paying. The strong 
fortress of Aseerghur was not delivered over to the English 
troops. The pretext was the disobedience of its governor, Jess- 
wunt Rao Lar, who, on the subsequent war, openly espoused the 
cause of Bajee Rao. \Vlien the same chief subsequently gave 
protection to Appa Sahib, the fugitive Raja of Nagpore, he was 
summoned to surrender, and orders were sent by Scindia re- 
quiring prompt obedience. With these he refused to comply, 
and the fort was regularly besieged by the British troops. After 
its capitulation, accident brought to light a letter from his prince, 
directing him to obey all commands which he might receive from 
the Peishwa. 

When jMr. Close, the resident at the court of Scindia, shewed 
this letter to the JNlahar Raja, he at once admitted its authenti- 
city, and the violation of faith of which it was an e\'idence ; but 
he pleaded in palliation those friendly relations which had, for seve- 
ral generations been established between his family and that of the 
Peishwa. This fair plea was not rejected. I^ord Hastings, with 
politic liberality, limited his demand consequent on this discovery, 
to the perpetual cession of the fortress of Aseerghur, which, from 
its position, became, in our hands, a check upon robbers and 
freebooters. Before the cession it was occupied with robbers 
and freebooters, and it would have continued to be a place of 
refuge and protection for them, so long as it remained in the pos- 
session of a Mahratta prince. 

These arrangements being completed, the Marquis of Hastings 
arranged the plan of operations against the Pindarries ; their 
settlements being chiefly in Malwa and the valley of the Ner- 
budda, it was resolved to act upon them simultaneously by the 
armies of the Dekkan, Bengal, and Gujarat. Sir Thomas Hislop 
commanded the Dekkan forces, which amounted to fifty-three 
thousand men, in six divisions, communicating with the Bengal 
force at one extreme, and the Gujarat army, commanded by Sir 



2.')1 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARftUIS OF HASTINGS. 

William Grant Kcir, at the other. The Bengal army, amounting 
to thirty-four thousand men, was divided into four divisions, with 
two corps of ohscrvation ; and there were besides several bodies 
of irregulars engaged, amounting altogether to about twenty-four 
thousand soldiers. The whole disposable force of the Pindarries 
did not much exceed thirty thousand men, and the dissensions 
between their principal chiefs, Cheetor, Kurrum Khan, and Wasil 
Mohammed, prevented them from forming any plan of united 
action. Ameer Khan, imitating the policy of Scindia, had entered 
into a treaty with the English, and all the minor states had 
formed stipulations engaging themselves to prevent the Pindar- 
ries from obtaining shelter in their dominions. At this crisis, 
events occurred at Poonah which changed the entire plan of the 
campaign, and placed us at war, not only with the freebooters, but 
with the acknowledged lord of the Mahratta confederacy. 

It coidd not be supposed that Bajee Rao would have been 
satisfied with the treaty of Poonah, which had been forced upon 
him at a moment when his secret preparations for war were in- 
complete, and to which he never would have submitted but from 
the most imperious necessity. In the month of July, 1817, he 
proceeded on his annual visit to the temples of Pundei'pore ; he 
was not accompanied by the resident, for Mr. Elphinstone be- 
lieved that an abatement of vigilance would have a good effect, 
and be received as a mark of the restoration of confidence on the 
part of the British government. At the same time the Peishwa 
apparently reduced his military establishment, by dismissing a 
large number of his cavalry ; but it was subsequently discovered 
that he had given each of his officers seven months pay, with 
orders to remain at his village, and to hold himself in readiness 
to return when summoned, with as many followers as he could 
collect. Every exertion was made by the British to raise the 
stipulated number of horse, but the Peishwa's emissaries resisted 
the recruiting by every means they could devise. 

After having performed his pilgrimage to Punderpore, the 
Peishwa, instead of returning to Poonah, proceeded to Maholy, a 
village near Satara, at the junction of the Yena and Kistna, 
which was regarded by the Hindus as a place of peculiar sanctity. 
During his stay there he was visited by the political agent of the 
the Governor-general, Sir John Malcolm, who had just made a 
tour through the Dekkan, for the purpose of instructing the 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 255 

different residents in the nature of the operations about to be 
commenced against the Pindarries in Malwa. Sir John Malcolm 
was generally an able diplomatist, and had displayed much 
skill in various negociations with the Mohammedan powers, but 
he was unable to compete with the craft of the Hindus, being 
easily duped by their protestations of personal admiration and 
regard. The Peishwa's professions were most cordial, and com- 
municated with such an appearance of earnestness and candour, 
that Sir John Malcolm was completely deceived, and returned to 
Poonah in the full conviction that Bajee Rao would now heartily 
engage in the British cause ; and that, by encouraging him to 
raise troops, and treating him with perfect confidence, he would 
prove a faithful ally. Mr. Elphinstone took a much wiser view 
of Bajee Rao's character ; he expressed, in plain terms, the little 
reliance which could be placed on Mahratta promises : but Sir 
John Malcolm was not to be convinced ; he gave orders that the 
hill-forts which had been pledged for the execution of the treaty 
should be restored to the Peishwa, and that General Smith's 
force, which occupied a position to overawe Poonah, should 
march to the frontiers of Candeish, leaving a mere handful of 
troops for the protection of the residency. 

The Peishwa did not return to his capital until the end of 
September. During his stay at Maholy, he was actively engaged 
in maturing the schemes which he had long meditated against 
the British government. Bappoo Jokla, an able leader, possess- 
ing more of a chivalrous character than is usual in the Hindu 
warriors, strenuously urged Bajee Rao to commence open war 
instead of the secret plots to which he was attached. As neither 
Gokla nor any of the Mahratta chieftains confided in the Peishwa's 
firmness, it was required that he should bind himself on oath to 
be implicitly guided by Gokla's counsels, and, at the same time, 
nearly a million of money was placed at the disposal of that able 
general. 

Sir John Malcolm, in his exuberant confidence, had recom- 
mended the Peishwa to recruit his army for the purpose of aiding 
the English in suppressing the Pindarries, and this afforded him 
an excellent plea for all his suspicious movements. His recruit- 
ing went forward with remarkable activity ; his forts also were 
garrisoned, stored, and repaired ; and orders were issued to pre- 
pare his fleet. Many Bheels, Ramoosies, and other plundering 



2.}G ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OP HASTINGS. 

hordes were engaged in his service by Trimbukjee Danglia ; and 
sijccial missions were despatched to Nagpore, and the camps of 
Scindia, Ilolkar, and Ameer Khan. At the same time he took 
upon himself tlie direction of the plans he had formed for the 
assassination of the resident, and the seduction of the Native 

troops. 

The reports of corrupting the troops were brought from all 
quarters ; some of the Sepoys indignantly refused what to them 
•were splendid offers ; and others, pretending to acquiesce, com- 
municated the circumstances to their officers ; but the extent of 
the intrigues could not be ascertained, and they at last became 
alarmino:, even to those who knew the fidelity of the Bombay 
Sepovs, from the circumstance of the Peishwa's having many of 
their families and relations in his power, against whom he com- 
menced a system of persecution, which he threatened to per- 
petuate if the Sepoys refused to desert the British service. 
Gokla resisted all the attempts which were made to engage him 
to sanction j\lr. Elphinstone's assassination, and secret notice of 
his dan<>-er was sent to that gentleman ; he was not, however, to 
be induced to abandon his post ; a European regiment w^as on its 
march to join hiui, and the notorious indecision of Bajee Rao 
crave hopes that his heart might fail him at the critical moment. 

As the position of the British cantonments was very unfavour- 
able, Mr. Elphinstone moved the few forces he had at his dis- 
posal to the village of Khirkee, which had been early pointed 
out by General Smith as the best post that could be occupied in 
case of the apprehended rupture. The Mahrattas believed that 
the British had withdrawn through fear, and were much encou- 
raged in consequence. The abandoned cantonment was plun- 
dered ; an officer on his route to Bombay was attacked, wounded, 
and robbed in open day ; the language of the Peishwa's ministers 
became menacing and insulting ; and parties of horse pushed 
forward to the British lines as if in defiance. It was evident that 
hostilities could not long be delayed, and, on the 3rd of Novem- 
ber, Mr. Elphinstone directed the light battalion, and a body of 
auxiliary horse, stationed at Sewar, to march upon Poonah. 
When this intelligence reached the Peishwa, he resolved that 
hostilities should be delayed no longer. 

No part of the jNIahratta army was visible from the British 
residency, excepting bodies of infantry which were assembling 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 257 

along the tops of tlie adjoining heights, "with the intention of 
cutting off the residency from the camp. " On ascending one of 
these eminences, on which they wei'e forming," says Captain 
Grant Duff, the able liistorian of this war, " the plain beneath 
presented at that moment a most imposing spectacle. This 
plain, then covered with grain, terminates on the west by a 
range of small hills, while on the east it is bounded by the city 
of Poonah, and the small hills already partially occupied by the 
infantry. A mass of cavalry covered nearly the whole extent of 
it, and towards the city, endless streams of horsemen were pour- 
ing from every avenue." The additional description given by 
this intelligent writer, is too graphic a picture to be omitted. 
" Those only who have witnessed the bore in the gulf of Cam- 
bay, and have seen in perfection the approach of that roaring 
tide, can form the exact idea presented to the author, at sight of 
the Peishwa's army. It was towards the afternoon of a very 
sultry day ; there was a dead calm, and no sound was heard 
except the rushing, the trampling, and the neighing of the horses, 
and the rumbling of the gun-wheels. The effect was heightened 
by seeing the peaceful peasantry flying from their work in the 
fields, the bullocks breaking from their yokes, the wild antelopes 
startled from sleep, bounding off, and then turning for a moment 
to gaze on this tremendous inundation, which swept all before it, 
levelled the hedges and standing corn, and completely over- 
whelmed every ordinary barrier as it moved." 

Perceiving that efforts were being made to intercept his com- 
munication, Mr. Elphinstone retired with his family to Kirkhee, 
not without having been exposed to some danger from the fire of 
the Mahrattas on the opposite side of the river. At the same 
time he sent orders to Lieutenant-colonel Burr, the officer in 
command, to move down and attack the Peishwa's army, while 
the irregulars, under Major Ford, were directed to second his 
efforts. Both officers promptly obeyed, and Colonel Burr, 
though suffering under a severe and incurable attack of paralysis, 
advanced to the attack. The Mahrattas, who had sent on tlieir 
skirmishers, some of whom had already suffered from the fire 
of the light infantry, were surprised by this forward movement 
of troops, who, they had been led to believe, were cowed and 
dispirited. Gokla, however, cheered them on ; he rode from rank 
to rank, employing exhortations, praises, taunts, as he thought 



258 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

most effectual ; but the Peishwa's heart failed him, and after the 
troops had advanced, he sent a message to Gokla, " not to fire 
the first gun." At this moment the British troops were halting ; 
their guns were unlimbering ;— it was the pause of preparation 
and anxiety on both sides ; but Gokla, observing the messenger 
from the Peishwa, and suspecting the nature of his errand, in- 
stantly commenced the attack by opening a battery of nine guns, 
detaching a strong corps of rocket-camels to the right, and push- 
ing forward his cavalry to the right and left. The British troops 
were soon nearly surrounded by horse ; but the Mahratta 
infantry, owing to this rapid advance, were left considerably in 
tlie rear, except a regular battalion under a Portuguese named 
De Pinto, which had marched by a shorter route, concealed for 
some time under cover of the hedges and enclosures. De 
Pinto's men were forming with great steadiness, when they were 
suddenly charged by the English Sepoys, who by this impetuous 
movement became detached from the line. Gokla led forward 
a select body of six thousand horse, to take advantage of their 
imprudence. Colonel Burr fortunately perceived the moving 
mass, in time to stop the pursuit of De Pinto's routed battalion ; 
he called upon the men to reserve their fire, as there was no 
opportunity to dress them in line. Unknown to either party, 
there was a deep slough immediately in front of the British left ; 
the foremost of the Mahratta horses rolled over in the marsh, 
and many others, before they could be pulled up, tumbled over 
those in front. The Sepoys poured in their reserved fire on this 
mass with dreadful effect ; they fell into confusion, the force of 
the charge was checked, and the few horsemen who came into 
contact with the bayonets, were easily repulsed. Some had 
galloped round to plunder the camp, but were driven off" by a 
few shots from two iron guns at Khirkee. A company of Euro- 
peans coming up to support the Sepoys, the British line advanced, 
and the Mahrattas fled from the field. This decisive victory 
was won by the British, over more than ten times their number, 
with a loss of only eighty-three in killed and wounded ; the 
Mahrattas lost more than five hundred men, and a still greater 
number of horses. 

Hostilities were no sooner commenced, than the ferocious and 
vindictive character of Bajee Rao's previous orders became 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 259 

apparent. The residency was plundered and burned ; the fami- 
lies and followers of the troops, who fell into the hands of the 
Mahrattas, were robbed, beaten and frequently mutilated ; the 
gardens were destroyed, the trees torn up by the roots, and the 
very graves violated. An engineer-officer on survey, was 
attacked and killed. Two brothers of the name of Vaughan, one 
of them a captain in the Madras army, were taken while travell- 
ing between Bombay and Poonah, and though they made no 
resistance, were both barbarously hanged. A stop, however, 
was put to these atrocities, when Mr. Elphinstone communicated 
to Gokla, his determination to exact a severe retaliation for the 
murder of any British prisoner. 

So soon as the communications from Poonah ceased, General 
Smith judiciously conjecturing that something was wrong, pre- 
pared to return. From tlie time his division quitted Seroor, he 
was followed by flying parties of the Mahrattas, who severely 
harassed his march, for want of cavalry prevented him from pur- 
suing them when repulsed. He joined the force at Kirkhee on 
the evening of the 13th of November, and made preparations for 
the attack of the Peishwa's camp, but Bajee Rao was afraid to 
hazard another engagement ; he fled to Sattara, abandoning his 
capital to the mercy of the English. General Smith took every 
possible care to ensure the protection of the peaceable part of the 
community ; order and tranquillity were soon re-established, and, 
after a halt of a few days, preparations were made for an active 
pursuit of the fugitive Peishwa. 

We must now turn our attention to Nagpore, where events 
had occurred very similar in their character to those which we 
have just described at Poonah. Although the Raja Appah 
Sahib was mainly indebted to the English for his elevation to 
the musnud, he early evinced a disposition as inconsistent with 
the gratitude which he owed them as with the obligations of good 
faith. He dismissed from their situations Nagoo Pundit and 
Narrain Pundit, the two ministers who had been instrumental in 
forming the subsidiary alliance, and he entered into an active and 
secret correspondence with Bajee Rao, at a period when that 
prince was occupied in plans known to be hostile to our interests. 
This correspondence was an infraction of the stipulations of the 
treaty ; but the English government winked at the delinquency. 



260 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

having no desire to press a point of this nature to an unpleasant 
issue. Every allowance vi^as made for Mahratta habits, and for the 
weak character of a young prince exposed to artful intrigue. 

The court of Nagpore was at this period divided into two 
parties, one of whicli was decidedly adverse to the English in- 
terests. I'lie influence of this party had latterly much increased, 
l)ut still the Raja appeared so open and sincere in all his personal 
communications with the resident, that a gentleman, less acute 
and vigilant than Mr. Jenkins, would have been lulled into fatal 
security. He, however, attended to action rather than words ; 
the additions made to the Nagpore army — the increased activity 
of the correspondence with Poonah — the public reception of a 
Khelat, or dress of honour, from the Peishwa, and some other 
circumstances of the same kind, though palliated by plausible 
excuses, were clear evidences of a spirit of hostihty. It was 
hoped, however, that the intelligence of Bajee Rao's defeat at 
Poonah, and of the treaty which the Governor-general had con- 
cluded with Scindia, would teach the Raja a lesson of modera- 
tion ; still it was necessary to be prepared for the worst, and a 
requisition was sent for immediate reinforcements. 

Notwithstanding the amicable professions and protestations 
which the Raja continued to make, Mr. Jenkins had obtained 
positive information that he intended to attack the residency and 
British cantonments ; and the movements of his .army coincided 
so exactly with the reports of his intended proceedings that no 
doubt remained of the course he meant to pursue. Preparations 
for defence were therefore made with the greatest activity, and the 
brigade, which was commanded by Colonel Hopeton Scott, was 
removed from its inconvenient cantonments to occupy the resi- 
dency and the adjoining heigths of Seetabuldee. Here the Bri- 
tish force, which did not amount to fifteen hundred in all, were 
attacked on the night of the 2Gth of November, by an immense 
force of eighteen thousand men, including four thousand Arabs, 
and, after an action which lasted eighteen hours, gained a deci- 
sive victory over this immense disparity of force. It will be 
necessary to give as full an account as possible of an engagement 
which is generally believed to have done more to establish the 
moral supremacy of the British in Southern India than any other 
on record. 

The residence of Nagpore is separated from the city by a 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. ,261 

rocky ridge on the north, and immediately over the residence is 
a considerable eminence capable of being turned into a strong 
position. The side facing the continuation of the rocky ridge is, 
however, exposed to a second and lower eminence on the south 
side of the ridge, at the foot of which is a considerable village, 
surrounded with shrubs and trees, extending to the suburbs of 
Nagpore. This village affords every facility for concealing the 
approach of an irregular force, and also good cover for an assault- 
ing party. 

Colonel Scott, who commanded the British forces, did not 
make the most judicious of all possible arrangements ; a body of 
three hundred men occupied the south hill, where the brunt of 
the attack was to be expected ; the main body was posted on 
the northern eminence, which was a very convenient spot for 
spectators ; the three troops of cavalry were posted in the en- 
closures surrounding the residency, that being the spot where 
cavalry could be of least service. 

On the night of the 26th of November, the Mahrattas opened 
a heavy fire of matchlocks on the south hill, which they main- 
tained until past midnight, and then gradually slackened until 
morning. When daylight appeared, the attack was renewed 
with great fury, and the defenders of the hill assailed with cannon 
and musketry. Small reinforcements were sent to repair the 
losses sustained in the repulse of the frequent attempts made to 
carry it by storm, but at length the British were thrown into 
confusion by the explosion of a tumbril ; the Arabs charged up 
the hill, sword in hand, drove back the detachment with great 
loss, and having captured a six pounder, directed a harassing 
fire on the northern hill. Encouraged by this success, the 
Mahrattas assailed the British lines in every direction ; the huts 
where the British had been encamped were seized, and the 
Sepoys were appalled by the shrieks of their wives and children, 
to whom they could render no assistance. The enclosures where 
the cavalry stood were menaced, and guns brought up to assail 
them ; Captain Fitzgerald, who held the post, repeatedly sent for 
permission to charge, and was forbidden by his connnanding 
officer. To his last request Colonel Scott replied, " Let him do 
so at his peril." "At my peril be it," replied Fitzgerald, and 
leading his men out of the enclosures, he formed them into line, 
and charged the main body of the Mahratta horse with irresist- 



202 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

il)Ic fury. Tl)c case witli -which the British squadrons cut their 
way through the Mahtatta lines was subsequently compared, by 
one of the vanquished, to the burning of a thread by the flame of 
a candle. Fitzgerald not only dispersed the enemy's horse, but 
cut to pieces a body of infantry advancing to their support, and 
captured two guns. The defenders of the north hill saw this 
brilliant exploit with feelings of the highest admiration, they 
gave vent to their enthusiasm in loud cheers, and proposed im- 
mediately to recover the south hill. At this instant, the accident 
which led to its temporary loss was repeated ; the Arabs in their 
turn were thrown into confusion by an explosion of ammunition ; 
the British troops could no longer be withheld ; the orders of the 
commanding officer were not waited for, or not heard ; men and 
officers rushed forward, mingled together by one common im- 
pulse, drove the Arabs down the hill, pursued them to its base, 
and spiked two of their guns. The Arabs once more rallied, 
and prepared to advance, but they were charged in flank by a 
troop of the cavalry, thrown into confusion, and dispersed over 
the field. Before noon the battle was at an end, and the 
victory of the British over the Mahrattas — and, it may be 
added, over the blunders of their own commander — was com- 
plete. 

The complete defeat of the enemy at all points, and the ap- 
proach of the reinforcements which had been ordered to advance, 
put an end to all hope of success in the mind of Appah Sahib ; 
he commenced a negociation for a renewal of friendship, with a 
solemn declaration, that the late attack upon the British troops, 
had been made without his will or consent. He was ordered to 
withdraw his army from the vicinity of the scene of action, before 
any answer could be returned to his communication. He im- 
mediately complied with this demand, and during the period 
which intervened between the removal of his troops and the 
arrival of Brigadier-general Doveton's army, the advance of 
which reached Nagpore on the 12th of December, this infatu- 
ated prince continuated making protestations of submission, but 
pursuing at the same time a weak and vacillating course of 
conduct. 

Soon after General Doveton's arrival, preliminary terms were 
offered to Appah Sahib ; he was required to deliver up his 
ordnance and military stores, to disband his Arabs immediately 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 263 

and the rest of his troops in a reasonable time, to allow Nagpore 
to be occupied by the British, and to repair to the residency until 
the terms of the treaty were finally arranged. Although these 
conditions greatly limited his power, they still left to him the 
name and functions of sovereignty, of which it was the wish of 
the Governor-general that he should be deprived. Local circum- 
stances, however, induced Mr, Jenkins to continue, if possible, 
the rule of Appah Sahib, and he therefore urged upon that 
prince, a speedy acceptance and agreement to the proffered 
terms. After many evasions and efforts to obtain delay, he 
accepted them and repaired to the British residency, attended by 
some of his ministers. The troops, who made a weak attempt at 
resistance, were attacked and routed. The horse dispersed in 
every quarter, a great j^art of them retiring to their homes ; a 
large corps of Arabs, however, retreated to the palace, which 
they defended for some days, and then capitulated. 

The Marquis of Hastings directed that the provisional engage- 
ments made with Appah Sahib, should be embodied in a treaty ; 
but before the instructions for the final arrangements could reach 
Nagpore, another revolution had taken place in that capital. 
The refusal of the governors of several of the forts in Berar, to 
surrender their positions, gave rise to suspicions, which were 
soon confirmed by the most indisputable evidence, that their 
treacherous prince had given them orders not to obey his reluct- 
ant summons. Ere long his correspondence with the disaffected 
part of his troops, and with those ministers who had instigated 
his former conduct, was detected, and it was distinctly estabhshed 
that he continued, in spite of the moderation with wliich he had 
been treated, to cherish designs of renewed hostility. It was 
also discovered at this period, by proofs deemed conclusive, that 
he had murdered his predecessor Bala Sahib, in order to obtain 
that elevation which he had so disgraced. These plots and 
crimes, although enoiTnous, might have admitted of the resident 
waiting the result of a reference to the Governor-general ; but 
the information, that the Raja intended making his escape 
from his capital, and the renewed activity of his communica- 
tions with Bajee Rao, who, as we shall have occasion presently 
to show, made a demonstration about this time in the direc- 
tion of Nagpore, left Mr. Jenkins no time to deliberate. He 
ordered a detachment of troops to take possession of the palace, 



264 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

and seize Appah Saliib, who was brought immediately to the 
residency, where he continued in confinement, till orders were 
received, that he sliould be sent under a strong escort to the 
Company's dominion in Hindustan. While on his journey to 
Benares, the place appointed for his future residence, the Raja 
effected his escape, by feigning illness and bribing some of his 

guard. 

The stratagem was contrived and executed with great skill 
and cunninc. ^yhen the officer in charge came to visit the 
Raja at the usual hour of the night, he found him to all appear- 
ance fast asleep in his bed, and the attendants requested that he 
would not disturb their master, as great repose was absolutely 
necessary in his present exhausted condition. The officer, in- 
stead of making any minute examination, contented himself 
with casting a hasty glance round the apartment, and thus failed 
to discover, that his prisoner's place was occupied by a long 
bolster. In fact, the Raja was at that moment many miles off, 
attended by some Sepoys, whom he had induced to desert. It 
appears that the troops appointed for his escort, were selected by 
Appah Sahib himself, the British authorities being anxious to 
soothe his irritation at the loss of his dominions. But yielding 
to this particular request was very injudicious, for the troops 
selected, were men who had been favourably disposed towards 
the Raja ; indeed, there is good reason to believe that they had 
not only been tampered with, but won over, previous to their 
departure from Nagpore. Appah Sahib, fled first to the Maha- 
deo hills, and thence to Aseerghur, where, as we shall subse- 
quently have occasion to relate, he joined Cheeto, the leader of 
the Pindarries, just before he was routed by a British detach- 
ment. 

The Peishwa fled before General Smith's active pursuit, and 
led the English a long and wearisome chase through the Ghauts. 
General Smith's army having pushed too far northwards, Bajee 
Rao retraced his steps and declared his intention of recovering 
Poonah. Colonel Burr immediately ordered the detachment at 
Seroor to march to his assistance. It set out on the last day of 
the year, under the command of Captain Francis Staunton ; the 
troops consisted of one battalion of Native infantry, three hun- 
dred irregular horse, and two six-pounders of the Madras artil- 
lery, manned by twenty-four Eurpoeans, under the command of 



/f 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 265 

a lieutenant and a serjeant. After having marched all night, 
Captain Staunton, on reaching the high grounds overlooking the 
village of Korigaum, on the Beema, suddenly found himself in 
the presence of the Peishwa's vi'hole army, amounting to twenty- 
five thousand men. 

The hattle which ensued was one of the most remarkable in 
the history of British India ; our soldiers, fatigued by a long 
march, without food or water, and exposed to the heat of a burn- 
ing sun, had to maintain themselves against tliis immense dis- 
parity of force until nine o'clock at night. The British officers con- 
ducted themselves most nobly. Lieutenant Patinson, a gentleman 
of herculean frame, though mortally wounded, led the grenadiers 
in a desperate charge, and recovered a six-pounder which the 
enemy had seized. A choultry, where some of the wounded 
officers had been placed, was seized by the Mahrattas, who mur- 
dered Surgeon Wingate ; but his fall was avenged and his com- 
panions rescued, by Lieutenant Jones and Dr. Wylie, who retook 
the choultry in spite of superior numbers and desperate resist- 
ance. The artillery-men, who were at first disposed to surrender 
on terms, no sooner saw the mutilated body of their officer, 
whose head the savages had cut off when he fell mortally 
wounded, than they declared that they would conquer or die, 
and they nobly maintained their resolution. The Peishwa, 
Lokla, and Trimbuckjee Danglia witnessed the conflict, and 
directed the attacks. On every successive repulse the Peishwa 
bitterly reproached those officers whose vaunts had induced him 
to engage in the war, and, when night approached, he not only 
ceased from attacking Korigaum, but made a precipitate retreat. 

The pursuit of the Peishwa was actively resumed after his 
defeat at Korigaum, but was productive of nothing important 
except the political effect of exhibiting him as a fugitive. When- 
ever he was hard-pressed, Gokla, with all the light troops, 
hovered round the pursuing divisions, firing long shots with 
their matchlocks, throwing rockets in favourable situations, and 
cutting off cattle and baggage. Some skirmishes took place in 
consequence, and the Mahrattas frequently suffered from the 
shrapnell shells of the horse artillery ; but these affairs were at- 
tended with no advantageous result to either party. 

General Smith, having united all his forces, laid siege to 
Satara, which surrendered on the 10th of February. A mani- 

N 



260 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

festo was then published, stating all the particulars of Bajee 
Rao's conduct, pronouncing his deposition, and declaring that all 
his territories, with the exception of a small tract to be reserved 
for the Raja of Satara, should be annexed to the dominions of 
the Company. Equitable regulations were promulgated for re- 
gulating the taxation and rental of the country, and many 
Ha'Tant abuses which had prevailed under the IMahratta govern- 
ment were abolished. In the mean time, Bajee Rao had retreated 
to Sholapore, where he was joined by a body of horse, under 
Gunput Rao, from Nagpore. Thus reinforced, Gokla persuaded 
the Peishwa to make a movement to the westward. General 
Smith having received information of the plan, immediately com- 
menced an active pursuit with the cavalry and the horse-artillery, 
and, on the 19th of February, overtook the Mahrattas at Ashtab, 
just as they were preparing to move off the ground. Bajee Rao 
sent Gokla a taunting message, intimating that it was to his 
negligence the exposure of the Mahratta movements to the Eng- 
lisli had been effected. Gokla replied that the Peishwa's rear 
should be effectually guarded, and then advanced with a strong 
detachment of horse, to check the progress of the English. In 
the slight skirmish which ensued, Gokla was cut down by a 
dragoon ; the Mahrattas instantly fled, leaving behind them 
several elepliants, a quantity of baggage, and ths Raja of Sattara, 
w^hom they had detained as a captive and hostage. Bajee Rao 
then moved towards Nagpore, where he expected to be joined by 
Appa Sahib, but, learning that the treachery of the Raja had 
been detected and foiled by the English, he fled back again to 
the northern districts. 

The Pindames, in three separate bodies or durras, under their 

leaders, Cheetoo, Khareem Khan, and Wasil Mohammed, occupied 

positions between Indore and Sagur, when the Marquis of Hastings 

had completed his combinations for their destruction. The mutual 

animosities of these chiefs prevented them i'rom combining in 

self-defence, or taking any advantage of the events in Poonah 

and Nagpore. The only enterprise attempted by the Pindarries I 

was to send a detachment from the durra of Wasil Mohammed, 

which got into the rear of General JMarshall's division of the 

Bengal army, and committed some ravages in Bundelcund ; the 

Marquis of Hastings sent a small body of troops, which drove 

these marauders back to Malwa, and General jMarshall's advance 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 267 

was not interrupted. Sir John Malcolm and Colonel Adams, 
with their divisions acting in concert with Marshall, soon drove 
the Pindarries from their accustomed haunts, and either took 
possession of their lands or restored them to the agent of Scindia 
and the Nabob of Bhopaul. Wasil Mohammed, and Khareem 
Khan, uniting their durras, took the road to Gwalior, whither 
they had been secretly invited by Scindia ; Gheetoo went off to 
the north-west, in hopes of receiving support from Holkar. 

When these movements were ascertained, the Marquis of 
Hastings sent a detachment across the Sindh, so as to cut off the 
Pindarries from Gwalior, and, at the same time, brought his own 
division within thirty miles of Scindia's camp, which had the effect 
of completely overawing that chieftain. The Pindarries, unable 
to penetrate to Gwalior, or to return to the southward, directed 
their flight westwards into Meywar. Many of them were left 
behind, who were cut off either by the troops or the exasperated 
villagers. One considerable body, however, got clear off to the 
southward, and, after traversing the whole Dekkan, entered the 
Company's provinces in the Carnatic, where they were anni- 
hilated or dispersed before the end of the ensuing January. 

Cheetoo, in the meantime, being closely pursued by Sir John 
Malcolm, found refuge in Holkar's camp, in the vicinity of 
Meludpore or Maidpore. Gunput Rao, the paramour of Toolsee 
Bye, was at this time the chief director of Holkar's agency, and, 
as he was a bitter enemy of the British, it soon became evident 
that hostilities could not be avoided. Indeed, so resolved were 
the Patans on war, that, suspecting the regency of an intention 
to open negociations, they put Toolsee Bye to death, and placed 
Gunput Rao in confinement. Sir Thomas Hislop, who had now 
arrived with his division and taken the supreme command, find- 
ing that his detached parties were severely harassed, resolved to 
bring matters to a crisis. 

Shortly after daylight on the morning of the 21st of December, 
1817, the English troops came within sight of the enemy's camp. 
They found Holkar's army strongly posted near the town of 
Mahedpore, within a bend of the Supra river, which covered the 
left flank, the right being protected by a deep ravine. Its front 
was protected by a formidable park of artillery, consisting of 
seventy heavy guns ranged in the form of a crescent. These 
guns being admirably served by the Patans, overpowered the 

n2 



2fi8 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

light English field-pieces, and occasioned a heavy loss before the 
liritish troops had time to form and advance, after crossing the 
fords of the Supra. The ford was steep and narrow, the ascent 
on the opposite bank, naturally difficult, was further obstructed 
by several guns, carriages, &c., which had been disabled and ren- 
dered useless by the enemy's fire, when the head of the advancing 
column first appeared from the river. When the whole of the 
infantry had obtained their footing on the opposite bank, they 
deployed by columns, diverging by the right into line, and took 
up their respective positions in front of the enemy, each regi- 
ment lying on the ground, until the whole line was completed, as 
Sir Thomas Heslop had directed. At a preconcerted signal, 
they rose, advanced, and fired a volley ; orders were then given 
to charge ; the soldiers at once pushed forward, broke Holkar's 
battalions, and made themselves masters of his artillery. The 
Patans fought desperately in defence of the cannon ; many of 
these brave and devoted men refused to abandon their guns, and 
were bayonetted or sabred where they stood. A few, who saw 
that any further resistance would be useless, took up their swords 
and shields, and quietly retreated ; but they were overtaken and 
cut to pieces by the British cavalry. Holkar's horse and in- 
fantry had fled on the first onset, and their camp was found 
standing, but with very few articles of any value in it : at some 
distance in its rear, five guns, which had been left to cover the 
retreat, were discovered and taken. The victory was complete, 
and it lowered the vaunting boasts of Holkar's troops, who, it 
appears, prided themselves much on a trifling advantage which 
they had formerly gained over a detachment of the Bengal army, 
when attacked under unfavourable circumstances. 

A heavy fall of rain took place at the close of the action, which 
greatly aggravated the sufferings of the wounded, and afforded 
opportunities for plunder to the marauders, who wandered over 
the field, robbing the living and the dead, and assassinating 
those who attempted to make any resistance. A large quantity 
of military equipments and stores, were found upon the field. 
Among the enemy's supply of ammunition for their heavy 
ordnance, a large quantity of balls was discovered which, from 
the private marks of manufacturers, and the names of gunners 
upon them, must have been obtained, by some treacherous means, 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 269 

from British arsenals. The enquiries instituted on the subject 
led to no satisfactory result. 

From the field of battle the English advanced to Mundisore, 
where they met envoys bringing offers of peace from young 
Holkar. A treaty was concluded on terms more favourable than 
that chieftain had a right to expect, and an English residency 
was established at Indore. Scindia's court was rendered per- 
fectly tractable by the victory over Holkar, but one of his feuda- 
tories having afforded a refuge to Cheetoo and his Pindarries, 
General Browne was sent to punish his delinquency. This ser- 
vice was performed promptly and efficiently ; Jesswunt Rao's 
camp was surprised, his guns captured, and his principal town 
stormed. The district which he had governed, was then trans- 
ferred to another ruler. 

In the meantime, Cheetoo with his durra of Pindarries, fled in 
a north-westerly direction, when the pursuit was taken up by 
the Gujarat division with considerable effect. His durra was 
now the only one at all formidable, the rest had either been 
destroyed or dispersed, and their chiefs had yielded themselves 
prisoners. At length, Cheetoo's division was completely sur- 
prised and dispersed by a detachment from the fort of Hindia ; 
he escaped "with about two hundred followers, and sought refuge 
with the Nabob of Bhopaul, but the terms wliich he offered to 
that chieftain being rejected, he continued his flight until he 
joined the fugitive, Appa Sahib, to whom his habits of vigi- 
lance and activity rendered him a valuable ally. The Pindarries, 
thus dispersed, without leaders and witlaout homes, soon ceased 
to be formidable ; they were finally absorbed in the agricultural 
population of Malwa and the Dekkan, where many of them be- 
came active and improving farmers. 

Sir Thomas Heslop now prepared to return to Madras, re- 
solving on his way to take possession of the severals forts to 
the southward, which had been ceded by Scindia or Holkar. 
No resistance was made until the army approached the Fort of 
Talnier, situated on the right bank of the Tapti river, when 
a fire was suddenly oj^eued from the walls on the advance 
and the quarter-master-general's department. The aggression 
was equally unprovoked and unexpected, being obviously an 
infraction of the treaty by which Talnier and the other forts 



270 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

south of the Nerbudda were ceded to the English. Information 
of these stipulations was sent to the Killidar or governor of 
the fort, together with a sharp remonstrance on his breach of 
the treaty, and a threat to treat him as a rebel if he persevered ; 
but lie met these representations with an evasive and rather hos- 
tile reply. 

One six-pounder and two small howitzers, the largest guns 
present with the army, were hastily formed into a field battery, 
and brought to bear on the gateway of the fort from a neigh- 
bourinsr eminence. The fire of the enemy was soon over- 
powered and silenced, the parapets destroyed, and the defences 
dismantled, but, from the small calibre of the artillery employed, 
no material damage was done to the main wall. It was resolved 
to force an entrance at the gateway, but, as the storming party 
advanced, a flag of truce was displayed from one of the bastions ; 
soon after the Killidar and the commander of the garrison came 
out, declaring that the gates of the fort should be opened so soon 
as terms of capitulation could be arranged. The English officer 
in command, replied that the surrender of the place must be un- 
conditional, and directed that this reply should he communi- 
cated to the garrison. No one seemed willing to convey the 
message, and hostilities .were resumed. The storming party 
pushed forward into the traverse, through the broken masonry on 
each side of the gateway, and advanced with little order, finding 
all the gates but the last open before them. Here, after a brief 
delay, a wicket w^as opened, through which Major Gordon entered 
with a small party. A short parley followed, when the wicket 
was suddenly and treacherously closed ; the Major and his few 
followers, hemmed in on every side by ferocious enemies, and 
cut off" from all possibility of relief, were overpowered and slain. 

When the first effects of the surprise were abated, the English 
soldiers rushed forward to the assault, with equal fury and despe- 
ration ; a party of pioneers broke through the fastenings of the 
wicket, and opened a passage ; the Arabs, who formed the garri- 
son, made a vigorous effort to defend the entrance, but they 
could not resist men, almost maddened by the unexpected resist- 
ance, and by the base treachery practised on their beloved officer 
and his followers. Under the circumstances, no quarter could 
be given ; about one hundred and fifty Arabs fell beneath the 
hands of the avengers. Some fugitives, in the hope of escape, 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 271 

concealed themselves in haystacks, but their places of refuge 
were discovered and fired ; the helpless wretches, driven out by 
the flames, were shot down like beasts of prey by the enraged 
soldiers. The extermination of the garrison was all but com- 
plete ; a woman and two Arab boys, who had secreted them- 
selves in a dry well, were the only persons saved. 

Nor was this all ; the Killidar and the Arab commandant, 
being considered as rebels by Sir Thomas Heslop, were ordered 
to be immediately hanged. Many of the officers vainly remon- 
strated against this unnecessary execution. Even if the Killidar 
deserved his fate, which is rather questionable, it was obviously 
unjust to make a victim of the Arab commandant, who acted 
entirely under the orders of his superior, a civil officer, for whose 
acts he could not be amenable or held responsible. He was of 
course innocent of all share in the treachery that occurred at the 
gate-way, for both he and the Killidar were prisoners in the 
hands of the English at the time. 

The fall of Talnier, and the fate of its governor, ensured the 
quiet surrender of the remaining fortresses. The keys of the 
strong hill-forts of Chandore, Unktunky, and Galna, were sent 
to the English camp by their respective Killidars, who did not 
wait to be summoned, and these important posts were immedi- 
ately secured by British troops. Nothing now remained to bring 
the war to a conclusion, save securing the persons of Bajee Rao, 
Cheetoo, and Appa Sahib. 

After wandering about for some time, with an army daily 
diminishing by desertion, the Peishwa was surprised and routed 
by an English detachment under Colonel Adams, who followed 
up his victory by besieging and capturing the important castle of 
Chandah. General Putzler, about the same time, made himself 
master of Wusota, where two English officers were found, who 
had been made prisoners in the beginning of the war, and had 
been kept ever since in ignorance of the movements of their 
countrymen, even when they had opened a fire on the place in 
which they were confined. Bajee Rao now saw that his affairs 
were desperate ; he made many overtures to Mr. Elphinstone, 
but as they always implied an ability to treat, he was distinctly 
told that his unconditional submission only could be accepted. 
At length, he sought shelter with about eight thousand men 
under the guns of Asseergurh, whence he sent agents to General 



272 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 

Sir John Malcolm, the nearest of his pursuers, to treat of a 

surrender. 

Sir John Malcolm's better judgment was lulled by the flattery 
of the Peishwa's envoys, and he was besides anxious to have 
the glory of bringing the war to a conclusion; he, therefore, 
opened ncgociations, though contrary to the directions which had 
been issued by the Governor-general. It must, however, be 
confessed that the ready shelter afforded to the Peishwa at Asseer- 
g,irh— a fortress which Scindia had agreed to surrender to the 
English, but which its Killidar retained by the secret directions 
of his sovereign, — gave reasonable ground for believing that the 
Peishwa might rely on the aid of Scindia if he protracted the 
war. After some negociation, Bajee Rao surrendered to Sir 
John Malcolm ; he agreed to abdicate the throne ; to spend the 
rest of his life within the English territories, but it was stipu- 
lated that the Company should make him an annual allowance 
of one hundred thousand pounds ; while, at the same time, he 
was permitted to retain all that he had preserved of his treasures. 
Terms so utterly disproportioned to the Peishwa's position and 
claims, were with very great reluctance confirmed by the Go- 
vernor-general, and on many occasions he condemned in the 
most pointed terms the impolitic concessions made by Sir John 
Malcolm. Trimbuckjee Danglia escaped for a time, but after 
many perilous adventures, he was made prisoner by a party of 
irregular horse, and confined for life in an English fortress. 

Appa Sahib and Cheetoo, after having been closely blockaded 
in the hills, made their escape to Asseergurh, and that cele- 
brated fortress was immediately invested by General Doveton ; 
Sir John Malcolm co-operating, with a force from ^Malwa. 
Cheetoo's Pindarries had been received into the fort, but he 
was himself excluded by the jealousy of the Killidar. Great 
uncertainty prevailed respecting his fate, but, at length, it was 
discovered that he had fallen a victim to a tiger, in the jungle 
where he sought shelter ; his body when found, was so mangled 
that it could not have been identified, but for the fragments of 
his dress which lay near. Asseergurh made a vigorous defence, 
but was at length surrendered on the 9th of April, 1819, when 
it was found that Appa Sabib was not in the fort, but had fled 
to some other place before its investinent was completed. 

It required some vigorous management to compel the sur- 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 273 

render of several of the forts which their Killidars retained; 
but one after another was surrendered or taken, and the Go- 
vernor-general was enabled to develop his plans for the regu- 
lation of the conquered country. In general, the rights of the 
possessors of property were treated with great respect, and the 
administration of law was very little changed from the Mahratta 
form of proceedure, but the greatest vigilance was introduced 
into the criminal courts, for the purpose of putting an end to the 
organized system of plunder which had previously prevailed. 

The only place where any resistance was made to the changes 
which the Marquis of Hastings introduced, after establishing 
British supremacy in India, Avas at Bareilly, in Rohilcund. A 
tax had been introduced for the support of the police force, un- 
popular in itself, and levied in a way very offensive to the pre- 
judices of the people. The magistrate of Bareilly entrusted the 
collection to the Cutwal, or Native head of the police, against 
whom popular indignation was vehemently excited, on account 
of his harshness, cruelty and venality. He was particularly de- 
tested by the higher class of Patans in Rohilcund, who are feel- 
ingly alive to every thing which concerns their personal honour, 
and to whose prejudices the coarse language of a vulgar Hindu 
villager, as the Cutwal is described to have been, was peculiarly 
offensive. Several tumultuous meetings were held at Bareilly, 
and a petition against the tax was presented to the magistrate, 
through the Mufti, who, according to Mohammedan usage, com- 
bined the functions of a judge and a priest. No notice was 
taken of this address ; the popular discontent continued, and the 
bad feeling which existed in the town, was greatly increased by 
the circumstance of a woman being wounded by some police 
officers while in the act of levying the tax, by distraining a 
trifling article equivalent to its amount. This female was carried 
to the Mufti, who advised that she should be taken to the magis - 
trate. He refused to interfere, directing that a complaint should 
be formally lodged in the courts if any wrong had been done. 
The dissatisfied mob brought the woman back to the Mufti, who 
exclaimed, " If such is the magistrate's justice, no person's life 
or honour is safe in the town, and it is high time for me to leave 
it." He then quitted his house, with the avowed intention of 
making a complaint to the judge of circuit, who was in the 
neighbourhood, but, unfortunately, he encountered the magis- 

N 5 



274 ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARftUIS OF HASTINGS. 

trate, accompanied by a few troops, on the road. The Mufti 
believed that the magistrate was coming to arrest him ; an affray 
ensued, in which several lives were lost. 

The mob, which from the first had shewn no disposition to 
resist authority, soon dispersed, but the Mufti, who had been 
slightly wounded, and who was still persuaded that it was in- 
tended to make him prisoner, took refuge in a mosque at the 
outskirts of the town, and caused the green flag of Mohammed 
to be displayed from its minaret, as a signal that he required his 
friends and adherents to assemble for his protection. 

On the morning of the 18th of April, 1816, Captain Boscawen, 
with two companies of Sepoys and two guns, took post close to 
the mosque, a circumstance which confirmed the general belief 
that it was intended to arrest the Mufti ; who, in addition to that 
veneration in which, from his age and the sanctity of his character 
and office, he was before held, was now viewed as a popular 
victim, in whose defence it was the duty of all ranks and classes 
to unite. Negociations were begun vrith the multitude, but their 
irritation and fanaticism were encreased by the arrival of aid 
from different towns in the vicinity, until the crowds were no 
longer under the control of those who had first called them into 
action. A desperate attack was made upon Captain Boscawen's 
detachment, but after a fierce struggle, which lasted several 
hours, the infuriated insurgents were repulsed, with the loss of 
two thousand in killed and wounded. 

When the insurrection was quelled, and the excitement so far 
abated as to allow of an investigation in legal form, a number of 
persons supposed to have been most active were taken up, and 
brought to trial before the criminal court. It is a significant and 
remarkable fact, that they were all acquitted fi-om want of evi- 
dence, except one ignorant youth, who was pardoned. A general 
amnesty was extended to all the inhabitants, with the exception 
of some of the principal instigators, who, however, provided for 
their safety by an early flight. 

At the close of the administration of the Marquis of Hastings, 
the situation of the British power was very different from what 
it had been when that nobleman first assumed the reins of 
government. The Company's territories were greatly enlarged, 
and their revenues increased ; the Pindarries were annihilated ; 
ihe power of the Mahrattas, the most formidable enemies of the 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE MARQUIS OF HASTINGS. 275 

British, was annihilated ; and Scindia, the only ruler whose 
resources were undiminished, had shown by all his acts that he 
had ceased to cherish any plans of ambition. In 1823, Lord 
Hastings returned to England, after having filled the station of 
Governor-general for nine years. Differences of opinion may 
exist regarding some minor points of his government, but none 
of these points are of a character which can in any degree affect 
that admiration which is given to all the great measures of his 
political administration. 



276 



CHAPTER XVII. 



STATE OF INDIA AT THE CLOSE OF THE MAHFvATTA WAR. 

The Marquis of Hastings, on his departure from India, left 
many points imsettled which required the early attention both of 
the scovernment at home and of his successor in Calcutta. At 
the peace of 1814, the insular possessions of the Dutch in the 
Indian Seas, were restored by the English negociators at Vienna, 
with a facility, or rather a precipitancy, which prevented any sti- 
pulations being made in favour of the growing and lucrative 
trade which the British merchants had opened with the Spice 
Islands. It was, in fact, virtually recognized that the old Dutch 
monopoly of the spice trade, and their preponderating influence 
in the Indian Archipelago, should be restored and maintained, 
until such time as the government of the Netherlands should 
think fit to relax in their pretensions of their own accord. Sir 
Stamford Raffles, the governor of the English settlement of 
Bencoolen, in the island of Sumatra, soon saw the necessity of 
adopting some efficacious remedy, to redress the wrongs which 
the Dutch, from the very first moment of their restoration, began 
to inflict on the British trade, and he resolved to occupy some 
place which might in some degree compensate his countrymen 
for the abandonment of their former conquests. Animated by 
these views, he took possession of Singapore, off Point Romania, 
on the Malacca coast, in the direct route to China. The wisdom 
of his selection soon became apparent ; in a very few years 
Singapore, from a mere cluster of huts, became one of the most 
thriving commercial cities in the Eastern Seas, and its prosperity 
still continues progressively increasing. 

Though supported by the Marquis of Hastings, Sir Stamford 
Raffles received no encouragement from the British ministry, and 



AFFAIRS OF HYDERABAD. 277 

there was some reason to fear that the representations of the 
Dutch would lead to the frustration of his prudent measures. 
Fortunately, Mr. George Canning, who was then President of 
the Board of Control, suggested the nomination of a select com- 
mittee, with whom he could hold confidential communications, 
to enable him to meet the Commissioners of the Netherlands. 
The more the subject was investigated, the more clearly was it 
seen that the Dutch had completely overreached the English 
negociators at Vienna, and that some new arrangements were 
necessary to preserve the British trade in the Indian Archipelago, 
and even to secure British commerce with China. The negocia- 
tions were greatly protracted, from the necessity of reference on 
various points to India. At length the whole terminated in the 
treaty of 1824, by which the Dutch settlements on the continent 
of India, with Malacca, and the undisputed right to Singapore, 
were ceded to the British government, the Dutch acquiring in 
exchange, Bencoolen and all the Company's rights in the island 
of Sumatra. 

The affairs of Hyderabad exposed the Marquis of Hastings to 
considerable odium, and led to the refusal of the pension from 
the Company which his eminent services deserved. In the year 
1811, Messrs. W. Palmer and Co. formed a mercantile establish- 
ment and bank at Hyderabad, for which they did not obtain the 
necessary allowance from the Governor-general until after a lapse 
of two years and four months. During this time the house had 
dealings with Chand-u-Lal, on behalf of the Nizam's govern- 
ment, to the extent of more than £700,000, with a balance in 
favour of the former, amounting to about £100,000. This was 
contrary to the act of parliament passed in 1797, which declared 
all pecuniary transactions with Native princes, unless sanctioned 
by the court of directors or the supreme council of Calcutta, to 
be illegal. On the commencement of the Pindarree war, the 
Messrs. Palmer were empowered to advance money on two 
separate accounts to the Nizam, for the purpose of enabling him 
to send his stipulated contingents to take a share in the Dekkan 
war. This loan was granted at a very exorbitant rate of interest, 
but it must be remembered that the Messrs. Palmer had them- 
selves to borrow the greater part of the sura required, and that 
the raising of money in India is a far more difficult operation 



278 AFFAIRS OF HYDERABAD. 

than in Europe. It is also necessary to take into account the 
state of society in Hyderabad, which is thus forcibly pourtrayed 
by Major Henry Bevan. 

" Hyderabad is of very great extent, and very densely popu- 
lated ; the inhabitants are Patans, Indian Mussulmans, and 
Hindus, but the followers of the prophet greatly preponderate. 
The Mohammedans of Hyderabad are the most disorderly, tur- 
bulent, and ferocious set of ruffians within the limits of India. 
They are descended from the Jagatay Turks, absurdly called 
Mo<Tuls, who conquered northern India under Baber, and esta- 
blished the empire of Delhi ; and they are not one whit less 
haughty, bigoted, and ferocious than their ancestors were in the 
days of Timur. It has never been forgotten by them that they 
were once the lords of India, and therefore they regard us as the 
usurpers of their heritage, with a hatred not the less intense be- 
cause they are compelled to keep it concealed. No European 
can venture to pass through the city unprovided with a suitable 
escort ; were he to make the attempt he would not escape insult, 
and perhaps personal injury. No specimens of their abusive and 
insolent language to British travellers, can be given without 
grossly offending decency. The state of morals in Hyderabad is 
execrable ; unnatural crime is so common that it forms a topic 
of ordinary conversation, and is never attempted to be denied or 
concealed. An officer, who resided a short time in the city, 
declared that, compared with Hyderabad, Sodom would be found 
innocent, and Gomorrah the perfection of puiity. The lives and 
properties of the nobles, the merchants, and the bankers, would 
not be safe for a single day if the British forces were withdrawn. 
The crowds of half-starved bullies that infest its streets would 
plunder the place, but for the awe in which they are held by the 
garrison. 

" The Soucars, or bankers at Hyderabad, are far from being so 
respectable a class as in other parts of India. Loans are obtained 
from them by mortgaging property or giving a deposit of jewels 
or other valuables. It is a general rule that the value of the 
deposit should exceed that of the loan by at least one-half. In 
these transactions the Soucars, by the exorbitant interest which 
they charge, and the frauds they use in depreciating the value of 
the deposits, far transcend the worst class of pawnbrokers in. 
England." 



AFFAIRS OF HYDERABAD. 279 

We have already referred to the weakness of the Nizam's cha- 
racter, and to the support which his profligate Detvan, Chand-u- 
Lal, received from the English government. In fact, when the 
Nizam proposed, in 1811, to investigate the accounts of that 
minister, the resident, Mr. Russell, interfered to shelter Chand-u- 
Lal, and prevented any of his subordinate agents from being 
examined. When the debts claimed by the Messrs. Palmer, on 
their three accounts against the Nizam, had amounted to an 
immense sum, Chand-u-Lal declared that he was anxious to in- 
troduce a thorough reform into the financial affairs of the Nizam, 
and for this purpose he required the command of money to a 
considerable extent. He applied to the Messrs. Palmer for the 
loan of sixty lacs of rupees, on the condition that the Nizam 
should mortgage a portion of his revenues as a security both for 
the principal and the interest, and that Mr. Palmer should 
appoint his own collectors to receive the revenues assigned to 
him. This arrangement was warmly opposed in the supreme 
council, and was only carried by the casting vote of the Governor- 
general. It soon appeared that the loan was a mere fiction, and 
was, in fact, merely a means for capitalizing all the old demands 
of the house upon the Nizam. Matters remained unsettled when 
the Marquis of Hastings returned to Europe ; but scarcely had 
his temporary successor, Mr. Adams, been installed in office 
than he condemned the whole affair as fraudulent and usurious. 
Furthermore, he peremptorily ordered the assigned revenues to 
be restored to the Nizam, without making any reservation what- 
ever for the payment of anything beyond the principal of the 
loan. Palmer's house was, of course, ruined, and many meri- 
torious officers, who had lodged their savings in their hands, were 
involved in their fate. 

One of the most remarkable events in the brief administration 
of Mr. Adams, was the struggle in which he became involved 
with the newspapers of Calcutta. For some years previously, 
various efforts had been made to establish a free press in the 
presidencies, but the Governors-general had invariably assumed 
the right of censorship, and sent the authors of obnoxious articles 
back to Europe. The Calcutta Journal, established by Mr. 
Buckingham, had on more than one occasion given offence by 
the freedom of its strictures, until at length Mr. Adam, provoked 
by some very trifling observations, banished Mr. Buckingham 



2R0 MUTINY OF VELLORE. 

from India. This exertion of authority provoked much discus- 
sion, and though it received the sanction of the court of directors, 
it was generally reprobated by the British nation. 

A brief reference to the state of public affairs in England, is 
necessarj' to explain the circumstances under which the Earl of 
Amherst became Governor-general of India. On the accession 
of his Majesty George IV. the Queen's name was expunged 
from the Liturgy, and on her return to England a bill of pains 
and penalties was introduced into the House of Lords, and a long 
investigation into her conduct commenced. Mr. Canning took 
no share in tliis transaction, and separated himself from his 
colleagues by withdrawing from England. When the bill 
against the Queen was abandoned, Mr. Canning resigned his 
office as President of the Board of Control, and in March 1820, 
he was unanimously chosen Governor-general of India, by the 
court of directors. The death of the IMarquis of Londonderry, 
however, opening a new career for his brilliant talents in Europe, 
he resigned his Indian appointment, and became Secretary of 
State for Foreign affairs. Two candidates were then offered, Earl 
Amherst and Lord William Bentinck. The claims of the latter 
arose from circumstances, which require us to go a little further 
back in Indian history. Lord William Bentinck had been 
appointed Governor of Madras in 1804, and had commenced 
introducing a variety of economic and military reforms, which 
were very acceptable to the court of directors. By some in- 
advertence, a regulation was introduced respecting the Sepoy 
uniform, which gave great offence to the prejudices of the Native 
soldiers, who forthwith broke out into a most dangerous mutiny, 
at Vellore, and massacred a European detachment. It is, how- 
ever, now generally believed that the regulations respecting 
dress, were merely a pretext, and that the mutiny was chiefly 
caused by the intrigues of the family of the late king of ^klysore, 
who were confined in Vellore. The mutiny was promptly 
suppressed, but the greatest alarm continued to prevail, and 
considerable discussion arose respecting the course of conduct 
which ought to be pursued towards the prisoners, whose numbers 
exceeded six hundred. The military officers vrere disposed to 
have them shot in detachments, as fast as they should be found 
guilty, in front of the several divisions of the ^Madras army. 
This wholesale butchery was reprobated by the council, but 



MUTINY OF VELtORE. 281 

they proposed the scarcely less harsh measure, of transporting all 
the mutineers to some penal settlement. Lord William Ben- 
tinck zealously advocated measures of leniency, though many 
around declared that he was perilling the safety of the Presi- 
dency, by the dangerous example of extending mercy to muti- 
neers. The wise and benevolent measures of Lord William 
Bentinck were, however, adopted to some extent ; but before 
their efficacy was decisively established, a strange event caused 
him to be recalled from his government. 

The commanding officer at Palamcottah, seized by some in- 
explicable panic, adopted the resolution of disarming his whole 
corps, separating the Mussulmans from the Hindus, putting 
arms into the hands of the latter, and expelling the former from 
the fort. He then sent expresses to the commanding officer at 
Travancore and to General Maitland, governor of Ceylon, 
requesting European aid with all possible promptitude, as he 
had detected a desperate conspiracy, which had taken deep 
root along the coast. General Maitland promptly dispatched 
the required aid, and also sent an account of the affair direct to 
England, without making any communication to the govern- 
ment of Madras. When the reports of the Palamcottah affair 
came to be invested, the alleged plot proved to be a mere 
phantom of the imagination. The arms were restored to the 
Mohammedan troops, who returned to their duties, without 
shovsdng the least symptom of disaffection. The panic wore 
away ; the Sepoys forgot their fears of an attack upon their 
religion ; and the European officers were no longer in appre- 
hension for the safety of their lives, and ventured to sleep 
without pistols under their pillows. At this critical moment, 
Lord Minto, as has been already mentioned, reached ISIadras on 
his way to Bengal as Governor-general. His lordship gave his 
sanction to the lenient course of policy, and agreed with Lord 
William Bentinck, setting the prisoners gradually at liberty. 

General Maitland's despatch arrived in England, a little after 
the directors had received accounts of the mutiny at Vellore, 
with more than a usual proportion of misrepresentations and 
exaggerations. The testimony of the Governor of Ceylon 
seemed decisive, and a vote was passed for the recall of Lord 
William Bentinck, under circumstances of haste and precipitancy 
which implied the harshest censure on his character. It had 



282 DISPUTES WITH THE BURMESE. 

been usual to allow the superseded governor the nominal pos- 
session of his office until the arrival of his successor, or until 
he could meet an opportunity of returning to England ; his 
lordship's functions, however, ceased immediately on the arrival 
of the orders ; no measures had been taken to enable his lordship 
to return home, and but for the voluntary kindness of Sir Edward 
Pellew, he would have been obliged to remain, stripped of autho- 
rity, till the departure of the homeward-bound fleet ; circum- 
stances which produced an impression unfavourable to his lord- 
ship's character, both on the public mind at home, and in that 
of the community over which he had presided as governor. 

In the interval between 1807 and 1822, Lord William Ben- 
tinck had acquired a well-earned reputation by various military 
and diplomatic services in various parts of Europe ; and the 
court of directors had learned to appreciate his policy in Madras, 
and to lament their own precipitancy. He felt that he had 
strong claims on the consideration of the East India Company : 
he had rendered them good and faithful service, and had been 
unceremoniously dismissed from office, when in the act of fol- 
lowing out principles admitted to have been sound and judi- 
cious. The claims of Earl Amherst were, however, supported 
by ministerial influence, and on him the appointment was finally 
conferred. 

The war with Ava, like that of Mysore in 1799, and with 
Nepaul in 1814, was devolved upon the Governor-general as a 
legacy from his predecessor. Hostilities had commenced and out- 
rages been perpetrated for a series of years before war was actually 
commenced. Indeed, it will be necessary for us to go back in 
the history in order to explain distinctly the causes of the Bur- 
mese war, the first which the Company waged beyond the limits 
of India. 

The power of the Burmese over the countries to the east of 
the Bay of Bengal, took its rise nearly at the same time that the 
English began to acquire supremacy in India, and the progress of 
both was equally rapid. Conquests on each side brought the 
two powers into nearer contact, until, at length, the acquisition 
of Arracan, Assam, and Cachar, placed the Burmese as our 
neighbours on our north-eastern frontier. The consequence was, 
that instead of having to deal in this quarter with petty Rajas, 
who had neither the power nor the inclination to make encroach- 



DISPUTES WITH THE BURMESE. 283 

ments, we were brought into a collision A\dth a race flushed by 
recent conquest, too ignorant of British power, and too vain of 
their own, to give much importance to the preservation of friendly 
relations. 

During the administration of Lord Teignmouth, a Burmese 
general advanced into the province of Chittagong in pursuit of 
three criminals. Some forces were sent to repel this violation of 
territory ; but the Burmese general prevented hostilities by wait- 
ing upon the English officer who commanded, and explaining all 
the circumstances of the case, exhibiting his instructions and 
pleading liis motives. On his retiring, the criminals were sur- 
rendered to the Burmese authorities ; two of them were put to 
death by the most cruel tortures, but the third again effected his 
escape into the British territories. 

The Mughs, an agricultural race settled in Arracan, were sub- 
jected to the most cruel oppression and tyranny by their Bur- 
mese masters. Some of their brethren had been long settled in 
Chittagong, and had learned to appreciate the superior mildness 
and equity of the British rule ; they invited the sufferers of 
Arracan to join them, and during the years 1797 and 1798, 
thousands of the Mughs emigrated to the British territories. 
Their numbers created some alarm, the offence which our har- 
bouring the fugitives would give to the Burmese authorities was 
foreseen, and orders were sent to prevent any more from crossing 
the frontiers. It was impossible that these orders could be 
obeyed ; the emigrants were resolved to die rather than return. 
On one occasion, when the British authorities required a body of 
Mughs to go back to their homes, the leader boldly replied, 
" We will never return to the Arracan country : if you choose to 
slaughter us here, we are ready to die ; if by force you drive us 
away, we will go and dwell in the jungles of the great mountains 
■which afford shelter to wild beasts." 

About the close of the year 1798, not fewer than ten thousand 
of the Mughs rushed to the frontier, in a state of the utmost 
agony and distress. This body was followed by another still 
more numerous. It is, indeed, believed that two-thirds of the 
Mughs of Arracan forsook the province, the capital of which was 
at this period nearly depopulated. The fugitives are described, 
by an eye-witness, as " flying through wilds and deserts without 
any preconcerted plan, numbers perishing from want, famine and 



284 DISPUTES WITH THE BURMESE. 

fatij^ue. The road to the Naaf river (which forms the boundary 
between the Burmese province of Arracan and the British 
district of Chittagong) was strewed with the bodies of the aged 
decrepit, and of mothers with infants at their breasts." Policy 
became enlisted on the side of humanity, in dictating that, at 
least, a temporary asylum should be granted to such numbers 
of despairing fugitives : it would have been hazardous to try 
coercive measures, and these, if successful, would have consigned 
thousands of unoffending individuals to the cruel vengeance of 
a barbarous government. When the question came under the 
consideration of the government of Calcutta, it was resolved to 
assign to the refugees grants of waste lands, of which there were 
vast tracts in Chittagong. In the mean while, however, hundreds 
were perishing daily, as they were constrained to feed upon 
leaves and reptiles. The case was urgent, and the government 
came to the generous determination of relieving their immediate 
wants, by providing them with food, and with materials for con- 
structing huts to shelter them from the approaching rains. 

Captain Hiram Cox, an officer who had been previously em- 
ployed on a mission to the court of Ava, and who was well ac- 
quainted vfith. the Burmese language and customs, undertook the 
onerous duty of carrying these arrangements into effect. His 
character and experience pointed him out as the most eligible 
person, and his success fully equalled the expectations of those 
by whom he was appointed. 

When the last emigration of the Mughs from Arracan took 
place, there were no more than three hundred Burmese troops in 
the metropolis of that province ; and these were too much inti- 
midated by the extent of the disaffection, to attempt opposition 
to the movement or pursuit of the fugitives, most of whom were 
thus enabled to cross the Naaf without molestation. Their 
oppressors, however, were not disposed to lose their victims so 
easily ; they made vigorous exertions, and, collecting an army of 
about four thousand men, followed the emigrants into Chitta- 
gong, and fortified themselves in the dense woods of that pro- 
vince, by stockading their position : they maintained themselves 
several weeks in this entrenched camp, carrying on a petty war- 
fare with the British troops. The commander of these invaders 
addressed a letter to Mr. Stonehouse, the civil magistrate of 
Chittagong, in which he observed, " If you, regarding former 



DISPUTES WITH THE BURMESE. 285 

amity, will deliver us up all the refugees, friendship and concord 
will continue to exist. But, if you persist in keeping in your 
country the slaves of our king, the broad path of friendship and 
intercourse between the states must be blocked up. Our dis- 
agreement is only about these refugees : we wrote to you to 
deUver them, and you have been offended thereat. We again 
write to you, who are in the province of Chittagong on the part of 
the king of the Company, that we will take away the whole of 
the Arracanese ; and further, in order to take them away, more 
troops are coming. If you will keep the AiTacanese in your 
country, the cord of friendship will be broken." 

To this threatening demand Mr. Stonehouse replied, that no 
negociations could be entertained so long as the Burmese troops 
remained within the British territories, and that the commander 
must abide by the consequences should he disregard this admoni- 
tion. They continued, however, to maintain their post, where 
they were successful in repelling an attack made upon them by a 
detachment of British Sepoys, July 18th, 1799. Soon after- 
wards they retired within their own frontiers, and Lieutenant 
Hill was deputed, by the supreme government, to the Governor 
of Arracan, that he might endeavour to effect an amicable settle- 
ment. 

Such was the state of affairs when Captain Cox reached 
Ramoo, on the banks of the Naaf, and entered upon the perform- 
ance of his duties. He reported, that since the orders of govern- 
ment had arrived for the admission of the Mughs, they had 
necessarily, for the sake of subsistence, widely dispersed them- 
selves ; that some time would elapse before their numbers could 
be accurately ascertained ; but that they were generally com- 
puted at from twenty-five to thirty thousand persons, of all ages 
and both sexes ; and that, notwithstanding the relief extended to 
them by their countrymen, who had been long settled in Chitta- 
gong, and by the native inhabitants who had hired several of 
them, the mortality continued to be very great, especially among 
the children, of whom not less than twenty perished daily. 

" I anticipate," said Captain Cox, " the sensations of the 
honourable board on perusing this statement, so afflicting to 
humanity, and dismiss all fear of being deemed improperly impor- 
tunate in earnestly entreating their early decision on the means 
of terminating the sufferings of the emigrants. The good of the 



286 DISPUTES WITH THE BURMESE. 

state demands the encouragement of cultivation in this fair, fer- 
tile, and hitherto neglected district. I am decidedly of opinion 
that the whole of the emigrants should be settled together : col- 
lected, they will materially assist and comfort each other ; they 
may more easily be protected from the injuries to which their 
ignorance exposes them. Governed by their own laws and customs, 
they will soon be naturalized to the soil, increase rapidly in strength 
and numbers, and become a useful and flourishing colony, while, 
if dispersed, individuals, indeed, might derive temporary benefit, 
but the majority would probably drag out a wretched, vagabond 
life, and, at no distant period, become extinct. 

"The situation which I should recommend for their settlement is 
the district between the Mars Callis or Ramoo river, and the Naaf. 
My reasons for this choice are as follows : — 
" 1st. — The emigrants themselves prefer it. 
" 2nd. — The lands are almost entirely unoccupied, and nearly 
free of legal claims, so that their settlement on them will be less 
difficult or expensive. 

" 3rd. — They are, for most the part, under forest, and being so 
remote a frontier, hitherto subject to incursions of an active and 
audacious enemy, no other description of persons would choose to 
undertake the arduous task of clearing them. 

" 4th. — The former refugees, being already settled on the 
borders of this district, will render material assistance to this 
infant colony. 

" 5th. — The vicinity of the sea, and three navigable rivers, will 
prove an abundant resource in the article of provisions, as the 
natives of Arracan are very expert fishermen. 

" 6th. — The great and, indeed, the only objection that I know of 
to the settling of the emigrants in this district is, that it will be 
an eternal cause of jealousy to their former masters, and that 
their predatroy incursions into Arracan may provoke an inextin- 
guishable rupture with the Burmah government. 

" In respect to the first branch of this objection, I have to reply 
that the rupture was not of our seeking, and humanity has already 
decided the choice of our alternative. In respect to the second, 
assuredly every irregularity may be prevented by the establish- 
ment of a proper post on the Naaf, and the vigilant administra- 
tion of the person who may be appointed to govern this district." 
On the 18th of April, 1799, Captain Cox reported to the 



DISPUTES WITH THE BURMESE. 287 

Governor-general that lie had registered thirteen thousand of the 
emigrants, and that he had every reason to believe that there 
were between forty and fifty thousand in the province, who would 
come forward as soon as he had ground enough for their subsist- 
ence, and he reported, before he left Chittagong, in the middle of 
the year, that he had settled ten thousand four hundred and sixty 
Mughs in the district which he had recommended. Their prin- 
cipal settlement was named after him, Cox's Bazaar. 

Soon after the return of Captain Hill from his mission to 
Arracan, the Burmese monarch sent an envoy to Calcutta, who 
was received in a very friendly manner by the Marquis of Wel- 
lesley, who was then the Governor-general. The ambassador 
made very strong remonstrances respecting the encouragement 
which had been given to the emigrants. The Marquis of Wel- 
lesley replied, that the British government was willing to sur- 
render any of the Mughs who could be found to have been 
guilty of crimes which might render them, unworthy of pro- 
tection, and make it the common interest of nations to bring 
them to punishment, and that all emigrants, without distinction, 
who might be so disposed, should be at perfect liberty to return 
to their native country. A proclamation was issued at the same 
time, declaring that any subjects of the Burmese king, who 
might thereafter emigrate, should not be received within the 
British territories. 

Towards the close of the year 1800, the governor of Arracan 
peremptorily demanded the unconditional surrender of the Mughs, 
and addressed a letter to the magistrate of Chittagong, conveying 
threats of invasion if there were not an immediate compliance with 
the terms of the requisition. The Governor-general, in remark- 
ing on this commimication, states, that he would have considered 
himself justified in resorting to arms for the purpose of obtaining 
reparation for this insult, if he had not believed that the governor 
of AiTacan had acted without the authority of his court. To 
ascertain this point, and to improve our commercial and politi- 
cal relations with the Bunnese government. Lieutenant-colonel 
Symes was sent as ambassador to Ava in 1802, and, in the 
meantime, a respectable detachment, under Lieutenant- colonel 
Fenwick, was posted on the frontier of Chittagong, 

It is stated in a despatch reporting the result of this mission, 
that Colonel Symes received general assurances of the friendly 



288 DISPUTES WITH THE BURMESE. 

disposition of the Burmese court, which he impressed with full 
confidence in tlie good faith and amicable views of the British 
government. Several years elapsed, during which the question 
of the emigrants appears to have lain dormant ; but when Cap- 
tain Canning was at the Burmese court in 1 809, he ascertained 
that the king had long entertained the design of conquering the 
provinces of Chittagong and Dacca. 

During the coiirse of the year 1811, the British government 
began to experience the evil consequences of establishing the 
Mxiiih refugees in a situation which might be said to have afforded 
them a constant view of their native country, and which was too 
well calculated to keep alive the memory of their wrongs, and to 
inspire them with a restless desire to recover their ancient rights 
and former homes. Some bold adventurers belonging to the 
colony of Mughs, which had settled in Chittagong, formed them- 
selves into a band under the command of a chieftain named 
Kingberring, and commenced predatory attacks on the exposed 
country of Arracan. The Burmese troops entrusted with the 
defence of that province, retaliated by incursions into the Com- 
pany's territory ; these acts of hostility were resented, and much 
complaint and recrimination took place between the officers on 
the British and Burmese frontiers. 

In 1813, a mission from the Burmese Viceroy of Pegu reached 
Calcutta. The deputies were preceded by a person charged with 
a commission from the Burmese sovereign, professedly to pur- 
chase some of the sacred books of the Hindus at Benares. 
Although there was reason to suspect that this person had other 
designs, he was permitted to proceed ; but, instead of purchasing 
books, he spent his time in intrigues of a character hostile to the 
British government. Another officer of the Burmese government 
solicited permission to visit Delhi, on the same pretext of collect- 
ing manuscripts ; but, as it was discovered that his real object 
was the forming a confederacy among the Native powers for the 
expulsion of the English from India, the supreme government ! 
refused him permission to travel through the British provinces, 
and apprised the viceroy of Arracan that, on his furnishing a 
statement of the sacred writings and other articles required, they 
would be procured and transmitted to him, without his having 
the trouble of deputing agents. As this offer was not accepted, 
the insincerity of the pretext was at once rendered apparent. 



CONTROVERSY WITH THE BURMESE. 289 

It appears from the despatches sent home from the govern- 
ment of Calcutta to the court of directors in EngLand, that the 
attention of the supreme council during the year 1813, was fre- 
quently engaged by the rumours of active and extensive prepara- 
tions being made by the Burmese government for the invasion of 
the British territories. It was stated that the King of Ava had 
been ascertained to cherish plans for the conquest of the pro- 
vinces of Chittagong and Dacca; and that he suspected the 
British government of encouraging the repeated incursions of the 
fugitive Mughs. On the other hand, there was reason to suspect 
that Kingben-ing and his followers persevered in their predatory 
enterprizes, notwithstanding many severe defeats and failures, in 
the hope of precipitating a rupture between the British govern- 
ment and the court of Ava. They believed, and subsequent 
events showed the accuracy of their calculations, that the intole- 
rable conceit of the Burmese would lead them to provoke a war, 
by committing acts which must of necessity be resented ; and 
they entertained no doubt that in such a contest the British 
would be victorious. As a final consequence of the war, they 
anticipated the conquest of Arracan, and their restoration to their 
homes under a government of their own. 

The death of Kingberring in 1815, and the efforts made to 
preserve the peace of the frontier, seemed to have averted the 
threatened war ; it was therefore not without astonishment that 
a letter was received in April, 1816, from the Raja of Ramere, 
Governor of the Burmese frontier provinces, written in a style of 
more than ordinary bombast, and containing a demand for the 
surrender of all the Mugh emigrants, with a very plain menace 
that a refusal to comply with this demand must produce imme- 
diate hostilities. 

" The English government," says this singular document, " does 
not try to preserve friendship. You seek for a state of affairs 
like fire and gunpowder. The Mughs of Arracan are the slaves 
of the King of Ava. The English government has assisted the 
Mughs of our four provinces, and has given them a residence. 
There will be a quarrel between us and you, like fire. Formerly 
the government of Arracan demanded the Mughs from the British 
government, which promised to restore them, but at length did 
not do so. Again the Mughs escaped from your hands, came 
and despoiled the four provinces, and went and received protec- 

o 



OCfO CONTROVERSY WITH THE BURMESE. 

tion in your country. If at this time you do not restore them 
according to my demand, or make delays in doing so, the friend- 
shij) now subsisting between us will be broken." 

This letter was brought to Mr. Pechell, the magistrate at 
Chitta^on"', by the son of the Raja of Ramere, who declared that 
the contents of the letter had been dictated by the king himself, 
and were therefore not open to discussion. On communicating 
with the Governor-general, ]\Ir. Pechell was directed to answer 
the Raja of Ramere in a firm and conciliatory manner, and at 
the same time a letter was sent to the viceroy at Pegu, stating 
the reasons which induced the government to refuse the surrender 
of the Mughs. 

In this letter the Governor-general stated "that the British 
government could not, without a violation of the principles of 
justice on which it invariably acts, deliver up a body of people 
who had sought its protection, and some of whom had resided 
within its territories for thirty years ; but that no restraint was 
imposed on the voluntary return of the people to their native 
country, although no authority would be exercised for the pur- 
pose of efi'ecting their removal from the British territories : more 
especially, when there appeared to be less cause than ever for 
such a measui'e, the exertions of the British government having 
restored tranquillity : the death or captivity of Kingberring and 
his principal associates, and the return of the Mughs in general 
to industrial pursuits, having rendered the renewal of disturb- 
ances a matter of great improbability." The viceroy was assured 
that the vigilance of the British officers would be continued, and 
that any persons who might engage in criminal enterprizes would 
be punished with the utmost severity. After the full explana- 
tion which had been made of the principles, views, and resolu- 
tions of the British government, the Governor-general expressed 
himself persuaded *' that the enlightened mind of his Burmese 
majesty, would perceive the inutility of agitating a question, the 
further discussion of which could lead to no result advantageous 
to either state." 

In 1817, the chief magistrate of Chittagong issued a proclama- 
tion, threatening the emigrants, that if their incursions into the 
Burmese territories were renewed, the perpetrators should be 
delivered over to the authorities of Arracan, to be dealt with as 
they thought fit. Soon after the issuing of this proclamation, 



1^ 



CONTROVERSY WITH THE BURMESE. 291 

Charipo, one of the most daring leaders of the Mughs, committed 
a desperate robbery beyond the frontiers ; he was seized, with a 
number of his followers, and Mr. Pechell recommended that this 
incorrigible offender, with the most guilty of his associates, 
should be instantly delivered over to the Burmese government, 
as the only measure which would deter others from such guilty 
proceedings. The Marquis of Hastings was at this period absent 
from Calcutta, but the matter was taken into consideration by 
the vice-president and council. After an attentive consideration 
of the course recommended by Mr. Pechell, they rejected it as 
equally cruel and impolitic, admitting, however, the force of his 
reasoning, and stating their conviction that such an example 
would produce a sahitary and permanent impression. Their 
reasons for dissenting from his recommendations, were thus stated 
in a letter from the chief secretary of the supreme government to 
Mr. Pechell ; " that when the vice-president in council contem- 
plated the barbarous punishments, wliich the Burmese might be 
expected to inflict on the wretches delivered up to their venge- 
ance, he felt that it would be repugnant to the merciful character 
of the British nation, to expose so many persons to the vindictive 
resentment of their enemies, exasperated, as they justly were, by 
repeated aggressions. In resolving to abstain from delivering up 
the prisoners, the vice-president in council was influenced by 
the consideration that it would probably constitute an encourage- 
ment to a repetition of demands, on the part of the Burmese 
authorities, for the surrender of fugitives, and form a precedent 
which on such occasions would create a considerable degree of 
embarrassment." 

A judge of circuit was appointed to assist Mr. Pechell, in the 
trial of the offenders, but from the difficulty of obtaining the 
kind of evidence required by the Mohammedan law, Charipo and 
his party escaped conviction, though their guilt was their boast, 
and notorious to the whole country. Such a result naturally 
gave great dissatisfaction to the Burmese, and their detennina- 
tion to retaliate on the British provinces was loudly and fre- 
quently expressed. 

In 1818 the son of the Raja of Ramere arrived on a second 
mission at Chittagong ; from whence, he informed Mr. Pechell, 
that he desired to proceed to Calcutta, in order that he might 
deliver to the Governor-general, a letter, which he declared tluit 

2 



•iijO COKTROVERSy WITH THE BURMESE. 

his father had written under the direct orders of the young King 
of Ava. An authenticated copy of this letter was communicated 
I)V tlie young Raji to Mr. Pechell. The following is a summary 
of its contents : " The countries of Chittagong and Dacca, Moor- 
shedabad and Cassimbazar, do not belong to India. Those 
countries are ours. The British government is faithless ; this 
was not formerly the case. It is not your right to receive the 
revenues of these countries ; it is proper that you should pay the 
revenues of these countries to us ; if you do not pay it, we will 
destroy your country." 

There can be no doubt that the Raja of Ramere, from the very 
bcfinnino' of the Nepaulese war, had urged his sovereign to 
declare war against the British government, influenced probably 
bv a knowledge of the various intrigues and machinations 
af^ainst the Company's power, which were rife through the 
interior of India. It is probable that the Burmese monarch 
believed that the moment was favourable to liis views, and that 
he had opened some secret negociations with the Mahrattas. 
Before, however, the mission could reach its destination, the 
British arms had gained a decisive triumph over the Mahratta 
powers, and the Burmese troops had sustained a reverse in a 
contest with the Siamese. Under these circumstances, the 
Marquis of Hastings resolved to treat the obnoxious communi- 
cation as a forgery, or, at least, as an unauthorized proceeding 
on the part of the Raja of Ramere. This course was probably 
not disagreeable to the Burmese monarch, when he found that 
the grounds on which he based his confidence had slipped from 
under his feet. " By this procedure," said his lordship, " I 
evaded the necessity of noticing an insolent step, foreseeing that 
his Burmese majesty would be thoroughly glad of the excuse 
to remain quiet, when he learned that his secret allies had been 
subdued." 

The history of the Mugh emigration and its consequences, is 
not only in itself an interesting episode in the annals of British 
India, but also a necessary preliminary to an account of the 
Burmese war — the first, as we have already said, waged by the 
Company beyond the proper limits of India. We have seen that 
the dreadful cruelties which were inflicted by the Burmese on the 
inhabitants of Arracan, after their conquest of that country, drove 
the unfortunate people to seek shelter within our territories from 



CONTROVERSY WITH THE BURMESE. 293 

intolerable oppression. They came in a condition which put it 
out of the power of the British authorities to deny them shelter ; 
and local circumstances recommended that they should be located 
in a position favourable for their future subsistence. Unfortu- 
nately, the spot selected was one well calculated to exasperate 
and keep alive the angry passions of exiles ; the objections to 
such a location were, as we have seen, very strongly stated ; 
but the agent employed conceived that they might be obviated, 
and his opinions were adopted by government. 

From the day that the Mugh emigrants were permitted to 
colonize so near the frontier, the natural passions and patriotic 
resentment of this tribe, the feelings of British humanity, and 
the principles of internal government established throughout the 
Company's dominions, came into violent collision with the arro- 
gant pretensions, the offended pride, and the indignant jealousy 
of the Burmese government, which a long series of successes had 
rendered one of the haughtiest in Asia. When, in comparatively 
recent times, the exertions of the Lords Wardens of the English 
and Scottish Marches, even though they acted in concert, were 
insufficient to preserve peace on the borders, it could not be ex- 
pected that the magistrate of Chittagong, who could obtain no 
co-operation from the impracticable Burmese authorities, should 
have been able to prevent the aggressions and retaliations which 
it was easy to foresee must soon terminate in war. 

The Burmese would never have consented to the establish- 
ment of a joint court, for the trial of what our ancestors used to 
call " March-treason," or marauding crimes on the borders, and 
if they had consented, it is not easy to see how such a court 
could have been constituted. British and Burmese rules of jus- 
tice are too decidedly opposite to admit of their being united in 
one administration. We have already quoted from the letter of 
the supreme council to Mr. Pechell, the strong objections which 
existed against surrendering real or suspected offenders for trial 
to the Burmese authorities. A similar view of the question had 
been taken by the authorities in England. So early as the Gth 
of January, 1815, the court of directors, in a letter to the supreme 
government at Calcutta, observed, " We earnestly hope that you 
have not been driven to the necessity of delivering up King- 
berring, because we observe that every Mugh who is suspected 
of being a partisan of Kingberring is put to death, and that a 



294 KINGDOM OF LAHORE. 

whole village, containing about two thousand five hundred souls, 
was massacred on this account, when neither men, women nor 
children were spared. If, therefore, for the sake of avoiding 
hostilities with the King of Ava, you should have been com- 
pelled to the adoption of this measure, we trust that Kingberring 
has been the single person surrendered, and that none of his in- 
fatuated followers have been included in such surrender. Should 
Kingberring not have been delivered over to the Burmese govern- 
ment when you receive this letter, we should prefer his being 
kept in strict confinement, agreeably to the assurance given by 
the Governor-general to the Viceroy of Pegu." And in another 
letter, dated in the May of the same year, after noticing in terms 
of approbation the proposal of uniting the Burmese troops with 
the British, in the pursuit of the marauding insurgents, the court 
remarked, " We are pleased to observe, that the magistrate was 
cautioned to avoid using language which might be interpreted 
by the Raja of Arracan into a promise, on the part of our 
government, to deliver the chiefs of the insurgents into the 
hands of the Burmese authorities, in the event of their surrender- 
ing themselves to the British troops." 

The reasonable grounds which the Burmese had for discontent, 
certainly received no aggravation during the administration of 
the Marquis of Hastings. No serious incursions of the Mugh 
emigrants into Arracan had taken place subsequent to the death 
of Kingberring ; nevertheless, the tone of the communications 
and the letters of the high officers of that state, became every day 
more insolent, and an evident desire on the part of the British 
authorities to avoid a rupture, seemed only to inflame their 
proneness to hostilities. They had grossly miscalculated their 
relative strength, and had formed plans of conquest which ren- 
dered war inevitable. 

We have had frequent occasion to mention Runjeet Singh, the 
founder of the kingdom of Lahore, who had rapidly risen into 
notoriety by his union of the Sikh tribes into an organized state, 
and his establishment of a compact monarchy in the Punjab, 
long the most distressed part of Asia. As it was during the ad- 
ministration of the Marquis of Hastings, that tliis chieftain com- 
pleted his task of organizing a nation and a monarchy, it will be 
no useless task to give here a sketch of the life of this extraor- 
dinary man, and the rise and progress of his power. 



KINGDOM OF LAHORE. 295 

We have already mentioned the Sikhs of the Punjab as an 
'Xtraordinary sect, driven by persecution to exchange a creed of 
latience and submission, for a religion of violence and the sword. 
When the power of the court of Delhi, so long paramount in 
Northern India, had fallen into hopeless decay, the landholders 
of the Punjab, driven to desperation by the extortions and 
cruelties of their viceroys, had recourse to plunder for the sup- 
port of themselves and their families, and they adopted the Sikh 
religion, more military than that of the Hindiis, as a bond of 
union amongst themselves, and a means of producing popular 
excitement against their oppressors. The disunion between the 
Mussulmans, the invasions of the Afghans, and the rebellions in 
every part of the Delhi empire, favoured the growth of their 
power; and about the-year 1770, not only the Punjab, but the 
country east of the Sutlej, as far as the Jumna, was subjected to 
twelve Misuls, or associations of confederate Sikh chiefs, whose 
united forces amounted to about seventy thousand cavalry, or 
rather, what is called in India " irregular horse." The smallest 
of these Misuls was governed successively by the grandfather 
and father of Runjeet Singh, both of whom being men of valour 
and ability, possessed a moral power which compensated for the 
weakness of their military force. 

Runjeet Singh was born 2nd of November, 1780, at a time 
when his father's influence was daily acquiring fresh strength. 
He was attacked by the small pox at a very early age, was 
badly treated by the Native physicians, and having narrowly 
escaped death, recovered with the loss of an eye, and with a coun- 
tenance terribly disfigured. In his twelfth year he lost his father ; 
his mother acted as regent, and preserved the minor's inheritance 
from the rapacity of his neighbours, but she designedly neglected 
the boy's education to prevent him from becoming the rival of 
her power. He was never taught to read or write ; ample means 
were supplied to him for gratifying every youthful passion, and 
his early years were spent in the indulgence of debauchery, or in 
following the sports of the field. On attaining his seventeenth 
year, Runjeet assumed the reins of government in person, and 
one of his earliest acts was to sanction the assassination of his 
mother, whose profligacy is said to have excited such universal 
indignation, that her death was necessary to the stability of the 
throne. 



296 KINGDOM OF LAHORE. 



Between the years 1795 and 1798, the Punjab, as we have 
ah-eady mentioned, was three times invaded by Shah Zeman, 
king of the Afghans ; the Sikh chieftains fled before him, and he 
entered Lahore, the capital city, without opposition. But the 
expense of retaining the country being greater than its advan- 
tages, and the Persians having threatened an invasion of Afo-han- 
jstan, Shah Zcman returned home, leaving twelve of his guns in 
the bed of the Ghilem. Ere this, Runjeet had begun to carve 
out a kingdom for himself east of the Sutlej, but, hearing of the 
retreat of the invaders, he hastened to the Punjab, which, he 
justly believed, would afford him more favourable opportunities 
for tlic exercise of his ambition. He recovered eight of the guns 
which the Afghans had abandoned, and forwarded them to Shah 
Zeman ; the monarch was highly gratified with this mark of at- 
tention, and, in return, granted to the chieftain the investiture of 
the province of Lahore. The Mussulmans of the town readily 
yielded obedience to the mandates of the Afghan monarch ; they 
proffered their aid to Runjeet Singh, who, by thor assistance, 
expelled the rival Sikh chieftains from the city. His efforts were 
now directed to forming the Siks into a united body, ready to 
assert their independence, and, while under his guidance, they 
rapidly acquired a national organization, the Afglians were dis- 
tracted by a series of sanguinary civil wars. After asserting his 
independence, and assuming, wdth the general consent of the 
Sikhs, a royal title, the King of Lahore resolved to seize all the 
Afghan provinces east of the Indus. Towards the close of 1805, 
their reduction was all but complete, when Runjeet was re-called 
to Lahore by intelligence of the approach of the Mahratta chief- 
tain, Holkar, closely pursued by a British army under Lord 
Lake. Holkar hoped to secure the co-operation of the Sikhs, 
or, in case of failure, to continue his retreat into the Afghan 
dominions ; but, being baffled by the steadiness of Runjeet, he 
yielded to the difficulties of his situation, and concluded a peace 
with the British. Friendly messages passed between Runjeet 
and Lord Lake, but no regiJar treaty was formed. 

After a lapse of two or three years, the efforts of the King of 
Lahore to add to his dominions the territories of the independent 
Sikh chieftains between the Sutlej and the Jumna, brought him 
into hostile collision with the British government. Runjeet, 
however, was unwilling to risk a war ; he agreed to limit his 



KINGDOM OF LAHORE. 297 

dominions on the east by the boundary of the Sutlej, and he 
ever afterwards cautiously avoided everything which could give 
offence to the Company or its officers. The excellent discipline 
of the Sepoys, who accompanied the British envoy sent to con- 
clude this treaty, attracted the notice of the Sikh monarch ; he 
thenceforth became anxious to have an army instructed in Euro- 
pean tactics, and offered large rewards to the deserters that would 
enter his service. His success was rapid ; in a few months he 
had formed several regular battalions, whose drill and evolutions 
might have satisfied any but the most rigid in military discipline. 
In 1810, he tried the effect of his new soldiers, in invading the 
province and besieging the city of Mooltan, but was forced to 
retire with loss. He was, however, more successful in reducing 
to obedience the chieftains in the hills north of the Punjab. 
The civil wars of the Afghans still continued, and Runjeet took 
advantage of them to extend his dominions to the south and 
west. 

In 1812, Runjeet celebrated the marriage of his son, then only 
ten years of age, and invited Colonel Ochterlony, the British re- 
sident at Loodiana, to witness the festivities. Though the 
colonel must have been viewed with some distrust, and perhaps 
dislike, as being the official protector of the independent Sikh 
tribes on the east of the Sutlej, he was treated with great cour- 
tesy, and his opinion sought respecting the discipline of the 
Sikh battalions, and the merit of the fortifications erected 
around Lahore. Soon after, a revolution in Afghanistan com- 
pelled the dethroned monarch. Shah Sujah, to seek shelter in 
Lahore. Runjeet made the unfortunate exile a prisoner, and 
compelled him to surrender all his jewels, including the cele- 
brated Koh-i-nur, or " mountain of light;" Shah Sujah would, 
indeed, have been stripped of all his property, had he not found 
means to escape into the British territories, where he and liis 
blinded brother, Shah Zeman, were long supported by pensions 
from the East India Company. 

As we shall have occasion to refer again to this period of 
Afghan history, it will be sufficient to state here, that the revolu- 
tion was effected chiefly by the abilities and influence of Futteh 
Khan, who became the vizier of the successful candidate for the 
throne of Afghanistan. This celebrated minister applied to Run- 
jeet for assistance in reducing the province of Kashmir, the 

o 5 



298 KINGDOM OF LAHORE. 

governors of which had pretended to embrace the cause of the 
exiled monarch, but were, in reality, anxious to establish their 
own independence. On the other hand, the agents of Sh^h 
Sujah, in the court of Lahore, made large promises to engage 
Ilunjcet in supporting that monarch's restoration. The politic 
rulers of the Sikhs negociated with both parties, and deceived 
both. Wliile Futteh Khan was engaged in reducing the turbu- 
lent chieftains of Kashmir, Runjeet bribed the governor of Attock 
to yield him that important fortress, by which he at once secured 
his own dominions, and opened for himself a passage to the Afghan 
provinces west of the Indus. Futteh Khan returned hastily from 
the mountains, and attempted to recover a fortress which, ever 
since the time of Alexander the Great, has justly been regarded 
as the key of India, but he was defeated with loss, and forced to 
retire beyond the Indus. 

Kashmir now became a tempting object to the Sikhs ; it was 
invaded in the beginning of the year 1814, but the Afghans were 
in possession of all the mountain passes, and the army of Lahore 
was forced to make a very precipitate and ruinous retreat. The 
fatigues of this very difficult campaign, united to disease, pro- 
duced by the malaria of Kashmir, and an uninterrupted course of 
sensual indulgence, broke down the health of the Sikh monarch, 
and reduced him, for a time, to a state of inactivity. But, on his 
recovery in 1818, his army again took the field, and he subdued 
the province of Moultan, which rounded and secured his southern 
frontier. 

The close of that year was productive of events still more 
favourable to the growing ambition of the king of Lahore. In 
consequence of the murder of Futteh Khan, the able Afghan 
vizier, by the son of that monarch whom he had placed upon the 
throne, the numerous brothers of that minister dethroned Shah 
]\Iohammed, and parcelled out the kingdom into petty princi- 
palities, which they divided amongst themselves. Runjeet took 
advantage of their weakness and mutual jealousies ; he crossed 
the Indus, and made himself master of Peshawar. In the fol- 
lowing year he renewed his attack upon Kashmir, and the 
Afghans, no longer supported by the abilities of Futteh Khan, 
lied over the mountains and abandoned this beautiful valley. 

During the administration of the Marquis of Hastings, the 
supreme authority of the Company had been established over the 



STATE OF INDIA. 299 

entire peninsula of India ; but the British dominions were thus 
placed nearly in close contact with the frontiers of the Afghans, 
the Sikhs, the Chinese, and the Burmese nations, requiring great 
tact and delicacy of management, and which might expect, in 
case of a war, to be favoured by the insurrections of the discon- 
tented throughout the interior of India. On this account, and 
also because the empire possessed by the Company had already 
acquired an inconvenient size, the Marquis of Hastings earnestly 
deprecated any war beyond the frontiers of India, which was not 
absolutely necessary to the maintenance of British supremacy 
within the peninsula itself. 



300 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 



Lord Amherst had been an unsuccessful ambassador to Cliina 
in 1815, and, beyond what he might have learned incidentally on 
his voyage, knew nothing whatever of the East. He found India 
in a state of perfect tranquillity ; the country, indeed, had recently 
suffered severely from the cholera, and a famine had produced much 
evil in the presidency of Madras, but the country generally acqui- 
esced in the establishment of British supremacy, and the wise mea- 
sures which the Marquis of Hastings had adopted for tranquillizing 
the conquered provinces, had produced the happiest effects. The 
Mahrattas were tranquil, the Pindarries had disappeared, and the 
services of the troops were only required occasionally to pursue 
some band of robbers, composed of men who found it difficult to 
abandon their old military and predatory habits, or to check 
some refractory Zemindar, who was discontented with the regu- 
larity and punctuality which bad been introduced into the finan- 
cial administration. This calm, however, was suddenly inter- 
rupted by the breaking out of the Burmese war, of which the | 
causes have been explained in the preceding chapter. 

Hostilities were commenced by the Burmese ; their chiefs, 
without any previous attempt at explanation or negociation, 
made a night attack on the island of Shaporee, a small piece of 
land, or rather sand-bank, at the entrance of the Tek-Nauf or 
arm of the sea which divides a part of the province of Chittagong 
from Arracan. It had been customary to keep a small guard on 
this islet, for the purpose of watching the frontier and checking 
any predatory expedition of the Mughs, but the slightest danger 
Irom the Burmese was not anticipated by the Sepoys ; they were, 
consequently, easily defeated, several lives were lost, and the 
Burmese took the formal possession of what was indisputably 



BURMESE WAR. 301 

British property. WTien an explanation of this conduct was 
demanded from the governor of Arracan, he vauntingly declared 
that it was the determination of his government to retain posses- 
sion of the island, and intimated that, unless the right of the 
court of Ava to Shaporee was distinctly admitted, the sovereign 
of that country would invade the British territories. In a very 
short time after this attack, the commanding officer and some of the 
crew of the Company's cruiser, Sophia, were detained on shore 
by the Burmese, and carried into captivity ; they were ultimately 
released, hut no explanation or apology was offered for so harsh 
and unjustifiable a proceeding. Other hostile acts were com- 
mitted at the same time by the Burmese governors, on the fron- 
tiers of Assam and Munnipore ; they crossed the frontiers, drove 
off many elephant hunters, and plundered several villages. The 
local authorities, finding that all their remonstrances were disre- 
garded, drew together some companies of infantry, and resolved 
to repel the invaders by force ; but the Sepoys, being scattered 
over a wide surface, were sometimes out-numbered and severely 
handled by the invaders. Daily increasing in confidence, the 
Bunnese advanced into the province of Sylhet, and took up a 
position within five miles of its capital, and only two hundred 
and twenty-six from Calcutta. Here they were attacked by 
Colonel Brown with a very inadequate force, when the British 
were repulsed with the loss of five officers and more than a hun- 
dred men. This slight success so emboldened the Biu'mese, that 
they called upon the Raja of Jurteea to withdraw his allegiance 
from the Company, and acknowledge himself a subject of the 
King of Ava. 

Great alarm was excited in Calcutta by this intelligence ; the 
Governor-general felt that such repeated aggressions ought not to 
be endured ; he therefore issued a manifesto, by which the Bur- 
mese were declared to be public enemies ; the causes of complaint 
against them were stated at full length, and all British subjects, 
both European and Native, were prohibited from holdhig inter- 
course with them until the differences were terminated. " The 
deliberate silence of the court of Ava," said this document, " as 
well as the combination and extent of the operations undertaken 
by its officers, leave it no longer doubtful that the acts and 
declarations of the subordinate authorities, are fuUv sanctioned 
by their sovereign. The Governor -general in council, therefore, 



302 ADMIKISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

for the safety of the subjects and the security of our districts, 
already seriously alarmed and injured by the approach of the 
Burmese armies, has felt himself imperatively called on to anti- 
cipate the threatened invasion. The national honour no less 
obviously requires that atonement should be had for wrongs, so 
wantonly inflicted, and so insolently maintained ; and the national 
interests equally demand that we should seek, by an appeal to 
arms, that security against future insult and aggression, which the 
arrogance and grasping spirit of the Burmese government have 
denied to friendly expostulation and remonstrance." 

The most extraordinary want of information prevailed among 
the authorities at Calcutta regarding the Burmese nation and 
country. Little or nothing was known of the geographical aspect 
of the land, its military resources, its capability of furnishing 
provision, or the nature and amount of its population. It was a 
mere matter of conjecture whether the Biirmese were good or bad 
soldiers ; no one appeared to have the slightest acquaintance 
either with their tactics or their mode of warfare. In this state 
of things, the supreme government wavered for some time in 
determining whether it would be preferable to commence the war 
by land or by sea. It was, at one time, intended to have marched 
into Ava through Arracan ; while a subsidiary force, acting simul- 
taneously, was to proceed from Cachar ; but, on further enquiry, 
it appeared probable that Arracan would be found too unhealthy 
for such a plan of operations, and the expedition was abandoned. 

A second plan for the campaign was arranged, and somewhat 
hastily adopted. It was resolved that an army, composed of 
detachments from the Bengal and Madras presidencies, should 
proceed under convoy of a considerable squadron, and take pos- 
session of Rangoon, the chief sea-port of the Burmese empire, at 
the moiith of the Irrawaddy river. It was supposed probable 
that the mere seizure of this great emporium, would daunt the 
King of Ava, and induce him to offer terms of peace : but, in case 
of his refusal, it was intended to make Rangoon a depot for am- 
munition and military stores ; to seize the boats, which were 
known to be abundant ; and to ascend to the capital of the 
empire, six hundred miles up the river ; a second army being 
prepared to co-operate by an overland march upon Amerapoora. 
We shall soon see that all these expectations were destined to be 
disappointed. 



BURMESE WAR. ' 303 

Port Cormvallis, a convenient harbour in the Andaman Islands, 
was chosen as the place of general rendezvous, and thither the 
Beno-al division was transported in the month of April. It was 
principally composed of royal troops, for the Bengal Sepoys have 
a religious aversion to the sea, which, fortunately, is not shared 
by the Native army of Madras. While detained in Port Corn- 
wallis, waiting for the troops from Madras, the British officers 
made several attempts to open an intercouse with the few in- 
habitants of this sequestered island. Every effort proved ineffec- 
tual, the Andamanners were, as they still continue to be, savages 
in the fullest sense of the word; they shun the approach of 
civilized man, and if at any time they are discovered in the 
dense jungle which covers the entire island, and reaches to the 
very margin of the sea, never fail to evince the hostile feelings vnih 
which they regard a stranger's visit to their shores, by shooting 
flights of arrows at the boats, and flying to the interior as soon as 
a landing is effected. It was already suspected that the in- 
habitants of the opposite coast of Pegu, belonging to the same 
race, might be found equally reluctant to enter into friendly 
communications. 

Early in May the Madras troops arrived in the Bay ; owing to 
the exertions of Sir Thomas Munro, the able governor of that 
presidency, they were in the highest state of discipline and 
efficiency. The united forces were placed under the command of 
Sir Archibald Campbell, an officer who had served with much 
distinction in the Spanish campaigns, but who had little know- 
ledge of Indian warfare, or of the pecuHar habits of Sepoy 
soldiers. Commodore Grant commanded the naval part of the 
armament, which consisted of the royal ships Litfy, Larne, 
Sophie, and Slaney, several of the Company's cruisers, and a 
steam-vessel called the Diana, which was then a novelty in naval 
architecture. 

On the 10th of May, the squadron and transports anchored 
within the bar of the Rangoon river ; its arrival was totally un- 
expected by the Burmese authorities, who were thrown into 
alarm and consternation. Beacons were kindled at the different 
Chokies, or guard and custom-houses at the moutli of the river, 
which were repeated during the night by signal fires, which were 
seen blazing from every prominence in the surrounding country. 
The British officers resolved at once to push forward to Rangoon, 



301 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

hoping that the town would at once capitulate on terms of pro- 
tection, and thus at once place at their disposal the resources of 
the country, in cattle, boats, drivers, and boatmen, Avith all of 
which the expedition was wholly unprovided. 

Everv necessary arrangement having been made with the ut- 
most expedition, the fleet sailed up the river on the morning of 
the nth, with a fair wind; that remarkably fine frigate, the 
Liffy, leadino- the way. Some harmless shots were fired from 
the Chokies or guard-houses, but these were the only impedi- 
ments offered to the progress of the armaments, although, from 
the intricate navigation, and narrow channels through which the 
ships had to steer, each of them successively passed within a few 
feet of a thickly-wooded shore, where a few marksmen would 
have had perfect command of the vessels, and might have 
committed fearful havoc upon the crowded decks. Precisely at 
noon the Liffy anchored close to the principal battery at the 
kinf^'s wharf, in Rangoon, the other vessels and transports taking 
their stations successively in her rear. No interruption was 
offered to these arrangements, and, when they were completed, a 
pause of some minutes ensued, during which not a shot was fired. 
The Burmese seemed daunted, and the British officers hoped 
that the proclamations, and assurances of success which had 
been sent on shore the preceding day, would induce the people of 
the town to make an offer of capitulation. At length, the Bur- 
mese chiefs forced their followers to open a feeble fire on the 
shipping. The Liffy replied with a smart cannonade, which 
soon silenced every gun on shore ; the enemy, unable to with- 
stand her powerful broadside, fled in confusion from their works, 
and, the troops being landed, took possession of a deserted 
town. 

It now appeared that, so soon as the intelligence of the ap- 
pearance of the British on the coast had reached Rangoon, ihv 
governor, aware that the place could not be defended, directed 
the whole of the inhabitants to be assembled, and, under the 
officers and slaves of government, to be driven in a mass to tht 
inmost recesses of the jungle. This system is invariably adopted 
by the tyrannical government of Ava ; the men are in such cases 
regimented into divisions, and their unfortunate families are 
strictly guarded, in order that the women and children should be 



BURMESE WAR. 305 

hostages for the good conduct of their fathers, brothers, and hus- 
bands, whose desertion or misconduct in the field is punished by 
the slaughter of their nearest relations. 

The pity and regret which the invaders naturally felt for the 
unhappy citizens of Rangoon, expelled from their homes to 
endure the agonies of famine, and the barbarous cruelties of their 
chiefs, during the inclement rainy season which was approaching, 
soon gave way to anxiety for their own position ; they were 
deserted by the people of the country, from whom alone they could 
expect supplies ; they were unprovided with the means of moving 
either by land or water, and, during the coming monsoon, no 
prospect remained but that of a long residence in the miserable 
and dirty hovels of Rangoon, trusting to the transports for pro- 
visions, with such partial supplies as foraging parties might pro- 
cure from time to time, by distant and fatiguing marches into the 
interior of the country. 

Rangoon itself was no very desirable residence. " Its shape," 
says the author of ' Two Years in Ava,' " is oval ; and round the 
town is a wooden stockade, formed of teak planks driven a few 
feet into the ground, and, in some places, twenty feet high. 
The tops of these are formed of beams transversely placed, and 
at every four feet is an embrasure at the summit of the wall, which 
gives it a good deal the appearance of an ancient fortification. 
A wet ditch protects the town on three sides, the other is on the 
banks of the river." 

The interior of the city was scarcely more creditable to Bur- 
mese architecture, than the fortifications. " It consists of four 
principal streets intersecting each other at right angles, on the 
sides of which are ranged, with a tolerable degree of regularity, 
the huts of the inhabitants. These are solely built of mats and 
bamboos, not a nail being used in their formation ; they are 
raised invariably two or three feet from the ground, or rather 
swamp, in which Rangoon is situated, thereby allowing a free 
passage for the water, with which the town is inundated after a 
shower ; and at the same time affording shelter to fowls, ducks, 
pigs, and pariah dogs, an assemblage which, added to the inmates 
of the house, place it on a par with an Irish hovel. The few 
brick houses to be seen are the property of foreigners, who are 
not restricted in the choice of materials for building, whereas the 



,306 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

I5urmese are, on the supposition that, Avere they to build brick 
houses, they might become points of resistance against the 
government. 

" But even these buildings are erected so very badly, that they 
have more the appearance of prisons than habitations. Strong 
iron 1)ars usurp the place of windows, and the only communica- 
tion between the upper and lower stories is by means of wooden 
steps placed outside. Only two wooden houses existed much 
superior to the rest, and these were the palace of the Maywoon, 
and the Rondaye, or hall of justice. The former of these, an 
old dilapidated building, would have been discreditable as a 
barn, in England, and the latter was as bad." 

There were no stores in Rangoon, and nothing was found in 
the neighbourhood beyond some paddy, or rice in the husk ; the 
careful policy of the Burmese authorities, had removed far beyond 
reach everything that was likely to be useful to an invading 
army ; and through the entire history of the war, we shall have 
occasion to remark with how much vigilance they followed up 
the only system which could have rendered the situation and 
prospects of the invaders seriously embarassing, or have afforded 
to themselves any reasonable hope of ultimate success. Great 
anxiety was felt, for the fate of the few British merchants and 
American missionaries who were known to be residing in Ran- 
goon ; they had disappeared from Rangoon, and it appeared but 
too probable that they had been sacrificed by the barbarians. 
On enquiries being made, it was found that when the first alarm 
of the approaching armament had been given, all the foreigners 
in Rangoon were seized, chained, and confined in the king's 
Godown, or custom-house. They were repeatedly brought up 
for examination to the hall of justice, where they were rigidly 
interrogated by the governor and his assistants. But, as they 
were utterly ignorant of the intention of the British government 
to send any expedition from India, they were incai^able of giving 
any information on the subject. Their silence was attributed to 
treachery by the governor and his colleagues ; the prisoners were 
accused not only of having been aware of the invasion, but also 
of having concerted measures for the attack of Rangoon with the 
British officers. They vainly pleaded their innocence, represent- 
ing the improbability of their remaining in the country if they 
had known that war was at hand, and that the very town in 



BURMESE WAR. 307 

which they resided would be the first object of attack. These 
excuses were disregarded ; the Burmese chiefs declared that the 
captives should be put to death, and they were sent back to the 
custom-house to undergo their sentence. The guards who sur- 
rounded them in their prison, took a savage pleasure in parading 
and sharpening their instruments of execution before their eyes, 
in strewing the sand, and in making the necessary preparations 
for the work of death. The prisoners remained for many hours 
in this terrible state of suspense ; at length the fire of the Liffy 
brought matters to a crisis ; a thirty-two pound shot struck the 
Godown, where the authorities were assembled, and speedily 
broke up their meeting. The chiefs lost no time in leaving the 
city, and marched with their prisoners some . miles into the 
country. The advance of some British troops, sent to recon- 
noitre, so alarmed the Burmese escort, that they left their prisoners 
behind them in a house, where they were found and liberated by 
the British patrols. 

SirArchibald Campbell's firstoperation, was to take possession of 
the Shoedagon, or Golden-Dagon Pagoda, about two miles and 
a-half from Rangoon ; a magnificent structure, which is thus graphi- 
cally described by the intelligent author from whom we have already 
quoted. ''The approach to it, on the southern face, is through 
a fine row of mango, cocoa-nut, and other beautiful trees, leading 
from the town, and shading a capital road, at each side of which 
are monasteries or kioms, of great antiquity, and carved all over 
with curious images and ornaments, whilst here and there the 
attention is attracted by huge images of griffins and other hideous 
monsters, guarding the entrance to different pagodas. At the end 
of this road rises abruptly the eminence on which the Golden 
Dagon stands. It is encircled by two brick terraces, one above 
the other, and on the summit rises the splendid pagoda, covered 
with gilding, and dazzling the eyes by the reflection of the rays 
of the sun. The ascent to the upper terrace is by a flight of stone 
steps protected from the weather by an ornamental roof. The 
sides are defended by a balustrade representing a huge crocodile, 
the jaws of which are supported by two colossal figures of a male 
and a female Palloo, or evil genius, who with clubs in their 
hands, are emblematically supposed to be guarding the entrance 
of the temple. 

"After ascending the steps, which are very dark, you suddenly 



308 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

pass through a small gate, and emerge into the upper terrace, 
wliore the great pagoda, at about fifty yards distance, rears its 
lofty head in perfect splendour. This immense octagonal gilt- 
based monument is surrounded by a vast number of smaller 
pagodas, griffins, sphinxes, and images of the Burmese deities. 
The height of the Tee, three hundred and thirty-six feet from the 
terrace, and the elegance with which this enormous mass is built, 
combine to render it one of the grandest and most curious sights 
a stranger can notice. From the base it assumes the form of a 
ball or dome, and then gracefully tapers to a point of considera- 
ble height, the summit of which is surmounted by a Tee, or 
umbrella of open iron work, from whence are suspended a num- 
ber of small bells, which are set in motion by the slightest breeze, 
and produce a confused, though not unpleasant sound." 

For some days after the disembarkation of the troops, it was 
hoped that the British proclamations of protection would induce 
the inhabitants to return to their homes, and afibrd some prospect 
of local supplies, during the period that the invaders were ob- 
viously doomed to remain stationary ; but the removal of the 
people from their houses, was only the preliminary to a concerted 
plan, of laying waste the country in front of the British army, in 
the hope that famine would drive it from the shores. To this 
system the Burmese authorities adhered long and steadily, with 
a skill and unrelenting indiff'erence to the sufferings of the poor 
inhabitants, which too clearly marked to what extremes a bar- 
barous government and its chiefs, would have recourse in defence 
of their country. 

The policy of the Burmese was to blockade the invaders, but 
avoid the hazards of a pitched battle ; their troops, levied from 
all parts of the kingdom, formed a cordon around the British 
cantonments, capable, indeed, of being forced in any direction, 
but admirably calculated to harass and wear out the patience of 
regular troops, whether Indian or European. " Hid from our 
view," says Colonel Snodgrass, " on every side, in the darkness 
of a deep, and, to regular bodies, impenetrable forest, far beyond 
which the inhabitants and all the cattle of the Rangoon district 
had been driven, the Burmese chiefs carried on their operations 
and matured their future schemes, with vigilance, secresy, and 
activity. Neither rumour nor intelligence of what was passing 
within his posts, ever reached us. Beyond the invisible lines 



BURMESE WAR. 309 

which circumscribed our position all was mystery, or vague con- 
jecture." 

These circumstances baffled all the previous calculations of the 
English commander; he had been led to hope that the mere 
occupation of Rangoon, would induce the court of Ava to accede 
to the very moderate demands of the Governor-general. If the 
Burmese persevered, he had been taught to hope that the people 
of Pegu, living under the tyrannical sway of a government with 
wliich they had for centuries waged a war, not always unsuccess- 
ful, would embrace the opportunity of asserting their independ- 
ence, and humbling the tyrant under whose arbitrary rule they 
had so long suffered every species of degradation. It was for- 
gotten that the crushing despotism of the court of Ava, had taught 
the Peguers to look upon their masters as irresistible, and that a 
small European force could inspire little confidence into men, who 
had witnessed the unchecked conquests of the Burmese for nearly 
half a century. The hope of finding Native boats, to carry the 
invaders six hundred miles up the river, to assail a metropolis 
which no subject of Ava ever mentions or hears mentioned without 
awe and reverence, ought never to have been entertained. From 
the particular constitution of Burmese society, the boatmen of 
the Irrawaddy are more closely attached to the crown, and more 
immediately dependent on royal authority, than any other class of 
the community. " Every town on the river," says Captain 
Cox's journal, " according to its size, is obliged to furnish a gilt 
or common war-boat, and to man and keep it in constant readi- 
ness ; of these his majesty can muster from two to three hundred ; 
they carry from forty to fifty men each, and are, I think, the 
most respectable part of Ids force. As they live chiefly by rapine, 
and are in a state of constant hostility with the rest of the people, 
they are audacious, and prompt to execute any orders, however 
violent and cruel." On this occasion, the boatmen proved their 
devotion to their king, by removing every boat that was likely to 
be useful to the invading force. Such was the un^sleasant and 
hazardous condition of the British at the commencement of the 
rainy season, the longest, perhaps, that is experienced in any 
part of India, and during which no troojis could keep the field 
for twenty-four hours together. 

" To form a correct idea," says Colonel Snodgrass, " of the 
difficulties which opposed the progress of the invading army, even 



,31 f» ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

had it been provided with land carriage, and landed at the fine 
season of the year, it is necessary to make some allusion to the 
natural obstacles which the country presented, and to the mode 
of warfare practised by the Burmese generally. Henzawaddy, or 
the province of Rangoon, is a delta formed by the mouths of the 
Irrawaddy, and, with the exception of some considerable plains, 
or rice-ground, is covered by a thick and tenacious jungle, inter- 
sected by numerous creeks and rivers, from whose wooded banks 
an enemy may, unseen and unexposed, render their passage 
difficult and destructive. 

" Roads, or anything deserving that name, are wholly unknown 
in the lower provinces. Footpaths, indeed, lead through the 
W'Oods in every direction, but requiring great toil and labour to 
render them applicable to military purposes ; they are impassable 
during the rains, and are only known and frequented by the 
Carian tribes, who cultivate the land, are exempt from military 
service, and may be considered as the slaves of the soil, living in 
wretched hamlets by themselves, heavily taxed and oppressed by 
the Burmese authorities, by whom they are treated as altogether 
an inferior race of beings from their countrymen of Pegu. Those 
Carians, generally residing in the interior, at a distance from the 
large rivers, in their intercourse with one another, and in their 
continual visits to the provincial towns, travel by the footpaths 
of the jungle ; but, except by these scattered tribes, the trade and 
communication betAveen the different parts of the lower province, 
are almost wholly carried on by water. 

" The Burmese, in their usual mode of v/arfare, rarely meet 
their enemies in the open field. Instructed and trained from 
their youth, in the formation and defence of stockades, in which 
they display great skill and judgment, their wars have been for many 
years a series of conquests ; every late attempt of the neighbour- 
ing nations, to check their victorious career, had failed, and the 
Burmese government, at the time of our landing on Rangoon, 
had subdued and incorporated into their overgrown empire, all the 
petty states by which it was surrounded, and stood confessedly 
feared and respected even by the Chinese, as a powerful and 
warlike nation. When opposed to our small but disciplined 
body of men, it may easily be conceived with how much care and 
caution, the system to which their owed their fame and reputation 



BURMESE WAR. 311 

as soldiers was pursued — constructing their defences in tlie most 
difficult and inaccessible recesses of the jungle, from which, by 
constant predatory inroads and nightly attacks, they vainly ima- 
gined that they would ultimately drive lis from their country." 

The court of Ava had expected and prepared for war, but it 
had never imagined that the British forces would invade their 
frontiers, and still less that hostile operations would commence 
on the distant shores of the Pegu and Tenasserim. On the con- 
trary, they had begun to make arrangements for invading Chit- 
tagong from the firontiers of Arracan, and thus spread reports 
that, unless all claims to the island of Shaporee were immediately 
relinguished, an army of thirty thousand men, would invade Ben- 
gal and march direct on Calcutta. It was not until the English 
expedition had actually landed in Pegu, that the possibility of 
such an attempt obtained belief in the enemy's capital ; but, 
when the intelligence arrived, no time was lost in making the 
most vigorous preparations for the expulsion of the invaders. 
Every town and village within three hundred miles of the seat of 
war, sent in its contingent of armed men under the local chief; 
the Irrawaddy was covered with fleets of warriors from the towns 
upon its banks, proceeding, with all possible haste, to join the 
general rendezvous of the grand army of Henzawaddy ; and it 
was not doubted, that prompt destruction would overtake the in- 
trusive strangers, who were supposed to be shut up and surrounded 
in a distant corner of the empire. 

About the end of May, the Burmese became more daring as 
their troops increased in number ; they gi-adually approached the 
British position, and commenced stockading themselves in the 
jungle, within hearing of the advanced posts. Sir Archibald 
Campbell gave every possible encouragement to these operations, 
believing that the natural and increasing annoyance of the enemy 
might afford him abundant opportunities of making such an im- 
pression upon their forces, as might induce the court of Ava to 
sue for peace. At length, the Burmese having stockaded an ad- 
vanced corps within a very short distance of the piquets, the 
British commander resolved to lead out a reconnoitring party in 
person, especially as it had been reported that the governor of 
Shudaunsr was stationed there with a considerable force, both for 
the purpose of harassing the English outposts by desultory at- 



312 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

tacks, and also for preventing the inhabitants of Rangoon, who 
were said to be in the jungle in his rear, from returning to their 
homes and assisting the invaders. 

As the troops advanced, the stockade, being incomplete, was 
abandoned ; the enemy retired slowly before the British column, 
through a dense jungle, and, as the reconnoitring party wound its 
way through a narrow and broken track, unfinished breastworks 
and stockades hastily abandoned, proved that this forward move- 
ment had not been anticipated. As the soldiers emerged from 
the jungle into some rice fields, a violent storm of rain, such as is 
only witnessed in tropical climes, burst suddenly over them ; but, 
though obliged to leave their field-pieces behind, the troops ad- 
vanced to a narrow gorge of the plain, leading to some villages 
which the Burmese had occupied in force. On approaching the 
villages, it was observed that they were protected by two 
stockades, and the shouts of defiance issuing from these defences, 
shewed that they were occupied by warriors confident in them- 
selves and in the strength of their position. The rain had so 
wetted the muskets, that the British troops could not return the 
heavy fire which was opened on them by the enemy ; no time 
was therefore lost in closing on the hostile line ; three companies 
rushing forward, soon forced their way into the interior, and as the 
Burmese would neither give nor take quarter, a fearful butchery 
ensued of the defenders of the stockade, driven from their ram- 
parts into an unmanageable mass of confusion. The Burmese 
general made no movement to the assistance of the stockaders 
until the English were seen to be in possession of the works ; 
his whole line then moved forward with horrid yells, but, daunted 
by the firm front of the British soldiers, they again retired, 
leaving the assailants to carry off their killed and wounded. 

Though successful in this affair, and in previous reconnoisance 
up the river, where the stockaded village of Kemmadure was 
stormed by a small detachment, the English had learned to 
respect the obstinate gallantry of the Burmese, who generally 
allowed themselves to be cut down at their posts rather than fly. 
It was particularly remarked, that at Kemmadine a female war- 
rior had exhibited extraordinary courage ; she was the young 
wife of the governor of Rangoon, and was found expiring of an 
agonizing wound, the torture of which she endured with exem- 
plary fortitude, after the close of the action. Still the British 



I 



BURMESE WAR. 313 

had won a victory with very disproportionate means, and had 
every reason to anticipate a favourable result from a general 
engagement. 

This skirmish had the effect of impressing the Burmese with 
such respect for British valour, that they resolved to have recourse 
to their favorite system of intrigue and cunning, hoping to lull 
the invaders into inactivity by professions of friendship, while 
they completed the fortification of their entrenchment, and the 
equipment of their army. Sir Archibald Campbell duly appre- 
ciated the value of these professions, and did not relax in his 
arrangements for an attack upon Kemmendine, an important posi- 
tion, which the Burmese were labouring day and night to strengthen 
and secure. " The village of Kemmendine," says Snodgrass, 
" situated on the river only three miles above Rangoon, was a 
war-boat station, and chiefly inhabited by the king's war-boat 
men. The ground behind the village, elevated and commanding, 
is surrounded by a thick forest in its rear. The heights had 
been already strongly stockaded and abatised in front ; the ap- 
proach on the land-faces was also rendered difficult by a thick and 
extensive jungle, and the swampy nature of the ground towards 
the river, strengthened the works on that side." Arrangements 
were made for attacking this important post on the morning of 
the 9th of June, when it was announced that two men of rank, 
desirous of conferring with the English general, requested pass- 
ports to visit Rangoon by water. Leave was granted, and two 
war-boats soon made their appearance, from which the deputies 
landed, and proceeded to the house where the British commis- 
sioners were waiting to receive them. The two chiefs assumed 
at their entrance all the ease and familiarity of old friends, 
but it soon appeared that they were either unwilling or unautho- 
rized to enter into any discussion respecting the points at issue 
between the two powers ; they asked that a delay of a few days 
might be granted, but the motives of this request were too ob- 
vious, and it was peremptorily refused. 

At two o'clock on the morning of the 10th of June, the British 
army advanced towards Kemmendine by a road which lay parallel 
to the river, and at no great distance from its brink. About nine, 
the advancing column found its progress checked by a formidable 
stockade, protected on three sides by the jungle, and the visible 
part being fourteen feet high, protected in front by piles of 

p 



;}14 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

branches and palisades driven diagonally into the ground. Two 
eighteen-pounders were brought up to breach the work, and 
tliey opened with such effect that a great gap was soon apparent 
in its outward defences. The troops were then ordered forward 
to the assault, and, in a few minutes obtained complete possession 
of the work ; the enemy in their retreat leaving two hundred 
men dead on the ground. " At the rear gate of the fort," says 
Snod'Tass, " the gilt chattah (umbrella), sword, and spear of the 
IJurmese commander were found, the chattah much shattered by 
a shower of grape, and the body of the chief was found a few 
yards farther in the jungle. He had apparently received his 
death-wound where the emblems of command were dropped, and 
had, probably, been carried off by his attendants vmtil their own 
safety rendered it expedient to leave their burden behind them. 
The chief was said to have been recognized as the elder deputy 
of the day before, whose pacific tone had so much amused us." 

It was five in the evening when the British force came in front 
of the great Kemmendine stockade, which the enemy seemed 
resolved to defend with the greatest obstinacy. On reconnoitring 
the works, General Campbell found them much stronger than 
he had anticipated. It was resolved, therefore, to try the effect 
of a bombardment on the following morning, the troops taking 
up their position for the night, within a hundred yards of the 
enemy's stockade. The night was wet, the rain pouring down in 
torrents, but the English were kept too much on the alert to be 
conscious of all the misery of their uncomfortable situation. The 
author of ' Two Years in Ava' gives the following graphic descrip- 
tion of this extraordinary bivouac : — " The shouts of the Bur- 
mese had a curious effect, much heightened by the wild scenery 
of the dark gloomy forest that surrounded us : first a low mur- 
mur might be heard, rising, as it were, gradually in tone, and 
followed by the wild and loud huzza of thousands of voices ; — 
then again all was silence, save now and then a straggling shot 
or challenge from our own sentries, and soon afterwards another 
peal of voices would resound through the trees. This they con- 
tinued all night ; but, towards morning, the yells became fainter 
and fainter, and at daybreak they totally ceased." At dawn the 
mortar batteries opened, and, after a short bombardment, the 
columns of attack moved forward, but they only arrived in time 
to witness the last of the Bunnese retreating with the utmost 



BURMESE WAR. 315 

rapidity. The effect of shells in a crowded stockade was terrific 
to persons unused to these implements of war, and they pru- 
dently commenced the evacuation of the place soon after the 
batteries were opened. 

The victory of Kemmendine induced the Burmese to keep at a 
more respectful distance from the British lines, but it produced 
no desire for peace in the court of Ava, nor did a single native in- 
habitant return in consequence to his home. The chiefs, fully 
confident in the ultimate success of their plans, pursued their 
desolating system with unrelenting rigour, and with a success 
which rendered the invaders wholly dependent on India for the 
means of prosecuting the war. Towards the end of June, the 
Burmese seemed to have recovered from their panic ; intelligence 
was received that Sykia Woongee, third minister of state, had re- 
ceived positive orders to drive the English into the sea. About 
mid-day on the 1st of July, the threatened attempt was made ; 
large bodies of the enemy appeared issuing from the jungle to the 
right and left of the great Dagon Pagoda, which might be consi- 
dered the key of the British position. They moved towards 
Rangoon, in a line nearly parallel to the British front, and com- 
menced a spirited attack on that part of the position nearest to 
the town. Two field-pieces, served with grape and shrapnel, 
soon checked their advance, while the regiment of Madras Native 
infantry, advancing to the charge, compelled them to seek for 
safety in a rapid fiight. The first part of the Sykia Woongee's 
plan of retreat having thus failed, he did not tliink it expedient 
to persevere, but gave orders for a general retreat. When the 
news of his defeat reached Ava, he was recalled in disgrace, and 
the command of the army was conferred upon Soomba Woongee, 
the second minister of state. 

The war now lingered for a season ; the English troops suffered 
severely from the want of vegetables and fresh meat, multitudes 
sickened every day, and the mortality of the army became alarm- 
ing. Though the Burmese did not prove very formidable sol- 
diers, they were found to be the most expert thieves in existence, 
as the following ludicrous account of a plundering incident in the 
Great Pagoda, abundantly testifies : — 

" The soldiei's, for several nights previous, had missed some 
arms, although a sentry was before the door, and they generally 
slept with their firelocks by their sides. This evening every one 

r 2 



31G ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

was on the alert, extra sentries were posted, and every precaution 
taken to secure the marauders, when on a sudden, the alarm 
he'wr given, the officer on duty, who was reposing in one of the 
liUle temples, ran to the door, and inquired what had occurred; 
hut licaring that only a knapsack had hcen found in the grass, 
and that no other traces existed of the depredators, he turned 
round to lie down again, and, to his infinite astonishment, found 
that his bed had vanished ! A light was in the room, and a ser- 
vant sleeping near it, yet, notwithstanding, the impudent thieves 
had also ransacked every basket, and escaped with the contents. 
We afterwards learned that the robbers were Burman soldiers 
belonging to the camp at Kummeroot, whither they carried their 

spoils." 

Kummeroot, where the new Burmese commander had stockaded 
his arniv, was a strong position in the most difficult part of the 
forest, within five miles of the great Dagon Pagoda. A com- 
manding point on the river above Kemmendine, was also fortified 
in communication with the stockaded camp, by which the Burmese 
chief not only obstructed the navigation of the river, but obtained 
an excellent position for the construction of fire-rafts for his con- 
templated destruction of the British shipping. Sir Archibald 
Campbell resolved to attack both positions simultaneously, lead- 
ing, personally, the column designed to assail the enemy's posi- 
tion on the river, while General ^I'Bean led the division destined 
to attack Kummeroot. The enemy's position above Kemmendine 
was found to be truly formidable ; this principal stockade was 
erected on a bold projecting point, where the river divides into 
two branches ; it was provided with artillery, and defended by a 
numerous garrison. On the opposite banks, stockades were 
erected, enfilading the principal work, and all mutually defending 
each other. A naval force was sent to clear the wav, consistino- 
of a brig and three Company's cruizers, under the command of 
Captain Marryat. The Burmese guns were soon silenced by the 
superior fire of the shipping, and a preconcerted signal having 
announced that the breach was practicable, the storming partv 
p\ished acros the river in boats, soon surmounted every difficulty, 
and carried the stockade with comparatively little loss. Great 
numbers of the Burmese were killed, and many more drowned 
vhile attempting to escape by the river. 

Similar success crowned the operations of the land column ; 



BURMESE WAR. 317 

on approacliing Kummeroot, General M'Bean found liiinself sur- 
rounded with stockades of great extent and strength, occupied by 
vast numbers, who viewed his approach with ridicule and con- 
tempt. Unprovided with guns, he resolved to hazard an imme- 
diate assault on the principal works, which consisted of three 
stockades, one within the other ; the last being the head-quarters 
of Soomba Woongee, the Burmese commander-in-chief. He was 
sitting down to his forenoon repast, when the approach of the 
British troops was first announced to him, but, confident in the 
imagined strength of his position, and the valour of his men, he 
merely directed his cliiefs to proceed to their posts, and " drive 
the audacious strangers away." His repast, however, was soon 
interrupted, when the nearer approach of the rapid volleys of 
musketry shewed that the assailants had forced liis outer line of 
defence. He hasted to place himself at the head of his men, 
whom he found crowded into the centre stockade, a confused and 
helpless mass, on which the unremitting fire of the British did 
fearful execution. At length Soomba Woongee himself fell ; 
none of the other cliiefs could restore order, and the Burmese 
finally fied, leaving more than eight hundred men dead on the 
field, while the jungle and the surrounding villages were crowded 
with wounded ^\Tetches, left to perish for want of proper food and 
care. 

The capture of ten stockades, protected by thirty pieces of 
artillery, and garrisoned by vastly superior numbers, disheartened 
the Burmese, but General Campbell had no means of taking ad- 
vantage of their panic, for he was unable to advance a single 
day's march into the country. Under these circumstances, an 
expedition was sent against the maritime province of Tenasserim. 
Its principal cities were reduced with little difficulty, and, in ad- 
dition to obtaining possession of several excellent harbours, it was 
found that the climate of Tenasserim was so salubrious to Euro- 
pean constitutions, that those who had been prostrated by the 
pestilential climate of Rangoon, rapidly recovered their health and 
efficiency. 

Towards the end of July, the king of Ava, who seems to have been 
sorely perplexed to account for the continued success of a hand- 
ful of British troops over his innumerable hordes, sent down two 
of his brothers to superintend the operations of the war, accom- 
panied by numerous astrologers, who were to point out the 



ni8 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

iiioinent when the aspect of the stars was most favourable to the 
success of their plans. A more formidal)le, but scarcely less 
ludicrous portion of the princely train, was a detachment of the 
king's Invulnerables. These warriors were distinguished by the 
short cut of their hair, and by the peculiar manner in which they 
were tattooed, having the figures of elephants, tigers, and a great 
variety of ferocious animals indelibly and even beautifully marked 
upon tlicir arms and legs ; they had also gold, silver, and some- 
times precious stones, inserted in their arms, probably intro- 
duced under the skin at an early age. 

" These men," says Snodgrass, " are considered by their coun- 
trymen as invulnerable ; and, from the absurd exposure of their 
persons to the fire of an enemy, they are either impressed with 
the same opinion, or find it necessary to show a marked contempt 
for danger in support of their pretensions. In all the stockades 
and defences of the enemy, one or two of these heroes were gene- 
rally found, whose duty it was to exhibit the war- dance of 
defiance upon the most exposed part of their defences, infusing 
courage and enthusiasm into the minds of their comrades, and 
affording much amusement to their enemies. The infatuated 
wretches, under the excitement of opium, too frequently con- 
tinued the ludicrous exhibition, till they afforded convincing 
proof of their claims to the title they assume." 

The Burmese princes were warned by their astrologers to wait 
for the first lucky moon, and, as this was not very near. Sir 
Archibald Campbell, who had received information of the enemy's 
arrangements, resolved, in the interval, to attack some strong 
posts on the rivers, by which fishermen and others were pre- 
vented from bringing provisions to Rangoon. Syriam, a fort 
originally erected by the Portuguese, had been strongly stockaded, 
and all its defences repaired. A party was sent in boats to attack 
the place, and it w^as found that neither the great numerical 
superiority of the enemy, nor their formidable preparations, could 
enable them to withstand British enterprize. The Burmese, 
after a brief resistance, were driven from the fort on the Pagoda, 
leaving behind them eight pieces of cannon and a considerable 
quantity of ammunition. From the fort the English proceeded 
to the Pagoda, which ^vas still more easily captured. Among 
the plunder was found an edict, issued bv the Prince of Sarra- 



BURMESE WAR. 319 

waddy, which deserves to be inserted as a precious specimen of 
Burmese arrogance and ignorance. 

It is addressed to Semeboon, Mayoon and Attawoon, that is 
governor and collector of the district, and is couched in the fol- 
lowing terms : — 

"In order that not one of the wild foreigners may escape from 
being destroyed and slain, they must be apprehended by covering 
the face of the earth with an innumerable host, to accomplish which 
effectual measures are in progress. 

" Should you, from observation, judge the place and prepara- 
tions going forward at Syriam to be ineligible or inadequate, you 
will make such alterations as you may consider necessaiy, that 
the strength and stability of the post may be fully established. 

" On the people of Syriam strict authority must be enforced, 
for there are some among them who slight your orders. You will 
place guards at the entrances of all the creeks connected with the 
river, where they must constantly watch. 

"(Signed) " Shoemandogee Mandoun." 

Among other affairs of posts, the attack of a stockade on the 
Dolla river deserves to be mentioned. The detachment sent on 
this expedition was suddenly exposed to a heavy fire of grape 
and musketry, from concealed enemies. Great loss was sustained 
before the troops could land and form ; but then, though three 
officers and fifty men had fallen, the survivors forced their way 
into the redoubt, which was deserted on their entrance. 

At length, information was received that the astrologers had 
fixed a propitious time for the attack of the British position. Sir 
Archibald Campbell took the necessary precaution to resist the 
attempt, which was made at midnight on the 30th of August. 
The Invulnerables rushed boldly up the road leading to the great 
Pagoda, shouting out threats and imprecations against the im- 
pious strangers whose presence defiled that sacred place. The 
English remained perfectly still, until the dense multitude had 
agproached the gateway ; then the guns opened with heavy dis- 
charges of grape, followed by volleys of musketry, which did 
fearful execution in their crowded ranks. In a short time the 
Invulnerables lost all courage, and fled back to the jungle, 
leaving the plain strewed with the dead and dying. An incident 
in auotlier part of the line, recorded by an eye-witness, deserves a 



320 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

passing notice : — " A piquet of one hundred Sepoys was likewise 
att'ickcd, and, while the men were drawn up to receive the Bur- 
niahs in front, some of these latter contrived to creep to the rear, 
and enter the house which the piquet occupied, from whence 
they carried off the Sepoys' knapsacks !" 

General Campbell resolved to follow up his success, by driv- 
ing the Burmese from all their posts in the vicinity of Rangoon. 
For this purpose, Major Evans was sent with about three 
hundred men, to ascend the Lyne river, while Colonel Smith 
with the li"-ht division, consisting entirely of Sepoys, made an 
advance on the road to Pegu. After clearing several stockades, 
Colonel Smith learned that a large division of the enemy, with 
some cavalry, elephants and gims, had established themselves 
in a fortified pagoda at Kykloo ; he therefore sent to General 
Campbell, for an European re-inforcement, which he considered 
necessary to infuse courage into the Sepoys. This reasonable 
request was refused, with something like an imputation on the 
motives by which it was dictated. The colonel, thus taunted, 
resolved to hazard an assault. All the officers displayed great 
courage and conduct, but it was impossible to induce the Sepoys 
to advance against the Burmese, whose physical strength is 
greater than that of any other Asiatic nation. It was at length 
necessary to give the signal for retreat, after a severe loss had 
been incurred in killed and wounded. This unhappy result, 
which was clearly owing to the want of a European detachment 
to cheer and support the Sepoys, was made the subject of in- 
jurious and unworthy comment. Although Colonel Smith 
completely exonerated himself in the minds of all fair and 
honourable men, competent to pronounce an opinion upon the 
subject, yet the circumstance weighed so heavily on his high- 
spirited and sensitive mind, that he never held his head up 
afterwards, but gradually sunk into an early grave, the victim 
of unmerited imputations. 

We must now turn our attention to Arracan, where the Bur- 
mese had begun to make preparations for invading Bengal. 
Maha Bandoola, their leader, advanced with a strong corps to 
Ramoo, which surrounded and attacked a small British detach- 
ment left to defend that post. After a gallant resistance, the 
British were overwhelmed by numbers and almost totally 
destroyed. On hearing of this disaster, the commanding officer, 



BURMESE WAR. 321 

who was marching to the relief of Ramoo, retired on Chittagong, 
which he supposed would be the next place attacked. The 
Burmese, however, made no effort to follow up their success, and 
before Bandoola could pre^Jare for any fresh enterprise, he was 
recalled to take charge of the defence of his country. 

This trifling affair excited a most extraordinary alarm through- 
out Bengal ; the peasants on the frontiers, fled from the fields, 
reports were circulated that the Burmese were invincible, and 
the Native merchants of Calcutta, were with difficulty dissuaded 
from removing their families and property. It subsequently 
appeared probable that these alarms, and the unhappy mutiny at 
Barrackpore, were in some degree excited by the Peishwa and 
the other Mahratta chiefs at Benares, who had been left in 
jjossession of wealth and power by the unhappy policy of Sir 
John Malcolm. 

At the end of the rainy season, the British in Rangoon, began 
to entertain more favourable views of their situation, than they 
had ventured to indulge since their first occupation of the place. 
A great improvement in the health of the troops was manifest at 
the beginning of November, and the promise of an early movement 
in advance, had its influence even upon the hospitals, inspiring 
the sick with an ardent desire to be able to join their comrades 
in tiie approaching operations. Five hundred JMugh boatmen 
had arrived from Chittagong, and were busily employed in pre- 
paring boats for river-service, and a re-inforcement had arrived, 
consisting of two British regiments, some battalions of Native 
infantry, a squadron of cavalry, a troop of horse artillery and a 
rocket-corps. Transports with draught-cattle were beginning to 
arrive, and the men were busily preparing for march, when their 
attention was directed to the near approach of Maha Bandoola 
and his army. 

Bandoola was the best general in the Burmese service, and his 
army was the most formidable that the court of Ava had ever 
sent into the field. Notice of the enemy's approach was fortu- 
nately obtained, by an intercepted letter from the new general to 
the ex-governor of Martaban, in which he notified having left 
Prome at the head of an invincible army, with horses and 
elephants, and all manner of warlike stores, for the purpose of 
capturing, or expelling, the English from Rangoon. On the 
30th of November, the Burmese army was assembled in the 

p 5 



322 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

extensive forest in front of the Shoedagon Pagoda ; their lines, 
fxtendin"- from the river above Kemmendine in a semicirciilar 
direction, towards the village of Puzendown, could be distinctly- 
traced by the columns of smoke rising above the forest from the 
watch-fires of the different bivouacs. A distant hum of voices 
was heard from this multitude, as if they had established them- 
selves for the night, but darkness scarce set in when it ceased ; 
and there was heard in its room a sound as of heavy columns 
marching, which drew onwards till it seemed to approach to the 
very edge of the jungle. The utmost degree of watchfulness, it will 
readily be imagined, prevailed within the Golden Pagoda, where 
both officers and men anticipated a furious assault as soon as the 
dawn should return ; nor was there any disposition to relax, 
notwithstanding that the woods began to resound ere long, with 
blows of the axe and hammer, and the crash of falling trees. 
Yet, the day broke without realizing, in this quarter at least, 
the expectations which men had formed. The enemy continued 
perfectly still, under cover of the forest, contenting themselves, 
as it appeared, with watching the manoeuvres of the English, 
and hindering them from detaching to support the point against 
which their first efibrts were directed. 

" The day had scarcely dawned on the 1st of December," 
says Colonel Snodgrass, " when hostilities commenced with a 
heavy fire of musketry at Kemmendine, the reduction of that 
place being a preliminary to any general attack upon our line. 
The firing continued long and animated ; and from our com- 
manding situation at the Great Pagoda, though nearly two miles 
distant from the scene of action, we could distinctly hear the 
yells and shouts of the infuriated assailants, occasionally returned 
by the hearty cheer of the British seamen, as they poured in 
their heavy broadsides upon the resolute and persevering masses. 
The thick forest which separated us from the river, prevented 
our seeing distinctly what was going forward ; and when the 
firing ceased, we remained for a short time in some anxiety, 
though in little doubt, as to the result of the long and spirited 
assault. At length, however, the thick canopy of smoke, which 
hovered over the fierce and sanguinary conflict, gradually dissolv- 
ing, we had the pleasure of seeing the masts of our vessels lying 
at their old station off the fort, a convincing proof that all had 
ended well on our side." 



BURMESE WAR. 323 

Six or seven different divisions of the Burmese were dis- 
covered in the course of the forenoon, marching across the plain 
of the Dalla river. As they advanced towards Rangoon, the 
appearance of the chiefs on horseback, with their gilt chattahs or 
umbrellas glittering in the sun, produced a most imposing effect, 
v/hich would, probably, have been dissipated by a closer inspec- 
tion of the disorderly mob of their followers — a crowd rather than 
an army. Later in the day, several very dense columns were 
seen issuing from the forest, about a mile in front of the east face 
of the great Pagoda, their lines being decorated with an extraor- 
dinary profusion of flags and banners. The several divisions took 
up their position on the crest of a sloping woody ridge in front of 
the Pagoda, resting on the river at Puzendown, which was 
strongly occupied by cavalry and infantry. " These," says 
Snodgrass, " formed the left wing of the Burmese army. The 
centre, or the continuation of the line from the great Pagoda np 
to the Kemmendine, where it again rested on the river, was 
posted in so thick a forest as to defy all conjecture as to its 
strength or situation. In the course of a few hours we thus 
found ourselves completely surrounded, with the narrow channel of 
the Rangoon river alone unoccupied in our rear, and with only the 
limited space v/ithin our lines which we could still call our own. 
The line of circumvallation taken up by the enemy obviously ex- 
tended a very considerable distance, and divided as it was by the 
river, injudiciously weakened his means of assailing us on any 
particular point ; but, as far as celerity, order, and regularity are 
concerned, the style in which the different corps took up their 
stations in the line, reflected much credit on the arrangement of 
the Burmese commander. 

" When this singular and presumptuous formation was com- 
pleted, the soldiers of the left columns also laying aside their 
spears and muskets, commenced operations with their entrench- 
ing tools, with such activity and good will, that, in the course of 
a couple of hours, their line had wholly disappeared, and could 
only be traced by a parapet of new earth, gradually increasing in 
height, and assuming such forms as the skill and science of the 
engineers suggested. The moving masses which had so very 
lately attracted our anxious attention, had sunk into the ground ; 
and to any one who had not witnessed the whole scene, the exist- 
ence of these subterranean legions would not have been credited : 



324 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

the occasional movement of a chief, with his gilt chattah (um- 
brella) from place to place, superintending the progress of their 
labour, was the only thing that now attracted notice. By a dis- 
tant ol)server, the hills covered with mounds of earth, would have 
been taken for anything rather than the approaches of an attack- 
ing enemy ; but to us, who had watched the whole strange pro- 
ceeding, it seemed the work of magic or enchantment." 

In the afternoon, a strong English detachment under Major 
Sale, made a sortie in order to discover how the hostile force was 
arranged. As this movement was wholly unexpected by the 
Burmese, they were unprepared for resistance ; they were taken 
in flank, and driven from their cover with considerable loss, and 
a great quantity of their arms and tools were destroyed before 
they could muster their forces to drive back the daring assailants. 
This successful cnterprize obtained for the British some new in- 
formation respecting the Burmese mode of warfare, and the 
manner in which they push forward their approaches. Their 
trenches were found to be a succession of holes, capable of con- 
taining two men each, and excavated so as to afford shelter, both 
from tlie weather and the fire of an enemy ; even a shell lighting 
in the trenches, could only kill two men at the miost. " As it 
is not the Burmese system to relieve their troops in making 
these approaches, each hole contained a sufficient supply of rice, 
water, and even fuel, for its inmates ; and under the excavated 
bank, a bed of straw or brushwood was prepared, in which one 
man could sleep while his comrade watched. When one line of 
the trench is completed, its occupiers, taking advantage of the 
night, pushed forward to where the second line is to be opened, 
their place being immediately taken up by fresh troops from the 
rear, and so on progressively, the number of trenches occupied 
varying according to the force of the besiegers, to the plans of 
the general, or to the nature of the ground." 

In the evening, the Burmese returned to their trenches and 
recommenced their labours. Soon after sunset a fierce attack 
was made upon the post of Kemmendine, while, on a sudden, 
the heaven and the whole surrounding country, became brilliantly 
illuminated by the flames of several tremendous fire-rafts, which 
had been set to float down the river for the purpose of destroying 
the shipping in Rangoon ; and these were followed by war-boats, 
ready to take advan'age of any confusion which might ensuf 



BURMESE WAR. 325 

should some of the vessels be fired. The skill and intrepidity of 
the British seamen averted the danger ; entering their boats, they 
grappled with the fire-rafts, and ran them ashore upon the banks 
of the river, where they were harmlessly consumed. The attack 
upon Kemmendine was repulsed at the same time, with heavy 
loss to the assailants. 

" The fire-rafts, upon examination, were found to be ingeniously 
contrived and formidably constructed, made wholly of bamboos 
firmly wrought together, between every two or three rows of 
which a line of earthen jars of considerable size, filled with petro- 
leum or earth -oil, and cotton, were secured. Other inflammable 
ingredients were also distributed in different parts of the raft, and 
the almost unextinguishable fierceness of the flames proceeding 
from them, can scaicely be imagined. Many of them were con- 
siderably upwards of a hundred feet in length, and were divided 
into many pieces, attached to each other by means of long hinges, 
so arranged that when they caught upon the cable or bow of any 
ship, the force of the current would carry the ends of the raft 
completely round her, and envelop her in flames from her deck 
to her main-topmast-head, with scarcely a possibility of extri- 
cating herself from the devouring element." Kemmedine was a 
point from v.'hicli these formidable rafts could be launched almost 
with a certainty of reaching the shipping in the harbour, and 
hence arose Maha Bandoola's great anxiety to become master of 
that important post. 

For three or four days, Sir Archibald Campbell allowed the 
Burmese to push forward their approaches until they had come 
within half musket-shot of the British lines. So soon, however, 
as the enemy had brought their munitions and warlike stores 
from the jungle into their entrenchments, it was resolved to make 
a decisive attack. Two columns were mustered for this service, 
under the command of Majors Sale and Walker, while a flotilla 
of armed boats, under the direction of Captain Chads, proceeded 
up the Puzendown creek, and opened a heavy fire on the rear of 
the enemy's entrenchments. On the morning of the 5th, the 
columns advanced ; that commanded by Major Walker at first 
encountered a spirited resistance, and its leader fell ; but the 
troops pressed forward, and drove the Burmese from trench to 
trench at the point of the bayonet. Major Sale's column forced 
the centre with great ease, and the British columns uniting, drove 



ICJO ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

till- nurmcsc from every part of the works into the jungle, leaving 
the ground behind them covered with the dead and wounded, 
with all their guns, entrenching tools, and a vast quantity of 

small arms. 

Notwithstanding his repeated failures and defeats, Bandoola 
shewed that he was resolved to persevere, and his troops laboured 
with unabated zeal in making their approaches to the Great 
Pa"oda. On the morning of the 7th, four columns of attack 
emerged from the British lines, and, after sustaining a heavy 
fire, forced thek way into the trenches ; the Burmese immediately 
gave way, they were precipitately driven from their numerous 
works, curiously shaped, and strengthened by many strange con- 
trivances, into the thick forest in their rear. On the evening of 
the same day, a British detachment proceeded from Rangoon to 
atUick the enemy's position at Dalla, which had, hitherto, enabled 
them to keep Kemmendine in a state of siege. They succeeded 
with very little loss, and thus the Burmese were driven from 
their entire position, with the loss of all their guns and the whole 
materiel of their army. It was impossible to ascertain the num- 
ber of the slain, as it was the practice of the enemy to remove 
and conceal the dead, which they could effect the more easily 
on account of the thick forest in their rear. Notwithstanding 
the exertions and threats of Bandoola, hundreds of his men 
deserted him after his reverses ; he had also reason to fear that 
his tyrannical sovereign would take vengeance on him for a series 
of defeats, rendered more disgraceful by his former vaunts, and he 
resolved, if possible, to maintain his ground. 

About four miles in rear of his scene of operations for the re- 
duction of the Golden Pagoda, Bandoola had established an 
army of reserve, which was busied all this while in stockading 
and otherwise rendering defensible, a position of which the village 
of Kokien formed the key. To it he now retreated, where con- 
siderable reinforcements meeting him, he found that he could 
still muster five-and-twenty thousand men under arms, with 
which he determined to risk another action, should the English 
venture to attack. Not content, however, to rely upon the 
valour of his soldiers, he bribed some of the few inhabitants 
which had returned to Rangoon, to set fire to the city ; under 
the idea that, amid the confusion attendant on such event, an 
opportunity might present itself of acting again on the offensive. 



BURMESE WAR. 327 

The fire, however, was speedily extinguished, and on the 15th, 
the army advanced for the purpose of attacking, at three different 
points, the intrenchments at Kokien. Never was movement at- 
tended with more perfect success. The enemy maintained a 
heavy fire so long as the troops were rushing on, hut fled when- 
ever the heads of the columns hegan to penetrate the works ; 
and the line of entrenchments was carried with comparatively 
little loss to the assailants, the slaughter among the fugitives 
being absolutely appalling. It is computed, indeed, that, from 
the 1st to the 15th of December, there fell of the Burmese not 
less than six thousand men, of whom many were chiefs and 
officers of rank, while the total of the British killed and wounded, 
did not exceed forty officers and five hundred rank and file. 

We have already mentioned the preposterous alarm which was 
produced in Calcutta, when intelligence was received of the slio^ht 
successes obtained by the Burmese in Chittagong. Unfortunately, 
this panic spread farther, and a report was studiously circulated 
among some of the Sepoy regiments, that the Burmese were in 
possession of certain charms Avliich rendered them invulnerable, 
and that the spell could not be dissolved by lead or steel. This 
strange rumour was very generally believed by the credulous 
Natives of Bengal, and, added to their sujDerstitious hatred of the 
sea, made many of them secretly resolve not to form part of the 
reinforcements which were about to be sent to Rangoon. Their 
reluctance to embark, was greatly increased at this critical moment, 
by the appearance of an order for curtailing the extra allowances 
which had been previously made to troops about to take the 
field. Several minor causes of dissatisfaction existed, and the 
discontent of the Sepoys was secretly aggravated by the machi- 
nations of some of the Native inhabitants of Calcutta, and by re- 
ligious impostors, who were believed to have been hired by some 
of the state prisoners at Benares. All these causes combined to 
produce a most formidable mutiny, of which the following sum- 
mary account is given by ]\Ir, Gleig : — " In the cantonments of 
Barrackpore, there were quartered the 26tli, the 47th,- the 62nd, 
and the 10th regiments of Bengal infantry. They were all under 
orders for service, some being directed to march upon Arracan, 
others to prepare for embarkation ; but, when directed to parade 
on the morning of the 31st of October, in order that their ap- 
pointments might be inspected, the 47th positively refused to 



328 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

turn out. Every exertion was made by the European officers to 
overcome the spirit of disaffection, but without effect. Portions 
of the (j2i)d and of tlie 10th joined the mutineers ; and, for a few 
hours, matters wore an extremely unpleasant appearance. But 
the Royals, and the King's 49th, which had not yet quitted Cal- 
cutta, were promptly moved to the scene of difficulty, and a 
brigade of guns was planted, so as to command the rear of the 
malcontents when drawn up upon the esplanade. Another effort 
was then made to lead them into submission ; they rejected it, 
and the guns immediately opened. Nearly two hundred men 
were cut to pieces where they stood ; and the remainder being 
disarmed, the ringleaders were put to death, the No. 47 erased 
from the Army List, and the mutiny effectually suppressed. 
There was no longer the slightest reluctance manifested to pro- 
ceed either to Arracan or Pegu ; nor was any bad impression 
left upon the minds either of soldiers or people, by the act of 
terrible but necessary severity, which had been perpetrated." 

After the defeat of Bandoola at Kokien, many of the inha- 
bitants of Rangoon returned to their homes, and the population 
of the city was further increased by multitudes of deserters, who 
brought with them numerous articles of provision and convey- 
ance, which proved eminently useful to the invaders. StUJ, 
there was a sad lack of means by which to move an army of ten 
thousand men, through a country where it was felt that no reli- 
ance could be placed on the aid of the inhabitants ; and where 
any deficiency of provisions, or inten-uption of the line of com- 
munication, might be attended with the worst consequences. As 
it was manifest, however, that the war would be protracted for 
ever, unless an attempt were made to penetrate into the interior, 
Sir Archibald Campbell resolved to march against Prome with 
one column, while General Cotton proceeded in boats with 
another division, to the same destination. A detachment under 
the command of JNIajor Sale, was, at the same time, directed to 
reduce the important town of Bassein. On the 1 1th of February, 
1825, the march was commenced; no enemy appeared, but 
miles upon miles of stockading, proved that the Burmese had, at 
one time, resolved to check the progress of the invaders ; while 
numerous tracks of elephants, and other marks of extensive 
bivouacs, shewed that they were not deficient in numbers to dis- 
pute a passage. The few villages of the district through which 



BURMESE WAR. 



329 



the route of the land-column lay, had been destroyed, the inha- 
tants driven into the interior, and every vestige of their dwellings 
swept away. The wild-hog and tiger had alone escaped the general 
persecution, and now retained undisputed possession of the woods 
and the once fertile plains. The cultivators of the soil belong 
to a tribe called the Carians ; one of their villages escaped the 
general ruin, and it offered an extraordinary spectacle to the 
British troops. " The houses of these strange people are of the 
most miserable description — mere pigeon-houses perched in the 
air on poles, with a notched stick as the sole means of egress and 
ingress to the dwelling; they are, however, well adapted for pro- 
tecting their inmates fi'om the ravages of the periodical deluge, 
the still more destructive inroads of prowling tigers, in which the 
woods abound. The Carians, although the quietest and most 
harmless people in the world, are, nevertheless, of the strongest 
and most robust frame. The cultivation of the land in Pegu and 
the lower provinces, is in a great measure left to them ; and, 
although their numbers are very limited, such is the fertility of 
the soil, that they not only keep up the consumption of their 
own districts, but annually send large quantities of grain to the 
royal granaries, for the use of the less fertile provinces of Upper 
Ava. They pay heavy taxes to government, but are free from 
the conscription laws, and are never called upon for military ser- 
vice. The women generally bear the marks of premature old 
age, probably from a too liberal share of the hard work falling to 
them, which, in more civilized countries, devolves wholly upon the 
male inhabitants. These people appeared heartily glad to see us, 
and cheerfully assisted in repairing the roads ; they also brought 
ducks, fowls, and other articles for sale, for which they found a 
ready and most profitable market. They wilhngly undertook to 
carry letters and communications from one corps of the army to 
another, and no instance occurred of their having disappointed or 
deceived their employers." 

At Mophee was found the splendid mansion of Maha Bandoola, 
built for him when coming down to Rangoon in all the pomp of 
state ; it had not been inhabited since he left it, for the Burmese 
laws punish with death, any person who inhabits a house of a 
higher order of architecture than that to which he is entitled by 
his rank. The town of Lain, prettily situated on the banks of 



3.30 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

the river of the same name, was found uninjured, but nearly 
deserted ; those peasants who remained in their houses were found 
favourably disposed ; they willingly brought buffaloes and other 
necessaries into the camp. On the 2nd of March, the invaders 
reached Sarrawah, a large and populous town on the Irrawaddy, 
a place of considerable trade, and the depot for the war-boats of 
the Burmese monarch. 

The troops appear to have been greatly struck with the 
magnificence of the river, which now, for the first time, rolled 
its mass of waters before them. Of great depth, and exceedingly 
rapid in its course, it is described as measuring, even during the 
droughts, about eight hundred yards in width ; nevertheless, the 
admiration with which all ranks were disposed to regard it, suf- 
fered a serious interruption, when it was discovered that the 
population had hastened to place its channel between them and 
the strangers. Sarrawah, indeed, like Rangoon, when first ap- 
proached, was entirely deserted. It was evident, moreover, that 
the migration had only now been completed, inasmuch as crowds 
still lingered on the opposite bank, whom all the efforts of the 
general, though exercised through the agency of one or two old 
priests, failed to bring back to their homes. 

" At Sarrawah," says the author of ' Two Years in Ava,' 
" were many handsome kioums, or monasteries, containing large 
collections of Gaudinas, of different sizes and materials ; these 
were ranged on stands, richly ornamented with stained glass and 
gilding fancifully disposed in several grotesque shapes, and sur- 
lyounted by canopies, on which the same species of ornament 
bore a conspicuous part. About the apartments were numerous 
offerings of the pious ; and in one of the houses a book was found, 
which may be considered as of great importance, as showing the 
estimation in which this nation was held by a very insignificant 
power in Europe, at a time when we, its immediate neighbours, 
must have been enveloped in shameful ignorance of everything 
concerning it. This was a plain and simple exposition of the 
Christian faith, in the Latin and Burman languages, and printed 
at the press of the Society for the Propagation of the True Faith 
at Rome, in 1785." The same authority goes on to inform us, 
that " on inquiry, I found that about that period some Italian 
priests were settled near Ava, and taught Latin to several 



BURMESE WAR, 331 

people, and among others, to Mr. Gibson."* " For many years 
past, no persons of the Roman Catholic persuasion have visited 
Ava as missionaries ; but the religion is still follovped by a few 
individuals, and is represented by priests of that race miscalled 
Portuguese, who, from their intermarriage with the natives of 
India, now retain but little trace of their origin, except the 
dialect, which still remains to them, of the language of their 
forefathers." 

The sound of cannon in the direction of Donoobew showed 
the falsehood of the report that this place had been evacuated by 
Maha Bandoola, but, as no one believed in the possibility of a 
repulse. Sir Archibald Campbell continued to advance for the 
purpose of occupying Prome and cutting off the retreat of the 
Burmese. He had not, however, proceeded two days journey be- 
yond Sarawah, when he received the unwelcome intelligence that 
the attack on Donoobew had failed. It was, therefore, necessary to 
make a retrograde march, for the purpose of obtaining possession 
of a place so important to the success of the plan of operations 
which had been formed for the campaign. 

Late on the evening of the 24th, the column, after an exhaust- 
ing march, reached a village, from whence the position which Ban- 
doola occupied at Donoobew became, for the first time, visible. 
The spectacle was very striking, for the works were extensive, 
and apparently full of troops ; while the river was crowded above 
the stockade by swarms of Burmese war-boats. As the army 
approached, bodies of cavalry hovered along its flank, and the 
war-boats, starting from their anchorage, came in close to the 
brink of the river, and opened their fire. Nevertheless, no check 
was made ; and, on the 25th, a position was taken up within 
cannon-shot of the stockades ; while General Campbell, at- 
tended by his chief engineer, proceeded to reconnoitre. He 
found that they embraced an oblong square, which measured 

* A remarkable personage, a native of Madras, the son of an English 
father and a low-caste mother, called Gibson, who had spent all his days in 
Ava, and stood high in the confidence of the government. He joined the 
British army at Rangoon, and astonished the heads of departments by his 
knowledge of general history, and his acquaintance with the English, the 
Portuguese, the French, and a whole host of Eastern languages ; he also 
added a little, by means of a rude map, to the information of which Colonel 
Symes's work had already made them masters. 



3.32 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

about a thousand yards in length, by five hundred in breadth ; 
and that they masked the brick walls of an old Pegu fortress, 
round three sides of which a moat was drawn, the river washing 
tlie fourth. It was therefore quite impracticable to accomplish, 
with his limited means, even an imperfect investment ; and the 
camp was, in consequence, pitched so as to rest one flank on the 
river, and leave the other to be protected, as it best might, by 
the piquets. 

The day passed over quietly enough ; for an occasional attempt 
to annoy by a fire from the war-boats, scarcely sufficed to dis- 
turb the tranquillity of any one. The piquets, too, were strong 
and well posted : and as the night brought with it a bright and 
cloudless moon, both men and officers lay down to rest wthout 
any apprehension of danger. Considerable uneasiness had, in- 
deed, prevailed since morning, not because of the proximity of 
the enemy, but because, as yet, no intelligence of General Cot- 
ton's approach had been received, and the exhausted stock of the 
Commissariat threatened, in the event of his protracted absence, 
to occasion little short of famine in the lines. But these causes 
of care and care itself were alike forgotten, when the rapid dis- 
charge of thirty or forty muskets, and the immediate running in 
of the piquet on the right flank, suddenly called the men to their 
guns, and caused them to prepare for battle. In a moment there 
arose a discordant yell, while a crowd of Burmans rushed towards 
the camp, and began a desultory fire on all sides. It was a 
bold manoeuvre on Bundoola's part, and well worthy of his 
established reputation ; but it failed to produce any effect. The 
latter part of the night was very dark, and enabled the enemy to 
carry off their killed and wounded, wliich could not be few. The 
loss of the British was three killed, and about twenty wounded. 

On the morning of the 27th, the flotilla conveying the marine 
column, was seen in full sail up the river. The Burmese made 
the most desperate efforts to resist its progress, opening a heavy 
fire on the vessels from their war-boats and their batteries ; but 
thirteen of the former were soon captured by the steam-vessel, 
while to the latter an effective reply was made, both by the guns 
of the flotilla and the field-pieces on shore. In like manner a 
sortie, in which seven elephants took a part, was repelled with 
great slaughter; the body-guard charging both elephants and 
cavalry, and overthrowing them in quick succession. The result 



BURMESE WAR. 333 

was, that mortars, battering guns, and all things else of which the 
army stood in need, were landed that night, and that a heavy 
bombardment was immediately commenced, with the most destruc- 
tive effect. This was followed by the erection of batteries, which 
opened a steady fire on the 1st of April, and on the 2nd, dispo- 
sitions were made, as soon as the breaches should be deemed 
practicable, to carry the place by assault. But the day had 
scarcely dawned, when a couple of prisoners, escaping from the 
fort, came in with intelligence which excited no trifling degree of 
astonishment. It appeared that Bundoola had been killed 
on the previous day by a fragment of a shell ; that the troops 
refused to obey any other officer, or to remain in Donoobew, and 
that the works were evacuated in the dead of the night, with a 
degree of regularity which set the vigilance of the besiegers at 
defiance. Nothing, therefore, now remained but to take posses- 
sion of the abandoned redoubt ; and, after making such fresh 
arrangements as the altered condition of the army required, to 
recommence, with as much celerity as possible, the march to 
Prome. 

As the ti'oops advanced, various efforts were made by the 
Burmese to delay their march, by engaging the general in 
treacherous negociations, and, when these proved ineffectual, 
the Prince of Sarrawunty burned and laid waste the villages on 
the route, driving thousands of helpless, harmless people from 
their homes into the woods. Prome was abandoned as the Ens- 
lish advanced, anA cantonments were provided for the troops in 
its neighbourhood,* as the setting in of the rainy season, early in 
June, put an end to the operations of the campain. Every 
encouragement was now held out to the terrified inhabitants, 
who had either fled to ihe jungle, or been driven away by their 
police to return to their homes. Their houses were left unoccu- 
pied ; their little property scrupulously guarded and preserved ; 
while proclamations, inviting them to return to their former resi- 
dences, and prom.ising protection, and liberal payment for the 
fruits of their industry, were distributed as much as possible 
throughout the country. 

The happy result of these measures exceeded the most san- 
guine expectations. The persecuted inhabitants poured in from 
every quarter ; some from the woods, bringing their families, 
cattle, waggons, and other property belonging to them ; but by 



334 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

far the greater number returned in a most miserable and starving 
condition, having lost, or been plundered by their guards of all 
that they possessed. The tide of the population so long receding 
before the invaders, having once over-leaped the barriers which 
restrained it, now flowed back towards the deserted provinces ; 
the Natives retiring from the vicinity and approach of their own 
armies, to seek for safety and protection under the British flag. 
Plentilul bazaars at every station, soon bore ample testimony to 
the confidence of the inhabitants in the justice and good faith of 
their invaders ; the troops lived in the midst of comfort and 
abundance, rendered more delightful by their sufferings at 
Rangoon in the preceding year. To the Burmese, unused to 
receive anything but stripes from their rulers in payment for 
their labour, the liberal conduct of the British was equally novel 
and pleasing. They worked diligently so soon as they found 
that they were certain of receiving liberal payment. Large fleets 
of canoes, so constructed as to stem the torrents of the Irrawaddy, 
•were soon placed at the disposal of the commissariat, and such a 
stock of provisions conveyed to, and kept up at Prone, as was 
judged adequate for the support of the British force, in advance 
on the Burmese capital. 

Some subordinate operations from the frontiers of Bengal, 
against the Burmese provinces of Assam, Cachar and Arracan, 
are thus briefly but accurately described by Mr. Gleig. " On the 
1st of February, Rungpore, the capital of Assam, submitted by 
capitulation to Colonel Richards ; and the whole province became 
reduced under the authority of the English. In like manner, 
General Shuldham, though retarded in his progress by the jungly 
nature of the country, pushed forward some way through Cachar 
in the direction of Munnipore ; while General Morrison, after a 
series of brilliant affairs, which occupied the 26th, 27th, 28th, 
and 29th of j\Iarch, succeeded in clearing Arracan entirely of 
the Burmese. He then detached a force under Brigadier-Gene- 
ral McBcan, which occupied without resistance the islands of 
Rameree and Sandowey. Had he found it practicable to cross 
the hills, so as to winter anywhere rather than amid the swampy 
forests of Arracan, the results of his campaign would have been 
as satisfactory as they were honourable. Unfortunately, how- 
ever, this was not the case ; and hence an army, which had 
carried all before it in the field, became so thoroughly dis- 



BURMESE WAR. 335 

organized by disease, that, in order to preserve the lives of the 
survivors, it was of necessity broken up." 

While the British were preparing their magazines in Prone, 
the court of Ava was making the most zealous and persevering 
exertions to recruit a new army, to check the progress of the 
invaders and weary them out in the protracted contest. Men 
were levied in every part of the country, and for the first time 
in its history, the Burmese government offered large bounties to 
induce men to enlist. The tributary Shan tribes bordering on 
China, were ordered to furnish their quotas in this emergency ; 
and an armed contingent of fifteen thousand men was embodied 
and disciplined in these distant states. Unacquainted with the 
progress of the war, and filled with extravagant ideas of the 
power of their masteis, these wild tribes, under the command of 
their Chobwas, or chiefs, hastened to take a share in the defeat of 
the presumptuous strangers who had dared to profane the sacred 
soil of Ava. Before the end of September, the Burmese had 
organized a force of about seventy thousand men, better armed 
and disciplined than any army which they had yet brought into 
the field. 

Negociations were not neglected, but the Burmese ministers 
were found so full of treachery and falsehood, that the confer- 
ences were very unsatisfactory ; the armistice, which was granted 
in order to afford them an opportunity of consulting with the 
court of Ava, was flagrantly violated by the Burftiese, and no 
notice was taken of the urgent remonstrances against this breach 
of faith. At length, the final answer anived from the court, it 
was couched in the following laconic terms : — " If you desire peace, 
you may go away ; but, if you ask either money or territory, no 
friendship can exist between us. This is Burmhan custom." 

In obedience to the most peremptory orders received from their 
sovereign, to surround and attack the rebel strangers on all sides, 
the Burmese army began on Prone in three divisions. Sudda 
Woon led the right division along the western bank of the Irra- 
waddy ; Kee Woongee, the prime minister, took the command of 
the centre on the other side of the river, accompanied by a large 
fleet of war-boats, conveying stores and provisions for the army ; 
and the left, under the command of Maha Nemiow, moved by a 
route about ten miles distant from that of the central division, 
firom wliich it was separated by a forest so impervious as com- 



330 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

pletely to destroy the possibility of mutual co-operation. There 
was, besides, an army of reserve under the king's brother at Mel- 
loone ; a corps destined to repel any invasion from the side of 
Arracan; and another, which watched the English garrison in 
Rangoon. On the 10th of November, Maha Nemiow's army 
took post at Watty-goon, about sixteen miles from Prome, with 
the intention of pushing forward to the British rear. Colonel 
M'Dowal, with two brigades of Native infantry, was sent to pre- 
vent these operations, but the Burmese, receiving information of 
his advance, came to meet him half-way. The British centre, 
drivinf the enemy before them, penetrated to the stockades of 
Watty-goon ; unfortunately, at this moment. Colonel M'Dowal 
was slain, and the Sepoys were so disheartened at the loss of 
their leader, that it was necessary to retreat. This movement 
was conducted with great order and regularity, but not without 
severe loss. The effect of this slight advantage gave such courage 
to the Burmese, that they resolved to advance direct upon Prone, 
still, however, pursuing their cautious plan of approach, moving 
slowly, and stockading themselves at every mile. JNIaha Nemiow's 
corps at Simbike, had come within a short morning's w^alk of the 
Eno-lish lines. Eight thousand of his men were Shans, who had 
not yet come in contact with British troops, and they were ac- 
companied by three young and handsome women of high rank, 
who were believed to possess the miraculous power of rendering 
bullets harimes^ by sprinkling them with enchanted water as 
they passed through the air. These Amazons, dressed in war- 
like costume, rode constantly amongst the troops, inspiring them 
with courage, and ardent wishes for an early meeting with the 
foes, as yet only known to them by the deceitful accounts of 
their Burmese masters. 

The last day of November w^as spent by the British in making 
arrangements for a dashing movement on the enemy's stockades, 
beginning with the left. Sir Thomas Brisbane, with the flotilla, 
was directed to cannonade the positions of the other Burmese 
divisions, while a body of Sepoys drove in Kee Woonghee's out- 
posts, so as to prevent any suspicion of the real attack on Maha 
Namiow. Early on the morning of the 1st of December, two 
columns marched against Nemiow ; one, commanded by General 
Cotton, proceeded direct to Simbike, while the second, under the 
personal superintendence of Sir Archibald Campbell, crossed the 



BURMESE WAR. 337 

Nawine river, and moved along its right bank for the purpose of 
attacking the enemy in the rear. Sir Thomas Brisbane's can- 
nonade so completely deceived the enemy, that General Cotton's 
division reached the first line of palisades before their approach 
was suspected. The storming parties were soon formed, and 
moved forwards with their usual intrepidity ; the Shans, encou- 
raged by the presence of their veteran commander, who, unable 
to walk, was carried from point to point in a handsomely gilded 
litter, and further, cheered by the exhortations and example of 
the fearless Amazons, offered a brave resistance to their assailants. 
At length, however, a lodgment was made in their crowded works ; 
tliey fell into confusion, and were mowed down by the close and 
rapid volleys from the troops who had gained their ramparts. 
" The strongly-built enclosures of their own construction every- 
where preventing flight, the dead and dying soon blocked up the 
few and narrow outlets from the works. Horses and men ran in 
wild confusion from side to side, trying to avoid the fatal fire ; 
groups were employed in breaking down and trying to force a 
passage through the defences, while the brave, who disdained to 
fly, still offered a feeble and ineffectual opposition to the ad- 
vancing troops. The gray-headed Chobwas of the Shans, in 
particular, showed a noble example to their men ; sword in hand, 
singly maintaining the unequal contest, nor could signs or ges- 
tures of good treatment induce them to forbearance — attacking 
all who offered to approach them with humane or friendly feeling, 
they only sought the death which too many of them found. 
Maha Nemiow himself fell, while bravely urging his men to 
stand their ground, and his faithful attendants being likewise 
killed, by the promiscuous fire, while in the act of carrying him 
oflT, his body, with his sword, Wonghee's chain, and other in- 
signia of office, were found among the dead. One of the fair 
Amazons also received a fatal bullet in the breast, but the 
moment she was seen, and her sex recognized, the soldiers 
bore her from the scene of death to a cottage, where she soon 
expired." 

Sir Archibald Campbell's column had pushed rapidly forward, 
and it soon met the defeated and panic-struck fugitives as they 
emerged from the jungle to make their escape over the Nawine 
river. The horse-artillery was instantly unlumbered, and a 
heavy fire opened upon the crowded ford ; here another of the 

Q 



;j.38 ADMINISTRATION OF EAIIL AMHERST. 

Amazons fell, with numbers of her countrymen. Such was the 
consternation of the Burmese, that they no longer thought of 
continuing their retreat, but dispersed in small groups into the 
jun-de, whence they endeavoured to find their way back to their 
own home. " Few of the Shans assembled again in arms ; but 
ol)liged, in order to escape their Burmese pursuers, to follow a 
route through insalu])rious forests and unpeopled deserts, num- 
bers wliom the sword had spared, perished from famine and disease 
in their journey to their distant country." 

The victors encamped that night on the banks of the Nawine 
river, in order to be ready to attack Kee Woongee's division at 
Napadee, early the next morning. On the morning of the 2nd 
of December, the first English division, after a march of two 
hours, through a thick forest, debouched into a plain upon the 
river-side, opened a communication with the flotilla, and drew up 
in front of the stockaded heights of Napadee. " Nothing," says 
Colonel Snodgrass, " can exceed the natural obstacles opposed 
to an advance upon those heights, independent of the artificial 
means which the enemy had not failed to employ, to render his 
situation, in every respect, secure ; the range of hills he occupied, 
rise in succession along the banks of the Trrawaddy, the second 
commanding the first, and the third the second ; their base is 
washed by the river on one side, and they are covered by the 
forest from the approach of any force upon the other. The only 
road to the heights lay along the flat open beach, until checked 
by the abrupt and rugged termination of the first hill, up the sides 
of which the troops would have to scramble, exposed to the fire 
of every gun and musket upon its summit ; and, in addition to 
these difllculties, the enemy had a numerous body of men 
stockaded along the wooded bank, which flanks and overlooks 
the beach, for the distance of nearly a mile in front of the posi- 
tion, and whom it was necessary to dislodge before the main 
body could be attacked." 

There was a considerable pause, as Sir Archibald Campbell had 
resolved to wait for the appearance of a detachment which had 
been sent to force, if possible, a passage through the jungle, and 
turn the enemy's right ; but every effort to penetrate the forest 
having failed, it was resolved to assail Napadee in front. The 
flotilla moved forward, and opened a spirited cannonade on each 
side the river ; a detachment under Colonel Elrington stormed 



BURMESE WAR. 339 

some flanking outworks, while the main body of attack marched 
steadily \i]) the hill, without returning a shot to the continued 
volleys of their opponents ; the crest of the hill was at length won, 
the British pressed forward with the bayonet, and, in the course 
of an hour, the whole position, nearly three miles in extent, was 
completely mastered. A prodigious carnage ensued, as the fugi- 
tives, crowding upon one another, strove vainly to escape from 
their own inclosures ; while the loss by desertion, which imme- 
diately began to take place, proved enormous. Thus, in the 
course of two days, was the main body of the Burmese army, 
which it had taken four months to assemble, entirely destroyed ; 
while of artillery, between forty and fifty pieces, with ammuni- 
tion and stores to a large amount, remained in possession of the 
conquerors. During the attack, the flotilla, pushing rapidly past 
the works, succeeded in capturing all the boats and stores which 
had been brought down for the use of the Burmese army; in 
this service the steam-vessel was particularly useful. Her un- 
usual appearance excited the more alarm, as the Burmese had a 
tradition that their capital would remain invincible, until a vessel 
should advance up the Irrawaddy without oars or sails ! 

On the morning of the 5th of December, a strong detachment 
was sent against the remaining division of the Burmese on the 
west bank of the Irrawaddy, under the command of Sudda Woon. 
The troops being landed at some distance above the stockades, 
commenced the attack in flank and rear, while the batteries and 
men-of-war's boats cannonaded them in front ; and the enemy, 
already disheartened and panic-struck, evacuated, after a feeble 
resistance, their line upon the river, retreating to a second line of 
stockades which they had prepared in the jungle in their rear. 
The British, following up their first success, and not aware of the 
existence of any second line, came suddenly upon the crowded 
•works, whose confused and disorderly defendants, unable to re- 
treat through the narrow gates of their enclosure, and too much 
alarmed to offered effectual opposition, became an easy conquest 
to the assailants ; hundreds fell in the desperate eff'ort to escape, 
and the nature of the country alone prevented the whole corps 
from being taken ; which, now dispersed and broken, fled in all 
directions through the woods. 

Sir Archibald Campbell, though disappointed in his hope of 
GO-operation from the side of Arracan, resolved to bring the war 

q2 



;{!() ADMINISTKATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

to an immediate conclusion, by marching with the army of the 
Irrawaddy direct on the enemy's capital, which was still three hun- 
dred miles distant; and nothing was wanting in the troops, or 
forgotten by their leader, which could tend to ensure success. 
On the 9th of December, the army advanced. A storm of rain 
on the third day of the march, caused considerable suffering, and 
was followed by the breaking out of malignant cholera in the camp. 
'J"he army, however, pushed forward, and, on the 19th, reached 
tlic enemy's abandoned stockades at Meaday, where a most 
frightful scene was presented, which is thus forcibly described by 
Colonel Snodgrass : — " Within and around the stockades, the 
ground was strewed with dead, and dying, lying promiscuously 
together, the victims of wounds, disease, and want. Here and 
there a small white pagoda, marked where a man of rank lay 
buried ; while numerous new-made graves plainly denoted that 
what we saw was merely the small remnant of mortality, which 
the hurried departure of the enemy had prevented them from 
burying. The beach and neighbouring jungles were filled with 
dogs and vultures, whose growling and screaming, added to the 
pestilential smell of the place, rendered our situation far from 
pleasant. Here and there a faithful dog might be seen, stretched, 
out and moaning over a new-made grave, or watching by the side 
of his still breathing master ; but by far the greater number, 
deprived of the hand that fed them, went prowling with the vul- 
tures among the dead, or lay upon the sand, glutted with their 
foul repast. 

"As if this scene of death had not sufficed, fresh horrors were 
added to it by the sanguinary leaders of these unhappy men. 
Several gibbets were found erected about the stockades, each 
bearing the remains of three or four crucified victims ; thus 
cruelly put to death, for perhaps no greater crime than that of 
wandering from their post in search of food, or, at the very 
worst, for having followed the example of their chiefs in flying 
from the enemy." 

From this horrid place, the army pursued its course towards 
Melloone, meeting similar examples of suffering and cruelty 
almost at every step. At length they reached Patanagoh, a town 
upon the river, exactly opposite IMelloone, " The Irrawaddy, at 
tjiis place, is six hundred yards broad, and the fortifications of 
Melloone, built upon the face of a sloping hill, lay fully exjwsed • 



BURMESE WAR. 341 

to view, within good practice of our artillery. The principal 
stockade appeared to be a square of about a mile, filled with 
men, and mounting a considerable number of guns, especiall}^ on 
the water face ; and the whole position, consisting of a succes- 
sion of stockades, might extend from one to two miles along the 
beach. In the centre of the great stockade, a handsome new 
gilt pagoda was observed, which had been raised to the memory 
of Maha Bandoola, as a testimony of his Burmese majesty's dis- 
tinguished approbation of the services of that chief, and with a 
view to incite the present leaders and soldiers of the army, by 
whom he was much admired, to emulate the noble example he 
had set them at Donoobew, in preferring death to the loss of his 

post Under the stockade, a large fleet lay at anchor, 

consisting of war-boais, commissariat-boats, accommodation-boats, 
and craft of every description." 

Soon after the British had reached their ground, their attention 
was suddenly excited by the clang of gongs, drums, and other 
warlike instruments. Its purpose was soon apparent ; crowds of 
boatmen, with their short oars across their shoulders, were seen 
running to the beach ; in an instant, every boat was manned and 
in motion up the river. As the flotilla and steam-vessel had 
been detained below by the intricacy of the river, the artillery 
was ordered to open fire, upon which the boatmen either jumped 
into the river, or returned, with all speed, to their former situa- 
tions. In the meantime, the steam-vessel and flotilla got under 
weigh, and, passing close to the enemy's works, without a shot 
being fired on either side, anchored at some distance above the 
place, thus eff"ectually cutting oft' all retreat from it by water. 

Offers of negociations having been renewed, a large accom- 
modation was moored in the middle of the river between the 
two armies, and the first diplomatic meeting fixed for January 
1st, 1826. After a long discussion, the treaty was accepted and 
signed, fifteen days being allowed for sending it to receive the 
king's ratification. Long before that period elapsed, the British 
had reason to believe that some treachery was intended, and 
when the armistice expired, a formal notice was sent that hostili- 
ties would be renewed at the midnight of the 18th. When the 
specified hour arrived, the English began to erect batteries and 
land their heavy ordnance ; so heartily did they labour, that, before 
ten o'clock on the following morning, twenty-eight pieces of artil- 



342 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

lory were in position, and ready to open on the enemy's defences. 
Shortly after eleven the batteries opened and maintained a heavy 
fire, witliout intennission, for two hours, during which time the 
troops intended for the assault were mustered and embarked in 
boats, forming four brigades. Notwithstanding every previous 
an'anffement, the first brigade arrived at its point of attack before 
the others were ready to co-operate, but the soldiers, notwith- 
standing, moved forward to the assault with steadiness and regu- 
larit}', and soon established themselves in the interior of the works. 
No exertions of the Burmese officers could induce their dispirited 
soldiers to make any effort for defence ; they abandoned one 
position after another, imtil the other brigades, cutting in upon 
their line of retreat, completed their ruin ; they were driven with 
severe loss from all their stockades, leaving behind them the 
■whole of their artillery and military stores. The booty included 
eight gilt war-boats, three hundred other boats of different descrip- 
tions, forty thousand rupees in money, with gold chains, gilt 
umbrellas, and swords without number. In Prince Memiaboo's 
house, a decisive proof of the dishonesty of the Burmese in the late 
negociations was discovered — the identical treaty which the Com- 
missioners had signed on board the barge, and which it was now 
evident had never been sent for approval to the Burmese monarch. 
Memiaboo and liis beaten army retired from the scene of their 
disasters with all possible haste, and the British commander pre- 
j)ared to continue a close pursuit ; before, however, commencing 
his march, he sent the unratified treaty to Kee Woongee, merely 
telling him that, in the hurry of his departure from JMelloone, he 
had forgotten a document, which he would probably find more 
useful and acceptable to his government, than he had considered 
it some days previously. The Burmese did not appreciate the 
irony ; in reply, the Woongee and his colleague politely returned 
their best thanks for the paper, but observed that the same hurry 
which had caused the loss of the treaty, had compelled them to 
leave behind a large sum of money, which they also much re- 
gretted, and which, they were sure, the British general only 
waited an opportunity of returning. 

On the 25th, the aiTny resumed its march, over the worst roads 
which had been met since leaving the frontiers of Hemzawaddy. 
They passed through a barren but an exceedingly interesting 
country, abounding, among other curiosities, with " oil wells" — 



BURMESE WAR. 343 

in other words, with numerous reservoirs of petroleum. As had 
been the case in approaching Melloone, however, every village 
and cabin was in ruins ; while here and there, along the road- 
side, the bodies of men and women were attached to gibbets — 
terrible proofs of the ferocity of those who seemed determined on 
waging war even to extermination. Occasionally, too, the ad- 
vanced guard fell in with the enemy's rear, when a skirmish 
more lively than destructive ensued ; and on the 30th, the wreck 
of the body-guard, now reduced to thirty troopers, was so fortu- 
nate as to surprise five hundred men in bivouac, and to over- 
throw them by a brilliant charge. 

On the 3 1 St, a boat was seen coming direct from Ava, having 
on board Dr. Price, an American missionary. Surgeon Sandford, 
of the Royals, three European soldiers, and the master of a little 
gun-boat, who had been made prisoners in the course of the war. 
" Such uncouth figures as these poor fellows were, have seldom 
been exhibited, with their hair uncut and beards unshorn, ever 
since they had been taken." These were accompanied by one 
or two Burmese of rank, who came with full powers to nego- 
ciate and conclude a peace, and who, on Sir Arcliibald Camp- 
bell's positive refusal to abate one jot of his former demands, 
assured him, without hesitation, that they would be granted. 
Not all their entreaties could, however, prevail upon him to 
suspend his march. Sir Archibald Campbell, however, con- 
sented not to pass Pagham Mew for twelve days, which he 
could do very safely, as the anny was not within ten days march 
of that city. 

About this time, unpleasant news was received from the 
small British force which had been left in Pegu ; part of it had 
been repulsed with heavy loss, in an attack upon the strong 
stockade of Sitoung, the commanding officer. Colonel Comoy, 
and another ofiicer killed, and several wounded. No time was, 
however, lost in remedying this unfortunate failure. Colonel 
Pepper, who held the chief command in Pegu, immediately 
advanced upon Zitoung with a stronger detachment than that 
which had been defeated, and, after some sharp fighting, routed 
the enemy with great loss. 

As Sir Archibald Campbell advanced towards Pagham Mew, 
he received intelligence that the Court of Ava had resolved to 
renew hostilities, at the instigation of a savage warrior of mean 



344 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

biilli, who luid boasted, that with thirty thousand men, he 
would utterly annihilate " the rebellious strangers." The 
Burmese monarch, influenced by his queen, who was a zealous 
supporter of the war-faction, accepted the offer of this arrogant 
boaster, and confeiTcd upon him the singular title of Neewoon 
Breen, which signifies, " Prince of Darkness," or rather, " King 
of Hell." A new levy was speedily made, and the soldiers were 
honoured with the flattering appellation of Gong-to-Doo, or 
*' Retrievers of the King's glory." Though the British army 
was much diminished by the absence of two brigades, and did 
not amount to two thousand fighting men. Sir Archibald Camp- 
bell pressed forwards to Pagham Mew, and on emerging from a 
tangled jungle, he saw the Burmese army, amounting to more 
than sixteen thousand men, drawn up in an inverted crescent, 
the wings of which threatened the little body of assailants on 
either flank. Undismayed by the strength or position of the 
enemy, the British pushed boldly for their centre, which was 
instantly overthrown, leaving the unconnected wings severed 
j&rom each other, so that it required the utmost activity on their 
part to reach the second line of redoubts, under the walls of 
Pagham Mew. The British column, following up in the enemy's 
retreat with the greatest celerity, afforded them little time for 
rallying in their works, or in the city ; into both of which they 
were closely followed, and again routed with great slaughter ; 
hundreds jumped into the river to escape their assailants, and 
perished therein. " Out of the army which thus endea- 
voured to protect the capital," says Mr. Gleig, " only thirteen 
hundred men, with their leader, ' the King of Hell,' returned to 
Ava. The fate of the latter was a very tragical one. Notwith- 
standing his disaster, he had the audacity to present himself 
before his sovereign, and to assure him, that if his Majesty 
would grant him a thousand more men, and allow him again to 
try his fortune, he would positively defeat us. The king heard 
him with patience, and allowed him to finish his tale ; but it was 
no sooner concluded, then making a motion with his javelin to 
his surrounding attendants, they seized the unfortunate cliief 
and dragged him off to punishment. He was instantly hurried 
forth, and whilst on his way to the place of execution, suffered 
every indignity which the infuriated guards could inflict. Yet 
even at this awful moment, a fine sentiment of loyalty burst from 



BURMESE WAR. 345 

him ; for when on the point of losing sight of the imperial 
palace, he suddenly turned round, and inclining his head, said, 
' Let me make one parting obeisance to the residence of my 
sovereign.' A few moments more terminated his existence : 
he was thrown under the feet of horses and elephants, and 
trampled to death." 

The army continued to advance until it reached Gandaboo, 
only forty-five miles from the Burmese capital ; but the king of 
Ava was now quite humiliated and dispirited. He consented to 
accept peace on any terms which the British commander pleased 
to dictate, sent back the prisoners, and commissioned two minis- 
ters of state to sign the articles of treaty. 

"At four o'clock on the 24th," says the author of ' Two Years 
in Ava,' " the commissioners finally assembled, and immediately 
signed and sealed the Treaty of Yandaboo, the Burmahs affixing, 
as their signet, the impression of a peacock. This event was 
announced to the army by a royal salute, and immediately after- 
wards the Burman chieftains proceeded with Sir A. Campbell 
and Mr. Robertson, to view some of our troops and artillery. 
The thirteenth and thirty-eighth regiments chanced to be on 
parade at the time, and were directed to perform two or three 
evolutions, and charge, a manoeuvre that exceedingly astonished 
our visitors, who, on finding themselves thus surrounded by the 
* rebel English strangers,' did not appear quite at their ease, 
particularly when a large crowd of soldiers had assembled to 
look at the chieftains, amongst whom they ridiculously supposed 
was the King of Ava. Some field-pieces were then brought out, 
and fired fifty rounds, to show the rapidity with which we could 
load and reload ; and finally several shells and rockets were 
thrown across the river. During the latter part of the exhibi- 
tion one of the rockets exploded at the moment it left the tube, 
and scattered the shot around us, but fortunately without doing 
any injury ; when Sir A. Campbell, seeing that the Burmahs 
were rather discomposed, informed them that they might now, 
perceive we could make our shells explode at any distance we 
pleased. After this exhibition ended, one of the Burmahs was 
quietly asked what he thought of it ? ' Oh,' said he, ' we can do 
all this much better ourselves, at Ava !' 

" Dinner awaited the principal men in the general's tent, and 
they partook of almost every dish on the table, but not one of 

Q 5 



.34G ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

them would coinmcnce eating until the Woonghee set the ex- 
ample. We were obliged to cut their meat for them, as they did 
not know how to use a knife, and were too polite to eat with 
their fingers, seeing it was not our custom. Not one of the 
party would take a glass of wine, probably fearful lest it should 
be misrepresented to the king ; but they entered into conversa- 
tion with much ease and spirit, and the Attweynwoou declared 
that really the English and Burman nations were very similar to 
each other, being equally possessed of bravery, wisdom, talent, 
and every other good quality. 

"At half-past nine, the Woonghee and Attweynwoon departed 
from Ava, leaving the Woondock and inferior chieftains to arrange 
the money transactions. Two war-boats also were left, to con- 
vey a deputation of three of our officers, whom it was intended 
should proceed to the capital, bearing a few presents to the king, 
as a proof that sincerity and confidence were established be- 
tween us. 

" On the morning of the 2Gth, Captain Lumsden, of the horse- 
artillery, Lieutenant Havelock, Deputy-Assistant Adjutant-gene- 
ral, and Dr. Knox, proceeded up the river and reached the Burman 
camp at Yeppandine, when they were stopped in consequence of 
the king having expressed his determination not to receive the 
British officers, as he considered it an humiliating act, in his pre- 
sent humbled state. 

" His majesty had remained secluded in his palace since 
the signature of the treaty, and was so much annoyed with the 
two Burman commissioners for havino: authorized the visit of our 
officers, that he threatened to behead them, shoxild he be obliged 
to receive the deputation. A great sensation also was created 
amongst the inhabitants of the capital, when they heard that the 
chief of the flying artillery was on his way up, as they concluded 
he was followed by the whole army, and, so much did they dread 
our approach, that the Woonghee sent a message to Ava, on the 
signature of the peace, to desire the population not to be alarmed 
when our salute was fired. 

" On this conduct of the king being made known to Sir A. 
Campbell, he immediately sent to recall the deputation, but, in 
the interim, the Golden Foot had changed his mind, and sent a 
handsome gilt war-boat to convey the officers to Ava. 

" It was quite dark before they arrived, yet, notwithstanding, 



BURMESE WAR. 



347 



tlie king was particularly anxious to receive them ; but Men- 
zaghee and others having dissuaded him from this fancy, the 
audience was fixed for the morrow. In the interim the gentle- 
men were conducted to the house of Monshoeloo, Maywoon of 
one of the quarters of the palace, where an excellent repast in 
the English style, with a profusion of wine, was prepared for 
them ; and, on the following morning, they prepared to wait on his 
majesty, when a discussion arose whether they should wear their 
swords, a point which was conceded to the Burmahs, as being 
in direct contradiction to the established etiquette of the court. 
At three o'clock the officers were summoned to proceed to the 
Rondaye, where another dispute arose, respecting the place at 
which they were to take off their shoes ; but it was agreed, after 
some demur on the part of the Burmahs, that they should not do 
so till at the steps of the palace. 

" The officers then entered the outer gate of the palace, preceded 
by the presents to the king ; and, marching through a line of 
soldiers, passed under three other gateways, the last defended by 
several pieces of cannon. Directly opposite to this was the 
entrance to the hall of reception, where, at the upper end, the 
royal throne was placed ; but, the etiquette not permitting them 
to march straight up to it, they were obliged to advance in a 
semicircular direction, in front of the troops which were drawn 
up in a crescent on each side. At the entrance of the hall the 
shoes were taken off", and during this time bands were playing, 
and dancing girls exhibiting their graces to the strangers, who 
then entered the hall, and seated themselves on the ground at 
about fifty feet from the vacant throne. Above them, were seve- 
ral members of the royal family ; and the rest of the assembly 
was composed of the different high officers of the crown, the 
whole dressed in white muslin. Pickled tea, garlick, and betel, 
were then presented to the officers, in crystal cups, as a particu- 
lar mark of favour ; and shortly afterwards, the music suddenly 
ceased, and a dead silence pervaded the assembly. This was 
succeeded by a distant chaunting, whicli approached nearer and 
nearer, until the folding doors behind the throne were thrown 
open by invisible hands, and disclosed to view the king advancing 
with slow and measured steps, and dressed in a white jacket and 
turban, with a splendid gold chain thrown over his shoulders. 
His majesty took possession of the throne, and remained per- 



348 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

fectly inotionlcss, except that he now and then applied to his 
betel-box, and occasionally lifted his eyes to look at the 

foreigners. 

" A list of the presents from the British commissioners having 
been read, the three ofiicers were invested with Burman titles,* 
which the Golden Foot had been pleased to grant, and the cere- 
mony consisted in binding on the forehead a piece of gold, on 
which their new rank was written ; a ruby ring, a piece of silk, 
two lackered boxes, and as many cups, were also presented to 
each of them ; and the king then, in an almost inaudible tone of 
voice, said something to those next him, who immediately asked 
aloud, whether the foreigners had any perition to prefer, and. 
Captain Lumsden having replied that ' he hoped the peace and 
friendship between the two great nations might be lasting,' the 
audience finished by the king's reriring in the same manner that 
he advanced. 

" Captain Lumsden remained at the house of Monshoeloo 
during the next day, but had no opportunity of seeing much of 
the city, as he had received intimation that it was not according 
to the wishes of the king, that the English should stray far from 
their habitation. From the slight view the officers had of the 
metropolis, it struck them as being well-built, but at that 
moment not containing the usual population. 

" On the 4th of March, Captain Lumsden and his companions 
left Ava, and on their way down, had a good view of Chagain, a 
large city opposite, which, many years ago, had been the capital, 
and now appeared very populous. Captain Lumsden brought 
with him, as a present from the king, for Sir A. Campbell and 
Mr. Robertson, two shabby ruby rings, a few pieces of silk, and 
some boxes ; but even this paltry gift was handsomer than the 
first peace-oifering made in the royal name to Sir A. Campbell, 
and which consisted of cocoa-nuts, sugar-canes, honey, patates, 
walnuts, palmyra-tree sugar, bad sweetmeats, two jars of ghee, 
and some nuts, — a curious sample of royal magnificence." 

By this treaty, which included eleven articles, besides a twelfth 
or supplementary clause, explanatory of one or two which had 
gone before, the King of Ava renounced his right of sovereignty 
over Assam, Cachar, and Jylna ; permitted J^Iunnipore to be 

* Captain Lumsden was styled, " renowned and valiant Knight." 



BURMESE WAR. 349 

erected into an independent kingdom, recognized the mountains 
of Arracan as the boundary between his dominions and those of 
the Company, and gave up the whole of Tenasserim to his con- 
querors. He pledged himself to pay in four instalments one 
crore of rupees ; engaged not to molest any of his subjects on 
account of any part which they might have taken against him 
during the war ; agreed to include the King of Siam in the 
general pacification, and granted to British vessels, trading or 
otherwise, which might visit his ports, the same privileges which 
were enjoyed by his own ships. The English, in return for all 
this, undertook to fall back to Rangoon immediately ; to evacuate 
the country altogether, as soon as the second instalment should 
have been paid ; and to send in all the prisoners taken during the 
war, with as little delay as might be compatible with their re- 
moval from a distance. It deserves to be recorded that the Bur- 
mese promptly and honourably discharged all the conditions to 
which they had engaged themselves, and that, while the monarch 
who signed it held the sceptre, there was no reason to complain 
of the infraction of a single article. 

It was discovered that the breaking off of the former treaty, 
which had been concluded at Melloone, was owing to the perfi- 
dious conduct of a priest called Raj Goroo, who had been in- 
trusted with a pacific message from the British commander to the 
King of Ava. Instead of executing this commission, he per- 
suaded the weak monarch that the English were a mere handful of 
desperate adventurers, anxious only to extort money. Ample evi- 
dence was also obtained that the Burmese monarch had not only 
sanctioned but commanded the outrages of the Arracan chieftains, 
which had been the original cause of the war, and that twelve- 
months before hostilities had commenced, his majesty had been 
engaged in devising plans and making arrangements for the con- 
quest of Bengal. Maha Bandoola, then high in favour, was the 
great projector of the plan, and, with a hundred thousand men, 
a number which it was believed that the king could easily assem- 
ble, pledged himself for its execution. So high were the hopes 
of conquest entertained by the court, that when Maha Bandoola 
went to commence his campaign in Arracan, he was furnished 
with golden fetters, in which he was to bring the Governor-gene- 
ral of India a captive to Ava. 

On the 5 th of March, Sir Archibald Campbell began his re- 



350 ADMINISTRATION OF EAKL AMHERST. 

trograde march, Avhich was marked by no important incident. 
IJut all the troops did not come home by way of Rangoon. A 
battalion of Sepoys, with a few elephants, being supplied with 
Burmese guides, received orders to penetrate across the country 
of Arracan, and it accomplished the service with comparatively 
little trouble, and a total absence of all suffering. "While this 
proved that Ava was accessible over land, it also showed that the 
misfortunes which overwhelmed General Morrison's army, might 
have been avoided by a little more knowledge of the country on 
the frontiers, and a greater exertion of promptitude and enter- 
prize. The march of that division of the army passed over the 
mountains of Arracan, and brought the English acquainted with 
the Kieaans, one of the most singular races in Asia ; they are 
thus described by the author of ' Two Years in Ava' : — 

" The origin of the Kieaans is lost in fiction ; and of their 
early history the present race know little, except by vague tradi- 
tion, which states them in former days to have been the posses- 
sors of the plains of Ava and Pegu, until a horde of the Tartars, 
from the north, made an iiTuption into their territory, and settled 
there, under the authority of the Kieaan king. In the course of 
time, the strangers became very powerful, and, having elected a 
sovereign amongst themselves, threw off the yoke of the Kieaan 
king, declared their chief supreme, and asserted, at the same 
time, that ' it was incompatible with nature to have two kings 
and two races of people in one land.' Seizing, then, the Kieaan 
chieftains who disputed his authority, the new king put them to 
death, and, prescribing their friends and followers, left them no 
alternative but flight or submission to his authority. In conse- 
quence of this tyrannical conduct, the Kieaan chieftains preferring 
a free life, in a strange land, to slavery in their own country, 
collected all their followers and herds of cattle, in which their 
principal wealth consisted ; and, taking advantage of the first 
opportunity of escaping, regained their independence by taking 
refuge in the lofty remote mountains on the frontiers of China, 
Siam, and Arracan, where they considered themselves safe from 
the persecutions of then- poweiful neighbours. With them fled 
some members of their former royal family, but, in the course of 
time, deaths and frequent changes of residence destroyed all 
traces of them, and the Kieaans of tliis part of the country know 
not whether the descendants of their ancient princes still exist. 



BURMESE WAR. 351 

Divested as they were of a common head, under whom they 
might rally, the inhabitants of each village selected from amongst 
themselves, one who, either from age or experience, was deemed 
worthy to be their chief; and in this independent state they 
have since continued, each little community considering itself 
perfectly distinct from those adjoining. 

" The small republics have since resisted all attempts at much 
intercourse with the adjoining nations, and have preserved, un- 
sullied, their innate love of liberty and independence. Repeated 
efforts have been made by the Burmahs to reduce the moun- 
taineers under their sway, but without any lasting success, 
though it Avould appear that, at a very distant period back, the 
Kieaans had been obliged to pay tribute. It is related that, 
shortly after the expulsion of the Kieaans from the plains, the 
despotic sovereigns of Ava demanded an annual tribute from the 
persecuted mountaineers, who, when unable to comply with the 
demand, were forced to deliver all the pretty women of their 
families into the hands of the tyrant's satellites, by whom they 
were carried to court, and then selected to adorn the seraglio of 
the king. To such an excess was this at last carried, that the 
Kieaans, in order to save their race from extermination, per- 
suaded all the nubile women to sacrifice their beauty at the altar 
of freedom, an act which they cheerfully complied with ; and 
tatooing their faces in the manner before described, rendered 
themselves so hideous, that the monarch was quite disgusted, 
and directed others to be sought for, when none but children 
could be found who had not undergone this o^jeration. Foiled 
in his endeavours to transport the mountain beauties to his 
harem, the Tartar dropped the practice, and, the necessity for 
tatooing no longer existing, that custom is now optional, and 
seldom undergone by the women until they are twenty-five or 
tliirty years of age. 

*' Only one trace of supreme authority still exists among the 
Kieaans, and this in the person of the Passine, or head of their 
religion. This situation was formerly held by a man who re- 
sided on a mountain called the Poijou, near the source of the 
Moh river, and united in his person the two ofiices of soothsayer 
and priest, which are now held by his descendants in the male 
and female line. 

*' Writing and books being unknown to the Kieaans, the man- 



,3')2 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

dates of the Passines are verbal, but irrevocable ; to them every 
dis])ute of importance is referred for arbitration, and in cases of 
marriage or sickness they are consulted. 

" The tenets of the Kieaan faith are most simple, and of the 
supreme Deity they appear to liave no conception ; for to my 
question on the subject, my informer answered, that ' they were 
the offspring of the mountains, and of nature ;' and nature 
alone appears to have any claims on their feelings. 

" A thick ])ushy tree, bearing a small berry, by the Burmahs 
called subri, is the principal object of their adoration. Under its 
shady branches they, at certain seasons of the year, assemble 
with their families, and offer up sacrifices of pigs, oxen, and 
grain, on which they afterwards revel. Their cattle of every 
kind accompany them during these excursions, and participate 
in the devotion offered to the tree ; the principle of the Kieaan 
religion being to adore everything that is of use, or conduces to 
the luxuries of life. They also put implicit faith in the super- 
natural qualities of the aerolite, which is considered a certain 
charm against every evil. Whenever a thunder-storm occurs, 
the Kicaans search among the trees to find those which may 
have been scathed, or their branches broken by lightning. 
When one is discovered, they immediately commence digging 
underneath the broken branch in search of this stone, which they 
state to be about the size of a man's hand, and to have fallen 
from heaven ; and if they are successful, a hog and a bullock is 
instantly sacrificed and devoured. The stone is then deposited 
with the Passine, who preserves the precious talisman with the 



greatest care. 



" The Kieaans have no idea how the world was formed, and 
their distinction between good and evil, consists in supposing 
that those who honour and respect their parents, take care of 
their children and cattle, eat most meat, and drink spirits to the 
greatest excess, will be sure of being well provided for hereafter, 
by their souls entering the bodies of cows, oxen, or pigs ; whereas 
those people whose sensual appetites are not so great, and do not 
enjoy to the utmost those benefits which are thrown in their way, 
will be disregarded and contemned." 

It was found that an excellent road, flir from discreditable to 
the engineering abilities of the Burmese, had been made over the 



BURMESE WAR, 353 

mountains of Arracan, and, as this pass must become of great 
importance in the very possible case of any future war with the 
court of Ava, we shall insert a description of it from the same in- 
telligent author : — ■ 

" In early times, the Kieaans used to prowl about this road in 
search of plunder, and attack and murder any traveller they 
might chance to meet with ; but as their numbers were never 
very great, the merchants who formerly passed this way united 
their forces, and forming little caravans of from thirty to three 
hundred men, placed themselves beyond the power of these 
savage marauders. 

" A great trade was carried on before the war with Arracan 
and Ava, in which it is said forty thousand people were annually 
employed : the former country exported Indian and European 
manufactures, such as velvets, broadcloths, piece goods, silks, 
and muslins ; and betel-nuts, salt, and other articles, the produce 
of its own soil ; receiving in return, ivory, silver, copper, pal- 
myra sugar, tobacco, oil, and lackered boxes. It was principally 
to further tliis intercourse that the late Kincc of Ava, Mindera^hee 
Prah, caused this superb roadtobemade — a work which reflects the 
greatest credit, not only on him who planned it, but also on those 
who carried it into execution. The labour bestowed upon it has 
been immense, as, for nearly twenty miles, the road is cut out of 
the hill side, to the width of between ten and twelve feet, and 
that with the most judicious attention to the falls of the ground. 
The remains of a parapet, formed of trunks of trees, are visible 
in many places ; and it would be very advantageous if something 
of the kind still existed, the precipices off the road being most 
terrific, and of such a depth, that if an animal lost its footing and 
fell over, his death would be almost inevitable. An accident of 
this kind occurred to the pony of one of the officers. In leap- 
ing a tree which had been felled across the road, the poor beast 
trod on some loose earth and rubbish, which immediately gave 
way with him, and, to our infinite horror, he was precipitated 
do\\^l the height, crushing, by his fall, the slight bushes that 
grew on the side of the hill ; fortunately, at about one hundred 
and fifty feet descent from the road, he was stopped by a bushy 
tree, and, in a short time afterwards, resumed his footing, when he 
proved, most miraculously, to be unhurt. It was impossible to 



354 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

bring the animal back to the road whence he started ; but we 
succeeded in leading him up about half a mile further on, by 
gradually edging along the hill. 

"The Aeng road was first commenced in 1816, under the 
superintendence of the Sandowey Woon and other chieftains, 
tlirough whose territories it passed, the whole plan, in the first 
instance, having been laid out by the engineers of the king. 
During the first two years only five hundred workmen were em- 
ployed ; but when the road had been completed nearly up to the 
summit of the mountain, two hundred more were added, each 
man receiving seven rupees per month wages, who finished it as 
far as Shoechatoh. But what contributed more than anything to 
the completion of the road, was a most sensible rule enforced by 
the Burman government, by which, in lieu of taxes on their 
merchandize, it obliged all the travellers to carry \^ith them 
working tools, and repair those parts of the road which might re- 
quire it, or facilitate the access to the water. In this manner, 
constant use, instead of spoiling the road, only improved it : and 
it was solely owing to the stagnation of commerce during the last 
two years, and the consequent encroachment and ravages of the 
monsoon, that any part of the route was bad ; for, as the com- 
munication is closed between ]May and January, the havoc com- 
mitted during that period must be annually repaired." 

Throughout the whole course of the Burmese war, the Madras 
government, which was then administrated by Sir Thomas ]\Iann, 
gave the most powerful and efficient support to the operations of 
the army. His exertions were the more valuable on account of 
the deplorable ignorance which prevailed at Calcutta, respecting 
the country, the habits and the resources of the enemy. In 
England a strong feeling was raised against Lord Amherst, on 
account of the length to which the war was protracted, and the 
strange errors in the commissariat department, by which the 
advance of the troops was delayed, and the men were exposed to 
a series of sufferings at Rangoon, which would have demoralized 
and destroyed any but a British army. 

In the early part of 1825, during the operations against the 
Burmese, the attention of the Bengal government was called to 
certain proceedings, where Durgoon Sal, aided by his brother 
Mundoo Sing, attempted to usurp the rights of their cousin 



BURMESE WAR. 355 

Bulwunt Sing, a minor and rightful heir to Buddoo Sing, the 
late Raja. The failure of Lord Lake before Bhurtpore, had 
filled the inhabitants with the most extravagant pride, and had 
produced a very strong impression, not only on the neighbour- 
ing principalities but throughout India, " It is really strange," 
said the late Bishop Heber, " how much importance has been 
attached to the fortress of Bhurtpore ; even in the Carnatic, Sir 
Thomas Munro tells me, the native princes would not believe 
that it ever could be taken, or that the forts were not destined 
to be the rallying point of India. The expression in fact had 
become a sort of proverb, that India was not yet conquered, for 
Bhurtpore had never been taken." Under these circumstances, 
it is not surprising that a strong Anti-English party had been 
formed in Bhurtpore, and that the reluctance of the Raja to 
engage in hostilities, gave great offence to the ambitious and 
enthusiastic portion of his subjects, but especially to his nephew, 
Durgoon Sal, who for some time had been regarded as his pro- 
bable successor. 

Time passed, and in his extreme old age, the Raja, who had 
hitherto been childless, was made happy by the birth of a son. 
Aware of the ambitious temper of his nephew, and foreseeing' 
that the child would receive at his hands no fair play, Buddoo 
Sing made haste to secure for him the especial protection of the 
English, by soliciting from them, while he was yet alive, the 
Khelat or robe of inauguration for his son, and proclaiming him, 
under their sanction, heir to the throne. He had not long done 
so, when a mortal disease overtook him, and he died, leaving the 
prince Bulwunt Sing in his sixth year, surrounded by enemies. 

Scarcely was the Raja dead, when Durgoon Sal usurped the 
throne ; the guardians of the young prince fled with him to 
Calcutta, and besought the assistance of the Governor-general, to 
restore him to his rights. Independent of all considerations of 
right, it was so obviously desirable to remove the unfavourable 
impression produced by our former failure before Bhurtpore, and 
to destroy the delusion respecting the impregnability of any 
Indian fortress, that orders were given to make such extensive 
arrangements as would afford a moral certainty of success. Just 
as they were completed. Lord Combermere arrived in India, to 
take the command of the army. That the enterprize was one of 



356 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

some (lifFiculty and danger, will at once appear from the follow- 
ing description of Bluirtpore at this period, for which we are 
indebted to Mr. Gleig. 

" The city stands in a plain, and is begirt by an extensive 
forest, of which, till the summer of 1824, the trees extended to 
the crest of the glacis. That forest constituted, in former times, a 
sort of preserve for the Raja's game, but on the first threatening 
of hostilities, care was taken to level a considerable portion of it, 
so as to leave an open space of six or seven hundred yards on 
all sides round the ditch. The ditch again, as has been already 
stated, is enormously wide and deep ; and there is a jhul or lake 
hard by, on piercing a narrow embankment on the side of which, 
tlie whole may be filled with water to the depth of many feet. 
A wall surrounds the town, flanked at proper intervals by towers 
and bastions, but the curtains are low, while the bastions, by- 
reason of their circular form, stand more exposed to the fire of a 
besieging artillery, than they would be were their construction 
such as the rules of modern science require. Finally, there is a 
citadel, kept apart from the town by a ditch and ramparts, distinct 
from those which fonn the enceinte of the whole, of which the posi- 
tion is such as to hold the town completely at its mercy." 

On the 10th of December, Lord Combermere appeared before 
the walls with an army of upwards of twenty thousand men, and 
a field of more than a hundred pieces of artillery. During the 
night the enemy had cut the embankment to the northward, 
for the purpose of filling the broad and deep ditch. But they 
had delayed this operation too long; the British troops arrived 
in time to make themselves masters of the embankment and 
repair the breach, before a sufficient quantity of water had flowed 
into the fosse to render it impracticable. The following days 
were occupied in reconnoitring the works and determining the 
points of attack, until the battering train and its appurtenances 
should have come up, the fortress occasionally firing upon the 
reconnoitring parties, and skirmishes taking place between 
small detachments and the enemy's cavalry encamped under the 
walls. 

Lord Combermere, desirous to save the women and children 
from the horrors of a siege and of a bombardment, like that 
which must follow from such a battering train as he was about to 
employ, addressed a letter to Doorjun Sal on the 21st, calling 



BURMESE WAR. 357 

upon him to send them out of the fort, promising them a safe 
conduct through the British camp, and allowing four and twenty 
hours for that purpose, hefore he should open his fire on the 
town. Having received an evasive answer, his lordship again 
sent to him allowing a further extension of the time for twelve 
hours, but the humane offer was not accepted. 

On the 23rd therefore, everything being in readiness to com- 
mence operations, and the north-east angle of the works having 
been fixed upon as the point of attack, the besiegers, under a 
heavy fire, took possession of a ruined village called Kuddum 
Kundee, and of Buldeo Sing's garden, and completed their first 
parallel at the distance of about eight hundred yards from the 
fort. On the morning of the 24th, two batteries erected at these 
two points, opened upon the tovra, and on the 25th, another more 
advanced battery between them, having likewise begun its fire 
within two hundred and fifty yards of the north-east angle, the 
defences of the east side of that part of the works were in a great 
measure destroyed. A battery was then constructed, bearing on 
the north face of the same angle, at a distance of about two 
hundred and fifty yards. The rest of December was employed 
in a similar manner, in strengthening the old batteries, erecting 
new ones and pushing forward the works ; a constant fire, which 
left scarcely a roof uninjured, being kept up against the town ; 
while the enemy seemed to be reserving their resources to the 
last, and the operations of the besiegers were exposed to no 
material interruption. On the 3rd of January 1826, the artillery 
began to breach the curtains, the ditches in front were found to 
be dry, and from the raggedness of the counterscarp, offered 
fewer obstacles than had been expected. Such however was the 
tenacity of the tough mud walls, that they resisted the effects of 
shot better than masonry would have done ; it was found that 
the batteries were insufficient to reach them, and recourse was 
had to mining. On the evening of the Gth, a mine was com- 
menced in the scarp of the ditch on the northern side-face of the 
work, with the purpose of improving the breach ; but the engi- 
neers, fearing that they might be discovered if they continued 
their operations during the day, sprung it at daylight on the 
following morning, v/hen it was not sufficiently advanced to have 
any material effect upon the wall ; in making a second attempt 



358 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

the miners were driven away, having been countermined from 
the interior before they had entered many feet, and the gallery 
was subsequently blown, it being discovered that the enemy was 
keeping watch in it. On the 14th, another mine, under one of 
the bastions, was exploded too precipitately and failed of its 
effect. Two more mines were immediately driven into the same 
work, which were sprung on the 1 6th so successfully, that with 
the aid of a day's battering, they effected an excellent breach, 
which was reported to be practicable. On the ] 7th, the mine 
under the north-east angle was completed, and the following 
day was fixed for the storm. 

Early in the morning of the 18th, the troops destined for the 
assault, established themselves in the advanced trenches, unper- 
ceived by the enemy. The left breach was to be mounted by 
the brigade of General Nicholls, headed by the 59th regiment ; 
that on the right by General Reynell's brigade, headed by the 
14th regiment, the explosion of the mine under the north-east 
angle, was to be the signal for the attack. At 8 o'clock the 
mine was exploded with terrific effect ; the whole of the salient 
angle, and a part of the stone cavalier in the rear, were lifted into 
the air, which for some time was in total darkness ; but from the 
mine having exploded in an unexpected direction, or from the 
troops having been stationed, in consequence of mis-calculation, 
too near it, the ejected stones and masses of earth, killed in their 
fall several men of the regiment at the head of the column of 
attack, and severely wounded three officers.* They fell so 

• An eye-witness has given tlie following description of this fearful 
scene • — " The general had departed but a few minutes, and we were all 
in that state of breathless excitement which our situation was calculated to 
produce, when a spectacle was presented to us, to which I have never 
beheld, and shall probably never behold, any thing akin. I had fixed my 
eyes intently on the angle of the bastion, beneath which I was aware that 
the mine had been formed, when, suddenly, the ponderous wall heaved as 
if shaken by the power of an earthquake. There was no noise, no explo- 
sion, and, as it happened, the very firing had for the instant ceased, but 
the wall rocked like a ship lifted upon a wave, and then sunk down again. 
This occurred twice, and then, with a sound, to which the loudest thunder 
were soft music, stones, earth, logs of wood, guns and men, flew into the 
air. Of more I cannot speak, except that shrieks and groans burst upon 
the ear, as soon as that tremendous crash was over, giving evidence, but 



BURMESE WAR. 359 

thickly about Lord Combermere himself, that Brigadier-general 
M'Combe, who was standing next to him, was knocked down, 
and two Sepoys who were within a few feet of him, were killed 
on the spot. The troops immediately mounted to the assault 
with the greatest order and steadiness, and, notwithstanding a 
determined opposition, carried the breaches. The left breach 
was the more difficult of the two ; the ascent was very steep, but 
the troops passed on and quickly surmounted it, the grenadiers 
moving up it slowly and resolutely, A\ithout yet drawing a 
trigger, in return for the volleys of round shot, grape and mus- 
ketry which were fired upon them. Some of the foremost of the 
enemy, defended the breach for a few minutes with great reso- 
lution, but as the explosion of the mine had blown up three 
hundred of their companions, they were compelled to give way, 
and were pursued along the ramparts. Whenever they came to a 
gun which they could move, they turned it upon their pursuers, 
but they were immediately killed by the grenadiers, and the gun 
upset. In two hours the whole rampart surrounding the town, 
although bravely defended at every gateway and bastion, along 
with the command of the gates of the citadel, were in possession 
of the besiegers, and early in the afternoon the citadel itself 
surrendered. Brigadier-general Hugh, commanding the cavalry, 
having been entrusted with preventing the escape of the enemy's 
troops after the assault, made such a disposition of his forces, that 
he succeeded in securing Doorjum Sal, who -w-ith his wife, two 
sons, and one hundred and sixty chosen horse, attempted to 
force a passage through the 8th Light Cavalry. 

The loss of the enemy could not be computed at less than 
four thousand killed ; and owing to the disposition of the cavalry, 
hardly a man bearing arms escaped. Thus, as by the surrender 
of the town, all the stores, arms, and ammunition fell into the 
possession of the victor, the whole military power of the Bhurt- 
pore state might be considered as annihilated. The fortifications 
were demolished ; the principal bastions, and parts of several 



too decisive, that the engineer's assurances as to the safety of our position 
were groundless ; but as to seeing the objects from whence they came, 
that was out of the question. A dense cloud of smoke and dust was over 
us : to breathe, far less to command the sense of sight, amid which was no 
easy matter." 



3C0 ADMINISTRATION OF EARL AMHERST. 

curtains, were blown up on the 6th of February ; it being left to 
the rains to complete the ruin. The Futty Bourg, or " Bastion 
of Victory," built, as the Bhurtporeans vaunted, with the bones 
and blood of British soldiers who fell in the assault under Lord 
Lake, was now laid low, and among its destroyers were some of 
those very men, who, twenty years before " had been permitted," 
in the boasting language of the Natives, " to fly from its eternal 
walls." In fact, the fort, in a military point of view, was in a state 
of complete ruin, open in every direction, and would demand as 
much expense or nearly so, to render it again formidable, as 
would raise another in a new position. All the other fortresses 
within the Raja dominions immediately surrendered, the inha- 
bitants returned to their abodes, and the Raja was reinstated in 
his authority. 

Lord Combermere broke up his camp ,'to return to Calcutta, 
on the 20th of February, and arrived there early in April. 

Thanks were voted by Parliament, and by the East India 
Company ; the prize-money arising from the capture, granted to 
the Company by the King, was ordered by the coui-t of directors, 
to be distributed among the army. 

In January 1826, the Bombay presidency was involved in a 
discussion with the Raja of Calapore, a small independent Mah- 
ratla state in the province of Bijapoor. The British government, 
anxious to avoid a rupture, endeavoured through the resident to 
adjust the difference which had arisen, without having recourse 
to extreme measures. 

The Raja, deaf to all remonstrance, and blind to the real in- 
terests of his state, continued to disregard the advice offered to 
him ; he raised additional levies of troops, and at once placed 
himself in a hostile attitude, which rendered it incumbent on the 
government to prepare against aggression. Their remonstrance 
not only remained unanswered, but the Raja, at the head of 
large bodies, commenced plundering the properties and territories 
of his own dependant chiefs, and those under the especial pro- 
tection or guarantee of the British Government, extorting money 
from the inhabitants, by means of excessive cruelties. Thus 
forced into active operations. Colonel Welsh marched from 
Belgaum, with the whole of the disposable troops of that station, 
crossed the Gutpurba river, on the 12th of September, and 
subsequently took up a position in the vicinity of Katabughee, 



BURMESE WAR. 361 

in the Colapore territories, the inhabitants of -which flocked in 
numbers to Colonel Welsh's camp, soliciting protection. These 
measures had the desired effect ; the questions pending with the 
state of Colapore, were brought to a satisfactory conclusion 
without recourse to actual hostilities ; arrangements were entered 
into for securing the peace and tranquillity of the country, and to 
prevent, on the jiart of the Raja, any violation of his engage- 
ments. The articles of agreement were confirmed by the 
Governor-general, on the 24th January, 1826. 

Lord Amherst proceeded to the Upper Provinces, in 1837. 
On his lordsliip's visit to Delhi, a final settlement took place, 
of the relations in which the British government in India stood 
towards the king of Delhi. It terminated the implied vassalage 
previously rendered, or which was supposed to exist towards the 
royal family, by the British government. The event created very 
naturally a strong sensation at the time, as it was the first 
instance of our openly and decidedly asserting the independence 
of the British power ; it was generally believed, that the crown 
of Hindostan bad been transferred to the British nation. 

The event is said to have been viewed with deep melancholy 
by the royal family and their dependents. They felt, whatever 
privations they might have suffered from the Mahrattas, their 
title to the sovereignty of India had been invariably acknow- 
ledged. They were now for the first time divested of it. The 
feeling of the public, however, corroborated the opinion ex- 
pressed by General Wellesley, that the Natives were the most 
indifferent people, as to their governors, of any he had met with. 
They seemed on the present occasion to be unconcerned in the 
matter ; and contemplated without surprise our assumption of a 
character *' which had been purchased with the talents, treasure 
and blood of our nation." 

Lord Amherst having returned to the presidency, embarked 
in H.M.S. Herald at the close of March, for England, resigning 
[the provincial government into the hands of W. B. Baylcy, Esq. 



362 



CHAPTER XIX. 

ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK AND 

LORD AUCKLAND, TO THE BEGINNING OF THE 

AFGHAN WAR. 



Lord William Bentinck entered on the arduous duties of 
Governor-general of India, under circumstances of peculiar deli- 
cacy and difficulty. The expenditure in the Bui-mese war and in 
the reduction of Bhurtpore, had added thirteen millions to the 
registered debt of the Company ; there was an increasing expen- 
diture in every branch of the administration, and the outlay of 
the government far exceeded the resources from which it was 
to be defrayed. The necessity of retrenchment was earnestly 
urged by the court of directors, and the new Governor made his 
appearance in Calcutta, under the unpopular character of a finan- 
cial reformer. Two committees were formed, one charged with 
the reduction of the civil, and the other of the military expenses, 
but the resistance to the latter was so great that its functions 
were soon suspended. More general discontent was excited by 
the imposition of a stamp duty ; all the Europeans in Calcutta, 
of every party, were unanimous against the justice and expedi- 
ency of the measure ; they even questioned its legality, and 
counsel were heard for three days against the registration of the 
act. Public meetings were summoned to prepare petitions to 
the court of directors and the English parliament ; these 
assemblies were prohibited by the council, but were nevertheless 
held in defiance of their authority, and the petitions were unani- 
mously adopted. 

Great opposition was also made to the restrictions which had 
been placed on the press ; the regulations prohibiting the pub- 
lication of any periodical work, without an express license firora 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 363 

the supreme council, were resisted by a strong party in Calcutta, 
and were absolutely rejected in Bombay, three of the judges 
refusing to register the act, as being contrary to law. While the 
Europeans were thus agitated, not a little excitement was pro- 
duced among the Natives, by the publishing of a proclamation, 
strictly forbidding the practice of Suttee, that is of burning or 
burying alive, the widows of Hindus. It was feared that this 
interference with the religious usages of the Natives, might pro- 
voke a general insurrection ; but Lord William Bentinck was not 
to be daunted in enforcing obedience to the laws of humanity, 
and in a very short time, the Hindus themselves expressed their 
satisfaction at the abolition of so detestable a practice. 

The Emperor of Delhi began to feel very sensibly the degrada- 
tion of his condition, and after he had make some representations 
on the subject to the authorities in Calcutta, he resolved to send 
an ambassador to represent his case to the government of Eng- 
land. He chose for his envoy the Raja Rammohun Roy, a 
Hindu of very distinguished literary attainment, and well ac- 
quainted with the English language and literature, in addition to 
his own. The mission was of course unsuccessful ; indeed, dur- 
ing the tour which the Governor- general made in the Upper 
provinces, he found the Natives universally contented with the 
Company's government, and the readiness with which he afforded 
access to any who had a real or imaginary cause of complaint, 
greatly increased these feelings of loyalty. 

After ha\ang carefully examined the provinces of Bengal, Lord 
William Bentinck embarked on board the Enterprize steamer, to 
examine the condition of Penang, Singapore, and the other 
eastern settlements, for the purpose of further extending his 
measures of economical reform. He recommended that the 
government of these provinces should be placed under the coun- 
cil of Calcutta, and that many other reductions should be made 
in offices, which entailed a needless expense on the adminis- 
Itration. While he thus exerted himself to improve the affairs of 
Ithe Company by judicious retrenchments, he was not negligent 
lof the improvement of the people committed to his charge ; his 
lexertions to promote the diffusion of education and sound 
Iknowledge among the native Hindus, were incessant ; he not 
lonly founded schools, but used every means in his power to 
jprocure proper teachers, and encouraged by personal distinction 

R 2 



3G4 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 

any younpj students who were remarkable for their industry. 
He also laboured with considerable success to suppress the 
])ractices of Thuggism and Dacorty, or the associations for 
murder and robbery, which prevailed extensively in India. 

The three Presidencies enjoyed universal tranquillity, when 
the approaching termination of the Company's Charter, rendered 
it necessary that the British parliament should take into con- 
sideration, the principles on which the government of the British 
dominions in the east, should be conducted for the future. On 
the 13th of June, 1833, Mr. Charles Grant, (now Lord Glenelg,) 
introduced the subject to the reformed parliament, and developed 
the ministerial arrangements in a series of resolutions, which were 
with little difficulty sanctioned by both houses. It was deter- 
mined that the government of India, should be entrusted to the 
Company for a term of years, on the ground that its administra- 
tion during the last forty years, had, with all its faults and 
imperfections, proved of the greatest benefit to the people of that 
country. It was next resolved, that the trade with China 
should be thrown open to the public, and that the Company 
should abandon all its exclusive privileges as a commercial 
body. 

Although the tranquillity of India, was not at this period 
disturbed by foreign wars, some petty disturbances were excited 
in various quarters, which required the prompt exertions of the 
authorities. The Raja of Mysore was deprived of his authority, 
and the administration of his territories assumed by the Com- 
pany. Several other changes were made in various places, but 
none which involved any serious operations, save the expedition 
against the Raja of Coorg. His father has already been men- 
tioned, as a zealous ally of the English, during the w^ar with 
^Mysore, and the memory of tHe services he had then performed, 
induced the British to tolerate many equivocal acts of the reign- 
ing prince. His cruelties and oppressions, rendered him very 
unpopular amongst his own subjects, whilst his haughty demean- 
our was very offensive to all his neighbours. At length, he 
behaved so violently towards his sister and her husband, that 
they were forced to seek refuge in the British territory. The 
Raja, indignant at the escape of his intended victims, addressed | 
letters to the Governor-general, couched in the most insulting 
terms ; he assumed an attitude of defiance, instigating and j 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 3G5 

encouraging others to pursue the same course. Many of his 
excesses had been passed over, or only noticed with gentle 
remonstrance, but this forbearance served only to increase his 
pride, and intoxicate him with the belief that he was dreaded by 
the British government. At length, the Governor-general was 
convinced that further endurance was equally impracticable and 
impolitic; a large force was assembled, under the command of 
Colonel Lindesay, and a proclamation issued, announcing that 
Verr Rejundi Woodier, should no longer be considered Raja of 
Coorg, and that his territories were about to be occupied by 
British troops. All British subjects in his service, were ordered 
immediately to withdraw, under pain of being treated as traitors. 
On entering the Coorg territory, the British troops at first met 
but little resistance, but upon approaching the capital, they 
found that strong stockades had been erected, within which the 
Raja had concentrated his forces. These defences were spirit- 
edly, and save in one instance successfully, attacked by the 
British divisions. The attack on the Buck stockade was re- 
pulsed, with the loss of seventy men and four officers. It was 
however a work of considerable strength, having ramparts of 
masonry, together with a ditch and a stockade, and was memo- 
rable, as the spot where Hyder AH was routed in the preceding 
century, with prodigious loss. Mudkerry, the Raja's capital, 
however, having been captured by another division, that prince 
lost all courage and voluntarily surrendered himself a prisoner, 
" He entered Mudkerry," said a spectator, " attended by two 
thousand unanned m.en, and preceded by fifty pelanquins, said to 
contain the females of his establishment ; in front of the proces- 
sion were two fiddlers (!) who struck up the 'British Grenadiers' 
on passing the guard at the Fort-gate." Notwithstanding this 
musical compliment, he was sent ofi" under an escort to Bangalore, 
and the province of Coorg was annexed to the dominions of the 
Company, by the unanimous desire of its inhabitants. 

The expeditions which had been previously undertaken 
against the Chooars, in the eastern districts of Bengal, and the 
Filloorydars, in the hill-country behind the Circars, were not 
regarded as wars, for they were in truth rather expeditions to 
break up gangs of robbers, than hostilities against an avowed 
enemy. The robbers were hunted from place to place, and their 
fastnesses destroyed ; such of their leaders as were not slain in 



366 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 

battle, were taken and executed, by which prompt measures 
tranquillity was restored. ]5ut the conquest of Coorg was 
regarded as entitled to be dignified as a war, on account of the 
difficulty of the country and the approved valour of its inhabi- 
tants. Accordingly, prize-money to the amount of thirteen lacs 
of rupees was distributed to the victorious troops. 

Dowhit Rao Scindia was the most powerful of the Mahratta 
princes who had been permitted to retain their independence, 
and his administration of his dominions greatly added to his 
strength. The stationary camp, which he had established at 
Gwalior, in process of time became a considerable city. Ex- 
perience had taught him his inability to cope with the English, 
he therefore avoided anything which would excite their jealousy 
or hostility ; but his success in consolidating his power naturally 
produced some anxiety, and a close watch was kept on the 
interior movements of the court of Gwalior. Scindia's death 
without male heirs, placed the regency in the hands of his 
widow, the Baiza Bye ; but she felt the difficulty of maintaining 
a female administration, over such turbulent subjects as the 
Mahratta chiefs, and to ensure a male successor, she adopted a 
youth, who took the name of Jhundkoo Rao, and was invested 
with the title of Maharaja. During the minority of this favoured 
young man, Baiza Bye administrated the government with great 
ability, but when he came of age, he aspired to the actual pos- 
session of supreme power, which the Bye was by no means 
willing to grant. The intrigues and disputes of their several 
partizans, filled the court of Gwalior with confusion ; those who 
favoured the maintenance of tranquillity being anxious to con- 
tinue the regency, while the youthful and ardent, wished to 
enforce the claim of Jhundkoo Rao, who, without any regard to 
his obligations to his benefactress, determined to enforce his 
claims by every means in his power. Such was the condition 
of affairs, when Lord William Bentinck, in one of his tours, 
visited the Mahratta capital ; the young prince immediately 
applied to the Governor-general to place him upon the musnud, 
promising in return, a faithful adherence to the policy of the > 
British government. Lord William intimated in reply, that 
Gwalior being an independent state, the British government 
could not interfere with its internal arrangements ; he then re- 
minded him of what he owed to his patroness, recommended him 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 367 

to pay the utmost deference to her wishes, and to wait patiently 
for the time when she would voluntarily surrender the reins of 
government to his hands. Jhundkoo Rao, though he feigned 
acquiescence, was by no means disposed to follow this advice, 
and in July 1833 made an attempt to seize the reins of power. 
This being frustrated, he repaired to the mansion of our resident, 
who, unwilling to interfere, had left it fast locked. The young 
prince sat the whole day in the court of this official dwelling, 
without food, and under a burning sun ; but having at last ob- 
tained an audience, and being refused all support, he made his 
submission to the Bye. Meantime, however, a large body of 
the military, impatient of a female government, discontented 
with Baiza, and perhaps desirous of change, applied a ladder to 
the Maharaja's apartment, brought him out, and proclaimed him 
their sovereign. The lady took refuge with some troops who 
still adhered to her ; but they were unequal to contend with the 
opposite party, who were more numerous, and possessed all the 
artillery. An agreement was made, under the mediation of the 
resident, that Jhundkoo Rao should be placed on the musnud, 
and acknowledged by Britain ; while the regent should retire 
unmolested to Dholapoor. There she still attempted to make a 
stand ; but being closely invested and reduced to great distress, 
she at length surrendered, was allowed a revenue of ten lacks of 
rupees, and took up her residence near Futtyghur. 

There were many persons who condemned the course of policy 
pursued by the Governor-general at this crisis, believing that it 
approached too closely to the mischievous system of non-inter- 
ference adopted by Sir George Barlow. They deemed it dan- 
gerous to have the sovereignty of the most powerful of the 
Mahratta states transferred from the hands of a female of pacific 
habits, to a young and ambitious man, surrounded by warlike 
and violent chiefs, ready to lead him into the most perilous and 
desperate enterprizes. In fact, there were some threatening ap- 
pearances both in the court and army of Gwalior, which at one 
time seemed to menace a renewal of hostilities, or, at least, such 
an interference with British interests as would render some mili- 
tary demonstrations necessary. Jhundkoo Rao was, however, 
too prudent to gratify the warlike inclinations of his chiefs ; he 
vigorously exerted himself to suppress their demonstrations of 
discontent, and finally compelled them to acknowledge his un- 



3G8 ADMINISTRATION OF rORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 

controlled sovereignty. Although it cannot be said that the 
Mahratta powers are perfectly reconciled to British supremacy, 
yet they seem to feel that if they provoked a contest it would 
end in their utter ruin ; they are even doubtful of the fidelity of 
their own subjects, who feel, very sensibly, the difference be- 
tween their condition, and that of the industrious classes in the 
territories subject to British sway. 

The Rajput princes, although they never possessed such autho- 
rity as the chieftains of the Mahrattas, are far more haughty ; so 
great is their pride of birth, that they generally murder their in- 
fant daughters through fear, that if they were permitted to attain 
maturity, they might degrade their families by marriages with 
persons of inferior caste. When the Mahratta power was at the 
summit of its prosperity, the Rajputs would gladly have availed 
themselves of British protection, to escape the heavy impositions 
of chout, or tribute, exacted from them by the marauding chiefs ; 
but their offers having been I'cjected by Lord Cornwallis, it was 
subsequently found very difficult to prevail upon them to accept 
the terms of protection which they had once so earnestly soli- 
cited. Even when they had concluded subsidiary treaties, they 
looked upon themselves as persons who had granted a favour, 
and were generally reluctant to fulfil the obligations they had 
contracted. During his tour through the Upper Provinces, in 
the year 1832, Lord William Bentinck convoked a congress of 
the Rajput princes at Ajraere, where he exerted himself with 
considerable success, to impress upon their minds the necessity of 
observing the faith of treaties. Promises of obedience were 
lavishly made, but, as their sincerity was rather questionable, it 
was resolved that an example shoidd be made of the first Raja 
who failed to fulfil the conditions of his tenure. Maun Sing, 
Raja of Joudpore, had been restored to power by the Governor- 
general on the usual terms of subsidiary dependence. It soon 
appeared that he had no intention of discharging his obligations ; 
he absented himself from the conferences at Ajmere, he allowed 
his stipulated tribute to fall two years into arrear, and he afforded 
shelter to bands of marauders who had been chased from the Bri- 
tish provinces. It was also believed that he had engaged in 
intrigues to induce other Rajput princes to imitate his contumacy, 
if not to join in a confederacy for the purpose of recovering their 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 369 

former independence. When remonstrances were made against 
these equivocal proceedings, Maun Sing evinced no desire to 
comply with the requisitions of the Governor-general, or to act 
according to his professed obligations ; his answers were not 
only equivocating, but seemed to insinuate menaces of hostility. 
It was at length resolved that a force should be assembled to 
invade his territories, sufficiently numerous to compel him to an 
unqualified submission, or, if he continued obstinate, to deprive 
him of his throne. For this purpose an army of ten thousand 
men was ordered to assemble at Nusserabad, on the 10th of 
October, 1834, and the greatest activity was displayed in pre- 
paring the field-equipments necessary for the force. Maun Sing 
was far from expecting such promptitude ; no sooner had he 
learned that matters were coining to so serious a crisis, than he 
sent a deputation of thirty of his principal courtiers, with a gor- 
geous train of attendants, to Ajmere, for the pui-pose of holding 
an amicable conference with the British residents in that city, 
Major Alves and Captain Trevelyan. The envoys made the 
most lavish professions of their master's attachment to the British 
government ; they protested that he never had any intention of 
giving ofience, and that it was with equal surprise and regret he 
learned that offence had been taken. These protestations were 
received by the residents for just so much as they were worth ; 
indeed, it was perfectly obvious that Maun Sing was only 
anxious to gain time by protracted negociations ; in reply to 
such hollow declarations, the residents informed the envoys that 
words were of no value without actions, and that the hostile 
demonstrations must proceed, unless Maun Sing immediately 
proved his sincerity by delivering up the criminal refugees to 
whom he had given shelter, and paying down a sum of money 
suflficient to defray his arrears and the expenses of the forces col- 
lected at Nusserabad. This plain dealing perplexed the envoys ; 
they made many apologies, pleading their master's inability to 
fulfil such conditions, and making use of every evasion to escape 
compliance. But when the residents informed them, that the 
only alternative would be the immediate dethronement of the 
Raja, they showed the utmost consternation, and humbly re- 
quested a delay of three days that they might consider the pro- 
posals. At the end of that time a second conference was held ; 

K 5 



370 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 

the envoys again made every exertion to evade yielding to the 
conditions demanded, but, finding that the residents were inex- 
oraable, they finally acceded to an unqualified submission. 

This was not the only danger which menaced the peace of 
Western India. A rude tribe called the Shekhawattees occupied 
the almost desert territory west of Rajpootana, and were divided 
into marauding hordes, under a number of petty chiefs. They 
had long been accustomed to subsist by plundering the neigh- 
bouring districts, and the Native powers regarded their depreda- 
tions as almost a matter of course. Acquiring courage from 
continued impunity, they at length began to extend their incur- 
sions into the British territories. A portion of the force levied 
to punish Mann Sing was sent against these freebooters, under 
the command of General Stevenson. Very little resistance was 
made to the invasion ; the bands of the Shekhawattees did not 
venture to meet the regular troops in the open field, and their 
forts were either abandoned, or suiTendered almost at the first 
summons. Finally, the district of Sambhur was retained as a 
security for the expenses of the war, and a detachment was left 
to overawe the rude natives. 

A tragical and distressing event, which occurred about the 
same time in the Rajput state of Jypore, is thus described by a 
writer in the ' Edinburgh Cabinet Library' : — " The Raja, a 
thoughtless and voluptuous youth, had left the whole adminis- 
tration in the hands of Jotaram, originally a banker, an able man, 
but believed to bear that unprincipled character too common 
among Indian statesmen. The prince died suddenly, leaving an 
infant as the heir ; and as the inspection of his body was refused 
to the public, a strong suspicion arose that the minister, finding 
his master about to shake off his influence, had secretly murdered 
him. Amid the ferment thus occasioned, the British residency 
interposed, and procured the removal of Jotaram, and the trans- 
ference of the government to a regency, — measures which ap- 
peared entirely accordant with public feeling. Soon, however, a 
jealousy was entertained, that public aflairs were placed entirely 
under the dictation of a few foreigners, and a feeling of enmity 
arose, which broke forth fatally on the following occasion : — On 
the 4th June, 1835, Major Alves, the resident, with Mr. Blake, 
Cornet M'Naghten, and Lieutenant Ludlow, had an interview 
with the Myesaheb, or dowager-princess. After taking leave, as 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 371 

the first-mentioned gentleman was mounting his elephant, a man 
rushed out of the crowd with a drawn sword, and inflicted three 
wounds, one in the forehead ; but, these being immediately- 
dressed, he was placed in a palanquin, and conveyed home in 
safety. The assassin having been seized, Mr. Blake undertook 
to conduct him to the place of confinement ; but as he proceeded, 
the cry was raised, ' The Feringees have shed blood in the 
palace!' A crowd instantly assembled, who are said to have 
been joined by many of the police ; stones were thrown, and at- 
tempts made to stop him by maiming his elephant. He reached 
the city gate, which was found shut, whereupon he turned back, 
and sought shelter in a mundur or temple, which was then 
fastened on the inside ; but the multitude burst in, and he fell 
pierced by numerous wounds. He is said to have been a very 
promising ofiicer, and generally popular among the Natives. 
M'Naghten, by galloping in another direction through the crowd, 
though assailed by stones and other missiles, reached the resi- 
dency in safety. The government disowned all knowledge of 
this outrage, though five individuals, whose guilt was clearly 
proved, were condemned and executed. Suspicion, however, 
soon fell upon Jotaram, the late minister, and, after long prepa- 
ration, he and several grandees connected with him were brought 
to trial before a Native jury. Being found guilty of instigating 
and abetting the crime, sentence of death was pronounced upon 
them ; but it was commuted to exile and imprisonment." 

Ramraohun Ro5''s mission to England excited little attention 
in Europe, but in India, and particularly in Delhi, it made a 
considerable impression in favour of the imperial family, and 
tended greatly to revive the hereditary respect felt for the house 
of Timur. The emperor's reviving popularity was not a little 
increased by the conduct of the acting resident at Delhi. He 
insulted and beat the passengers in the open streets whenever 
they omitted to make obeisance to him. This treatment natu- 
rally gave great off"ence to the people, and even excited an angry 
sensation throughout Northern India. The injured Natives had 
no means of redress ; there was no law to which an appeal could 
be made ; no regular process by which they could procure relief 
from such intolerable oppression ; they were subject to the arbi- 
trary will of the acting resident, whose distance from all authority 
by which he might be controlled, left him at liberty to follow his 



.372 ADMINISTKATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 

own inclinations. At Icngtli, a general resolution was taken by the 
Natives, to abstain from appearing abroad when the acting resi- 
dent was expected to take his daily rides. None but the 
emperor himself was free from the caprice of this gentle- 
man ; and, though the monarch sensibly felt his dependence, 
he long abstained from such a confession of inferiority as ap- 
peared to be involved in an appeal to the Governor-general. 
When, however, the appeal was made, it was received by Lord 
William Bentinck, with the respectful attention due to fallen 
majesty: the resident was removed by the Governor-general, and 
this circumstance tended to strengthen the growing opinion of 
the influence, which of right belonged to the emperor of Delhi, 
being acknowledged by the English authorities, since so high an 
officer had been removed through his interference. 

These occurrences, and some others, scarcely less annoying, 
showed the necessity for erecting Delhi into a fourth presidency, 
and the introduction of a regular system of law and judicial ad- 
ministration, as in the rest of the British territories. Until this 
was done, the situation of acting resident at Delhi, was one of 
great difficulty, and even danger, for he had to act in direct op- 
position to the prejudices and feelings of all by whom he was 
surrounded. Even the greatest exertion of caution and prudence 
was insufficient to overcome these perils. In March, 1835, Mr. 
Eraser, the acting resident and commissioner at Delhi, was shot 
dead by a hired assassin, who fired three balls into the body of 
the unfortunate gentleman, and galloped off before he could be 
seized by the escort. It would have been perilous to the secu- 
rity of British power, if such a crime had been allowed to have 
passed unpunished ; a very strict enquiry was made, and it was 
discovered that this atrocious crime had been contrived by a 
Native chieftain, the Nabob of Ferozepore, who had hired Kur- 
reem, the actual murderer. Both were brought to trial, con- 
demned, and executed. So unpopular were the English at this 
time, in Delhi and its neighbourhood, that the greatest sympathy 
was shown for the assassin, and songs eulogizing the deed were 
composed in honour of his memory. 

The general tranquillity of India during Lord William Ben- 
tinck's administration, afforded an opportunity for the prosecution 
of two great projects, the consequences of which have not been yet 
fully developed ; the opening of communications with the coun- 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 3 73 

tries west of the Indus, between that river and the Caspian Sea ; 
and the establishment of a steam communication between Eng- 
land and India. The primary object in forming any connection 
with the countries west of the Indus, was the extension of 
British commerce. It was believed that it would be possible to 
open markets for the sale of British manufactures in the great 
trading cities of Central Asia ; the goods being conveyed in 
steam-boats up the Indus, and then transported by Native mer- 
chants across the mountain-passes of the Indian Caucasus. In 
order to facilitate tliis desirable object, Lord William Bentinck, 
during his northern progress, had an interview with Runjeet 
Singh, the ruler of Lahore, which was one of the most gorgeous 
displays of oriental magnificence that can be imagined. The 
King of Lahore expressed himself favourable to such an exten- 
sion of intercourse, and, with rather greater difficulty, the Ameers 
of Scinde were induced to adopt the same course of policy. 
Lieutenant, afterwards Sir Alexander Burnes, was encouraged 
by the Governor-general to undertake an exploring tour through 
the countries of Central Asia, then almost unknown. This 
enterprising traveller collected very important information re- 
specting the political condition, the commercial relations, and the 
geogi'aphical features of the countries between the Caspian and 
the Indus ; and his subsequent publication of his travels excited 
a considerable share of public attention in England. 

But these countries were interesting in a very different and im- 
portant point of view. Ithadbeen,for sometime, suspected that the 
Russians, adopting the policy of Napoleon, looked with a jealous 
eye on the supremacy which the British had acquired in India, 
and that plans for destroying the English power in that peninsula, 
had been discussed in the cabinet of St. Petersburgh. It was, 
therefore, part of the instructions given to Lieutenant Burnes, 
that he should examine the military capabilities of the countries 
between the Caspian and the Indus. It appears to be the gene- 
ral result, from his enquiries, that no danger can reasonably be 
dreaded from a Russian invasion proceeding through the desert 
countries east of the Caspian, which are totally destitute of the 
provisions necessary to support a large army, and which present 
' almost invincible obstacles in the nature of their surface, to the 
transport of a commissariat and military stores. The wild tribes 
-of the Desert were found to be exceedingly jealous of strangers, 



374 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 

but more especially of the Russians, as they have been long in 
the practice of kidnapping Russian peasants from the frontiers, 
and reducing them to slavery. The investigations of Lieutenant 
Burnes have not been so fruitful in beneficial results as it -was at 
first supposed that they would have been, and it is not easy to 
see how a beneficial trade can be opened with the Natives of 
Central Asia, until they are so far civilized as to produce some 
commodity which they can offer in exchange for British manu- 
factures. 

Three routes were proposed for steam-communication •with 
India ; the first was the usual course taken by sailing-vessels 
round the Cape of Good Hope ; this was tried by a vessel called 
the Enterprize, in 1825, and, though she made the voyage in 
safety, yet so little appeared to have been gained in the saving 
of time, that this plan was abandoned. The second route was 
from Bombay, through the Red Sea to Suez, and thence through 
Egj'pt to the Mediterranean. The experiments by tliis route 
were decisive, and a monthly line of packets has been established. 
A third route by the Euphrates and Persian Gulph, was examined 
by an expedition under the command of Colonel Chesney ; he 
demonstrated the practicaliility of navigating that river, and the 
tractability of the Arabs ; but before further enquiries could be 
made, the feasibility of the passage by the Red Sea was so fully 
established, that it was deemed unnecessary to search for any 
other route. 

The navigation of the Ganges, by river-steamers, early occu- 
pied the attention of the Governor-general, and under his 
patronage the system was commenced. It has had the most 
complete success, both in affording security and rapidity to com- 
munication ; but it will probably be long before the system can 
be safely applied to the other great rivers of Asia. 

Financial derangements threw a gloom over the close of Lord 
William Bentinck's Lidian administration. The fluctuations to 
which the government loans were liable, induced many persons to 
invest their capital or their savings, in the houses of agency esta- 
blished at Calcutta. Unfortunately, the command of money in- 
duced many of these houses to enter into niinous speculations, 
which soon led to a commercial crisis. One house after another 
became bankrupt, until the last failed in January, 1834, inflicting 
a fearful loss on the commercial community of Calcutta, and rC' 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 375 

ducing many'wortliy officers to a state of the greatest distress, aa 
they lost, in the crash, the accumulated savings of their lives. 
Instead of adding any comments of our own on this portion of 
Indian history, we shall quote ' Mr. Auber's Closing Remarks 
on Lord William Bentinck's Administration,' as they are equally 
distinguished by their force and truth : — 

" It is impossible to do more than to briefly and imperfectly ad- 
vert to the leading points of an administration, which extended 
over a period of seven years, and which comprised such a variety 
of measures, carried forward under novel and peculiar circum- 
stances. 

" There had scarcely been a preceding government, in which 
some prominent event had not thrown comparatively into the 
shade the less attractive matters, intimately connected with the 
welfare and happiness of the people, and with the internal 
government of the country. 

" It was the fortune of Lord William Bentinck to enter upon 
the office of Governor-general, at a time when antecedent events 
had given a tone to the several branches of the service, by no 
means calculated to diminish the onerous duties imposed upon 
the head of the Indian administration. 

" To carry into execution measures of economy and retrench- 
ment, on points irritating to the feelings of the body constitnting 
our main hold upon our eastern empire, was not only an unwel- 
come but a difficult task, requiring much firmness, tempered with 
judgment and discretion. The Governor-general discharged liis 
duty, at much cost to his personal feelings ; at the same time 
contendins: with unflinching determination as^ainst indiscretions, 
emanating in quarters where the Government would naturally 
have expected to meet with aid and support, in the performance 
of a great public trust. 

" Measures relating to the civil branches of the service, but not 
more palatable to its members, were imperatively called for: but 
their introduction infused a spirit of energy and zeal, Avhere 
supineness or laxity of control, had suffered inertness or apathy 
to creep in. The difficulties of the Governor-general's position 
were enhanced by a variety of reports, calculated to unsettle the 
public mind regarding the future system for governing India. 
An extensive enquiry, instituted by parliament, had been pro- 
secuted amidst fluctuating ministers, each entertaining, so far as 



376 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 

could be gathered, opposite views of the principles upon -nhich 
a future settlement should be made between the public and the 
Company : a state of things, materially influencing the whole 
frame of Indian society, but more particularly that portion at 
the scat of government. Publications emanating from members 
hi'di in the service, evinced little respect for the authority in 
whose name the aiFairs were administered, whilst an unbridled 
freedom of comment was indulged on the conduct of their repre- 
sentative in India. Much of the feeling was to be traced to the 
etfects of the ovenvhelming ruin caused by the universal failures 
of the agency houses : havoc and dismay were spread throughout 
all branches. Savings had been deposited by the servants, in 
the cherished expectation that they would enable them to return 
to close their lives in their native land ; but at one fell swoop 
they saw their little all swallowed up, their prospects blasted, 
and themselves left to prolong an unwilling and cheerless service, 
with broken spirits, and minds soured by severe and unexpected 
disappointment. 

" Amidst a state of things so little calculated to make a 
favourable impression upon the Indian community. Lord William 
Bentinck, nevertheless, received a series of addresses, bearing 
the strongest testimony which could be offered to the valuable 
services of a high public functionary, on retiring from the scene 
of his labours. The value of such testimonies was enhanced 
by the qualified terms in which they were expressed. 

" It was not an indiscriminate eulogy, but the honest avowal 
of men who were sensible that the Governor-general had con- 
ferred benefits on India which demanded a public acknowledg- 
ment. The address from the mercantile community declared, 
that they felt themselves impelled by a strong sense of duty to 
contribute their humble testimony in approval of numerous 
measures, completed or in preparation, having for their object 
the general improvemant of the country, the moral and social 
advancement of its vast and varied population, and the develop- 
ment, in particular, of its commercial and agricultural resources. 
They well observed, that in many respects his lordship's admi- 
nistration had necessarily been of a character widely difierent 
from those of his predecessors. Theirs were days of war and 
diplomacy, and profuse expenditure ; to his lordship had fallen 
the more painful task of consolidating, preserving and organizing ; 



ADMINISTRATION OP LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 377 

of repairing the deep wounds in public finances ; of contending 
with an alarming deficit, and of enforcing the remedy of severe 
economy and retrenchment, by which the charges of India had 
been very greatly reduced, and the Company's treasury consi- 
derably relieved. 

" The Native population, meeting at the Hindu College, 
declared that his lordship had done every thing kind for them ; 
the only act of unkindness was parting with them. They ex- 
pressed their veneration for his lordship's person and character, 
and their gratitude for the enlarged spirit of justice and bene- 
volence with which the Natives had been treated, under his 
administration. 

" At a public meeting at the Town Hall, a resolution was 
passed, requesting his lordship to permit his statue to be erected 
in some conspicuous part of Calcutta, to be of bronze, and eques- 
trian, and to be executed by Chantrey. 

" Lord William Bentinck quitted Calcutta in March, 1835. 

" The Court of Directors, on learning that his lordship's 
health constrained him to relinquish the government, passed the 
following Resolution on the 26th September, 1834: — 

" Resolved, That this Court deeply lament that the state 
of Lord William Bentinck's health should be such as to deprive 
the Company of his most valuable services ; and this Court 
deem it proper to record, on the occasion of his lordship's 
resignation of the office of Governor-general, their high sense 
of the distinguished ability, energy, zeal and integrity, with 
which his lordship has discharged the arduous duties of his 
exalted station." 

Immediately after the intelligence of Lord William Bentinck's 
resignation had been received, the court of directors appointed 
Lord Heytesbury Governor-general of India by an unanimous 
vote. Their choice was cordially approved by Sir Robert Peel 
and the Duke of Wellington, who were then ministers ; but, be- 
fore his lordship could sail to his destination, the Whigs returned 
to power, and an early intimation was conveyed to the court of 
directors, that the restored ministers felt themselves obliged to 
annul the appointment of Lord Heytesbury, and to have so re- 
sponsible an office as that of Governor-general of India, confided 
to a statesman whose views accorded with their own. Although 
this announcement was anticipated, it did not fail to produce 



378 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD AUCKLAND. 

some dissatisfaction in the court of directors, and long discus- 
sions between them and the government. In the meantime, the 
supreme authority at Calcutta devolved on Sir Charles Metcalfe, 
whose brief administration was marked by several concessions to 
popular opinion, particularly by the abolition of all restrictions 
on the freedom of the press. After some delay, the court of 
directors finally concurred in the nomination of Lord Auckland, 
who was perfectly acceptable to the ministers. On the 4th of 
July, 1836, his lordship landed at Calcutta, and assumed the 
reins of government. 

Everything seemed to promise that the administration of Lord 
Auckland, would not be less pacific than that of his predecessor. 
The Governor-general was known to be a consistent supporter of 
pacific policy, and eager to carry out those schemes of social im- 
provement, which can only be effected in a period of perfect 
tranquillity. His earliest attention was devoted to the promo- 
tion of the schemes which had been formed for the advancement 
of Native education, and the communication of so much know- 
ledge to the Mohammedans and Hindus as they were willing to 
receive. But circumstances occurred, which induced Lord Auck- 
land to enter deeply into the troubled politics of Central and 
Western Asia, and to involve his government in a struggle of 
which the final issue is as yet uncertain. Before entering on the 
history of the Afghan War, which is so important as to require a 
chapter to itself, we shall briefly notice the principal occurrences 
within the limits of India, which were connected with Lord Auck- 
land's administration. 

About the time of his lordship's accession to power, the Raja of 
Gumsur, a mountainous tract, inhabited by a peculiar race called 
the Rhoonds, of whom very little was known, displayed such a re- 
fractory spirit that a considerable force was sent to reduce him to 
obedience. Tlie troops experienced some difficulties in ascend- 
ing the rugged mountain chain which fenced the frontiers of 
Gumsur, and, when they reached the summit, they were surprised 
to see, expanded beneath them, an extensive and fertile tract of 
country, covered with flourishing villages, and richly cultivated. 
At first they encountered but little resistance ; Gumsur and the 
principal forts were occupied without difficulty ; the Raja and, 
afterwards, his son submitted to the English. Several subordi- 
nate chieftains, however, continued to resist, confiding in the 



ADMINISTRATION OF LORD AUCKLAND. 379 

strength of their fastnesses and jungles. Two campaigns were 
spent in this desultory warfare ; the troops suffered very severely 
from sickness in this marshy and unhealthy country, and several 
casualties were sustained in desperate skirmishes. At length the 
fierce Khoonds were subdued, and their chief fortresses demolished. 

The kingdom of Oude is the most important dependency of 
the government of Bengal, and its internal condition, ever since 
the conclusion of the subsidiary treaty, has been a constant 
source of anxiety to the government of that presidency. Such 
anarchy and confusion were produced in Oude during the ad- 
ministration of Lord William Bentinck, by the misgoveriiment of 
the monarch, that the Governor-general was induced to make 
some preparations for transferring its management, at least for a 
a time, to the English authorities ; but the court of Lucknow 
took the alarm, and averted the danger by the introduction of 
several salutary reforms. In the year 1837, the king's growing 
infirmities showed that the throne was soon likely to become 
vacant. A little before his death, he acknowledged as his sons 
two youths, Rywan Jah and Moonah Jaun ; but it was generally 
believed that they were not his children, and that he had been 
induced, by undue female influence, to recognize them. His 
family interfered, and obtained from him a formal declaration of 
the fraud ; on his death, the question of succession was referred' 
to the British authorities. After a long and anxious considera- 
tion, it was resolved to set the two young men aside, and, ac- 
cording to the laws of succession peculiar to Mohammedan law, 
to confer the crown on Nasseer-ed-Dowlah, the eldest surviving 
uncle of the dying monarch. In the mean time, however, the 
queen-mother, a bold and ambitious princess, had espoused the 
cause of Moonah Jaun, whom she treated as her adopted child. 

The remaining transactions with the court of Oude may be 
best told in the words of a writer already quoted : — " On the 
night of the 7th of July, 1837, Colonel Law, the resident at 
Lucknow, received a message that the king was taken suddenly 
iU, and believed to be dying. This officer having ordered his 
troops to be in readiness, obeyed the summons, when he found 
that his majesty had just expired. Having, in this crisis, obtained 
from Nusseer-ood-Dowlah an engagement to sign such a treaty 
as the Governor-general should dictate, he led him to the royal 
residence, where preparations were made for his immediate instal- 



380 ADMINISTRATION OF LORD AUCKLAND. 

lation. Suddenly, however, a great noise was heard, and it soon 
appeared that the Padsha, with an armed force of about 2,000 
men, was approaching the palace, which, as our soldiers were not 
yet come up, was very slightly guarded. In spite of a warm re- 
monstrance, the Natives burst open the gates, filled the edifice 
with shouts and clamour, seized both the prince and the Com- 
pany's servants, in presence of whom Moonah Jaun was placed 
on the throne, the Begum being seated in a palanquin beneath 
him. The insurgents, after some \aolent proceedings towards 
the resident, allowed him to retire, when, upon finding his men 
assembled, he sent repeated messages to the Begum, calling upon 
her to surrender. As she returned evasive answers, a battery 
was opened, and, in a short time, she and her minions were made 
prisoners. The old prince, whom, though he had endured many 
insults, they found safe, was immediately seated on the throne, 
and his accession announced by a royal salute to the inhabitants 
of the capital. 

" All these proceedings were approved by the Governor-gene- 
ral ; but of the promise extorted from the king relative to a new 
treaty, it appears that no advantage has been taken. 

" Claims were advanced by two nephews, sons of a deceased 
elder brother, who urged that, as their father, if alive, would have 
succeeded, they ought to inherit in his stead. This question, 
however, had early attracted the attention of the Indian govern- 
ment, who, after much consideration and reference to high autho- 
rities, as well as precedents (among which was that of the present 
King of Delhi), had concluded that, according to the principles 
of the Soonee sect, a son cannot succeed to rights or property to 
which his father was heir, if he died before coming into actual 
possession. In this case, the inheritance goes to a brother. A 
curious contest also arose between the two princes, which was the 
eldest ; but, as both were excluded, there was no need to discuss 
this question. One of them spent a considerable time in Eng- 
land, but without being able to obtain any attention either from 
Parliament or the Company." 



381 



CHAPTER XX. 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 



In the preceding chapters we have briefly noticed the revolu- 
tions in Afghanistan, which terminated in the dethronement and 
exile of Shah Shujah, who, after a brief residence at the court of 
Lahore, became a pensioner on the bounty of the English 
government, and made the frontier town, Loodiana, his principal 
abode. Shah Mahmood, or Mohammed, was unfit for the throne, 
to which he was elevated by the vizier Fatteh Khan, but the 
beginning of his reign was successful beyond the highest ex- 
pectations of his partizans. The only quarter from which he 
was menaced with danger, was from the side of Persia. The 
monarch of that country claimed tribute from Herat, and when it 
was refused, he advanced to besiege that city. The Afghan 
minister sent his able vizier, Futteh Khan, to aid in the defence 
of that place ; his operations were so far successful that the 
Persians were defeated with loss, but the Afghans gained more 
advantage than honour from their success, for being seized with 
a sudden panic they abandoned the field, after having achieved 
the victory. Futteh Khan effaced the memory of his services by 
seizing the person of the Governor of Herat, although he was the 
brother of his sovereign, depriving him of the Avhole of his 
wealth, and violating his harem in searching for concealed trea- 
sure. Prince Kamran, Shah Mohammed's eldest son, vowed 
revenae for the insult offered to his uncle : he watched his 
opportunity, seized the unfortunate vizier, and deprived him of 
sight. After a lapse of five or six months, Shah Mohammed 
followed up this cruelty, by putting to death the minister to 
whom he owed his crown, with circumstances of great atrocity. 



382 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

" The tragedy," says Sir A. Biirney, " which terminated the 
life of Futeh Khan, Barukzye,* is, perhaps, without ijarallel in 
modern times. Blind and bound he was led into the court of 
Mahmood, where he had so lately ruled with absolute power. 
The king taunted him for his crimes, and desired him to use his 
influence with his brothers, then in rebellion. He replied with- 
out fear, and with great fortitude, that he was now but a poor, 
blind man, and had no concern with affairs of state. Mahmood, 
irritated at his obstinacy, gave the last orders for his death, and 
this unfortunate man was deliberately cut to pieces by the nobles 
of the court ; joint was separated from joint, limb from limb, his 
nose and his ears were lopped off; nor had the vital spark fled, 
till the head was separated from the mangled body. Futeh 
Khan, bore these cruel tortures without a sigh ; he stretched out 
his different limbs to those who thirsted for his blood, and ex- 
hibited the same cool indifference, the same reckless contempt 
for his own life, which he had so often shown for that of others. 
The bloody remains of this unfortunate person, was gathered 
in a cloth and sent to Ghuznee, where they were interred." 

Mohammed Azeem Khan, the eldest brother of the murdered 
vizier, at once had recourse to arms, and as we are infonned 
by Sir Alexander Bunies, his first intention was to restore Shah 
Shujah, Shujah after all his misfortunes, might have now re- 
ascended the throne of his ancestors; but before Azeern Khan 
had reached Peshawer, he (Shujah) prematurely displayed his 
notions of royal authority, by insulting some friend of his bene- 
factor, whom he considered to be encroaching on his dignity, by 
using a palanquin. The whole Barukzye family took offence at 
such ill-timed pride ; and Azeem Khan determined to place a 
more compliant master on the throne." " A favourable oppor- 
tunity presented itself in the person of ^yub (or Job,) a brother 
of Shujah. He entered the camp of Azeem Khan, and sued for 
the throne as the most abject of slaves, ' Make me but king,' 
he said, ' permit money to be coined in my name, and the 
whole power and resources of the kingdom may rest with your- 
self; my ambition will be satisfied with bread, and the title of 

* The Barukzye, or Barak Zai tribe, to which the vizier belonged, had 
Jong been regarded as the rivals of the Dooranee, or royal tribe, from which 
the Afghan monarchs were descended. 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 383 

king.' This was just the person the Barukzyes wanted, and his 
conditions were accepted." 

Ayub, however, was a mere puppet; Azeem Khan really 
possessed the supreme, but on his death in 1823, the country 
fell into complete confusion : a series of civil wars arose between 
his children and his numerous brothers, which ended in their 
parcelling out the empire into petty principalities. One of these 
principalities however, Herat, remained in the possession of Shah 
Mohammed, and is still retained by his son Kemran. Ayub 
was forced to become an exile, and was supported by a pension 
from Runjeet Singh. 

Although the Barukzye brothers never formed a perfect 
confederacy, they for the most part recognized the supremacy of 
Dost Mohammed Khan, who after having overthrown his nephew, 
took possession of Kabul. Next to him, the most important 
rulers were Shere Dilkhan, who took possession of Candahar, 
and Sultan Mohammed Khan, who established himself in Pesh- 
awar. Cashmire, as we have already stated, together with the 
province of Balkha, was seized by the Sultan of Bokhara, and 
the Ameers of Scinde proclaimed their independence. 

Dost Mohammed Khan was the son of an inferior wife, and 
was therefore not regarded as of equal rank with the rest of his 
twenty brothers. His education was neglected in his youth, 
and he is said not to have learned reading and writing until 
after his accession to power. When the death of Senafraz Khan 
left his mother without a protector, and Dost Mohammed a 
young orphan, she destined the boy to a menial situation in the 
mosque erected to the Afghan saint, Lamech. He took no share 
in the several revolutions organized by his active brother, Futteh 
Khan, which ended in the dethronement of Shah Zeman, the 
expulsion of Shah Shujah, and the elevation to royalty of Shah 
Mahmood, with Fati Khan as vizier, or rather " as viceroy over 
him." The first circumstance which brought Dost Mohammed 
into notice is thus related by Mr. Masson. " On the second 
assumption of power by Shah Mahmud, he was advancing in 
youth, and was always about the person of his brother the 
Vazir, rather as a dependent than a relative, performing even 
menial offices, such as serving him with wine, and preparing 
his chillam. The course of events led the court to Peshawer; 
when Dost Mahomed Khan first brought himself into notice 



384 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

1)V nn atrocious deed, which well marked his reckless and 
darin!^ disposition. Amongst the 'many brothers of the Vazir, 
Mahomed Azcm Khan, of nearly the same age, was dis- 
tin"uishcd by his dignified deportment and propriety of con- 
duct. He was also very attentive in the administration of his 
aflairs. The Vazir, so indifferent to his personal matters that 
frequently no dinner was prepared for him, and his horses were 
standing without barley, was piqued at the better management 
of lus brother, and felt annoyed when he heard him lauded. He 
imputed the prosperous condition of his establishment to the 
ability of the sahibkar, or steward, Mirza All Khan, who, he 
used to observe, had made a * shaks,' or man of his brother. 
One day, exhilarated by wine, he exclaimed, ' Would to God 
that some one would kill INIizra AH, and deliver me from the 
dread of Mahomed Azcm Khan.' Dost Mahomed Khan, pre- 
sent, asked if he should kill the ]\Iirza ; the Vazir replied ' Yes, if 
you can.' Next morning. Dost Mahomed Khan placed himself 
on the road of the mirza, in the bazar of Peshawer, and as he 
proceeded to pay his respects to his employer, accosted him with 
' How are you, Mirza?' placed one hand upon his waist-shawl, 
and with the other thrust a dagger into his bosom. He im- 
mediately galloped off, not to the quarters of the Vazir, but to 
the tent of Ibrahim Khan Jemshidi, a Sirdar of note, and in 
favour with Shah Mahmud. Here he was within the circle of 
the royal tents, and it would have been indecorous to have 
removed him : perhaps his reason for seeking refuge there. 
Mahomed Azem Khan was naturally incensed upon hearing of 
the catastrophe, and vowing that nothing but Dost Mahomed 
Khan's blood could atone for that of his ill-fated IMirza, in 
violent anger sought the Vazir. That profligate man expressed 
his contrition, that an accidental remark made by him, in his 
cups, should have caused the perpetration of so foul a crime; but 
pointed out, that the Mirza could not be recalled to life ; that 
Dost Mahomed was still a brother ; that if it were determined to 
punish him he could not be taken from his asylum ; that the 
impure habits of Sliah Mahmud and his son Kamran were 
kno\\-n to all, and if Dost Mahomed, a beardless youth, was left 
in their power, fresh causes of ridicule and reproach were likely 
to arise to the family, — what had been done, could not be 
undone : it was prudent, therefore, to forget the past, and avert 



J 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 385 

the evil consequences of the future. By such representations 
and arguments, Mahomed Azem Khan suffered himself to be 
persuaded, the Mirzar was forgotten, and Dost Mahomed Khan 
was brought from the protection of Ibrahim Khan, Jemshidi. 
The youth had developed talent of high order, and his retinue 
was increased by the Vazir from three or four horsemen to 
twenty." 

We shall next give a specimen of the means employed by 
Dost Mohammed to obtain supreme power during the distrac- 
tions that followed the dissolution of the Afghan monarchy : — 

" The sturdy leaders of the Kohistan, were successively cir- 
cumvented and disposed of. One of the most potent and 
cautious, Khwoja Khanji, of Karrezai, was nearly the only one 
who remained, and he had rejected every overture, and refused 
to attend upon any consideration the camp of the Sirdar. It 
was felt by Dost Mahomed Khan, that nothing was done while 
Khwoja Khanji remained in being, and he redoubled his exer- 
tions to ensnare him. He sent Koran after Koran ; engaged to 
marry his daughter ; but he could not entice the old chieftain 
from his castle. The Khwoja, like every man in the Kohistan, 
had enemies. The chief most inimical to him, was in attendance 
upon Dost Mahomed Khan. This Sirdar, as a last means of 
winning the confidence of the Khwoja, put his enemy to death, 
claiming the merit of having proved the sincerity of his desire to 
become friendly with him, at the risk of incurring disgrace in 
the eyes of the world. The murder took place at Baiyan, and 
Dost Mahomed Khan invited the Khwoja to meet him, and 
cement their friendly understanding, at the castle of his former 
foe. The Khwoja was now overcome, and to fulfil his destiny, 
repaired to Baiyan. He came, however, with a most numerous 
retinue. Dost Mahomed Khan received him with all politeness 
and humility ; a thousand protestations of friendship and service 
flowed from his lips; he addressed the old man as his father, 
and, it may be, lulled his suspicions. At night. Dost Mahomed 
Khan took the hand of the Khwoja, and led him within the 
castle, that he might witness the preparation of an inventory of 
the effects of the slain, observing, that it was necessary, as the 
Khwoja knew what a particular man the Vazir was. As soon as 
the castle was entered, the gates were closed, and as the Kliwoja 
passed into an apartment, said to be the Tosha Keana, Dost 

s 



38G THE AFGHAN WAR. 

Mahomed Khan gave the signal, in Turki, to his Kazilbash 
attendants, who cut their victim down. His head, severed from 
his body, was thrown from the battlements amongst his fol- 
lowers. In the first transports of their indignation they com- 
menced an attack upon the castle, but disunited and disconcerted, 
they retired before moniing. Dost Mahommed Khan was left 
at leisure to rejoice in his victory, and the triumph of his 
dexterity." 

In the year 1832, when Dost Mohammed's power was 
firmly established, Mr. Masson reached Kabul, and he thus 
sketches the character of the ruler and the state of the country : 

" Dost Mahomed Khan might have an accomplice, he could 
never have a friend , and his power, erected on the basis of 
fraud and overreaching, was always liable to be destroyed by 
the same weapons. Many of his vices and errors were, un- 
doubtedly, those of his countrymen, and of circumstance. His 
fortune had placed him in an age in which honesty could scarcely 
thrive. Had he been bom to legitimate power, he would have 
figured very respectably ; his talents would have had a fair field 
for their developement and exercise, and he would have been spared 
the commission of many enormities, then unnecessary. It has 
been remarked, that he never acted wantonly, or perpetrated 
mischief for the mere sake of mischief, and that he was open to 
shame, but it was doubtful whether for having done evil, or 
because he had gained nothing by it. It is fair to notice the 
conduct of Dost Mahomed Khan in his new capacity of supreme 
chief of Kabal, especially as it did him much credit in many 
respects. From his youth upwards he had been dissipated, and 
prone to all the vices of the country. Master of Kabal, he 
abjured wine and other unlawful pleasures. The chief of the 
community, it was due that his example should not be ques- 
tioned. Of his application and aptitude for business, there could 
be but one opinion. 

" In all matters where no political questions had force, he was 
fair and impartial, and free from haughtiness ; and accessible to 
all classes. Vigilant in the administration of the country, crimes 
became few. People ceased to commit them, conscious they 
should be called to account." |Sit 

But it was not in the power of Dost Mohammed Khan to 
repress the jealous ambition of his brothers, or the turbulence of l"^ 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 387 

the Afghan chiefs, especially as he was prevented from having 
recourse to vigorous measures, by the war with the Sikhs, and 
the repeated attempts of Shah Shujah to recover his crown. In 
fact, at the beginning of the year 1836, Kabul was in a state of 
complete anarchy, and Dost jNIohammed could think of no better 
mode of insuring tranquillity, than by treacherously seizing all the 
chiefs whom he suspected of intriguing a2;ainst his person. This 
notable design was defeated by his taking for adviser the chief 
agent in these very intrigues, who, of course, revealed his inten- 
tions to the chiefs, and placed them on their guard. It would 
be tedious to enter on any investigation of Dost Mohammed's 
plans for the destruction of his brothers, or their machinations 
against him ; it would be a mere record of treachery, weakness, 
and vacillation. The following brief extract, from IVIr. Masson, 
will shew what was the melancholy condition of Afghanistan in 
1836:— 

*' The large military force the Amir deemed it advisable to 
keep up, and to which he was in some measure compelled, 
pressed heavUy upon his finances, and a multitude of expedients 
were put into practice to meet the extraordinary expenses it 
involved. No opportunity was neglected of seizing property, 
and although a pretext, more or less valid, was generally urged, 
extreme dissatisfaction prevailed, and the popularity of the Amir 
diminished daily. An effort made to increase the revenues 
derived from the Ghilji districts of Ghazni, threw them into in- 
surrection, and the Ghilji districts of Kabal were on the verge of 
revolt for the same reason. In both instances the Amir gained a 
trifle, notwithstanding the Ghazni Ghiljis defeated his troops. 
In the autumn, Mahomed Akbar Khan marched into Taghow, 
and after some severe fighting, in which men of consideration 
were slain, possessed himself of the valley. Here also tribute 
was enforced. Many of the troops employed in this expedition, 
went provided with barats, or orders for their pay, drawn out in 
anticipation. Such orders are described as being on the stag's 
antlers, meaning that the stag must be first caught." 

In such a state of affairs, it was difficult to resist such active 
enemies as the Sikhs, and Runjeet Sing having crossed the 
Indus, made himself master of Peshawer, which had belong- 
ed to Sultan Mohammed Khan, an elder brother of Dost 

s 2 



388 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

Mohammed Khan. Events still more perilous to the peace of 
central Asia, occurred ahout the same time in other quarters. 

We have mentioned that one branch of the royal family of 
Afghanistan had retained possession of Herat. When Kemran 
assumed the sceptre in that city, he was so daunted by the 
successes of the Persian prince, Abbas Mirza, that he con- 
sented to become a tributary to the Shah of Persia, and to raze 
his strong fortress of Ghorian on the frontiers of Khorassan. 
The death of Abbas Mirza, which was soon followed by that of 
his father, Futteh Ali Shah, exposed Persia to the hazard of 
civil war, which, indeed, was only averted by the prompt inter- 
ference of the English ; the confusion appeared to Kemran a 
favourable opportunity for evading the fulfilment of his engage- 
ments ; he refused to restore Ghorian ; to permit the Persian 
families in Herat to return to their homes ; or to pay the pro- 
mised tribute. He even went farther, and allowed his Aazier to 
invade Khorassan, and carry away twelve thousand persons, 
whom he sold as slaves. Such was the aspect of affairs when 
the English envoy, Mr. Ellis, arrived at Teheran on a mission of 
condolence to the King of Persia. He found the young king, 
Mohammed Shah, bent on attacking Herat, to punish the per- 
fidy of Kemran, and inclined to extend his claims to Ghuzni and 
Kandahar, which had formed part of the Persian monarchy in the 
time of Nadir Shah. 

The causes of war against the Prince of Herat were too obvious 
to be denied, but, at the same time, it was felt that very serious 
interests would be endangered by the approach of the Shah of 
Persia, either in the way of direct conquest, or by the admission 
of his right of dominion to the frontiers of India. Such an event 
would, doubtless, have unsettled the minds of the ]\Iussulman 
population throughout the peninsula, and awakened a dangerous 
fanaticism, which it would have been very difficult to control. 
There were, however, some considerations still more serious ; 
Mr. Ellis found the Russian influence predominant in the coun- 
cils of Persia, and the Russian ambassador, Count Sunovich, 
suspiciously anxious to precipitate the march of the Shah's army 
on Herat. In fact, there was reason to believe that the Persians 
would only be the advanced guard of the Russians, who would 
thus be brought into dangerous proximity with the most exposed 
frontier of British India. 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 389 

The Barukzye "brothers were at this time much alamied by 
the rapid progress and repeated victories of the Sikhs, and they 
equally feared and hated Shah Kemran, who was the most bitter 
enemy of their family. They were, therefore, anxious to secure 
the friendship of Persia, though they professed that they would 
rather gain their objects by the intervention of the British govern- 
ment. It does not appear that, at this period, any effort had 
been made to mediate between the Sikhs and Afghans on the 
part of the authorities in India ; the war was waged at a distance 
from the English frontiers, and, therefore, excited a very small 
share of attention. The hatred, however, which the Afghans 
and the Mohammedans generally bear to the Sikhs, is so intense, 
that the war between them ought to have been very carefully 
observed, lest it might lead to some outburst of JNiohammedan 
enthusiasm. Dost Mohammed Khan's inclination to form an 
alliance with Persia, though mainly, was not wholly caused by 
his dread of the Sikhs ; by his mother's side he was descended 
from the Persian tribes, which had been sent to colonize Afghan- 
istan in the reign of Nadir-Shah ; they were called Kuzzil- 
bashes, that is. " Red-heads," from their retaining the cap, which 
formed part of their national costume ; and they retained the 
Shiah form of the jVIohamedan faith, in opposition to the Afghans, 
who are strongly attached to the Sonnete creed. His connection 
with these tribes, naturally disposed Dost Mohammed to form a 
Persian alliance, and, in the existing state of the court of Tehe- 
ran, it was scarcely possible to negociate such an alliance, without 
also entering upon some diplomatic relations with the Russians. 

The attempt which Shah Shujah made to recover his throne, 
in 1834, was believed at Kabul to have been indirectly favoured 
by the English authorities. Its failure was certainly unpleasant 
and unexpected at Calcutta, and there is no doubt that many 
subordinate officers gave the Shah secret assistance. But, not- 
withstanding these causes of suspicion. Dost Mohammed sought 
the interference of the British to prevent the encroachments of the 
Sikhs, and made a strong application to Lord Auckland on the sub- 
ject, immediately after his lordship's arrival in India. The Governor- 
general resolved to embrace the opportunity of opening commer- 
cial negociations with the counti-ies west of the Indus, and 
securing to British merchants the free navigation of that river ; 
he therefore sent Captain (afterwards Sir Alexander) Burnes, on 



390 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

a mission to Kabul, from whence, it was hoped, that great advan- 
ta"es might result to British trade with Central Asia. 

This mission has been very severely criticized, and Mr. Mas- 
son's remarks upon it are, at least, entitled to attention : — 

" The main, and great aim of government, is declared to be to 
o])en the Indus. Was the Indus ever closed, or farther closed 
tlian by its dangerous entrances and shallow depth of water? 
Another object was to open the countries on and beyond the 
Indus to commerce. Were they also ever closed ? No such 
thiuf : they carried on an active and increasing trade with India, 
and afforded markets for immense quantities of British manufac- 
tured goods. The governments of India and of England, as 
well as the public at large, were never amused and deceived by 
a greater fallacy, than that of opening the Indus as regarded com- 
mercial objects. The results of the policy concealed under this 
pretext, have been the introduction of troops into the countries 
on and beyond the river, and of some half-dozen steamers on the 
stream itself, employed for warlike objects, not for those of 
trade. There is, besides, great absurdity in commercial treaties 
with the states of Central Asia, simply because there is no occa- 
sion for them. From ancient and prescribed usage, moderate 
and fixed duties are levied ; trade is perfectly free ; no goods are 
prohibited ; and the more extensive the commerce carried on, the 
greater advantage to the state. Where, then, the benefit of com- 
mercial treaties?" 

Although this criticism displays too great a tendency to judge 
from actual results rather than original purpose, it must be con- 
fessed that the crisis was ill chosen for commencintj negrociations, 
Afghanistan being at the time distracted internally by the feuds 
of the Barukzye brothers, and menaced externally by the Per- 
sians on one side, and the Sikhs on the other. Indeed, the 
Afghans did not and could not appreciate the advantages of a 
commercial treaty ; they were, however, willing that the English 
should mediate between them and the Sikhs, and they felt grate- 
ful for the acknowledgment of the independence of the Barukzye 
chiefs, which had been obtained from Shah Kemran, in return for 
his being secured against the attacks of Persia. Dost 3Ioham- 
mcd, in fact, from the beginning looked upon the mission as 
political, and for this the British government was clearly unpre- 
pared. 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 391 

In September, 1837, Captain Alexander Burnes reached Kabul, 
at a time when recent events appeared to give him the power of 
accomplishing the objects of his mission with little or no difficulty. 
Dost iMohammed was anxious to recover Peshawer from the Sikhs, 
and Runjeet Singh was just as anxious to get rid of a useless and 
expensive acquisition. 

" It appears," says Mr. ]\Iasson, " that the Maharaja was so 
confounded at the death of Hari Singh (his favourite general), 
that he informed Captain Wade that he should be glad to give up 
Peshawer, preserving his pardah, or his honour. Nothing could 
be clearer than that the Maharaja was willing, at the request of 
the British government, to have abandoned his unjust conquest, 
— such request would have saved him the appearance of having 
been forced to give it up, and have preserved his pardah. 
Farther, no person acquainted with the state of the country and 
its relations, could have doubted but that he intended to restore 
it to Sultan Mahomed Khan, who already enjoyed half the re- 
venues — and from whom it was taken. Its restitution to Dost 
Mahomed Khan was a measure neither to be conceived with any 
propriety, nor to be demanded, with any justice, from the Maha- 
raja. The disposition of the jMaharaja was so unhoped for, and 
so favourable to the success of the mission, that it is no less ex- 
traordinary than unfortunate that Captain Burnes should not 
have seen the matter in the light every one but himself did." 

In justice, however, to Sir Alexander Burnes, it must be re- 
marked that Dost Mohammed, at this period, was secretly nego- 
ciating both with the Persians and the Russians, and that the 
Persian king. Shah Mohammed, was slowly advancing on Herat, 
with every reasonable project of being joined by the Barukzye 
brothers. In the December of 1837, the Persian army crossed 
the frontier and laid siege to Herat, and, at the same time, a 
Russian emissary made his appearance in Kabul, where he was 
received with studied attention. Mr. M'Neill, the English am- 
bassador in Persia, offered himself as a mediator between the 
Persian monarch and the sovereign of Herat, but the Russian 
ambassador counteracted his exertions, and the siege was con- 
tinued. Herat, however, was vigorously defended ; the Persians 
lay several months before the walls, and did not hazard an as- 
sault until they had battered the city for six days with an inces- 
sant fire from forty pieces of cannon. When the signal of attack 



392 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

was made, the Persians advanced with great gallantry, and 
planted their standards three several times upon the breach, but 
were unable to maintain their position. The Afghans attacked 
them energetically, sword in hand, with a vigour which was iiTe- 
sistible, and drove them across the ditch. The loss of the 
assailants amounted to nearly two thousand men, including a 
great number of officers of the highest rank. More than three- 
fourths were found to have fallen by sabre wounds. The pre- 
servation of Herat was owing, in a great degree, to the distin- 
guished abilities and valour of Lieutenant Pottinger, who hap- 
pened accidentally to be present ; he taught the Afghans how to 
resist the military arts of the besiegers, and he thwarted, the at- 
tempts of the Russian agents to excite dissensions in the gar- 
rison. 

Such was the situation of affairs in Persia and Kabul, when the 
Indian government deemed it necessary to interfere in the affairs 
of Afghanistan. The principles by which such an interference 
was justified, are laid down in a manifesto issued by Lord Auck- 
land from Simla, and, as this document is one of the highest im- 
portance, we shall publish it at full length : — 

" 1. The Right Honourable the Governor-general of India 
having, with the concurrence of the Supreme Council, directed 
the assemblage of a British force for service across the Indus, his 
lordship deems it proper to publish the following exposition of 
the reasons which have led to this important measure. 

" 2. It is a matter of notoriety that the treaties entered into by 
the British Government in the year 1832, with the Ameers of 
Sinde, the Nawab of Bahawulpore, and JMaharaja Runjeet 
Singh, had for their object, by opening the navigation of the 
Indus, to facilitate the extension of commerce, and to gain for 
the British nation, in Central Asia, that legitimate influence 
which an interchange of benefits would naturally produce. 

" 3. With a view to invite the aid of the de facto rulers of 
Afghanistan to the measures necessary for giving full effect to 
those treaties. Captain Burnes was deputed, towards the close of 
the year 1836, on a mission to Dost Mahomed Khan, the Chief 
of Kabul. The original objects of that officer's mission were 
puiely of a commercial nature. 

" 4. "VMiilst Captain Burnes, however, was on his journey to 
Kabul, information was received by the Governor-general that 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 393 

the troops of Dost Mahomed Khan had made a sudden and un- 
provoked attack on those of our ancient ally, Maharaja Run- 
jeet Singh. It was naturally to be apprehended that his high- 
ness the Maharaja, would not be slow to avenge this aggression ; 
and it was to be feared that the flames of war being once kindled in 
the very regious into which we were endeavouring to extend our 
commerce, the peaceful and beneficial purposes of the British 
government would be altogether frustrated. In order to avert a 
result so calamitous, the Governor-general resolved on autho- 
rizing Captain Burnes to intimate to Dost Mahomed Khan 
that, if he should evince a disposition to come to just and 
reasonable terms with the Maharaja, his lordship would exert 
his good offices with his highness for the restoration of an amica- 
ble understanding between the two powers. The Maharaja, 
with the characteristic confidence which he has uniformly placed 
in the faith and friendship of the British nation, at once assented 
to the proposition of the Governor-general, to the effect that, in 
the meantime, hostilities on his part should be suspended. 

" 5. It subsequently came to the knowledge of the Governor- 
general, that a Persian army was besieging Herat ; that intrigues 
were actively prosecuted throughout Afghanistan, for the purpose 
of extending Persian influence and authority to the banks of, and 
even beyond, the Indus ; and that the court of Persia had not 
only commenced a course of injury and insult to the officers of 
her Majesty's mission in the Persian territory, but had afforded 
evidence of being engaged in designs wholly at variance with the 
principles and objects of its alliance with Great Britain. 

" 6. After much time spent by Captain Burnes in fi-uitless 
negociation at Kabul, it appeared, that Dost Mahomed Khan, 
chiefly in consequence of his reliance upon Persian encourage- 
ment and assistance, persisted, as respected his misunderstanding 
with the Sikhs, in using the most unreasonable pretensions, such 
as the Governor-general could not, consistently with justice and 
his regard for the friendship of Maharaja Runjeet Singh, be the 
channel of submitting to the consideration of his highness ; that 
he avowed schemes of aggrandizement and ambition, injurious to 
the security and peace of the frontiers of India; and that he 
openly threatened, in furtherance of those schemes, to call in 
every foreign aid which he could command. Ultimately, he 
gave his undisguised support to the Persian designs in Afghan- 

s 5 



394 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

istan, of the unfriendly and injurious character of which, as con- 
cerned the British power in India, he was well apprised, and by 
his utter disregard of the views and interests of the British govern- 
ment, compelled Captain Burnes to leave Kabul without having 
effected any of the objects of his mission. 

" 7. It was now evident that no further interference could be 
exercised by the British goveniment, to bring about a good un- 
derstanding between the Sikh ruler and Dost Mahomed Khan, 
and the hostile policy of the latter chief showed too plainly that, 
so long as Kabul remained under his government, we could never 
hope that the tranquillity of our neighbourhood would be secured, 
or that the interests of our Indian empire would be preserved 
inviolate. 

" 8. The Governor-general deems it in this place necessary to 
revert to the siege of Herat, and the conduct of the Persian 
nation. The siege of that city has now been carried on by the 
Persian army for many months. The attack upon it was a most 
unjustifiable and cruel aggression, perpetrated and continued, 
notwthstanding the solemn and repeated remonstrances of the 
British envoy at the court of Persia, and after every just and be- 
coming offer of accommodation had been made and rejected. 
The besieged have behaved with gallantry and fortitude worthy 
of the justice of their cause, and the Governor-general would yet 
indulge the hope that their heroism may enable them to maintain 
a successful defence, until succours shall reacb them from British 
India. In the meantime, the ulterior designs of Persia, affecting 
the interests of the British government, have been, by a succes- 
sion of events, more and more openly manifested. The Gover- 
nor-general has recently ascertained, by an official despatch from 
Mr. M'Neill, her Majesty's envoy, that his excellency has been 
compelled, by the refusal of his just demands, and by a sys- 
tematic course of disrespect adopted towards him by the Persian 
government, to quit the court of the Shah, and to make a public 
declaration of the cessation of all intercourse between the two 
governments. The necessity under which Great Britain is 
placed, of regarding the present advance of the Persian arms into 
Afghanistan, as an act of hostility towards herself, has also been 
officially communicated to the Shah, under the express order of 
her ]^Iajesty's government. 

" 9. The chiefs of Candahar (brothers of Dost Mahomed Khan 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 395 

of Kabul) have avowed their adherence to the Persian policy, 
with the same full knowledge of its opposition to the rights and 
interests of the British nation in India, and have been openly 
assisting in the operations against Herat. 

" 10. In the crisis of affairs consequent upon the retirement of 
our envoy from Kabul, the Governor-general felt the importance 
of taking immediate measures for arresting the rapid progress of 
foreign intrigue and aggression towards our own territories. 

" 11. His attention was naturally drawn, at this conjuncture, 
to the position and claims of Shah Soojah-ool-Moolk, a monarch 
who, when in power, had cordially acceded to the measures of 
united resistance to external enmity, which were at that time 
judged necessary by the British government, and who, on his 
empire being usurped by its present rulers, had found an honour- 
able asylum in the British dominions. 

" 12. It had been clearly ascertained, from the information 
furnished by the various officers who have visited Afghanistan, 
that the Barukzye Chiefs, from their disunion and unpopularity, 
were ill fitted, under any circumstances, to be useful allies to the 
British government, and to aid us in our just and necessary mea- 
sures of national defence. Yet, so long as they refrained from 
proceedings injurious to our interest and security, the British 
government acknowledged and respected their authority. But a 
diflferent policy appeared to be now more than justified by the 
conduct of those chiefs, and to be indispensible to our own safety. 
The welfare of our possessions in the East requires that we 
should have on our western frontier, an ally who is interested 
in resisting aggression, and establishing tranquillity, in the place 
of cliiefs ranging themselves in subservience to a hostile power, 
and seeking to promote schemes of conquest and aggrandizement. 

" 13. After a serious and mature deliberation, the Governor- 
general was satisfied that a pressing necessity, as well as every 
consideration of policy and justice, warranted us in espousing 
the cause of Shah Soojah-ool-Moolk, whose popularity through- 
out Afghanistan had been proved to his lordship by the strong 
and unanimous testimony of the best authorities. Having 
arrived at this determination, the Governor-general was further 
of opinion, that it was just and proper, no less from the position 
of Maharaja Runjeet Singh, than from his undeviating friend- 
ship towards the British government, that liis highness should 



39G THE AFGHAN WAR. 

have the offer of becoming a party to the contemplated opera- 
tions. Mr. M'Naghten was accordingly deputed in June last to 
the court of his highness, and the result of his mission has been 
the conclusion of a tripartite treaty, by the British government, 
the Maharaja, and Shah Soojah-ool-Moolk, whereby his high- 
ness is guaranteed in his present possessions, and has bound 
himself to co-operate for the restoration of the Shah to the throne 
of his ancestors. The friends and enemies of any one of the 
contracting parties, have been declared to be the friends and 
enemies of all. Various points have been adjusted, which had 
been the subjects of discussion between the British govern- 
ment and his highness the Maharaja, the identity of whose in- 
terests, with those of the honourable Company, has now been 
made apparent to all the surrounding states. A guaranteed in- 
dependence will, upon favourable conditions, be tendered to the 
Ameers of Scinde ; and the integrity of Herat, in the possession 
of its present ruler, will be fully respected ; while by the mea- 
sures completed, or in progress, it may reasonably be hoped 
that the general freedom and security of commerce will be pro- 
moted ; that the name and just influence of the British govern- 
ment W'ill gain their proper footing among the Natives of Central 
Asia, that tranquillity will be established upon the most important 
frontier of India ; and that a lasting barrier will be raised against 
intrigue and encroachment. 

" 14. His majesty Shah Soojah-ool-Moolk, vrill enter Afghan- 
istan surrounded by his own troops, and will be supported against 
foreign interference, and factious opposition, by a British army. 
The Governor-general confidently hopes that the Shah will be 
speedily replaced on his throne by his own subjects and adhe- 
rents, and when once he shall be secured in power, and the in- 
dependence and integrity of Afghanistan established, the British 
army will be withdrawn. Tlie Governor-general has been led 
to these measures, by the duty which is imposed upon him of 
providing for the security of the possessions of the British 
crown ; but he rejoices that, in the discharge of this duty, he 
will be enabled to assist in restoring the union and prosperity 
of the Afghan people. Throughout the approaching opera- 
tions, British influence will be sedulously employed to further 
every measure of general benefit ; to reconcile differences ; to 
scciure oblivion of injuries ; and to put an end to the distractions 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 397 

by which, for so manj'- years, the welfare and happiness of the 
Afghans have been impaired. Even to the chiefs, whose hostile 
proceedings have given just cause of offence to the British go- 
vernment, it will seek to secure liberal and honourable treatment, 
on their tendering early submission ; and ceasing from opposition 
to that course of measures, which may be judged the most suit- 
able for the general advantage of their country. 

" By order of the Right Honourable the Governor-general of 
India, 

«' (Signed) " W. H. M'Naghten, 
" Secretary to the Governmeiit of India, 
" loith the Governor-general.''' 

A tripartite treaty was concluded, between the British govern- 
ment, Runjeet Singh and Shah Shuja, whereby the Maharaja of 
the Sikhs, was confirmed in his present possessions, and bound 
to co-operate in the restoration of the Shah. It was also re- 
solved to tender a guaranteed independence to the rulers of 
Scinde, and to leave Herat under the government of Kemran. 
Shah Shujah was to levy an army of his own, but was to be sup- 
ported by a British force, until his restoration was effected and 
the security of liis dominion established. Two armies prepared ; 
that from Bombay was to ascend the Indus, and enforce if 
necessary, the co-operation of the rulers of Scinde, while the 
Bengal army was to descend by the left bank of the Sutluj, so 
as to form a junction with the Bombay division, at Shikarpore. 
The following description of Shikapore, by Major Hough, will 
explain the reasons why it was chosen as a place of rendezvous, 
and the causes of the importance it acquired during the subse- 
quent operations of the war. 

" The town of Shikarpore contains about 6,000 houses and 
30,000 inhabitants, the houses are all built of mud, and it is a 
dirty place. It is a place of much resort, and the first of im- 
portance between Rohree and Dadur, near the entrance to the 
Bolan Pass. It has some pretensions to trade, but none to 
consideration from its buildings. There are a number of Jews 
here, from whom bills can be obtained or negociated, on any 
place in India, or even on Constantinople, China, or any place 
almost in the world : in fact, money transactions are the chief 
employment of the wealthy people of the place, and the mer- 
chants will contract to furnish large quantities of grain. Being 



39S THE AFGHAN WAR. 

SO near the Indus, whenever the free navigation of the river in- 
creases the commerce of Scinde and Afghanistan, Shikarpore will 
become a place of great commercial importance." 

The news, however, of the raising of the siege of Herat, and 
the retreat of the Shah of Persia, which reached the Governor- 
general about this time, led to some changes in the military 
operations. It was resolved, that only a portion of the Bengal 
force should be sent forward, and that the command of the entire 
expedition, should be given to Sir John Keane, the chief of the 
Bombay division. At the same time, a personal interview took 
place between the Governor-general and Runjeet Singh, which 
was conducted with extraordinary magnificence, and greatly 
tended to secure for the expedition, active aid from that energetic 
sovereign. 

It soon appeared that the rulers of Scinde were unwilling to 
fidfil their stipulations, and permit the march of an European force 
through tlieir territory ; it was therefore necessary to force a 
passage. A strong division marched upon Hyderabad, which 
was taken without any effectual resistance. This was followed 
by the capture of Kurrachee, the richest city in Scinde, which so 
terrified the rulers of that country, that they submitted to a new 
treaty, agreeing to make an immediate payment of £300,000 ; 
to maintain an auxiliary force of 4,000 men, under the command 
of British officers ; to pay a tribute amounting to nearly one 
half of their revenue ; and to acknowledge the sovereignty of the 
Company over their country. 

In the meantime, the Bengal division pursued its course along 
the Sutluj, until it reached Bhawulpore on the Indus. Here, in 
pursuance of a treaty with the Ameer, possession was obtained 
of the fortress of Bakkur, which was of great importance to the 
secure passage of the Indus. Its value may be best understood 
from the following description given of it, by Lieutenant Leech, 
in his report to the supreme government. 

" It is situated on an island in the Indus, between Rohree on 
the east bank, and the village of Sukkar on the west near to the 
latter ; it is conveniently situated, and if remodelled, would be 
an excellent situation for troops : it is built in the usual manner, 
partly of burnt and partly of unburnt bricks, and its walls are 
thirty to thirty-five /eet high ; the elevation of the island on 
which it stands above the river, is twenty-five feet ; it is loop- 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 399 

holed, and has a weak parapet ; on the east, there is an unfi- 
nished fausse-hraye without a terreplein, acting merely as a 
screen to part of the fort walls ; it looks, however, imposing from 
without, with its tiu-rets and loop-holes ; there is a low parapet 
wall to the west. It is commanded by the city of Rohree, 
where an enfilading battery would be advantageously erected, to 
cover the occupation of the island to the north of the fort, well 
screened by large trees, from which island the escalading party 
could cross with no difficulty, as there is no current. There is 
at present a garrison of about ten men, and one gun on the 
ramparts, which have been partly destroyed by its discharge ! 
The inside is in ruins, there being only a few huts, and a 
bungalow of the Ameer of Khypore, the magazine in time of 
siege." 

At this place, a bridge of boats was constructed, for the passage 
of the Bengal army over the Indus, and upon the 14th of February, 
General Nott had the honour of leading the first body of dis- 
ciplined troops, to the opposite banks of this noble river, with all 
the " pride, pomp and circumstance" of military triumph. The 
whole of the troops, baggage and cattle, passed over by the 18th 
^vithout the occurrence of a single accident. 

Towards the beginning of March, the whole army had as- 
sembled at Shikarpore, and soon afterwards it began to thread 
its way through the difficult country leading to the Bolan Pass. 
Here their sufferings may be said to have commenced ; the wild 
tribes of Belooches, who could never be got to attack them in 
front, hung upon the flanks and rear of the army, sweeping off" 
me camels and the baggage, with the provisions. These ma- 
rauders were in general well-mounted, and carried sometimes a 
sabre in each hand, in addition to their daggers, bucklers and 
guns. One of their means of defence, was to inundate the 
country, by damming up the rivers, so that the troops were 
forced to march through the water, until they came to the dykes. 
Their progress was also impeded by the dense jungles which 
they were obliged to clear for their encampments ; and the dead 
camels which they abandoned by the way, emitted an odour that 
was almost insupportable. The men, however, proceeded in 
excellent spirits, for they had as yet felt no inconvenience from 
the want of provisions. 

It was in the passage of the defiles of the Bolan Pass, that 



100 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

their real liardships began ; they were entered by the Bengal 
column, on the evening of the 18th of March. Although the 
heat in the plain which the troops had left, was intolerable, a 
hurricane of snow swept over their heads in Bolan, and the way 
was so encumbered with great fragments of rock, that they were 
compelled to abandon their tents, together with the greater num- 
ber of their camels, to the wild robbers who hovered on their 
flanks day and night. The principal promoter of these outrages 
was Mehrat Khan, the chief of the strong fortress of Khelat, who 
instigated the plundering tribes to assault and murder the fol- 
lowers of the army, at the same time that he was negociating a 
treaty with the representative of the British government. 

On the 2Gth of March, the army reached Quettah, where the 
want of provisions began to be severely felt, and the soldiers 
were placed on a limited allowance. As they advanced towards 
Kandahar, the want of water caused the death of nearly sixty 
horses, but fortunately, when their distress was at the highest, a 
supply of water and forage was discovered on the Doree river, at 
some distance from the line of march. 

Those who were present, describe the scene which ensued 
as most appalling. " The moment the horses saw the water, 
they made a sudden rush into the river, as if mad ; both men and 
horses drank till they nearly burst themselves. Officers declare 
that their tongues cleaved to the roofs of their mouths ; the 
water was very brackish, which induced them to drink the more. 
The river was three feet deep, and more in some places ; and was 
five or six miles off the proper road. ]^Iany dogs and other 
animals died. No officer present ever witnessed such a scene of 
distress." 

Kandahar having been abandoned by the Sirdars, was occupied 
by the British troops, and the army halted for some weeks in its 
vicinity, to recover from its recent fatigues. The address of the 
Commander-in-chief to his soldiers, gives a very lively des- 
cription of the difficulties which had been encountered, and of 
the spirit and zeal with which those difficulties had been sur- 
mounted : — 

" The combined forces of Bensjal and Bombay beinw now as- 
semblcd at Kandahar, the Commander-in-Chief congratulates all 
ranks on the triumphant, though arduous, march they have 
accomplished, from distant and distinct parts of India, with a 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 401 

regularity and discipline which is much appreciated by him, and 
reflects upon themselves the highest credit. The difficulties 
which have been surmounted have been of no ordinary nature, 
and the recollection of what has been overcome, must hereafter 
be a pleasing reflection to those concerned, who have so zea- 
lously, and in so soldier-like a manner, contributed to effect 
them, so as to arrive at the desired end. The engineers had 
to make roads, and, occasionally, in some extraordinary steep 
mountain passes, over which no wheeled carriage had ever 
passed. This was a work requiring science, and much severe 
labour ; but so well has it been done, that the progress of the 
army was in no manner impeded. The heavy and light ordnance 
were alike taken over in safety, by the exertion and good spirit 
of the artillery, in which they were most cheerfully and ably 
assisted by the troops, both European and Native, and in a 
manner which gave the whole proceeding the appearance, that 
each man was working for a favorite object of his own," 

During the delay at Kandahar, the ceremony of Shah Shujah's 
installation was performed. The whole of the British army 
(Bengal and Bombay) was drawn up in line, at the dawn of 
day, in front of the city of Kandahar to the north, amounting 
to about seven thousand five hundred men. A platform, or 
throne, was erected in the midst of an extensive plain. At 
sunrise, the guns of the palace announced his majesty's de- 
parture. Lieutenant-general Sir J. Keane, vdth the Staff, were 
awaiting the egress of the possession, at the Herat gate, whence 
the king proceeded on horseback, through a street formed by 
his own contingent. On his coming near the line, a royal salute 
(twenty-one guns) was fired, and on his passing down the line, 
there was a general salute, and the colours were lowered, as in 
the case of crowned heads. On his ascending the throne, a salvo 
V\'as discharged from one hundred and one pieces of artillery. 
Sir J. Keane, and the envoy and minister at this court, offered 
presents on behalf of the British government, of one hundred and 
one gold-mohurs each, and then the officers, British and Native, 
in the king's service, offered nuzzars (presents). The " army 
of the Indus" then marched round, in front of the throne, in 
review order ; this grand ceremony presented an imposing 
spectacle. 

On the 27th of June, the army advanced from Kandahar, to 



402 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

assail tlic celebrated fortress of Ghazni, or Ghuznee,but owing to 
the (lifliculties which impeded the transport of the artillery, the 
troops did not arrive before the place, until the 21st of July. 
We are indebted to Major Hough, lor the following description 
of the day's march, which brought them in sight of the fortress. 

" The country over which we marched was undulating, but 
open ; though we crossed some water-courses, still there was 
nothing to impede our movements, or prevent our acting in con- 
cert. Shortly after we had marched, we met a chief* with a 
few followers, who had been in the fort of Ghuznee, and had 
left it during the night, with the intention of joining us. The 
route was nearly in a direct line all the way, except the last 
tliree or four miles, when it turned to the left, and then the fort 
of Ghuznee burst on our view. It looked formidable with its 
fortifications rising up, as it were, on the side of a hill, wliich 
seemed to form the back ground to it, towards the citadel. We 
observed as yet no hostile movements. The columns were 
advancing slowly, but steadily, on the wide plain, and no noise 
was heard, save that of the movement of the guns, the distant 
sound of the horses' feet, and the steady tramp of the infantry ; 
while, there being a slight breeze, the distant clouds of dust 
indicated, to those afar off, the approach of an army in battle- 
array. The advance of the army was observed by Hyder Khan 
by means of his telescope. As soon as the advance had arrived 
within a mile of the fortress, it was perceived that preparations 
were being made by the enemy to stop our advance. The 
object was, now, to dislodge the enemy from the villages and 
gardens which they occupied, close to and around the fort." 

Sir John Keane found the fortress much stronger than he had 
anticipated ; it was surrounded with a ditch and a high wall, 
flanked by towers and protected by a citadel. There was no 
heavy artillery suitable for sieges, with the army, and the 
garrison had obviously resolved on making a resolute defence, 

• A nephew of Dost Mohammed. He was sent to Sir A. Burnes, who 
was in advance with the Commander-in-chief. From him they learnt that 
Gool Mahomed, the Ghiljie chief, who had been marching on our right 
flank all the way from Caiulahar, had gone into the fort and left it again, 
but that his horses were there. Also, that the Governor meant to resist, 
and various other particulars. This chief said he had not been well treated 
by his uncle." 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 4Q3 

for a heavy fire was opened on the British troops, as soon as they 
came within range of the guns. It was resolved to take it by 
storm, and the wliole of the 22nd was spent in reconnoitring and 
making preparations for the assault. By three o'clock the next 
morning, the detachments were all at their respective posts, and 
the guns, chiefly field-pieces, in position at points which com- 
manded the eastern face, as well as the Kabul gate of the 
fortress. So secretly were these proceedings conducted, that not 
a single shot Avas fired by the Afghans, until they were aroused 
from their security, by a feigned attack, made upon the opposite 
quarter. The storming party under Colonel Dennie, then 
marched up to the Kabul gate, where they opened a fire upon 
the ramparts and parapets which commanded the entrance, whilst 
Captains Thompson and Peat attached the bags of powder to 
the gates. These exploding, burst the gates open, and before 
the defenders could recover from their astonishment, Colonel 
Dennie, at the head of the storming party, rushed into the town. 
As at Herat, so here, the Afghans disputed the ground, inch by 
inch, hand to hand, with pistol, dagger and sabre. The dark- 
ness was more favourable to the assailants, than to the besieo-ed : 
every street was strewn with the slain ; out of the garrison, 
which consisted originally of three thousand five hundred men, 
more than five hundred were killed within the walls, and fifty 
men fell in the defence of a single fortified house. " There was 
aheap of straw here," says an eye-witness, " some stray shot 
struck it, a moving was observed, a shower of balls was poured 
in, the straw fired, only one man escaped, and he was shot close 
to the burning mass. This house was the residence of the 
Governor, Hyder Khan, and the females of the principal people 
of the place were collected here. Here, too, were the magazine 
and granary." 

" The centre square," says Major Hough, " exhibited a scene 
of blood and confusion ; horses, many wounded, were running 
about in all directions, fighting each other, kicking and biting, 
and running quite furious at any one they saw ; so dangerous 
had these animals become, that the men were obhged to be 
ordered to shoot the horses in self-defence, as they endangered 
the lives of all, and particularly of the wounded men, while being 
carried out." Before sunrise, the British banners were waving 
from the citadel, and all opposition was at an end. Protection 



401t THE AFGHAN WAR. 

was immediately granted to the women, and to such of the 
garrison as laid down their arms. A son of Dost Mohammed 
was found among the prisoners, and was entrusted to the charge 
of Sir Alexander JJurnes. 

The capture of one of the strongest places in Asia, with such 
apparent ease, made a deep impression on the minds of the 
Afghans. Dost Mohammed believing that the fortress would 
keep the English for some time, was proceeding towards the capital 
with liis cavalry and a park of artillery ; but when the news of 
the fall of Gliuzni arrived, his army broke up and dispersed, 
apparently in despair. 

While Sir John Keane was advancing leisurely towards Kabul, 
through the rich valley between that city and Ghuzni, Colonel 
Wade was making his way forward to that city, through the 
formidable Khyber Pass. This was a work of great difficulty, as 
appears from Major Hough's brief account of these terrible de- 
files. " The Khyber Pass is about twenty-eight miles in extent. 
From the entrance on the Peshawer side it is seven miles to Ali 
IMusjid, from which it is tv/o miles to Lalabeg Ghuree, a valley 
wliich is about six miles long, and one and a quarter broad ; 
hence is the Pass of Lundeekhana ; in fact, excepting the valley, 
the rest of the Pass, or for twenty-two miles, can be commanded 
by Jingals (wall-pieces), or even by the mountain rifle (Juzzail) 
fired with a rest, and in many places by the common musket. 
The road being stony, the movements of troops with guns is 
necessarily slow. The first four miles, after the entrance to the 
Pass, the road is contracted, and the hills on each side, are 
nearly perpendicular ; to the left, two miles up the Pass, there 
is a road which leads up to the top of the hills. It widens after 
the third mile, but still the road is exposed to a fire from either 
side. At about five and a half miles is the town of Jaghir on 
the right, which could fire on any enemy moving by either road. 
From this tower, Ali Musjid is one and a half mile ; on the 
left is the range of hills by which you move up to the fort ; on 
the right is the hill which runs parallel to, and which is com- 
manded by the fort. The range of hills to the left leads to 
the cantonment of the Kyberees ; that of Choorah is about 
eight miles from the fort ; that of Teerah seven or eight marches 
off. The tower of Jaghir was filled with the enemy. The fort 
contained a considerable garrison. There were breastworks 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 405 

thrown up on the hills : so that it was necessary to move on 
slowly, and at each halt to stockade the troops, as well as to 
protect the position ; and the left was the point which required 
the most exact vigrilance." 

The death of Runjeet Singh created some difficulties in the 
management of the auxiliary Sikhs, who acted under Colonel 
Wade ; but he steadily pressed onwards, and easily made himself 
master of Ali Musjid. The garrison evacuated it, after a very 
slight attempt at resistance ; they probably were daunted by the 
intelligence of the fall of Ghuzni. 

On the 6th of August " the army of the Indus," after a march 
of more than fifteen hundred miles, reached its destination at 
Kabul, and on the following evening. Shah Shujah made his 
entry into his capital. Dost Mohammed, abandoned his baggage 
and artillery, and fled with a few followers over the Hazareh 
mountains into Bokhara. The conduct of the army on its long 
and very fatiguing march, through a variety of countries, often 
presenting the greatest temptations to a breach of discipline, was 
highly creditable. Major Hough, justly says, " though the 
troops had much to contend with, owing to various changes of 
temperature prejudicial to their health ; and were for a long time 
on half-rations ; were deprived of many necessary comforts, 
owing to the harassing hostility of plunderers ; no troops in any 
warfare, perhaps, ever suffered so much with such soldier-like 
feeling ; and never did any army marching in a foreign country, 
commit so few acts which could prejudice the inhabitants against 
it ; while the people begin to acknowledge the beneficial effects 
of the change from anarchy to monarchy." 

In order to follow out the conquest, Major Outram was sent 
into certain disturbed districts, between Kabul and Kandahar, to 
tranquillize the disaftected Ghiljie tribes, which had not yet 
acknowledged Shah Shujah, and replace the refractory chieftains 
vvdlh new and more loyal governors. Nor was the treachery of 
the Khan of Khelat forgotten ; General Willshere, led a strong 
detachment against his fortress. After some smart skirmishes 
in the neighbourhood of Khelat, the besiegers resolved to adopt 
the same course of tactics, which had proved so successful at Ghuzni. 
A storming party succeeded in blowing open the gate, and made 
their way into the town, the enemy disputing every inch of ground 
up to the walls of the inner citadel. After a sharp struggle, 



40G THE AFGHAN WAR. 

the troops at length succeeded in forcing an entrance into the 
last stronghold of the capital of Beloochistan. A desperate 
defence was made there, by Mehrat Khan in person, and he with 
several of his chiefs fell fighting, sword in hand. With his 
death all resistance ceased, and the Belooches were reduced to 
temporary obedience. 

After leaving a detachment for the protection of Shah Shujah, 
the main body of the troops returned home by the route of the 
Khyber Pass and Peshawer. The gratitude of the country for 
the services performed, was evinced by a liberal distribution of 
honours and pensions. Shah Shujah instituted an order of 
kni"-hthood on the occasion, but some of the circumstances 
attended with the degree of precedency in the new order, excited 
murmuring and dissatisfaction. 

During this campaign, there were some menacing appearances on 
tlie part of the Nepaulese and Burmese, which seemed to threaten 
wars on the north-eastern frontiers of India, but the fall of Ghuzni 
probably induced the chiefs of both nations to abstain from pro- 
voking the British powers. Rumours were also rife of a plot 
having been formed, for a general insurrection of the Native 
princes throughout India, which excited no small alarm in 
Calcutta. "Whether true or false, they led to the dethronement 
of a prince who was indebted for his sovereignty to English 
generosity. The circumstances are thus stated by a well-in- 
formed writer. " The Raja of Sattara," as was mentioned in a 
former chapter, "had been drawn from the prison in which the 
other Mahratta chiefs held him, and invested with a certain 
sovereignty, on condition of his being entirely guided by the 
advice of the British resident, and holding no intercourse with 
foreign states through any other channel. He was found to 
have violated this engagement, and even to have taken a share 

DO ' 

in hostile negociations. Yet, he was offered a continued enjoy- 
ment of power, provided he would renounce such unfriendly 
measures, and dismiss the minister who was supposed to have 
prompted them. Having refused to comply, he was seized, 
confined in a neighbouring fort, and Appa Sahib his brother, placed 
on the throne. Slight disturbances also took place at Poonah. 
At Hyderabad, a somewhat serious conspiracy was formed among 
thirty or forty leading men, headed by the Nizam's brother, a 
proud and daring chief ; but, being discovered, it was baffled, 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 407 

and the prince conveyed to the fort of Golconda. During the 
investigation which followed, the Nabob of Kamaul, a place 
situated about one hundred and twenty miles farther south, was 
found implicated. A force was immediately marched to reduce 
the town, which was entered without opposition ; and the Nabob, 
who had been carried away by his own troops, was pursued 
and captured after a sharp conflict. Within the fortress, how- 
ever, were found a number of well-constructed furnaces, in 
which cannon and shot had been cast on a large scale, and in 
forms fitted not for defence only, but for active proceedings in 
the field. These preparations had been secretly carried on for a 
considerable time. Again, the Raja of Joudpore, after yielding 
in 1834, to all the demands of the Governor-general, had con- 
stantly evaded their fulfilment, and now showed himself more 
than ever refractory. Six regiments, with some cavalry and 
artillery, were sent against him, on whose approach he aban- 
doned the stronghold, which was entered without resistance, 
only one British officer being wounded. Thus, the troubles 
which had brooded in so many quarters were crushed, and our 
ascendancy appeared thus to be more fully than ever established 
throughout Hindostan." 

The possession of the fortress of Aden, at the entrance of the 
Red Sea, was deemed necessary to the completion of the plans 
for a regular steam-communication between England and India, 
on account of its convenient position as a station ; a treaty for its 
surrender was therefore concluded with the Sultan, which was 
signed both by him and the Abdallah chiefs. Notwithstanding 
these arrangements, the Sultan's nephew resolved to resist the 
English expedition, sent to take possession of the town. The 
combat which ensued was of short duration, but was very 
vigorously maintained ; it ended in the defeat and dispersion of 
the Arabs, but it was several months before the tribes in the 
neighbourhood, could be induced to abstain from desultory and 
harassing hostilities. 

Although the prowess of British arms, and the terror of the 
British name, had deprived Dost Mohammed of the sovereignty 
of Afghanistan, and obtained for Shah Sliujah possession of the 
throne, it soon became obvious that it would be impossible for 
the restored monarch to retain possession of his seat without 
European protection. The Afghans, who are among the most 



408 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

bigoted of the Mohammedan races, asserted that he had sold his 
nation to the Feringees, — that he was a traitor to his country, 
and a renegade to his religion. One influential nohleman, Syed 
Hossein, chief of Koona, sent an insulting letter to the king, up- 
braiding him with his apostacy, and declaring that if the Russians 
were on their march, as was then reported, it was his intention to 
join them. Such an insult could not be passed over with impunity,, 
and Sir "Willoughby Cotton, who commanded one division of the 
force returning to India, dis2:)atched Colonel Orchard with a 
strong detachment, to attack the fort of Pooshut, where the 
Koona chief had taken up his residence. The soldiers engaged 
in this expedition suffered severely from the weather ; rain fell 
in torrents, and the masses of snow on the neighbouring hills, 
rendered the cold so intense that the men's limbs became quite 
benumbed. On arriving before the fortress, the Colonel com- 
menced operations by battering down the gate with cannon ; 
when this was effected, the soldiers were on the point of rushing 
in, when they discovered that there was a second gate, and a 
second wall, from which a murderous fire was opened on the ad- 
vancing column. The British were unable to return this fire 
with any effect, as their muskets and ammunition had suffered 
from the rain ; they were, therefore, obliged to retire and shelter 
themselves from the guns of the fort. After some delay, an at- 
tempt was made to blow up the inner gate, and powder was laid 
in great quantities for the purpose ; but this was found too damp 
to explode. It was then resolved to withdraw the troops, and 
renew the assault on the following morning. Syed Hossein, 
however, evacuated the place during the night, and on the 1 8th 
of January, 1840, it was occupied without opposition. The 
continued rain, and the deep mud produced by its incessant fall, 
prevented any pursuit of the insurgent chief, which was rather 
unfortunate, as his escape gave great encouragement to the dis- 
affected throughout the country. 

Dost Mohammed had at first despaired of recovering his ancient 
power, but the increasing unpopularity of Shah Shujah revived 
his hopes, and the intelligence that the Russians were advancing 
upon Khiva, probably led him to hope that he would obtain from 
them an efficient auxiliary force. He laboured very diligently 
to form a confederacy of the Mohammedan powers, north and 
west of Afghanistan, for the purpose of expelling the Feringee 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 409 

infidels from Central Asia. The King of Bokhara affected to 
enter very warmly into the project, and invited Dost Mohammed 
to his court. The Khan accepted the invitation, but he soon 
had reason to suspect the sincerity of the Bokhara monarch, whose 
object was simply to seize and imprison Dost Mohammed and 
his family, until he had extorted from them a surrender of their 
valuable jewels. Dost Mohammed refused to allow his family to 
follow him, which so enraged the King of Bokhara that he threw 
his guest into prison, and would have put him to death but for 
the active interference of the Khan of Kokan, who took up arms 
to prevent such an outrage. The King of Bokhara, however, 
refused to relinquish his prisoner, who would probably have 
been sacrificed at the first opportunity, had he not contrived to 
make his escape. The manner in which his deliverance was 
effected is thus described by Mr. Atkinson : — 

" Dost Mohammed was confined in a small mosque, near one 
of the great bazaars. He succeeded in bribing a guide to pro- 
cure him a good horse, to be posted in a suitable situation, a few 
miles from the city, and to remain himself close by for the pur- 
pose of shewing him the way. He then assumed the Uzbek 
dress, and finding an opportunity of joining his conductor, an 
Uzbek, who was ready mounted in the thronged bazaar, jumped 
up behind him. The Dost and the Uzbek trotted on unnoticed, 
passed through the city, and reached the spot where the other 
horse was stationed, without impediment. He then sprung upon 
his own horse, and eagerly pursued his journey ; but in a few 
days he discovered that the animal had become rather lame, and, 
dreading the chance of being detected and chased, and unable 
from that circumstance to accomplish his own deliverance, he 
thought it more safe to have recourse to even an inferior steed, 
which was sound in wind and limb, than to continue on his own. 
Upon the urgency of the occasion, he therefore made an ex- 
change with his guide. Proceeding onwards, the Uzbek began 
to repent of his imdertaking, and, apprehensive of the conse- 
quences to himself, considered in what way he might avert the 
punishment that awaited him, if discovered. He was also 
anxious to turn the ex-ruler to some account, and was not long 
in forming the scheme of getting him back to Bokhara, and 
delivering him up to the king. A favourable moment soon 
occurred, for next day he fell in with a few horsemen, with 

T 



410 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

whom he entered into conversation about Dost Mohammed and 
tlie Fcringhecs, and finding they were enemies of his charge, his 
avarice led him to hope for a high reward, not only from them, 
but from the King of Bokhara. In this spirit he said to them, 
' Perhaps you would like to gain a prize. Do you see that 
horseman ? That is Dost Mohammed, who has just escaped from 
prison at Bokhara,' pointing to the Kabul chief, a few hundred 
yards a head of them. ' No ! no!' they replied, ' that is im- 
possible ; Dost Mohamed would never ride on such a sorry 
Yaboo* as that, and you, his follower, mounted on this fine 
horse ; no, no ! You are yourself Dost Mohanmied in disguise. 
We know you well ; so come along -sdth us to Bokhara.' The 
consternation of the guide at this blow to his cunning project, 
was strongly depicted on his countenance, which to the horse- 
men was an additional proof that he was ' the real Simon 
Pure.' He was thus caught in his own trap, and, in spite of 
his remonstrances, borne away. Dost Mohammed being left un- 
suspected to pursue his own course to Kholoom." 

During the progress of these events, several disasters were 
experienced by the British troops in various encounters with the 
fierce Belooches. Lieutenant Clarke, who was escorting five 
hundred camels through the dangerous defiles in the hill countrv 
of North Cutchee, was surrounded and slain, with the greater part 
of his detachment. On this and some subsequent occasions, it 
was observed that the Sepoys did not display their usual firm- 
ness and gallantry. It is probable that their physical powers, 
and, consequently, their moral strength, had been deteriorated 
by a climate so different from that to which they had been ac- 
customed, and perhaps they were also somewhat disheartened by 
their old traditions of the prowess and conquests of the Afghans. 

A second encounter with the Belooches at a later period, was 
more successful in its results, but scarcely less disastrous in some 
of its events. Captain Browne, who commanded the garrison in 
the fort of Kahun, being closely besieged and rather hard-pressed 
by the Belooches, Major Clibborn was sent to his relief on the 
12th of August, with a convoy consisting of about five hundred 
infantry, fifty of the Scinde cavalry, and two pieces of cannon. 
After a very fatiguing march, under a burning sun, for fifteen 

* Hack. 






THE AFGHAN WAR. 411 

days, the troops reached the dangerous pass of Surtof, about 
eight miles from Kahun, on the 28th. 

Two days afterwards, while engaged in defiling through the 
pass, the enemy appeared in front, and commenced a destructive 
fire upon the troops. The Beloochees had destroyed the regular 
road, and obstructed the only path that was left, by breastworks 
covered with thorny bushes. The guns of the convoy were im- 
mediately placed in position to enfilade the pass in front, and the 
major ordered the left flank companies of the 1st and 2nd Gre- 
nadiers, to storm the heights where the enemy were posted. The 
following account of the contest which ensued, is graphic enough 
to deserve insertion : — ■ 

" The enemy opened a very heavy fire, but our party gallantly 
advanced and gained the head of the pass, and were ready to 
push on, when a dense mass of the enemy overwhelmed the 
storming party with musketry and showers of stones, while 
others fell on them with sabres, committing a fearful havock on 
the retreating Sepoys ; the advance companies were ordered to 
the support of the guns and colours, when the numberless enemy 
rushed down with the most determined gallantry, and with such 
impetuosity, that the troops had hardly time to form ; hard fight- 
ing on both sides, the enemy yelling and howling like beasts of 
the forest ; but the well applied rounds of grape from Captain 
Stamford's howitzers, soon repulsed the enemy with considerable 
loss, leaving above 200 dead on the field. Our troops suffered 
severely, above 150 killed and wounded." 

Notwithstanding this success, the situation of the convoy was 
most critical, and the want of water was dreadfully felt by the 
thirsty and wearied troops. We again quote from a contemporary 
narration of what occurred : — 

" The heat was dreadfully intense, and the suffering of the 
men and cattle from exhaustion and thirst, had become painfully- 
apparent ; the little water remaining in puckalls from the last 
halting place was dried up, and no water was procurable unless 
the pass was carried, and the post of Kahun was distant about 
six miles. The puckall bheesties and camel puckalls, together 
with the gun-horses and ofiicers' horses with followers, under an 
escort of fifty of the irregular horse, went for water. At this 
time the cries of the wounded and dying, for 'water! water!' 
were increasing, and gave rise latterly to scenes of frenzy and 

T 2 



112 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

despair. In this manner they remained, anxiously awaiting the 
arrival of the water party. Some stragglers came in and reported 
that the water jiarty was surrounded in a nullah : what was to 
be done? They had already lost 150 men of the force, the re- 
mainder were enfeebled with the thirst and exertions of the two 
previous days, and, to add to their difficulties, most of the camel 
drivers, dooley bearers, &c., had absconded during the action, 
after plundering the commissariat of the load of flour, &c. The 
gun-horses were gone, and the men of the Golundauze so pros- 
trated from fatigue and thirst, that latterly they could scarcely 
rise to fire a gun. Major Clibborn, after mature deliberation, 
found tliat it would be impracticable to throw provisions into the 
fort of Kahun, and further, that unless the water party returned, 
the whole force must perish of thirst ; the sad alternative was 
forced upon this gallant officer, of abandoning the unfortunate 
garrison at Kahun. No signs of the water-party appearing at 
10 P.M., Captain Stamford was ordered to spike his guns, and 
this enfeebled force moved off with as much quietness as the 
frantic state of the men would permit. Almost everything was 
abandoned, owing to the desertion of the camel drivers, and at 
daylight they had partly descended the pass at Surtef, when the 
little baggage, stores, and treasure, they were able to bring with 
them, fell into the hands of the enemy. A great number of 
followers were here massacred. Without food and tents, and 
marching in the burning heat of the sun, they were obliged to 
make one forced march to Poolajee, where they arrived com- 
pletely famished." 

Another account is from its brevity still more striking, — 

" We beat the enemy, but heat and thirst killed us — the men 
were ixantic — mad ; — Major Clibborn's conduct was capital, — 
coolness itself, and he only abandoned his materiel to save the 
lives of the enfeebled and frantic survivors, after all his gun 
horses, camels, and camel-drivers and followers, had either fled 
or been killed. We have a nation in arms against us." 

The gallant conduct, however, of Major Clibborn and his little 
band was not without result ; for the terror inspired by their 
courage in the minds of the Beloochees was such that they per 
mitted Captain Browne afterwards to evacuate the fort of Kahun, 
and retire with all his troops, materiel, and stores, to Shikarpoor 
without molestation. 

Before continuing the history of the operations against Dost 



-: 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 413 

Mohammed, it is necessary to glance at the proceedings of the 
Russians, who had declared war against the Khan of Khiva in 
the December of 1839, and were engaged in the prosecution of 
hostilities during the greater part of 1840. Khiva is a Moham- 
medan principality, on the eastern side of the Caspian Sea ; 
having on its north the vast steppes traversed by the Cossacks, 
who are nominally dependent on Russia, and the wild tribes of 
Turcomans, Bokhara, and Balkh on the east, and Persia on the 
south. It is sufficiently near Afghanistan to render any move- 
ment of Russia towards its acquisition a matter of grave import- 
ance, but it was difficult for the English government to remon- 
strate against the expedition, as the people of Khiva had 
frequently committed the most atrocious ravages on the Russian 
frontier. The manifesto issued by the Russian government, 
describing the situation of Khiva, and the nature of the insults 
which had provoked the war, is a document of great interest and 
also of no small political value, from the distinctness with which, 
it sets forth the designs of the Russians on Central Asia. It 
shall therefore be inserted entire : — 

" Khiva, which borders on the Kirgis-Kossacks, the inhabitants 
of which are Russian subjects, has constantly, for a series of years, 
shown, by acts of hostility, the little esteem it entertained for a 
power with which, for its own sake, it should have kept up a 
friendly intercourse. Our trade with the provinces of Central 
Asia was a source of prosperity for the inhabitants of Khiva, who 
drew from it their principal resources, and possessed through it 
in Russia the rights and privileges granted to the other inhabi- 
tants of Asia ; but Khiva, far from appreciating advantages and 
benefits, has been guilty of the most flagrant disloyalty and un- 
paralleled audacity. It daily harasses the wandering tribes that 
encamp on our frontiers, interrupts the intercourse the other 
states of Asia keep up with us, detains the caravans of Bokhara 
on their way to and from Russia, obliges them to pay extrava- 
gant duties, and compels them, by main force, to pass through its 
territory, and there seizes a considerable portion of their mer- 
chandize. These insults to foreigners holding commercial inter- 
course with Russia are, however, of less importance tlian the 
attacks which have been made on Russian caravans. Not one 
of these can now cross the deserts without danger. It was in 
this manner that a Russian caravan from Orenburg, with goods 
belonging to our merchants, was pillaged by the armed bands of 



411 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

Khiva. No Russian merchant can now venture into that coun- 
try without running the risk of losing his life, or being made a 
prisoner. The inhabitants of Khiva are constantly making in- 
cursions into that part of the country of the Kergis which is at 
a distance from our lines, although the Kergis recognized the 
sovereignty of Russia under their khan, Abul Chaix ; they 
destroy their camps, lay them under heavy tributes, excite them 
to disobedience against the legal authority, give an asylum to 
those who revolt, and to crown all these insults, they are detain- 
ing several thousand Russian subjects in slavery. The number of 
these unfortunate wretches increases daily, for the peaceful fisher- 
men on the banks of the Caspian are continually attacked and 
carried off as slaves to Khiva. The unfortunate condition of so 
many victims has naturally excited the solicitude of our govern- 
ment, which, of course, considers it to be a most sacred duty to 
protect and insure the lives and tranquillity of all the subjects of 
the empire. But the generous manner in which it called the at- 
tention of the inhabitants of Khiva, to the consequences to which 
their criminal conduct would infallibly give rise, has unfortunately 
been disregarded. Deaf to entreaty, they despise the indulgence 
we have shown, and, confounding in their ignorance moderation 
with weakness, they have calculated on impunity. In their 
blindness they have gone so far as to construct two forts beyond 
the frontiers, on the road of the caravans proceeding to Bokhara, 
in order to attack our merchants with less danger. Since then 
their incursions and robberies have daily increased, and, at pre- 
sent, their implacable hatred against Russia knows no bounds. 
As a last resource to bring these barbarians to reason, the Khiva 
merchants in Russia were arrested, and the release of the Russian 
prisoners and the cessation of hostilities, were announced as the 
condition of their liberty. But this measure was not attended 
with success, for, after having waited three years, at most 100 
persons were sent back, though last spring, on the borders of the 
Caspian, 200 Russian subjects were carried off as prisoners. 
But now every means of persuasion has been exhausted. The 
rights of Russia, the security of her trade, the tranquillity of her 
subjects, and the dignity of the state, call for decisive measures, 
and the emperor has judged it to be high time to send a body of 
troops to Khiva to put an end to robbery and exaction, to deliver 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 415 

those Russians who are detained in slavery, to make the inhabi- 
tants of Khiva esteem and respect the Russian name, and, finally, 
to strengthen in that part of Asia the lawful influence to which 
Russia has a right, and which alone can insure the maintenance 
of peace. This is the purpose of the present expedition, and as 
soon as it shall be attained, and an order of things conformable 
to the interest of Russia and the neighbouring Asiatic states, 
shall be established on a permanent footing, the body of troops, 
which has received orders to march on Khiva, will return to the 
frontiers of the empire." 

A strong Russian force was accordingly, without loss of time, 
despatched under General Brelowsky, which reached Khiva at 
the latter end of March in this year. The troops halted on the 
borders of the Steppes for some weeks, in consequence of the 
heavy snow that had fallen, and afterwards came down the Sea 
of Aral to Khiva. Their number was estimated at nearly 30,000 
men, with twelve batteries of artillery. In various encounters 
which they had with the soldiers of the khan, the latter were in- 
variably worsted, but the victors were much annoyed and galled 
by the species of guerilla warfare kept up by their opponents. 
Captain Abbott was at this time the British envoy at the court 
of the Khan of Khiva, and the latter wished to make use of his 
services as a mediator between himself and the Russians, profess- 
ing his willingness to give up slavery and surrender the Russian 
slaves -within his power, but declaring that he had no means of 
paying the demands made upon him by way of compensation by 
that government. 

No sooner had Dost Mohammed escaped from the clutches of 
the King of Bokhara, than he began to levy troops for the 
avowed purpose of expelling the English and their protected 
monarch, Shah Shujah, from Afghanistan. Accounts were re- 
ceived at the same time, that Khelat, which had been so gallantly 
taken by General Willshire in the preceding year, had been re- 
taken by the son of its late ruler, Mehrab Khan, and that the 
Belooches were every where rising to join in an attack on the 
English. It was exceedingly difficult to obtain any correct in- 
formation of the motions of the enemy ; indeed, so completely 
had the insurgents closed up every source of intelligence, that on 
the night of the 17th September, Dost Mohammed actually slept 



-IIG THE AFGHAN WAR. 

within three miles of the English camp ; and the first knowledge 
of his proximity was derived from the appearance of some hun- 
dreds of Uzbeks on the heights at the dawn of the following 
morning. Brigadier Dcnnie, who commanded the detachment at 
Bamian, though his forces did not amount to one thousand men, 
consisting entirely of Native corps, resolved at once to attack 
Dost Mohammed's forces, which were more than eight times his 
number. The Uzbeks broke at the first charge, and suffered 
very severely from the active pursuit of the cavalry in their 
flight. Dost Mohammed lost his tents, baggage, kettle drums, 
standards, and his only piece of artillery. A series of petty ex- 
peditions against the chiefs, who were known to be in coiTespond- 
ence with Dost Mohammed, engaged the attention of the British 
during the greater part of the summer, until intelligence was re- 
ceived that the Khan had succeeded in assembling a new army, 
and had taken post at Purwan. On the 2nd of November, a 
detachment under Colonel Salter advanced against this position ; 
as he proceeded, he was informed that Dost Mohammed was en- 
deavouring to escape by a flank movement through the hills. 
Two squadrons of cavalry were sent to intercept the fugitives, 
accompanied by the political agent. Doctor Percival Lord, who 
had accompanied the late mission to Kabul, and being personally 
acquainted with Dost Mohammed, might, as it was hoped, induce 
that chieftain to a peaceful surrender if any opportunity for open- 
ing communications should be afforded. As the cavalry ap- 
proached the enemy, some unexpected resistance was offered to 
its advance, upon which the men, seized with an unaccountable 
panic, galloped back to the rear, leaving their officers without 
protection. Doctor Lord and three officers were killed on the 
spot, and some others were severely wounded. Dost Mohammed 
contrived to escape in the confusion produced by this disastrous 
affair, and his army dispersed. It was supposed that the khan 
would throw himself into Kohistan, which was ripe for revolt, but 
on the evening of the day after the battle, to the great surprise 
of every body, he surrendered himself to Sir William M'Naghten, 
the British resident at Kabul. The particulars of this unex- 
pected event are thus given by Mr. Atkinson : — 

" On the evening of the 3rd, whilst taking his ride, the envoy 
and minister received the alarming communication made by Sir 
A. Burnes, which naturally produced in him a corresponding im- 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 417 

pression of gloom.* He was, in this depressed state of mind, 
proceeding homewards, accompanied by two or three officers, and 
within fifty yards of the gate of his residence, when a horseman, 
passing his escort and the gentlemen with him, rode suddenly up 
to him, and said, 'Are you the Envoy?' 'Yes, I am the Envoy.' 
'Then,' rejoined the horseman, 'here is the Ameer.' 'What 
Ameer? Where is he?' 'Dost Mohammed Khan!' was the 
reply. The surprise, the amazement of Sir William M'Naghten 
at this announcement, may be readily conceived, and, in an in- 
stant afterwards, he beheld the very ex-chief himself alighting from 
his horse, and claiming his protection. The whole scene was truly 
electrical. The Dost was requested to remount and ride on to the 
gateway, where both alighted. The envoy then took his arm, and 
led him through the garden up to the house, saying, "Why have 
you persevered so long in opposing our views, and subjecting your- 
self to so much vexation and anxiety, aware as you must be of the 
good faith and liberality of the Biitish government, as well as of 
its power ?' but his only reply was, in the true Asiatic spirit — 
' that it was his fate ! he could not control destiny !' Arrived at 
the house, and seated in the very room where, a year before, he 
was ' monarch of all he surveyed,' the voluntary prisoner deli- 
vered up his sword into the hand of the envoy, observing, that 
he had now no further use for it ; but the envoy, with becoming 
generosity, begged him to keep it." 

From Kabul, the khan was sent to Peshawer, where he was 
joined by his nine wives and the rest of his family ; from thence 
he was removed, with as little restraint as possible, to Laodiana, 
where he became a resident in the very house which had been 
inhabited by Shah Shujah during his long and tedious exile. 

In the course of the year, several desperate attacks were made 
on the frontiers of Aden by the discontented Arabs, and, though 
they were all repelled with great slaughter of the assailants, yet 
the garrison suffered severely from the incessant vigilance which 
was rendered necessary by their inveterate hostility. So ferocious 
were these fanatics, that it was unsafe to give them quarter ; in 
many instances they attempted the lives of those who mercifully 
endeavoured to rescue them from danger, or even to dress their 

* The account of the escape of Dost Mohammed, and the disaster at 
Pur wan. . 

T 5 



418 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

wounds. Indeed, at this period, a great increase in the enthu- 
siasm and fanatical spirit of the various Mohammedan races, was 
manifest throughout Asia ; they seemed to feel that a time was 
come when the very existence of their religion was menaced by 
the rapid progress of the Christian powers, and they therefore 
prepared to defend it with all the zeal and fury of ignorant 
bigotry. The appearance of the English west of the Indus 
greatly increased this feeling, for Christians were thus introduced 
into the lands where ]\Ioharamedanism retained its greatest 
purity. 

Afghanistan had been too long a prey to anarchy, for its chiefs 
to appreciate the blessings of order and tranquillity ; the heads 
of the Ghiljie tribes had been accustomed to receive a regular 
stipend from the government for keeping open the roads between 
Kabul and Jelallabad, and, as this was nothing better than a 
payment of " black mail" to marauding hordes. Sir William 
JM'Naghten resolved to diminish and, perhaps, finally abolish the 
allowance, which was at once a heavy drain, and a great degra- 
dation to the government. The chiefs protested vehemently 
against this curtailment of their accustomed gains, but, finding 
that their remonstrances were disregarded, they resolved to adopt 
retaliatory measures and enforce compliance with their demands. 
A caravan, valued at twenty thousand rupees, was seized at 
Tereen ; the dahs, or post-messengers, were intercepted, and all 
communication with Hindustan was cut off. A large detach- 
ment under Sir Robert Sale, was sent to open the passes, but, 
though the chief pretended to negociate, the column had to fight 
its way forward during a toilsome march of eight days, and the 
rear-guard suffered very severely from the desperate attacks of 
the Ghiljies, who rushed upon the troops from their mountain 
fastnesses whenever they saw them entangled in the defiles. 
General Sale's energetic exertions, seconded by the zeal and gal- 
lantry of the troops, finally prevailed over the untrained ferocity 
of the Ghiljies, and there appeared every reason to believe that 
the tranquillity of the country would soon be re-established, and 
free communications opened. 

In the meantime, while Sale's force was at Gundamuck, on 
the road to Jelallabad, an alarming insurrection burst forth in 
Kabul itself, November 2nd, 1841. It was so wholly unex- 
pected, that letters written by the English resident envoy, on the 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 419 

preceding day, declared that affairs were in a prosperous condi- 
tion, and that perfect tranquilhty reigned in the capital. The 
causes assigned for this unexpected outbreak were various ; some 
asserted that it was a sudden burst of Mussulman fanaticism ; 
others attributed it to the general indignation produced by what 
appeared to be a wanton massacre, perpetrated on some insurgent 
Ghiljies by Lieutenant Lynch ; while reports were spread of its 
having been instigated by the blind Shah Zeman, by the family 
of Dost Mohammed, and even by Shah Shujah himself. It is 
not easy to discover which of these conjectures is the most plau- 
sible, but there can be no doubt that a general confederacy had 
been formed for the expulsion of the English, and that the warn- 
ings of its bursting forth were incautiously neglected. 

The first manifestation of the popular fury Avas a murderous 
assault on a party of English officers, returning from Shah 
Shujah's durbar, or audience. Sir Alexander Burnes and three 
other officers were murdered, one of them in the presence of the 
Shah himself; and such was the overwhelming force of the in- 
svurgents, that the British troops could only secure themselves in 
their entrenched camp, and in the Bala Hissar, or citadel of 
Kabul. The whole city was up in arms, the bazaars were plun- 
dered, the houses of the British officers ransacked, and their pro- 
perty destroyed, the public treasury pillaged, and large bodies of 
troops collected for the purpose of attacking the British position. 

From this period to the end of December, the British troops 
were incessantly harassed by attacks from the hordes of in- 
surgent Afghans, who made desperate efforts to force both the 
entrenched camp and the Bala Hissar. Akbar Khan, the 
favourite son of Dost Mohammed, became the leader of the re- 
volt, and his presence gave fresh vigour and bitterness to the 
assailants. Though generally successful in the repeated engage- 
ments which were fought during the six weeks that succeeded 
the revolt, the English began to despair of the final issue, as their 
ammunition was exhausted, their commissariat destroyed, and 
their stock of provision and clothing insufficient for their wants ; 
and their camp annoyed by the effiuvia from the heaps of un- 
buried corpses, several thousands in number, which lay around. 
Under these circumstances, it was resolved to capitulate -with the 
enemy : Sir William M'Naghten, accompanied by four oflicers, 
went to aiTange the terms with Akbar Khan, but during the 



420 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

discussion some differences arose, which so exasperated the bar- 
barous chieftain that he shot the British envoy dead on the spot 
with his own hand. 

The charge of the mission now devolved upon Major Eldred 
Pottinger, who accepted the terms to which the unfortunate Sir Wil- 
liam M'Naghten had j^artially assented, and the army prepared to 
retreat on Jelallabad, through the fearful defiles of the Klioord- 
Kabiil pass. The camp was evacuated on the 5th of January, 
but the faithless Afghans broke through the terms of the conven- 
tion, the retreating troops were attacked with the utmost fury, 
and their entire march was a continued fight. Under these cir- 
cumstances, it was deemed prudent to send the ladies back to 
Kabul under the protection of Akbar Khan's party, while the 
army continued its perilous way through the defiles. In a very 
short time afterwards, the soldiers appear to have lost all confi- 
dence in themselves and their officers, they became disorganized, 
and were cut off in detail by the hordes of mountaineers. 

General Nott, who commanded at Kandahar, on the first in- 
telligence of the revolt sent Colonel Maclaren, with a strong 
brigade, to the relief of Ghazni and Kabiil. Had this detach- 
ment executed its mission, the subsequent disasters would have 
been averted ; but when the brigade had arrived within two days 
march of Ghazni, without meeting any molestation from the 
enemy, the snow was found to be so deep, and the cold so 
severe, that a retrograde movement was deemed necessary. The 
troops returned to Kandahar in safety, but Kabid and Ghazni 
were abandoned to their fate. An army of the insurgents soon 
afterwards menaced Kandahar, but General Nott at once marched 
out against the barbarous hordes, and routed them with very 
little difficulty. On the eastern side of Afghanistan, General 
Sale maintained his position at Jelallabad, though ordered to 
evacuate it by his unfortunate superior. General Elphinstone ; but 
an attempt made by Colonel Wyld, to bring him relief through the 
Khyber pass, was unsuccessful. Ghazni, like Kabul, was sur- 
rendered to the insurgents by capitulation, but as in the former 
case, the terms of the convention were flagrantly violated, and the 
garrison ruthlessly massacred. 

The effect produced by the disasters in Afghanistan, both in 
England and India, was very great, but the general feeling 
was, that immediate measures should be taken to retrieve the 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 421 

national honour, and punish the perfidy to which so many gal- 
lant soldiers had fallen victims. It was resolved that measures 
should be taken to send prompt relief to General Nott at Kan- 
dahar, and to General Sale at Jelallabad, both of whom continued 
to maintain their posts with equal skill and gallantry, though in- 
cessantly exposed to harassing attacks. 

While General Nott was engaged in the pursuit of what he 
believed to be the main body of the western insurgents, the 
Afghans assembled in force before Kandahar, and, on the night 
of the 11th of March, made a fierce attack on its diminished 
garrison. They were defeated with great loss, but, unfortu- 
nately, the weak state of the cavalry prevented the possi- 
bility of vigorous pursuit, or of forcing the enemy to a general 
action. It was said that a son of Shah Shujah had commanded 
the enemy in the attack on Kandahar, and information was at 
the same time received from other quarters, which proved that 
the monarch's family evinced little gratitude for his restoration. 

In the meantime, Brigadier England was advancing from 
Scinde to the relief of General Nott, with reinforcements of men, 
money, and military stores. On the 27th of March, he reached 
the village of Hykulzie, and was received in the most friendly 
manner by the chiefs of that place, who did not, however, inform 
him that the Kajjak Pass, a few miles in his front, was strongly 
barricaded and secured by stockades. When the impediment 
was discovered, a storming party was formed, .and the men ad- 
vanced to the attack with great intrepidity ; they were, however, 
driven back with some loss, and the brigadier deemed it prudent 
to retire on Quettah, until he could make arrangements with 
General Nott for a combined attack on the passes, both on the 
eastern and western side. 

On the eastern side of Afghanistan, General Sale was contend- 
ing manfully against the difficulties of his position at Jelallabad. 
Surrounded by the insurgents, under the command of Akbar 
Khan in person, this gallant veteran baffled both the force and 
fraud of his Afghan assailants. As a last resource, Akbar Khan 
spread a report that General Pollock had been defeated in his 
attempt to force the Khyber Pass ; he even had public rejoicings 
in his camp for the pretended victory, on the very day that the 
Afghans were driven from Ali Musjid. But General Sale was 
neither deceived nor disheartened ; on the contrary, he resolved to 



422 THE AFGHAN WAR. 

make an immediate attack upon the Afghan camp, though the 
enemy had five times his number, and though his own men 
were much weakened by the severe privations they had endured. 
This bold enterprize was crowned with the most distinguished 
success : the Afghans were completely defeated, and four guns, 
which had been taken from the unfortunate Kabul army, were 
recovered. Unhappily, the victory was purchased with the life 
of the gallant Colonel Dennie, who had distinguished himself so 
much at the storming of Ghazni ; he fell while leading his 
column to the attack of a fort. 

The forcing of the Khyber Pass, by General Pollock, which 
was effected with great skill and gallantry, brought the relief 
which was much wanted, to the heroic defenders of Jelallabad. 
Nearly at the same time, General England retrieved his former 
disaster, by leading his reinforcement through the Kajjak Pass, and 
effecting a junction with General Nott. A new revolution took 
place in Kabul ; Shah Shujah was treacherously murdered by 
the Barukzye chiefs, and this event appears to have dissolved the 
confederacy of the Afghan leaders. 

Here we must conclude the account of the Afghan War, and 
the History of British India, simply adding that on the last day 
of February, 1842, Lord Ellenborough landed at Calcutta, to 
take the office of Governor-general of India. 



423 



CHAPTER XXI. 
HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 



The East India Company possessed, for so many years, the 
exclusive monopoly of the Chinese trade, and made it so im- 
portant a part of their administration, that a History of British 
India would be imperfect without some notice of British inter- 
course with the Celestial Empire. Before, however, we enter 
upon this subject, it will be advisable to take a retrospective 
glance at the early course of trade between Europe and China. 
Silk was produced exclusively in China until the time of the 
Emperor Justinian, when two Persian monks conveyed the eggs 
of the silk-worm, in a hollow cane, to Constantinople, and taught 
the Byzantines how to rear the insects and manufacture the silk. 
From Constantinople the culture of silk extended to Sicily and 
Italy, so that, in the course of a century, Europe no longer 
depended upon Asia for a supply of that article. In consequence 
of this change, the trade with China almost wholly ceased, until 
it was revived by the Mohammedans, who penetrated to that 
country through Bukaria. The best account we have of this 
trade, is derived from the relation of the voyages of two Arabian 
travellers who visited China in the ninth century : — 

They remark : " Most of the Chinese ships take in their cargo 
at Siraf, where also they ship their goods, which come from Bas- 
sora, and other ports ; and this they do, because in this sea there 
are frequent storms and shoal water in many places. When ships 
have loaded in Siraf, they water there also, and from thence 
make sail for a place called Maskat, From this port ships take 
their departure for the Indies, and first they touch at Kau-cam- 
mali, and from Maskat to this place is a month's sail with the 
wind aft. Kau-cammali is a frontier place, and the chief arsenal 
in the province of the same name, and here the Chinese ships put 



421 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

in and arc in safety. Having watered, they begin to enter the 
sea of Harkand ; they sail through it, and touch at a place called 
Lajabalus, where the inhabitants do not understand the Arabic, 
nor any other language in use with merchants. From this place, 
the ships steer towards Kalabar, the name of a place, and king- 
dom, on the coast, to the right hand beyond India. In ten days 
after this, ships reach a place called Betuma, where they may 
■water. It is worth notice, that in all the islands and peninsulas 
of the Indies, they find water, when they dig for it. In ten days 
from the last-mentioned place, they arrive at Senef ; here is fresh 
water, and hence comes the aromatic wood. Having watered at 
tliis place, it is ten days' passage to Sandarfulat, an island where 
there is fresh water. Then they steer upon the sea of Sanji, and 
so to the gates of China ; for so they call certain rocks and shoals 
in the sea, between which is a narrow strait through which ships 
pass. It requires a month to sail from Sandarfulat to China, 
and it takes up eight whole days to steer clear of these rocks. 
'Wlien a ship has got through these gates, she goes with the flood 
tide into a fresh water gulph, and drops anchor in the chief port 
of China, Kanfu, and here they have fresh water both from 
springs and rivers, as they have also in most of the other ports 
in China.' We have given this at full length, in oi'der to furnish 
to the reader an idea of the tedious passages which were made at 
this time. Kanfu is, perhaps, Kwangchow-foo, — Canton ; but 
some think that it was a port to the west of Canton, which now 
no longer exists. 

" These Arabs do not inform us about the origin of this trade. 
It is very likely that some Arabs first made the voyage in a 
Chinese junk, and afterwards piloted their countrymen to 
Kanfu. 

" ' "When merchants enter China by sea, the Chinese seize on 
their cargo, and convey it to warehouses ; and so put a stop to 
their business for six months, till the last merchantman an-ives. 
Then they take thirty per cent, upon each commodity, and re- 
turn the rest to the merchant. If the emperor wants any parti- 
cular thing, his officers have a right to take it preferably to any 
other person whatsoever ; and, paying for it to the utmost penny 
it is valued at, they dispatch his business immediately, and with- 
out injustice.' 

" They speak of some great revolution, which affected the 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 425 

trade considerably. An officer named Bai-chu, not of royal ex- 
traction, joined to his banner vagabonds and abandoned wretches, 
and marched against Kanfu. ' This city,' our travellers say, 'is 
one of the most celebrated in China, and was, at that time, the 
port for all the Arabian merchants ; situated at some distance 
from the sea, so that the water is fresh. This rebel at last be- 
came master of the city, and put all the inhabitants to the sword, 
A.D. 877. There perished on this occasion 120,000 Mohamme- 
dans, Jews, Christians, and Parsees, who were there on account 
of traffic. The mulberry trees were cut down, and the silk trade 
began to stagnate. The whole empire was thrown into a state 
of anarchy. There arose many unjust dealings with the mer- 
chants who traded thither ; which, having gathered the force of 
a precedent, there was no grievance, no treatment so bad, but 
they exercised it upon the foreign Arabs and the masters of 
ships. They extorted from the merchants what was not due ; 
they seized upon their effects, and behaved towards them con- 
trary to all established law. But God punished them, by with- 
drawing his blessing from them in every respect, and by causing 
the navigation to be forsaken, and the merchants to return in 
crowds to Siraf and Oman, pursuant to the infallible orders of the 
Almighty Master, whose name be blessed.' 

"We must make a few more extracts. They state, that ' the 
Chinese coin no money besides the little pieces of copper like 
those we call falus ; nor will they allow gold and silver to be 
wrought into specie, like the dinars and dirhems that are current 
with us. For, say they, if a thief goes with an evil intent into the 
house of an Arab, where is gold and silver coin, he may carry of 
10,000 pieces of gold, and not be much burdened therewith, and so 
be the ruin of that man who should suffer the loss. Whereas, if a 
thief has the same design upon the house of a Chinese artificer, 
he cannot, at most, take away 10,000 falus, or pieces of copper, 
which do not make ten miticals, or dinars, of gold.' 

" There was formerly a man, of the tribe of Koerish, whose 
name was Ebn Wahab. He went to the emperor's court ; and 
sent several petitions to acquaint his majesty that he belonged to 
the family of the prophet of the Arabs. He obtained, finally, an 
audience ; and the emperor asked him how they had destroyed 
tlie kingdom of the Persians. Upon this, Ebn Wahab answered, 
that they did it by the assistance of God ; because the Persians 



42G HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

were involved in idolatry, adoring the stars, sun, and moon, in- 
stead of worshipping the true God. After some further conver- 
sation, the emperor turned towards the interpreter, and said, 

* Tell him we esteem but five kings : he whose kingdom is of 
tlie widest extent, is the same who is master of Irak ; for he 
is in the midst of the world, and surrounded by the territories of 
other kings : and we find that he is called the king of kings. 
After him, we reckon our emperor here present : and we find 
that he is styled the king of mankind ; for no other king is in- 
vested with more absolute power and authority over his subjects ; 
nor is there a people, under the sun, more dutiful and subniis- 
sive to their sovereign than the people of this country. We, 
therefore, in this respect, are the kings of men. After us, is the 
king of the Turks, whose kingdom borders upon us ; and him 
we call the king of lions. Next, the king of elephants ; the 
same is the king of the Indies, whom we also call the king of 
wisdom ; because he derives his origin from the Indians. And, 
last of all, the King of Greece, whom we style the king of men ; 
for, upon the whole earth, there are no men of better manners, 
nor of comelier presence, than his subjects. These,' added he, 

* are the most illustrious of all kings ; nor are the others to be 
compared with them.' We question very much the veracity of 
tliis whole conversation ; but think the principal leading points 
may be according to truth. The emperor then showed his 
visitor the images of the prophets ; and, finally, the image of 
Mohammed, riding upon a camel. At the sight of which he 
wept; and, being asked the cause, he exclaimed : ' There is our 
prophet and our lord, who is also ray cousin.' Ebn Wahab de- 
scribes the magnificence of Humdan, the capital ; which, he says, 
is two months distant from Kan-fu. As an instance of the jus- 
tice wherewith all matters were treated, our travellers mention an 
Arab merchant, who, being oppressed by some eunuch, the inti- 
mate confidant of the emperor, went to the monarch to lay his 
case before him. Though he was a favourite, the emperor re- 
buked him very sharply, saying : * I grant thee thy life in consi- 
deration of thy former services in the rank thou boldest in my 
house ; but I will confer upon thee a command among the dead, 
as thou hast not been able to acquit thyself of thy duty which 
thou boldest over the living.' 

" They praise the uprightness and impartiality of the learned 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 427 

Chinese judges, who devoted their whole lives to the study of 
the law. They are greatly taken with the ingenuity of the 
Chinese in all arts and sciences. Whilst they consider the nation 
as the only wise one on earth, they speak in terms of abhor- 
rence of their idols and vices. It is their opinion, that ' the 
emperor reserves to himself the revenues which arise from the 
salt mines, and from a certain herb, which they drink with hot 
water, and of which great quantities are sold in all the cities to 
the amount of great sums ; they call it sah, and it is a shrub 
more bushy than the pomegranate tree, and of a more pleasing 
smell, but it has a kind of bitterness with it. Their wav is to 
boil the water, which they pour upon this leaf, and this drink 
cures all sorts of diseases. Whatever sums are lodged in the 
treasury, arise from the poll-tax, the duties upon salt, and upon 
this leaf.' They speak with the utmost contempt of the vices so 
prevalent to this day in China. ' There are schools in every 
town for teaching the poor and their children to write and read, 
the masters are paid at the public charge. The Chinese have no 
sciences, and their religion and most of their laws are derived 
from the Indians ; nay, they are of opinion that the Indians 
taught them the worship of idols, and consider them a very reli- 
gious nation. The Chinese are more handsome than the Indians. 
They wear long garments and girdles in form of belts, dress in 
silk summer and winter ; and the women curl their jet hair,' 
which the travellers greatly admire." 

Imperfect as this narrative is, it shews that the Saracens, with 
their characteristic enterprise, had opened a commercial inter- 
course with Northern China, and it was probably from them that 
the Italian republics learned the value of the Chinese trade in 
the age of the Crusades. The conquests of the Moguls under 
Jenghiz Khan and his successors, placed Northern Asia for some 
time under the government of a single race, and the enterprising 
Marco Polo, took advantage of this circumstance to visit its 
more remote regions. 

Marco Polo was a Venetian merchant, of noble birth ; about 
tlie middle of the thirteenth century he visited the court of the 
Mongolian king, Bereke, on the eastern side of the Euxine Sea, 
where he became acquainted with an ambassador who was about 
to visit Kublai Khan, the great head of the Mongolian race, who 
was then completing the conquest of China. Marco and his 



428 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

brother Maffio, were invited to accompany the ambassador, and 
they gladly embraced the opportunity. Their route lay through 
Northern Persia and Turkestan, and in the course of their travels 
they visited Kashgar, Bokhara, Samarcand, and other places 
which were the depots of ovcrland-trafRc, and thence they pene- 
trated to Kambalu, or as it is now called, Pekin. Kublai Khan 
received the strangers with great kindness ; he professed great 
anxiety to open a communication with Europe, and empowered 
the brothers to apply to the pope for a body of missionaries to 
instruct his people in Christianity. The brothers departed for 
Europe with these joyful tidings, but such were the perils and 
difEculties of the journey, that three years elapsed before they 
reached the port of Giazza, in Lesser Armenia. The pope was 
much delighted with the intelligence they communicated, and de- 
puted them as ambassadors to the Khan, empowering them to 
promise compliance with all his requests. 

" They entered upon their journey in 1272 ; their road was 
beset with dangers, but, being men of great determination, they 
overcame them all. Mavco Polo, who has given us the descrip- 
tion, was one of the party. Their progress was tedious ; they 
were three years and a half on their way before they reached 
Klemen-fu, a magnificent city, where the monarch at that time 
kept his court. When his majesty heard of their approach, he 
sent his people to meet them, and issued orders to prepare for 
their reception in the places they had to pass. By these means, 
and through the blessing of God, they were conveyed in safety to 
tlie royal court. The emperor, aware of their talents, used them 
in various enterprizes, of which the management required a great 
deal of skill. After having amassed considerable riches, they 
felt a great desire to return home. Nicolo Polo accordingly 
took an opportunity one day, when he observed the emperor 
more cheerful than usual, of throwing himself at his feet, and 
soliciting, on behalf of himself and his family, to be indulged with 
his majesty's gracious permission for their departure. The em- 
peror refused their request. 

" In the year 1287, Bolgana, Queen of Persia, and the wife 
of Arghun, died. In accordance with her dying request, Arghun 
applied to Kublai, his relation, to receive from his hand a maiden 
to wife, from among the relations of his deceased spouse. The 
emperor gladly complied with the request, and chose a damsel of 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 429 

seventeen years old for this purpose. But fresh wars had broken 
out, and the mission was compelled to retrace its steps to China, 
after many fruitless attempts to penetrate Tartary. In the 
meanwhile, Marco Polo returned from a successful voyage to the 
Indian Archipelago. It was now proposed to send the queen 
by sea, Marco having made himself thoroughly acquainted with 
the navigation of the Archipelago. By these means, Kublai was 
with difficulty induced to let the Italians depart. Fourteen 
ships were therefore equipped, each having four masts, and capa- 
ble of carrying nine sails. The khan presented the Italians with 
many rubies and other valuable jewels ; furnished the ship with 
provisions for two years ; gave them a golden tablet, which con- 
tained the order for their having free and safe conduct through- 
out his dominions ; and gave them authority to act in the capacity 
of his ambassadors, to the pope, the kings of France arid Spain, 
and other Christian princes. After a navigation of three months, 
they arrived at an island, which lay in a southern direction, 
named Java ; from whence they employed eighteen months in 
searching for the place of their destination. In this time a great 
number of the crew had died, and when they reached the place, 
Arghun himself, for whom the bride was destined, had departed 
this life. They delivered her, therefore, to the son of the de- 
ceased ; and the Italians now set out, under a strong escort, on 
their return home. On their way they learned that the great 
Kublai had died, and therefore abandoned all thoughts of revisit- 
ing China. Loaded with riches, they, in 1295, arrived at Venice, 
after many adventures. On this occasion they offered up their 
thanks to God, who had been pleased to relieve them from such 
great fatigues, after having preserved them from innumerable 
perils." 

Marco Polo's travels led to no immediate result ; on the 
one hand, the successors of Kublai Khan were unable to appre- 
ciate his enlightened policy in promoting intercourse with 
foreigners ; on the other hand, Europe was distracted by petty 
wars, immersed in ignorance, and very partially reclaimed from 
the barbarism of the middle ages. 

The discovery of the passage round the Cape of Good Hope 
was followed, as we have seen, by the establishment of the 
empire of the Portuguese in the Eastern Ocean. After they 
had acquired possession of the best trading stations in Molacca 



430 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

thov became desirous of reaching China, or as it was then called, 
Kathai, which vague traditions had described as a land of wealth 
and marvels. 

Raphael Perestrello, therefore, left Malacca with a junk, and 
arrived in China in 1516. He was successful in his voyage, and 
this gave rise to an expedition of greater importance. Femao 
Peres de Andrade, who had eight vessels under his command, 
after having received orders from his sovereign to survey the 
ports of China, sailed for this country in the following year. 
The sight of eight large vessels, and the hardy features of the 
crew, struck the Chinese, who are always, on such occasions, 
conscious of their own weakness, with utter consternation. They 
were surrounded by a large imperial naval force, and only two 
ships, which had on board an envoy, T. Pires, sent by the Vice- 
roy of Goa, were permitted to proceed from Sah-shan, (Sancian, 
or St. John's), where the others remained at anchor, to the pro- 
vincial capital of Canton. 

Andrade had ingratiated himself with the naval commander 
of the imperial fleet, by liberal bribes. Money will effect every- 
thing in China, and all tribunals and officers are unlocked by its 
magical influence. Pires, as an envoy from his master, came to 
conclude a commercial treaty with the emperor, and was friendly 
received by the governors at Canton. But his journey to the 
court was deferred, for the imperial council had not yet decided 
what measures to adopt. The late sultan of Malacca had arrived 
at Peking, acknowledging himself a vassal of the imperial em- 
pire, in order to obtain the countenance of the universal, political 
father, to reinstate him in his possessions, wrested from him by 
the Portuguese. This circumstance greatly injured the mission. 

But Andrade, anxious to secure success to the trade, was 
unsparing in promises and bribes. He loaded several vessels, 
and sent them back to Malacca. But whilst he was successfully 
negociating for the privileges of trade, he received news that his 
fleet had been attacked by pirates, and his people reduced by 
disease. Some of his vessels went with a Loo-choojunk to Fuh- 
keem, and from thence proceeded to Ning-po, where they founded 
a settlement, and carried on for a long time a lucrative trade. 
The elder Andrade had sailed, and his brother, like himself, 
always on the alert to effect his purpose, had established a settle- 
ment upon St. John's. Here he was attacked by the Chinese 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 431 

fleet ; and courage (a scarce commodity), failing the imperial 
commander, they made a regular blockade of Andrade's squad- 
ron, until he made his escape in 1521. He is accused of having 
joined pirates, which never was proved, but his stubbornness is 
greatly exposed in a statement forwarded by the local govern- 
ment ; the Portuguese are described as a nation which merely 
came to spy out the land, and afterwards to lay it waste with fire 
and sword. 

Pires had to wait three years, during which time he was 
treated with the utmost contempt, before he could effect his em- 
bassy. When arrived at Peking, he was compelled to worship a 
wall, behind which the emperor was said to be seated. Unhap- 
pily, the emperor died, and his successor, Kea-tsing, wished to 
sacrifice the ambassador to the manes of the deceased monarch ; 
but; after submitting to the severest humiliations, the ambassador 
and his suite were permitted to return alive to Canton, imder the 
strictest custody, as if they had been convicted felons. Andrade's 
measures had greatly contributed to bring on this disagreeable 
conclusion. The Portuguese were ordered, in haughty terms, to 
restore Malacca to its rightful owner, and never more to appear 
in any Chinese harbour. They had been accused of horrible 
crimes, and it was hinted to them that their ignorance of the laws 
of the Celestial Empire alone pleaded their exemption from under- 
going capital punishment. A squadron, in which was one ship 
from Lisbon, had likewise arrived in Canton river ; two others 
joined this fleet ; they were loaded with ammunition. Such a 
great number of ships gave umbrage to the suspicious Chinese 
government, and the acts of the commander were not calculated 
to conciliate the good will of government. The Cliinese admiral 
blockaded them, until a reinforcement of two other ships ar- 
rived. The Portuguese, now in their turn, assaulted the Chinese 
admiral ; whose fleet, after having been defeated, was dispersed 
by a heavy gale. To retaliate the injury done to the imperial 
navy, the Chinese government put the Portuguese prisoners to 
death ; and when Pires arrived at Canton, he was, with his 
whole train, thrown into prison and murdered. 

Ignorant of the fate of his countrymen, Melho Coutinho ar- 
rived the next year. The Chinese government, actuated by a 
spirit of dark revenge, killed the greater part of his crew in a 
scuffle, which ensued at a watering-place at Tam-ao ; and thus 



432 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

the trade with foreigners was for some time interrupted. The 
Chinese government, though pretending to view this paltry affair 
with the utmost indifference, was very soon sensible of the advan- 
tages which the people had foregone. 

Like all restrictive laws of China, not founded in justice, 
the prohibition of foreign trade was without effect. The trade 
was carried on at Teen-pih (or Teen-pak), to the west of Canton. 
In 1534, Kwang-king, an officer of that district, influenced by a 
considerable bribe, requested his superiors to have the trade 
transferred to Macao (Gaou-mun), a peninsula constituting a 
part of the Meang-shan island, and joined to it by a small 
isthmus, in 22" 11' 30" n. lat., and 113° 32' 30'' e. long. ; eight 
miles in circuit, the greatest breadth being one, the length three 
miles ; — a rocky, hilly territory. This had been long ago the 
resort of many hordes, who wished to escape the oppressions of 
the mandarins, and the legal duties imposed upon their goods. 
The Portuguese erected here, in 1537, some sheds, in order to 
dry goods, destined for tribute, which had been damaged in a 
storm. These temporary sheds were very soon exchanged for 
substantial buildings, and the mandarins, prompted by fear, or 
induced by bribes, connived at this encroachment. Whilst this 
infant settlement was in progress, their hopes at Ningpo, from 
whence they had carried on a very lucrative trade to Japan, were 
finally blasted. The Portuguese adventurers, who at this time 
crowded to China, were often men of the worst character ; even 
criminals, who were banished from the country. Their miscon- 
duct on one side, and the vexatious behaviour on the side of the 
Chinese, caused a revolt, which ended in their expulsion from 
Chinchoo and Ningpo. 

The unwearied Francis Xavier, had been anxious to intro- 
duce Roman Catholicism into China, by an embassy to the court 
of Peking. A private individual furnished the funds for this 
undertaking, but the governor at Malacca appropriated the money 
to the use of government, and the expedition could not proceed. 
The Chinese government, viewing this nascent colony with 
a very jealous eye, the supreme government of Canton cited be- 
fore them the judge and captain of the place. In consequence 
of these summons, M. Ruggiero and M. Penella were dispatched 
to the viceroy. This grandee upbraided them for their wilful 
disobedience of the celestial laws, by creating for themselves 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 433 

their own laws, and threatened to expel them. This harsh lan- 
guage was very soon smoothed by rich presents, and thus they 
received permission to remain at the place. As an acknowledo-- 
ment of their vassalage, they had to pay a ground rent, amount- 
ing latterly to 500 taels per annum. From this moment Macao 
became the cenlral station for the Portuguese- Chinese trade. 
Many Chinese flocked thither, and the government appointed a 
mandarin to govern their natural subjects, without the inter- 
ference of any foreign power. Moreover, they prohibited, in 
1612, the Portuguese from building new houses. This unrea- 
sonable prohibition, after full tenure of the island had been 
granted, was productive of a great income to the local mandarins, 
who sold their connivance for considerable sums. Even the re- 
pair of old houses was not allowed, unless a special permission 
had been previously obtained. This law was instituted to prove 
a check upon the insolence of barbarians, Avho had built better 
houses than any in the whole empire, and to teach them to 
depend entirely upon the compassion of the son of heaven. 

From Macao they regularly resorted to Canton. The imported 
goods were valued, and the duties paid in goods, till 1582, when 
silver was required ; on their exports they paid six per cent. 
They sent annually a deputation to Canton, who were entrusted 
with the management of business, and paid at their arrival, be- 
sides the duties, 4000 dollars as a present to the mandarin, and, 
at their departure, 8000 dollars. At first the market was open 
only once a year, but from 1580 twice ; in January began the 
purchase of the goods for the India market, in June, for the 
Japan trade, which there was carried on to a very great extent. 
Many ships besides engaged in smuggling, to the great annoy- 
ance of the supreme government. 

Meanwhile, the Dutch having become very powerful in 
India, waged an exterminating war against the Portuguese, to 
drive them out of their Indian possessions, and to engross their 
trade. Macao was considered one of the best situated places to 
carry on trade both to China and Japan. In 1G22, Reyerszoon 
anchored in Macao roads, with fifteen ships. He began to dis- 
embark, and drove the Portuguese before him. At this sudden 
appearance of the enemy, the tocsin rang, and the whole popula- 
tion took up arms. 

The Dutch had nearly passed the hermitage of Guia, when 

u 



434 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

a heavy battery was opened upon them from the Monte. Anxious 
to form a rallying point, they posted themselves at the foot of 
the Guia, but were attacked with so much violence in the rear, 
that they were forced to retreat as speedily as possible, with 
great loss. The slaves had joined in the general fight, and 
having behaved bravely during the battle, were emancipated by 
their masters ; and the viceroy remunerated their services by 
presenting them with 200 peculs of rice. This attack was re- 
newed in 1C27. On this occasion the Dutch admiral's ship was 
burnt ; and the fleet, apprehensive of succour from Manilla, left 
the roads, without ha\ang effected anything. 

By this time, Philip II. had been acknowledged the lawful 
King of Portugal. He sent from IManilla a friar, to invite the 
people of Macao, who had created for themselves a republican 
government, to submit to the Spanish monarchy, 1582. In this 
proposal the inhabitants of Macao readily acquiesced, and re- 
mained annexed to the Spanish dominions till 1641. It was 
during this period that the unfounded rumours of Cataneo's am- 
bitious views upon the crown of China were spread. This occa- 
sioned general consternation amongst the citizens, who had, by 
degrees, grown rich. The Chinese became afraid of their un- 
bidden guests, and stopped all supplies of provisions until the 
rumour had subsided. The Jesuits had, at this time, raised a 
• few miserable huts and a chapel on the Ilha-verde, near Macao. 
A Mohammedan military mandarin mistook this settlement for a 
fort. He boldly attacked it when the Portuguese were at church, 
but was afterwards killed in the scuffle which ensued. The mat- 
ters were compromised by the literary mandarin at Heang-shan, 
who erected a stone upon the island, on which an inscription 
was engraved, stating that the island belonged to the Chinese 
empire, whilst the Jesuits remained in possession of it. 

The trade at Canton had, hitherto, been carried on to the 
mutual interest of both parties, when the Chinese, wearied with 
the presence of the foreigners in the pro\-incial city, confined the 
trade solely to Macao, in 1631. A company of merchants ap- 
pointed by government had to furnish the exports, and to trans- 
port them to Macao, where they received, in return, the imports. 
But this regulation ended in smoke. The Chinese merchants, 
oppressed by their own government, were constrained to impose 
upon the foreigners to such a degree, that the trade would 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 435 

entirely have become extinct if the Macao authorities had not 
applied to the supreme government at Canton. The mandarins 
wrote, in consequence, to the emperor, saying : " Macao was, 
formerly, an insignificant place ; it is now a kingdom ; it has 
many forts ; and a great, insolent population. It would be pro- 
per to inquire how much rice and liquor the Portuguese may 
want, and let them have the supply, and entirely debar them 
from the commerce at Canton." The emperor assented to this 
proposition ; at the same time the mandarins had been feed, and 
matters were compromised, trade being carried on just as before. 

The Portuguese had been for forty years in the undisturbed 
possession of the Japanese trade, and gained immense profits ; 
but in 1614 the emperor of Japan proscribed the Christian reli- 
gion, and restricted the Japanese trade with foreigners. Tano- 
gun Sama finally expelled the Portuguese, and forbade them, 
under penalty of death, ever to return again. The city of Macao 
Suffered greatly by this new regulation, and therefore sent four 
very respectable citizens to Japan, in order to bring the matters 
again to a good train, With the exception of a few black men, 
the whole crew and ambassadors were massacred by the Japanese. 
The vessels never returned from this disastrous voyage, 1640. 
Any other European nation would have revenged tliis national 
insult, but the Portuguese had become too weak, and all that 
John IV., at his accession to the throne of Portugal, could do, 
was to send an ambassador, in order to signify his exaltation to 
the throne. They tried the last time, in 1685, to re-establish 
their trade by sending back a number of shipwrecked Japanese 
to their own country. The Japanese did not molest them, but 
strictly prohibited their re-appearance on the coast of Japan. 

The most valuable trade for Macao wasthus lost ; the Eng- 
lish and Dutch entered into competition with the Portuguese in 
the Chinese market, and, from this moment, Macao began to 
decay. 

By acknowledging the Emperor of China as a liege lord, the 
Portuguese were sometimes suffered to send an envoy to Peking 
with tribute, on which occasions they were treated with magnifi- 
cence and liberality, and enjoyed liberty to range at pleasure 
over the country. During the decline of the Ming dynasty, they 
sent, amongst other articles of tribute, three guns, which were 
afterwards imitated by the Chinese founders. At the approach 

u 2 



436 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

of the Tartars, Rodrigucs, a missionary, was sent to Macao to call 
in the aid of the Portuguese, who sent, accordingly, four hundred 
well-disciplined soldiers, with three canons, as far as Nan-chang- 
foo, the capital of Keang-see ; here they received the news that 
the Tartars had been repulsed, and had to return, without either 
efFectinc anything, or receiving the Chinese subsidies. How 
much soever the Chinese may boast of their power, their appli- 
cation to a small colony for four hundred auxiliaries, fully proves 
their weakness. 

At last, the victorious Mantchoos took possession of Canton, 
1650, and the Portuguese were summoned to appear before the 
viceroy. A deputation of several gentlemen departed for Can- 
ton, loaded with presents for their new masters, and found favour 
in their eyes. The Tartars graciously condescended to receive 
the homage of their humble vassals. 

Kang-he, unable to subdue the Fuh-keen pirates, issued an 
edict, whereby all inhabitants along the coasts of the maritime 
provinces, were ordered to destroy their dwellings, and retire for 
about five leagues into the country, under pain of death. Macao 
was to have been involved in the general ruin, as a maritime 
place, and owed its preservation to the influence of Adam Schaal, 
the missionary, who interceded for them to spare their settlement. 
A Chinese naval commander, however, anxious to put a stop to 
the whole trade, was about to confiscate all the Portuguese ships 
and cargoes, when suddenly his wrath was appeased by enormous 
bribes. Trade was now recommenced under great disadvan- 
tages, for the Portuguese had to obtain a license before they 
could leave the port. 

To remove all these difficulties, and save the colony from 
ruin, an envoy, Saldanha, was despatched to the court of Peking 
with rich presents, which the city of Macao had procured. He 
went by way of Canton, in a boat, which had a flag inscribed, 
" Tribute-bearer," and arrived in 1667 at the place of his destina- 
tion. His endeavours to mitigate the sufferings of his fellow- 
citizens proved fruitless, and he returned with the news that 
they must trust to themselves. The trade rapidly decreased ; 
there was no commercial enterprize, no vigorous exertion to re- 
trieve the loss ; other nations were able to trade at a cheaper 
and more profitable rate ; even the few ships which remained the 
property of the citizens, and there were finally only two, could 



i 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 437 

not be employed. At this critical juncture, Kang-he declared 
all Chinese ports open for foreigners, 1685. The Portuguese at 
Macao had now again tendered their homage to their native king. 
They might have expected some aid from the mother country, 
or have tendered their allegiance to Spain ; on the contrary, 
they were most enthusiastic in their loyalty towards the house of 
Braganza, and sent their new king 200 brass guns and a consi- 
derable sum of money. 

Kang-he pursued his liberal course for some years ; when 
some of his Canton officers made the most serious representa- 
tions, that liberal measures were fraught wath the utmost dancrer 
to the state. They described the Europeans as a daring, unruly 
race ; represented the Chinese who went abroad, as disaffected 
towards their own government, and ready to join the barbarians 
in conquering China. Kang-he nominated a commission, to de- 
liberate upon the subject. The result was, that all Chinese sub- 
jects were prohibited from going to any country, south of China, 
either as traders or emigrants. Macao retained the privilege of 
a free trade. The viceroy even offered to the senate at Macao, 
to make tliis place the general emporium of foreign commerce, 
and grant the city the duties on all imports. Prompted by a 
narrow policy, lest the foreigners might engross the Chinese 
trade, the Portuguese rejected this brilliant offer, 1717. Even, 
when it was again proposed, in 1 732, the city rejected it, upon 
the suggestion of the Viceroy of Goa. What a place would 
Macao have been by this time, had this offer been accepted? 
Their shipping, which, in the meanwhile, had increased, was 
restricted by Yung-ching to the number of twenty-five vessels, 
of which the names, which, up to the present time, have never 
changed, were noted down by the Chinese. Macao felt less the 
consequences of the decay of Portuguese power and trade in 
Asia, than the other settlements. To conciliate the favour of 
the Chinese, and to give no umbrage to their jealousy, the 
Macao government acted the part of mediators between the con- 
tending missionaries in China ; and by the mediation of John V., 
King of Portugal, requested the pope to grant the Chinese con- 
verts liberty to practise the Confucian rites. There had pre- 
viously arisen some difficulties between the King of Portugal and 
the pope, about the right of investiture of Chinese bishops; but 
this difference was amicably adjusted, by dividing this privilege 



438 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

between the contending parties. When, however, Yung-ehing 
proscribed Christianity, his Portuguese majesty sent De Sousa e 
Menezcs, with Father Magelhaens, to Cliina, (in 1726,) in order 
to intercede in behalf of liis religion. He was urged, by the 
Viceroy of Canton, to proceed immediately to Pekin ; but the 
ambassador requested the mandarins to forward a letter, wherein 
he alluded to the distinction between a vassal and an independent 
monarch ; in order that he might be treated by all public officers 
with due respect. The viceroy waived this request ; but assured 
him that the disgraceful term, " Tsin-kung — tribute-bearer," 
should by no means be applied to him. In 1727, the ambassador 
made his splendid entry into the capital ; and, in order to show his 
liberality, scattered a great quantity of crusades amongst the 
thronging populace. Two court mandarins preceded him when 
he was about to obtain an audience ; the ambassador carried his 
master's letter with both hands, and was followed by his retinue. 
Then, entering the western gate, he ascended the steps of the 
throne, and presented his credentials in a kneeling posture. 
After having quitted the hall by the same way, he performed the 
act of obeisance with his whole retinue. When this ceremony- 
was over, he was brought to the foot of the throne, and seated at 
the head of the grandees. He then was permitted to deliver his 
speech, which he did upon his knees. Some days after this, he 
delivered his rich presents ; the emperor viewed them as so many 
tokens of affection from the King of Portugal. He and his peo- 
ple were allowed to walk about in the capital wherever he wished. 
When he had his audience of leave, at Yuen-ming-vuen, the em- 
peror presented him with a cup of wine, and sent him, from his 
own table, several dishes. The imperial presents were trifling ; 
but the state sent the King of Portugal thirty chests of various 
articles. But, though the reception was very friendly, no solid 
advantages resulted from this mission ; which, notwithstanding 
the reluctance of the envoy, was performed with all the cere- 
monies of vassalage. 

Macao declined less rapidly than the other eastern possessions 
of Portugal, and is still of some value as a commercial station. 
It was occupied by the English in 1802, to prevent it from 
falling into the hands of the French, but the Chinese govern- 
ment energetically protested against this arrangement, and the 
garrison was withdrawn. The Portuguese trade with China is 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 439 

now all but annihilated, and the revenues of Macao, are not 
sufficient to defray the expenses of the administration. 

The Dutch having shaken off the yoke of Spain about the 
close of the 16th century, were excluded from all the ports 
belonging to Spain and Portugal in the Indian and American 
seas ; they were therefore compelled to seek new countries and 
harbours for their commercial speculations. By means of the 
Japanese, with whom they had formed amicable relations, which 
still subsist, they were enabled to form a colony in the island of 
Formosa. 

They easily extended their possessions on the coast. The 
aborigines are an inoffensive race, easily subdued. China was 
at that time torn asunder by internal dissensions, and could not 
oppose the growing power of the usurpers. They established 
themselves at Ke-lung (or Ke-long), on the north coast, and on 
the west coast at Tae-wan-foo, — where they built the Fort 
Zelandia, — at Tam-suy, and at Lo-kang. But they were not 
merely intmders ; the Natives being without religion, and very 
docile, they instructed many thousands in the truths of Chris- 
tianity, who were baptized, and attached by the common faith to 
their masters. Fort Zelandia was by no means a paltry defence 
to the nascent colony, being a square castle, with large bastions ; 
below which, towards the sea, was another fortification, consist- 
ing of two regular bastions, an excellent covered way, and four 
half-moons ; the whole united to the fort by very strong walls, 
and defended by a great number of cannon, and a numerous 
garrison. The town was long and large, extremely well peopled. 
A poll-tax, at the rate of half a guildar a head per annum, fur- 
nished the revenue for the maintenance of the place. Being only 
24 leagues from the coast of China, and 130 from Japan, it 
served as an intermediate emporium for both countries. 

But this great success rendered the Dutch remiss. The for- 
tifications were neglected, the store-houses emptied. Whilst 
every individual was anxious to advance his own interest, the 
state of the colony greatly decayed. Most of the ships, on their 
way to Japan, touched at Tae-wan. In both their home and 
return cargoes, the Formosan settlers dealt very advantageously, 
and amassed considerable property. The Fuh-keen junks also 
found their way to Formosa ; many individuals were driven, by 
w ar and rapine, to seek a new home at Tae-wan ; and thus 



440 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

trade and population increased, whilst the government lost its 
influence. 

Kok-sing, a native Chinese, who had taken up arras against 
the Tartar conquerors of his country, being driven from the 
main-land, resolved to wrest Formosa from the Dutch, and by a 
rare union of courage and perseverance, succeeded in effecting 
that object. All the efforts made to retrieve this loss proved 
ineffectual, and the Dutch were compelled to rest content with 
permission to establish a factory in Canton. When Holland was 
annexed to France, during the late European war, the Dutch 
trade with China ceased, and the attempts made for its revival, 
since the conclusion of peace in 1815, have been utterly abor- 
tive. There is, however, some trade in rice between China and 
the Dutch settlements in Java. 

In the reign of Elizabeth, an effort was made by some Eng- 
lish merchants to open a trade with China, but the vessels were 
lost on the voyage. It was not until the time of Charles I. that 
a small English squadron appeared in the Canton river. License 
to trade was refused, but the perseverance of the Company's ser- 
vants at length overcame opposition, and an English factory was 
established. The trade was, however, conducted under great 
disadvantages ; the local authorities at Canton treated the mer- 
chants and supercargoes with contemptuous insult; the duties 
paid on merchandize were changed according to the avarice or 
caprice of the Chinese governor, and every possible impediment 
was offered to the extension of commerce. 

Other great difficulties frequently arose, from the nature of 
the cargoes which were sent from England. The Company was 
very anxious to export as many British manufactures, and espe- 
cially woollens, as were saleable. Yet the consumption in China 
was comparatively small, and many of the goods found no pur- 
chasers. 

It was impossible to prevent the affrays which occasionally 
took place ; and in one instance the Chinese interfered, and 
strangled a French sailor who had killed a Portuguese. On the 
whole, the trade had considerably improved, notwithstanding the 
great obstacles ; for the consumption of tea increased at home. 
Some very unjust acts occurred also occasionally. A Captain 
M'Leary had seized upon a Dutch ship, in 1781, to indemnify 
himself for the loss he had sustained in a Spanish ship wloich he 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 441 

had captured, and for which he had to pay a heavy fine of 70,000 
dollars to the magistrate at Macao, after having suffered imprison- 
ment for some time. But when he was willing to divide the 
spoil with the Chinese authorities, the matter was again dropped, 
and things went on as before. 

Besides the heavy exactions, which were constantly renewed, 
a serious affair occurred, on account of the firing of a salute, 
whereby a Chinese was killed, in 1784. The supercargo of the 
ship was decoyed into the power of the Chinese, and marched 
into the city of Canton under a very strong military guard. The 
avenues leading to the quay were all barricadoed, and filled Avith 
soldiers. The linguists and merchants fled, the hongs were 
deserted, and the communications between Canton and Whampoa 
suspended by order of the hoppo. The surrender of the gunner, 
who was strangled, eventually procured the liberation of the 
supercargo. 

In order to put an end to these annoyances, it was resolved to 
send a solemn embassy to the court of Pekin, for the purpose of 
negociating a commercial treaty with ihe emperor. Lord Macart- 
ney was chosen as envoy, and Sir George Staunton was joined 
with him, as he was well acquainted with the forms of Chinese 
diplomacy. 

An excellent assortment of presents, and a friendly letter 
from the British government, accompanied this mission, which 
sailed from Portsmouth in 1792, and arrived in July, 1793, at 
the Pih-ho. The mandarins, jierceiving that the vessels could 
not cross the bar, thought that they must be very heavily laden 
with presents intended for his imperial majesty. Provisions were 
supplied plentifully, and the ambassador treated with the greatest 
respect. Two mandarins of the highest rank came to congratu- 
late them upon their arrival, and behaved with such civility that 
they prepossessed the ambassador very much in favour of the 
Chinese. Whilst himself and his retinue embarked for Pekin, 
the ships received orders to proceed to Japan, there to endeavour 
to establish a free trade. Amidst an immense crowd of people, 
they passed up the river till they arrived at Tung-choo-foo. I'o 
their great astonishment, the English were accused of having 
supported the Tibet rebels ; this circumstance made an unfavour- 
able impression, though the ambassador endeavoured to contra- 
dict it as a palpable untruth. Though this may be said to have been 

u5 



4-42 HISTORY OF lUlITISII INTERCOURSE WITH CIIIKA. 

a splendid embassy, they were, nevertheless, degraded by having 
written upon the flags, " Tribute-bearers." When arrived at Pekin, 
where lodgings were assigned them between Hae-teen and Yuen- 
ming-yuen, they were required to perform their prostrations at 
the audience. This was entirely against their inclination and 
orders. But, to remove this difficulty, the ambassadors proposed 
that a high officer of state should perform the same ceremonies of 
homage before the picture of his British majesty, which he was 
required to do. However, the legate who had charge of the em- 
bassy showed himself an enemy to Europeans, and endeavoured 
to thwart all their objects. As the emperor was at Jeho (Zhe- 
hol), in Tartary, they were obliged to repair thither. They 
passed the Great Wall, and arrived at the place of their destina- 
tion, a place composed of miserable hovels, beside the dwellings 
of the mandarins. The subject of the requisite prostrations was 
again taken up with all due warmth ; but the emperor was con- 
descending enough to yield to the request of Lord Macartney, 
who promised to perform the same genuflexion as he did in an 
audience to his own sovereign. 

On the day of audience, the ambassadors were ushered into 
the gardens of Je-ho. Tents had here been pitched, the im- 
perial one had nothing magnificent, but was distinguished from 
all the others by its yellow colour. The imperial family, as well 
as mandarins of the first rank, had all collected. Shortly after 
day-light, the sound of musical instruments announced the ap- 
proach of the emperor. He was seated in an open chair, borne 
by sixteen men, and seen emerging from a grove in the back- 
ground. Clad in plain dark silk, with a velvet bonnet and a 
pearl in front of it, he wore no other distinguishing mark of his 
high rank. As soon as the monarch was seated upon his throne, 
the master of the ceremonies led the ambassador towards the 
steps. The latter approached, bent his knee, and handed in a 
casket set with diamonds, the letter addressed to his imperial 
majesty by the King of England. The emperor assured him of 
the satisfaction he felt at the testimony which his Britannic 
majesty gave him of his esteem and good will in sending him an 
embassy, with a letter and rare presents ; that he on his part 
entertained sentiments of the same kind towards the sovereign of 
Great Britain, and hoped that harmony would always be main- 
tained between their respective subjects. He then presented to 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 443 

the ambassador a stone sceptre, whilst he graciously received the 
private presents of the principal personages of the embassy. He 
was perfectly good-humoured, and especially pleased with the 
son of Sir G. Staunton, who talked a little Chinese, and received 
as a token of imperial favour, a yellow plain tobacco pouch, with 
the figure of the five-clawed dragon embroidered upon it. After- 
wards, the ambassadors from Birmah and little Bukharia, were 
introduced, and performed the nine prostrations. A sumptuous 
banquet was then served up, and after their departure, they had 
presents sent to them, consisting of silks, porcelain and teas. 
Upon an application made to the prime minister, respecting a 
merchant ship which had accompanied the ambassador's frigate, 
they received the most flattering answer, and every request was 
fully granted them. Having accompanied the embassy, the ship 
was to pay no duty. After their return to Pekin, it was inti- 
mated to them that his majesty, on his way to Yuen-ming-yuen, 
would be delighted if the ambassador came to meet him on the 
road. When the emperor observed him, he stopped short, and 
graciously addressed him. He was carried in a chair, and fol- 
lowed by a clumsy cart, which could not be distinguished from 
other vehicles, if it had not been for the yellow cloth over it. On 
his arrival at Yuen-ming-yuen, he viewed with great delight the 
various presents which the ambassador had brought with him. 
A model of the " Royal Sovereign," a ship of war of a hundred 
and ten guns, attracted much of his notice. 

In consequence of this embassy, his imperial majesty called 
together a council to deliberate what answer ought to be given 
to the letter. A hoppo from Canton, who had lost his rank, and 
the imperial legate, strongly opposed any offer of friendly terms. 
The result of this conference was, that the ambassador was given 
to understand that, as the winter approached, he ought to think 
about his departure. At an interview with the minister of state, 
to which he was invited in the palace, he found the emperor's 
answer contained in a large roll covered with yellow silk, and 
placed in a chair of state. From thence it was sent into the am- 
bassador's hotel, accompanied by several presents. News which 
arrived from Canton, stating the probability of a rupture between 
England and the French republic, hastened the departure of the 
ambassador. He had been very anxious to obtain some privi- 
leges for the British trade, but the prime minister was as anxious 



444 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

to evade all conversation upon business. The splendid em- 
bassy was only viewed as a congratulatory niission, and treated 

as such. 

No practical result followed from this expensive embassy ; the 
relations between the English and Chinese in Canton, continued 
to be vexatious and unsatisfactory ; and the disputes occasionally 
became so violent that the trade was suspended, or the English 
ships detained. 

About the year 1815, several very oifensive measures were 
adopted by the viceroy of Canton towards the Company's super- 
cargoes : not only was an edict issued, according to which all 
Native attendants were to be withdrawn, and all Chinese prohi- 
bited to communicate with them : but the Company's linguist, 
who had been employed to carry the picture of the Prince Regent 
to Pekin, was seized, and their written representations were re- 
turned unopened. At the same time, a very offensive edict was 
published, which said : " Foreigners are not permitted, volun- 
tarily, to present statements to government : they are indebted to 
the clemency of the emperor for their trade, as also for the per- 
mission to tread the ground, and to eat the herbs in conuuon 
with the Chinese. If, after the publication of this edict, it occurs 
that foreigners presume, of their own accord, to make applica- 
tions to government, the viceroy will, on discovery, request his 
majesty's permission to punish them severely." 

In the year 1816, the British ministers, at the request of the 
Company, resolved to send a second embassy to China, and Lord 
Amherst was selected as a proper representative of the govern- 
ment. His lordship received from the court of directors, for his 
guidance in the nesociations, an elaborate statement of the causes 
that had led to the adoption of this measure, and the objects 
which it was hoped that he might gain. We shall give the ab- 
stract of this document from Mr. Auber's work, as it throws 
much light on the embarrassing nature of the restrictions to 
which British intercourse with China was subjected. 

" The cavses were, ' the capricious and vexatious proceedings 
which the local government of Canton had, for some time past, 
held towards the Company's representatives there, by which they 
had obstructed and embaiTassed the conduct of the Company's 
commerce, shewed that it was exposed to arbitrary interruption, 
to uncertainty, and insecurity, all which were highly prejudicial 



I 

I 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 445 

to concerns of such magnitude and importance, to which the idea 
of permanence was essential. These proceedings had rendered 
the task, of the supercargoes, in upholding the interests of their 
employers, extremely difficult, and they occasioned a reasonable 
apprehension lest the wanton exercise of power in such a govern- 
ment as that of China, should lead to an entire stoppage of the 
trade, either by the immediate act of the local authorities, or by 
compelling the supercargoes on their part to have recourse to 
that extreme measure, in order to avoid the still worse alterna- 
tive of yielding to despotic imposition, which might be expected 
to derive further encouragement from suspension. 

" The objects were, a removal of the grievances which had 
been experienced, and an exemption from them and others of the 
like nature, for the time to come, with the establishment of the 
Company's trade upon a secure, solid, equitable footing, free 
from the capricious, arbitrary aggressions of the local authorities, 
and under the protection of the emperor, and the sanction of re- 
gulations to be appointed by himself.' 

" It was observed, if the Chinese were by violence to shut us 
out from their trade, or by a series of oppressive and vexatious 
proceedings to force us to abandon it, we might not remain per- 
fectly passive under the great losses and privations that must 
thus ensue, and they could not but be aware that nothing could 
be more easy for us than to take possession of their valuable 
islands to the eastward, which would enable us to intercept the 
whole of their Asiatic maritime trade, and to carry terror even to 
the neighbourhood of Pekin itself. It was added, ' Justice for- 
bids, and must ever forbid, that such speculations should be 
really entertained. Their withdrawing from us the liberty of 
trading in their country could never be a legitimate cause of hos- 
tility against them ; but the Chinese government, if they were in 
an unfriendly, inhospitable spirit, by inequitable conduct, to 
force to a close a pacific intercourse which has subsisted so long, 
and in whicli this country has embarked so great a capital, it 
could hardly fail to resent such a harsh and injurious pro- 
ceeding.' 

" The admission of an English consul at Canton, as likely to 
improve the means of communication, and to prevent, or more 
easily obviate diflferences and misunderstandings between the 
local authorities and the supercargoes, was a point to be con- 



■110 HISTORY OF BRITISU INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

sidered ; but if he were to have no other powers than those pos- 
sessed by other consuls there, they would amount only to such 
powers as the Company's chief supercargo had always exercised. 

" The course of policy pursued by the British nation in India 
was explained, as calculated to satisfy the Chinese that we are 
not actuated in our conquests by a desire of national aggrandize- 
ment. 

" The importance was pointed out, of securing admission to 
some of the more northern and central parts of China." 

This embassy failed even more signally than that of Lord 
Macartney ; the Chinese insisted that the ambassador should 
perform the degrading ceremony of the Ko-tow. Lord Amherst 
peremptorily refused compliance, and he was therefore forced to 
return home without having been admitted to an audience. 

In a letter from the emperor to the Prince Regent was the 
following passage : " Hereafter there is no occasion for you to 
send an ambassador so far, and be at the trouble of passing over 
mountains and crossing seas ;" and in a vermilion edict* the 
following passage : " I therefore sent down my pleasure to 
expel these ambassadors, and send them back to their own 
country, without punishing the high crime they had committed." 

The British frigate Alceste, commanded by Captain Maxwell, 
soon after came into the Bay of Canton, and a threat was made, 
that she would be prevented by force from anchoring within the 
Bogue. After some delay, during which the hostility and insin- 
cerity of the Chinese were equally apparent, Captain Maxwell 
resolved to force a passage, and maintain the privileges which, on 
former occasions, had been conceded to British ships of war. 

As soon as the frigate weighed, a signal was made from the 
boats : lights were displayed at the forts, and a brisk cannonade 
from ninety or one hundred guns was commenced. One shot 
fell on board the Alceste, and two lodged in the bows of the 
ship. 

"When the frigate was within half musket-shot of the forts, 
a broadside was poured into them, on which the lights disap- 
peared and the forts on the starboard side were silenced. The 
forts on the larboard hand, on which the guns could not be 

* From its being written on paper of that colour by the Emperor's own 
hand. 



i 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 447 

brought to bear, continued firing for some time, and the Alceste 
anchored at the second bar Avithout further molestation. 

This firmness inspired the Chinese with more respect than 
they had previously felt for British prowess, but they still con- 
tinued to annoy and insult the servants of the Company. The 
views which the court of directors entertained on this subject, may 
be best understood from a statement of their views respecting the 
result of Lord Amherst's embassy, which they made to the gene- 
ral body of proprietors in April, 1818. 

They remarked, that " no expense or trouble were spared 
that appeared calculated to contribute to the success of the 
mission to the imperial court. To whatever causes its failure 
may be ascribed (and it is not to our present purpose to in- 
vestigate those causes), it may, we think, be clearly inferred 
that, in the event of future disagreements with the Viceroy of 
Canton, no dependence can be placed on the efficacy of an em- 
bassy, though appointed and commissioned by the crown. 

" When we directed that yoiu: intercourse with the Chinese 
should be conducted in a mild and conciliatory temper, it by no 
means follows that we are in any degree inclined to surrender or 
abandon the immunities and privileges hitherto enjoyed by our 
factory, and to which the imperial edicts have recognized our 
just claims. We no more entertain the opinion that the real in- 
terests of British commerce are to be preserved, by a servile and 
abject submission on the part of those to whose hands such in- 
terests are entrusted, than we expect that our particular com- 
merce with China will be best upheld and maintained by the use 
of strong and threatening language in your intercourse with the 
officers of the government. Allowance should at all times be 
made for the known habits of the Chinese in their official cor- 
respondence. 

" Whenever you recur to remonstrance or complaint, the 
cause should be first well weighed, and the necessity for the 
measure clearly established ; and when, after due deliberation, 
you may determine on an address to the local authorities, all 
harshness of expression should be avoided, and great care taken 
that no personal feeling be suffered to mix itself with the expres- 
sion of official remonstrance or complaint." 

Adverting to the conduct of the Chinese officers having 
entered the printing-house at Macao, the court observed, that 



448 HISTORY OF BUITISII INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

" it was a very improper act, and formed a fit occasion of remon- 
strance to the viceroy ; but it did not follow that in such remon- 
strance you were authorized to threaten with summary punish- 
ment, the officers of the government in case of the repetition of 
sucli an act, on the ground that the laws of England give the 
right of repelling a forcible and disorderly entrance by force of 
arms. The laws of England and those of China are very dissi- 
milar in many instances, and, however superior those of the 
former may be, it cannot be contended that the Chinese should 
regulate their conduct to Englishmen residing in China, accord- 
ing to the laws and customs of England. All you can justly 
contend for is, a continuance of the protection hitherto enjoyed, 
and that the laws of China shall be equally administered to you 
in conunon with other foreign residents." 

The select committee having suggested to Admiral Sir 
Richard King, the propriety of a ship of war annually visiting 
China, &c., the court expressed a strong feeling of disapproba- 
tion at that step ; and observed, that " the intercourse carried on 
in the dominions of the Emperor of China by the East India Com- 
pany, is purely of a commercial nature, and it is our fixed deter- 
mination to preserve that character inviolate, in the whole of the 
communications which are made by those acting under our autho- 
rity with the Chinese. You will, therefore, in future, cautiously 
abstain from making the officers of his majesty's service parties 
in any dispute which may arise between you and the Chinese, 
and you will also be careful, in any difl^erences which may occur 
between the commanders of the country ships and the Chinese, 
to carry yom* interference no further than that of remonstrance 
or recommendation." 

At the beginning of the year 1822, the select committee 
entrusted with the superintendence of British affairs in Canton, 
became involved in serious discussions with the local authorities, 
arising out of the death of two Chinese, killed by the fire of his 
majesty's ship Topaze, at Lintin, in the month of December 
preceding. The barge of that frigate had been sent on shore, for 
the purpose of procuring water and enabling the seamen to wash 
their clothes. While thus engaged, they were attacked by a 
mob of Chinese marauders, and some of the men severely injured. 
Under these circumstances the officer commanding the frigate 
fired some round shot to disperse the mob, and two of the 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 449 

Chinese were killed. The viceroy of Canton, demanded satis- 
faction for their death, but at the same time refused to inves- 
tigate officially the attack which had been made on the sailors. 
Tlie captain of the frigate, on the other hand, refused to sur- 
render his men for trial to the Chinese authorities ; and under 
these circumstances, there was a total cessation of trade. The 
select committee recorded the following remarks, in reference to 
these circumstances, which deserve attention, as they exhibit 
the nature of the difficulties with which the Company's servants 
in Canton had to contend. 

" We see our situation, clearly made responsible for the acta 
of between two and three thousand individuals who are daily 
coming in contact with the lowest of the Chinese, and exposed 
to assaults so wanton, and often so barbarous, as well as to rob- 
beries so extensive, that self-defence imposes upon them the 
necessity of attacking their assailants in a manner from whence 
death must often ensue. A great and important commerce is 
instantly suspended, whole fleets at times detained, ourselves 
liable to seizure, and to be the medium of surrendering a man to 
death whose crime is only self-defence or obedience to orders, or 
else to lend ourselves to the most detestable falsehoods, in order 
to support a fabricated statement which may save the credit of 
the offi-cers of the Chinese government. 

" Can the Honourable Company wish their servants and their 
trade to remain in this degraded, this dangerous situation ? Will 
the British government expect that the captain of his majesty's 
ship is, upon this occasion to sacrifice every feeling of honour 
and humanity ? 

" The captain of his majesty's ship has, in the most decided 
terms, stated that he never will surrender any of his people to 
tlie justice of the Chinese ; and, as there is no precedent on re- 
cord of an honourable adjustment of a case of homicide, we have 
no ground upon which to remonstrate with his majesty's officer 
upon the present occasion. 

" We shall briefly recapitulate the cases of homicide noted in 
in our records. 

" In 1780, a French sailor who killed a Portuguese in self- 
defence, was strangled without any form of trial. 

" In 1784, the gunner who, in obedience to orders, fired a gun 
on the occasion of a ship saluting, was put to death. The sur- 



450 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

render of this man is considered to have inflicted indelible dis- 
grace upon all parties concerned. 

" In 1800, the centinel on the forecastle of his majesty's 
schooner Providence, was charged with the intended murder of a 
Chinese, whom, in obedience to orders, he fired at whilst at- 
tempting to cut the schooner's cable. The most serious nego- 
ciations ensued, which were terminated by the wounded man 
surviving for a period of more than forty days, although he died 
shortly afterwards. 

" In 1806, Edward Sheen, against whom not the shadow of 
proof existed, was saved by the Chinese officers inventing a most 
flagrant falsehood as to the manner in which the deceased person 
came by his death. The form of public trial was, however, gone 
through ; and it must not be forgotten that a most treacherous 
attempt was made to seize Sheen's person, in violation of the 
most positive stipulations in writing to the contrary. 

" In 1810, an accusation was brought against the English for 
the murder of a Chinese in the street adjoining our factory. 
Chinese witnesses attempted to prove the identity of the men, 
and failed. The form of trial was gone through, A written as- 
surance was given, that if the men could be found they should 
be punished ; which assurance caused a renewal of the discus- 
sions at the close of the year 1811. In both the foregoing in- 
stances, whole fleets were detained when on the point of sailing. 
" In 1820, the fifth mate of the Winchelsea having absconded, 
the charge was got rid of by a most unworthy subterfuge, to 
which, for the sake of the trade we were induced to lend ourselves. 
Tlie Chinese laws will not admit the possibility of a magistrate 
suffering a criminal to escape ; and hence, if the identical culprit 
is not forthcoming, the danger that results to those whom the 
Chinese, in order to screen themselves, hold as responsible. 

♦' In 1821, an unfortunate occurrence, from which the death of 
a woman was likely to have ensued, in which the ship Lady Mel- 
ville was implicated, was settled, as innumerable others have 
been, by pecuniary inducements to the relations of the deceased 
not to lodge complaints with the officers of government. 

" A few months ago, Terranovia, a Sicilian belonging to an 
American ship, charged with throwing a jar at a woman, which 
is said to have struck her on the head, and to have caused her to 
fall overboard from her boat, was strangled. He was first exa- 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 451 

mined on board ship, not allowed to call any witnesses, again 
tried at a commercial hall in the suburbs of Canton, the doors 
being closed, and not a foreigner of any country allowed to enter. 
His execution took place within forty-eight hours. It was con- 
ducted with illegal secresy. The report to the emperor falsified 
the material facts, both of proof and mode of conducting the trial. 
" The frequent recurrence of our present difficulties must be 
expected, until some change takes place in the footing upon 
which our intercourse with the Chinese is carried on. The con- 
tempt of foreigners, engendered and fostered by the abusive 
terms in which they are spoken of by the officers of government, 
the want of police regulation, and the defenceless state in which 
we are placed by the difficulty of access to the magistrates, 
leaves us exposed to assaults of all descriptions, and if self- 
defence is not received as a plea in cases of homicide, no indivi- 
dual can for one instant be considered safe. 

" Whatever may be the distinctions in the Chinese written 
laws, we see that in the practice, as far as respects Europeans, 
no discrimination is shown, and, on the present occasion, we see 
that the plea of self-defence is decidedly rejected. 

"The great facility which foreigners have of escaping in ships, 
and the liability of the whole trade to suspension therefrom, is a 
consideration of such momentous weight, that we trust that the 
Honourable Court will use every effort, by negociation with the 
Chinese, and by laws enacted at home, to put the cases of homi- 
cide on such a footing as shall prevent embarrassment to the 
trade." 

In 1832, the court of directors communicated their sentiments 
to the select committee at Canton, upon the whole of their pro- 
ceedings. They observed, " The commerce between Great Bri- 
tain and China is too important to be put to hazard without the 
most urgent and imperious necessity, and, on no account, upon 
considerations of a personal nature. It is of essential moment to 
the Indian as well as to the home revenues, both as regards the 
state and the East India Company, as well as in the regular sup- 
ply to the British public, of an article of general consumption. 

" We sought that trade originally : the advantages which it 
has yielded have induced us to exert every endeavour to secure 
its continuance. Those exertions have been attended with suc- 
cess : and, although late events have led to the expression of 



452 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

opinions in favour of a more decided and less pacific course of 
policy, we are by no means prepared to adopt or to act upon 
such opinions. 

" To attempt to maintain a purely commercial intercourse, 
such as that witli China, by force of arms, would, in a pecuniary 
point of view, be anything rather than a matter of profit, even if 
justice and humanity could allow us for a moment seriously to 
contemplate such a step." 

They condemned the application to the Bengal government 
for the aid of ships of war, and observed : " It is a notion too 
commonly entertained and acted upon by you, and encouraged 
by foreign merchants residing at Canton, that nothing is to be 
gained from the Chinese by obedience to their laws and edicts, 
but that much may be obtained by intimidation. You may have 
succeeded for the moment in setting the government at defiance ; 
but that government has not only taken the first opportunity to 
assert its dominion, but also, with the view of making you feel 
the consequences of disobedience, it has almost invariably de- 
prived you of some advantages which it had either tacitly or 
avowedly yielded to friendly remonstrances." The court con- 
cluded their letter in the following terms : " The preservation of 
the national honour is in the hands of his majesty's government, 
and it must be for the king's ministers alone to take the respon- 
sibility of deciding upon the adoption of extreme measures for 
vindicating that honour, if insulted. These measures, if resorted 
to, will most materially affect the valuable interests at present 
dependent upon a peaceful prosecution of our intercourse with 
China." 

Several abortive efforts were made at this time, to open com- 
mercial intercourse with the northern ports of China, and thus 
provide means of escape from the irritations and perplexities 
which were constantly arising in Canton ; but the obstinacy of 
the Chinese authorities rendered all these efforts abortive. It was 
found that the Natives were generally anxious for trade, but the 
government exhibited the utmost jealousy of foreigners. The 
Montchews, who have been lords of China for about two cen- 
turies, probably fear that their subjects might be induced to at- 
tempt the re-establishment of the ancient independence of their 
nation, if they could obtain foreign aid against the tyrannical Tar- 
tars. Another cause of this jealousy, appears to be the rapid 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 453 

progress of British power in India. The emperor and his court 
are well aware that, two centuries ago, the English sought per- 
mission to trade in India from the Emperor of Delhi, in more 
humble guise than they have ever appeared in Pekin ; but now 
the ancient empire of the descendants of Baber, is a British pro- 
vince, and the last representative of the imperial family, a pen- 
sioner on foreign bounty. However much we may regret, we 
cannot reasonably be surprised at the determination of the Mant- 
chew^s, to avert from themselves such a fate as that which has be- 
fallen the ancient lords of India. 

From the accounts we have given, it is manifest that the Bri- 
tish trade with Canton, so long as it was under the exclusive 
management of the East India Company, was barely tolerated 
but never formally recognized by the Chinese authorities. The 
Viceroys of Canton assumed and exercised the right of suspend- 
ing the trade at their pleasure, and always regarded the permis- 
sion to traffic as an important boon, for which foreigners could 
never be sufficiently grateful. All efforts to place relations on a 
more equitable and satisfactory basis, completely failed ; the im- 
perial court could never be induced to consent to establishing a 
commercial treaty and receiving a resident ambassador at Pekin. 
Two lines of policy were open to the Company ; that of submis- 
sion and concession, which was actually adopted, or the main- 
tenance of such a naval force as w'ould enable the select 
committee to obtain a redress of grievances by some active 
demonstration, and compel the Chinese to respect the Bri- 
tish power. When the trade with China was thrown open, 
it became evident that some speedy measures should be adopted 
to establish equitable relations between the British traders and 
the viceregal court of Canton. The task of protecting the more 
extensive traffic which was certain to follow, devolved upon the 
general government when it was taken from the Company, and 
it was felt to be a task of considerable difficulty and delicacy. 

The British ministers resolved to place the management of 
the trade, under a special superintendent, appointed by the 
crown, and consequently recognized as a public functionary. 
His powers were to extend to the adjustment of all disputes 
among the merchants themselves, and also to the regulation of the 
negociations with the local authorities. Here, however, lay an 
unsuspected difficulty ; the Chinese authorities had never sane- 



454 HISTORY OF British intercourse with china. 

tioncd British commerce, they always acted as if they merely 
connived at its existence. The intercourse under the Company, 
had been managed by a Tae-pan, or supercargo ; for the imperial 
officers affected to regard all mercantile affairs, and particularly 
those of foreigners, as matters which it was below their dignity to 
notice. The appointment of a superintendent, who was to reside 
at Canton, to exercise a certain jurisdiction, independent of the 
Chinese government, and who claimed as a right the privilege 
of treating directly with the deputies of the emperor, was re- 
garded as an outrage on the national dignity, and was certainly 
a violation of the strictest regulations of the empire. 

When intelligence was received at Canton, that Lord Napier 
had arrived off Macao, in an English vessel of war, the governor 
of that city sent orders that his lordship should remain at jNIacao, 
until the pleasm-e of the viceroy should be known. Two of the 
Hong merchants bore this message to Macao, but in the mean- 
time Lord Napier had gone in a boat to Canton, and actually 
reached that city before they could overtake him. The Governor 
issued an order, declaring, that in conformity with the Chinese 
laws, the new functionary could not be permitted to remain in 
the city ; and a second edict declared, that the Hong merchants 
should be held responsible for his obedience. A long and 
tedious course of negociations followed ; the trade was suspended, 
and the appearance of two British frigates, which forced their 
way into the Canton river, failed to overcome the Chinese 
obstinacy. At length Lord Napier, whose health had given way 
under fatigue and anxiety, consented to return in a chop-boat to 
Macao. The Chinese insulted and harassed him all the way 
down the river, which so increased his illness, that it terminated 
fatally. On his death, the office of superintendent devolved on 
Mr. Davis. He was succeeded by Sir George Robinson, who 
in his turn made room for Captain Elliot ; but no effort was 
made to obtain a recognition of the superintendent's authority 
from the Chinese government. 

A new source of difficulty arose, from the great increase in 
the smuggling of opium wliich had followed the opening of the 
trade ; the Emperor and his ministers avowed their determined 
resolution to prevent the importation of this drug, and a special 
commissioner, named Lin, Avas sent to Canton, in order to 
enforce measures for its exclusion. Captain Elliot foresaw the 



HISTORY OP BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 455 

difficulties which were likely to arise from Lin's appointment 
and his own anomalous position ; he had the title of superin- 
tendent, but he was not recognized in any diplomatic capacity 
by the Chinese Government, and he was invested with no legal 
authority over British subjects, engaged in an open trade. In 
fact, the consequences of the opening of the China trade, had 
not been taken into consideration by the British statesmen; 
previous to that change, Chinese commerce was nothing more 
than the traffic between a company of English merchants in 
London, and the Hong company of Chinese merchants in 
Canton ; this was suddenly changed into a commerce between 
two nations, without any previous agreement or consultation 
between the two parties. The Chinese felt, and not unreason- 
ably, that the British government had made most extensive 
alterations in the general system of commerce, wthout ever 
having examined how far these alterations were consistent with 
the laws and institutions of China. The Company had been 
represented by its merchants at Canton, and they could of course 
conduct all their negociations through the Hong merchants, 
never approaching the Chinese authorities except by a petition ; 
but the superintendent appointed by the British ministers, 
represented the British nation, not a trading company ; he could 
not, without degrading himself and his country, consent to 
comrD.unicate with the government only through the Hong, and 
he was equally precluded from using the humiliating character 
pin, which signifies " petition," in his official communications 
to the Chinese authorities. In India the Company had changed 
from a trading association into a soveriegn power, but in China, 
it stiU remained a company of merchants and notliing more ; 
and it had been the uniform policy of the government of Pekin, 
while it tolerated commerce with European merchants, to refuse 
all diplomatic relations with European courts. 

The opium question was an additional source of perplexity ; 
the importation of that drug had been long prohibited by law, 
but it had, nevertheless, been imported so regularly, if not with 
the express sanction, at least with such connivance on the part 
of the Chinese authorities, that the trade might be considered vir- 
tually recognized. Two circumstances combined to render this 
trade odious to the court of Pekin ; the first was the deleterious 
eflfect of the drug ; the second was that the opium was purchased 



456 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

with Sycee silver, and, consequently, that its importation drained 
bullion from the empire. On all sides it was conceded that the 
Chinese government had a right to prevent the importation 
of opium, but it had only the right to do so through its own 
officers, by adopting such measures as all civilized governments 
adopt to prevent smuggling. Captain Elliott appears to have 
been scarcely less anxious to put an end to the opium trade 
than the Chinese themselves, but here, as we have said, he was 
checked by the want of authorities. In the former condition of 
the trade, the supercargoes appointed by the Company had a 
ri"ht to remove all unlicensed traders, but this authority of course 
ceased when the opening of the trade rendered licenses no longer 
necessary. It must be added that many of the merchants at 
Canton, after the rejection of Lord Amherst's embassy, had fre- 
quently, and in very strong terms, represented to the authorities 
at home, tlie necessity of curbing the caprice and insolence of the 
Chinese rulers by an imposing display of maritime force, and 
some had gone so far as to recommend the occupation of an 
island, or some other favourable station on the coast of China. 
This policy, however, found no countenance from the court of 
directors ; that body had learned to dread nothing so much as 
an extension of territory, and had scarcely less reason to dread 
the great derangement of tbeir commercial transactions, which 
would result from a suspension or stoppage of the tea trade. It 
was not distinctly seen that the abolition of the Company's ex- 
clusive privileges, was virtually a revolution in the entire system 
of commerce between China and Great Britain ; a revolution 
effected by one party without any attempt to explain it to the 
other, or to arrange the difficulties and perplexities which must 
necessarily have arisen from such a change. 

Commissioner Lin arrived at Canton impressed with a very 
high sense of his own personal importance, and with more than 
the average share of hatred and dislike towards foreigners, usual 
with functionaries of the Celestial Empire. His national pride 
was not a little increased by the patience ■nath which the ill- 
treatment of Lord Napier had been borne, and he resolved to 
treat the present superintendent with as little respect and cere- 
mony as had been shown to that unfortunate nobleman. As the 
commercial regulations originally stood, foreigners never came 
directly before the Chinese tribunals ; they were compelled to 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 457 

transact their business through the Hong merchants, who were 
regarded as their sureties, and to them the government looked in 
the first instance when there was any violation of the law. 

Such was the state of the law Avhen Lin arrived at Canton ; he 
forthwith issued an edict to the foreigners, demanding that every 
particle of the opium should be delivered up to the government, 
in order that it might be destroyed ; and, at the same time, re- 
quired the merchants to sign a bond by which their lives and 
properties would be placed at the disposal of the Chinese govern- 
ment. Captain Elliott peremptorily refused to comply with 
these conditions, upon which the factories were blockaded, 
and the merchants at Canton threatened with imprisonment, and 
even menaced with death. It was necessary, under these cir- 
cumstances, to surrender the opium in order to prevent any 
further violence ; at the same time. Captain Elliott wrote to Lord 
Auckland, Governor-general of India, declaring that the Canton 
trade had been broken by acts of tyranny, and applying for the 
assistance of as many armed vessels, to protect British life and 
property, as could be spared from the Indian station. 

In the month of August, 1839, an aifray took place at 
Macao, between some English sailors and Chinese villagers, in 
which, unfortunately, one of the latter was killed. Commissioner 
Lin immediately demanded of Captain Elliott that the homicide 
should be delivered up, in order that he might be put to death. 
This was of course refused, and Lin, in consequence, issued an 
edict, prohibiting any provisions, or other articles, being sup- 
plied to the British at Macao. Captain Elliott then gave public 
notice to the latter, that he intended to leave Macao for Hong- 
Kong on the 23rd, and invited all who wished to quit that place, 
to accompany him on board. Before this, however, a British pas- 
sage schooner, called the Black Joke, while on her way from 
Macao to Hong-Kong, was attacked by several Chinese junks, 
and boarded, when several of the Lascars, who manned the 
Black Joke, were cut down, and thrown overboard — and Mr. 
Moss, a young Englishman, who happened to be on board, was 
most barbarously maltreated. Happily, however, another Bri- 
tish schooner came up at the critical moment, and the Chinese 
made off in their boats. On the 23rd, the chief superintendent 
left Macao, and took up his residence at Hong-Kong, olF which 
lay the Volage frigate, commanded by Captain Smith. 

X 



458 HISTORY OF British intercourse with china. 

After a long series of unpleasant discussions, Lin declared that 
the trade should be suspended until the English merchants had 
entered into the bonds which he required. He was induced to 
persevere in this demand by the imprudence of Mr. Warner, 
who commanded the ship Thomas Coutts ; this gentleman, with- 
out consulting the superintendent, signed the obnoxious bond, 
and thus supplied Lin with a precedent to which he could ap- 
peal. So much was he intoxicated by Mr. Warner's sii.bmission, 
that he threatened to destroy the shipping unless the several mas- 
ters imitated the example of the commander of the Thomas Coutts, 
within three days ; he made such demonstrations as to show that 
he intended to act upon this threat, and he thus provoked an en- 
counter which taught liim the superiority of the British artillery. 

Finding that the Chinese were preparing to attack the fleet, 
and that Admiral Kwan lay in considerable force near Chuenpee, 
the chief superintendent recommended to Captain Smith the im- 
mediate removal of the Volage and Hyacinth (another English 
frigate) to that neighbourhood, and prepared a moderate but firm 
address to the High Commissioner Lin. Captain Elliott himself 
went on board the Volage frigate on the 28th of October, which 
took up her station on the 2nd of November, not far below the 
first battery, where an imposing force of war -junks and fire-ves- 
sels was collected. On the 3rd, the Chinese squadron, in num- 
ber twenty-nine sail, broke ground, and anchored close to the 
British vessels, while a short correspondence took place, in which 
the Chinese peremptorily demanded the delivering of an English- 
man, and refused to retire. Captain Smith now resolved to 
compel them to return to their former anchorage, and desist from 
their menacing attitude. At noon, therefore, the signal was 
made to engage, and the ships then lying hove-to at the extreme 
end of the Chinese line, bore away a-head in close order, having 
the wind on the starboard beam. In this way, and under easy 
sail, they ran down the Chinese line, pouring in a destructive 
fire. The lateral direction of the wind enabled the sliips to per- 
form the same evolution from the other extreme of the line, run- 
ning up again with their larboard broadsides bearing. The 
Chinese answered with much spirit, but the terrible effect of the 
English fire was soon manifest. One war-junk blew up at 
pistol-shot distance from the Volage, three were sunk, and seve- 
ral others water-logged. In less than three-quarters of an hour. 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 459 

Admiral Kwan and his squadron retired in great distress to their 
former anchorage, and Captain Smith offered no ohstruction to 
their retreat. It is to be feared, however, that this clemency was 
thrown away upon the Chinese, who have no conception of the 
true principles of such forbearance, and subsequent facts show 
that they actually claimed the victory. This they, perhaps, 
founded on the circumstances of her majesty's ships making sail 
for Macao, for the purpose of covering the embarkation of the 
English, who might see fit to retire from that place, and of pro- 
viding for the safety of the merchant ships. On the 4th Novem- 
ber, the Volage joined the fleet at Hong Kong, and the Hyacinth 
was left at Macao, to watch events in that quarter. 

The English government resolved not only to protect its sub- 
jects, but to compel the Chinese court to recognize the principles 
of international law. A powerful naval and military armament 
was prepared, and placed under the command of Admiral Elliott 
and General Burrell ; and such activity was displayed, that the 
van of the armament appeared in the outer waters of Canton 
early in Jime, 1840. Just before its arrival, the Chinese autho- 
rities at Canton had sent some parcels of poisoned tea to be sold 
to the English sailors, but the boat in which it was conveyed 
happened to be captured by Chinese pirates, who sold her cargo 
to their countrymen, many of whom died in consequence, and 
thus the nefarious attempt was frustrated. At the same time, Lin 
issued a new proclamation, ofiering rewards, on a graduated scale, 
for the destruction of British ships of war, and taking their com- 
manders, whether dead or alive. An abortive attempt was made 
at the same time to burn the British shipping, which is thus 
described in the Canton Register : — 

" The first alarm was given about two a.m., on Tuesday, the 
9th of June. A noise was heard from amongst the small Chinese 
boats inshore. It appeared, on subsequent inquiry, that some 
mandann boats had got in amongst them for the purpose of 
making captures. They attacked the cutter Devil, and wound- 
ed the Lascars on board. Immediately after, distant lights 
appeared in the direction of the passage of the Capsingmoon, 
called the Flood Gates ; and the commanding officer of the 
Danish King fired a gun, and hoisted the signal previously 
ordered by the senior officer of her majesty's ships, for fire-rafts ; 
and instantly almost the fire burst forth from at least fifteen fire- 

X 2 



160 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

l)oats ; the appearance was very beautiful. The wind and tide 
were then favourable for their course. As they approached they 
blew up like some beautiful works, what in English pyrotech- 
nical science would be called ' a flower pot.' The beauties of the 
sight, however, did not dissipate the alarm felt by those on board 
the ships, who were also fearful there might be other crafty 
schemes in progress, and that they might be attacked from other 
quarters ; consequently, most of the ships slipped their cables 
and moved out of danger, each more anxious than his neighbour 
to get into the rear. The scene and danger caused great excite- 
ment; the night was very dark, the wind slackened, and so 
many vessels being under weigh at once in a small space, caused 
great confusion, and many consequently came in contact, but we 
have not heard of any serious damage. 

" The boats of the squadron were actively employed towing 
the rafts clear of the shipping, and anchoring others. 

" The junks were first turned adrift chained together two and 
two ; nine of these rafts were counted, which gives eighteen 
boats. But it was ascertained that some had not ignited, and 
some had exploded, the wrecks being seen floating about the 
bay the next morning. 

** On examination, the fire-rafts were found to be constructed 
of what had been very old outside fishing boats ; what remains 
of them will supply the fleet with firewood for a month. They 
were full of dross, the remains of the combustible matter." 

Commodore Sir J. Gordon Bremer arrived off" Canton, on the 
22nd of June, and issued a proclamation establishing a blockade 
of the river and port of Canton, and directing that foreign vessels 
arriving off the coast of China, should anchor in the INIacao roads. 
On the other hand, the chief magistrate of the district in which 
Macao is situated, published an edict, requiring the people to 
join heart and hand with the government, for the destruction of 
the barbarians, and forbidding any Chinese ships to put out to 
sea, except such as were laden with combustibles for the destruc- 
tion of the enemy. An extract from this edict is a curious 
illustration of the feelings which animated the Chinese autho- 
rities. 

" Fishermen and other seafaring people are called on to go 
out and destroy foreign vessels, and whilst thus engaged are 
promised that their families will be housed, clothed, and fed in 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 461 

the public offices at the public expense, and, says his excellency 
Lin, they will be entitled to even higher rewards than have 
already been offered them in a former proclamation. The people 
are again told that rewards will be given them for killing English- 
men, but they are cautioned not to mistake such for Portuguese 
or individuals of any other nation than English, as such mistake 
will be punished according to the existing laws against murder. 
The proof required of having destroyed a ship, is the board with 
her name ; that of having killed an Englishman, his head ; 
either of which, on being delivered to any district magistrate, 
will entitle the bearer to receive the promised reward. English- 
men sailing or pulling in small schooners or boats, are ordered to 
be attacked and exterminated. Honours, rewards, and hap- 
piness will be the lot of him who kills an Englishman." 

In the meantime Sir J. Gordon Bremer, followed by Admiral 
Elliott, steered northwards, and on the 5th of July reached the 
island of Chusan, which it was resolved to occupy. A landing 
was speedily effected, and on the 6th, the city of Ting-hae-heen, 
was taken almost without opposition. Unfortunately, the troops 
after their conquest, misconducted themselves by drinking too 
freely of a spirit distilled from rice, and committed several acts of 
glaring insubordination. Admiral Elliott reached Chusan the 
day after its surrender, and immediately proceeded to Ningpo, 
for the purpose of landing a letter addressed by Lord Palmerston 
to the Chinese court. The authorities at Ningpo, declined to 
forward the letter, but they treated the mission with unusual 
deference and civility. This change of tone, must, however, be 
attributed to the prompt chastisement which the Blonde frigate 
inflicted on the fort of Amoy, for firing on a flag of truce ; the 
guns of the frigate soon laid the fort in ruins, and put the troops 
to flight as well as the war junks, except one which was taken 
and destroyed. 

Admiral Elliott proceeded up the Peeh-ho river, for the pur- 
pose of opening negociations with a Chinese minister of high 
rank, deputed to meet him by the emperor. Keshen was a 
crafty negociator ; he pretended the greatest anxiety to effect an 
amicable arrangement, and by his earnest protestations induced 
the admiral to remove the' fleet from Chusan, where its vicinity 
to the capital overawed the emperor, under the pretence that 
matters could be more easily arranged at Canton, as that had 



462 HISTORY OF British intercourse with china. 

been the seat of the original quarrel. Soon after the return of 
the fleet to Canton, Admiral Elliott was obliged by ill-health, to 
surrender the command to Sir J. Gordon Bremer, and thus the 
entire conduct of the negociations, devolved upon the superinten- 
dent Captain Elliott. 

Keshen's insincerity very soon became apparent ; his great 
object was to protract the negociations, and gain time ; Captain 
Elliott's patience was at length worn out, and he directed the 
Commodore to commence offensive operations. The first attack 
was made upon the Forts of Chuenpee and Ty-cock-tow, which- 
were vigorously assailed by the shipping, and by a land force 
under the command of Captain Scott. The forts were taken by 
storm, and the only incident deserving remark occurred at Ty- 
cock-tow, where the Chinese had barricadoed their houses, and 
fired on the soldiers after the gate had been stormed. 

" Just at this time," says Mr. Mackenzie, " Mr. Viner of the 
Blenheim entered the fort, at the head of a party of seamen, and 
pursuing several Chinese towards the upper end of the fort, 
observed them retreat into a house, on which he fired his pistol 
ofi" through one of the windows. In an instant a terrific explo- 
sion took place, wliich we at first attributed to a mine, but it 
appeared that the pistol had been fired into the magazine, and as 
all the powder lay loose, it instantly blew up. By this accident 
Mr. Viner was severely burnt, and many men were injured for 
life. Had the Chinese submitted on our obtaining possession of 
the fort, many lives would have been spared; but they con- 
tinued to wound our men, which so irritated them, that numbers 
were shot. In some instances during the fight, they took refuge 
in the water, and discharged their match-locks at the pursuer, and 
then throwing the weapon away, begged for mercy ; a system of 
warfare wliich our men did not at all understand. 

" The loss on the side of the enemy, was not less than six 
hundred killed and wounded, while we had not one killed, but 
thirty wounded ; many of these were, however, disabled for life. 
The tortures which most of the Chinese endured, must have 
been dreadful, for whenever they were wounded and fell, the 
match-lock set fire to their cotton clothes, and I saw several 
instances of their being literally burnt alive. In this afiair, the 
Clunese, neither on the part of ofiicers or men, shewed any 
want of courage ; on the contrary, they displayed many instances 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 463 

of individual bravery, and all defended their positions as long as 
they were tenable with great devotion." 

While the troops were thus engaged, the Nemesis steamer and 
the boats of the men of war, attacked the Chinese war-junks, in 
Amoy Bay. Seventeen of the junks, including that of the admiral, 
were destroyed ; the admiral's vessel was blown up by a Congreve 
rocket, which went through the deck into her magazine ; as she 
was full of men, and laden with money which had been sent 
down from Canton, to pay the troops, the loss must have been 
very great. Negociations were again renewed, and after three 
weeks of inaction, Captain Elliott believing that a treaty was 
on the point of being concluded, gave orders that the forts should 
be restored to the Chinese, and that the fleet should remove 
from the inner waters to the island of Hong-Kong, which had 
been ceded to the British. 

Captain Elliott, in fact, had a personal interview with Keshen, 
in which all the preliminaries of peace were arranged, and a 
treaty prepared and sent up to Canton, for the signature and 
ratification of the imperial commissioners. Keshen, with cha- 
racteristic faithlessness, failed to fulfil his agreement respecting 
the treaty, and Captain Elliott, with great reluctance gave orders 
that hostilities should be renewed. Sir J. Gordon Bremer made 
immediate preparations to attack the Forts of Upper and Lower 
Anunghoy, and North Wantong, which defended the Bogue, or 
entrance to the Canton river. The last account of the operations 
that ensued, is that given by Mr. Keith Mackenzie, who acted 
as military secretary to the commander-in-chief. We shall 
therefore make some extracts from his naiTative. 

" The capture of the two Anunghoy forts was entmsted to 
Sir Le Fleming Senhouse, having under his command the 
Melville 74 and Queen steamer, with a flotilla of rocket boats. 
About half-past ten a. m., the Blenheim got under weigh ; her 
progress, however, was but slow, owing to the lightness of the 
wind. She was followed by the Melville, considerably astern. 
Shortly after, the remainder of the squadron got under weigh, 
and stood slowly towards the other forts. The day being most 
lovely, and the river smooth as glass, it was an exciting and 
superb sight to observe these fine ships all moving majestically 
onwards towards their work of destruction. The surrounding 



464 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

heiHits were covered with troops, posted on commanding points, 
and protected by small sand-bag batteries. 

" The action commenced about noon, by the Queen firing at 
a battery, which as well as the lower Anunghoy fort, opened on 
her and the Blenheim, before they got within range. The latter 
shij) did not fire a shot till she let go her anchor, about six 
hundred yards from the fort, when she clewed up all her sails and 
opened her broadside. In a few minutes, the Melville came to 
her assistance, and took up her position a short distance ahead 
of the Blenheim, about four hundred yards from the fort. The 
Chinese kept up the action here for some time with great spirit, 
but the terrific broadsides of the two line-of-battle ships, at 
length drove the Tartars from their guns ; on seeing which. Sir 
Le Fleming Senhouse landed at the head of the marines and 
small-arm men, and driving all before him, carried these fine 
forts. 

" Upon this occasion, the Chinese did not lose so many men 
as might have been expected, whilst on our side success had 
been obtained with but a very trifling loss. If, however, nume- 
rically, the enemy had been no great sufferers, that day's 
encounter cost them the life of their brave old Admiral, for both 
Kwan and his second in command, fell by bayonet wounds 
received in their breasts, whilst gallantlv leadingp on their men to 
an attack. A day scarcely elapsed, before an application was 
made by the family of the deceased to be permitted to possess 
all that remained of their departed relative ; a request which was 
followed by an immediate and unhesitating compliance. Eventu- 
ally the remains of the gallant admiral were borne away by his 
friends, under a salute of minute guns from the Blenheim, as a 
token of that respect, which by a generous and civilized enemy 
is scrupulously rendered to a departed and valiant foe." 

The other forts were captured with similar promptitude, and 
with scarcely any loss to the assailants. This result was so 
wholly unexpected by the Chinese, that various pictures were 
found in the forts, representing the total annihilation of the 
British squadron. Captain Elliott accompanied the ships during 
their tedious progress up the river, the Chinese having impeded 
the navigation by rafts, sunken junks and stones. Almost the 
only opposition encountered was at the first bar, which was 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 465 

defended by an immense raft, a large ship mounting thirty-two 
guns, purchased from the Americans, a heavy battery of forty- 
four pieces of cannon, and a body of two thousand men. These 
defences were forced without any loss of life to the assailants, 
and on the 4th of March preparations were made to subdue all 
the other forts which protected the entrance to Canton. An 
armistice was however again granted, but it expired without 
leading to any good result, and on the 7th, Sir Hugh Gough, who 
had arrived from Madras to take the command of the army, 
stormed the fort which had been named after the unfortunate 
Lord Napier, the Chinese merely firing one ineffective volley, and 
then running away. Inscriptions were found on the chase of the 
guns in this fort, boasting of the brutal treatment of Lord Napier, 
as if it had been a brilliant victory. On the 1 8th of March the 
armament reached Canton, and after encountering a feeble resist- 
ance, took possession of the factories and virtually of the city 
itself, exactly two years after Commissioner Lin had issued his 
first edict against the opium trade. 

A truce was now concluded, during which time the trade was 
renewed, though in a very unsatisfactory manner, and before the 
end of May, Captain Elliott had succeeded in getting the teas of 
the season out of the river. It was however obvious to all, that 
the Chinese intended some act of treachery. On the evening 
of the 21st, the British merchants quitted Canton : on the same 
night hostilities were renewed, by an attack being made on the 
British shipping, and the next morning the factories were forced 
and plundered. Sir Hugh Gough immediately resolved to at- 
tack Canton, and, the ships having easily cleared the river, a 
landing was effected, with little loss, on the evening of the 27th 
of May. Arrangements were made for an attack on the follow- 
ing morning ; it was made with equal spirit and success ; the 
principal events of the struggle being thus described by jMr. 
Mackenzie : — 

" At ten A.M., the general advance sounded ; and on perceiv- 
ing our troops advance, a large body of Chinese made a sortie 
from the eastern fort, as if determined to dispute the heights; 
the Royal Irish, however, giving one good cheer from right to 
left, threw in a destructive volley. On this, the Chinese turned 
and ran, being pursued most gallantly up the hill by the 18th. 
The 49th had, in the meantime, got possession of the front fort, 



4GG HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

and had the honour of first hoisting the British colours on the 
heights.* The 18th regiment, it may be supposed, had a very 
severe run, but the brave fellows seemed to gather strength as 
the danger increased, and charging along the ridge which con- 
nected tlie extremities on which the forts were built, exposed to 
the galling fire of the ramparts of Canton, gallantly captured the 
fort of ' eternal repose.' As Sir H. Gough came up, he was 
greeted with hearty cheers from the 49th ; but, on his reaching 
the 18th, his welcome as their leader, but above all, as their 
countryman, f was most enthusiastic. From this point he had 
the i^roud satisfaction of seeing the Union Jack waving over all the 
forts ; for while these operations had been going on upon the left, 
the gallant naval brigade had nobly done its duty. They, how- 
ever, had very hard work, and had suffered most severely, for in 
these two forts the Chinese stood to their guns well ; and it was 
not till our men entered the fort, and cut them down, hand to 
hand, that we got possession of it. The rear fort was afterwards 
carried, under a most galling fire from the city walls, not more 
than eighty yards distant. Many more men were wounded and 
killed here, after the fort was in our possession, than had been at 
the storming of it. Among these, were Lieutenant Fox and Mr. 
Kendall, both of H.M.S. Nimrod, who, while resting after the 
fatigues of the morning, had each a leg broken by a round shot, 
and were obliged to submit to amputation. Shortly after this, I 
regret to add, that Mr. Fox died ; Mr. Kendall, however, sur- 
vived, and next day had the gratification of receiving his lieu- 
tenant's commission, dated on the field of battle. 

" Thus, in less than one hour after the general advance had 
been sounded, the British troops looked down on Canton within 
a hundred and fifty yards of its walls, from which we were only 
separated by a deep and precipitous glen." 

* This fort rejoiced in the name of Sheting Paw, anglice " fortress, or 
asylum, of old age." It may amuse my readers to be informed of the 
euphonious names which these forts enjoyed. The head-quarters was 
Yung-tang-tai, " fortress of eternal repose." The sailors' forts were Kung- 
kik-tai, " fortress of extreme protection," and Pou-kik-tai, " fortress of ex- 
treme security." The Marines took possession of Jin-tun-tang, or " The 
Hall of Benevolence." It will be afterwards seen how our gallant tars 
kicked the enemy out of their extreme security. 

f Both the general and the regiment are Irish. 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 467 

The Chinese now began to fire from the walls of the city upon 
the troops ; and they also appeared to make some preparations 
for attacking the British position from an entrenched camp, sepa- 
rated from the heights by a tract of rice-grounds about a mile in 
breadth. This was a new call on British enterprize, and the 
result may be best stated in the words of the author already 
quoted : — 

" At about two P.M., some of the principal mandarins left the 
city on horseback, and proceeded to the camp. As from this it 
was evident that the enemy meditated a fresh attack, the gene- 
ral, very considerately, to save them the trouble of coming to us, 
detached the Royal Irish, and one company of the Royal Marines, 
under the command of Major-General Burrell, to destroy the 
camp. During our advance, we were much harassed, both by 
the nature of the paddy ground, which allowed the men to 
advance only in single file, and also by the very heavy and well- 
directed fire kept up from the north-east face of the city wails. 
Nothing, however, could daunt the gallant men, and we suc- 
ceeded in burning the camp, bloAving up the magazines, and dis- 
persing the enemy in all directions. Several of the mandarins" 
chargers, more properly ponies, being in the camp, broke loose, 
and, alarmed by the fire and the explosions of the magazines, com- 
menced galloping about in all directions, and by their grotesque 
caparisons, afibrded much amusement. In this aifair, many of 
our men and four officers were wounded. 

"In the course of the evening, the out-lying pickets were all 
strengthened, and inlying ones placed. Sir Hugh Gough also 
made a reconnaissance of the walls, having determined to take 
the city by escalade. Thus tenxdnated the evening of the cap- 
ture of the heights of Canton." 

Preparations were now made for an immediate attack upon 
Canton, with every certainty of success ; but on the morning of 
the 27th, just as the breaching batteries were about to open on 
the walls, a message was received from Captain Elliott, peremp- 
torily commanding a cessation of hostiUties, as negociations were 
in progress for the ransom of the city. The disappointment and 
indignation of the army, both officers and men, were extreme, 
but they felt that their only course was to obey. The ransom for 
Canton, and the indemnity to merchants for property destroyed, 



468 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

amounted to one million four hundred thousand pounds, but, 
had Captain Elliott availed himself of his advantages, a much 
larger sum might have been obtained. 

The British armament now returned to Hong Kong, of which 
formal possession was taken. Here, however, the troops suffered 
very severely from illness, but not so much as the garrison at 
Chusan, where the loss of life was dreadful. A period of inaction 
ensued, during which the Chinese made abundant professions of 
peace, but, at the same time, vigorously continued their prepara- 
tions for the renewal of the war. On the 10th of August, Sir 
Henry Pottinger arrived from England to supersede Captain 
Elliott, whose frequent suspension of hostilities to enter into 
delusive negociations with the Chinese, had excited great dissatis- 
faction. The new superintendent gave immediate orders that 
the war should be vigorously renewed, and, on the 26th, the 
city of Amoy, with its formidable line of batteries and war-junks 
•—the whole mounting more than five hundred pieces of cannon 
— fell into the hands of the British, after a short but animated 
defence on the part of the Chinese. The following particulars 
respecting this achievement, taken from Sir Hugh Gough's des- 
patch, will be read with interest. 

" Amoy is a principal third-class city of China, and, from its 
excellent harbour and situation, appears to be well calculated for 
commerce. The outer town is divided from the city by the 
chain of rocks I have mentioned, over which a paved road leads 
through a pass that has a covered gateway at its summit. The 
outer harbour skirts the outer town, while the city is bounded 
nearly its whole length by the inner harbour and an estuary, 
which deeply indent the island, including the outer town and the 
north-eastern suburb ; the city cannot be much less than ten 
miles in circumference, and that of the citadel, which entirely 
commands this suburb, and the inner town, though commanded 
itself by the hills within shot range, is nearly one mile. The 
walls are castellated, and vary, with the irregularity of the 
ground, from twenty to thirty feet in height ; and there are four 
gates, having each, in an outwork, a second or exterior gate, at 
right angles to the inner gate. The citadel contained five 
arsenals, in which we found a large quantity of powder, with 
store of material for making it ; gingals, wall-pieces, matchlocks, 
and a variety of fire-arms of singular construction ; military 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 469 

elotliing, swords of all descriptions, shields, bows and arrows 
and spears, were also found in such quantity, as to lead to the 
conclusion that these must have been the chief magazines of the 
province. Within the sea-defences first taken, there was a 
foundry, with moulds, and materials for casting heavy ordnance. 
All these have been destroyed, and so much occupied my time, 
considering, too, how much the troops were harassed by patrols 
to keep off Chinese plunderers, and by other duties incident to 
the peculiarity of our situation, that I abandoned my intention 
of visiting the interior of the island. These plunderers flocked 
into the city and suburbs, to the extent, as the Chinese them- 
selves reported, of many thovisands ; and, I regret to say, that 
several gangs penetrated into the citadel, and committed much 
devastation. Indeed, with the prospect of leaving Amoy so soon, 
I doubt that our marching through the island might rather have 
frightened away the peaceable householders, and led to further 
plunder by the mob, than have been of any advantage. Such, 
indeed, was the avidacity of these miscreants, that I was in some 
cases obliged to fire in order to disperse them ; but 1 am glad to 
say but little loss of life occurred. I am most happy to be 
enabled to state that the conduct of the troops has been exem- 
plary ; some instances of misconduct have, no doubt, occurred ; 
but when it is considered that they were in the midst of tempta- 
tion, many of the houses being open, with valuable property 
strewed about, and many shops in every street deserted, but full 
of shamshu, it is matter of great satisfaction that these instances 
were so few." 

On the 5th of September, the armament sailed northwards 
under the command of Admiral Sir W. Parker and General Sir 
H. Gough. On the 21st they reached Chusan, which had been 
evacuated in the preceding February, during the delusive nego- 
ciations with Keshen. The troops were disembarked on the 1st 
of October, and the place was re-occupied with but little loss. 
The Chinese suffered severely, and many mandarins were killed. 

On the 7th, the troops were re-embarked in order to proceed 
to the attack of Ning-po. It was, however, necessary first to 
obtain possession of Chinhae, a city of considerable importance 
on the mouth of the Ningpo river, thus described by Admiral 
Parker : — 

♦* The city of Chinhae, which is enclosed by a wall thirty- 



470 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

seven feet in thickness, and twenty-two feet high, with an em- 
brasured parapet of four feet high, and nearly two miles in 
circumference, is situated at the foot of a very commanding 
peninsular height, which forms the entrance of the Tahee river 
on its left or north bank. On the summit is the citadel, which, 
from its strong position, is considered the key to Chinhae, and 
the large and opulent city of Ningpo, about fifteen miles up the 
river ; and it is so important as a military post, that I trust 1 
may be excused for attempting to describe it. It stands about 
250 feet above the sea, and is encircled also by a strong wall 
with very substantial iron-plated gates at the east and west ends. 
The north and south sides of the height are exceedingly steep ; 
the former accessible only from the sea by a narrow winding 
path from the rocks at its base ; the south side and eastern end 
being nearly precipitous. At the east end of the citadel, outside 
its wall, twenty-one guns were mounted in three batteries of 
masonry and sand-bags to defend the entrance of the river. The 
only communication between the citadel and city is on the west 
side by a steep but regular causeway, to a barrier gate at the 
bottom of the hill, where a wooden bridge over a wet ditch, con- 
nects it with the isthmus and the gates of the city, the whole of 
which are covered with iron plates and strongly secured. The space 
on the isthmus between the citadel liill and the city wall, is filled 
up towards the sea with a battery of five guns, having a row of 
strong piles driven in a little beach in front of it, to prevent a 
descent in that quarter ; and on the river side of the isthmus are 
two batteries adjoining the suburbs, and mounting twenty-two 
and nineteen guns, for flanking the entrance ; twenty-eight guns 
of different sizes, and numberless ginjals were also planted on 
the city walls, principally towards the sea. 

" The main body of the Chinese forces were posted on the 
right bank of the river, in fortified encampments, on very com- 
manding and steep hills, field-works and entrenchments being 
thrown up in every advantageous position, with twenty-three 
guns and innumerable ginjals mounted in them to impede the 
advance of the troops. The principal landing-place on this side 
is \vithin a considerable creek, close to the south entrance of the 
river, and across this creek we found a row of piles driven. 
Four batteries, mounting thirty-one guns, were also newly con- 
structed on this side of the river, to flank the entrance ; and 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 471 

about half a mile above its mouth a similar obstruction of larger 
piles was carried completely across, space only being left for one 
junk to pass at a time. In short, the Chinese had exercised their 
ingenuity to the utmost to make their defences secure, and a great 
amount of treasure and labour must have been expended in the 
execution of these works, fuUy evincing the importance which 
they attach to this position." 

On the 10th of October, the citadel and city were bombarded 
by the fleet ; while the troops having disembarked, advanced to 
the attack in two columns, by different routes. The Chinese 
manifested great firmness, but their fire, though heavy, was ill- 
directed, and the mines which they exploded failed in their 
eftect. Admiral Parker accompanied one of the columns, and 
was the first to scale the walls. So impetuous was the assault, 
that the garrison, though four times more numerous than the as- 
sailants, fled through the western gate so soon as they saw the 
English columns on the ramparts. On the following day, the 
expedition, greatly aided by the favourable weather, proceeded 
up the river to Ningpo, a large city, five miles in circumference, 
and supposed to contain a population of three hundred thousand 
inhabitants. No preparations were made for resistance ; it was 
said that the troops, since their defeat at Chinhae, had declared 
that they would not again encounter the British. The gates of 
the city were, indeed, barricaded, but the walls were soon scaled, 
and the Chinese themselves assisted in removing obstructions and 
opening the gates. Several towns in the neighbourhood were 
captured unresistingly, and Sir Henry Pottinger returned to 
Hong Kong in order to watch the proceedings of the Chinese at 
Canton. 

On the 10th of March a body of Chinese forces, about twelve 
thousand in number, advanced upon Ningpo, scaled the walls, 
and advanced to the market-place in the centre of the town. 
Sir Hugh Gough made no attempt to resist the enemy until 
they had fairly entered the city, and were under the necessity of 
coming to an engagement ; he then attacked them so impetu- 
ously, that their lines were instantly broken, and they were 
forced to fly in the greateat disorder. The British guns 
made fearful havock among the disorganized masses, and 
the pursuit was close and \'igorous. It was remarked that 
four or five dollars were found in the pockets of every 



472 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

one of the fallen Chinese, from whence it was concluded 
tliat they had been bribed into valour on the occasion by their 
riders. An attack on Chinghaewas repulsed the same night ; and 
about the sametime the junks, which were collected to attack the 
island of Chusan, were destroyed at Tinghae by the steamer 
Nemesis. In these engagements there was no casualty on the 
side of the British, but the loss of the Chinese in killed and 
wounded was very great, and quite disheartened their armies. 

Sir Hugh Gough was anxious to follow up his success, but it 
was difficult to find out where the Chinese army existed as 
an organized body. At length he received information that a 
Chinese force of about four thousand men had encamped at the 
town of Tse-kee, about eleven miles westward of Ningpo, and 
that they formed the advance-guard of a much larger force, 
destined to attack that city. A detachment of eleven hundred 
men was embarked, and towed by the Phlegethon and Nemesis 
steamers to the vicinity of the Chinese camp, which was found 
pitched in a very strong position to the west of the town. The 
troops occupied Tse-kee without opposition, but when they 
marched to attack the camp, they were received with a very 
heavy fire from ginjals and matchlocks. The fire, however, was 
ill directed, and, when the British closed, their adversaries gave 
way on every side. The loss of the Chinese exceeded six hun- 
dred, that of the English amounted only to three killed and 
twenty wounded. The Chinese military chest was taken, but its 
contents were found to be miserably small, not exceeding two 
thousand dollars. 

The operations of the war lingered after these exploits : rein- 
forcements were necessary in order that all the points v/hich it 
was desirable to embrace in the plan of a decisive campaign, 
should be acted upon simultaneously. On the 18th of May, 
however, an attack was made upon Chapoo, the usual port of 
communication between China and Japan. The town was taken 
without resistance or opposition : but, after the troops had 
entered, some Tartar soldiers, who had taken post in a Buddhist 
temple or Joss-house, fearing that, if they surrendered, no quar- 
ter would be given them, unexpectedly opened a severe fire on 
some British companies, by which one officer was killed and three 
wounded. The Tartars were, however, soon dislodged, and the 
greater part of them cut to pieces by the irritated soldiers. 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 473 

Although Chapoo is not in itself a place of great importance, 
its occupation by the British is likely to produce a very great 
effect on the eastern kingdoms of Asia, and particularly on the 
empire of Japan, which has for some centuries been more exclu- 
sive in its policy than that of China itself. Sir Stamford Raffles, 
before the unwise cession of Java to the Dutch, had formed wise 
commercial plans which, in all human probability, would have 
opened the unknown regions of Japan to British enterprize and 
manufactures, but, unfortunately, the British negociators at 
Vienna had no means of knowing the value of oriental colonies, ex- 
cept through the directors of the East India Company, and they, 
deeply interested in the support of their then existing monopoly, 
were very reluctant to see colonies established in islands which 
would be directly subject to the crown, and the trade of which 
would therefore be thrown open to all English merchants. The 
Chinese war will probably effect, by forcible and expensive 
means, what the ignorance of the Vienna diplomatists, and the 
short-sighted and interested policy of the court of directors, pre- 
vented from being accomplished by gradual and peaceful methods. 
There can be no doubt that the appearance of the English in Cha- 
poo, will produce a very lively sensation through the whole of the 
Japanese empire, and probably induce its court, haughty in the 
fancied security of ignorance, to reflect upon the danger of per- 
severing in that barbarous course of policy which opposes itself 
to the progress of commerce and civilization. 



The Afghan and Chinese wars differ from all those in which the 
Anglo-Indian government has been previously engaged, in their not 
being purely defensive, or at least explicable on grounds of im- 
mediate and almost tangible danger. In judging of the progress 
of British power in Hindustan, it must ever be borne in mind 
that the East India Company obtained its settlements on the 
coast, just as the mighty empire of Delhi was crumbling into 
pieces, and that it was utterly impossible to preserve neutrality 
in the countless struggles of the Mohammedan and Hindu chief- 
tains to obtain a share of the spoil. Calcutta could not be safe 
so long as a hostile or rapacious chief was Subahdar of Bengal ; 
though nominally a viceroy, the governor of that province was 



474 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

virtually an independent sovereign, and was, in fact, more closely 
connected with the Company than with his nominal master, the 
Emperor of Delhi. From the time that Lord Clive was com- 
pelled hy the force of circumstances to interfere in the choice of 
a ruler for Bengal, it was impossible .for the Company to recede 
a step without quitting that part of India altogether. It was 
not, in the first instance, suspected that the independent exist- 
ence of a presidency and of a Native state were incompatible, and 
therefore the Company was compelled to take the Dewannee, or 
collection of the revenues in Bengal, which it did with obvious 
reluctance. This Dewannee was virtually a vice-regal authority, 
which was changed into absolute sovereignty, not by the ambi- 
tion of the Company, but by the sheer incapacity of the imperial 
court to exert its supremacy or even preserve its independence. 
Allegiance and tribute were due by treaty to the Emperor of 
Delhi, but not to the Malirattas, when they became his masters 
and made him the helpless instrument of their rapacity. In fact, 
the sovereignty of Bengal fell into the hands of the British by 
the mere force of circumstances, and had they not taken it, 
there can be no doubt that the whole of northern India would 
have fallen into a state of helpless, deplorable, and ruinous 
anarchy. 

But the sovereignty of Bengal involved serious duties and 
responsibilities, particularly the protection of the minor states, 
which, together with it, had received the assurances of good 
government and tranquillity so long as they contmued their 
allegiance to the supreme power. It would have been obviously 
impolitic to allow them to be devastated by plundering hordes 
such as the Mahrattas or Pindarries, and there was no injustice 
in taking them into dependent alliance on the condition of afford- 
ing them protection. The Company did not seek this responsi- 
biUty ; on the contrary, it made every possible exertion to avoid 
the discharge of such onerous duties ; but experience shewed 
that sovereignty could not be retained Avithout attending to the 
responsibilities it involved, and the system of subsidiary treaties, 
abandoned after the return home of the Marquis of Wellesley, 
was obliged to be resumed and extended by the Marquis of Has- 
tings. In fact, the Company was forced to constitute itself the 
heir to the Emperors of Delhi, because no one of the other com- 



m 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 475 

petitors had even a remote chance of establishing a secure and 
organized system of government. 

In the south of India, the English did not seek territorial ag- 
grandizement until they were forced to do so by the example of 
the French ; it was, in fact, a struggle for existence : had the 
French presidency of Pondicherry become supreme in the Dekkan, 
Madras and its dependencies must have been lost to the Com- 
pany. The first war with Mysore was certainly provoked by 
Hyder Ali, and besides, he must be rather regarded as an ambi- 
tious adventurer endeavouring to found a kingdom, than as a 
legitimate sovereign established in a state. There is rather more 
difficulty in the case of the last Mysorean war, which terminated 
in the death of Tippoo and the abolition of royalty in his 
family; on that occasion, the Anglo-Indian government, like 
the authorities at home, were too nervously sensitive to the 
intrigues of France, and too ready to trace the most indif- 
ferent occurrences to republican ambition. The Marquis of 
Wellesley, in fact, waged war against possibilities, and the 
causes assigned for a declaration of hostilities in the manifesto 
which he issued, do not furnish so complete a justification 
for his precipitancy as could be desired. This, indeed, seems 
to have been the opinion both of the court of directors and 
the English people, for, successful as the issue of the Mysore 
war was, almost beyond all former precedent, the thanks voted 
to those by whom it was contrived and conducted, were niggard- 
ly and cold, nor did the leaders receive any substantial marks 
of the national gratitude. 

The wars against the Pindarries and Mahrattas, stand on a 
very different ground ; the only objection to which they are 
fairly liable is, that they were too long delayed ; it is the duty 
of every civilized government to put an end to anarchy and 
marauding upon its frontiers, and to interfere for the protection 
of peaceful communities from bands of robbers. The Mahratta 
states were nothing better than organized associations of plun- 
derers ; they were superior to the Pindarries, only because their 
armies were more numerous, their association more complete, and 
their plundering more systematic. It was as much the duty of 
the principal established power in India, to put an end to the 
outrages perpetrated by those confederacies, and to compel them 



47G HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

to live in peace, as it is of a leading maritime state to prevent 
piracy on the high seas. The Nepaulese and Burmese wars 
were so clearly defensive, that it is not necessary to waste one 
word upon their justification. 

It must be confessed that the present Afghan war is the most 
questionable, on all the grounds of justice, policy, and prudence, 
of any in which the Anglo-Indian empire has ever been involved. 
The rulers of Afghanistan owed no allegiance, direct or indirect, 
to the authorities in Calcutta, and they had therefore a perfect 
right to prefer a Russian to an English alliance, if they believed 
that the former was most conducive to their interests. The con- 
test between the Barukzye brothers and the King of Lahore, 
afforded but a very poor pretext for interference ; it had raged 
for many years without attracting the slightest notice, and ihere 
is evidence than an offer of mediation would have been accepted, 
if made without any ulterior object than the restoration of peace, 
for Runjeet Singh was heartily tired of his useless and expensive 
acquisitions beyond the Indus. 

The policy of the war, must ultimately be determined by the 
reasonableness of the fears which were entertained of the ambi- 
tious designs of Russia. It would be obviously insufficient to 
prove tkat the cabinet of St. Petersburg, is jealous of the British 
empire in India, and desirous to witness, or even effect its over- 
throw ; there are few cabinets in Europe, of which the same 
thing may not be predicated : it is further necessary to establish 
that the Russians have it in their power to make such a series of 
complicated combinations with the states of Central Asia, as to 
render an overland invasion of India, practicable or even 
possible. When even single travellers have found it a very 
painful and perilous enterprize, to accomplish the journey 
from the Anglo-Indian empire to the frontiers of Russia, it 
seems to be one of the strangest speculations that ever entered 
the mind, to imagine the march of an organized army through 
these '• wilds immeasurably spread," with the train of artil- 
lery, baggage and munitions of war, required by modem tac- 
tics. Timur, Baber and Nadir Shah, had no disciplined 
troops to encounter, and therefore they had no heavy trains 
of guns to transport. Their invading armies were composed 
principally of light cavalry, and they met little or no organized 
resistance. But what would be the condition of a Russian 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 477 

army when it reached the banks of the Indus, and met there 
the British troops, fresh, vigorous, and supplied with all the 
material for making a powerful defence? It is scarcely possible 
to conceive how the Russians could ever effect such a march • 
but supposing that they succeeded so far, it is utterly impossible 
that they could be prepared to encounter the force which would 
be prepared for their reception. 

The Circassian war, which has been far more calamitous and 
humiliating to Russia, than the Afghan expedition to England, 
shews that the mountaineers of Asia are very formidable adver- 
saries to European troops, and very difficult to be reconciled to 
European domination. By no route could the Russians advance, 
where they would not have to encounter mountainous defiles, to 
the full as rugged, precipitous and treacherous as those of the 
Caucasus, and probably not less obstinately defended. Even if 
an enemy forced or purchased a passage through these moun- 
tains, it would always be exposed to have its communications 
cut off, by the caprice or treachery of barbarians, who are utterly 
indifferent to the faith of treaties. From the days of the wars 
between the Romans and the Parthians, to the present hour, it 
has been invariably found, that though a civilized and disci- 
plined army is sure to triumph over the hordes of uncivilized 
barbarians in a fair field, it is liable to be worn down by desul- 
tory and harassing attacks, especially when the difficulties 
of country and climate are superadded to the rapacity of 
plundering tribes, and the ignorant desperation which among 
barbarians is no feeble substitute for valour. It might be 
possible indeed for Russian armies to be floated down the 
Euphrates and the Tigris, but there would still remain the over- 
land march thorough Gedrosia, Carmania, &c. which so nearly 
proved fatal to the victorious legions of Alexander the Great, 
and which would assuredly ruin any European army encumbered 
with the countless requisites of modern war. In fact, the 
Russians could have no chance of success, except by means 
of a strong naval armament in the Persian Gulf, and that is 
not likely to be obtained so long as England remains the mis- 
tress of the seas. 

The prudence of the Afghan war might be less questionable, if 
the success of our arms in that country, had been such as to pro- 
duce a very strong impression of respect and fear on the various 



478 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

sovereigns of Asia. The reverses which we have experienced, 
however slight and temporary they may be, are likely to produce 
feelings of a very opposite tendency. The alliance or even 
acquisition of Afghanistan, can be of very little importance, 
viewed merely in the light of affording an opening for trade. In 
fact, the Afghans have very little to give in exchange for Euro- 
pean manufactures, and the supplies which they received from 
Bombay, before the commencement of the war, were probably as 
great as the consumption of the nation required. The opening 
of the navigation of the Indus, is not identical with the opening 
of the trade of Central Asia, because the ranges of mountains to 
the north are tenanted by savage hordes, whose rate of duties on 
the transit of goods, vdll be regulated rather by their blind cupi- 
dity, than by any system of enlightened policy. There are two 
parties to all commercial transactions ; it may be, and doubtless 
is desirable, that the markets of Central Asia, should be open 
for British enterprize, but it is very far from being proved that 
the nations of Central Asia are anxious to become purchasers of 
our goods. 

If in any quarter there seemed a disposition to retain posses- 
sion of Afghanistan, it would be necessary to point out the 
disadvantages of its vague and unsettled frontier, compared with 
so definite and defensible a line as the course of the Indus. 
This, however, is not necessary ; every one appears to be con- 
vinced that the English troops ought to evacuate the country, so 
soon as their return can be effected without dishonour to the 
nation. So far as we can see from the documents already pub- 
lished, the war was undertaken to avert contingencies which 
were veiy barely vdthin the remotest verge of possibility, but it 
has led to disasters which are in themselves substantial and real, 
but which in their remote consequences menace both the tran- 
quillity and the stability of the British empire in India. 

On the other hand, the Chinese war may fairly be justified, by 
a series of insults, annoyances and provocations, which have 
been continued for the greater part of a century ; — the patient 
submission of the Company's agents to Chinese insolence, 
from their fear that any show of resentment would lead to 
a suspension of the tea trade. An earlier exhibition of spfrit 
would probably have prevented an expensive war, and taught 



HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 479 

the Chinese, that the laws of nations cannot be violated with 
impunity. 

It is not, however, to be regretted, that the rulers of the Celestial 
Empire, have been practically taught by our successes the vast 
superiority of the European system of civilization ; means less 
forcible would probably have failed to break the torpidity to 
which the Chinese mind was reduced by the policy of its rulers. 
Hitherto the efforts made to introduce Christianity into China, 
have not produced results at all proportioned to the heavy ex- 
pense incurred, and the zealous labours of the missionaries ; but 
there is reason to hope, that the delusion which enabled the 
government to perpetuate ignorance, will be dispelled by the 
overthrow of the belief, that the government was invmcible in 
strength and unsurpassed in intelligence. 

It is scarcely possible to conclude this history -nithout making 
some reflections on the light which the past throws on the future 
prospects of Hindustan. Hitherto the British may be said only 
to have encamped in India ; colonization was long systematically 
proliibited, and all amalgation between the ruling and the subject 
races discouraged. A mixed race has indeed been produced by 
the illegitimate connexions formed by both civilians and military 
officers ; this race is already numerous, and it must be naturally 
propelled to claim the privileges of British descent without aban- 
doning its sympathies with its maternal origin. The Anglo- 
Indian race, must naturally be anxious to see the principle of 
self-government established in all the colonies dependent on 
the crown, recognized within the dominions of the Company. 
Self-government is a principle necessary to the progress of 
civilization, and the Hindus cannot rise in the social scale 
whUe all their laws emanate from Leadenhall Street. Pro- 
vincial legislatures, would do more to elevate the character of 
the Hindu and Mohammedan communities, than any other 
measures which could be adopted ; and they would encrease 
ten-fold the value of India, as a purchaser of manufacturers, 
to England. It is not probable that representative assemblies 
will be conceded to the Presidencies so long as they remain 
under the exclusive government of the Company, but when the 
Charter is next renewed, it is probable that the Hindus may 
obtain some benefit from the principle recognized in every 



480 HISTORY OF BRITISH INTERCOURSE WITH CHINA. 

part of the British dominions, that taxation without repre- 
sentation is nothing better than tyranny. The servants of 
the Company, aided hy the honourable policy of the Court of 
Directors, have successfully exerted themselves to diffuse the 
blessings of education among the Natives ; the rising gene- 
ration will have learned to appreciate the institutions which 
produce the well-being of communities, and they cannot fail 
to be inspired vdth an anxiety for the establishment of such 
iastitutions in their native land. 



481 



CHAPTER XXII. 



ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 



Ceylon. 



The fertile island of Ceylon was known to tlae ancient Greeks 
by the name of Taproliane, and to the early Arabian voyagers, 
under that of Serendil. It is supposed to have been colonized 
by a body of Singhs or Rajputs, about five centuries before the 
Christian era, who were professors of the Budhist creed, which is 
still maintained by their Singhalese descendants. In the reign 
of Claudius Caesar, a Roman publican, who farmed the custom 
duties of the Red Sea, was driven by an adverse gale from the 
coast of Arabia, on the island of Ceylon, where he found a 
flourishing kingdom, and an enlightened sovereign. He induced 
the monarch to send four envoys to Rome through the Red Sea, 
for the purpose of negociating a commercial treaty, but we have 
no evidence that any trading intercourse of importance ensued. 
There are abundant proofs that the ancient kingdom of Ceylon 
was both populous and powerful : the ruins of cities and canals, 
the traces of enormous public works, the artificial Lake of Kan- 
dely still existing near Trincomalee, attest the greatness of the 
Singhalese under the rule of their Native princes. Anorahja- 
poora, the ancient capital, was sixteen miles square, and a list of 
the streets in this ruined city is still existence. 

In the period between the sixth and thirteenth centuries, the 
Singhalese had an active trade with China, India, Arabia, and 
Egypt, in consequence of which Colombo and Galle became 
flourishing marts of commerce, and among the most celebrated 
ports of the Indian Ocean. Marco Polo, who visited the island 
in the course of his travels, described it as " the finest in the 
world," and the Arab writers vie with each other in celebrating 

Y 



482 ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 

its wealth, fertility, and beauty, both in tlieir history and 
romance. Some years before the discovery of the passage round 
the Cape of Good Hope, the coasts of Ceylon were ravaged by 
piratical adventurers from the shores of Arabia and Malabar ; 
their depredations, united with some intestine commotions, greatly 
weakened the kingdom ; in the year 1153, a Singhalese monarch 
was able to fit out a fleet of five hundred vessels to resent an in- 
sult offered to his ambassadors ; in 1505, the reigning sovereign 
was unable to prevent piratical hordes from seizing his best har- 
bours and plundering his richest cities. Colombo was at this 
period the royal residence, and the population was divided into 
two distinct races, the Bedahs, who inhabited the interior of the 
country, and the Singhalese, or, as they are more usually called, 
the Cingalese, who inhabit the sea-coast. The Bedahs are sup- 
posed to have been the aborigines of the island ; they seem to be 
incapable of civilization, for they continue, to the present day, in 
the state they were found by the Portuguese, destitute of habita- 
tions and clothing, living in inaccessible forests, feeding only on 
fruits and wild animals^ and having no resting-place either by 
day or night save the branches of large trees. 

When the Portuguese admiral, Almeida, appeared off the 
coast, the King of Colombo was exposed to great danger from 
the attacks of Arab pirates ; the fame of European enterprize 
and success induced him to place himself under the protection of 
the crown of Portugal. For this purpose he entered into a treaty 
with Almeida, stipu^lating to pay an annual tribute of two hun- 
dred and fifty thousand pounds weight of cinnamon, on condition 
of being delivered from the depredators. The Portuguese being 
permitted to settle in Ceylon, at first contented themselves with 
establishing factories in the principal ports ; the factories were 
gradually changed into fortresses ; and at length, the Portuguese 
took formal possession of the principal commercial cities, and ex- 
pelled the native authorities. Their government was more op- 
pressive in Ceylon than in any other part of their colonies. 
The Cingalese vpere excluded from foreign trade with any other 
nation, and were compelled to accept in payment for their pro- 
duce, whatever the monopolists pleased to offer. The Native j 
monarchs, compelled to make Kandy, a city in the interior, 
their residence, could obtain no redress for any injuries that were 



ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 483 

offered to their subjects, and their representations on the sub- 
ject were rejected with contumely and insult. 

After having long endured these cruelties and oppressions, the 
Cingalese resolved to apply for aid to the Dutch, who had now 
become formidable rivals of the Portuguese in the Indian Seas. 
In 1632, a strong armament was sent from Holland to co-operate 
with the forces of the King of Kandy, and possession was taken 
of Trincomalee. A desultory but bloody war ensued ; many of 
the Portuguese were connected by marriage with the Natives, 
and numbers of the Cingalese had been converted to the Roman 
Catholic form of the Christian faith by the exertions of the 
Jesuit missionaries. The Portuguese, though badly supported 
from home, were thus enabled to protract their resistance for 
several years ; but, on the surrender of their last fortress, 
Colombo, in 1656, they were compelled to evacuate the island. 

The Cingalese gained little by the change ; the commercial 
policy of the Dutch was every whit as exclusive as that of the 
Portuguese, and their administration of justice equally partial 
and intolerable. In one respect, however, the policy of the 
Dutch deserved the highest praise ; they established schools in 
the principal towns, for the purpose of instructing the Native 
children in the doctrines of Christianity, and the elements of use- 
ful knowledge. These schools were, in general, admirably con- 
ducted, and they produced very beneficial results. The English 
government at Madras had long desired to obtain possession of 
the Dutch settlements in Ceylon, on account of the fine harbour 
of Trincomalee, which was the only port available in stormy 
weather for the fleet which protected that presidency. On the 
annexation of Holland to France, in 1795, an armament was 
sent against Ceylon, and, after a series of tedious military opera- 
tions, destitute of the slightest interest or importance, the Dutch 
possessions in Ceylon were surrendered to the British forces. 

Ceylon remained for a short time attached to the ])residency of 
Madras, but it was afterwards rendered independent of the East In- 
dia Company, and annexed to the empire of Great Britain under 
the direct government of the crown. A contract, however, was con- 
cluded with the Company at the time of the transfer, January 
1802, by which the exclusive privilege of exporting cinnamon 
was leased to that body. It was agreed that the Ceylon govern- 

y 2 



481- ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 

mcnt should deliver, annually, 400,000lbs. of cinnamon to the 
Company, at three shillings per pound, and that the Company 
should credit the colony with all the clear profits made on the 
sale of that article, beyond five per cent. Some variations were 
subsequently made in the contract ; but the monopoly proved to 
be highly injurious to the colony, and not very lucrative to those 
in whose favour it was established. In 1821, the exclusive pri- 
vilege of exporting cinnamon was abandoned by the Company, 
and all persons were allowed freely to purchase and export the 
spice from the government stores. 

The English, like the Portuguese and Dutch, were at first con- 
fined to the provinces on the sea-coast, and it was with great re- 
luctance that they were induced to interfere with the interior of 
the country ; they were, however, compelled to do so by the 
wanton provocations of the Native government. In 1798, the 
King of Kandy died, and the crown was transferred, by the in- 
trigues of Peleme Talane, the chief Adigar, or prime minister, to 
a young native of Malabar, Avithout birth, talent, or pretensions 
of any kind. The policy of the Adigar was decidedly hostile to 
the British government, and he directed the conduct of his crea- 
ture, the new monarch, at his pleasure ; his object was to amuse 
the British with delusive negociations, until he had completed his 
plans for their expulsion from the island. After some time had 
been spent in secret preparations, the English governor, the 
Honourable Frederick North, provoked by the continued aggres- 
sions of the Kandyans, proclaimed war, and ordered two divisions 
of British troops to proceed into the interior from Colombo and 
Trincomalee. Little or no resistance was made to the march of 
these divisions ; they united before Kandy, and took possession 
of that city, which was abandoned on their approach. The Adi- 
gar, finding that force was unavailing had recourse to treachery ; 
he lulled the British officers into delusive security by concluding 
a treaty, in consequence of which the greater part of the troops 
returned to the provinces, leaving only a small garrison in Kandy 
under the command of Major Davie. No sooner, however, had 
the army withdrawn, than the perfidious Adigar blockaded Kandy 
with all his forces, and compelled Major Davie, whose men were 
sufi'ering severely from sickness and privations, to consent to a 
humiliating capitulation. The terms of surrender were, however, 
atrociously violated ; no sooner had the British troops laid down 



ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 485 

their arms, than they were wantonly attacked and cruelly mas- 
sacred with the exception of one corporal, who made his escape, 
though wounded, with the disastrous intelligence to Colombo. 

The Kandyan troops advanced to the British frontiers, and 
carried on a warfare of ravage and spoliation, but their repeated 
invasions were defeated with great loss. At length, hostilities 
were suspended as if by tacit consent, in consequence of the 
weakness of the enemy, and the pacific disposition of the British 
administration. Meanwhile, the Kandyan monarch provoked 
the hatred of his own subjects, by many atrocious acts of cruelty 
and tyranny ; we may mention as an instance, that he compelled 
the wife of one of his chief Adigars, to pound her own children to 
death in a mortar. Many of his subjects removed from the in- 
terior to the British settlements, and some of the chiefs applied 
for military aid to protect them from oppression, which was not 
granted. In October, 1814, ten natives of the British province 
of Columbo, who were engaged in their ordinary traffic with the 
the people of the interior, were seized by command of the Kan- 
dyan monarch, and cruelly mutilated. This outrage, joined with 
a revolt of the people of the frontier provinces against the tyrant, 
finally determined the English government to take up arms ; the 
troops were put in motion in the beginning of the year 1815, 
whilst a proclamation was issued, promising protection and secu- 
rity to the Kandyans, and announcing that the court alone was 
the object of hostility. 

Lieutenant-general Brownrisg, the Governor and Commander- 
in-chief, arranged the march of the army in divisions, in order to 
avoid the difficulties connected with the supply of forage and 
provisions. Rugged roads, rainy weather, and occasional defi- 
ciencies of food, were, in fact, the only obstacles against which 
the army had to contend, for at no part did they meet with 
armed resistance, and the Adigars v/ere all ready to join them 
when they found that it could be done with safety to their fami- 
lies. A detachment entered Kandy on the 11th of February, 
which was found entirely deserted by the inhabitants, and stripped 
of all valuable property. On receiving promises of protection, 
however, many of the citizens returned, and the markets were 
regularly supplied by the people of the adjacent country, so soon 
as they were assured of obtaining payment for their produce. 

The king fled, accompanied by a body of his adherents, chiefly 



•48G ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 

his own countrymen, from Malabar, and some days elapsed be- 
fore any information respecting the place of his retreat could be 
obtained. Eventually, he was discovered and surrounded by his 
own insurgent subjects, and, after a slight resistance on the part 
of his Malabar guards, was taken prisoner with two of his wives. 
He was fettered, reviled, and plundered ; and every circumstance 
of his fall denoted the general detestation inspired by a cruel 
despotism. His life, however, was spared in consequence of the 
interference of the English general. 

This conquest was entirely bloodless on the part of the Eng- 
lish, who enjoyed an extraordinary degree of health in the midst 
of their fatigues. It was resolved that the entire island should 
be placed under British rule, and a solemn council of the Adi- 
gars was held in the audience-chamber of the palace of Kandy, 
on the 2nd of March. A treaty which had been previously 
framed, for annexing the Kandyan provinces to the British domi- 
nions, was then unanimously accepted ; and the result of the 
convention was declared to the people in a proclamation contain- 
ing seven articles. The first recited the cruelties of the late 
Malabar ruler, the Raja Sri Wilkrenie Raja Sinha ; the second 
declared the forfeiture of all right to the throne by him and his 
family ; his relatives were prohibited from entering the Kandyan 
provinces without the express permission of the British govern- 
ment ; the dominion of the provinces was vested in the sovereign 
of the British empire ; the religion of Buddha was established, 
but, at the same time, full liberty was conceded to all other 
creeds ; bodily torture and mutilation were abolished ; and it 
was forbidden to execute any sentence of death, without a war- 
rant from the British governor. 

Although, at first, the grants which the Dutch government had 
made for the support of schools were greatly reduced, a more 
liberal and enlightened policy has been adopted in Ceylon than 
in the Company's dominions. In 1811, a charter passed the 
great seal, granting to every native of Ceylon, not legally dis- 
qualified, the right to sit on juries. This mode of trial was 
accordingly introduced with great advantage, and has produced 
the most favourable effect on the character of the inhabitants. 
As a remarkable proof of this, it may be stated that the slave 
proprietors in the island passed a resolution that, after the 12th 



ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 487 

cf August, 1816, all persons born in slavery should be consi- 
dered free. 

When the treaty was made at Kandy, General Brownrigg in- 
timated that the civil government of the country should be con- 
ducted through the medium of the principal Adigars, without 
any interference on the part of the British army. It was, how- 
ever, soon discovered that the Singhalese aristocracy was unfit to 
wield the powers with which it had been entrusted, and the 
British officers, both civil and military, were frequently com- 
pelled to interfere for the purpose of checking the outrages and 
oppressions perpetrated by a rapacious nobility. The Kandyan 
chiefs were of course dissatisfied ; several of them conspired to 
overthrow the foreign yoke which they had imposed upon them- 
selves ; many of the ignorant Natives were induced to join them, 
and a formidable insurrection burst forth, in which some of the 
British authorities were murdered. The prompt measures adopted 
by the governor soon put an end to the rebellion ; the leaders 
of the insurgents were made prisoners, two of them were pub- 
licly executed, and the rest sent into banishment. Since that 
period the tranquillity of Ceylon has not been interrupted, and 
its prosperity has rapidly increased since the abolition of the 
pernicious monopolies by which its commerce was restricted ; it 
bids fair to become one of the most important colonies of the 
British empire, and it will probably precede all the countries of 
the East, in accepting from our hands the blessings of Christianity 
and civilization. 

Puio Penang. 

Pulo Penang, or Prince of Wales's Island, is situated on the 
west coast of the Malacca peninsula, and, though small, is valua- 
ble for its excellent harbour, formed by the strait which divides 
the island from Q,uedda on the opposite coast. It was long un- 
tenanted, or only inhabited by a few miserable fishermen, until 
it formed part of the marriage portion which Captain Liglit, the 
commander of a Company's ship in India, received from the 
King of Quedda on his union Avith the daughter of that sovereign. 
In the following year, Captain Light transferred his acquisition 
to the Company ; under its sanction, a treaty was concluded with 
the king, by which he confirmed that body in the possession of 



488 ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 

Pulo Penang, and added a slip of territory on the adjacent coast 
of the jMaLiyan peninsula. Commerce soon attracted to Penang 
a motley population from all the maritime states of Asia ; it 
serves as an entrepot for the various produce of China, the 
eastern islands and straits, the Native merchants from which take 
back in return British and India goods. 

MAtACCA. 

The British settlement of Malacca is situated at the extremity 
of the j\Ialayan peninsula, and is about forty miles in length by 
thirty in breadth. The abriginal inhabitants of the peninsula 
were a race of oriental Negroes, with woolly hair, jet-black skin, 
thick lips, and flat nose, like the Africans. About the year 
1252, the Malays emigrated from their native country, Palem- 
bang in the island of Sumati-a, and landing on the peninsula 
founded the city of Malacca. As they extended their conquests, 
the Negro-race fled before them into the mountains and forests, 
where some of their unfortunate descendants still remain. Until 
the year 1276, the Malays were idolators of the lowest kind, but 
their spirit of commercial enterprize having brought them ac- 
quainted with the Arabs, at that time equally devoted to mercantile 
pursuits, they adopted the Mohammedan creed, and displayed 
scarcely less attachment to their new religion, than the Saracens in 
the first burst of their fanaticism. The Budhist nations around, 
but particularly the Siamese, resolved to punish the Malays for 
having adopted the creed of the prophet of Mecca ; a series of 
sanguinary but indecisive wars ensued, during which the Siamese 
gained possession of the northern part of the peninsula, but were 
unable to make any impression on the city of Malacca. The 
provinces of Tenasserim and Tavoy, were, however, wrested from 
the Siamese by the Burmese, by whom they were ceded to the 
British at the conclusion of the late war. The city of Malacca 
was taken by the Portuguese after an obstinate resistance, in the 
year 1611. They held it for more than a centaury, but with great 
difficulty, as it was repeatedly attacked by the Malayan powers, 
particulariy by the Sultan of Acheen, and the Prince of Jahore, 
who was descended from its ancient sovereigns. It was attacked 
in 1605 by the Dutch, who destroyed a Portuguese fleet in the 
roads, but failed to take the place ; they returned in 1640, and 



ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 489 

after a close siege, which lasted six months, gained possession of 
the town, which became one of their principal settlements, and 
the key of their trade with the seas beyond India. In 1795, it 
was seized by the British, but was restored to the Dutch at the 
peace of Amiens in 1801. It was again occupied by the 
English in 1807, and was one of the unaccountable colonial 
sacrifices made to Holland, by the negociators of the treaty of 
Vienna in 1815. In 1825, however, it, together with the fort of 
Chinsurah in India, were resigned to the English in exchange for 
our possessions in the island of Sumatra. It is valuable on ac- 
count of its very healthy climate, and productive tin mines, but its 
commercial importance has much declined in consequence of the 
transfer of trade to the rising colonies of Pulo Penang and 
Singapore. 

Singapore. 

This island, about twenty-seven miles in length by fifteen in 
breadth, was formed into a British settlement in 1818, by Sir Stam- 
ford Raffles, in order to diminish the evil results which arose from 
the unwise cession of Java to the Dutch ; its possession was con- 
firmed by a convention concluded with the King of Holland and the 
Raja of Jehore, a Malay prince, who claimed it as part of his domi- 
nions. When first a settlement was formed on the island by Sir 
Stamford Rafiles, the population consisted of only one hundred and 
fifty Malays, half fishermen and half pirates. Its favourable 
situation in the Straits of Malacca, attracted such multitudes of 
settlers, that, in fifteen years, the population exceeded twenty 
thousand souls, and is still progressively increasing. According 
to the Malay annals, Singapore was anciently a very flourish- 
ing principality ; but about the middle of the fifteenth cen- 
tury, its ruler was compelled to abandon the island by an in- 
vasion of the King of Majopalut, in Java, since which time its 
capabilities continued to be neglected, until it was occupied by 
the English. 

THE MAURITIUS. 

This fine island more properly belongs to Africa than to Asia, 
but, as it was part of the possessions of the French Jvist India 
Company, and is still regarded as an island connected with the 



490 ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 

British empire in Hindustan, it will be necessary to give a brief 
notice of its history. It is about forty-four miles long by thirty- 
two wide, and lies about six hundred miles to the north-east 
of Madagascar. 

This island was first discovered in the year 1507, by Don 
Pedro Mascarenhas, an able navigator in the service of the Por- 
tuguese government in India, who was sent on an exploring 
voyage by Almeida, who represented the crown of Portugal in 
the East. Mascarenhas named the island Cerne, under the false 
impression, that it was the Cerne Ethiopia mentioned by Pliny ; 
the naturalist probably indicated by that name the island of 
Madagascar. The Portuguese did not colonize this nor the 
neighbouring island, which in a later age, received the name of 
Bourbon ; they merely placed some hogs, goats and monkeys on 
them, to afford a supply of food to any vessel which might be 
wrecked on the coasts. When Portugal was united to Spain, the 
gradual decline of the Portuguese empire in the East, prevented 
the establishing of new colonies, or the undertaking of new enter- 
prizes ; Cerne consequently remained unnoticed, and almost un- 
known until the year 1598, when it was visited by the Dutch 
Admiral Van Nerk, who took possession of it in the name of his 
government, and called the place Mauritius, in honour of Maurice, 
Prince of Orange. The Dutch, however, do not appear to have 
immediately formed settlements on the island, since it was found 
to be uninhabited when visited by Captain Castleton, the com- 
mander of an English ship, in 1613. Some years afterwards it 
was seized by some pirates, from whom it was recovered by the 
Dutch, Avho placed a small garrison at the Grand Port. In 
1712, the Hollanders abandoned the Mauritius, which was 
then partially colonized by some French settlers from the 
neighbouring isle of Bourbon. In 1715, Mr. Du Fresne, a 
captain in the French royal navy, visited the place, and changed 
its name to the Isle of France ; he gave so good an account 
of it on his return, that the French government resolved to oc- 
cupy it formally. This was effected in 1721, when the terri- 
tory was bestowed by the king upon the French East India 
Company. 

The value of this new acquisition was not at first appreciated ; 
no regular colony was sent to the island, and the settlers were, 
for a long time, composed of adventurers, refugees, and pirates. 



ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 491 

the outcasts of all nations. The French East India Company, 
indeed, only regarded it as a refreshing station for their ships, 
and they found the expense of its maintenance a very heavy 
burthen on their finances. In 1730, the home government re- 
solved to send out a commission for the purpose of exploring the 
island, and seeing whether it was worth the cost of its retention. 
The head of the commission, honoured with the seemingly empty 
title of governor, was Mr. De la Bourdonnais, who arrived in the 
island early in the year 1725. He devoted all his energies to 
the improvement of the colony ; he introduced the culture of the 
sugar-cane, established manufactories of cotton and indigo, laid 
out roads, erected fortifications and other public buildings, extir- 
pated the Maroon negroes, and laid the foundations of a prosperous 
colony. Still, the French government thought little of the Mau- 
litius until they witnessed the valuable aid which it rendered to 
Admiral SufFrein, during the American war, in his exertions to 
cripple British commerce. It was, indeed, chiefly owing to the 
possession of this island that a French navy was able to maintain 
itself in the Eastern Seas. 

On the conclusion of peace, in 1782, the attention of the 
French government was strongly directed to the islands of Bour- 
bon and Mauritius ; in 1784, the trade with these islands was 
opened to all the merchants of France, while the islanders were 
permitted free traffic with every part of Asia except China. In 
consequence of this wise measure, the ]\Iauritius became a great 
commercial depot ; the population rapidly augmented, and many 
of the most enterprising young men of France hasted to a colony 
which promised them the means of making speedy fortunes. 
The administration was entrusted to a governor and intendant, 
whose rule was perfectly despotic, and their arbitrary con- 
duct excited a dangerous spirit in the colony, which was kindled 
into action by intelligence of the Revolution in the mother- 
country. 

In January, 1789, the first intelligence of the revolution was 
brought to the Isle of France by a vessel from Bourdeaux ; the 
captain, officers, and crew wore the tricoloured cockade ; they 
easily induced the colonists to follow their example, and also to 
institute primary assemblies for the purpose of obtaining a redress 
of grievances. General de Comreay, who was then governor of 
the island, attempted to stop these proceedings, and arrested 



492 ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 

some of the principal leaders ; but a tumultuous mob soon as- 
sembled in the square of Port Louis, liberated the prisoners, 
and compelled the governor himself to assume the tricoloured 
cockade. At this crisis M. de Macnamara, the commander of 
the French marines in the Indian Seas, amved in Port Louis, and 
manifested great indignation at these revolutionary proceedings. 
He wrote to the minister of marine, condemning the popular 
movement in the strongest terms, and particularly calling for the 
punishment of the soldiers of the garrison, who had adopted the 
cause of the revolutionists. The admiral was betrayed, and a 
copy of his letter sent to the barracks. Loud cries for vengeance 
were raised by the infuriate soldiers ; they seized upon every 
boat they could find, and sent their grenadiers to arrest 
the admiral in his own ship. M. de Macnamara ordered his 
guns to be loaded and pointed ; but when the sailors heard the 
intelligence of the Revolution, they refused to fire, and sur- 
rendered the admiral to the grenadiers. He was brought a pri- 
soner before the newly-elected assembly, the members of which 
ordered him to be sent to the ordinary place of confinement, 
until preparations could be made for his trial. On his road to 
the prison, the admiral attempted, by the aid of his pistols, to 
extricate himself from his guards, but he was overpowered and 
massacred by the irritated soldiers. A new governor was ap- 
pointed, and tranquillity was restored, but the triumph of the 
Jacobins, and the decree of the French Republic abolishing 
slavery, threw the affairs of the island into fresh confusion. The 
appearance of two agents of the French Directory, with eight hun- 
dred men of the revolutionary army, and two troops of artillery, 
in July, 1796, excited the utmost. alarm among the white popu- 
lation of an island, where, out of 70,000 inhabitants, no less than 
55,000 were slaves. The Whites and the Creoles determined to 
resist the abolition, which the directorial agents no less resolutely 
asserted their intention to enforce, threatening that they would 
hang the governor and his abettors, if any resistance should be 
made to their arbitrary proceedings. 

Fortunately for the white inhabitants, who might otherwise 
have been involved in the fate of their brethren at St. Domingo, 
the directorial agents did not promulgate the decree of abolition 
to the slave population ; and before they could do so, they were 
seized by the colonists, who held them at their mercy. By the 



ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 493 

prompt interference of the governor and the house of assembly, 
the lives of the deputies were saved, and they were sent on 
board the ship Moineau, for the purpose of being transported to the 
Philippine Islands, as the place of exile most remote from 
France. No sooner was the vessel clear of the harbour, than the 
Jacobin commissioners resumed their directorial dress, harangued 
the sailors, and easily persuaded them to steer for France in- 
stead of the Philippine Islands. The changes in the republican 
government, before the commissioners reached home, frustrated 
their meditated plans of vengeance on the islanders, and, in con- 
sequence of the difficulty of communicating with Europe, pro- 
duced by the vigilance of the British cruisers, the Mauritius, or 
Isle of France, was, for some years, virtually an independent 
state. 

The republican troops which had accompanied the Jacobin 
commissioners, were much dissatisfied by the conduct of the go- 
vernor and the house of assembly. In the beginning of 
1798, they conspired to overthrow the colonial government, 
and to proclaim the emancipation of the slaves. Information 
of these intrigues was conveyed to the council, and it was re- 
solved that these turbulent troops should be transported to 
India, as an auxiliary corps to Tippoo Sultan. When the 
orders for their embarkation arrived, the troops mutinied, 
and refused to obey. They occupied a position which menaced 
Port Louis, and threatened to plunder that capital. The Whites 
and Creoles promptly embodied themselves as a militia, to 
protect their property ; they were joined by bands of volun- 
teers, formed of the planters and farmers in the country, and 
they were supported by the artillery, a corps which remained 
faithful to the governor. Every preparation was made for 
storming the camp of the insurgents, and a sanguinary struggle 
seemed inevitable. The mutineers, however, were daunted by 
the extent of the preparations made against them, and they 
capitulated, on condition of being transported to France. A 
frigate which lay in the harbour was hastily made ready for sea ; 
they were sent on board, but the taint of Jacobinism which they 
left behind them, was destined to produce fresh calamities in the 
island. 

In the course of the year 1799, intelligence was received of 
the measures which the French government had adopted for 



494 ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 

getting rid of assignats and returning to a metallic cuiTency. 
As these measures were very favourable to creditors, and 
equally onerous upon debtors, the colonial house of assembly 
resolved that they should not be promulgated v.'ithout certain 
equitable modifications. The money-lenders and capitalists of 
Saint Louis, who were the creditors of the farmers and planters, 
were enraged at the delay in promulgating laws which would 
double their fortunes ; they entered into a conspiracy with the 
lowest rabble, and succeeded in raising a tumultuous mob, which 
surrounded tlie house of assembly, and threatened the lives of 
the members. The governor was forced to dissolve the legisla- 
tive body, but even this concession nearly proved insufficient, for 
the populace broke into the place of meeting, and were with great 
difficulty prevented from perpetrating a general massacre. The 
planters throughout the island refused to recognize the rule of 
the populace of Saint Louis, and the citizens them.selves soon 
became v/eary of the state of anarchy and thraldom, in which 
they were kept by the Jacobins. A counter-revolution was 
effected without bloodshed, and the governor took advantage of 
the crisi?!, to render the constitution of the island less popular by 
diminishing the number of the representatives in the house of 
assembly. 

After the renewal of hostilities between England and France, 
in 1803, the privateers and cruisers fitted out at the Mauritius, 
severely injured British commerce. Napolecm's usual sagacity, 
enabled him to appreciate the great advantages derived from the 
possession of this island, and he intended to send out a strong 
naval and military armament for its protection. The annihilation 
of the French and Spanish fleets, at the Battle of Trafalgar, 
frustrated his designs, and he was only able to send small re- 
inforcements in fast-sailing frigates, which contrived to elude the 
vigilance of the British squadrons. These additions to the 
maritine strength of the islanders, enabled them to extend the 
system of privateering and almost of piracy, by which they 
harassed the trade between India and China. At length, the 
losses became so great, that it was resolved to deprive the 
French of all their naval stations. A naval and military force, 
prepared simultaneously at the Cape of Good Hope and in India, 
arrived at the Mauritius in 1810, under the command of General 
Abercomby and Admiral Bertie ; a landing was eflfected Avith 



ENGLISH DEPENDENCIES IN THE INDIAN SEAS. 495 

little loss, upon which the authorities, both of the Mauritius and 
the Isle of Bourbon, capitulated on honourable terms. At the 
same time, the stations which the French had established in the 
Island of ]\Iadagascar, were attacked and destroyed, so that no 
nation hostile to England, remained in possession of a single 
colony, or harbour, east of the Cape of Good Hope. 

At the peace of 1815, the possession of the Mauritius, was 
confirmed to the English, but the adjacent isle of Bourbon, was 
restored to France. This was another instance of the incompre- 
hensible policy in relation to the Eastern colonies, adopted by 
the British negociators at Vienna ; a policy which can only be 
explained by supposing, that the system of free trade which 
would necessarily have prevailed in Crown colonies, must have 
early proved fatal to the commercial monopoly of the East India 
Company. 



The colonies of the Cape of Good Hope and St. Helena, are 
not now so intimately connected with India, as to render it 
necessary for any notice to be taken of their history ; and the 
Australian colonies have not yet been brought into any close 
relation with the Asiatic trade. It seems, however, to be the 
present tendency of Britain to revert to its ancient and whole- 
some policy of insular colonization, for experience has shewn 
that continental possessions, compel a civilized nation to enter 
upon a system of acquisition in self-defence, which seems inca- 
pable of being confined within the limits, which both economy 
and security show to be desirable. The history of Hindustan, 
contrasted with that of the Crown colonies, in the Asiatic and 
African islands, bears strong testimony to the truth of the 
ancient adage — 

^' Extended empire, like expanded gold, 
Exchanges solid strength for feeble splendour." 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 

OP 

BRITISH ACQUISITIONS IN INDIA. 



Date of Treaty. Districts gained. 


From whom acquired 


1757 Twenty-four Pergunnahs, &c. in 


Bengal Nabob of Bengal 


1758 Masulipatam, &c. 


The Nizam. 


1760 Burdwan and Chittagong 


Nabob of Bengal 


1765 Bengal, Bahar and Orissa 


Emperor of Delhi 


Jaghire of Madras 


Nabob of Arcot. 


1766 Northern Circars 


The Nizam. 


1775 Zemindary of Benares 


Vizier of Oude. 


1776 Island of Salsette 


Mahrattas. 


1778 Town and Fort of Nagore 


Raja of Tanjore. 


Guntur Circar 


The Nizam. 


1786 Pulo Penang 


King of Quedda. 


1792 Malabar 


Tippoo Sultan. 


1799 Canara, Coimbatore, &c. 


Ditto. 


Tan j ore 


Raja of Tanjore. 


1800 Mysorean Provinces 


The Nizam. 


1801 The Carnatic 


. Nabob of the Carnatic. 


Gurruckpore, Bareilly, &c. 


Vizier of Oude. 


1802 Bundelkund 


The Peishwah. 


1803 Kuttack and Ballasore . 


Raja of Berar. 


Territory of Delhi 


Scindia. 


1805 Part of Gujerat . 


Guicowar. 


1818 Kandeish 


Holkar. 


■ ■ Ajmere . 


Scindia. 


Poonah and the Mahratta Countr 


y The Peishwah. 


Districts on the Nerbudda 


Raja of Berar. 


1824 Singapore 


Raja of Johore. 


1825 Malacca, &c. . 


King of Holland. 


1826 Assam, Arracan, Tennasserim, & 


:. King of Ava. 


1834 Koorg . . . . 


Raja of Koorg. 


18,40 Scinde . . . . 


Ameers of Hyderabad. 



ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 



[• Marks events of which the date is uncertain or unknown.] 



* 
* 



TEAS PAG* 

* Solar and Lunar dynasties . . .2 
The Ramayana . . . .3 
Filial piety of Puru , . .7 

* Settlement of the Singhs in Ceylon . .481 

* Birth of Krishna . . . .9 

B. C. 

1014 Solomon opens commercial intercourse with Eastern 

Asia . . . .68 

331 Invasion of India by Alexander the Great 10 & 69 

292 Era of Chandragupta 

155 End of the Maurya dynasty . 

56 The Samvat era . 

A.D. 

43 Ceylon visited by the Romans 
76 The Daka era 
540 Silk worms introduced into Europe 



11 
11 
11 

481 
12 
71 



.500 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

A. D. PAGE 

*G00 The Singhalese become a commercial nation . 481 & 4 

877 Mohammedan account of China . . 423 

997 First Mohammedan invasion of India . .21 

• Establishment of the Ghaznevid dynasty , 22 

1153 A Singhalese fleet sent out . . . 482 

1187 Foundation of the Ghorian dynasty . . 24 

1194 Empire of Delhi established . . 25 

1272 Travels of Marco Polo in the East . . 428 

1276 Growth of the power of the Malays . . 488 

1321 Toghluk proclaimed emperor of Delhi , . 28 

1340 Ilahmenee dynasty . . .31 

1 378 Commencement of the career of Timiir Lenk . 33 

1400 Desolation of Hindustan by the Jagatay Turks and 

Mongols . . . .35 

1405 Death of Timur . . . .40 

1450 The Afghan dynasty founded in Delhi . 37 

1486 The Cape of Good Hope discovered . . 73 

1494 Accession of Baber in Ferghana . .41 

1498 Arrival of Vasca de Gama in Calicut . . 73 

1500 Portuguese empire in India . . 11 et seq. 

1512 English trade with the Levant flourishes . 85 

1525 The empire of Delhi seized by the descendants of 

Timur . . . .44 
1505 The coast of Ceylon occupied by the Portuguese . 482 
1511 Malacca occupied by the Portuguese . . 488 
1516 Commencement of Portuguese intercourse with China 430 
1530 Accession of Humayun . . .45 
1534 Portuguese settlement formed at Macao . . 432 
1556 Accession of Akbar — battle of Paniput . .51 
1576 Forbisher's voyages of discovery . . 85 
1587 Cavendish's voyages . . .86 
1590 et seq. The Dutch begin to trade with India . 82 
1598 Death of Akbar — Accession of Jehan Ghir . 55 
The Mauritius occupied by the Dutch . . 490 



ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 501 

*■"' , PAGB 

1600 The first English East India Company founded . 86 
1602 Captain Lancaster's arrival in Achen . . 87 

1605 Malacca taken by the Dutch . . . 488 

1622 Attempt of the Dutch to open a trade with China . 433 
1628 Accession of Shah Jehan . . .57 

1632 Decline of the Portuguese empire in the East . 83 

Trincomalee taken by the Dutch . . 488 

1640 Failure of Portuguese embassy to Japan . 435 

1654 Treaty between the Dutch and English East India 

Companies . . . .89 

1656 The Portuguese expelled from Ceylon . . 483 

1658 Usurpation of Aureng-zib . . .59 

1669 Bombay ceded to the East India Company by 

Charles II. . . . .89 

1688 Proposals to open the trade with India and China, 

made in the Convention Parliament . . 90 

1 707 Death of Aureng-zib — commencement of the decline 

of the Delhi empire . . .61 

1708 Growing importance of the East India Company . 91 
1712 The Mauritius abandoned by the Dutch . . 490 
1715 British embassy to Delhi ; grant of commercial pri- 
vileges to the Comjjany . . .92 

1721 The isles of Bourbon and Mauritius colonized by the 

French . . . .490 

1732 Dost Ali seizes on the Carnatic . . 97 

1739 Delhi plundered by Nadir Shah . . 63 

1740 The Carnatic invaded by the Mahrattas . 97 

1741 Prataup Sing usurps the government of Tanjore . 94 

1746 Madras taken by the French . . .93 

1747 The Afghan kingdom founded . . 64 

1748 Restoration of Chanda Sahib . . .98 

1750 Bassein and Salsette taken from the Rohillas by the 

Mahrattas . . . .143 

1751 Arcot taken by Clive . . .101 

z 3 



502 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

A. D. PAGE 

1756 Calcutta taken by Suraj-ad-Dowla : one hundred 

and thirty-one Englishmen suffocated in " The 
Black Hole" . . . .107 

War between the English and French in India . 113 

1 757 Calcutta recovered by Clive ; battle of Plassy ; nabob- 

ship of Mir Jaffier . . .109 

1759 Delhi taken by the Mahrattas . . 66 
— — • Madras ineffectually besieged by the French ; battle 

of Wandewash . . . .117 

Masulipatam stormed by Forde . . 124 

1760 Mir Cassim made viceroy of Bengal by Mr. Van- 

sittart . . . .129 
■ Salabat Jing murdered . . . .138 

1761 Overthrow of the Mahrattas by the Afghans . 67 

Pondicherry taken by Coote . . .119 

1763 The Presidency of Calcutta declares war against 

Mir Casim .... 131 

1764 The Raja of Benares taken under the protection of 

the English . . . .173 

1765 Death of Mir Jaffier; the Company's servants ap- 

point his son viceroy of Bengal without consult- 
ing the Emperor . . .133 

Lord Clive appointed Governor of British India . 135 

1 766 Resignation of Lord Clive, (confirmed January, 1767) 137 

1767 First War between the English and Hyder Ali . 139 

1768 The English severely harassed by the king of My- 

sore . . . . .140 

1 769 Treaty concluded with Hyder Ali . .1 50 

1770 Admiral Lindsey arrives in Madras as a minister 

from the crown . . . .149 

Formation of the Sikh confederacy . . 295 

1771 Deposition of the Raja of Tanjore . . 152 

1772 Commencement of the administration of Warren 

Hastings . . . .140 



ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 503 

A. D. PAGE 

1772 Delhi occupied by the Mahrattas : captivity of Shah 

Alum . . . .141 

1773 Ruin of the Rohillas . . . 143 

Act of Parliament for establishing a Supreme Court 

in Calcutta . . . .171 

1775 Subsidiary treaty formed with the Raja of Benares 173 

1776 Execution of Nuncomar for forgery . . 145 

1777 Lord Pigot deposed and imprisoned by the Council 

of Madras : his death . . . 153 

1778 The French settlements in India occupied by tlie 

English . . . .155 

1779 A league formed for the expulsion of the English by 

Hyder, the Nizam and the Mahrattas . 157 

1780 Ahmedabad storaied by Goddard . .147 

Gwalior taken by Popham . . .148 

' Destruction of Colonel Baillie's detachment . 158 

Renewal of the Company's Charter and legislative 

changes . . . .177 

1781 Lord Macartney chosen Governor of Madras . 160 

Proceedings of Mr. Hastings against the Raja of 

Benares .... 173 

■ • Ditto ditto in relation to the Begums 175 

1782 Gallant defence of Tellicherry . .162 

Defeat of Braithwaite in Tanjore . . 163 

■ Treaty between the English and the Mahrattas at 

Salbye .... 166 

1783 Misconduct of the English authorities during the 

Mysore War . . . .164 

■ Bednore captured by Tippoo : General Matthews 

murdered . . . .168 

1784 Treaty of peace between the English and Tippoo 

Sultan . . . .170 

1788 Resignation of the government by Warren Hastings 175 
1786 Lord Cornwallis appointed Governor-general . 181 

1788 Commencement of the trial of Warren Hastings . 180 



504 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

A. D. PAGE 

1789 Travancore attacked by Tippoo . .181 

1790 War commenced against Tippoo . .181 

1791 Defeat of Tippoo's army at Bangalore . . 183 

1792 Siege of Seringapatam ; Tippoo submits to terms of 

peace . . . . .185 

Lord Macartney's embassy to China . . 441 

1793 Administration of Sir John Shore . .187 

Company's Charter renewed ; Indian trade partially 

opened . . . .214 

1795 Ceylon occupied by the English . . 483 

Warren Hastings acquitted by the House of Lords . 180 

1796 Commencement of the emigration of the Mughs into 

the British territories . . . 283 

Tumults excited by the Jacobins in the Mauritius . 492 

1797 Northern India invaded by the Afghans . . 197 

1798 Sadat All proclaimed Nabob of Oude . .189 

Commencement of the administration of Lord Morn- 

ington, afterwards Marquis of Wellesley . 189 

■ Concessions made to the Indian native shipping . 215 

Great increase in the immigration of the Mughs . 283 

1799 War declared against Tippoo . . .190 

• Storming of Seringapatam . . .193 

■ Forces sent from India to aid in the expulsion of the 

French from Egypt . . .195 
• Interference with the government of Oude . 199 

First invasion of British territory by the Burmese . 285 

1800 Alliance between the English and the Guicowar . 204 

Treaty of Bassein .... 208 

Hostile demonstrations by the Burmese . . 287 

1801 Jesswunt Rao defeated by Scindia . . 203 

1802 Mission of Captain Symes to the Court of Ava . 287 

Monopoly of the cinnamon trade in Ceylon granted 

to the East India Company . . 483 

' War with the king of Kandy . . . 484 

■ Macao occupied and abandoned by the British . 438 



ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 505 



A. D. 



PAGE 



1803 Battle of Assaye .... 206 

Battle of Laswaree .... 209 

1804 War with Hoik ar . . . .211 

Mutiny at Vellore .... 280 

1805 Brief administration of Marquis Cornwallis, who is 

succeeded by Sir George Barlow . .217 

~ • Raising of the Siege of Ehurtpore . . 212 

Establishment of Runjeet Singh's power in the 

Punjab .... 296 

1806 Discovery of dangerous intrigues at Hyderabad . 218 

1807 Lord Minto Governor-general of India . . 220 

Barbarities of the Pindarries . . .221 

18C8 Alarm excited in England and India, by a French 

embassy to Persia . . . 226 
• Dangerous mutiny of the Madras army . . 229 

1809 A treaty concluded by Sir H. Jones, between Eng- 

land and Persia .... 227 

1810 Mission of Captain Symes to the Court of Ava . 287 
■ Defeat of Runjeet Singh at Mooltan . . 297 

Capture of the Mauritius . . . 495 

1811 Conquest of the Island of Java . .230 

Establishment of Palmer's bank at Hyderabad . 277 

Revolt of Kingberring . . . 288 

Charter granted to Ceylon . . . 486 

1812 The ports of the Northern Concan surrendered to the 

English . . . .242 

1813 The Marquis of Hastings Governor-general of India 233 

Commencement of hostilities with the Ghoorkas of 

Nepaul .... 233 

The Company's Charter renewed . . 248 

A Burmese mission sent to Calcutta . . 288 

1814 Treaties of alliance formed to destroy the Pindames 235 

The war with Nepaul formally began . . 236 

The insular possessions of the Dutch restored . 276 



506 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

A. B. PAGE 

1815 Distracted condition of the Mahratta country, and 

misconduct of the Peishwa . . . 244 
• Lord Amherst's embassy to China . . 444 

The king of Kandy deposed and English supremacy 

established in Ceylon . . .481 

Harsh measures adopted by the Chinese towards the 

English in Canton . . . 444 

1816 Death of the Raja of Nagpore; consequent intrigues 242 

Peace concluded with the Ghoorkas , . 240 

Crimes and escape of Trimbuckjee Danglia . 246 

■ Insulting demands of the Bvu^mese . . 289 

— — Slavery abolished in Ceylon . . . 487 
• Lord Amherst's embassy to China . . 445 

1817 Reduction of Hatrass . . . 247 
■ The Peishwa abandons his claims to supremacy over 

the Mahratta states . . . 249 

■ Treaty concluded with the Guicowar . . 250 

' • The Pindarrie war .... 254 

• Treachery of the Peishwa . . .257 

— — Attack on the residency of Nagpore . . 261 

' ■ Battle of Mahadpore . . . 267 

1818 Battle of Korigaum . . .265 

' Surrender of Bajee Rao to Sir J. Malcolm . 272 

■ Mooltan conquered by the Sikhs . . 298 

■ Settlement of Singapore by Sir S. Raffles . 488 

1819 Runjeet Singh wrests several provinces from the 

Afghans .... 299 

1820 Disputes with the Chinese respecting deserters . 480 

1821 Free trade conceded to Ceylon . . 481 

1822 Disputes occasioned by the killing of two Chinese at 

Lintin .... 449 

1823 End of the administration of Lord Hastings . 275 

Lord Amherst Governor-general of India . 282 

Commencement of the Burmese war . .301 

1824 Invasion of Pegu; capture of Rangoon . . 305 



ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 507 

A. D. PAGE 

1824 Battle of Kemendine . . .315 
■ Mutiny at Barrackpore . . . 321 

1825 Prome captured .... 333 

Disturbances in Bijapore . . . 360 

Malacca and Chinsura given by the Dutch in ex- 

change for the British settlements in Sumatra . 489 

1826 Peace concluded with the court of Ava . . 345 

Storming of Bhurtpore . . . 358 

1827 The sovereignty of Hindustan formally transferred 

to the British . . . .361 

1828 Lord William Bentinck Governor-general of India 365 

1831 Establishment of the power of Dost Mohammed 

Khan in Kabul . . . .386 

1832 Cruelties and misconduct of the Coorg Raja, which 

eventually led to war . . . 365 

— — Congress of Rajput princes at Ajmere . . 369 

1833 Renewal of the Company's charter ; trade to India 

and China opened . . . 364 

Disturbances at Gwalior . . . 367 

Lord Napier's unfortunate mission to Canton . 455 

1834 Plundering tribes reduced . . . 369 

Failures of the banks in Calcutta . .374 

Fruitless attempt of Shah Shujah to recover his 

throne . . . .389 

1835 Dangerous insurrection in Jypore . . 371 

Murder of the Resident at Delhi . .372 

1836 Lord Auckland Governor-general of India .378 
■ Distracted state of Afghanistan . . 387 

1837 Disputed succession in Lucknow . . 379 

The Persians besiege Herat . . .391 

1838 Lord Auckland's manifesto from Simlah . . 392 

1839 Angry controversies between Commissioner Lin and 

the English representative in Canton . .457 

The Afghan war .... 399 

Storming of Ghazni . . . 403 



508 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

A. n. PAGE 

1840 Chinese attempt to burn the British fleet . 459 

Capture of Chusan . . . .461 

Russian expedition to Khiva . . .413 

1841 Progress of the Chinese war . . - . 469 

Reverses in Afghanistan . . .418 

1842 Lord EUenborough Governor-general of India . 423 

Capture of Chapoo in China . . . 472 



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