Full text of "History of the Indian Archipelago : Containing an account of the manners, arts, languages, religions, institutions, and commerce of its inhabitants"

'"^^r

HISTORY

or THE

NDIAN ARCHIPELAGO

CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT

OF THE

ma:n:ners, arts, languages, religions, institutions,
-and commerce of its inhabitants.

JOHN CRAWFURD, R R. S.

LATE BRITISH RESIDENT AT THE COURT OF
THE SULTAN OF JAVA.

WITH MAPS AND ENGRAVINGS,
IN THREE VOLUMES.

VOL. II.
EDINBURGH: ^'^^^^

PRINTED FOR ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO. EDINBURGH;

AND HUEST, ROBINSON, AND CO. CHEArSIDE, LONDON.

1820.

CONTENTS

VOLUME SECOND.

BOOK V.

LANGUAGE.

Page
Chap. I. — Language and Literature of Java, - 3

Chap. II. — Language and Literature of the Ma-
lays, - - -- - - -40

Chap. III. — Language and Literature of Celebes, 59

Chap. IV. — Minor Languages of the Archipelago, 66

Chap. V. — General Observations on the Polynesian

Languages, ----- - 71

Chap. VI. — Vocabularies, - - - ' - 120

BOOK VI.

RELIGION.

Chap. I. — AncientReligionof the Indian Islanders, 194
Chap. IL— Religion of Bali, - - . - 236

VI CONTENTS.

Page
Chap. III. — ^^Charactcr of Mahomcdanism in the

Indian Archipelago, _ - - - 259

Chap. IV. — State of Christianity in the Indian

Archipelago, 272

BOOK VII.

HISTORY.

Chap. I. — Preliminary Remarks on the History of

the Archipelago, - - - * - 284

Chap. II. — Ancient History of Java, - - 293

Chap. III. — History of the Propagation of Maho-

medanism in Java, - - - _ , 303

Chap. IV. — History of Java continued, - - 320

Chap* V.- — Sequel of Javanese History, - - 337

Chap. VI.— History of the Malays, - - 371

Chap. VII.— History of Celebes, - - - 379

Chap. VIII. — Portuguese History of the Archi-
pelago, - - - - ^ - - 391

Chap. IX. — Dutch History of the Archipelago, 410

Chap. X. — Spanish History of the Archipelago, 445

Chap. XI. — Chronological Table of the principal

Events in the History of the Archipelago, - 481

HISTORY

OP THE

INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO.

VOL. II.

BOOK V,

CHAPTER I.

LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE OF JAVA.

Alphabet.-^ Grammatical Form . — Copiousness. — Redundaticj^.
— Ordinary and Ceremonial Dialects. — Analogy of Sound
to Sense. — Figurative Language.~^Derivation of the Laii"
guage.'-— Literature. — Division into Ancient and Modern
Literature. — Lyrical Compositions.-^Hindu Literature.-^
Native Romances. — Historical Composition.'-^Prose Com-
position. — Arabic Literature, — Education. — Books and Ma*
7iuscripts. — General Character of Javanese Compositions.

Of all the languages of the Indian Isknds,^ the
most improved and copious is that of the Javanese.
It is written in a peculiar character, of great neat-
ness, w^hich extends to the language of the Sundas,
the Madurese, Balinese, and people of Lombok,
and, in comparatively recent times, along w^ith the
parent language, made some progress in Sumatra
and Borneo. It is confessedly formed on the
principles of the Sanskrit alphabet, but, unlike some
other languages of the Archipelago, it has not fol-

VOL. II. *

4 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

lowed the well known and artificial classification of
that alphabet.

The Javanese language has twenty consonants,
and six vowel sounds. The letters of the alpha-
bet, in the native enumeration of them, are con-
sidered but twenty in number, the vowels being
omitted, and considered only as orthographic marks,
like the supplementary characters of the Arabic
alphabet. Of the Dewanagari alphabet, the Java-
nese wants no less than fourteen consonants. An
European is most struck with the absence of the
letters f and v, and of that sound for which sk
stands in our own language. With respect to the
vowels, the greatest peculiarity is the frequent sub-
stitution of the vowel o for the a of other languages, '
or rather the transformation of the latter into the
former. The Indian words kama, love, and sama,
with, become, in the enunciation of the Javanese,
komo and somo. But this happens without any
change in the orthography ; for this commutable
sound is that vowel of the Indian alphabet inherent
in every consonant, without being expressed. This
peculiarity I am inclined to consider as quite acci-
xlental ; for we find, that while the o is the favour-
ite vowel of the Javanese, their neighbours, on the
same island, and on Madura, adopt the <7, and
tribes as little connected with them as possible^ on
Sumatra, like them prefer the broad sound of o.
When one consonant coalesces with another, or

OF JAVA. a

follows it without the intervention of a vowel, the
practice of the Javanese alpliabet differs from that
of the Sanskrit. The Javanese, in such situations,
give their consonants new forms, and often place
the second in position underneath the first. This
is evidently an improvement on the Sanskrit al-
phabet, where confusion is the consequence of mul-
tiplying and combining the characters, begetting
rather an alphabet of syllables or of combinations
of letters, than of the simple elements of sounds.

The Javanese alphabet, as it relates to its own
language, comes up to the notion of a perfect cha-
racter, for it expresses every sound in the lan-
guage, and every sound invariably with the same
character, which never expresses but one. From
this excellence of the alphabet, it follows, that the
language is easily read and written, and a false or
variable orthography, so common in European
languages, is seldom discovered, even among the
unlearned. In splendour or elegance the alphabet
of the Arabs and Persians is probably superior to
that of the Javanese ; but the latter, it may be safe-
ly asserted, surpasses in beauty and neatness all
other written characters.

All the languages of the Archipelago are sin-
gularly simple and inartificial in their structure,
and the Javanese partakes of this common charac-
ter, though it perhaps be on the whole the most
complex and artificial in its formation.

O LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

The noun admits of no variation in its form to
express gender or number, which are effected by
adjectives, as the first is in our own tongue. One
simple inflection represents the genitive case, and
the other relations are expressed by prepositions ;
nay, even the prepositions, in situations where they
could not be dispensed with in other languages,
are omitted, and the sense left to be made out
from the context, — a practice very consonant to the
genius of the language.

The adjective is still more simple in its form
than the noun, admitting of no distinction of gen-
der, number, or case, and seldom of any change by
comparison.

The pronouns are equally invariable in their
form. Their position before or after a word de-
termines them respectively to be pronominal or ad-
jective. Those of the first and second person are
very numerous. There is none at all of the third,
except in a possessive form. Now and then the
word selfi^ vaguely so used.

The verb, like that of other languages, may be
divided into active and neuter. There is but one
mood, the imperative, deteimined by any change
in the form of the verb. The rest are left to be
understood by the context. The simple form of
the verb expresses present time, one auxiliary a
perfect past, and another an indefinite future, and
these are all the tenses of a Javanese verb. With

OF JAVA. 7

the characteristic brevity, or rather looseness, which
belongs to the language, even these signs of the
tenses are often omitted, and the meaning left to
be gathered from the context.

The most perfect portion of the verb is the pas-
sive voice, unless we except the processes by which
verbs are changed from intransitive to transitive.

The most complex and artificial processes of Ja-
vanese grammar are those by which one part of
speech is formed from another. Most of the parts
of speech admit of being changed one into the
other, even with a degree of versatility beyond that
of our own language. This is most commonly ef-
fected by prefixing or affixing inseparable particles,
or both ; but it not unfrequently happens, that the
same word, in its primitive and most simple form,
is used for several different parts of speech, — a prac-
tice which particularly obtains in the spoken dia-
lect, the more formal language of composition
being usually somewhat more artificial in its struc-
ture.

The Javanese language is not less remarkable
for its copiousness in some respects, than for its
meagreness and poverty in others. In unimport-
ant trifles, it deals in the most puerile and endless
distinctions, while, in matters of utility, not to say
in matters of science, it is utterly defective. These
characters of the language belong to the peculiar
state of society which exists among the people of

8 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

Java, which I shall endeavour to illustrate, by en-
tering at some length upon the subject.

There are two sources of copiousness in the Ja-
vanese language, one resulting from the natural ten-
dency of this language, and perhaps of most other
semi-barbarous tongues, to degenerate into redun-
dancy, and the other from political causes. In the
first case, it descends to the slenderest ramifications
of distinction, often more resembling the elaborate
arrangements of science than the common lan-
guage of the world. It wantons in exuberance,
when species, varieties, and individuals are describ-
ed, — while no skill is displayed in combining and
generalizing. Not only are names for the more
general abstractions usually wanting, as in the
words fate, space, nature, &c. but the language
shows the utmost deficiency in common generic
names. There are, for example, two names for
each of the metals, and three for some ; but not
one for the whole class, — not a word equivalent to
metal or mineral. There exists no word for ani-
mal, expressing the whole class of living creatures.
The genera of beasts^ birds, insects, and reptiles,
are but indifferently expressed ; but for the indi-
viduals of each class there is the usual superfluity,
five names, for example, for a dog ; six for a hog
and elephant, and seven for a horse.

The disposition to generalize which appears in
every polished language, and so discoverable in the

OF JAVA, 9

structure of almost every sentence, is, in short, a
stranger to the Javanese. It is fitted for the lan«
guage of pure description, of the passions, or of fa-
miliar life, but wholly defective when any degree
of subtlety or abstraction is implied, as may well be
expected in the language of a simple and semi-bar-
barous people.

It is, of course, on familiar occasions, that the
minute and painful redundance of the language is
most commonly displayed. The various postures
or modifications of position in which the human
body can be placed, not only for ease and conve-
nience, but from whim or caprice, are described in
a language so copious, that the anatomist, the
painter, or the statuary, might derive assistance
from it. There are with the Javanese ten ways
of standing, and twenty of sitting, and each has
its distinct and specific appellation. To express
the different modifications of sound, there are not
less than fifty words. In such cases the ramifica-
tions of meaning are expressed by distinct words,
and the nicer shades by changing the broader
vowels for the slenderer ones, the greater intensity
being expressed by the first, and the lesser by the
second. Thus, gumrot means the noise of a door
on its hinges, while gumret and gunmt mean the
same thing, each in a less intense degree.

The great source of copiousness in the language.

10 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

however, is that which springs from the fabric of
society, considered in a political view. This pecu-
liarity of the language runs to so great an extent,
that speech is in fact divided into two dialects, the
ordinary language, and one invented to express
deference and respect. This distinction Uy no
means implies a court or polished language, op-
posed to a vulgar or popular one, for both are
equally polite and cultivated, and all depends on
the relations in which the speakers stand to each
other, as they happen to be inferiors or supe-
riors. A servant addresses his master in the lan-
guage of deference, a child his parent, a wife her
husband, if there be much disparity in their ages,
and the courtier his prince. The superior replies
in the ordinary dialect, the language still affording
modifications and distinctions, according to the
rank of the person he addresses, until that rank
rises to equality, when, if no intimacy subsists be-
tween the parties, the language of deference is
adopted by both, or when, if there does, ceremony
is thrown aside, and the ordinary language becomes
the only medium of conversation. An extensive
acquaintance with the language of deference is
held a mark of education and good-breeding.
With persons who frequent a court, or are in ha-
bits of intercourse with the great, the phraseology
is refined and copious ; but of the ordinary peasant.

OF JAVA. 11

it may be well believed that the vocabulary is
meagre and confined.

In the formation of the Javanese language of de-
ference, the aim is to avoid what is ordinary or fa-
miliar, as equivalent to what is not respectful. In
a few words of rare occurrence, and not familiar
by use, no change is effected. Recourse, in other
cases, is had to the recondite language of literature,
which is equivalent to the Sanskrit ; thus estri,
putro, suri/o, chondro, are the respectful terms
for a woman, a child, the sun, and the moon.
When it happens, however, that, by frequent use,
a Sanskrit word melts into the common idiom, a
new proceeding is followed. Thus we have kari'
chonOf gold, converted miojanne, the yellow ob-
ject, and sdloko, silver, into pettaka?i, or the white
object.

Sometimes the word used in the language of de-
ference is an entire synonym differing in sound
and orthography, as, for gawe, to do, damal ; for
turon, to sleep, save or tilam ; for watu, a stone,
selo ; for dalaii, a road, mai^gi ; and for ball, to
return, wangsul.

The most frequent mode of all is, by effecting a
slight orthographical change in words of the ordi-
nary language. These changes are not wanton or
capricious, but subject to a fixed principle, capable
of being reduced, to rule. A termination in s, in
ng^ and in tan, is respectful, and it is respectful

12 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

always to change a broad sounding vowel into a
more slender one. Maricho, pepper, becomes by
this rule mariyos ; iiriyayi^ a chief, priyantan ; ka*
yu, wood, becomes kojang ; Jowo, Java, becomes
Ja'wi ; huloUy the west, becomes kilen ; and lor^ the
north, becomes ler.

Even the names of places are, in the most pro-
voking and puzzling manner, subjected to the same
changes. Often these are entire synonyms, and still
more frequently literal translations of the compound-
ed words, of which the names of places so often con-
sist. In writing to a superior, for example, it
would be thought ill bred to use the usual words
Cheribony Garsik, or Solo, for the names of these
towns. The inferior would call them respectively
Grage, 2'andas, and Surakarta ; and were he to
write BauyumaSf or the country of the golden wa-
ter ^ the name of a beautiful prx)vince of the island,
he would call it Toyojanne^ which means just the
same thing ; while a still higher stretch of com-
plaisance might induce him to give it the Sanskrit
name of Tirto-kanchono,

There are no bounds to the little ingenuity of
flattery and adulation on this subject. Even the
peasant exercises himself in it, but his efforts are
often unsuccessful j and I have sometimes seen a
smile excited in the chiefs, by the awkward flat*
tery of their dependents. Some words are so
stubborn as not to yield to the rules of this politi-

OF JAVA. 13

cal grammar, and the result is an awkward com-
bination of letters. On such occasions, the native
princes will condescend to issue a dispensatmi in
their behalf; for such subjects are, with them,
matters of interest and moment.

Sounds, in the Javanese language, have often
an analogy to the sense, as in other languages.
It is not enough, indeed, that this analogy is pre-
served 'y the language often aims at stating the
degree of it, by the use, according to circumstan-
ces, of the broader or weaker vowels, or by adopt-
ing liquids in some cases, and harsh consonants in
others. The Javanese writers delight in an as-
semblage of such words, when they attempt sub-
jects of awe or terror ; and, no doubt, they must
have a powerful effect on the ear of a native.

The Javanese language, in common with every
other language of the Indian Isles, does not a-
bound in figurative modes of expression ; such as
have, by some, been imagined to be characteristic
of the language of all barbarians, and especially
of those of the East, Nothing, indeed, can be
more adverse to the genius of the Javanese than a
figurative and hyperbolical style We see, indeed,
a good deal of this in the poetry borrowed from
the Hindus of Western India ; but the observa-
tion now made strictly applies to writings purely
Javanese, to their epistolary correspondence, and

14 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

to the language of verbal narrative, and ordinary
conversation.

The few examples of words used figuratively
are plain and obvious, and probably exist in al-
most every language, — as foot for base, head for
chief; vegetable root, for source or origin ; high
and low, for moral superiority and inferiority ;
heat, for anger ; little, for low in rank, and great
for high in rank. Sometimes these figurative
words take a more characteristic and amusing
form. From the word wajah^ to wash clothes, for
example, we have wqjak, to discipline a child ;
from lattah, turbid water, we have the same word
meaning confusion, disturbance, anarchy; from
liwar, to break loose, we have liwar, a strumpet ;
from Sabbal, to quit the highway on a journey, we
have sabbal, to disobey a parent ; from gabbung,
the grasp of the forefinger and thumb, we have
power, authority ; and from gabbal, the dust or
filth that adheres to the feet in walking, is too
obviously derived the same word, meaning a me-
nial or servant.

Comparisons and similes, used as ornaments of
composition, are pretty common. Not unfrequent-
ly the allusion is extremely absurd and ridiculous ;
at other times, though quaint and singular, it is
appropriate. A prince rendering an account of
himself in a foreign country, is made to say that
he is ** a wanderer without a home, like a paper

OF JAVA. 15

kite without a string, which is driven to and fro
by the caprice of the wind ;" or that he is " like
dust driven by the wind ;" or " a grain of rice-
seed, cast from the hand of the husbandman."
In such similes, however, there is no variety ; and
without invention or ingenuity, we see the same
stale comparisons used, upon similar occasions, by
every successive writer, and even by the same
writer in the same composition.

The derivation of the language will be treated
of at such length in the chapter on the character
and affiliation of the East insular languages, that
it would be superfluous to say much on the subject
at present. Suffice it to state, that, to the original
meagre stock of the rude tribe from which the Ja-
vanese nation sprung, has been superadded, at dif-
ferent epochs of its history, a proportion of the
great Polynesian language of Sanskrit, and of
Arabic. The introduction of the latter is a mat-
ter of historic record ; the circumstances of the
second of rational induction, from strong presump-
tive and collateral argument ; but those of the
first are buried in the darkest, and, it may be sus-
pected, in nearly impenetrable obscurity. Such
are the four great components of the modern Ja-
vanese 5 and if we add to them a few trifling and
almost adventitious words of modern Persian, Te-
linga, Chinese, Portuguese, Dutch, and English^
the analysis is complete.

16 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

The literature of the Javanese is of three dif-
ferent descriptions : that which has been borrowed
from the Hindus ; that borrowed from the Arabs ;
and that which is native or indigenous. The por-
tion borrowed from the Arabs is inconsiderable,
and will not demand much consideration.

All other Javanese literature is, like that of every
rude people, metrical ; the plain and simple reason
for which seems to be, that all composition being oral
before it was written, would naturally be poetry, to
assist the memory, — not to say that to amuse the
fancy, and awake the passions, of which poetry is
the natural language, and not to satisfy the reason,
is the main object in such cases with all barba-
rians. When the use of letters is first acquired,
oral composition is, from habit, committed to writ-
ing unaltered, while the circumstances of the so-
ciety continuing unchanged, and amusement, not
instruction or utility, continuing the chief object
of men, the practice is necessarily persevered in.
To this day, the songs of the Javanese peasants,
who can generally neither read nor write, are in the
same peculiar measures, and on the same subjects,
which we find described in their literary composi-
tions. From this cause it is that poetry with every
people precedes prose, and that poets attain cele-
brity for ages before prose writers are heard of.
Making ample allowance for the generous and
manly genius of European nations on the one

OF JAVA. 17

hand, and for the feebleness, incapacity, and pue-
rility which has ever characterized those of Asia
on the other, the Javanese are, at this moment, in
the same state of advancement in literature that
the Greeks were in the time of Homer, and the
Caledonians in that of Ossian ; bating the acciden-
tal advantage, in the instance of the former, of an
earlier knowledge of writing, with the use they
have made of it, perhaps in this case, but a dubious
one when it is recollected that the tameness of
writing is substituted for the animated declamation
of oral delivery.

Like many nations who have made some pro-
gress in civilization, the Javanese are found to be
possessed of an ancient and recondite language, in
which are buried some relics of their ancient litera-
ture and religion. This language the Javanese
term Kawi, which, in their acceptation of it,
means refined, as opposed to the ordinary or po-
pular tongue. The words Kawi and Jowo, or
rather Jawi, from the language of deference, here
adopted for the rhyming termination, always so
agreeable to a rude ear, are correlative terms.

The Kawi, in its simplicity of structure, resem^
bles the Javanese, but it has a greater variety and
range of consonant and vocalic sounds than the
popular language, is harsher in its prosody than
what we expect in the genius of the soft tongues
of the Indian islanders, and seems, in short, tp

VOL, II. B

18 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURB

have in this particular a foreign air. In its com-
position it abounds in Sanskrit words to a degree
unknown in any other language of the Archipela-
go, and these in a degree of purity also beyond the
rest, an advantage secured to it by a more copious
alphabet. At the same time, it contains many
essential words of the modern language of Java,

The opinion I am inclined to form of this sin-
gular language is, that it is no foreign tongue in-
troduced into the island, but the written language of
the priesthood, to whom it is probable, in early times,
the use of letters was confined. What would be the
effect of confining the literature of a people to a
cast or order, may in some measure be judged from
the effect which a similar state of things produced
in literary composition in our own country, at a
time when professed writers adopted an affected
and obscure language, hardly intelligible to us at
present, and which even then differed so widely
from the language of business and the world. If
we advert to the fact, that that particular order was
the priesthood, of the Hindu religion, — of a reli-
gion which loves to veil its doctrines and precepts
in the darkest and absurdest language, and of which
a foreign and dead tongue is the sacred text, —
we may be prepared to explain the singular fact
of the Kwwi differing so widely from the present
Javanese, or even from the most ancient specimens
of the ordinary speech of which we are pq»sessed»

OF JATA» 19

All Kccwi compositian is in verse, and this verse
formed on the principle of Sanskrit prosody, that
is to say, not rhyming measures, such as belong to
all languages simple in their grammatical form, but
such as js found to belong to original languages
of complex structure. This will appear to the
European reader something like the attempt to
impose the fetters of Latin prosody upon the mo-
dern language of Europe, in the shape of blank
verse* The only compositions in the Kawi which
it is worth while adverting to in this place, are
epitomes of the Mahabar at and RamaT/ana ; the lat-
ter preserving its name unaltered, and the forming
recognized under that of the Brata-i/uda, or war
of Bai'at* These works, which in India are not
only the first of literary compositions, but have al-
so the authority of scripture, are the sources of the
principal mythological knowledge of the Indian
islanders, as connected with the literature, religion,
and superstitions of Hindustan.

Absurd as these two works generally are, a
brighter passage may now and then be selected ; and
they display a comparative vigour of fancy and
force of intellect, which places them, as poetical
compositions, far above the utter inanity and child-
ishness of more modern works.

Javanese poetry, contrary to Kawi verse, is in a
peculiar rhyming stanza, of which there are a great
many varieties. No language, I believe, affords a

20 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

parallel to this strange kind of measure, and, there-
fore, I shall offer a brief account of it. A stanza
consists of a limited and given number of lines, or
rather pauses, each of which must invariably and
unalterably consist of a given number of syllables,
and terminate in the same rhyme, which rhyme
must be a broad or slender vowel, it being indif-
ferent what its sound be, provided the arrangement
into these two classes be attended to. To give an
example, the stanza called Durmo consists of seven
pauses, the first ending in the broad vowels o or w,
and consisting of twelve syllables ; the second in e
or /, and consisting of seven syllables ; the third
in or w, consisting of six 5 the fourth also in
or Uy and having seven syllables ; the fifth in e or
iy consisting of eight syllables ; the sixth in or u,
consisting of five syllables ; and the seventh of
slender vowels, consisting of eight syllables.

It is not easy to understand from what princi-
ple this fantastical measure could have had its ori-
gin, for it is not to be supposed that the rhyme
which is not repeated until at the interval of seven
lines or pauses, as in the instance quoted, and of
others at an interval of nine or even ten, should
still hang upon the ear and be remembered.

A Javanese poem of any length does not uni-
formly consist of the same measure throughout, for
the different measures are supposed to be most ap-
propriate to particular subjects 5 hencQ, they are

OF JAVA. 21

varied as the subject is grave or lively, expresses
love, hatred, peace, war, or negociation.

The trammels of this description of verse give
rise to the necessity of ample prosodial licences.
Sometimes the first, or even the two first syllables
of a word are omitted, and at other times as many
are added to eke out a line, and obtain a rhyme
producing a very ludicrous effect, as in several of
the worst of our own old ballads. In short, sense
is as often sacrificed to sound in the poetry of the
Javanese, as in that of any people on earth.

An account of Javanese literature is curious,
and even important, as it tends to throw light on
the history of society in general, and more parti-
cularly on that considerable portion of the species
which is contained in Java itself, and the other
countries of the Indian Archipelago ; but if the
reader expects to find in the literature of Java any
merit worthy the attention of the European scho-
lar, he will be utterly disappointed. He will dis-
cover in it neither sublimity, pathos, tenderness,
nor humour, but, on the contrary, bombast, pueri-
lity, or utter inanity, in literature, the very stam-
mering of infancy without its interest or amuse-
ment.

Javanese literature may be divided into lyrical
compositions, or songs ; romances founded on Hin-
du legends ; romances founded on native story ;
histories of modern transactions 5 legal and ethical

^ LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

tracts, chiefly in prose ; and compositions, chiefly on
matters of jurisprudence and religion, founded on
Arabic originals. Of these I shall say a few word*
in their turn.

Of all these, to my taste, the best are the simple
songs, for they are the most easy and natural.
The simplicity of the subject deprives the writer
of all opportunity of wantoning in that inflated ex-
travagance which he indulges on other occasions.
The following is a favourable specimen of one of
these compositions, with a literal translation :

Midaro sewu nagoro,

Mongso hantuko kakaleh,

Ingkang koyo diko merah

Wadono hanavvang sasi,

Batuk selo chandanl.

Michis wutah siiiom-miptin.

Mails hangron ning Imbo,

Hidap tumanggeng rawit,

Remaniro handan-handan handrawilo.

Kang netro jahit hangraras,

Pipi-ne duren sajuring

Latinyo raangis karangaL

Orono rungeh mantasi,

Hati-hati ngudap turi,

Hwang-gniro nyangkal putung,

Tangah-nyo lung-ning jonggo,

Jojo wijang hamantasi,

Lir nyu-danto pambayun, sumonggo karso.

OF JAVA. 23

Pambayu-ne sang kusurao,
Hanglir pendah changkir gading,
Kababad-ing kamban jinggo,
Mantak-mantak hangedani.
Bahu gilig haramping,
Hanggandewo hasta-nipun,
Tangah-he koyo putungo,
Driji puchuk-ing ngri,
Kanakane hapanjang tuhu hangraras.

Wawangkonng papad kumatan,
Wantes-se pudak sisili,
Dalamakan hanggamparan,
Papad sumbar tulis neki,
Watarane pawestri,
Halayak pajah salulut,
Yen chinondro- ing warno,
Korang papan luweh tulis
Ngulatono satahun mongso hautuko. *

Translation.
" Let a thousand countries be travelled, and
another like you, my love, will not be found ;
your face is as the moon, your forehead is alabas-
ter. The hair on your temples resembles a string
of coins ; your eyebrows the leaf of the Imba ;
your soft eyelashes look upwards; your long jet
hair falls undulating ; your eyes, sharp-angled, are
becoming ; your cheek is the partition of a Duren ;
your mouth the fissure of a ripe Mangostin ; your
slender nose is becoming. The lock behind your

* The stanza in which this is written is called Sinom.

i4i LANGUAGE AXD LITERATURE

cheek is as the blossom of the Turi tree ; your
chin as the angle of an adze, with its handle ;
your neck bends like the tendril of a weeper ;
your wide bosom is becoming ; your breasts are
as the ivory coco-nut, leaving nothing to desire.
The breasts of my princess are like two young co-
co-nuts, bound in a vest of red, full and smooth,
intoxicating to madness. Her shoulders are po-
lished and slender; her arms like an unstrung
bow ; her waist as if it would break by an effort.
The tips of her fingers are as thorns, her nails long
and becoming ; her legs are shaped as the flower
of the pudac ; the soles of her feet are arched.
My fair one looks as if she would perish at the
breath of love. Were all her perfections to be
enumerated, how little room, how much to write.
A year's search will not produce her equal."

Of romances, founded on Hindu story or my-
thology, I have already said a few words in speak-
ing of the obsolete and recondite language. Trans-
lations of various merit or demerit of the Brata-
yuda and Ramayana exist in modern Javanese ;
and from the latter, in particular, a great many
compositions are fabricated, detailing the various
adventures of Rama. One advantage the Java-
nese epitomes have over the Sanskrit originals, they
are free from their tiresome prolixity ; and I have
BO doubt that a spirited version of the Brata-yuda

OF JAVA. g5

would give less dissatisfaction to the European
reader, than the most skilful one of the Indian
original. The following is an example :

" The charge of the King of Awangga was as a
torrent. The forces of the Pandus, advancing
with clattering pace, met Kama. Their chiefs at-
tempted to arrest his career, but their close ranks
were trode down, were fiercely trampled upon.
His chariot rushed on, with a hollow noise, like
the flight of Garuda. His arrows flew in every
direction, interrupted only for a moment by the
thunderbolts he discharged ; his arrows, which fell
on the foe thicker than a shower of rain, poured on
without interruption. The Pandus, crushed, over-
whelmed, could not sustain themselves. The rage
of Kama was unbounded. The hundred Pandus
enraged, again rallied and charged, but again fled,
broken, trod down, scattered, as if overwhelmed
by a mountain flood ; while the Kurawa advanced
with shouts like the roar of a torrent, or like that
of the approaching storm."

All the translations which I have seen of the
Ramayana make it appear a more feeble and less
interesting production than the Brata-yuda. The
following is a favourable specimen ; it describes Ra-
wana, the giant of Ceylon, going forth to encoun*
ter Rama, after the death of his sons :

?0 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

" The monarch was furiously enraged ; he
gnawed his mustaches. His countenance wa«
inflamed, and his bosom red as the warawari flower.
Sweat exuded from every pore ; the angles of his
mouth trembled ; his eye-lashes stuck together.
His rage was like that of him who stabs the guilt-
less. He bounded from the earth, and took his
flight in the regions of the air. His speed was
like that of the falcon about to make a prey of the
pigeon. In his desire to exact revenge for his
sons, he seemed to feel as if he had already en-
countered the adverse leader himself. He secret-
ly rejoiced ; he vaunted, he called aloud, he chal-
lenged all his enemies to meet him at once.'*

The most abundant class of compositions are the
romances founded on native story. A prince of
Java called Panji is the hero of the greater num-
ber. From inscriptions, this prince is ascertained
to have reigned in the eastern extremity of the is-
land, not more than 500 years back. A period
which, with more civilized nations, would afford
matter of historic record, is by the Javanese the
era of fabulous legend, and unfathomable obscuri-
ty. Not a single fact of the true history of the
prince in question, or of the country in which he
reigned, is handed down to us. What is most sin-
gular, in all performances of this class, however,
is their unaccountable feebleness and utter want

OF JAVA. ^7

of ingenuity, beyond, indeed, that of all other
semi-barbarians. Notwithstanding this, they are
suited to the taste of the people, and are not only
popular in Java, but have been translated into the
Balinese and Malay languages, in which! they are
favourite performances.

Previous to the introduction of Mahometanism,
the Javanese made no attempt to write history,
and were as ignorant of chronology as the Hindus,
with whom they were so intimately connected.
The Mahometan religion brought with it, as it did
in India, a more manly and sober style of think-
ing, and since the era of that conversion, we are
possessed of a tolerably connected and circumstan-
tial narrative, improving in credit and in approxi-
mation to common sense as we descend.

Even yet, however, history is considered rather
an object of amusement than of utility and instruc-
tion. Like most of other compositions it is written
in verse, and a constant attempt is made to give
every transaction, even the most common, an air
of romance, — to make in short a tale of it. A com-
mon-place conversation, for these are most circum-
stantially narrated, is delivered in solemn and la-
boured measure ; and the petty action of a Java-
nese chief with the Dutch East India Company,
becomes an ambitious imitation of one of the bat-
tles of the Mahabarat, or of the combats of the
god or hero Rama with the giant Rawana.

28 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE ,

Facts are often accurately, and even circumstan-
tially narrated ; but whenever there is an opening
for the marvellous, it is sure to be indulged. In
offering examples of Javanese historical writing, I
shall endeavour not only to select such passages as
will illustrate the remarks I have now made upon
it ; but, in making that selection, instead of indis-
criminate extracts, choose the best, with the hope
of avoiding the offence of tiring or disgusting my

readers.

One of the most singular and extraordinary
characters of Javanese, or indeed of any story, is a
person called Surapati, a native of Bali, and the
slave of a Dutch citizen of Batavia, who raised
himself from that abject condition, in spite of the
native and European governments, to sovereign
authority, and maintained it until his death. His
immediate descendants were defeated by the
Dutch, and despoiled of the territory, while the
body of the founder was taken up and treated with
ignominy. The following is the Javanese account
of this vile transaction, in which is discoverable that
strange union of the true and the marvellous,
which is so characteristic of the intellectual state of
the Javanese :

" The commissary remained long at Pasuru-
han, making diligent search for the body of Sura-
pati, but it was not to be found. He was distres-

OP JAVA. 29

sed at this, and said to the inhabitants, * I will re-
ward whoever finds for me the body of Surapati/
Those people forgot their lord, and accepted the
proffered bribe. The commissary was shown the
spot where was the chief's grave, but it was level,
and no one could discern it was a tomb. The
body was dug for and found. It was still entire
as when alive, and shed a perfume like a flower
garden. The Hollanders bore it away to the
camp, and placing it in a sitting posture in a chair,
the officers took the corpse by the hand, saluting it
according to the custom of their country, and
tauntingly exclaiming, * This is the hero Surapati,
the mighty warrior, the enemy of the Dutch/
After this they threw the corpse into a great fire,
and burnt it to ashes, and the ashes they took and
preserved. The commissary rejoiced in his heart
at all this."

In the year 174^0, the Javanese joined the Chi-
nese, with the hope of expelling the Dutch from
the island after they had perpetrated the well-
known massacre of the Chinese at Batavia. The mi-
nister of the Susuhuman, commanding the Javanese
army on its route to the European establishment of
Samarang on the coast, is afflicted with a dream,
of which circumstance the annalist renders the fol-
lowing account :

30 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

** The Adfpati arrived at Onarang, where he
halted ^ve days^ Here he summoned into his
presence a priest of Mataram, who had made the
pilgrimage, and thus addressed him, ' My elder
brother, I have had a dream, in which the whole
of the Chinese appeared to me in the shape of
women. Tell me, I pray thee, the interpretation
of it.' The pilgrim replied, * My Lord, the dream
is good, for women imply prosperity, and your ex-
pedition will have a fortunate termination:* Yet,,
notwithstanding this explanation, the Adipati was
not satisfied. In the meantime, another priest
came in and said, ' Father, I too had a dream last
night, in which a flame of fire seemed to pursue
thee and me. We attempted to escape, but the fire
pursued us still : forthwith my sword fell from my
mde and the kris with which you once gifted me.
Shortly after every surrounding object appeared to
be involved in the same flame.' The heart of the
chief was as if it would crumble into atoms when
he heard this narrative. His voice became feeble,
and he said, ' This is good, but take notice of what
you have seen to no one.' "

Of the character for fairness and impartiality
which Javanese history is likely to maintain, we
have ample opportunity of forming a judgment,
when we are told that it is always composed under
the eye of the prince or chief, who is the principal

OF JAVA. 51

hero of the piece, that there is no ostensible or re-
sponsible author, no individual who claims the merit
of the intellectual execution, no more than there
is one who claims merit for the workmanship of the
rude plough or harrow with which the rice field is
tilled. The execution of an historical composi-
tion is, in fact, considered as a mechanical process,
and intrusted to any one who has dexterity and
practice enough to string together verses, — to make
rhymes by the hundred, — whose memory can fur-
nish him with the usual routine of similes and me-
taphors ; and, finally, who is master of a tolerably
easy and distinct hand-writing. I have in my
possession the original of the history of the Sultan
Mangkubumi, composed in the manner I have
mentioned ; and a prince of Djojocarta had the
complaisance to furnish myself with a circumstan-
tial narrative of political and military transactions,
in which I had a share.

There are some facts, to be sure, which are cor-
roborated by these peculiar circumstances under
which the narrative of them is composed, and
which afford the best and most unquestionable il-
lustrations of the character of the people who are
the subjects of them. When facts are unconscious-
ly adduced, as often happens, unfavourable to the
national character, or to those in power, we may
consider them conclusive.

Tracts on law and ethics are most frequently

32 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

in prose, but they are neither numerous nor refin-
ed, being chiefly a few fragments from the Hindu
Sastras, and some unimportant ones of native pro-
duction, rude and incongruous, and valuable only
in so far as they nov^ and then contribute to afford
some happy illustrations of the state of society.
The Javanese are not in that state of society in
which nice points of casuistry and subtle reasonings
on abstract and useless questions are agitated and be-
come the favourite pursuit of men. They have no
controversies, no scholastic disputations like the
Brahmans of India, or the Doctors of Arabia, and
of the middle ages of Europe. They take no in-
terest in such subtleties, and are perhaps unable to
comprehend them. Their very language has never
been tried on such topics, and wants words to
express them. In furnishing examples of the
works in question, I shall pursue the principle a-
dopted in respect to historical composition, to se-
lect the best, and while I warn the reader how
little he has to expect, not disgust him by con»
temptible and frivolous quotations.

From a work called, in imitation of the Hindus,
Niti-Sastra, I extract the following fable, the best
and most sensible specimen of the literature of the
Javanese that has ever occurred to me in the course
of my reading.

** Make choice of an equal friend, and do not
1

OF JAVA. 38

act like the tiger and the forest. A tiger and a fo-
rest had united in close friendship, and they af-
forded each other mutual protection. When men
wanted to take wood or leaves from the forest, they
were dissuaded by their fear of the tiger, and when
they would take the tiger, he was coiicealed by the
forest. After a long time, the forest was rendered
foul by the residence of the tiger, and it began to
be estranged from him. The tiger, thereupon, quit-
ted the forest, and men having found out that it
was no longer guarded, came in numbers and cut
down the wood, and robbed the leaves, so that, iu
a short time, the forest was destroyed, and became
a bare place. The tiger, leaving the forest, was
seen, and although he attempted to hide himself in
clefts and valleys, men attacked him, and killed
liim, and thus, by their disagreement, the foregt
was exterminated, and the tiger lost his life. "

The same work affords the following :

" The poison of a centipede is in its head ; the
poison of a scorpion in its tail ; the poison of the
snake is in its tooth, and one knows where to find
them. But the venom of a bad man is fixed to no
one spot, but, dispersed over his whole body, can-
not be reached at."

If we reflect that the Javanese have professed
the Mahomedan religion for between three and

VOL. II. c

3^ * LANGUAGE AND LItERATURE

four hundred years, we shall be surprised at the
small progress which the Arabic language and li-
terature has made among them. The number
of Arabic words introduced into the language is
extremely small, greatly smaller than into any
other of the more cultivated languages of the
Archipelago. The reason is, that the Javanese
are little more than half Mahomedans ; that their
language was more copious, and did not stand in
need of such words as the Arabic had to give to it ;
and that in euphony, orthography, and grammati-
cal structure, nothing can be more adverse to each
other than the genius of the two tongues. When,
in short, an Arabic word is adopted by the Java-
nese, it is so thoroughly metamorphosed as scarce
to be distinguishable.

The few works which the Javanese have borrow-
ed from an Arabic source, are solely on the subjects
of jurisprudence and religion. The greater number
are written in the Arabic character, with supple-
mental consonants to express such sounds as are
peculiar to the Javanese. The Javanese language
thus written is called by the natives Pegon, mean-
ing mixed, or, as we would express it in a familiar
idiom, bastard Arabic, which, in fact, conveys the
meaning they intend to attach to the word.

The Arabic language itself is taught to the Ja-
vanese youth, and a considerable number of Ara-
bic works are circulated in Java, chiefly on the two

OF JAVA. 85

subjects which interest Mahomedans, law and re-
ligion, and chiefly from the school of Shafihi, the
orthodox doctor, whose peculiar tenets are profess-
ed by the Javanese.

In the Javanese schools a smattering of Arabic,
with a religious view, is the only branch of in-
struction. Javanese literature itself is no where
taught as a branch of education, but left to be
picked up as occasion offers. Its acquisition seems
not to be considered as a thing of utility or neces-
sity, but rather as an accomplishment which it may
be agreeable to possess, but which it is no discre-
dit to be ignorant of. Arithmetic, or other useful
science, is unknown. I have seen many a chief of
rank who could neither read nor write, and out of
the whole population of an extensive village, you
cannot always be sure that you will find an indi-
vidual who can do so. A tolerable dexterity cal«
culated for business is not to be met with in one
among ten thousand. As far as concerns the wo-
men, literary education may be said to be altoge-
ther unknown. When one is seen who can read
and write, she is looked upon as a wonder. I do
not think that, during my extensive intercourse
with the Javanese, I saw half a dozen who could
do so. The palace of the Sultan of Java afforded
but a single example.

This want of education among the Javanese is
the more remarkable, w^hen contrasted with the

65 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

diffusion of it, no matter how superficial or trifling,
which is known to prevail in Hindustan and
China.

Javanese books are written either on palm leaves
pr on paper ; in the ruder parts of the island usual-
ly on the former, and in the more civilized, on the
latter. Their paper is a peculiar manufacture, of
their own, from the fibre of a plant cultivated for
the purpose, in appearance and texture resembling
thin parchment, but peculiarly liable to be preyed
upon by the destructive insects of the climate.
Their intercourse with Europe and China supplies
them with the papers of these countries, and in their
best works that of the former is employed. The pens
made use of are either twigs from the Aren palm,
or quills as with ourselves, the latter being in gene-
rail preferred, though their use seems but recently
acquired from Europeans.

Though the Javanese character be peculiarly
neat and beautiful, very little pains are generally
taken with their writings, and no effort to produce
those finished and elegant specimens of penman-
ship which distinguish the manuscripts of the
Turks, Persians, Arabs, and Mahomedans of In-
dia. It is not in composition alone that the Ja-
vanese display the imperfection of the art, for even
in the mechanical part of it they are childish and
inexpert. The writing of an ordinary letter is a

work of pains and trouble, and not one in a thou-

OF JAVA. 37

sand can write straight without lines to guide
him.

Such is the state of literature among the Java-^
nese, the most literary and civilized of all the In-
dian islanders. The object of this work is to ren-
der a faithful picture of them as they actually are,
and not to draw attention to them, or excite pub-
lic curiosity regarding them, by representing them
as having made a progress in arts and knowledge
which does not belong to their stage in society.

A subject more inexplicable than the want of
skill and refinement in writing and composition,
which is referable at once to barbarity, is the won-
derful feebleness and imbecility of all they write,
the utter absence of that ardour, energy, and sub-
limity, which has so often characterized the poetry
of nations which had made far less progress in the
arts which minister to comfort and necessity than
the Javanese. The following remarks wdll, how-
ever, go far to explain this. Every noble effort
of the muse among barbarians has been made a-
mong free barbarians, and not among the slaves of
despotism, for reasons which it Would be super-
fluous to explain. These free barbarians have ex^
isted only hi Europe. The East is the natural
country of despotism. The superior fertility of
the soil and benignity of the climate breed a less
hardy race, — give rise to a more rapid civilization
in the earlier stages of social existence,— to more

3S LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

wealth in the society, — and for all these reasons, to»
the means of enslaving the people, or, in other
words, of repressing the nobler sentiments which
are natural to independent man, when individual
character is permitted to develope itself. In pro-
portion as the soil and climate improve, or perhaps^
nearly in the degree in which we proceed east-
ward, or towards the equator, and nature fur-
nishes man with necessaries with the smallest ef-
fort, despotism increases, and the human intellect
becomes weaker. The Persians, Turks, and Arabs,
whose individual characters are unquestionably the
most independent and energetic of all eastern na-
tions, have also the best poetry ; that of the Hin-
dus is much worse ; the best poetry of Java i&
borrowed from the latter. The Burmans and
Siamese, from all accounts, are as tame in poetic
genius as the Javanese ; and for the poetry of the
nations which write in the Hieroglyphics of China,
nonsense is hardly too bad a name.

I have sometimes thought, that the extreme
monotony and uniformity of season, production,
and scenery, in the East, might contribute, with
political institutions, to deaden and tranquillize the
faculties, removing from the mind the powerful in-
centive of variety, to animate, and rouse it to action.
In further illustration of this subject, I may ob-
serve, that to this cause, too, may possibly be owing
the great similarity, not only between the different

OF JAVA.

nations of the East at the same period, but the
same nation with itself at every known period of
its existence. While the nations of the West, like
their seasons and productions, are liable to fluc-
tuation and change ; now in the savage state ; now
emerging from it ; now semi-barbarians ; now civi-
lized, polished, and refined ; then decaying, and
again relapsing into barbarity ; the nations of the
East, in point of civilization, continue unchanged, —
seem rapidly to advance to a certain state of im«
provement, and then to continue in all ages the same
unchangeable semi-barbarians, when circumstances
have not detained them in the state of primeval
J)arbarity and savage existence.

CHAPTER IL

LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE OF THE MALAYS.

Aljjhabet. Grammatical Structure' Written Language,

hiotvn by the name of Jaivi. — General Character, — Cere-
7nonial Language scanty. — Derivation and Composition. —
Literature* — Metrical Composition. — The Pantun.-^The
Sayar* — Prose Composition. — Romances. — Character of
Prose Composition* — Origin of the Malay Language* — Its
Diffusion. — Used as a Lingua Franca. — General Uni-
formity. — Spoken tvith most Propriety in the State of
Queda.

1 HE native sounds of the Malay language, like
the other improved languages of the Archipe-
lago, are twenty consonants, ^\e vowels, and two
diphthongs. The Malay, unlike the other po-
lished languages, has no native alphabet ; but, as
with the modern Persian, is written in the Arabic
character. That it may express alike the sounds of
the Arabic language, and those indigenous sounds
which do not belong to the Arabs, six supplemen-
tal letters are added by the simple contrivance of

LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE, &C. 41

increasing the number of the diacritical points;
and thus the modern Malay alphabet -amounts to
thirty-two consonants. Ihe genius of Malay pro-
nunciation, however, being remarkably soft, and
vocalic, many of the harsher Arabian sounds are
either modified, or omitted in speaking ; and, in
writing, seldom serve any other purpose than to
mark the etymology of a word.

The Malay language is remarkably simple in its
grammatical form. Words are not modified by in-
flection, or other change to express gender, num-
ber, or case. Gender is ascribed to no object
without sex. Number is denoted by distinct words,
expressing plurality or singularity. Cases are
always expressed by prepositions.

The verb is hai-dly less simple than the noun. Of
modes it may perhaps be said to have two, the indi-
cative and imperative ; of tenses it cannot be said to
have more than three, a present, expressed in the
simple form of the verb, and a past and future, each
expressed by an auxiliary. The most important
changes which the verb undergoes, are the changes
from a neuter to an active form, which are effected
either by affixing or prefixing certain inseparable
particles, or both.

The written Malay language is known to well
informed Malays by the singular appellation of
Jam, a term the origin of which, as it maybe con-
nected with the history of the people and their Ian-

4f2 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

guage, it may be worth while pausing to make
some inquiry about. The word Jawi appears to
me to be the inflection of the word Jawa of the
Javanese language, used as the correlative of Kawi,
the one, as already described, meaning common, and
the other abstruse language. It seems to have been
borrowed by the Malays, like many other words,
and, as the latter have no native learned or recon-
dite language of their own, in which relation the
Arabic stands to the vernacular tongue, they use
Jawi as the correlative of Arabi. The Javanese
use the word Jawi as equivalent to translation. By
the usual rule, the noun or adjective is changed
into a verb, and then they familiarly say of an an-
cient composition, or of an Arabic one, that it is
translated or made into Javanese, as, in earlier pe-
riods of our own language, the phrases making
English ofy and doing into English, were com-
mon. In imitation of them, when the Malays
translate from the Arabic, they use the same lan-
guage precisely, and even extend the word to every
species of translation. I imagine it is this very word
for the language which the natives of Arabia have
erroneously, but naturally enough, bestowed not only
on the Malay language, but the people, and hence,
as a common appellation, upon the whole of the na-
tives of the Archipelago.

The Malayan language affords no internal evi-
dence of ancient culture. Its genius is destitute of

OF THE MALAYS. 43

the bold metaphorical character ascribed to early
language, particularly in the East. Like the Ja-
vanese, but in an inferior degree, it is rich in sim-
ple epithets, and wantonly and uselessly redundant
in trifles ; and like it, too, is singularly deficient in
words of abstract meaning.

The distinction of language, which expresses the
relative language of the speakers, extends to but
a very few words in Malay. This distinction
seems to prevail in the Polynesian languages in
proportion as the people who speak them are im-
proved and civilized. That it holds to so trifling
an extent in the Malay is an evidence of the small
advances made in civilization and improvement by
the people who spoke it, previous to their acquaint-
ance with the Arabs, when their improvement as-
sumed a new modification.

On the derivation and composition of the Java-
nese language, it will not be necessary to enter at
length in this place, as the subject will be fully
discussed in the chapter containing general remarks
on the languages of the Archipelago. The lan-
guage, as at present written and spoken, may be
said to consist of three essential, one necessary in-
gredient, and about four adventitious ones. The
essensial ingredients are the primitive language of
the Malayan tribe, the basis of the whole, the great
Polynesian language, and the Sanskrit. The ne-
cessary ingredient is the Arabic, and the adventi-

44i LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

tious are small portions of modern Javanese, of the
vernacular language of Kalinga, of Persian, and of
the languages of modern Europe, mostly Portu-
guese, with a trifling portion of Dutch, and a still
more insignificant one of English.

After several trials, I consider, that out of 100
parts of modem Malay, the following may be con-
sidered as the proportion of the various ingredients,
viz. primitive Malayan ^7 parts, Polynesian 50,
Sanskrit 16, Arabic 5, and the adventitious por-
tions the remaining two parts. The primitive
portion of the Malay contains, if I may so express
it, the skeleton of the language, those portions of it
which express its grammatical form ; such as the
auxiliary verbs, the substantive verb, the preposi-
tions generally, and always those which express the
most abstract relations, or, in other words, those
which represent the cases of languages complex in
their form. To the same source may be referred
most of the particles, with the adjectives and verbs
of most frequent occurrence, representing the most
useful abstract qualities or actions.

The numerous class of words from the Polyne-
sian language are of a more arbitrary character, and
generally unconnected with the form of the lan-
guage. The first dawn of civilization is to be dis-
covered in this portion of the language, as instanced
in the names of the numerals, of the useful plants,
the useful animals, and the metals. The incur-

OF THE MALAYS. 45

sions of the great Polynesian language are very
extensive, and have evidently displaced many pri-
mitive words which must have existed in the lan-
guage of the rudest savage, such, for example, as
the words sky, moon, mountain, white, black,
hand, eye, &c.

The Sanskrit enters into the Malay in much
smaller proportions than into any dialect of the Java'-
nese, even the most popular, and exists also in less
purity. The most usual class of words supplied by
the Sanskrit are mythological terms, and words ex-
pressing the most early class of abstract nouns, such
as understanding, prudence, cause, time, &c.

The Malayan language, from being written in
the Arabic character, and from the more thorough
adoption by the people who speak it, than by any
other tribe, of the law and religion of Mahomed, has
admitted the largest portion of Arabic. Mr Mars-
den's account of the introduction of Arabic into
this language is equally sensible and correct, and
deserves to be quoted at length. *' The effects
produced," says he, " by the introduction of this re-
ligion," (the Mahomedan,) " were similar to those
which took place in Persia, and many other coun-
tries where it has prevailed. The use of the Ara-
bic character superseded that of the ancient mode
of writing, and the language became exposed to an
inundation of new terms, for the most part theo-
logical, metaphysical, legal, and ceremonial, the

4t6 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

knowledge of which is indispensable to those who
study the Koran and its commentaries. These
terms their writers, in some species of composition,
affect to introduce as a proof of their religious as
well as of their literary attainments, but few com-
paratively have been incorporated with, or consti-
tute a part of the language." " About the num-
ber of twenty or thirty words may be pointed out
as having a claim, from their familiar recurrence, to
be considered as Malayan by adoption." * Even
these few words are seldom simple terms, but ex-
press, conformably to the wants of the language
when they were adopted, ideas of considerable ab-
stractness, such as ingenuity, cause, doubt, vigour,
value, &c.

The number of Telinga words in the Malay
is considerably greater than supposed by Mr
Marsden. They form, however, no intrinsic in-
gredient of the language. The greater number
are commercial terms, and the rest words introdu-
ced through the medium of translations. One is,
indeed, surprised to find the number of words so
few, when a well-known fact is adverted to, that
much of Malayan learning is at present in the
hands of Creole Telingas, in most countries of
the Archipelago.

* Marsdea's Malay Grammar.

OF THE MALAYS. 4^

Mr Marsden and Dr Leyden * have nearly ex*,
hausted the subject of Malay literature, one in it-
self not very fruitful. Malay literature bears none
of these marks of originality which characterize
that of the Javanese. The great bulk of Malayan
composition is not metrical, but prosaic ; and it all,
or almost all, bears the impression of an Arabic
character, I shall render a brief account, first of
their poetry, and then of their prose writings.
Their metrical compositions are of two descrip-
tions, the Pantun and the Sayar. The Pantun is
a stanza of four short lines rhyming alternately.
The first two lines of the quatrain, in the accurate
language of Mr Marsden, " are figurative, con-
taining sometimes one, but oftener two unconnect-
ed images ; whilst the latter two are moral, sen-
timental, or amorous ; and we are led to expect
that they should exemplify and constitute the ap-
plication of the figurative part. They do in some
few instances, but, in general, the thought is wrapt
in such obscurity, that not the faintest analogy be-
tween them can be traced, and we are even dis-
posed to doubt whether any is intended, or occurs
otherwise than by chance." These Pantuns are
often recited in alternate contest for several hours.

Such playful trifles do not deserve the name

♦ Asiatic Researches, Vol. X.

48 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

of poetry or literature, and yet they are the only
description of composition which can justly be
considered national or original among the Malays.
It is in the light only of amusing trifles that the
Malays themselves, indeed, consider them ; and they
are scarcely of higher dignity in their estimation
than the nonsensical rhymes which we call crambo
are in our own. A few of the best are committed
to memory, and we often hear them repeated. The
following are favourable specimens :

Marak anggok-anggok

Miirak de-atas kota

Bargrak ujung Sanggul

Naik sri muka.

The peacock nods his head ;

The peacock that sits on the castle,

When the loose end of her braided hair tremblc^j

New beauties rise in her countenance.

Trang buian arara tamaram
Hantu barjalan iakki bini.
Jangan tuan tararam aram
Saya tiada datang ka-sini.

By the dim light of the moon.
Wander spectres of both sexes.
Chide me not again, my love,
For I will not come hither.

Jika tiada karna bulan
Musakan bintang timur tinggi.
Jika tiada karana tuan
Masakan abang datang kamari.

OF THE MALAYS. 49

But for the moon,

Would the eastern star be so high ?

But for you, my love,

Would your elder brother (lover) come hither ?

The Sayar, correctly v^rritten Shaiar, is, as its
name imports, of Arabic origin. It is a measure of
rhyming couplets, of from eight to twelve syllables
to a line, resembling the rhyming metre of the
modern languages of Europe. Poems of this de-
scription are of considerable length, and their sub-
ject is either an avowed romance, or a scrap of
history treated as if it were one. They may truly
be said to be poetry only to the eye and the ear,
for they are wholly wanting in the essentials of
poetry, fancy, and passion. The following is a
favourable specimen of the Sayar as rendered into
English by Dr Leyden :

*' When my mistress looks forth from her win-
dow, her eye sparkling like a star, its brilliant rays
glancing and glittering, her elder brother cannot
support its lustre. Like the red mango is the
hue of her cheek, becoming her tapering neck,
traversed with shadows whenever she swallows.
Her features like those of a shadow or scenic figure ;
— ^her forehead like the new moon in its first day ;
— her eyebrows curved so fair I could devour her.
Long has she been chosen to be my mistress, —
wearing a ring set with gems of Sailan, — her long

VOL. II. D

50 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

nails shining like lightning, transparent as a string
of pearls ; — her waist slender, and extremely ele-
gant ; — her neck turned like a polished statue.
Eloquent in the enunciation of her words. Her
parting words like the crimson red wood ; not by
dress, but by herself adorned. Black are her teeth
stained with Bqja powder. Graceful, slender, ap-
pearing lilia a queen. Her locks adorned with
the Saraja flowers ; — her features beautiful, with
no defect of symmetry. My soul is often flutter-
ing, ready to depart ; — glancing eagerly forth
from my eyes, and quite unable to return to its
station."*

Prose composition, the largest portion of Malay-
an literature, consists chiefly of romances, and of
fragments of real story, so garbled and so obscured
by fable, as to deserve the same name. The subjects
of these are Hindu, Javanese, Arabian, and Telin-
ga legends, with some fragments of domestic story
of no remote period. The Mahabarat and Rama-
yana, through the medium of Javanese paraphra-
ses, as may be discovered by the intermixture of
Javan localities, have afforded the subject of the
first. The second consist of the adventures of the
hero of Javanese romance, Raden Panji. The

• Asiatic Researches, Vol. X.

OP THE MALAYS, 51

origin of the third is too obvious to be insisted
upon ; and that of the fourth is traced to the in-
timate connection which, in modern times, has ex-
isted between the Malays and the people of Telin-
ga, in the progress of which, many of the latter
have settled and colonized among the former, ex-
ercising among them, in many respects, the prero-
gatives of superior civilization and endowment.

A literal or faithful translation from any lan-
guage is not attempted. Perhaps the extremely
opposite genius of the Malay and languages of
continental Asia especially, would be hostile to
such an undertaking. Were it othei'wise, the care-
less and inaccurate Malays would be found inca-
pable of accomplishing a work demanding a labour
and precision, which is very adverse to the genius
of their character.

I shall select, as a specimen of their prose com-
position, an extract from the story of Hang Tuah,
Laksimana, or admiral of the- King of Malacca,
upon the invasion of Albuquerque, the same chief
whose gallantry and patriotism are commemorated
by the Portuguese historians. The work affords us
but mere glimpses of true history, and is full of
fable, anachronism, and discrepancy, but deserves
some consideration for the naked fidelity with which
it paints the manners of the Malays of the time.

** Satalla sudah, maka minuman pula di angkat

52 LANGUAGE ANDLITERATURE

oi*ahg, maka piala yang bartatakkan ratna mutu
manikam itu-pun di-paredarkan oranglah pada sa-
gala Pagawe dan Patuwanan ; maka rabana pun bar-
bunyilah dan badiian yang baik suwara itu-pun
barnyanyilah tarlalu mardu suwaranya ; maka sa-
kalian pun ramailah barbangkit manarik; maka
Tun Tuah pun manyambah kapada raja muda, lalu
barbangkit, sarta mamagang hulu kris panjangtampa
Malaka tarlalu amat baik sikap-nya manarik itu,lalu
barlompat saparti partikaman sarta manyambah la-
lu suka ; maka raja-muda pun suka malihat iya tiada
jamu pada mata baganda ; maka didalam hati ba-
ganda sunggohlah Tun Tuah ini hulubalang, manis
barang lakunya. Satala itu, maka Tun Jabat pun
manyambah Raja-muda, lalu manarik ; maka Hang
Lakyer dan Hang Lakyu pun mangambil piala
dari pada orang mangisi piala itu lalu di-anggapkan
pada Hang Kasturi ; maka Hang Kasturi pun ma-
nanggap Adipati Palembang, maka sagala Pagawe
dan Patuanan pun barsoraklah tarlalu ramai ; maka
Adipati Palembang pun manyambah lalu bangun ma-
narik; maka di-anggap-kanya pada Tun Rana Diraja ;
maka Tun Rana Diraja pun manyambah pada Raja-
muda lalu bangun manarik; maka Tun Tuah, Hang
Jabat, Hang Kasturi pun mangambil piala itu dari-
pada tangan orang mangisi piala itu, maka dipanohi
dangan arak, maka di-bawah-nya manarik ; maka di-
anggapkan kapada Tun Rana Diraja, maka Tun
Rana Diraja tiada khabarakan diri, lalu tarduduk,

OF THE MALAYS.

niaka Tun Rana Diraja pun t^rlalu suka sarta tar-
tunggang-tunggang ; maka Raja pun tarlalu suka
tartawa malihat kalakuan Tun Rana Diraja mana-
rik itu ; maka rabana pun tarlalu ramai, maka Raja
pun malihat kapada Tun Tuah dangan isharat,
manyuroh malarah Tumanggung Sri Sroja ; maka
Tun Tuah pun mangambil piala diponohi-nya
dangan arak, lalu di-bawah nya manarik, maka ulih
Tun Tuahdi-larahkan-nya kapada Tumanggung,
sarta kata-nya santap-lali datuh titah duli yang di-
partuan muda. Dami di-dangar Tumanggung, maka
di-ambil piala itu sarta kata-nya daulat Tuan ku,
maka piala itu-pun di-junjung ulih Tumanggung
lalu di-minumnya ; maka Tumanggung manyambah
lalu manarik, maka piala pun sabagai di larah orang
pada Tumanggung, maka sigra di-ambil ulih Tu-
manggung piala itu di parsambah-kSnnya pada
Bandahara ; maka sigra di-sambut ulih Bandahara
manyambah lalu bangun manarik dua tiga langka
lalu iya malatakkan kris-nya ; maka Bandahara pun
sujud pada kaki Raja maka baganda pun tahulah
akan kahandak Bandahara itu ; maka baganda pun
sigra bangkit dari attas Patrana itu mamaluh leher
Bandahara ; maka piala itu-pun di-sambut ulih Ban-
dahara, lulu di junjung di-minum-nya, maka Ban-
dahara pun barasa kheallah, maka baganda pun
barbangkit manarik ; maka Bandahara pun mangam-
bil piala dari-pada orang mangisi piala itu ; maka
Bandahara pun barbangkit manarik lalu di-parsam-

5i< LANOUAGE AND LITERATURE

bahkan pada raja muda ; maka di-sambut raja-muda
piala itu lalu barkata, "ayo mama Bandahara mabuk-
lah kita/^ maka sambah Bandahara daulat Tuan-ku,
maka Raja pun duduk, maka sagala Ptigawe dan Pa~
tuatian habis-lah mabuk, ada yang sampat pulang ka-
rumah-nya,ada yang rabah di tangah jalan tartidor,
ada yang di usung ulih hamba-nya pulang, tar-
banyak pula tidor saganap kadai."

*' Then the attendants produced the liquors, and
cups, studded with precious stones, were placed in
order before the chiefs of various ranks. The
tabours were sounded. The damsels of sweet voices
sung — ^passing melodious was the air. The guests
gave themselves up to pleasure, and rose to dance.
The Laksimana began after making his obeisance to
the prince. He rose, holding in his hand the
head of his long kris, the workmanship of Mal-
lacca. Passing good was his figure in the dance
— ^bounding like an experienced stabber, he bow-
ed to the prince — he was happy. The young
prince was delighted with what he saw, and viewed
him with eyes unsatiated, saying to himself, assured-
ly Hang Tuah is a champion — his every gesture
is becoming. Tun Jabbat made his obeisance to
the young prince, and rose to dance. Lakyer
and Lacyu took the cups from those who were
employed in filling them. They were pledged
by Hang kasturi. Hang kasturi challenged the
Adipati of Palembang to the dance. The chiefs,

OF THE MALAYS. 55

in their mirth, shouted aloud. The chief of Pa-
lembang made his obeisance, and rose to dance.
He challenged Tun Rana Diraja. Rana Diraja
bowed, and rose. Tun Tuah, Hang Jabbat, and
HangKasturi, took the cups from the hands of those
employed in filling them, and they filled them
with liquor. They danced with the cups in their
hands, and challenged Rana Diraja to drink. The
reason of Tun Rana Diraja was overpowered — he
sat down and nodded as he sat. The young prince
was rejoiced, and laughed exceedingly when he
beheld the condition of the chief. The tabours
were struck anew\ The prince glanced at Tun
Tuah, hinting to him to press the Tumangung Sri
Saroja to drink. Tun Tuah took a cup and fdled
it up, holding it in his hand while he danced.
He replenished it for the Tumangung, and pre-
senting it, said, * Drink, my Lord, according to the
commands of the youthful ruler of the kingdom.'
The Tumangung, hearing the prince's commands,
took the cup, and placing it respectfully over his
head, drank, bowed, and rose to dance. The
attendants plied him with fresh cups. The Tu-
mangung presented the cup to the Bandahara,
which the latter accepted, and rose to dance a
few steps, when he laid down his kris, and bowed
at the feet of the prince. The prince perceived
the wish of the minister. He rose from his seat
and embraced him. The Bandahara took the cup

56 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

again, drank, and was intoxicated. The prince
rose and danced. The Bandaliara took a cup
from the attendants, filled it, danced, and present-
ed it to the prince. The prince took the cup,
saying, * My relation, alas, I am already drunk.*

" And the chiefs became one and all intoxi-
cated. Some were just able to reach their own
houses — some dropped down and fell asleep on the
way — some were carried home by their slaves —
and more slept scattered here and there in the
stalls of the market-place."

Malayan romances, whatever be their origin,
are singularly destitute of spirit. To point a mo-
ral is never attempted ; and the gratification of a
puerile and credulous fancy seems the sole object.
All prose composition is remarkably monotonous.
This arises, perhaps, in a good measure, from the
singularly inartificial grammatical form of the lan-
guage, which admits of no order but the natural
order of ideas, and renders it almost impossible to
extend a sentence beyond a single clause. This
quality of the language, assisted, probably, by that
unskilfulness in composition which is natural to
the rude period of written language, unaided by
metre, gives rise to the practice of marking the be-
ginning of each sentence by a particle or particles,
almost exclusively appropriated to this use, such
as 7ioxvy and, then, moreover, &c. The perpetu^

OF THE MALAYS. ^7

recurrence of these adds greatly to the monotony
complained of.

The Malay language, as now described, had its
origin in the interior kingdom of Menangkabao, on
Sumatra; from thence it spread to the Malayan
peninsula, and here, in all probability, received the
cultivation which reduced it to its present form.
From the Malayan peninsula, it spread by coloni-
zation to the coasts of Borneo, and back to Suma-
tra ; and some straggling adventurers carried the
partial use of it to the coasts of Java, Celebes, and
the countries farther east.

The great defect of this language for composi-
tion, its simplicity of structure, is the very quality
to which it chiefly owes its currency among fo-
reigners. It is the lingua franca of the Archipe-
lago, the medium of intercourse between the *na-
tives of those countries themselves, as well as be-
tween the latter and every description of strangers.
It is farther fitted for ready acquirement, by the
frequency of liquid and vocalic sounds, and by the
absence of consonants of harsh or difficult enun-
ciation. In speaking and in writing, it has the same
sort of currency, but a greater degree of it, that
the Persian language has in Hindustan.* Those

* " The language (Malay) in these parts is no less epidemich
than are the Latine, Arabick, and Sclavonian elsewhere.*' —
Herbert's Travels, p. ?6^.

58 LANCJUAGE AND LITERATURE, &C.

who read and write a language written in the same
character with the Koran, pride themselves on the
circumstance, and view with some contempt those
whose learning is expressed in a profane alphabet.
There is a surprising uniformity in the language
of all the Malayan tribes, both oral and written,
a circumstance to be attributed to the similarity of
their situations, and the stationary condition of
their manner3 throughout, since the period when
their language assumed its present form. The
language of the people of Menangkabao, the pa-
rent tribe, differs most from the rest. As far as I
can judge, the best Malay is written and spoken
in the state of Queda, or Keddah. Here, at least,
the Malays are most anxious about the purity of their
language, and most scrupulous in excluding foreign
words. In the neighbourhood of the other great
tribes of the Archipelago, the language is often
corrupted by admixture with their dialects ; and in
the vicinity of former, or existing European es-
tablishments, by a mixture of Portuguese and
Dutch, still more incompatible with its genius.

CHAPTER III.

LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE OF CELEBES.

A fjoide Difference between the Languages of the Eastern and
Western portions of the Archipelago. — Alphabet of Celebes,
— Tviio great Languages spoken in CelebeSy the Bugis and
Macassar. — Character of both. — Their Literatare. — Speci-
men of their Poetry. — Composition and Derivation of the
Languages of the Eastern portion of the Archipelago.

The moment we pass the island of Lombok, pro-
ceeding eastward, striking features of difference
are, to the most ordinary observer, discernible in the
manners, customs, and state of civilization of the
people of the Indian islands. The great island of
Celebes is the centre from which that peculiar
description of civilization which characterizes this
portion of the Archipelago seems to have emanated.
The eastern portion of the Archipelago has, in-
deed, received improvement through the more ge-
neral sources of civilization, of which all the nations
have partaken ; but a more local one seems to have
likewise operated.

60 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

The languages and literature of Celebes, though
in many features of resemblance partaking of the
character of those of the more western countries,
differ very essentially from them. The alphabet, in
the first place, takes a new character ; the letters
of which it consists taking a new form, as little like
that of the Javanese as the latter is to the Arabic
or Roman. The alphabet of Celebes consists of
eighteen consonants and five vowels, to which are
added, sometimes, four supplemental consonants,
being merely four of the first eighteen aspirat-
ed, and an additional vowel. It is singular that
the peculiar and technical classification of the
Sanskrit alphabet should have been adopted in
the alphabet of Celebes, though rejected in that of
Java.

Besides the dialects of some abject savages and
of some tribes more improved, two great languages
prevail in Celebes, the language of the Bugis and
Macassars, as they are denominated by the people
of the western portion of the Archipelago, and
from them by us ; or Wugi and Mangkasara, as
they call themselves. The Bugis is the language
of the more powerful and numerous nation, and
the most cultivated and copious. The Macassar is
more simple in structure, abounds less in syno-
nyms, and its literature is more scanty. Both
partake of the common simplicity in structure of

OF CELEBES. 61

hU the languages of the Archipelago, and are dis*
tinguislied above all, even the Malay, for a soft
and vocalic pronunciation. Of the two the Ma-
cassar possesses this property in the most eminent
degree. Except the soft nasal ng^ no word or syl-
lable in either language ever ends in a consonant,
and no consonant ever coalesces with another.
The organs of the people seem hardly capable of
pronouncing a consonant so situated, so that even
foreign words, when used, or adopted in the lan-
guage, must undergo the change implied in this
principle of orthoepy, whether they be from the
guttural Arabic, the grunting Dutch, or the his-
sing English. The best Macassar is spoken in the
state of Goa or Macassar Proper, and the worst in
the principality of Turatea, the inhabitants of which
are, by their fastidious neighbours, accused of injur-
ing its natural softness by an uncouth pronuncia-
tion.

The Bugis are said to be possessed of a recon-
dite and ancient language parallel to the Kawi of
Java and the Pali of the Buddhist nations ; but
the knowledge of it is confined to a very ievf, and
I have met no specimens.

The learning of the Macassars, as already men-
tioned, is inconsiderable ; but the Bugis have a
considerable body of literature, which consists of
tales and romances founded on national legends
and traditions,— translations of Malayan and Java-

62 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

nese romances, — historical accounts of their trans-
actions since the introduction of Mahomedanism,
and works on law and religion from the Arabic.
All of them, from the most authentic accounts
which I have been able to collect, are characterized
by the same feebleness, childishness, and extreme
credulity, which I have ascribed to Javanese li-
terature, and probably they are still more tame and
infantine. When the reasoning faculties are less
concerned than the passions, the poetiy of the na-
tions of Celebes, who possess more individual ener-
gy of character than any other people of the Ar-
chipelago, and among whom women, in particular,
enjoy privileges seldom yielded to them among
barbarians, may be expected to assume a more re-
spectable character. The following love song from
the Macassar, though under the disadvantage of a
translation through the Malay, may still be ad-
duced as evidence in favour of this supposition.

" Let the world disapprove of thee, I love thee
still. When two suns appear at once in the sky,
my love for thee may be altered. Sink into the
earth, or pass through the fire, and I will follow
thee. I love thee, and our love is reciprocal, but
fate keeps us asunder. May the gods bring us to-
gether, or to me this love will be fatal. I should
count the moment of meeting more precious than
that of entering the fields of bliss. Be angry with

OT CELEBES. 63

me, or cast me aside, still my love shall not change.
Nothing but your image meets the eye of my fan-
cy, whether I sleep or wake. Visions alone are
propitious to my passion ; in these only 1 see thee
and converse with thee. When I expire, let it
not be said that I died by the ordinary decrees of
fate, but say that I died through love of thee.
What are comparable to the delightful visions
which paint my love so fresh to my fancy ? Let
me be separated from my native country, and at a
distance from thee, still my heart is not far from
thee. In my sleep, how often am I found wan-
dering about and going in search of thee, hoping,
perchance, I may find thee?"

The Bugis, as the most copious and ancient
tongue, and that of the most numerous and power-
ful people, may be looked upon, reasonably, as that
which has exerted upon the cognate languages of
the eastern portion of the Archipelago the local
influence to which I have alluded.

These tongues, as, for example, the languages of
Sambawa, Flores, Timur, Butung, Salayer, kc, may
be said to be composed of the following materials :
— the original meagre dialect of each savage tribe
— the Bugis — the great Polynesian language- —
the Sanskrit — the Arabic, with trifling admixtures
of the same ingredients mentioned in speaking of
the composition of the Javanese. The Macassar

6* LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

and Bugis languages have a great many words in
common, but they have many, too, radical and in-
variable, which bear no resemblance ; they are in-
timately connected, but are not dialects of one
tongue, and the people who speak them are mu-
tually unintelligible to each other. The pro-
portion in which the great Polynesian language
enters into those of Celebes may be judged of
from this, that in a short vocabulary of the Bugis,
about one-fourth is discovered to be of that com-
mon tongue. It may be remarked, that words of
this class, still current in Celebes, are frequently
such as in the languages of the western portion of
the Archipelago have become obsolete, or are ap-
propriated to more solemn occasions than those of
common life.

Of the Sanskrit portion of the Celebesian lan-
guages, the quantity, compared to that in the Ja-
vanese, or even Malay, is inconsiderable. The
words will be found to be mostly religious terms, or
the names of substances, the use of which has been
introduced among the people from India. Every
language of the Archipelago will be found to have
ingrafted upon it a quantity of Sanskrit, propor-
tioned to the extent to which it has been itself cul-
tivated ; or, which is nearly the same thing, to
the civilization of the people who speak it. The
people of Celebes, and their language, are less im-
proved than those of the western islands, general-

OF CELEBES,

ly ; and this accounts for the paucity of Sanskrit
in their language. Their greater distance from
the original source of that language, the continent
of India, will contribute to produce the same ef-
fect.

VOL. ir.

>i?ii

CHAPTER IV.

Minor languages of the archipelago.

The Javanese, the Malay, the Bugis, and Macas-
sar, of which an account has been rendered in the
three preceding chapters, are the most cultivated
languages of the Archipelago. Besides the many
unwritten languages of negro and brown-com-
plexioned savages, there are many written lan-
guages of tribes less powerful and cultivated than
the great nations of Java, Sumatra, and Celebes.
These are the Batta, Rejang, and Lampung of
Sumatra ; the Sunda of Java, the Madurese, the
Bali, and Lombok ; and to the east, some lan-
guages written in the character of Celebes, as
those of Sambawa, Butung, &c. Of most of these,
copious examples are given in the vocabulary ; and
I shall content myself here with offering a brief
sketch of one or two of those, concerning which I
have received the best information.

The Sunda is the language of the mountaineers
of the western part of Java, of perhaps one-third
0f the area of the island, but, in round numbers.

MINOR LANGUAGES, &C. 67

probably of not more than of one-tenth of its in-
habitants.

1 he number of consonants in the Sunda is eigh-
teen, the cerebral^' d and t of the Javan alphabet
being wanting. Besides the ordinary vowels of
the Javanese, they have several uncouth sounds, si^
milar to those which prevail in the Celtic dialects,
and which, as speech becomes more cultivated, ap*
pear in all ages and countries to be laid aside.
Contrary to the practice of the Javanese, a word
or syllable may in the Sunda begin with a vowel ;
nay two vowels may immediately follow each other,
without any contrivance to obviate the hiatus that
is the consequence.

Words are devoid of any inflection that marks
gender, number, relation, time, or mode. The
possessive or genitive case of nouns is determined
by position, the first of two nouns being the go-
verning one. This seems an universal rule in the
structure of the languages of the Indian islands.
Actual property in an object, is expressed by a
distinct term, (hoga^) importing this sort of rela-

* " This scries of consonants is pronounced by turning
and applying the tip of the tongue far back against the palate,
which, producing a hollow sound as if proceeding from the
head, it is distinguished by the terra Murddhanya, which Mr
Halhed, in his elegant grammar of the Bengal language, h^a
translated cer^^rrt/." — Wilkins' Sanskrit Grammar, p. 8.

6s MINOR LANGUAdEfc

tion. The dative and ablative cases are express-
ed by prepositions, and the objective or accu-
sative case simply marked by the precedence of
the transitive verb, without a preposition. The
pronouns are peculiar. The tenses of the verb
are formed by auxiliaries, but of these there are
but two, one implying a perfect past, and another
a future. A passive voice is formed by prefixing
an inseparable particle, (de*) The verb is changed
from a neuter to a transitive sense, by prefixing an
inseparable particle (ma,) or, occasionally, by sub-
joining another (a/2,) or by both contrivances united.
These few words comprehend the grammar of this
most simple and inartificial tongue.

The disposition, in the circumstances of society
in the Indian islands, to form a language of defer-
ence and respect, is discoverable in the simple
speech of the Sundas ; but it is not carried far,
being confined to some words of most familiar oc-
currence, as the pronouns, the names of parts of
tli€ body, and of the relations of consanguinity.

There are no books in the Sunda language, for
the Sundas have no national literature. The few
who have any education aim at a little instruction
in Arabic and Javanese, and even business is gene-
rally conducted in the latter.

The Madurese is the language of the island of
Madura, and of the emigrants from that island on

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 69

Java, in round numbers of probably three hundred
thousand people ; a people inhabiting a poorer soil,
and more rude and needy than the Javanese. Ma-
dura is separated from Java by a strait, in one
place hardly two miles broad, yet the languages of
the two islands are scarcely more like than any o-
ther two languages of the western portion of the
Ai'chipelago.

All the observations made respecting the Sunda
language apply generally to the rude and uncul-
tivated dialect of Madura. Like it, its consonant
sounds are, by two, fewer than those of the Java-
nese ; and it has, like it, some uncouth vocalic
sounds. Upon the whole, the language of the
Madurese is a more copious and cultivated speech
than that of the Sundas, as they are themselves a
more improved race. The refinement, of its kind,
implied by the dialect of ceremony, takes a wider
range, and the language is occasionally the medium
of epistolary correspondence. Still the Javanese
i» the language of literature and important busi-
ness ; and literary education implies a knowledge
of it.

The Balinese is the sole language of the island
of Bali, throughout all its states, and has been of
late years spread by conquest to the island of Lorn-
bok. If the accounts we receive of the popula-
tion of Bali can be relied on, it is spoken by half
a million of people. It is a rude, simple, and pe-

70 MINOR LANGUAGES, &C.

culiar dialect, more improved, however, than the
language^ of the Sundas and Madurese ; and in
particular, having a copious and refined language
of deference, borrowed from the Sanskrit and
Javanese.

The language of law, literature, and religion, is
the Kawi of Java, which, as written and taught
in Bali, offers no new feature of distinction. The
literature of the Balinese seems to be the same as
that of the Javanese in the days of their Hindu-
ism ; and the ancient indigenous legends of the
Javanese are as well known in Bali as in their pa-
rent island.

■1^

< <^

^:iv

i"/

^^K*^/

I<^
4 \

ft $

;^^

(■

r
(•

<
?

(
[•

'■7-
('

<
7

-a

/<^'

•a
( •

». • ♦

CHAPTER V.

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE POLYNESIAN
LANGUAGES.

Resemblance between the tvhole of the Languages of the Indian
Archipelago. — Resemblance in Sound.-— r-In Grammatical
form.-ln Idiom.-Redundancy on some Subjects and 'poverty on
others, — Great variety of Written Character — Three Alpha-
bets on Sumatra, — One on Celebes. — A current and obsolete
Alphabet on Java.'n-.East-insular Alphabets cannot be traced
to the Hindus. — The improved Languages may be resolved
into seven component parts,-- Radical portion of each language
distinct. — Languages numerous in each Country in the di-
rect ratio of their Barbarity. — Arguments in Favour of an
aboriginal Language ivith each Tribe. — Great Polynesian
Language — Pervades the whole of the languages of Polyne-
sia, — Words of this Language most numerous inthe most culr
tivated Dialects. — Nature oj' this Class of Words, — Conjec-
tures respecting the People qfxvJiom the Great Polynesian was
the Language. — Arguments injavour of Java being their
country. — Influence of the Polynesian long prior to that of
the Sanskrit, — Cognate Languages. — Probable history of
their Reciprocal Influence on each other, illustrated in the In-
fiuence of the Malay on the neighbouring Languages. — Ex-
amples of that Influence, illustrated in the History of the
Malay Language. — Sanskrit words admitted info all the
improved Languages, — Probable history of its Introduc-
tion, and arguments in Support of the Hypothesis adduced,
— Kawif a recondite LanguagCy hptu formed,— Sanskrit

72 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

tvords probably in great part disseminated among the other
Languages through the Language of Java. — Introduc-
tion of Arabic. — Its History and Extent. — Its Genius
very incompatible with that of the East-Insular Lan-
guages* — Other Oriental Languages introduced into the Dia-
lects of the Archipelago.'-Telinga. — Persian. — Chinese.-^
Eitropean Languages.

In the general character, particular form, and ge-
nius, of the innumerable languages spoken within
the limits of the Indian islands, there is a remark-
able resemblance, while all of them differ widely
from those of every other portion of the world.
TThis observation extends to every country, from
the north, western extremity of Sumatra, to the
western shores of New Guinea, and may be even
carried to Madagascar to the west, the Phillipines
to the east, and the remotest of Cook's discoveries
to the south. * The first point of similitude to
which I shall refer, is that of sound or pronunciation.
Twenty consonants and five vowels are the great-
est variety which these languages generally admit.
Two diphthong sounds only are found. In some of
the more barbarous dialects, to be sure, the vocalic
sounds appear to a stranger more various ; but a
minuter acquaintance discovers some of these to be
no more than uncouth substitutes for more ordinary
sounds.

* Archeologia, Vol. VI.

POLYNESIAN LANQUAGES. 75

The resemblance in grammatical structure is not
less curious. The languages are invariably of sim-
ple structure. There is not one tongue within the
whole Archipelago of complex form, like the great
original languages of Europe and Asia. The rela-
tions of nouns are formed by prepositions ; the tenses
of verbs by auxiliaries ; the passive forms by the
prefixing of particles ; and the transitive by affixing
them in a manner extremely analogous in all.*

In idiom and genius the parallel is still more
complete ; and here, indeed, we are less surprised
that the character of various tribes, however dis-
tinct in their origin, yet formed under similar cir-
cumstances, should have stamped a character on
their languages, than when we find the same cause
extending to the very sounds and grammatical forms
of their dialects. Of similarity of idiom one example
will be conclusive. The sun is expressed in at least
ten languages of the Archipelago by a compound
epithet, which means " the eye of day." Yet the
words are frequently dissimilar in sound, each lan-
guage rendering it by its own vocables. In all the
more improved tongues we discover, throug]iout,the
same redundancy of expression on familiar subjects,
and the same poverty on higher and more abstract
ones. For the former, the Javanese has often ten
synonyms, and the Bugis six or seven, the Malay

* The adjective always follows the noun; anti the first of
two nouns is invariably the governing one.

74 •GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

frequently four or five ; but for abstract words, parti-
cularly such as relate to the operations of the mind,
and which are familiar in the most barbarous ages
of European languages, the deficiency of everj- one
of the Polynesian languages is pitiable. For mind
we have nothing but the metaphorical sense of the
word heart ; for understanding we are driven to
the Sanskrit or Arabic ; for memory we have no-
thing but the verb to remember, used substantive-
ly ; ioY friendship we fly again to the Arabic ; for
dissimulation, scholars have got up an awkward
translation, meaning a heart aivry ; for merit there
is no word at all ; for modesty none but the one that
expresses shame ; for integrity no expression what-
ever ; for right, expressing either just claim, or ex-
pressing property, none ; for reason none ; for ar^
gumeni none. *" Whenever we press the languages
of the oriental islands into our service on such occa-
sions, we offer violence to their genius. The peo-
ple are strangers to the modes of expression in
which such words are necessary, and when foisted
into their language, the result is ambiguity or non-
sense. The East-Insular languages, then, may just-
ly be characterized as not copious, but "wordy.

There are no less than five written characters
known among the nations of the Indian islands,

* Not one of the East-Insular languages distinguishes be»
tween air at rest and air in motion; there is, in fact, no na*
the term for wind.

POLtNESIAN LANGUAGES. • 75

without mentioning the Roman or Arabic charac-
ters, the latter of which is of universal use among
the nations which speak the Malay language ; the
Tagala of the Phillippines, and the obsolete cha-
racter of the Sundas of Java. These five cha-
racters are in form as distinct, and in charac-
ter as unlike, as can well be supposed in alpha-
bets which represent languages so similar in sound
and formation ; and I see no rational ground for
concluding that they are from one origin. How-
ever we may pretend to refine on the difficulties of
inventing alphabets, there is one fact which we
cannot keep out of sight, that all alphabets what-
ever have been inventions of rude and barbarous
ages ; of ages so remote, that in all parts of the
world they are beyond the reach of historical re-
cord. There seems no cause to exclude the bar-
barians of the Indian islands from the list of those
who invented alphabets. Alphabets, like other
great inventions, were, no doubt, the discoveries of
highly gifted geniuses, who anticipated their time
and nation by many ages ; and it would be unfair
to attempt to trace their invention by referring to
the general state of mind in the barbarous nations
which possess them. The great number of these
alphabets, while no less than three of them exist on
one island, has been looked upon as a singular and
puzzling fact ; but it appears rather a proof of the im-
perfect intercoiirse w^hich existed in early times be-
tween the different tribes or nations of the samecoun-

76 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

try. The inhabitants of Sumatra have three distinct
characters ; but Sumatra is a great island little cul-
tivated, and the intercourse between its inhabitants
is very inconsiderable. The aboriginal inhabitants
of Borneo are a few miserable savages, who never
had an alphabet. The inhabitants of Celebes, who
are not savages, occupy but a small portion of it ;
and, besides, from the geographical character of
their island, must always have been a maritime
people, which implies considerable and easy inter-
course. The two nations of Java have, it may be
alleged, but one alphabet ; but then nine-tenths of
the population are one people, and the weaker and
more barborous were subjected to the more power-
ful and civilized ; not to say that on ancient and
rude stones we still discover, among the Sundas,
the vestiges of a national alphabet, supplanted by
that of their conquerors.

Attempts have been made to trace the written
characters of the Indian islands to a Hindu origin ;
but of this hypothesis it may be remarked, that
while the portion of the language of the Hindus
which is contained in those of the Indian islands is
distinctly from one origin, and bears the most uni-
form marks of identity among the most distant
tribes, the Jive alphabets are not only themselves
dissimilar, but quite unlike to any ancient or mo-
dern written character of India. The arguments
used in favour of the Indian origin of the alpha-

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 77

bets of the Archipelago, are their being written
from right to left, the principle of their for-
mation, and their peculiar classification ; while
their diverging from the parent alphabet, with
their own dissimilarity, are left to be accounted for
by the effects of time, and by the difference brought
about by the practice of writing, in some cases on
paper, or scratching, in others, on palm leaves.

The first argument is not worth examining, or
at least is fully refuted, by the circumstance of one
of the five alphabets being written, not from the
right to the left, nor from the left to the right, but,
fantastically, from the bottom to the top of the
page. In the principle of formation, the only strik-
ing similarity is in the consonants always implying
the short vowel a though not expressed ; and with
respect to the classification, this is not universal, it
happening that two of the alphabets, that of the
Battaks and Javanese, believed to be the most an-
cient, and the latter, undoubtedly, that of the most
polished language, are not classed according to the
Dewanagri order, but in an arbitrary manner. It
is curious to discover, at the same time, the alpha-
bet of the distant island of Celebes classed on the
Hindu principle. An additional argument may be
drawn from the fact of inscriptions, in the true
Detjoanagari character being found in Java, among
those in the national character.

The fact seems to be, both with respect to the

V8 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

•

principle of forination and classification, that they
might have been modified on the introduction of
Hinduism by the priests of that religion ; and, if
we reflect that, in the early age of letters in every
country, learning is entirely in the hands of the
priesthood, and rather an instrument of priestcraft
than of common utility to the society, we can
readily understand how easily such a modification
might have been introduced.

Time, and the circumstance of writing, either on
paper, or palm leaves, or bark, must be deemed
wholly inadequate to account for the difference be-
tween the different Polynesian alphabets and the
supposed parent alphabet. The alphabet of Java
is written to-day with little or no difference on
Bali, and on Palembang in Sumatra, after the inter-
course between them has been interrupted for be-
tween three and four hundred years, and although
in Java the character be, almost always, written on
paper, and in Bali invariably on the Palmyra leaf.

Any of the languages of the more improved
tribes of the Archipelago, may be resolved into
the seven following component parts: 1. The
primitive language of the rude horde with which
the tribe originated, which may be looked upon as
the radical portion of the language. 2. The Great
Polynesian language, a language which extends
its influence from Madagascar to New Guinea and
the South Sea Islands.j, 3, The language of the

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 79

tribe or tribes in its immediate neighbourhood.

4. The Sanskrit, or ancient language of India.

5. The Arabic. 6. A few words of other Asiatic
languages ; and, 7* A still smaller portion of the
languages of Europe. Each of these will demand
some observations.

In the infancy of society, in every part of the
world, men are broken into small communities,
numerous in proportion to their barbarism, and, as
they improve, tribes and hordes become nations,
extensive according to the degree of their civiliza-
tion. Languages follow the same progress. In
the savage state they are great in number, — in im-
proved societies few. The state of languages on
the American continent, affords a convincing il-
lustration of this fact, and it is not less satisfac-
torily explained in that of the Indian islands.

The negro races, who inhabit the mountains of
the Malayan peninsula, in the lowest and most
abject state of social existence, though numerically
few, are divided into a great many distinct tribes,
speaking as many different languages. Among
the rude and scattered population of the island of
Timor, it is believed that not less than forty lan-
guages are spoken. On Ende and Flores we have
also a multiplicity of languages ; and, among the
cannibal population of Borneo, it is not improbable
that many hundreds are spoken. Civilization ad-
vances as we proceed westward ; and in the con-

so GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

siderable island of Sambawa there are but five
tongues ; in the civilized portion of Celebes, not
more than four ; in the great island of Sumatra,
not above six ; and in Java but two.

Abundant proof of the existence of a distinct
language in each tribe, may be adduced. The
languages are of course original and unmixed, in
proportion as circumstances have kept the tribes
distinct. Colour, complexion, and physical con-
figuration, have naturally kept the negro tribes dis-
tinct from the brown-coloured races, and their lan-
guages are, therefore, nearly in a state of pristine
originality. The languages spoken by the negro
races which inhabit the mountains of the Malayan
Archipelago, hardly contain a word in common
with the languages of the brown-coloured civilized
races, and differ so much from those of each other,
that Malayan interpreters must be employed to
conduct the petty intercourse which now and then
takes place between them. The languages of
Tambora, Ternati, Ceram, and Saparua, have
hardly a word of the more improved dialects of the
Archipelago, and differ, just as widely, from the
languages of the negroes at the other extremity of
the Archipelago. These are the languages of
some of the least improved tribes with which we
are acquainted.

The evidence of an original language with
every primitive horde, is even to be discovered

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 81

still, in the more improved and mixed dialects.
This is most remarkable in the class of words con-
nected with the metaphysical structure of language,
and which, from their very nature, did not admit
of being displaced by foreign words, such as the
substantive and auxiliary verbs ; the prepositions
representing the most abstract of the relations of
cases ; the termination representing a possessive
case, and the inseparable particles representing a
passive and a transitive signification of the verb ; and,
perhaps, above all, the common class of particles. *
The merit of distinctly pointing out the existence
of a great Polynesian language, as pervading the
Indian Archipelago, belongs to Mr Marsden ; of all
the writers who have treated of the literature, his-
tory, or manners of the Archipelago, the most la-
borious, accurate, able, and original ; and previous
to whose writings we possessed neither correct nor
philosophical accounts of these singular countries, t

* " The particles of every language shall teach them whi-
ther to direct and where to stop their inquiries, for wherever
the evident meaning and origin of the pu teles- of any lan-
guage can be found, they^e is the certam source of the whole/'
Diversions of Purley, Vol. I. p. 147.

\ The learned Reland points out the extr ordinary connec-
tion between the Malay, the other languages of the Archipe-
lago, and the Madagascar, but he draws no important or inte-
resting conclusion from this singular fact Diss. XL De Lin-

guis Insularum Orientalium.

VOL. li. F

82 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

In collating the languages of the Archipelago,
the most ordinary observer must be struck witli the
prodigious number of words in all the more civi-
lized languages, radically and essentially the same.
Such words are numerous in proportion to the civi-
lization of each tribe, and are few in proportion to
its rudeness ; until, among the utter savages, ex-
cluded by circumstances from all intercourse with
the greater tribes, hardly a parallel word is to be
discovered.

The first point in an investigation into this
curious subject is, to determine the nature and
character of the class of words which is com-
mon to the more civilized dialects ; but words
of this nature are so various and extensive, that
the selection becomes a matter of difficulty and
nicety* If, on the one hand, words of this class
be less essential to each language than its own ra-
dical stock, they are, on the other, more necessary
to it, as the language of an improved community,
than the Sanskrit, commonly the medium of intro-
ducing words more extrinsic and adventitious. I
would say, generally, that the class of words indi-
cating the existence of a great Polynesian language
are generally such as indicate the first and neces-
sary great steps in the progress of civilization ; ar-
guing thence, that civilization and improvement e-
manated from the people who spoke it. The fol-
lowing may be enumerated as examples : — the
»ames of useful plants and grains, such as rice,

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. BS

Indian corn, sugar cane, &c. ; words connected with
the necessary arts, such as modes of husbandry,
weaving, the names of the useful metals, and of do-
mestic animals. The w^ord for weaving, the shuttle^
the warp and the woqfi are, as far as my informa-
tion extends, the same in every language of the
Archipelago. Iron and gold are generally known
by the ss^me terms ; but silver and copper, of fo-
reign introduction, are usually known by a Sans-
krit name. The domestic animals are commonly
known by one general name ; while the wild ones
of the same race, in those countries where they
are indigenous, have a distinct name in each sepa-
rate dialect.

Words connected with arts so simple and neces-
sary as to imply no invention, but which must at
once have occurred to the most untutored savages,
will be found distinct in each language. In such
arts, the use of the rattan and bamboo, the na-
tive and abundant growth of every country of the
Archipelago, is perpetually implied, and these
plants, therefore, retain their primitive names in
every separate language.

One of the most striking examples of the influ-
ence of a general Polynesian language in the civi-
lization of the ruder tribes, may be adduced from
a collation of the numerals of the different langua-
ges. We are not to suppose that even the rudest
tribes required to be taught the rudiments of an
art which has its origin in the very nature of man

S4f GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

and language, but the extension and improvement
of that art may evidently be traced to one source.
The numerals of the more improved tribes are,
with few exceptions, and making proper allowance
for variation of orthography, the same in all. In
all, however, relics of an original enumeration
may be discovered. In the less improved, these
relics are considerable in the lower part of the
scale. In a few, the original numerals continue
unaltered so far ; but in the higher, all agree in
in borrowing from the same source — from the
great Polynesian. *

Besides the class of words now alluded to, a very
considerable number of the most familiar and or-
dinary words of every language will be found
the same throughout the more cultivated langua-
ges ; such words, for example, as sun, moon, star,
sky, stone, earth, lire, water, eye, nose, foot. Hand,
blood, dead.

The existence of a class of words of this descrip-
tion will hardly be explained by any influence short
of domination and conquest, or of great admixture,
which implies, in that state of society, nearly the
same thing.

As questions of deep and curious interest, it
will occur to ask, — what was the nation whose lan-

* The subject of the numerals will be found discussed
more at length in another chapter.

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 85

guage produced so strange and extensive an Influ-
ence, — where its country, — what its state of society,
— and what its name and history ?

On the evidence of language, we may pronounce
as to the state of civilization of such a nation, that
they had made some progress in agriculture, — that
they understood the use of iron, — had artificers in
this metal, and in gold ; perhaps made trinkets of
the latter, — were clothed with a fabric made of the
fibrous bark of plants, which they wove in the
loom, — were ignorant of the manufacture of cotton
cloth, which was acquired in after times from the
continent of India, — had tamed the cow and buf-
falo, and applied them to draught and carriage,—
and the hog, the domestic fowl, and the duck, — and
used them for food. Such a nation, in all proba-
bility, was in a state of social advancement beyond
tl\,e ancient Mexicans ; for they not only under-
stood the use of iron, and of the larger animals,
which the Mexicans did not, but the wide spread
of their language across many seas proves that they
had made considerable progress in maritime skill,
which the Mexicans had not. If they possessed
the art of writing, and a national kalendar, the pro-
bability of which will be afterwards shown, their
superiority was still more decided.

There is no living language of the Archipelago,
and still less of any nation, modern or ancient, be-
yond its limits, which can be denominated the pa-
rent stock of the Great Polynesian language. It

§6 GENERAL OliSlSRVATIONS ON THE

Ivas, in all likelihood, a language of the Archipe-
lago itself ; of a nation who inhabited a favourable
and centrical situation ; and who, from these causes,
first emerged from the savage state, and were af-
terwards enabled to disseminate civilization over
the res^t of the Archipelago in unequal portions,
according as the various tribes were qualified,
from distance, local situation, fertility or barren-
ness of territory, and even from fortuitous circum-
stances, to receive it.

Java, the only country which deserves the nam«
of improved, and the only one w^hich, to our know-
ledge, ever had an extensive population united as
one nation, is that country of the Archipelago to
which I am inclined to look as the seat of the an-
cient nation to which I allude. To the evidence
thus derived from probability, we can add a few
collateral illustrations from the source of lan-
guage. In the collation of the languages of the
Archipelago, we soon discover a curious variety in
the orthography of the same word, carried, in-
deed, on some occasions, to such an extent, that
it requires a knowledge of the principle on which
these corruptions came about, and some skill in
the application, to trace a word to its proper root.

To ascertain the primitive stock of a word,
there are four tests which may be applied : 1st,
The manner in which commutable consonants are
used : ^d, The manner in which one class of
vowels is changed into another : 3d, The use of

POLYNESIAN LAKGUAGES* 87

abbreviation in the derivative tongue ; and, 4th,
The figurative use of words in the same, when
they can be distinctly traced to a literal one in the
primitive language. I shall at present consider
the three first tests only, reserving my account of
the third for the discussion respecting the influ-
ence of the minor and neighbouring languages
on each other. Tried by these tests, the lan-
guage of Java comes the nearest to the pure
source of the Great Polynesian language, and
thence arises the presumption, that Java was the
country of the nation who spoke it.

The most usual examples of commutation of
consonants are, w into b, d into j, r into J,
y into J, and ch into 5, ov p. In the more bar-
barous languages, we find / corrupted into r,
p into f, and b into p. TVatu, a stone in Ja-
vanese, becomes in Malay batjc. War^ak, a rhi-
noceros, in Malay, becomes badak^ the same word
affording two instances of commutation. Corrup-
tions analogous to these are what are made on
Sanskrit words introduced into the vernacular
languages of India ; and it is a striking corrobora-
tion of the argument in favour of the antiquity of
of the Javanese, that, in other languages, the Ma*
lay for example, the very same corruptions are
made upon Sanskrit words, while, in Javanese,
they are preserved unaltered. It may be worth
while giving a few examples : Wichaksana in
Sanskrit is in Malay Ujaksana ; mchara be-

88 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

comes hachara, Imlmvargah, halurga ; dahsina
is taksinay hangsay gangsa; and randa^janda* In
Javanese, the orthography of these words is pre-
served with perfect purity, exactly parallel to the
manner in which it preserves words of the great
Polynesian language.

In derivative languages, not only are the harsh
consonants of the primitive language softened,
but its broad vowels assume a more slender sound.
Such changes are, I believe, constantly effected
in the English upon Saxon roots, and they perpe-
tually occur to us in comparing other languages of
the Archipelago with the Javanese. I take my
examples from the Malay, the only language fami-
liar enough to me to enable me to institute such
a comparison. Here we find the short u of our
orthography changed into Italian i, long u into
short ii, or into i or e, and broad o into short n or
a. Thus jdn7iak, tame, in Javanese, becomes in
Malay jinak ; pochot, to pluck up, pachat ; and
suruJiy betle pepper, sireh.

Of the disposition in the derivative language to
substitute vowels or soft consonants for consonants
of difficult utterance, innumerable examples may
be adduced. Nganteh in Javanese becomes gantek
in Malay, mliwis becomes blibiSy and ngcisap be-
comes isdp ; woJi becomes bit ah , and ros ruas.
Sometimes to obviate a hiatus a consonant seems to
be interposed, and on this principle I account
for was in Javanese, supposing it to be the root.

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. ^ 89

taking the following singular and various shapes.
In Malay it is bras, in Sunda bias, in Bali bahas,
in Bugis werasa, in Macassar berasa, in Sainang
bayas, and in Dayak balms. Some of the more
eastern languages demand euphonic rules peculiar
to themselves. It seems adverse to their genius
that any word should end in a consonant, with the
exception of the soft nasal ng. It seems equally
adverse to the genius of their pronunciation that
one consonant should coalesce with another. It is
in consequence of this that we sometimes see a
vowel added or intervened, a terminating conso-
nant rejected or commuted for the favourite nasal ;
so that we have, on this principle, bulan, the moon,
converted in Macassar into bulang ; kilat, lightning,
in Macassar and Bugis into kila ; guntur, thunder,
into gunturu ; and, with some more violence biiriy
dew, into apung. This variety of orthography and
pronunciation may be contrasted with the singular
uniformity of a word made up of what I may call
the favourite sounds of the East- Insular languages,
which for the vowels are broads, and Italian w, a, and
iy and for the consonants n, k, t, s, p, g and ng.
In words where these sounds prevail the uniformity
is surprising. Maize is for instance cdXledijagung
unalterably in every language of the Indian islands
that I have heard of; a board is with equal uni-
formity papan, the sky langit, the earth tanah, and
the eye mata*

90 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

If on the philological principles here assumed
tlie Javanese form of words is to be considered as
approaching tlie nearest to the speech of the an-
cient race whom I have supposed to have dissemi-
nated its language and civilization over the other
nations and tribes of the Archipelago, to enable us
to consider that language consistent with itself, we
must look upon it from very early times as a writ-
ten language ; for it is a fact fully understood,
that oral utterance and the ear are altogether in-
adequate to the preservation of the integrity of
sounds ; a fact nowhere more amply and satisfac-
torily illustrated than among the languages of the
Indian islands, where those that have a written cha-
racter preserve a surprising consistency, while the
more barbarous wanton in the wildest and most
fantastic corruptions. Two examples will suffice.
In every cultivated, or, which is the same thing,
every written language, the moon is invariably WU'
Ian or bulan, but when they cease to be written we
have the following variations : in the Lombokj
ulan ; in the Gorongtalo, ulano ; in the Ceram^
tmlante ; in Bima, uiirah; and in the Menado,
thoroughly mangled, leleho7i. In the greater num-
ber of the written languages *wulu or bulu is a
hair ; in the unwritten we have the following whim-
sical corruptions : in the Butung, ivelua ; in Go-
rongtalo, xvoJio ; in Minado, wukuk ; in Ceram,
whura ; in Ende, abbreviated as well as corrupted

^POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 91

Jhi ; in the language of the Friendly Islands, yi^rw
fxfidu ; in that of New Zealand, ruru ; and in
that of Madagascar, x>qIq, *

As an argument against the antiquity of the Ja-
vanese, and of Java being the country of tlie great
Polynesian language, it may be urged, that many
words are common to several of the Insular dialects
not known in modern Javanese ; that in the Sund^
the language of Madura and those of Celebes for
example, many words are founds which rather ap-
pear to point out the Malay than the Javanese as
the more primitive language. Most of the consider-
able languages of the Archipelago have, as will be
pointed out afterwards, produced a considerable
influence on each other, but the greater number of
the words in question are to be accounted for on a
different principle. They are, in fa^t, words of
the great Polynesian language, sometimes become
obsolete in one language and sometimes in another,
according to the accidents of time and the caprice
of manners. For the satisfaction of the critical
reader, I shall give a few examples. The follow-
ing words of ordinary or familiar Malay, are no
longer known in modern Javanese, but occur in
the languages of several of the surrounding tribes.

* Hawkesvvorlh's Voyages, V^ol. II. Cook's Voyage, Voi.
in. Butney's History of Voyages and Discoveries^ Vol. II*
Madagascar, by Robert Drury, p. 45.9.

92 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

and are certified to have once belonged to the peo-
ple of Java, by their existence (amidst a crowd of
words still current) in the ancient language, as we
find it both in manuscripts and on inscriptions :
Sagala, all; dan, and ; diri,se\f; lagi, yet ; makin,
the more, by so much the more ; bah, inundation ;
iasek, sea, lake ; tapi, border ; takut, fear ; tingle
high, with many others.

Even in the languages of the distant island of
Celebes, we discover words in current use, which,
in Java, are found only in books, and are obsolete
on common occasions. The fate of some Sanskrit
words in the different languages, though proof will
be afterwards brought that all words of that tongue
were probably introduced through the same chan-
nel, will illustrate this in the most convincing
manner. In the modern Javanese, there are two
Sanskrit words for one in Malay, yet some Sanskrit
words are in Malay current and popular, which in
Javanese are either confined to books or obsolete,
and a few occur in Malay which have no existence
at all in modern Javanese, and for the detection of
which, we must have recourse to ancient manu-
scripts and monuments.

The common circumstance of affinity between all
the languages, both of the Indian Archipelago and
Australasia, is the great Polynesian. I think it will
be found, that the languages nearest to Java, in
geographical position, or v/hich possessed in any re-

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 93

spect the easiest intercourse with it, will, in the
ratio of these advantages, be found to contain
words of the Polynesian. They are abundant in
the Malay and other cultivated tongues of the west,
decrease as we go eastward, and most where there
is most barbarism, until, in the distant islands
of the South Sea, a few stragglers only reach the
languages of the more civilized tribes, and even
these wanderers do not reach the dialects of such
abject savages as those of New Holland.

Such are the only arguments which have occur-
red to me for ascertaining the locality of the nation
which has exerted such an influence over the In-
dian islands ; an influence which may be compared,
within its sphere, to that which the Sanskrit and
the people who spoke it exerted over the languages
and nations of Hindustan. The Sanskrit lan-
guage exists indeed embodied in writing, while
the Polynesian language can be traced only as it
is scattered over a thousand living dialects. We
know from analogy that a people, of whom San-
skrit was the tongue, must have existed ; must
have made a certain and considerable progress in
civilization, and spread their language and im-
provements over the continent of India ; but it
is from these inferences, drawn from analogical
reasoning alone, that we form such conclusions,
for we possess not even the most trifling record of
such a people ; we know not when they flourish-

94f GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

ed ; the geographical situation of their country, or
their very name. If the arguments I have addu-
ced for ascertaining the situation of the people
who spoke and disseminated the great Polynesian
language, be of any force, we are in a state of less
uncertainty with respect to them than we are iii
respect to the people of whom Sanskrit was. the
living speech. We guess at the country they in-
habited, and we trace the influence of their lan-
guage, arts, and institutions among the various tribeS;
of the East Indian isles, now considerable in the
degree in which each country is near to it, or more
correctly, as it is accessible ; and now diminishing
as it recedes from it, or is more difficult of ac-
cess, until it cease altogether, where great dis-
tance, or other cause of inaccessibility, have ex-
eluded all connection.

The supposition of a great East-Insular lan-
guage, and, necessarily of a people, of whom it wag
the medium of communication, is one of the very
few facts which seem to carry the history of our
species to a great antiquity, particularly if we sup-
pose, that, in common with other great original
languages, it was a language of complex structure,
a character from which every tongue of the East-
ern isles has long ago more completely departed,
than the languages of any other portion of the
globe.

The superior antiquity and extent of the ii^flu-.

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 95

ence of the great Polynesian language on the
vernacular tongues, over that of the Sanskrit, is .
proved by the existence of the first, and the ab-
sence of the second in the more secluded and in-
sulated languages, such as those of the savages just
mentioned, and those of the South Sea islands, in
which a few insulated and corrupted words of the
great Polynesian exist ; but not a syllable of
Sanskrit, as far as I know, has been discovered.
In investigating a subject of so much obscurity,
even such a discovery as this assumes some im-
portancet

The prodigious multiplicity of languages within
the Indian islands has been already described,
and the decrease of their numbers in the progress
of civilization has been pointed out. We have
seen nations of a few families with a language se-
parate and distinct from those of its neighbours,
while populous communities have no greater num-
ber. It is instructive and interesting to advert to
the history of the joint improvement of society and
language, and to attend to the circumstances un-
der which a community is increased, in strength,
number, and civilization, while the numerous dia-
lects of the first savages unite to the formation of
one more copious and improved tongue. Such a
history would be pretty nearly as follows : — One
tribe raised above its neighbours by circumstance^
natural or fortuitous, would conquer one or mor^

96 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

of these, — adopting, as in savage society, the con-
quered as captives. TJie tribe would be increased
in numbers and strength to enable it to undertake
new conquests. The languages of the conquered
and conquerors would amalgamate, the latter chief-
ly giving it its form and character. Progressive
conquests of this nature would, in the course of
ages, though after many reverses and fluctuations,
reduce a country under the sway of one people,
and reduce to one its many dialects. The neces-
sity of supporting an increasing population would
be the incentive to industry, invention, and im-
provement, and, in this manner, we can trace the
progress of the savage state to semi- barbarism, un-
til some natural obstacle, as the barrier of seas and
mountains, interrupted the geographical progress of
improvement. This, in short, is the progress of so-
ciety in every part of the world ; but, as an examina-
tion of its consequences will tend to make us bet-
ter acquainted with the state of society in the In-
dian islands, I shall illustrate the subject with a
few examples : — Nine-tenths of the population of
Java speak the same language, and this portion
occupies the whole of the low and fertile portion
of the island. The mountainous nature of the
country occupied by the remaining tenth has hin-
dered them from being subjected, and has kept
their language distinct. The conquests and lan-
guage of the Javanese have penetrated as far as

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 97

they could ; for the whole accessible part of the
coast of the island has been occupied by them,
even where it runs parallel with the mountainous
districts of the Sundas. The straits which are the
boundaries between Java and the islands of Bali
and Madura have preserved to the two latter a
separate language. In Celebes, the fertile and
occupied portion of the island is divided unequally
between two nations, the Bugis and Macassars.
Nothing but the natural barrier of their moun-
tains could have saved the language and indepen-
dence of the Macassars. As to the smaller tribes,
from the unfavourableness of their situation, some-
times occupying a sterile soil, sometimes inaccessi-
ble to each other through forests, rivers, or marshes,
and always struggling for existence, no one na-
tion among them has emerged from the savage state
to subjugate its neighbours, and take the lead in
the marcli of civilization. They are, consequent-
ly, as already described, divided into numerous
petty tribes, each speaking a distinct language.

It is by conquest only that we can suppose the
languages of rude nations to produce a material influ-
ence upon each other, and the notion of partial and
occasional subjugation is not excluded by such cir-
cumstances, as ultimately prove obstacles to the union
of two or more tribes, to the formation of one nation
and one language. An oscillation of partial and
temporary conquests is constantly goiag forward,

VOL. II. e

94 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THfi'

which produces important effects upon the language
of the weaker party, though the unskilfulness and
weakness which belong to this condition of society,
incapacitate the parties from making permanent
conquests under circumstances of any difficulty.
In this manner we account rationally for the great
number of words common to all the neighbouring
languages. It is the language of the more power-
ful and civilized tribe, which naturally imposes words
upon the weaker. Sometimes this communication
is direct, but at others, no doubt, it is received in-
termediately ; a principle on which it is, often, more
reasonable and consistent to explain the wide-spread
connection which we perceive, than by supposing
enterprises and adventures of difficulty, incompati-
ble with the genius of barbarians. We have, how-
ever, positive and unquestionable evidence to assure
us, that, from the more considerable nations of the
Archipelago, expeditions, of no inconsiderable ex-
tent, have been at times undertaken, both for set-
tlement and conquest. The Javanese have had
their expeditions to Borneo, to Sumatra, and the Pe-
ninsula 5 the Malays to the Malayan Peninsula and
to Borneo ; and the Bugis to Java, Sumatra, Borneo,
and the Peninsula, — though the influence of the
latter, or that of their language, towards the west, has
been inconsiderable. The extraordinary facility of
maritime enterprise, in the tranquil safe navigation

of the Indian islands, and the difficulties so frequent-

POLYNESIAN LANi&UAGEiSi ^ 99

ly interposed to communication by land, caused by
deep forests, impenetrable morasses, or inaccessible
mountains, ought to be steadily kept in remem-
brance in a discussion of this nature. The inha-
bitants of the Archipelago are, in short, a people
naturally of maritime habits, and we expect that
their movements shall be directed by this principle*
They have not the means of emigrating by land.
They have not, like the Tartars, extensive grassy
plains to march over with facility, and extensive
flocks or herds to feed them in their wanderings.

To afford illustrations of the nature of the influ-
ence now referred to, I shall endeavour, in a few
short sentences, to trace the influence of the Ja-
vanese language upon some of the neighbouring
tongues ; looking in this view upon Java less as the
country of the people who disseminated the lan-
guage which, in imitation of Mr Marsden, I have
called the Great Polynesian, than as the source of
a more modern and less essential influence*

The Javanese seem to have made repeated tem*
porary conquests of the Sundas, and one of these is
matter of such recent history, that Europeans them-
selves were witnesses to it. Nearly the same words
apply to the conquests made of Madura. Of those
of Bali we have no accurate record, but the tradi-
tions of both nations are full of them. The effect
of these conquests has been every thing short of
imposing a new language, or of amalgamating the

ICM^ GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

inferior with the superior languages. The Sunda,
Madura, and Bali, abound not only with words of
pure Javanese beyond any other languages of the
Archipelago, but they have adopted the most ex-
trinsic, artificial, and superfluous portion of the Ja-
vanese ; the dialect of deference and respect, al-
most, word for word, as it exists in that language.
The influence of the Javanese upon the Malay has
been less considerable, but great. Of the portion
which is common to the Malay and Javanese, it
would be no easy or possible matter to define which
was received into the Malay from the great Polyne-
sian language, and which through the more modern
vernacular language. The more radical and neces-
sary may generally be considered as having come
from the great East-Insular tongue ; the more in-
cidental and extrinsic from the vernacular language
of Java. Sometimes words received from the lat-
ter source refer to some peculiar or local usage of
modern Java, when they may be easily identified ;
at other times, the words are no better than the af-
fectations of the learned, and may even be recog-
nized by a foreign pronunciation. An additional
influence on the part of the Javanese on the Malay,
seems to have been exerted on the dialects of some of
the Mal^an states, after their emigration from the
parent state on Sumatra. In the Patani dialect of
Malay, I find, for example, many words of Java-
nese in familiar use, but which are unknown to any

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 101

of the rest of the tribes. The following are ex-
amples : lawas, old, of long standing ; hulun^ I ;
mu, thou ; kulon, west ; weian, east ; lor, north ;
kidul, south ; muning, angry ; ddlik, to hide ;
mamah, to masticate ; bangun, to mend ; tihay 1.
to fall, 2. to arrive ; jupuk, to take ; suweic, to
tear. Javanese tradition, in fact, of no very re-
mote antiquity, describes the existence of a connec-
tion of a very intimate nature between Java and
the state of Patani, on the eastern shore of the
Malayan peninsula.

The greater number of words common to the
Malay and Javanese languages are, however, of a
more radical and permanent character than those
just referred to ; and whether they be of the great
Polynesian language, or modern Javanese, seems
of less consequence than to determine that the lan-
guage of Java, under whatever name, and not the
Malay, is the primitive tongue. In words com-
mon to both languages, it often happens, that the
figurative sense of a word only is recognized in
Malay ; at other times, the Malay word is a de-
rivative from some Javanese root ; and, occasional-
ly, the Malay word, which appears, at first view, a
simple word, is a compounded one in Javanese,
the component parts of which have no existence
in the former language. A few examples of each
will, I think, satisfy the reader of the originality
of the Javanese. The literal sense of the word

102 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

nyidam, in Javanese, is fructification, or the act of
forming fruit ; and its figurative, conception or
pregnancy. Its figurative sense only is known in
Malay, in the corruption of the word, idam. han-
cJiang means literally, in Javanese, to run a-head,
to run before another ; and, figuratively, to antici-
pate. In the latter sense only we have it in Ma-
lay. Mujur and malang, in Javanese, in their li-
teral significations, imply, the one lengthwise, and
the other athwart ; and figuratively, forttinate, and
unlucky. In the latter sense only are they used
in Malay. Suku, a quarter or fourth part, in
both languages, is derived from suku, the leg, in Ja-
vanese, which, as well as bahu, a shoulder, are me-
taphorically used to express that fraction. Sung»
guty to hint, or insinuate, is a metaphorical use of the
same word, meaning the feelers or antennae of fish
or insects. In the literal sense it is not known in
Malay. The word ddmcm, a fever, corrupted
in Malay damam, is derived from the Javanese
word adam, cold, which has no existence in Malay.
To understand this etymology, it is necessary to
explain, that it is not the hot stage of fever, as with
us, and the people of India, but the cold, which gives
name to a fever. In Javanese, the word huruk
means to labour \ and huruhan^ a derivative, wages.
The derivative only is known in Malay. Pagawe^ a
tool, an instrument, in both languages is derived
from a Javanese root gawe to do, to work. Kaba.-

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 103

.dfiikarii goodness, in Malay and Javanese, is deriv-
ed from the Javanese adjective bachik, good. Peru
Jurit, a leader, in Malay, is a corruption of Pro; wnV,
a soldier, or warrior, in Javanese, itself a deriva-
tive from jurit, war, in Javanese — Bachik and jurit,
the roots, in these two examples, are words not known
in the Malay at all. Fararara, corrupted in Malay
ptirwara, waiting women, or rather a sort of maids
o£ honour, is, as far as the Malay is concerned, a pri-
mitive word, but in Javanese, is resolvable into its
component parts, para, all, used collectively, and
rara, a maid. Gandarusa, in both languages, is the
name of a medicinal plant, a simple term in Malay,
but in Javanese referable at once to its component
parts, ganda, odour, and rusa, strong, an epithet
which describes its most sensible quality. The par-
ticles of each language, as stated in another place,
will generally be found original ; but an example or
two may be produced of the less familiar ones be-
ing derived from the Javanese. The particle maka,
now, then, for example, is evidently a derivation
from mangka, time, in Javanese ; and the copu-
lative, dan, is a corruption of the Javanese Ian, it^
self an abbreviation of lawan and kalawan, the
root of which is the numeral kaleh, two.

The influence of the Javanese upon the Malay
may be traced after the period when the former
received its portion of Sanskrit ; for words exist in
Malay, consisting jointly of a Javanese and San-
skrit root. Gandapurat for example, is the name

104 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

of a plant, from the flower of which a perfumed
essence, in high repute, is drawn. It is composed
of the Javanese word gandu, odour, and tlie San-
skrit one, pura, a palace. Rontal, in Javanese,
the leaf of the Palmyra palm, used to write upon,
is, in Malay, by a very common corruption, lontar.
The genu me word is composed of ron, a leaf, and
tal, in Sanskrit, the Palmyra palm. It is singular
that the word ron had, in its simple uncompound-
ed state, been already corrupted into daun, on a
principle already explained, it being apparently a
word of the great Polynesian language. Had the
compound word been formed by the Malays, we
should have found it, not lontar, but dauntal.
This subject will be renewed when I speak of the
introduction of Sanskrit.

In a superior fertility of soil, and conveniency of
situation, there seems to exist in Java a permanent
and effectual cause for ascribing to its inhabitants
a higher civilization than could naturally have been
the growth of any other part of the Archipelago,
and to infer necessarily from thence, that the lan-
guages of the people of Java, of . all ages, must, in
their times, have exerted the greatest influence on
those of the other tribes ; but this by no means
excludes a minor influence on the part of the other
tribes, and each greater one may be proved to have
exerted a powerful influence on the languages of
its immediate neighbours. The Mahomedan re-
ligion was first introduced among the Malays, who

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 105

became, in their turn, the chief instruments in
propagating it throughout the rest of the Archipe-
lago. Commerce and religion went together ; and
the Malays of these times were not only the apos-
tles of Islam, but the chief merchants of the Ar-
chipelago. From this double source, a considera-
ble influx of Malay words has taken place into the
languages of all the Mahomedan and commercial
nations of the Archipelago. They are, indeed,
mostly, \^ords relating to religion or commerce,
and hence are readily detected. In Javanese, for
example, we have the Malay word maldm, night,
used in the restricted sense of evening, counting
time according to the Mahomedan style. Golok
a cleaver, or small hanger, in Malay, is applied in
Javanese to the description of side-arms worn by
the priests. Tdtak in Malay means to cut or lop
off any thing ; in Javanese it is to circumcise.

The Bugis and Macassar languages afford many
examples. They preserve the primitive words,
for instance, for the cardinal points of the compass,
but, in commercial language, often apply the Ma-
lay ones. The influence of the Malay, in this re-
spect, though infinitely smaller, may, in its princi-
ple, be compared to that which the Persian has ex-
erted on some of the vernacular languages of con-
tinental India.

We are accustomed to look upon the Hindoos as
a people whose religion admits no proselytes, and
who are interdicted from emigration by its sacred

106 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

and inviolable precepts. Singular as is the frame of
society among the Hindus, there can be no doubt
but those who have impressed the public with these
opinions have rather consulted the assertions of the
Bramins than the principles of human nature and
the analogy of history. Such opinions will not bear
the slightest examination. Hindustan itself con-
tains ten different nations, all professing the Hindu
religion ; and the many ages before such a revolu-
tion could have been completed, implies most ex-
tensive conversion and proselytism. Actual emi-
gration, among Hindus, is proved by the existence
of Hindu colonies on the shores of the Caspian,
and by the abundant and unquestionable relics of
Hindu manners, language, and religion in almost
every country of Eastern Asia. ^" This, indeed, is a
point now too firmly established to demand any ad-
ditional evidence. Having premised these neces-
sary observations, we shall be the better enabled to
understand and explain the fact, still sufficiently
curious and interesting, of the existence of San-
skrit in all the improved languages of the Archi-
pelago. There are five circumstances respecting
the existence of Sanskrit in the dialects of the Ar-
chipelago which may be looked upon as established,
and from an attention to which we shall be enabled

* A small Hindu colony exists at present at Malacca, and
has existed there for ages. The original settlers were from
Telinga.

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 107

to form some rational opinions respecting the nature,
character, and extent of the connection between the
distant Indian isles and the country of the Hindus.
First, The Sanskrit exists in a state of as great pu-
rity as the articulation and alphabets of the Archi-
pelago would admit, nearly unmixed with any mo-
dern dialect of which it is a part, and apparently
in a state of original purity. Secondly, It is most
pure in the more cultivated dialects. Thirdly, It
is abundant in the direct proportion of the im-
provement of each language. Fourthly, It is pure
and abundant as each dialect of the same tongue is
improved, and rare and corrupt as the language is
common and popular. Fifthly, Where corruptions
of Sanskrit words exist, the same corruption per-
vades all the different dialects. It is only from a
sober examination of the internal evidence which
these prominent facts afford, assisted by the evi-
dence which the relics of ancient art and religion
lend us, that we can expect to determine the man-
ner in which the Polynesian dialects received their
infusion of Sanskrit ; for we cannot trust to tradi-
tion, and the barbarians, on both sides of the wa-
ter, have no historical record of this or any other
remote transaction.

The singular facts now stated respecting the
condition in which Sanskrit exists in the languages
of the Indian islands, lead me to imagine that the
language was not introduced by conquest, but pr«-

108 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

pagated by the slow and gradual means of religiouf
conversion, effected, just as in later times, the Arabic,
by the Mahomedans, tlirough the activity and in*
trigues of a few dexterous priests. The Sanskrit, it
may be said, forms a more essential, necessary, and
copious portion of the Insular languages than
the Arabic ; but this may be explained. The de-
fects of the Insular languages had been supplied
through the Sanskrit before they knew the Arabic,
and since then the advancement of society in the In-
dian isles has not been such as to render an influx of
new words necessary, even could the Arabic have sup-
plied what the Sanskrit did not afford. The most
puzzling circumstance, at first view, is the fact of
the Sanskrit language not being mixed in the dia-
lects of the Indian islands with any living dialect
of India ; but this apparent difficulty tends, on a
nearer inspection, to clear up the history of its in-
troduction. Had any living tongue been intro-
duced with it, we should have no doubt but the
language had been introduced through conquest
and subjugation, or commercial intercourse. The
conquerors and the conquered mixing, would un-
doubtedly have mixed their languages, and we
should see not only the peculiar corruptions of the
Indian dialect, but, superinduced on these, the im-
perfection of oral communication. Even supposing
the conquerors of the Indian islands to have been
the very nation who spoke the Sanskrit language,

POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. 109

a supposition perhaps too violent, as it would carry
us to a period of antiquity in Indian history on
which even tradition is silent, the Sanskrit lan-
guage must, through the popular and oral commu-
nication which must have ensued, have undergone
corruptions similar to those which it has undergone
in all the vernacular tongues of India, and which,
indeed, all languages must undergo when similarly
situated among a barbarous people, unless when in*
fused through the medium of letters, or, which in
such a state of society is the same thing, through
the priesthood. The class of w^ords which has been
admitted is not such as by any means to warrant us
in the belief that a popular intercourse existed be-
tween the two people. The affinity between the
two languages is, indeed, far from being radical,
for the terms borrowed by the East-Insular lan-
guages are generally abstract words, rendered ne-
cessary to the people who adopted them in the
course of improvement, and deliberately selected
for the purpose, jusl as we apply ourselves to the
ancient languages of Europe for technical terms.
In some of the less improved languages they are
seldom more than terms connected with the pecu*
liar mythology of the Hindus. The class of words
most liable to be introduced when two nations are
mixed, is necessarily that of most familiar and con-
stant application in the ordinary intercourse of life.
It is so far the reverse of this with the Insu-

lid GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

lar dialects, that wherever Sanskrit words most
abound, the language will be found to be the most
artificial and refined. The polite dialect of Java,
or language of respect, which is strictly a factitious
speech, uses the Sanskrit liberally. The ordinary
written language does the same, and the Kami or
recondite language of the priesthood wantons in
Sanskrit words nearly in a state of primitive purity.
In some instances it is impossible to account for
the caprice of language, for Sanskrit words extend
even to the objects of sense. In Malay we have
Jmpala for the head, in Javanese sira for the same
object. In Bugis and Macassar, as well as in Ma-
lay and Javanese, we have rupa for the face, and all
belonging to the most common dialect, being, in-
deed, the only words for these objects in all but the
Javanese. Words of this nature are, however, ex-
tremely few in number, and are here adduced
as exceptions to a general rule. Let us suppose
the case of a few Hindu missionaries arriving
among the Indian islanders for the purpose of con-
verting them. It would surely, in that case, be a
hopeless task to attempt to teach the rude natives
their language ; prudence would at once dictate
to them the necessity of acquiring the dialect
of the country, and their own tongue would not
once be referred to. When religious instruction
w^as to be given, the Sanskrit, the language conse-
crated to religion among all Hindus, would be had

f»OLYNESIAN LANGUAGES. Ill

^recourse to. This would be stripped of its inflec-
tions, and mixed with the rude language of the
people, and thus would be formed such a language
as the Kawi, or abstruse language of Java and Bali.
From this language Sanskrit words would be dif-
fused, in the progress of civilization and improve-
ment, over the common speech of the people, losing
a greater or less share of their purity as they were
more or less trusted to oral utterance, or were adopt-
ed by tribes more or less improved.

The historical fact seems to have been, that, in
the course of the commercial intercourse by which
the precious products of the Eastern islands have
been conveyed during all ages to India, Hindu
missionaries came at various times into the Eastern
islands, chiefly from Telinga, and that through them
the Hindu religion and the Sanskrit language were
widely spread over the Archipelago ; but I shall
not at present enlarge on this subject, as it will be
more fully considered in treating of the history and
antiquities of the islands.

I have attempted to argue that Java was the
seat from whence originated the early civilization
of the Indian Archipelago ; and I imagine there
is some ground for believing, that, through the
channel of the Javanese, the other Polynesian lan-
guages received, perhaps, the principal portion of
their Sanskrit. Making every allowance for the
similarity in seund and sense which must result

112 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

from the operation of those more general causes
which tend to assimilate to such a degree, in some
of their grander features, all the Insular lan-
guages, there still exist coincidences and points of
resemblance of so arbitrary a nature, that they could
only have h^ their source in the mod ifications pro-
duced by one tongue, whatever tongue that was.

Before attempting to bring this directly home to
the Javanese, I shall produce a few examples of the
similarity to w^hich I allude. Sakti in Sanskrit
means power ; in the Polynesian languages it
means only supernatural power. Putra in Sanskrit
means a son ; in Malay it is son of a king or
prince. We shall afterwards see how it is in Ja-
vanese. Laksa, one hundred thousand, is in all
the languages of the Archipelago only ten thou-
sand. As to similarity in corrupted orthography,
this is less to be wondered at ; but, even here, we
meet such examples of arbitrary pronunciation
and spelling, that it is difficult not to ascribe their
origin to one common source of error. We have,
for example, garu^ lignum aloes, instead of agur ;
rtagasari, the name of a plant, instead of nagake*
sar ; kuda^ a horse, in place o£ ghora ; bataruy an
avatar, instead of awatara. If w^e are to consider
the Sanskrit words in the Polynesian languages
as coming from one source, we must imagine that a
class of words, the very existence of which implies
some civilization and improvement, were derived

UpAST-INSULAR LANGUAGES. 113

from the most improved race, from the language ill
which the Sanskrit exists in the greatest purity and
greatest abundance, and not from a ruder tribe or
more meagre language, in which it exists but thin*-
ly scattered. This strong presumptive evidence is
very satisfactory ; but more positive and conclusive
testimony may be drawn from an actual examina-
tion of the languages. I have already produced ex*
amples of compound words in Malay, in which the
Javanese and Sanskrit are united as component
parts. Futro, a son, and putri^ a daughter, in San-
skrit, mean strictly the same thmg in Javanese,
but belong exclusively to the language of respect,
from whence they have been transferred to the
Malay, where they are used in the limited sense of
prince and princess, or son and daughter of a king.
The word puj a, prayer, in Sanskrit, becomes in the
polite dialect of Java ptiji^ which corruption of the
word is the only form in which it appears in Ma-
lay. N agar a is a city in Sanskrit ; in the ordi-
nary language of Java the word is preserved with-
out alteration ; but in the language of deference
it becomes nagari ; and this corrupt form, de-
rived from the peculiar genius of the Javanese, is
admitted into the Malay where the word has no
other.

In discussing the subject of a great Polynesiaii
language, I have attempted to show, that many evi-
dences exist of a considerable degree of local and

VOL, II. H

114 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON Tip

indigenous civilization in the Indian Archipelago,
wholly independent of foreign instruction ; that the
principal tribes understood the culture of grain j
the use of iron, tin, and gold ; of the larger ani-
mals ; that they had a national kalendar, and pro-
bably understood the art of writing. If we con-
sider how small their progress has since been, be-
yond what is implied by this statement, we shall not
think very highly of the extent and value of the
improvements which the islanders received from
the Hindus, and the catalogue of them will not be
difficult to sum up. The Hindus may have in-
structed the islanders in the knowledge of copper
and silver ; perhaps taught them to tame the horse
and elephant, which are commonly known by San-
skrit names ; instructed them in the use of cotton
and of the fabric manufactured from it ; in that of
pepper, and the manufacture of a drug from the in-
digo plant, and in the culture of some Indian fruits.
Finally, the Hindus taught the East- Insular tribes
a new kalendar, which became supplemental to their
own without superseding it ; they modified their
writing, gave them a new literature and a new re-
ligion, fortunately unaccompanied by the unsocial
and revolting genius of genuine Hinduism.

The introduction of a portion of Arabic has, a§
in other situations, been, among the tribes of the
Indian islands, the consequence of the adoption of
the Mahomedan religion. Into the distant regions

, EAST-INSULAR LANGUAGES, 115

of the Archipelago the Alkoran was not introduced
by the t^word, and in the days of Arabian conquest
and enthusiasm, but at a comparatively late period,
and by a few straggling merchants. In the proud-
est days of Arabian empire, the maritime unskil-
fulness of the Arabs must have been*unequal to so
distant an enterprise as the conquest and conver-
sion of the Indian islands.

The exact period of the earliest conversion is
not very well defined, but may be generally stated
at about five hundred years back. The Malays
were the first converts, and were followed by the
Javanese at a long interval of a century and a half,
and by the nations of Celebes at one of two cen-
turies. Of all the tribes of the Indian islands, the
Malays are the most thorough converts to Maho-
medanism, and they enjoy, among their less zealous
neighbours, the reputation of being good Maho-
medans. They are the only considerable nation
of the Archipelago *^ who have followed the exam-
ple of the great Mahomedan nations of western
Asia, in adopting the Arabic character. This cir-
cumstance gives a facility to the introduction of
Arabic in the written language, and, added to their
superior zeal and longer conversion, is the cause
why much more Arabic is found in the Malay, than

* The Bantamese and Achinese, and people of Mindanao,
do so also, but they are inconsiderable tribes.

116 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

in any other language of the Archipelago. Stilly
however, the harshness and variety of the Arabic
consonants are so hostile to the few soft and sim-
ple sounds of the Insular languages, that the num-
ber of words naturalized in the Malay is very in-
significant, and even some of these are softened down
to the standard of Polynesian pronunciation. Mars-
den, as stated in another place, with accuracy con-
siders the number of Arabic words adopted into
the Malayan, not to exceed twenty or thirty ; but,
by a sanctioned pedantry, a writer introduces words,
or whole sentences, at pleasure, as is practised in
all languages of which Arabic is the sacred text.
In languages, not written in the Arabic character,
such a practice is generally excluded, but these,
too, are not without expedients. When treating
of religious topics, the Javanese priests write their
native tongue in a modified Arabic character, and
the nations of Celebes follow a more awkward plan,
often intermixing the Arabic and native character
in the same manuscript. Notwithstanding these
contrivances, words are often so disguised, parti-
cularly in oral language, that it is only through the
awkwardness of sound that we are led to suspect
them to be aliens. The Arabic word mufdMt is
made, for example, pakat in Malay ; and fekir, in
the pronunciation of the Archipelago, is piker ; sa^
habat is sabat The changes in the Javanese are
the most violent of all, sometimes leaving hardly a
feature of resemblance with the original. Sahah

liAST-INSULAR LANGUAGES. 117

t)ecomes in Javanese sawah ; sahahat, skabat, and
nc^kah, kalakah, whether in writing or speaking.

The other oriental languages, which, besides the
Sanskrit and Arabic, enter into the composition of
the more improved Polynesian dialects, are Te-
linga, Persian, and a few words of Chinese. The
Telinga has been introduced chiefly through the
medium of commerce, in the course of the traffic
which is still carried on, and seems to have existed
in very remote times, between the Indian islands
and the kingdom of Kalinga, the only name for
the whole continent known to the Insular lan-
guages. A few words, 1 have no doubt, have also
been admitted in the progress of the conversion of
the Indian tribes, and some in making translations
from the vernacular language of the Telingas*
Words of Telinga are most frequent in Malay, the
lingua franca of commerce ; and it may, indeed,
be considered as singular, that they exist in no
greater number. But the case with the Telingas is
nearly parallel to that of the early propagators of
HinduiwSm. They are not numerous enough for con-
querors, and have, consequently, not ingrafted their
tongue upon the vernacular languages. Still they
<;onsider themselves superior to the natives of the
country, and affect to play the part of instructors
in religious matters ; but, in this case, it is the
Arabic, and not their own language, which is called
for. This affords a striking illustration of the his-
tory and manner of the introduction of Sanskrit

118 GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE

The number of Telinga words in Javanese is
very triHing ; and even in Malay but inconsider-
able. In the latter, the words are commercial
terms, and a few words familiar to their written
compositions, but not adopted in colloquial speech.
Some of the latter are corrupt forms of Sanskrit,
easily recognised by their peculiarity of tennina-
tion. In Javanese we have no words of this class.
Here no word is found with any other corruption
than what may be traced to imperfect orthography
or pronunciation.

In the Malay only, we discover, probably, about
a hundred words of Persian, which crept into the
language, during the busy commercial intercourse
which existed between the Indian isles and the
Mahomedan states of India, after the conversion
of the islanders to^Mahomedanism. Some have
made their way through translations, and, perhaps,
a few by a direct intercourse with the Persians of
tJie gulf.

Of the oral languages of China, a very trilling
portion, indeed, has been infused into the Poly-
nesian tongues, notwithstanding the long and inti-
mate intercourse which has existed between the
people, and the number of Chinese settlers within
the Archipelago. The languages have been hin-
dered from mixing, by difference of religion and
manners on the part of the people, and of genius
in that of their languages, — the one uncouth an4
monotonous, the other smooth and harmonious.

(

EAST-INSULAR LANGUAGES* 119

Among European languages, the Portuguese
alone has exerted any considerable influence on the
Polynesian languages, and this is nearly confined
to the Malay. The character of the Portuguese
intercourse with India, was, from the beginning,
widely different from that of other European na-
tions. They were professed conquerors, and sub-
jugated and colonized to the extent of their ability.
They came into direct contact with the natives of
the country, and caused the effect of their religious
and civil institutions to be practically felt. The go-
vernment of other European nations has been a go-
vernment of opinion and management, effected
through the instrumentality of the natives of the
country, in the course of which, the object seems
rather to have been to avoid a familiarity of inter-
course, than to court it. The difference is disco-
vered in the effect produced upon language, and
has been forwarded by the congenial softness of
a southern dialect, opposed to the roughness of our
guttural northern tongues. The Dutch, in parti-
cular, is so dissonant and so repugnant in sound to
the smoothness of the Insular languages, that
few words of it can be articulated at all ; and even
the easiest are so metamorphosed, that it will defy
conjecture to guess at them. Who, for example^
can recognise in the Javanese word ratpani, the
Dutch words Raad van Indie, the famous " Coun-
cil of the Indies?'^

CHAPTER VI.

VOCABULARIES,

Recount of the series of Vocabularies contained in this WorL.
— Errors in many former Collections, — Examples. — Voca*
hidary of the Languages of the Archipelago.

1 o render the subject of the preceding chapters
more intelligible, and to afford the professed scholar
an opportunity of judging for himself, as well as
of the accuracy of the opinions which the writer has
advanced in the course of this book, a series of vo-
cabularies are appended. These are of various au-
thenticity, according to the circumstances under
which they were collected. Those of the Javanese,
Malay, Bugis, Macassar, Madurese, Balinese,
Sunda, and Biajuk Dayak, were compiled by myself,
personally, under such advantages, that I think they
may be entirely relied upon. Of the rest, many
have also been compiled under more favourable
auspices than usual ; but it must be acknowledged,
that, in general, there exist innumerable sources of
error in any attempts to compile vocabularies of
languages with which we are unacquainted, — from
our own ignorance and unskilfulness, — from the care-
Jessness, — incapacity, and apathy of the natives, — ^

VOCABULARIES. IS I

and from the incompatibility of the idioms of the
European and Indian languages. Ordinary voyagers
are seldom or never to be trusted, and endless ex-
amples of the ridiculous blunders committed by
them might be adduced. For the reader's satisfac-
tion and amusement, I shall quote a few examples
from our own old voyagers and travellers. The
first specimen of the language of Java with which
we meet is in the voyage of Sir Francis Drake. It
is called " Certaine wordes of the naturall language
of Java, learned and observed by our men there."
It turns out to be not Javanese, but a mixture of
that language with Sunda and Malay. The very
first word affords a striking example of the progress
of error in matters of this nature. For silk, we
have the word sahiick, which means a sash. The
origin of this blunder is obvious. The sashes
worn by the Javanese are usually of silk. The in-
quirer, wishing for the native name of silk, pointed
to a silken sash, and received the name of the in-
dividual for that of the class. The word dodttck^
which ought to have been written dodot, is an in-
stance of the same kind. It is interpreted ** blue
cloth," but means properly the portion of dress
with which the loins of the natives are usually gird-
ed, and which is frequently of a blue colour. * lu
Ogilbie's Asia we have " a brief vocabulary of the

Malayan tongue," I know not where obtained,

i — ■
* Drake's voyage in Hakluyt's Voyages, Navigations, &c.
Peprint, Vol. IV. p. 246.

122 VOCABULARIES.

which abounds in the most extravagant errors of all.
Here are found such ludicrous interpretations as the
following : senderiy (self) " all one ;" nante, (wait)
*' both ;" barmyn, (to sport) " foolish ;*' kyaeif
agurriy (ageing) (a saint or sage,) " a civil man ;"
macanan minum, (meat and drink) " a wedding ;"
kekeer, (a file, figuratively a miser) " bounteous ;"
IboUf (mother) " a grandfather," and anacky
(child, young, progeny) " a calf."* Sir Thomas
Herbert's collection of Malay words is less extrava-
gantly absurd than Ogilbie's, but still abounds in
very ludicrous errors. He has cambi, (Jcambingy
a goat) as the word for ox, and for a goat carbow,
{kdrbao,) which is a buffalo. Some of his transla-
tions put to defiance all attempt to trace them, as,
for example, " Is he not here?" beef; " well
done," sarsa; " let pass," ganga ; " near hand,"
glla. t

* Asia, by John Ogilbie, Esq. bis Majesty's Cosmographer,
kc, p. 129.

f Some years* travels into divers parts of Africa and Asia
tlie Great, by Sir Thomas Herbert, Bart. p. 366. — Some
more recent voyagers are as little to be relied on. Forrest,
who had a vulgar knowledge of Malay, interprets karang-
a&am^ the name of the principal state of the island of Bali,
*' the country of the rough roch^' knowing that karang com-
monly meant a roclc^ and asaniy. sour, vi^hich he thought, when
in search of an etymology, he might alter into rough. But
karang means also an orchard or grove, and the primitive
signification of asam is the tamarind tree, so that the com-
pound is literally and strictly " the tamarind grove.'^

VOCABULARIES. 123

Making every allowance for errors of transcrip-
tion, the orthography is so wantonly vague and
false in all these compilations, that it is not very
easy to conceive how the ears of our predecessors
could have been so deceived as to record them.

In the following vocabulary the whole of the
languages are exhibited at one view under each
woid, and follow each other in their natural classes.
The first class comprehends the two great lan-
guages of the western portion of the Archipelago
which have exerted the most extensive influence
upon those of their neighbours. The second com-
prehends the languages of the tribes of the second
order in the same portion of the Archipelago, and
the third a specimen of the languages of the savages
of lank hair and brown complexion of the same
quarter. The fourth contains the great languages
of the eastern portion of the Archipelago, the Bugis
*and Macassar; they?/?/? class the secondary languages
of the same quarter ; the sixth a specimen of the
languages of the South Sea islands ; and the
seventh of the languages of the Papuan, or woolly-
haired races.

Before concluding these preliminary remarks, it
will be necessary that 1 explain the nature of the
sources from which I have drawn such parts of this
comparative series of vocabularies as I am not my-
self pledged for the accuracy of. The most copi-
©us and perfect, that of the Lampungs, is extract-

lU VOCABULARIES.

ei from the work of Sir Stamford Raffles, and iti
correctness may be trusted. The specimen of the
Jangua<^es of he South Sea islands is that of the
Atui, taken from the third volume of Cook's voy-
ages. It is, like all o.hers from the same and similar
sources, scan y and unsatisfictory. The selection
of words in the original is extremely injudicious,
and many txampl s bear internal evidence of
error and i :norance. The specimen of the lan-
guage of Timur, the most prevalent of the many
dialects of the island, and of that of Rotti, were
collected by Lieutenant Owen Phillips, a gen-
tleman well versed in the Malayan language, and
their chief defect is their brevity. The specimen
of the language of the Samang, or woolly-haired
race of the mountains of the Malayan peninsula,
was collected for me by the minister of the prince
of Queda, a man of very superior mind, and cor-
rected by my friend Major Macinnes, after Mr
Marsden, among Europeans, perhaps the best Ma-
layan scholar existing. The examples of the Ma-
dagascar are from the well-known narrative of Ro-
bert Drury, who lived fifteen years among the na-
tives. It carries with it internal evidence of au-
thenticity, and the errors into which the writer has
fallen are those only incident to an untutored and
unlettered mind, errors in orthography and of un^
skilfulness in selection.

VOCABULARIES.

125

VOCABULARIES.

The letters o, c, and a, luithin brackets in the following Vo-
cabulary, express respectively — ordinary^ — ceremonial, —
and ancient. The numerals point out the arrangement of the
^ languages into classes. ,

English

shy

English

star

I.Javanese (o

.) langit

I.Javanese (o.

) lintang

Javanese (c

) ngawiyat

Javanese (c

)lintang

Javanese (a

.) hakoso

Javanese (a

)tranggono

jumantoro
gagono

sutoro

Malay

langit

Malay

bintang

S.Bali (0.)

langit

2. Bali (0.)

bintang

Baii(c.)

angkasa

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.

1 langih

Madura (o.)

bintang

Madura (c.

)

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

langit

Sunda (c.)

bentang

Sunda (c.)

Lainpung

langit

Lainpung

bintang

3. Biajuk

langit

3. Biajuk

bintang

4. Bugis

langih

4. Bugis

bintoeng

Macassar

langih

Macassar

bintoeng

5. Timuri

fetoen

Rotti

6. Atui

hairani

6. Atui

ehetu

7. Samang

kael

7. Samang

binting

Madagascar longitchs

Madagascar

versir

VOCABULARIES.

English moon
1. Javanese (o.) wulan rambulan
Javanese (c.) sasi
Javanese (a.) chondro
sitangsu

sosodoro rati,

bulan

buian

Malay
, Bah (o.)
Bali(c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung
Biajuk
Bugis
Macassar
Timuri
Rotti
Atui

7. Samang

sasi
bulan

bulan

ketang

loulang

fulan

bulak

marama

kachik

Madagascar voler

English
I.Javanese (0.)
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay

2. Bali (0.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

sun

sran

suryo

baskoro, ravv^i

prabonggo

prabonggopati

matahari

mata-nahi

surya

are

panan-poe

matagani

matandao

mataso

matalo

laroh

lacloh

hai, raa

mitkatok

andro

English rainbow

I.Javanese (o.)kuwung
Javanese (c.) tejo
Javanese (a.)

Malay
^2. Bali (0.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (0.
Madura (c.
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

ular-danu
byang-lalah

kuv/ung-kuwung

I andang

I
katombiri

goneh
liyu

tara-uwe
tara-uvve

avvar

English east

1. Javanese (o.) wetan timur
Javanese (c.) purwo
Javanese (a.) purwo

Malay

2. Bali (0.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

timur
kangin
wetan
temor

wetan timur

timor

alao, timura

iraia, timura

tinogher

VOCABULARIES.

t27

T]nglish tvest

English

south

1. Javanese (o.) kulon

1. Javanese (o

) kidul

Javanese (c.) kilen

Javanese (c.

) kidul

Javanese (a.) panchim

Javanese (a.

) daksino

Malay barat

Malay

salatan

2. Bali (o.) kau

2. Bali (0.)

kalod

Bali (c.) kuloQ

Bali (c.)

kidul

Madura (o.) barah

Madura (o.) lahoh

Madura (c.)

Madura (c]

Sunda (o.) kulon, barat

Sunda (o.)

kidul

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c)

parnangin

Lampung

3. Biajuk barat

3. Biajuk

salatan

4. Bugis urai, barata

4. Bugis

maniyang

Macassar ilao, barata

Macassar

itimurao

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samaug

7. Samang

Madagascar

atimo

English Jiortli

English

earth

I.Javanese (o.)lor

1. Javanese (o

.)lasah, bumi

Javanese (c.) ler

Javanese (c

)siti

Javanese (a.) utoro

Javanese (a.

) pratolo bumi
pratiwi kesmo

buntolo
tanah

Malay utara

Malay

2. Bali (o.) badaja

2. Bali (o.)

tanah

Bali (c.) kaler

Bali (c.)

gumi

Madura (o.) daja

Madura (o.)

tana, bumi

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) kaler^ utara

Sunda (o.)

taneu, tana

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

bumi

3. Biajuk otra

3. Biajuk

petak

4. Bugis manorang

4. Bugis

linoe

Macassar wara, utari

Macassaar

lino

5. Tirauri

5. Timuri

rahi

Rotti

dahai

6. Atui

motu

7. Samang

7. Samaag

tek

Madagascar

tosna

128

VOCABULARIES^

English

earthquake

English island

1. Javanese (o.

lindu

1. Javanese (o.) pulo

Javanese (c.)

lindu

Javanese (c.) nusa

Javanese (a.)

menggut
g^mpa

Javanese (a.) nuswa

gill

Malay

Malay pulao

2.Cali(o.)

lino

2. Bali (o.) pulo

Bali (c.)

Bali(c.)

Madura (o.)

gandag

Madura (o.) polo gili

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

lini

Sunda (o.) nusa

Sunda (c.)

Lampuug

kukok

Lampung pulao

3. Biajuk

3. Biajuk pulao

4, Bugis

fongrong

4. Bugis liwukang

Macassar

rongroug

Macassar liwukang

5, Timuri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

6. Atui motu

7. Saraang

7. Samang

Madagascar

Madagascar nosa

English

land (dry)

English mountain

1, Javanese (o.

\ darat

1. Javanese (o.) gunung

Javanese (c.)

daratan

Javanese (c.) wukir hardi

Javanese (a.)

Javanese (a.) prawoto akolo

Malay

darat

Malay gunung, bukit

2. Bali (o.)

darut

2. Bali (o.) bukit

Bali (c.)

Bali(c.) gunung

Madura (o.) darat

Madura (o.) guouag

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

darat

Sunda (o.) gunung

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

dara

Lampung rugok

3. Biajuk

3. Biajuk bukit

4. Bugis

dara

4. Bugis mongchong

Macassar

bonto

Macassar mongchong

5. Tirauri

maraa

5. Timuri tauuik

Rotti

luu

Rotti lakti

6. Atui

7. Siimang

7. Samang ^ tabing, chubuk

Madagascar

Madagascar* vohitcht

VOCABULARIES. 1^

English ' plain

English sand

I.Javanese (o.) tagal horohoro

1 . Javanese (o.) waddi

Javanese (c.) lagil

Javanese (c.) waddi

Javanese (a.)

Malay padang

Malay pasir

2.BaJi(o.) tagal

■i, Bali (o.) by as

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) paser

Madura (o,) tagal

Madura (o.) bad]

Madura (c.)

iMadura (c.)

Sunda (o,) tagal

Sunda (o.) gasik

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c)

Lampung landosi

Lampung hanni

3. Biajuk

3. Biajuk baras

4. Bugis padang-gne

4. Bugis kasi

Macassar parang

Macassar kasi

5, Timuri tachan

5. Timuri

Rotti mo

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

7, Samang

Madagascar

Madagascar fasse

English stone

English road

1. Javanese (o.) watu

1. Javanese (o.) dalan lurung

Javanese (c.) selo

Javanese (c.) margi

Javanese (a.) selo

Javanese (a.)

Malay batu

Malay jalan

2. Bali (o.) batu

2. Bali (o.) marga

Bali (c.) watu

Bali (c.) jalan

Madura (o.) bato

Madura (o.) jalan

Madura (c)

Madura (c ) lorong

Sunda (o.j batu

Sunda (o.) jalan

Sunda (c.)

Lampung batue

Lampung ganggang

3. Biajuk batro

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis batu

4. Bugis agang

Macassar batu

Macassar agang

5. Timuri fatuk

6, Timuri

Rotti batu

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar varto

Madagascar

VOL. II.

ISO

VOCABULARIES*

English

tioater

English river

1. Javanese (o.

) banyu

1. Javanese (o.) kali

Javanese (c.) toyo

Javanese (c.) lepen

Javanese (a.

) her, jolonidi
tirto weh

Javanese (a.) bangawan

hougo, wareh
ayer

Malay

Malay sungai

2. Bali (o.)

yeh

% Bali (o.) tukad

Bali (c.)

toyo tirta

Bali (c.) kali

Madura (o.) aheng

Madura (o.) songai

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

chai

Sunda (o.) walungan

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c.) kachai kali

Lam[)ung

uwai

Lampung batanagi

3, Biajuk

danum

3. Biajuk sungai

4. Bugis

uwai

4. Bugis binangae

Macassar

jaine

Macassar binanga

5. Timuri

vehi

5. Timuri motah

Rotti

owai

Rotti . laialak

6, Atui

evy

6. Atui

7. Samang

bateao

7. Samang sungai

Madagascar

ravs^ano

Madagascar

English

rain

English lalce

1. Javanese (o.

) udan

1. Javanese (o.) rowo

Javanese (c.

) jawoh jawah

Javanese (c.) rawi

Javanese (a.

) warso
ujaa

Javanese (a.) tasek

Malay

Malay tasek danae

2. Bali (o.)

ujan

2. Bali (o.) talaga

Bali (c.)

sabah

Bali (c.) danu

Madura (o.) hojaa

Madura (o.) subang

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

ujau

Sunda (o.) ranchuk

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

labong

Lampung danao

3. Biajuk

ujan

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

bosi

4. Bugis balange

iMacassar

bosi

Macassar balang

5. Timuri

udan

5. Timuri

Rotti

udan

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

7. Samang lant

Madagascar

VOCABULARIES.

English sea

Fmglish Jlood

J. Javanese (o.) sagoro

1 . Javanese (o.) rob

Javanese (c.) sagantan

Javanese (c.) rob

Javanese (a.) samudro

Javanese (a.)

jaladrijolonidi

Malay laut

Malay pasang

2. Bali (o.) pasih

2. Bali (o.) blabar

Bali (c.) sagara

15ali (c.) bak

Madura (o.) tasek lahot

Madura (o.) undor

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) laut

Sunda (o.) chahak

Sunda (c.)

Lampuug lawok

Lampung tukada

3. Biajuk

J. Biajuk

4. Bugis tamparang tasi

1. Bugis bonang

Macassar tamparang

Macassar bonang

5. Timuri lur

5. Timuri

Rotti tasi

Rotti

6. Atu'i tai

6. Atui

7. Samang laut

7. Samang

Madagascar reak

Madagascar

English wave

English ebb

J.Javanese (o.) ombak

1. Javanese (o.) surud

Javanese (c.) alun

Jitvanese (c.) surud

Javanese (a.)

Malay ombak

Malay Surut

2. Bali (o.) ombak

2. ikli (o.) makahad

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) kabak

Madura (o.) umba

Madura (o.) marah

Madura (c.)

ftiadura (c.)

Sunda (o.) lambak

Sunda (o.) surud

Sunda (e.) ombak

Sunda (c.)

Lamp^ung hombak

i^arapnng lango

3. Biajuk

,■?. Biajuk

4. Bugis bungbang

4. Bugis esa

Macassar bungbang

Macassar esa

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

6, Atui

7. Samang

/. Samang

Madagascar onezur

Madagascar

131

132

VOCABULARIES.

Kn^rlish

fire 1

English ashen

1. Javanese (o.) gaiii latu |

1. Javanese (o.) awu

Javanese (c.)

bromo

Javanese (c.) awu

Javanese (a/

dahono hapi
agni pawoko
bahni iiki

Javanese (a.)

Malay

a pi

Malay abu

2. Bali (o.)

api

2. Bali (o.) haoq

Bali (c.)

brahma

Bali (c.) habu

Madura (o.)

apoi

Madura (o.) abu

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

Sana

Sunda (o.) labbu

Sunda (c.)

Lanviing

apoi

Lampung hambua

3. Biajuk

apoi

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

api

4. Bugis awu

Macassar

pepc

Macassar awu

5. Tirnuri

ahi

b. Timuri

Rotti

nai

Rotti *

6. Atui

7. Samang

7. Samang tapip

Madagascar

offu

Madagascar lavanuk

English

chat coal

English smoJce

1, Javauese (o.^

araug

1 . Javanese (o.) kukus

Javanese (c]

) araug

Javanese (c.) kukus

Javanese (a/

arang

Javanese (a.)

Malay

Malay asap

% Bali (o.)

arang

2. Bali (o.) handu^

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) kukus'

Madura (o.)

arang

Madura (o.) okos

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

rohak talar

Sunda (o.) hasap,

Sunda (c.)

arang

Sunda (c.

Lampung

salong

Lampung hasah

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

chumi

4. Bugis umbu

Macassar

chumi

Macassar umbu

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Saniang

hannying

7. Samang e-el

Madagascar

Madagascar lembuk

VOCABULARIES.

133

English

ai}'

English

dark

1, Javanese (o.

) angin

1. Javanese (o.

) patang

Javanese (c/

angin

Javanese (c.

) patang

Javanese (a.^

hudara
angin

Javanese (a.

)

Malay

galap

% Bali (o.)

hangin

2. Bali (o.)

patang

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

angin

Madura (o.) patang

Madura (c.)

Madura (c.J

Suuda (o.)

angin

- Sunda (o.)

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

angin

Lampung

kalan

3. Biajuk

riwut

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

anging

4. Bugis

sasang

Macassar

angiug

jViacassar

sasang

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagaf5car

ornghin

Madagascar

myeak

English

cloud

English

•wind

1. Javanese (o.

)mego

L Javanese (o

) angin

Javanese (c.)

mego

Javanese (c.) barat

Javanese (a.]

himo

Javanese (a.) maruto

jolodoro

pawono

<!3nnirr»nf»

Malay

mega awan

Malay

angin

2. Bali (o.)

mega

2. Bali (o.)

kalm

Bali (c.)

hambabn

Bali (c.)

kanging

Madura (o.)

mega

Madura (o.)

angin

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

mega

Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)

angin

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

aban

Lampung

angin

3. Biajuk

S.Biajuk

anging

4. Bugis

rangmang

4. Bugis

anging

Macassar

rangmang

Macassar

anging

5. Tirauri

lalaihau

5. Timuri

an in

Rotti

hapas

Rotti

anin

6. Atui

matani

7. Samang

7. Saiuang

Madagascar

rauho

Madagascar

ornghin

I3i^

VOCABULARIES.

English cold

1. Javanese (o.) atis adam
Jatanese (c.)asrap
Javanese (a.)

dingln sajuk

INJalay .

Malay

guntur, guruh

2. Bali (o.)

dingin

2. Bali (o.)

grug-grug

Bah(c )

has rap

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) chalap

Madura (u

) gludug

Madura (^.)

Madura (c.

)

Sunda (o.)

tiis

Sunda (o.)

gugur

Susida (c.)

Sunda (c.)

Lainpung

ngeson

Lampung

gugoh

3. Biajuk

hadingiu

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

chake

4. Bugis

gunturu

Macassar

dining

Macassar

guntura

5, Timuri

malirin

5. Timuri

Rotti

makasufoh

Rotti

6. Atui

toe

6. Atui

7. Saniang

7. Samang

Madagascar

Madagascar hotuk

English

detu

English

lightning

I.Javanese (o.

) ambun

I.Javanese (o

.) kilat tatit

Javanese (c.

) ambun

Javanese ((

.) chaleret

Javanese (a.

)

ambuu

Javanese (a

Malay

kilat

2. Bull (o.)

bun

2. Bali (o.)

kalep

Bali (c.)

•

Bali (c.)

Madura (o/

abun, armon

Madura (o.

) kalap

Madura (o.^

Madura (c.

)

Sunda (o.)

ibun

Sunda (o.)

kilat

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

irabon

Lampung

kilat

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

apung

4. Bugis

kila

Marassar

apung

Macassar

kila

5. limuri

5. Timuri

iiotti

Rotti

6. Atui

7 Samang

7. Samang

Madagascar

aundew

Madagascar

munghalucks

English thunder

1. Javanese (o.) gludug
Javanese (c.) gludug
Javanese (a.)

VOCABULARIES.

135

English

man

English man {the spe.)

1. Javanese (o

.) lanang lalaki

1. Javanese (o.)wong

Jaranese (c

.) jalar

Javanese (c) tiyang jalmi

Javanese (a

.) kakung

Javanese (a.) jalmo

laki

manuso

Malay

Malay orang

S.Bali (0.)

muwani

2. Bali (o.) jalma

Bali (c.)

lanang

Bali (c.) janma manusa

Madura (o.

) lalakeh

Madura (o.) oreng

Madura (c.

) langang

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

lalakkipamagat

Sunda (0.) jalamal

. Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

bakas

Lampung jalmo hulon

3. Biajuk

hatoe

3. Biajuk uluh

4. Bngis

uruani

4. Bugis taowe |

Macassar

burani

Macassaar tao

5. Tiinuri

mani

5. Timuri aima

Rotti

fao

Rotti halaholi

6. Atui

tanne

6. Atui taata, taugata

7. Samang

tumkal

7. Samag hamme

Madagascar

loyhe

Madagascar hulu

English

woman

English child

I.Javanese (o

) wad on

L Javanese (o.) anak

Javanese (c.

) estri

Javanese (c.) putro

Javanese (a.

) wanito

Javanese (a.) suto hatmojo

gallu

siwi

wanudyo
parampuan

Malay

Malay anak

2. Bali (o.)

loh

2. Bali (o.) piyanak

Bali (c.)

hestri

Bali (c.) oka putra

Madura (o/

1 bibineh

Madura (o.) anak

Madura (c]

estri

Madura (c.) potra

Sunda (o,)

awewek

Sunda (o.) orok anak

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

baibai

Lampung ana

3. Biajuk

lubavie

3. Biajuk anak

4. Bugis

makunrai

4. Bugis ana

Macassar

baini

Macassar ana .

5. Timuri

faitoh

5. Timuri cah

Rotti

ena

Rotti anak

6. Atui

waheirie

6. Atui

7, Samang

bad on

7. Samang wung aneg

Madagascar

ampelle

Madagascar anak

136

VOCABULARIES.

English virgin
1. Javanese (o.) prawan
Javanese (c.) piawati
Javanese (a) kanyo
roTO

Malay

2. Bali (0.)
Ball (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Liimpuug

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

6, Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English father
Javanese (o.) bopo pak
Javanese (c) romo
Javanese (a.) sudarmo
■* pito

sunti

anak dara
daa

pravtan
praban

lanjang

muli

prawang
pravi^ang

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Ma;dura(o.) bupah
Madura (c.) rama
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Tirauri
Rotti

6. Atui

yayah
bapa, pa
nanang bapa
guru

bamang
Madagascar

bapa

rama

ama, bapa

apang

ambo

bapa

ama

modu tanne

royya-arber

English mother

1. Javanese (o.) bok raak ibu
Javanese (c.) biyang
Javanese (a.) mata

JMalay
-2. Bali(o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6 Atui
7- Samang
Madagascar

ma, ibu bonda
meme

byang bibi
bapuh ambuh

indun ambu

ibu

ina indok

indu amai

indu

angrong ama

ena

moduawakeine

mak

rana

English grandchild

1 . Javanese (o. ) putu
Javanese (c.) wayah
Javanese (a.)

Malay
"2. Bali (o.)
Bali(c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

chuchu
chucha
putu putraka
kompoi

inchu

putu

umpu

chuchu
chuchu

zafiTu

VOCABULARIES.

137

English brother

Javanese (o.) sadulur
Javanese (c ) saderek
Javanese (a.) sahudoro
— santono

Malay

sudara

S.Bali (0.)

nyania

Bali (c.)

samaton

Madura (o.)

taretan

Madura (c/

sadulur

Sunda (0.)

dulur

Sunda (c.)

saderek

Lampung

puagi, muagi

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

Macassar

saribatang *

5. Tirauri

Rotti

6. Afcui

tuanna

7. Samang

Madagascar

royloyhe

English elder brother

1. Javanese (o.) kakang
Javanese (c.)roko
Javanese (a.)

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bah (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (c.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madasascar

abang
bali
raka
kaka

kakang

kaka

kaka
kaka

inak

English 1/ounger brother
I.Javanese (o.) adi
Javanese (c.) ari
Javanese (a.) rayi
yayi

Malay

2. Bah (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3 Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6- Atui
7. Samang
Madagascar

adik
adi sahi
hari rayi
alek

adik ayi

rai

ading

angrina,
ari

tema
be

English bride 8^ bridegr*

1. Javanese (o.) panganten
Javanese (c.) pangantea
Javanese (a.)

Malay
'1. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o,)
Madura (c.)
Supda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

panganten
panganten

panganten

raaju, bunting

bunting
bunting

Of the same womJ).'

138

VOCABULARIES.

English cMld'i?i'latio

1. Javanese (o.) mantu
Javanese (c.) mantu
Javanese (a.)

Malay

2. Bah (o.)
Bali(c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6 Atui
7. Samang
Madagascar

manantu
mantu

manto

mantu

minantu

mantu

minatuna
mintu

pesau

English bodi/

1, Javanese (o.) badan awak
Javanese (c.) saliro sariro
Javanese (a.) rogo

Malay

2. Bah (o)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

badan tuboh
awak
raga
badan, awa

awak
salira
badan

badang
badangkale

English Jlesh

Javanese (o.) da;zinfj
Javanese (c.) daging
Javanese (a.)

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Snnda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

daging
hisi

daging
daging

daging

dagaing
isi

as in a
asi

nofuch

English bone

1. Javanese (o.) balung
Javanese (c.) tosan *
Javanese (a^)

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atai

7. Samang
Madagascar

tulang
tulang
balung
tolan^

tulang

tulan

wukuna
wuku

ai-eng
towler

The firm object.'

VOCABULARIES.

ISO

English

head

English

eye

1. Javanese (o.

) andas

:. Javanese (o.

) moto

Javanese (c.

) sirah

Javanese (c.

) mripat

Javanese (a.

) murdo

Javanese (a.) netro

mustoko

sotyo

siro

sofho *

Malay

kapala

Malay

mata

% Bali (o.)

taudas

^L Bali (o.)

mata

Bali (c.)

sirah

Ball (c.)

paningalan f

Madura (o.)

chetuk

Madura (o/

1 mata

Madura (c.)

sira

Madura (c/

1 socha

Sunda (o.)

hwulu

Suuda (o.)

mata

Sunda (c.)

sira

Sunda ( ;.)

socha

Lampung

hulu

Lampung

mata

S. Biajuk

takuluk

S. Biajuk

mata

4. Bugis

wulu

4. Bugis

mata

Macassar

wulu

Maccassar

mata

5. Timuri

ulu

5. Timuri

mata

Rotti

langa

Rotti

mata

6. Atui

epu

6. Atui

mata

7. Samang

kai

7. Samang

med

Madagascar

luher

Madagascar

mossu

English

face

English

ear

1. Javanese (o/

) rahi

L Javanese (o.) gobog kuping

Javanese (c/

) wadono

Javanese (c

) taiingan

Javanese (a.^

muko
waktro

muka

Javanese (a

.)karno

Malay

talinga

2. Bali (o.)

mua

'i. Bali(o.)

kuping

Bali (c.)

rai

Bali (c.)

karna

Madura (o.)

muha

Madura (o.) kopeng

Madura (c.)

badana

Madura (c.)

karna

Sunda (<>.)

bangat

Sunda (o.)

chali

Sunda (c.)

rarayi

Sunda (c.)

chappil

Lampung

puda

i-.ampung

chiuping

S. Biajuk

bao

3. Biajuk

pinding

4. Bugis

rupa

4 Bugis

toli, talinga

Macassar

rupa

Maccassar

toll

5. Timuri

5- Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

O. Atui

papai au

7. Samang

:. Samang

anting

Madagascar

Maclagascar

sofi

140 VOCABULARIES.

English nose

English tootk

I.Javanese (o.) irung

1. Javanese (o.) unto

Javanese (c.) irung

Javanese (c.) wojo wahos J

Javanese (a.) nasika

Javanese (a.) danto

Malay idung

Malay gigi

2. Bali (o.) kunguh

2. Bali (o.) gigi

Bali (c.) hungasan

Bali (c.) untu

Madura (o.) elong

Madura (o.) gigi

Madura (c.) grana

Madura (c.) waja

Sunda (o.) irung

Sunda (o.) untu

Sunda (c.) pananibung f

Sunda (c.) wawos

Lampung ^gong

Lampung ipon

3. Biajuk

3. Biajuk kasinga

4. Bugis kamuru

4. Bugis gigi

Macassar kamuru

Macassar gigi

5. Timuri enur

5. Timuri nehan

Kotti panah

Rotti nesi

6. Atui eiheu

6. Atui

7. Samang muk

7. Samang yus

Madagascar orung

Madagascar nifa

English mouth

English tongue'

1. Javanese (o.) changkam

I.Javanese (o.) ilat

Javanese (c.) changkam

Javanese (c.) ilat

Javanese (a.)

Malay mulut

Malay lidah

2. Bali (o.) bungut

2. Bali (o.) layah

Bali (c.) changkam

Bali (c.) hilat

Madura (o.) changkam

Madura (o.) jila

Madura (c)

Madura (c.) ilad

Sunda (o.) sungut

Sunda (o.) lata

Sunda (c.) mamah

Sunda (c.) ilat

Lampung

Lampung ma

3. Biajuk

4. Bugi§ timura

4. Bugis lila

Macassar bawa

Macassar lila

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7' Samang ban

7. Samang

Madagascar vovor

Madagascar leller

* <t< The eclipse :" It is appropriated to princes, f " The organ of smell*

* ♦« SteeL"

VOCABULARIES.

141

English helly

English hand

I. Javanese (o.) watang

1. Javanese (0.) tangan

Javanese (c.) padaharan*

Javanese (c.) hasto

Javanese (a.) garbo

Javanese (a.) hasto

Malay prut

Malay tangan

% Bali (o.) basang

2. Bali (0.) lima

Bali (c.) watang

Bali (c.) tangan

Madura (o.) proh tabuh

Madura (0.) tangan

Madura (c.)

Madura (c.) asta

Sunda (o.) batang

Sunda (0.) langan

^ Sunda (c.) padaharan

Sunda (c.) panangan

Lauipung batong

Lampung chiulok

3. Biajuk

3. Biajuk tangan

4. Bugis batang babuwa

4. Bugis lima

Macassar batang

Macassar lima

5. Timuri kabon

5. Timuri

Rotti tai-i

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang cheong

7. Samang chas

Madagascar troke

Madagascar tonger

English leg

English finger

1. Javanese (o.) sikil

1. Javanese (0.) driji

Javanese (c.) podo

Javanese (c.) driji

Javanese (a.) jang

Javanese (a.) jari

Malay kaki

Malay jari

2. Bali (o.) batis

2. Bali (0 ) jariji

Bali (c.) chakor

Bali (c.) hanti

Madura (o.) soko

Madura (0.) garikih

Madura (c.) pada

Madura (c.) jari

Sunda (o.) bates suku

Sunda (0.) ramok

Sunda (c.) sampeyan

Sunda (e.)

Lampung chiukot

Lampung jari

3. Biajuk paki

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis aji

4. Bugis kreming

Macassar banking

Macassar jarimu

5. Timuri aen

5. Timuri

Rotti betibu

Rotti

6. Atui he, wawy

6. Atui

7. Samang chan

7. Samang

Madagascar

'' The receptacle of food.*'

1412

VOCABULARIES.

English

blood

I.Javanese (o

.) pateh

Javanese (c.

)rah

Javanese (a.

) ludiro

injiriifi

IXidl UD

Malay

darah

2. Bail (o.)

gateh

Bali (c.)

rah

Madura ( -».'

darah

Madura (c]

Sunda (o.)

gattih

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

rah

8. Biajuk

daha

4. Bugis

dara

Mucassar

jera

5. Timuri

rahan

Rotti

dah

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

raw

English death

1 . Javanese (o.) mati modur
Javanese (c.) pajah sedo pati
Javanese (a.) praloyo

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

S. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

mati mampus

mati

kachat scda

pati

seda

paeh

hilang,* pupus

mati

mate

matai

mati

kabis
mortd

E.iglish life

1. Javanese (o.) urip
Javanese (c.) urip
Javanese (a.)

Malay

2. ?>ali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English Jever
1 . Javanese (o.) katisan f
Javanese (c.) kasarapan
Javanese (a.)

idup

hidup

urip

Idup

hirup

idup

habelum

talasa

tuwo

talasa

Malay dam am

2. Bali (o.) ngad
Bah (c.)

Madura (o.) gumigil chalap
Madura (c.)

Sunda (<>.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

7. Samang

6. Atui
Madagascar

munang

moring,ngale|ic
garing
masamang
ramusu

• " Lost, disappeared," an expression common to most of the languages.
■f " Coldjiess, chilliness."

VOCABULARIES.

14^

English
1. Javanese (0/

Javanese (c ]

small'pox
1 chachar
1 chaciiar

English
1. Javanese (0/
Javanese \c.]

medicine
tombo
>jampi

Javanese (a.

1 kachukluan
bongsor

katumbu,
crawan

Javanese (a/

usodo

Malay
2. Bali (0.)

ubat
ubad

Bali (a)
Madura (0.)

chachar
chachar

Bali (c.)
Madura (0.)

tatamba

Madura (c.)

jampi

Sunda (0.)

kachukluan

Sunda (0.)

ubor, tamba

^ Sunda (c.)

kuris

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

kuris,
poro

pura

Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

ubat

pabale
pabura

5. Timuri

Rotti

Rotai

6. Atui

7. Siimang
Madagascar

krir

7. Samang
Madagascar

English

"venereal

English

lion

1 Javanese (0/
Javanese (c/
Javanese (a.^

rojosingo
) rojosingo
)

banan
raja-singha

L Javanese (0.)
Javanese {c]
Javanese (a.]

singo

) singo

Malay
2. Bali (0.)
Bali (c.)

singa
singha

Madura (0.)

singah

Madura (c.)
Sunda (0.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

2, Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

bangangan

Madura (c.)
Sunda (0.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

singha

singa

singha
singha

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

144

VOCABULARIES.

English

tiger

English

monkey

1. Javanese (o

) nmchan

1 . Javanest (0.

) katek

Javanese (c

) simo

Javanese (c.

)katek

Javanese (a

) wogro

Javanese (a.

1 wanoro

<»ardulo

rewondo
paiwogo

inarga pati

Malay

hariamo,riaiar

Malay

kra

2. Bali (o.)

samong

9.. Bali (0.)

bojog

Bali (c.)

machan

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.

) machan

Madura (0/

Madura (c/

1 machan

Madura (c.^

Sunda (o.)

ma-uiig

Sunda (0.)

monyet

Sunda (c.)

Lanipung

halimao

Lampuug

kara

S.Biajuk

3. Biajuk

bakai

4. Bugis

machang

4. Bugis

dane

Macassar

macnang

Macassar

dane

5. Tiniuri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Saraang

taiyo

7. Samang

jayo

Madagascai

Madagascar

wergi

English

hog

English

buffalo

1. Javanese (0

.) cheleng

I.Javanese (0.

)kabu

Javanese (c

) cramangan

Javanese (c.

) mahiso

Javanese (a

.)wijung
war oho

Javanese (a.

) mahiso

hahwi sukoro

Malay

babi

Malay

karbao

Q, Bali (0.)

cheleng

2. Bali (0.)

kabu

Bah(c.)

bahwi

Bali (c.)

mahisa

Madura (0 ]

) babi

Madura (0/

Madura (c/

) cheleng

Madura (c]

Sunda (0.)

jurig, badul

Sunda (0.)

munding

Sunda (c)

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

baboi

Lampung

babao

S. Biajuk

bawoi

'6. Biajuk

hadangan

4. Bugis

bawi

4. Bugis

tedung

Macassar

bawi

Macassar

tedung

5.Ti.ruri

fahi

5. Timuri

karaw

Rotti

bafi

Rotti

kapal

6. Atui

bua

6. Atui

7. Samang

^. Samang

kebao

Madagascai

* lambo

Madagascaf

howlu

VOCABULARIES.

145

English cat

English

deer

1. Javanese (o.) kuching

1. Javanese (o.

) nianjangan

Javanese (c.) kuching

Javanese (c.) sangsam

Javanese (a.) danu

Javanese (a/

)

Malay kuching

Malay

rusa

2. Bali (o,) meng

2. Bali («).)

manjangan

Bali (c.)

niayung

Madura (o.) kuching

Madura (o.) manjangaa

IMadura (c.)

Madura (c)

Sunda (o.) uching

Sunda (o.)

unchal

• Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c.)

Lampung kuching

Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis meyung

4. Bugis

jonga

Macassar meyung

Macassar

jonga

5. Timuri baoah

5. Timuri

rousa

Rotti maioh

Rotti

nousa

6. Atui

7. Samang

kasak

Madagascar chaker

Madagascar

English dog

English

rat

I.Javanese (o.) asu

L Javanese (o/

) tikus

Javanese (c.) sagawon

Javanese (c.)

tikus

Javanese (a.) suao sargolo

Javanese (a.)

warset

mustiko

samusiko

tikus

Malay anjing

^lalay

2. Bali (o.) chiching

2. Bali (o.)

biktti

Bali (c.) angson-angson

Bali (c.)

tikus

Madura (o.) patek

Madura (o.)

tekos

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) anjing

Sunda (o.)

barut

Sunda (c.)

Lampung kachi

Lampung

tikos

3. Biajuk asoh

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis asu

4. Bugis

balawu

jNJacassar kongkong

Macassar

balawu

5. Timuri asau

5. Timuri

Rotti bausa

Rotti

6. Atui

iorre

7. Samang ek

7. Samang

Madagascar amBoer

Madagascar

varlarroe

VOL. II.

146

VOCABULARIES.

English goat

1. Javanese (o.) wad us
Javanese (c.) mendo
Javanese (a.) mendo

English Joxul
1. Javanese (o.) manuk
Javanese (c.) paksi
Javanese (a.) p^ksi kogo

kambing

Malay

burung

2. Bali (o.)

kanibing

% Bali (o.)

kades

Bali (c.)

waddus messi

Bali (c.)

JMadura (o.)

hambih

Madura (o.)

man ok

Madura (c.)

Sunda ().)

wed us, bch,

Sunda (o.)

manuk

Sunda (r.)

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

kambing

Lampuug

burung

S.Biajuk

3. Biajuk

burung

4. Biigis

bebe

4. Bugis

manu

Macassar

bebe

Macassar

jangang

5. Timuri

bcbi

5. Timuri

manoh,tohek

Rotti

behi

Rotti

manpoi

6. Atui

manu

7. Samang

kawao

Madagascar

osa

Madagascar

voro

English

cow

English

a least

1. Javanese (o/

) sapi liimbu

I.Javanese (o.]

sato kewan *

Javanese {c]

lambu

Javanese (c,^

sato

Javanese (a.)

andoko

Javanese (a.J

satwo

andini

margu

Malay

lambu sapi

Malay

binatang

2. Bali (o.)

sampi

2. Bali (o.)

Bah (c.)

banteng

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

sata

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

sapi

Sunda (o.)

sata

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (e.)

Lampung

sapi

Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

sapi

4. Bugis

olo-olo

Macassar

sapi

Macassar

olo-olo

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

lembok

7. Samang

Madagascar

omebay

Madagascar

* A corruption of the Arabic word Haiwan, a living creature.

VOCABULARIES.

147

English Jwr.'ie

1. Javanese (o.) jaraa
Javaiiest* (c.) kapal
Javanese (a.) turongo

. hundakan

kudo, wajik

Malay kuda

2. Bali (o.) jaran
Bali (c) hundakan
Madura (o.) jaraii
Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) kuda
Sunda (c.) * titi^an
Lampung ajaran

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis nyarang
Macassar jarang f

5. Timuri kuda
Rotti dalaa

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar suwaller

English elephant

1. Javanese (o.) linian
Javanese (c.) hesti
Javanese (a.) dirododipongo
-' rinoro matonggo
■ g^j^h, brojomuko
Malay gJ^jah

2. Bali (o.) gajah
Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) gajaU
Madura (o.)
Sunda (o.) gajah
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui
7 Samang

Madagascar

liman

gajah
§aja

gajah

English

1. Javanese (o.) kodok
Javanese (c.) kudang
Javanese (a.) chantoko

Malay

2. Bali (o )
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o^)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English croto

1. Javanese (o.) gagak
Javanese (c.) dandang
Javanese (a.) wagoso

katak
kadak

bangkoog

turn pang
tumpang

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7 Samang
Madagascar

gagak
goak

dangdang

kaka

kala
kala

kwark

• " Vehkulumy

t Sometimes called Tedtmg Jawa^ or " the bufialo of Javar'*

148

VOCABULARIESi

English duch

Javanese (o.)bcbek
Javanese (c.) kambangan *
Javanese (a.)

itek

Malay

Malay gangsa

2. Bali (o.)

bebek

% Bali (o.) banyak

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) gangsa

Madura (o.) etok

Madura (o.) banyak

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

marre

Sunda (o.) soang asa

Sunda (c.)

Larapung

kite

Lampung kite angsa

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

iti

4. Biigis banya

Macassar

kiti

Macassar banya

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

itek

7. Samang

Madagagcar

cherere

Madagascar onego-onego

English

teal

English peacock

1. Javanese (o

) mliwis

1. Javanese (o.) marak

Javanese ( c.

) mliwis

Javanese (c.) raarak

Javanese (a«

)

balibik

Javanese (a.) manyuro

Malay

Malay marak

2. Bali (0.)

blibis

2. Bali (0.) marak

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.

) ball bis

Madura (o.) marak

Madura (c.^

)

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

walilis

Sunda (o.) marak

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

Lampung marak

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

4. Bugis mara •

Macassar

Macassar mara

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

English goose
1 . Javanese (o.) banyak
Javanese (c.) banyak
Javanese (a.) angso

* '• The floating object.'

VOCABDLARIES.

149

English

pigeon

English parrot

1, Javanese (o

.)doro

1 Javanese (o.) betct, uori

Javanese (c.

) doro

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.

)
marpati dara

Javanese (a.)

Malay

Malay nuri

2. Bali (0.)

dara

^. Bali (o.) uori

Bali(c.)

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

komantra

Madura (o.) nori

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

japati

Sunda (o,) nuri

Sunda (c)

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

punai

Lampung nuri

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

bodowangklng

4. Bugis nuri

Macassar

bodowangking

Macassar nuri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atul

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

dahew

Madagascar

English

dove

English egg

1. Javanese (o.

) daruk putar

1. Javanese (o.) andog

Javanese (c.

) tJarkukuk

Javanese (c.) tigan

Javanese (a.

) prakutuk
kukur

Javanese (a.) antigo

Malay

Malay talor

2. Bali (o.)

kukur

% Bali (o.) taluh

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.

)

Madura (o.) talor

Madura (c.

)

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

walek

Sunda (0.) handok

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

Lampung takalui

3. Biajuk

4» Bugis

4. Bugis talo

Macassar

Macassar baiao

6. Timuri

5. Timuri tolon

Rotti

Rotti tolor

6, Atui

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

Madagascar tule

150

VOCABULAKIES.

English nest

English

tortoise

1. Javanese (o.) susuh

1. Javanese (o

.) pannyu

Javanese (g.) sasah

Javanese (c

)

Javanese (a.)

Javanese (a

.) kurmo

Malay sarang

Malay

pannyu

2. Bali (o.) sabun

2. Bali (o.)

boko-boko

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) lebun

Madura (o.

) pannyu

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) sayang

Sunda (o.)

pannyu

Sunda (c.)

Lampung sara

Lampung

hatun pann

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis rumung

4. Bugis

pannyu

MacassaT rumung

Macassar

pannyu

5a Timuri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

7. Samajig

Madagascar

Madagascar fauna

English Jish

English

crab

1. Javanese (o.) iwah

1. Javanese (o

.) kapiteng

Javanese (c.) ulam

Javanese (c

Javanese (a.) mino, matsyo

Javanese (a

.) karkota

Malay ikan

Malay

kattam

2. Bali (o.) be

2. Baii (o.)

kapiten/^

Bali (<;.)

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) jukoh

Madura (o.

) kapeteng

Madura (c.)

Madura (c.

)

Sunda (o.) lauk-ehai

Sunda (o.)

kapiting

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c.

Lampung iwa

Lampung

gara

3. Biajuk lack

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis bale

4. Bugis

Macassar juku

Macassar

5. Timuri nahan-tasi

5. Timuri

Kotti ehak

Rotti

6. A tui haiia

6. Atui

7. Samang ikan

7. Samang

Madagascar feer

Madagascar

VOCABULARIES.

151

English

snahc

English

hee

1. Javanese (o.

ulo

1. Javanese (o.)

tawon

Javanese (c.

sawar

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.)

taksoko
sarwo

Javanese (a.)

Malay

nogo
ular

Malay

labah tawon

2. Bali (o.)

nanipi

2. Bali (o.)

tabwan

Bali (c.)

uk naga

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

olar

Madura (o.)

nyamwaa

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

orrai

Sunda (o.)

tiwuan,

Siinda (c.)

Sunda (c.)

nyiruan

I^mpung

nlai

Lampung

nyawaii

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

ulara

4. Bugis

bani

Macassar

ulara

Macassar

bani

^. Timuri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

ekob

7. Samang

gala

Madagascar

mari

Madagascar

English

ant

English

honey

J.Javanese (o.

) s^mut

1. Javanese (o.

) mada

Javanese (c/

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.

samut

Javanese (a.)

Malay

manisan l^b:

2. Bali (o.)

samot

2. Bali (o.)

madu

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

bilgs

Madura (o.)

madu

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

sirum

Sunda (o.)

madU; tawa]

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

sarom

Lampung

madu

S.Biajuk

3. Biajuk

4-. Bugis

kaliTrara

4. Bugis

jeue-bani

Macassar

kaiiwara

Macassar

jene-bani

.5. Timuri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6, Atui

6. Atui

7, Samang

les

7. Samang

Madagascar

retik

Madagascar

teatala

152

VOCABULARIES,

English luax

English silver

I.Javanese (o.) lilin

1. Javanese (o.) saloko

Javanese (c.) malara

Javanese (c.) patakiln

Javanese (a.)

Javanese (a.) saloko .

Malay lilin

Malay perak

2. Bali (o.) malam

2. Bali (o.) salaka

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) malan

Madura (o.) salaka

Madura (c.)

Sunda(o.) malang edeng

Sunda (o.) salaka

Sunda, (c.)

Sunda (c.)

Lampung pantes

Lampung salako

3. Biajuk

4, Bugis tai-bani

4. Bugis salaka

Macassar tai-bani

Macassar bulaieng-mata

5, Timuri lilmg

5. Timuri murak-mutin

Rotti liling

Rotti lailo-fulah

6. Atui

7. bamang sud

7, Samang

Madagascar luko

Madagascar volerfuti *

English gold

English copper

1. Javanese (o.) mas

1. Javanese (o.)tambogo

Javanese (c.) janne

Javanese (c.) tambagi

Javanese (a.) kanchono

Javanese (a.) tambogo

1 ruknii

Malay mas

Malay tarabaga

2. Bali (o.) mas

2. Bali (o.) tambaga

Bali (c.)

Bali(c.)

Madura (o.) mas

Madura (o,) tambaga

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) mas

Sunda (o.) tambaga

Sunda (c.)

Lampung mas

Lampung dalong

S. Biajuk bolao

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis bulaeng

4. Bugis tambaga

Macassar bulaieng

Macassar tambaga

5. Timuri murak-maihan

5. Timuri tambaga

Rotti lailo-pelas

Rotti tambaga

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar Tolermaner

Madafirascar sarbermaner f

^ * The literal meaning of gold in this language is " the red moon," and of
silver " the white tnoon.'* -j- Literally " red brass.'*

VOCABULARIES.

English tin

English steel

1. Javanese (o.) timah rajoso

1. Javanese (o.) wojo

Javanese (c )

Javanese (c.) wahos malelo

Javanese (a.) rajoso

Javanese (a.)

Malay timah

Malay baja

2. Bali (o.) timah

2. Bali (o.) waja

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) timah

Madura (o.) baja

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) timah

Sunda (o.) waja

Sunda (c.)

Lampung timah

Lampung waja

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis tumbera

4. Bugis

Macassar tumbera

Macassar

5. Timuri makadadi

5. Timuri

Rotti engga

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

Madagascar veofFii

English iron

English siiasa

1. Javanese (o.) wassi

1. Javanese (o.) suwoso

Javanese (c.) tosan

Javanese (c.) suwahos

Javanese (a.)

Malay basi

Malay suasa

2. Bali (o.) basi

2. Bali (o.) suasa

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) base

Madura (o.) suasa

Madura (ct)

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) basi

Sunda (o.)

Sunda (c.)

Lampung basi

Lampung suasa

3. Biajuk sanaman

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis basi

4. Bugis suasa

Macassar basi

Macassar suasa

5. Timuri basi

5. Timuri

Rotti basi

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar ve

Madagascar

154

VOCABULARIES.

English

diamond

English sulphur

1. Javanese (o.

) intan

1. Javanese (0.) walirang

Javanese (c.

)

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.

)

intan

Javanese (a.)

Malay

Malay ball rang

^. Bali (o.)

intan

2. Bali (0.) wlirang

Bali (c.)

Madura (0/

) intan

Madura (0.) balirang

Madura (c.^

Madura (c.)

Sunda (0.)

intan

Sunda (0.) walirang

Sunda (q.)

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

intan

Lampung barelang

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

intang

4. Bugis cholo

Macassar

intang

Macassar cholo

5. Timuri

Kotti

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Stimang

7. Samang

Madagascar

English

pea? I

English cloth

1. Javanese (0.

) mutyoro

I.Javanese (0.) jarit

Javanese (c

)

Javanese (c.) sinjang

Javanese (a

•)
mutiara

Javanese (a.) wastro

Malay

Malay kain

2. Bali (0.)

2. Bali (0.) kambSn

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) wastra

Madura (0.^

1 mutyara

Madura (0.) jarit

Madura (c/

■

Madura (c.) "

Sunda (0.)

mutiara

Sunda (0.) samping

Sunda (0.)

Sunda (c.) sinjang

Lampung

Lampung kain

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

mutiara

4. Bugis lipa

Macassar

mutiara

Macassar lipa

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

7. Samang panjuk

Madagascar

VOCABULARIES.

155

English cotton

English orange, lime, S^c

1. Javanese (a.) kapas

1. Javanese (0.) jarruk

Javanese (c.)jujutan

Javanese (c.) jarrram

Javanese (a.) kapas

Javanese (a.)^

Malay kapas

Malay jarruk

2. Bali (0.) kapas

2. Bali (0.) jSwok

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) jairam

Madura (0.) kapas

Madura (0.) jaruk

Madura (c.)

Sunda (0.) kapas

Sunda (0.) jarroJc

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c)

Lampung kapas

Lampung lima*

3. Biajuk

S. Biajuk

4. Bugis kapasa

4. Bugis lemu

Macassar kapasa

Macassar lemu

5.Tirauri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar hairsey

Madagascar

English silk

English manga

1. Javanese (0.) sutro

1. Javanese (0.) palant

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.)lungsi

Javanese (a.)

/^OTirnnrrrrr*

Malay sutra

Malay mampalam

% Bali (0.) sutra

2. Bali (0.) poh

Bali (c>)

Bali (c.)

Madura (0.) sotra

Madura (0.) pao

Madura (c.)

Sunda (0 ) sutra

Sunda (0.) mampalani

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c) mangga

Lampung sutara

Lampung kapalam

3. Biajuk

3. Biajuk hampalam

4. Bugis sabe

4, Bugis taipa pa©

Macassar sabe

Macassar taip*

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

7. Samang tnampalant

Madagascar

156

VOCABULARIES.

English magustin

1. Javanese (o.) mangis
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

S. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

manggusta
manggis

manggis

mangu

tnanggos
sunkop
manggisi
manogisi

mastak

English tamarind

I.Javanese (o.) asam kamal
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

asam-jawa
massam

asam
kamal
assum
assum
peros- kamal

chamba
chamba

. English palma'christi
. * Javanese (o.) jarak

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.)

jarak
jarak

Malay
2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.) kaleki jarak
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.) jarak kaliki

jarak

jara
jara

Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English breadfruit

1. Javanese (o.) sukun
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

sukun
sukun

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.) sukun
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.) sukun
Sunda (c.)
LampDng

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

sukun

bacara

uru

VOCABULARIES*

157

English pomegranate •

English indigo drug

1, Javanese (o.) dalimo

I. Javanese (o.) nilo nilawardi

Javanese (c.) gangsalan

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.)

Malay dallma

Malay nila

2. Bali (0.) dalima

2. Bali (0.) lakad

Bali (c.)

Bah (c.)

Madura (o.) dalima

Madura (o.) nila

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) dalima

Sunda (o.) nila

Sunda (c.)

Lampung dalima

Lampung nila

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis dalima

4. Bugis nila

Macassar dalima

Macassar nila

5. Timuri

llotti

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

English indigo plant

English blach peppet

1. Javanese (o.) torn

1. Javanese (o.) maricho

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (c.) mariyos

Javanese (a.)

Malay tarum

Malay " lada

2. Bali (0.) torn

% Bali (o.) mricha

Ball (c.)

Bali (c.)

Madura (o,) tarom

Madura (o.) la-ang

Madura (c.)

Sunda (c.) tarum

Sunda (o.) raaricha

Sunda (c.)

Suuda (c.) padas-hidang

Lampung talam

Lampung lada-halom

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis poko-nila

4. Bugis maricha

Macassar poko-nila

Macassar maricha

5. Timuri

llotti

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

155 VOCABULARIES.

English banana

English eucumber

1. Javanese (o.) gadang

I.Javanese (0.) timun karti

Javanese (c.) pisang

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.)

Malay pisang

Malay timun

2. Bali (o.) biyu

2. Bali (0.) katimun

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) gadang

Madura (0.) temun

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) chawuk

Sunda (0.) bonteng, timun

Sunda (c.)

Sundd (0 )

Lampung punti

Lampung antimon

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis unti

4. Bugis

Macassar unti

Macassar

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui maia

6. Atui

7. Samang piseng

7. Samang

Madagascar ounche

Madagascar

English durian

English bamboo

1. Javanese (0.) duren

1. Javanese (0.) preng wuluh

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (c.) rosan

Javanese (al)

Javanese (a.)

Malay durian

Malay buluh

2. Bali (0.) duren

2. Bali (0.) tieng

Bali (c.)

Madura (0.) duren

Madura (0.) pareng

Madura (c)

Madura (c.)

Sunda (0.) kadu

Sunda (0.) avi^i tamian

Sunda (c.)

Lampung durian

Lampung awi

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis duriang

4. Bugis bulo

Macassar duriang

Macassar bulo

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

6. Atui ohe

7. Samang hampak

7. Samang labeh

Madagascar

VOCABULARIES. 15

English rattan

English eocoanut

1. Javanese (o.) panjalin

1 . Javanese (o.) kalopo nyu

Javanese (c.) panjatos

Javanese (c.) krambil

Javanese (a.)

Malay rotan

Malay nyur, kalapa

2. Bali (o.) panyalin

2. Bali (o.) nyoh

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

Madura (o,) nyohor

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) hwoe

Sunda (o.) kalapa

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

Lampung klapa

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis raokang

4. Bugis kaluku

Macassar raokang

Macassar kaluku

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

6. Atui iniu

7. Samang awe

7. Samang

Madagascar

Madagascar new

English sugar-can

English nutmeg

I.Javanese (o.) tabbu

1. Javanese (o.) polo

Javanese (c.) rosan

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.)

Malay tabbu
2. Bali (o.) tabbu

Malay pala

2. Bali (b.) pala

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) tabu

Madura (o.) pala

Madura (c)

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) tiwu

Sunda (o.) pala

Sunda (c.)

Lampung tabu

Lampung pala

3. Biajuk tebo

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis tabu

4. Bugis pala

Macassar tabu

Macassar pali

5. Tinauri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui tu

6. Atui

7. Samang tabuk

7. Samang

Madagascar fi^rray

Madagascar

100 VOCABULARIES.

English clove

English lea^'

1. Javanese (o.) changkeh

1. Javanese (o.) godong

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (c.) ron

Javanese (a.)

Javanese (a.) potro

Malay changkeh

Malay daun

2. Bali (o.) lawang

2. Bali (o.) don

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) changkeh

Madura (o.) dawon

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) changkeh

Sunda (o.) dawun

Sunda (c.)

Lanipung changkeh

Lampung bulong

S. Biajuk

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis changke

4. Bugis daung

Macassar changke

Macassar leko

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

Madagascar ravven

English tree

English Jlower

1. Javanese (o.) wit

1. Javanese (o.) kambang

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (c.) sakar

Javanese (a.) wrakso

Javanese (a.) sari puspito

DUSDO kusumft

Malay pohun poko

Malay bunga kambang

2, Bali (o.) punyanya

2. Bali (o ) bunga

Bali (c.)

Ba.i (c.)

Madura (o.) pohon, bunka

Madura (o.) kombang

Madura (c.)

Madura (c.) sakar

Sunda (o.) tangkal

Sunda (o.) kambang

Sunda (c.)

Lampung batang

Lampung kambang

S. Biajuk

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis poko

4. Bugis bunga

Macassar poko

Macassar bunga

5. Timuri ayun

5. Timuri

Rotti ayu

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Sumang chuk

7. Samang

Madagascar harzo

Madagascar

VOCABULARIES.

I6i

English

fruit

English pine apple

1. Javanese (o.

) woh

1. Javanese (0.) nanas

Javanese (c.

)

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.

) polo
buah

Javanese (a.)

Malay

Malay nanas

2. Bali (o.)

buah

2. Bali (0.) manas
Bali(c.) .

Bali (c.3

Madura (0.)

buwah

Madura (0.) lanas

Madura (c]

Madura (c.)

Sunda (0.)

vruah

Sunda (0.) danas

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

buah

Lampung kanias

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

rapu

4. Bugis pandang

Macassar

rapu

Macassar pandang

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Saraang

buh

7. S?lmang

Madagascai

vvuer

Madagascar raernasse

English

teak

English rice husked

1. Javanese (0

)jati

I.Javanese (o.)bras

Javanese (c

) jatos

Javanese (c.) wos

Javanese (a

jati

Javanese (a.) dahno

Malay

Malay bras

2. Bali (0.)

jati

2. Bali (0.) baas

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) was

Madura (0.) jati

Madura (0.) bras

Madura (c/

)

Madura (c.)

Sunda (0,)

jati

Sunda (0.) beas

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c)

Lampung

jati

Lampung bias

3. Biajuk

3. Biajuk behas

4<. Bugis

jati

4. Bugis werasa

Macassar

jati

Macassar berasa

5. Timuri

5. Timuri tohos

Rotti

Rotti narese

6. Atui

7. Samang

7. Samang bayas

Madagascar

VOL. II.

162

VOCABULARIES.

English rice in the husk

1. Javanese (o.) pari
Javanese (c.) pantun
Javanese (a.)

English dry arable

I. Javanese (o.) tSgal
Javanese (c.) tagil
Javanese (a.)

Malay padi

Malay ladang, umah

2. Bali (o.) padi

% Bali (o.) tagal

Bali (c.) ' pantun

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) padi

Madura (o.) tagal

Madura (c.)

Sun da (o.) par eh

Sunda (o.) tagal

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (•;.)

Lainpung pari

Lampung

3. Biajuk pare

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis ase

4. Bugis koko

Macassar ase

Macassar koko

5. Timuri hari

5. Timuri

Rotti hari

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Saraang padil

7. Samang

Madagascar varray

Madagascar

English ijoet arable

English plough

1. Javanese (o.) sawah

1. Javanese (o.) waluku

Javanese (c.) sabin

Javanese (c.) walajar

Javanese (a.)

Malay sawah

Malay tanggala

2. Bali (o.) umah

2. Bali (o.) klaka

Bali (c.) charik

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) sawah

Madura (o.) nanggala asaka

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) sawah

Sunda (o.) wluku, singkal

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (o.)

Lampung sabah

Lampung

3. Biajuk tannah

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis pamariang *

4. Bugis pajeko

Macassar pamariang

Macassar pajeko

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

Literally " rice ground.'*

VOCABULARIES. H

English harroiio

English salt

1. Javanese (o.) garu

1. Javanese (0.) uyah

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (c.) sarani

Javanese (a.)

Malay sisir, garu

Malay garam

2. Bali (o.) garu

2. Bali (0.) uyah

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) tasek

Madura (o.) palaga

Madura (0.) uyah buja

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) garu

Sunda (0.) uyah

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c )

Lampung

Lampung uyah

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

4. Bugis chela

Macassar

Macassar chela

5. Timuri

5 Timuri

llotti

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

7. Samang siyak

Madagascar

Madagascar serer

English sugar

English milk

1. Javanese (o.) gulo

1. Javanese (0.) bannyu-susu

Javanese (c.) sakar gandis

Javanese (c.) toyo-puwan

Javanese (a.) gulo srakoro

Javanese (a.)

manworo

Malay gula

Malay susu

2. Bali (o.) gula

2. Bali (0.) nyonyo

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) gula

Madura (0.) aing-soso

Madura (c.)

Madura (c ) puwan

Sunda (o.) gula '

Sunda (0.) chai-susu

Sunda (c.)

Suiida (c.)

Lampung gula

Lampung wai-mah

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis gula

4. Bugis dadi

Macassar gula

Macassar dadi

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

6\ Atui

7. Samang

7- Samang

Madagascar serermarrae*

Madagascar ronunu

* Literally *' sweet saiV

164

VOCABULARIES.

English huy

1. Javanese (o.) tuku
Javanese (c.) tumbas
Javanese (a.)

Malay bali

Bali (o.) bali
Bali (c.) tumbas
Madura (o.) mali
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

mali

bli

manali
amali

S.Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7- Samang
Madagascar

English sell

I.Javanese (o.) adol
Javanese (c.) wade sade
Javanese (a.)

Malay
g. Bah (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

ngadap

juvval

najual

jual

mabalu
abalu

vele

English debt

1. Javanese (o.) utang
Javanese (c.) n^alang
Javanese (a.)

Malay utang

Bali (o.) utang
Bali (c.) nyambut
Madura (o.) otang
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.) utang

utang

mangingrang
ngingrang

Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English market

1. Javanese (o.) pasar
Javanese (c.) pakan
Javanese (a.)

Malay pasara, pakak

Bali (o.) pakan

Bali(c.) pasar
Madura (o.) pakan, pasar
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.) pasar

Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7- Samang
Madagascar

pasar

pasara
pasara

VOCABULARIES.

16J;

English hoe

1. Javanese (o.) pachul
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay
S.Bali (0.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c/
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

changkul
tambah

landuk

pachul

bingkung

ioro

English cleaver

1. Javanese (o.) birang bendo
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay
2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

5. Biajuk
4. Bugis

Macassar
5: Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

parang
blakas

bandu

badog

chandong

bangkung
berang

English goldsmith

1. Javanese (0.) kamasaii
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay
2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.
Madura (c.
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung
Biajuk
Bugis
Macassar
Timuri
Rotti
Atui
Samang
Madagascar

tukang-mas *
tukang-mas

I kamasan
I
kamasan

tukang-mas

padede-ulawang
padede-bulaieng

English blacksmith

1. Javanese (o.) ampu
Javanese (c.) pande
Javanese (a.)

Malay

2. Bali (0.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o,)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

S, Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

pandai basi
pande-basi

pandi

pandai

tukang-basi

padede-basi
padede-basi

• By prefixing the word tukang^ " artificer, '* or pande ^ " skilled," to the
name c^ the material, we obtain, m every case, that of t^e caUini; or profeftion-

loo VOCABULARIES.

English carpenter

English shuttle

1. Javanese (o.) tukang-kayu

1 . Javanese (o.) tropong

Javanese (c.; tukang-kajang

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.)

Malay tukang-kayu

Malay tropong

2. Bali (o.) tukang-kayu

2. Bali (o.) blida

Bail (c.) undagi

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) tukang kaju

Madura (o.) tropong larenan

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) tukang-mapas

Sunda (o.) taropong

Sunda (c.) tukang-kahi

Sunda (c.)

Lampung tukang kayu

Lampung

2. Biajuk

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis takang-aju

4. Bugis taropong

Macassar tukang-kayu

Macassar taropong

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

English xveaver

English thread

1. Javanese (o.) tukang-tanun

I. Javanese (o.) banang

Javanese (c.) juru-tanun

Javanese (c.) lawi

Javanese (a.)

Malay tukang-tanun

Malay banang

.2. Bali (o ) nunon

2. Bali (o.) banang

Ba.i (c.)

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) tukang tSnun

Madura (o.) kante

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) ninun

Sunda (o.) kante

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis tanung

4. Bugis banang

Macassar tanung

Macassar banan§

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

Madagascar fola

VOCABULARIES.

167

English spinning'tvheet

Javanese (o.) jontro
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c )
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English boat

1. Javanese (o.) prahu
Javanese (c.) bahito
Javanese (a.} palwo

rahat jantra
jantra

kantian

kinchir

tingkiran

tingkere
tingkere

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

prahu
prahu

praho

prahu

parahu

lopi

bisiang

roho

afak

eva

pahuk

English rudder

I . Javanese (o.) kanmdi
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English anchor

1. Javanese (o.) jangkar
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

kamudi
kaujudi

kamudi

kan;udi

guling
guling

Malay sawuh

2. Bali (o.) jangkar
Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) jangkar 8a«
Madura (c.)
Sunda ( .)

Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

jankar

rangrang
rangrano-

10« VOCABULARIES.

English ship

English scout

1. Javanese (o.) kapal

1. Javanese (o.) halik nalik

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.)

Malay kapal

Malay suluh mata-matt

2. Bali (o.) kaual'

2. Bali (o.) talek

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) kapal

Madura (o.) mata-mata

Madura (c.)

Madura (c.) lalik

Sunda (o.) kapal

Sunda (o.) talik

Sunda (c.)

Lampung kapal

Lampung mata-malana

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis kapala

4. Bugis suro

Macassar kapala

Macassar suro

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

English 'watch or guard

English luar

1. Javanese (o.) tungga

tugur

1. Javanese (o.) prang

Javanese (c.) kamit

Javanese (c.) yudo

Javanese (a.) jogo

Javanese (a.) logo
rono

Malay tunggu,

jaga

Malay prang

S. Bali (o.) gabagan

2. Bali (o.) masiyat

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) miyuda

Madura (o.) kabal jaga

Madura (o.) prang

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) tunggu

Sunda (o.) prang

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

Lampung parang

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis pakami

kami

4. Bugis amusuh

Macassar . pakami

kami

Macassar bundu

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar ambenner 1

Madagascar mealier

VOCABULARIES.

169

English peace

English

defeat

1. Javanese (o.) badami

I. Javanese (o/

) kalah

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (c.]

kawon

Javanese (a.)

Malay damai

Malay

alah

S. Bali (0.) kasseh

2. Bali (o.)

kalah

Bali (c.)

Bali(c.)

kawott

Madura (o.) madami

Madura (0.)

kalah

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) wawuh

Sunda (o.)

elleh

Sunda (c.)

Larapung damai

Lampung

kalah, alah

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis adame

4. Bugis

nikahaoni

Macassar adaine

Macassar

nasaoru

5. 7'imuri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

English victory

English

flight

1. Javanese (o.) manang

1. Javanese (o ]

malayu

Javanese (c.) joyo

Javanese (c.) malajang

Javanese (a.) joyo wijoyo

Javanese (a.)

Malay manang

Malay

lari

2. Bali (o.) mandap

2. Bali (o.)

malain

Bali (c) manang

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) manang

Madura (o.)

burn

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) manang

Sunda (o.)

lumpat

Sunda (c.)

Lampung manang

Lampung

tagaglijon-r

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis pachao

4. Bugis

larini

Macassar anyaoru

Macassar

larimi

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

^Madagascar

Madagascar

170

VOCABULARIES.

English

boU)

Knglish shield

1. Jdvaiiese (o

) gandewo

I. Javanese (o ) tameng

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (c.) paris

Javanese (a.

) chopo

Javanese (a.) tanukulam

ghru

kautar

laras

Malay

panah

Malay taming, prisai

«.Bali(o.)

^. Ball (o.) tamiang

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) panah

Madura (o.) tameng

Madura (c.^

1 gaudiwa

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

pateug

Sunda (o.) kapang

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

Lampung taming

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

panah

4. Bugis lengu

Macassar

panah

Macassar lengu

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

tito

6 Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

English

arroxo

English dagger

1. Javanese (o.) panah

I. Javanese (o.) kris

Javanese (c.) jainparing

Javanese (c.) duwung

Javanese (a.)

Javanese (a.) churigo

anak.panah

Malay

Malay kris

2. Bali (0.)

panah

2. Bali (o.) kadutan

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) duwung

Madura (o.)

Madura (o.) kris

Madura (c.)

Madura (c.) abenan

Sunda (o.)

panah

Sunda (o.) kris, skia

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

Lampung karis

5. Biajuk

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

4. Bugis sele

Macassar .

Macassar tapi

5. Timuri

3. Timuri kris

Rotti

Rotti kris

6. Atui

pua

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

VOCABULARIES.

171

English

stjoord

English

musket

1. Javanese (0.) padang

I. Javanese (0.) sanapang f

Javanese (c/

)

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.^

padaog

Javanese (a.)

Malay

sanapang

2. Bali (0.)

% Bali (0.)

Bali (c.)

Madura (0.) padang

Madura (0.) sanapang

Madura (c.)

Sunda (0.)

padang

Sunda (0.)

sanapang

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

padang

Lampung

snapang

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

padang

4. Bugis

sinapang

Macassar

padang

Macassar

sinapang

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

V •»

Madagascar

English

spear

English

cannon

I.Javanese (0.)

tumbak

] . Javanese (0.]

mariyam

Javanese (c]

wahos

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.'

Igolo
tumbak

Javanese (a.)

Malay

mariam, bade

% Bali (0.)

tumbak

2. Ball (0.)

Bali (c.)

Madura (0.)

tombak

Madura (0.)

mariyam

Madura (c.)

chantakan

Madura (c.)

Sunda (0.)

tombak

Sunda (0.)

mar i am

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

paean

Lampung

3. biajuk

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

basi *

4. Bugis

mariam

Macassar

poke

Macassar

mariam

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

leffu

Madagascar

* LiteraUy « iron."

'f For snaphan, Dutch.

172

VOCABULARIESP,

English matchstock

English tioitnes&

1. Javanese (o.)satingar*

1. Javanese (o.) saksi

Javanese (c)

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.)

Malay satingar

Malay saksi

2. Bali (o.) satingar

2. Bali (o.) saksi

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) -satingar

Madura (o.) saksi

Madura (c.)

Sunda(o.) satingar

Sunda (o.) saksi

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

Lampung saksi

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis japong

4. Bugis sabi

Macassar japong

Macassar sabi

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

English fort

English oath

1. Javanese (o.) kuto boto

L Javanese (o.) sapoto

Javanese (c.) kito

Javanese (c.) sapahos

Javanese (a.) bolowarti

Javanese (a.) prasatyo

Malay kota

Malay sumpah

2. Bali (0.) galar

2. Bali (o.) supata

Bali (c.) kota

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) kota

Madura (o.) sompah

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) benteng

Sunda (o.) sapata

Sunda (c.)

Lampung kuta

Lampung sumpah

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis kota

4. Bugis asumpa

Macassar kota

Macassar asumpa

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

Madagascar mofontor

From espingarda, Portuguese.

VOCABULARIES.

17s

English

prison

English

retaliation

1, Javanese (0

.) kunjoro

I.Javanese (0.

)walas

Javanese (c

•)

Javanese (c.) belo

Javanese (a

.) tiirungku
panjara

Javanese (a/

)

Malay

balas, bela

% Bali (0.)

blagbag

2. Bali (0.)

tulung bela

Bali (c.)

Madura (0.

) pataudan

Madura (0.)

balas b«Ia

Madura (c.

)

Madura (c.)

Sunda (0.)

tarungku,

Sunda (0.)

bela, malas

Sunda (c.)

paujara

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

balas

3. Biajuk

3- Biajuk

4. Bugis

tarungku

4. Bugis

balasa

Macassar

tarungku

Macassar

balasa

5. Timuri

Rota

Rotti

C. Atui

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

English

fine or mulct

English

agreement

1 . Javanese (0

) dando

1. Javanese (0.) janjl

Javanese (c

Javanese (c/

Javanese (a

) kapidono
danda

Javanese (a.^

)

Malay

janji

2. Bali (0.)

danda

2. Bali (0.)

basaketa

Bali (c.)

Madura (0/

danda

Madura (0.)

jangji

Madura (0.^

Madura (c.)

, Sunda (0.)

danda

Sunda (0.)

jangji

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

janji

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

pasala

4. Bugis

jangji

Macassar

pasala

Macassar

jangji

5. Timuri

6. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7 Samang

7. Samang

Madagascar

melongore

I74s

VOCABULARIES*

Enorlish king

English forest

1. Javanese (o.) ratu rojo

1. Javanese (o.) alas

Javanese (c.) narcndro

Javanese (c.) wono

Javanese (a.) sribopati pati

Javanese (a.) wono

Malay raja

Malay utau

2. Bali (o.) ratu

2. Bali (o.) alas

Bali (c.) haiiakagang

Bah (c.)

Madura (n.) rato

Madura (o.) gunong

Madura (c.)

Sunda (u.) ratu

Sunda (o.) lawang

Sunda (c.)

Larapung raja

T^ampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis arung

4. Bugis pangala

Macassar karaing

Macassar romang

5^ Timuri

6. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

6. Atiii

7. Samang eja

7. Samang

Madagascar panzakar

Madagascar

English slave

English country

1. Javanese (o.) kawulo

1 . Javanese (o.) deso

Javanese (c.) abdi

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.) hombo

Javanese (a.) deso

Malay hamba saiya

Malay tanah

5. Bali Co.) kawula

2. Bali (o.) desa

Bali (i.)

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) kawula

Madura (o.) desa

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) kula

Sunda (o.) lambur

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c.

Lampung

3. Biajuk

4, Bugis ata

4. Bugis tana

Macassar ata

Macassar buta

5. Timuri

Rotti

6, Atui

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar andavo

Madagascar

VOCAfiULAEIES.

17*

English city

1. Javanese (o.) na^oro
Javanese (c.) iiagari
Javanese (a.) projo puro

English statute

1. Javanese (o.) undang
Javanese (c.) pSrenta
Javanese (a.)

nagri

Malay

Malay undang-undang

2. Bali (o.)

nagara

i. Bali (o.) undang

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

nagara

Madura (o.) undang.undang

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

daya

Sunda (o.) undang

Sunda (c.)

nagara

Sunda (c.)

I^ampung

nagari

Lampung undang-undang

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

parasangang

4. Bugis prenta, undang

Macassar

parasangang

Macassar prenta, ondan^j

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

•J. Samang

Madagascar

taunar

Madagascar

English

crown

English mone^

1. Javanese (o/

\ makuto

1. Javanese (o.) huwang

Javanese {c]

Javanese (c.) yotro

Javanese (a.;

makuto
makota

Javanese (a.) radon o

Malay

Malay wang

S.Bali (o.)

makota

% Ball (o.) yatra

Bali (c)

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

makota

Madura (o.) yatra

Madura (c.)

Madura (< .)

Sunda (o.)

sigir

Sunda (0.) wang

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

3.Biajuk

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

makota

4. Bugis uvrang

Macassar

makota

Macassar uwang

S. Timuri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

176

VOCABULARIES.

English religion

1. Javanese (o.) agorno
Javanese (c.) aganii
Javanese (a.) agomo

Malay agama

2. Bali (o.) agama

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) agama

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) agama

Sunda (c.)

Lampung agama
S.Biajuk

4. Bugis agama
Macassar agama

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English heaven

1. Javanese (o.) swargo
Javanese (c.) swargi
Javanese (a.) surolojo

■ — swafijoloko

. — jungringsaloko

Malay suarga

2. Bali (o.) swarga
Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) suarga
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.) sawarga
Sunda (c.)
Lampung suaraga

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis suruga
Macassar suruga

6. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English hell

\. Javanese (o.) naroko
Javanese (c.) jjihnam
Javanese (a.)

tumbro-gumako

naroko

Malay nuraka

2. Bali (o.) naraka
Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) naraka
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.) naraka
Sunda (c.)
Lampung naraka

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis naraka
Macassar naraka

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Aim

7. Samang
Madagascar

English spiritual teacher
J.Javanese (o.) guru
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay guru

% Bali (o.) pandita
Bali (c.) guru
Madura (o.) guru
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.) guru
Sunda (c.)
Lampung guru

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis guru
Macassar gura

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

VOCABULARIES.

English penance

English many

1. Javanese (o.) topo

1. Javanese (o.) hakeh, keh

Javanese (c.) tapi

Javanese (c.) hakung, katah

Javanese (a.) topo, teki

Javanese (a.) kweh

prduggi

Malay tap a

Malay bannyak

2. Bali (o.) matapa

2. Bali (o) hakeh

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) tapa

Madura (o.) banyak

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) tapa

Sunda (o.) rea, loba

Sunda (c.)

Lampung tapa

Lampung lamon

3. Biajuk

S. Biajuk areh

4. Bugis tapa

4. Bugis maiga

Macassar tapa

Macassar jai

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Saraang

7. Samang

Madagascar

Madagascar mawroAv

English fast

English Jevo

I.Javanese (o.) puwoso

\. Javanese (o.) kadek

Javanese (c.) siyam

Javanese (c.) hawisawisan

Javanese (a.)

Javanese (a.) chimik

Malay puasa

Malay sadikit

2. Bali (o.) posa

2. Bali (o.) sadikit

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) powasa, siam

Madura (o.) didih, sakoni

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) puasa, sahuni

Sunda (o.) satik

Sunda (c.)

Lampung puasa

Lampung sabah

3, Biajuk

3. Biajuk esut

4. Bugis puasa

4. Bugis chede

Macassar puasa

Macassar sikade

5. Timuri

5. Timuri ,

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

VOL. II.

178

VOCABULARIES.

English great

1. Jjivanese (o.) jgade
Javaiitse (c.) agung
Javanese (a.) goro

Malay bSsar, agang

2. Bali (o.) gade

Bali (jc.) agang

Madura (o.) raja

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

Sunda (c.)

Laaipung
S. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

gade

bala
hai

maraja
lompo

English

little

I.Javanese (o.

) chilik

Javanese (c.

) alit

Javanese (a

)

Malay

kachil

2. Bail (o.)

cha.iek

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

kene

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

latik

Sunda (c )

Lampung

loni

3. Biajuk

korik

4. Bugis

baichu

Macassar

chade

5. Timuri

ki-ik

Hotti

anak

6. Atui

7. Samang

' Madagascar

kala

English

long

1. Javanese (o.

) dowo, panjang

Javanese (c.

) wahos

Javanese (a.

)

Malay

)anjang

2. Ball (o.)

an tang

Bali (c.)

panjang

Madura (o.^

lanjang

Madura (c.^

Sunda (o.)

panjang

>unda (c.)

Lampung

tajong

,5. Biajuk

hapanjang

4. Bugis

malarape

Macassar

labu

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascai

' lavvar

English

short

1. Javanese (o

) chandak

Javanese (c

)

Javanese (a

)

Malay

pendek

2. Bali (o.)

endep

Bali (c.)

Madura (o/

) pandak

Madura (c/

)

Sunda (d.)

pondok

Sunda (c )

Lampung

bunta

-6s Biajuk

andap

4. Bugis

maponcho

Macassar

bodd

6, Timuri

Rotti

M. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascai

fuher

VOCABULARIES.

English sweet

English

black

1, Javanese (o.) manis

I.Javanese (o

.) irang

Javanese (c.) laggi

Javanese (c

.) chamang

Javanese (a.) datu

Javanese (a

.) kolo
krisno

Malay manis

Malay

itam

2. Bali (o.) manis

2. Bali (o.)

salSm

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) manis

Madura (o.

)

Madura (c.)

Madura (c/

)

Sunda (o.) amis

Sunda (o.)

hidung

Sunda (c.)

Lampung mis

Lampung

3. Biajuk

babilan

4. Bugis machaning

4. Bugis

mlotong

Macassar teni

Macassar

leleng

5. Timuri

maitan

Rotti

mati

6. Atui

7. Samang gahet

7. Samang

balteng

Madagascar marme

Madagascar

• minetay

English bitter

English

white

1. Javanese (o.) pahit

1 . Javanese (o

) puteh

Javanese (c.) gutar, gatir

Javanese (c

) patah

Javanese (a.) langu
. tekto

Javanese (a

)

Malay pahit

Malay

puteh

2. Bali (o.) pahit

2. Bali (o.)

patah

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) paet

Madura (o.

)

Madura (c.)

Madura (c]

Sunda (o.) pahit

Sunda (o.)

bodas

Sunda (c.)

Lampung pahi

Lampung

3. Biajuk

puteh

4. Bugis pai

4» Bugis

raaputeh

Macassar pal

Macassar

kebu

5. Timuri

mutin

Rotti

fulah

6. Atui

7- Samang kade^

7. Samang

paltas

Madagascar merfjaughts

Madagascai

lute

179

180

VOCABULARIES.

English red

I.Javanese (o.) abang
Javanese (c.) abrit
Javanese (a.)

Malay merah

2. Bali (o.) bara

Bali(c.)

Madura (o.)

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) barara

Sunda (c.)

Lampung
5. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

machala
eja

tohon

maner

English green

I.Javanese (o.) iju
Javanese (c.) ijam
Javanese (a.)

Malay
S.Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

gadang

ejo

ijao

monchong-bulo
monchong-bulo
matak
mamasah

balon

Madagascar michue

English yellovo

1. Javanese (o.) kuning
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay
2. Bali (0.)
Bah (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

5. Biajuk
4. Bugis

Macassar
5- Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English hard

, Javanese (o.) atos
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

kuning
kuning

koneng

bahendak

maridi

didi

madok

mamodok

Malay
2- Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

kras
katos

hagal

taas

karas

terasa
terasa

VOCABULAlRIES.

181

English soft

I.Javanese (o.)ampuk,madok
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay
2. Bali (0.)

lambut
mas

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

lembut

Madura -(c.)

Sunda (o.)

oduh, siya

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

lamoh

malama
lumu

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

merlemma

English strong
1. Javanese (o.) roso, kuwat
Javanese (c.) kuwawi
Javanese (a.) kuwowo
kral

kuat
kuat

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) koko
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.) badas
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

tagoh

gasing
gasing

English nevo

1 . Javanese (o.) annyar
Javanese (c.)
Javanese (a.)

Malay

2. Bali (o.)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English old

1. Javanese (o.) tuwo
Javanese (c.) sapuh, sapali
Javanese (a.)

baharu
annyar

baru

anuyar

muak

baru
beru

Malay
2. Bali (0.)

tuna
tua

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

towa

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

kolot

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

tuba

S. Biajuk

bakas -

4. Bugis

toa

Macassar

toa

5- Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

tuhak

Madagascar antichs

182

VOCABULARIES.

English ugly

English good

1. Javanese (o.) olo *

1. Javanese (o.) bSchik

Javanese (c.) awon

Javanese (c.) sahe

Javanese (a.)

Malay buruk

Malay baik

2. Bali (o.) jaieh

2. Bali (o.) malak

Bali (c.) kahon

Bali (c.) bachek

Madura (o.) jubak

Madura (o.) bachik

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) goreng

Sunda (o.) hadeh

Sanda (c)

Sunda (c.)

Lampung jahal

Lampung bati

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis kodi, ja

4. Bugis madeching

Macassar kodi

Macassar baji

5. Timuri

5. Timuri da-ak

Rotti

Rotti maloli

6. Atui

6. Atui my, ty

7. Samang

Madagascar rawtche

Madagascar suer

English handsome

English bad

1. Javanese (o.) bagus

1 . Javanese (o.) olo

Javanese (c.) ayu

Javanese (c.) awon

Javanese (a.)

Malay elok, bagus

Malay jahat

2. Bali (o.) bagus

2. Bali (o.) jaleh

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) kahon

Madura (o.) bagus

Madura (o.) jubak

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) kasep, galis

Sunda (o.) goreng

Sunda (c.)

Lampung halao

Lampung jahal

3. Biajuk bahalak

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis madeching

4. Bugis kodi

Macassar baji

Macassar kodi

5. Timuri

5. Timuri ta-uk

Rotti

Rotti mangalaut

6. Atui

6. Atui ino

7. Samang

Madagascar sengger

Madagascar rawtche

• " Ugly " and " bad " are expressed by tbe same words in almost all the
Polynesian languages.

VOCABULARIES.

IBS

English deaf

I.Javanese (o.) budag
Javanese (c.) tuli
Javanese (a.)

Malay tuli

2. Bali (o.) bongol
Bali (c.) budag
Madura (o.) tengal
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o.) torek
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. Timuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

English blind

I.Javanese (o.) wuto, pichak
Javanese (c.) kabuwanan
Javanese (a.) pitong

tulok

tongolo

Malay

2. Bali (o)
Bali (c.)
Madura (o.)
Madura (c.)
Sunda (o,)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5. 'I imuri
Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang
Madagascar

buta
pecheng

buta

pechak

buta

buta
buta

chemerheter

Knglish lame

1. Javanese (o.) pinchang
Javanese (c.) dengklang
Javanese (a.)

Malay

timpang

i. Bali (o.)

perot

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.

) tepang

Madura (c.

)

Sunda (o. )

pata, dingkik

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

timpang

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

tempang

Macassar

tern pang

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

English

fat

I. Jivanese(o

.) blandung, lamu

Javanese (c

Javanese (a.) pustini

Malay
2. Bali (o.)
Bali(c.)
Madura (o.)
INI'idura (c.)
Sunda (o.)
Sunda (c.)
Lampung
% Biajuk

4. Bugis
Macassar

5, Timuri
Rotti

n. Atui
7. Samang
Madagascar

gamuk
mokoh

lompo

liotuk, palam

tab oh

chomo
chomo

Tonedruk

VOCABULARIES.

English lean

English was

I.Javanese (o.) kuru

J.Javanese (o.) wus, wes

Javanese (c.) karo

Javanese (c) sampun

Javanese (a.)

Malay kurus

Malay sudah

2. Bali (o.) baiag

2. Bali (o.) suba

Bali (c.)

Bali (c.) sampun

Madura (o.) kering

Madura (o.) alah

Madura (c )

Madura (c.) am pun

Sunda (o.) kuru

Sunda (o.) anggus

Sunda (c.)

Lampung rayang

Lampung radu

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis makojo

4. Bugis pura

Macassar roso

Macassar leba

5.Timuri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7, Samang

7. Samang lawek

Madagascar merhir

Madagascar

English be

English become

1. Javanese (o.) hono

1. Javanese (o.) dadi

Javanese (c.) wontaa

Javanese (c) dados

Javanese (a.)

Malay ada

Malay • jadi

2. Bali (o.) ada

2. Bali (o.) dadi

Bali (c.) wontaa

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) bada

Madura (o.) dadi

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) aiya

Sunda (o.) jadi

Sunda (c.)

Lampung uwat

Lampung jadi

3. Biajuk atun

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis angka

4. Bugis purani

Macassar nia

Macassar jari

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang wek

7. Samang

Madagascar

VOCABULARIES. 18j

English

tuill

English hear

1. Javanese (o.

)arap

I.Javanese (o.) gowo

Javanese (c.

) ajang

Javanese (c.) bakto

Javanese (a.

)
mao

Javanese (a.)

Malay

Malay bawa

2. Bali (o.)

nyak

2. Bali (o.) aba

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

handah

Madura (o.) giba

Madura (c.)

Madura (o.)

Sunda (o.)

rek, hayang

Sunda (o.) bawa, mawa

Sunda (c.)

Sunda (c.) dijayak

Lampung

haju

Lampung batok

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

melo

4. Bugis ritiwi

Macassar

ero

Macassar nyerang

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

?► Samang

gamek

7. Samang yoe

Madagascar

English

iaJce

English burn

1. Javanese (o.

) amek, jupuh

1. Javanese (o.) bakar

Javanese (c.

)

Javanese (c.) obong

Javanese (a.

)arabil

Javanese (a.) basmi

ambil

Malay

Malay bakar

2. Bali (o.)

janmak

2. Bali (0.) bakar

Bali (c.)

ambil

Bali (c.) obong, joting

Madura (o.'

nalah

Madura (o.) obar,tono

Madura (c/

mendut

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

ngala

Sunda (o.) balam

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

aku

Lampung pangang

3. Biajuk

diron

3. Biajuk papwi

4. Bugis

alai

4. Bugis tunu

Macassar

ale

Macassar tunu

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

makoQ

7. Samang

Madagascar

Madagascar mundvengher

186

VOCABULARIES.

English mahe, do

English

hill

I.Javanese (o.) i^awc

I.Javanese (o

) matcni

Javanese (c.) damal

Javanese (c.

) majahi

Javanese (a.)

Javanese (a

) kito

Malay buat

Malay

bunoh

2. Bali (o.) maggal

% Bali (o.)

matyang

Bali (c.) makarya

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) gabai

Madura (o.

) matehe

Madura (c.)

Madura (c]

)

Sunda (o.) nyiung, gawe

Sunda (o )

kanihayang

Sunda (c.) damal

Sunda (c.)

Lampung sani

Lampung

pati

3. Biajuk manggawe

3. Biajuk

munoh

4. Bugis mebu'

4. Bugis

buno

Macassar apare

Macassar

bunu

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

7 Samang

cheg

Madagascar

vonu

English give

English

1. Javanese (o.) haweh

I.Javanese (o

)aku, ingsun

Javanese (c.) paring

Javanese (c

) kawnlo, hulun

Javanese (a.) suko

Javanese (a.

) kito, kami

Malay bri, kaseh

Malay

aku,sa^a, beta

2. Bali (o.) bahang

i. Bali (o.)

wake, hora

Bali (c.) sukahake

Bali (c.)

hachang, titwa

Madura (o.) bri

Madura (o.)

seukok, bula

Madura (c.) pareng

Madura (c.)

kawula

Sunda (o.) mere

Sunda (o.)

aing

Sunda (c.) ngayapaa

Sunda (c.)

kawulo

Lampung kani

Lampung

ku, nia

3. Biajuk manenga

3. Biajuk

yaku

4. Bugis erengi

4. Bugis

Macassar sareangi

Macassar

inake

5.Timur

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

ou, matott

7, Samang

7. Samang

Madagascar youmayow

Madagascar

zowho

VOCABULARIES.

187

English thou

1. Javanese(o.)kowe,diko, siro
Javanese (c.) samj)eyan
Javanese (a.) jangandiko

hang, inkang

Malay

diri, sandiri

2. Bali (o.)

iya

2. Bali (o.)

dewe

Bali (c.)

ciiokor *

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.)

bahua.

dika

Madura (o.)

dibih

Madura (c.)dehna, sampeyan

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

sia, sil

ihing

Sunda (o.)

diri, dewek

Sunda (c)

sampeyan

Sunda (c.

Lanipung

niku

Lampung

nunggalan

3. Biajiik

ik^m

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

iko

4. Bugis

Macassar

kao

Macassar

5. Tirauri

5. Timuri

Rotti

e.Atui

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

English

tc7w?

I.Javanese (o.)

1. Javanese (o.)

sopo

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (c.) sintan

Javanese (a.)

dia, ia

Javanese (a.)

Malay

seapa

•2. Bali (o.)

^. Bali (o.)

nycnta

Bali (c.)

sapa

Madura (o.)

sapa

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.)

manih

Sunda (o.)

saha

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

iya

Lampung

sapa

S.Biajuk

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

niga

Macassar

inai

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. SSmang

tak

7. Samang

lelao

Madagascar

Literally «

the feot.'

English self

I . Javanese (o.) dewe
Javanese (c.) piyambak
Javanese (a.) pribadi

188

VOCABULARIES.

English toAo

1. Javanese (o.) kang
Javanese (c.) ingkaog
Javanese (a.)

English that

1. Javanese (o.) iku iko
Javanese (c.)puniku, puniko
Javanese (a.)

yang

Malay

itu

2. Bali (o.)

nyang

?. Bali (o.)

hantuk

Bali (c.)

Bali (o.)

neka, puneka

Madura (o.)

rowa

Madura (c.)

girowa

Sunda 0.)

Sunda (< .)

eta

Sunda (c.)

Sunda .)

Lampung

sipa

Lam rung

sena

S.Biajuk

yewe

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

ianatu

Macassar

autu

5. Timuri

5. rimuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

tnk-un

Madagascar

English

this

English

all

1. Javanese (o."

)iki

] . Javanese (o.

) kabeh, sadoyo

Javanese (c.) puniki

Javanese (c.

) sadantan

Javanese (a.'

)
ini

Javanese (a.'

1 sadarum, sagolo

Malay

Samoa, sagala

% Bali (o.)

nek

2. Bali (o.)

makajang

Bali (c.)

nikij puniki

Bah (c.)

Madura (o.) reyah, neko

Madura (o.]

kabeh

Madura (c.) paneka

Madura (c.) sadaja

Sunda (o.)

iyak

Sunda (o.)

kabeh

Sunda (c.)

Lampung

siji

Lampung

saunyin

3. Biajuk

heto

3. Biajuk

sandeai

4. Bugis

iana

4. Bugis

iamanang

Macassar

an re

Macassar

iangasing

5, Timuri

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

tudeh

7. Samang

Madagascar

English to

English «», aty hy^ ofy on

1. Javanese (o.) tako, marang

I.Javanese (o.) ing

Javanese ^c.) datang

Javanese (c.)

Javanese (a.) dumatang

Javanese (a.)

Malay pada, akan, ka

Malay di

2. Bali (o.) kajaha

^. Bali (<..) ka

Bah (c.)

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) ka

Madura (o.) ai, c

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) ka

Sunda (o.) di

Sunda (c.)

Larapung hanakan

Lampung di

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

4. Bugis ri

Macassar

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

English from

English mth

1. Javanese (o.) sako, sing

1. Javanese (o.) karo, sarto, laa

Javanese(c.)saking, saugkiug

Javanese (c.) kalih, kalcyaa

Javanese (a.)

Malay dari

Malay sarta, sama

2. Bali (o.) huleh

2. Bali (o.) sarang, barang

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) dari

Madura (o.) barang, sarta

Madura (c.)

Sunda (y.) ti

Sunda (o.) jung

Sunda (c.)

Lampung anja

Lampung kalawan

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis

iVlacassar

Macassar

5. Timuri

6. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui

7. Samang

Madagascar

190

VOCABULARIES.

English above

English mlhiu

1. Jayanesc (o.) duwur, luhur

1. Javanese (o.) jaroh

Javanese (c.) inggil

Javanese (c.) labbat, dalam

Javanese (a.)

IMalay atSs

Malay dalam

2. Bali (o.) daduhur

2. Bali (o.) jaroh

Baii (c.) badohur

Bali (c.)

, Madura (o.) atas

Madura (o.) dalam

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) luhur

S^nda (o.) jaroh

Sunda (c.)

Lampung atas

Lampung lom

3. Biajuk larabo

3. Biajuk whang

4. Bugis asa

4. Bugis lalang

Macassar rate

Macassar lal&ng

5. Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui nuna

6. Atui irotto

7. Saraang kepeng

7. Saniang baleh

Madagascar ambunna

Madagascar

English below

English tvithoui

1. Javanese (o.) ngisor

I.Javanese (o.) jobo

Javanese (c.) ngandap

Javanese (c.) jawi

Javanese (a.)

Malay bawah

Malay luar

2. Bali (o.) hakten

2, Bali (o.) wangan

Bali (c.) ngisor

Bali (c.)

Madura (o.) babah

Madura (o.) lowar

Madura (c.)

Sunda (o.) andap

Sunda (o.) luar

Sunda (c.)

Lampung bah

Lampung luah

3. Biajuk waniwak

3, Biajuk kalwar

4. Bugis awa

4, Bugis saliwang

Macassar rawa

Macassar pantara

5. Timuri

6, Timuri

Rotti

6. Atui dirro

6. Atui

7. Saraang kiyom 1

7. Samang mos

Madagascar 1

Madagascar

VOCABULARIES.

191

English near

1. Javanese (o.) parak
Javanese (c.) chalak, chadak
Javanese (a,)

Malay dakat

Malay sini

2. Bali (o.) pahak

2. Bali (o.) dini

Bali (c.) tapak

Bali (c ) diriki, hiriki

Madura (o.) parak

Madura (o.) dinah

Madura (c.)

Madura (c.) dinto

Sunda(o.) ineh, dakat

Sunda (o.) diyak

Sunda (c,)

Sunda (c.)

Lampung pasu

Lampung jah

3. Biajuk tukep

3. Biajuk

4. Bugis makawe

4. Bugis korini

Macassar anibani

Macassar angrini

5. Timuri

Kotti

Rotti

6. Atui

6. Atui eunai

7. Samang

7. Samang eban

Madagascar merrina

Madagascar intir

English Jar

English there

I.Javanese (o.) adoh, tabah

1 . Javanese (o.) inkono

Javanese (e.) tabeh

Javanese (c.) inriku

Javanese (a.)

Malay jao

Malay sana, situ

2. Bali (o.) joh

% Bah" (o.) ditu

Bali (c.) hadoh, sawat

Bali (c.) dirika, hirika

Madura (().) jaho

Madura (o.) disah

Madura (c.)

Madura (c.) kahdisah

Sunda (- .) jaoh

Sunda (o.) ditu

Sunda (c.)

Lampung jao

Lampung san

3. Biajuk inejao, hetuh

3. Biajuk kankani

4". Bugis mabela

4. Bugis cozo

Macassar bela

Macas&ar anjozen

5. Timuri

' Rotti

Rotti

6. Atui

6. Atui jo

7. Samang

7. Samang tuk-un

Madagascar

English here

L Javanese (o.) ingkene
Javanese (c) ingriki
Javanese (a.)

19^

VOCABULARIES.

SPECIMEN OF THE GREAT POLYNESIAN,

land

tanah

king

ratu

sky'

langit

day

hari

moon

wulan

month

wulan

stone

watu

year

tahun

xvater

weh

heat

panas

fire

api

stveet

manis

air

angin

bitter

pahit

child

anak

white

puteh

bone

balung

burn

bakar

hair

wulu

lueep

nangis

blood

rah

kill

bunoh

head

duwur, ulu

die

mati

skin

kulit

read

wacha

nose

irung

write

nulis

eye

mata

aku

hand

tangan, lima

thou

kowe

^old

mas

whof

sapa

iron

bassi

what

apa

maize

jagung

above

duwur

rice

wos

certainly

pasti

rice in stratv

pari

hog

bawi

fruit

woh

biiffalo

kabu

leaf

ron

dog

asu

sugarcane

tabbu

goat

karabing

coconut

nyu

cow

lambu, sapi

yam

uwi

horse

jaran

artificer

tukang

rhinoceros

warak

tveaving

tanun

fowl

manuk

shuttle

taropong

peacock

marak

file

kikir

common/owl

ayam

axe

kampak

fish

iwak

army

bala

tortoise

pannyu

tvar

prang

island

nusa

spear

tumbak

sea

tasek

mth

sumpah

hill

bukit, gunung

retaliation

walas

/ A »,.». t. »\.

l.L

BOOK VI.

RELIGION.

The religion of the Indian islanders^ which is the
subject of the present book, will be treated of in
four distinct chapters. The first will contain an
account of the ancient religion of the people j the
second of their modern Hinduism ; the third of
the Mahomedan religion ; and the fourtii of the
progress and character of Christianity among these
islanders. Java is, to my knowledge, the only
country of the Archipelago that affords materials
for the discussion of the first subject ; and, there-
fore, my references are constantly made to that
country ; and Bali affords, so exclusively, the ma-
terials of the second, that the chapter on this topic
is expressly denominated an account of the religion
of Bali.

TOL. II. * N

CHAPTER L

ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE INDIAN ISLANDERS.

Antiquities and ancient religion in a rude state of society
synonymous. — Architectural remains, — Groups of Temples
ofheivn stone, exemplified in those of Brambanan. — Single
Temples ofhevon stone of great size, exemplified in that of
Boro Budor,-— 'Temples of brick and mortar. — Rude Tern-
pies of hetvn stone exemplified in those of Sulcuh and Kat-
to. — Character of the workmanship and architecture. ^-My^
thological character of the sculptures and decorations, —
Statues and images. — Ancient inscriptions on stone. — An
ancient manuscript. — Conjectures respecting the ancient
Hinduistn of the Islanders drawn from all these different
monuments, — The Jirst Hinduism of Java, an example of
genuine Buddhism, — A barbarous form of Hinduism pre-
vailed in latter times — possibly the worship of Siwa of the
Linga and Yoni. — From whence Hinduism was introduced
among the Indian Islanders.-— Religion and Superstitions of
the Indian Islanders before the introduction of Hinduism.-^
Character of Hinduism as modified by the Local Supersti-
tions of the country.

An account of the antiquities of Java is also an
account of its ancient religion, for every ancient
monument on the island has been dedicated to
the favourite subject of superstition, and hardly a

DroMrn by Col. Johnson,

En^riwed bv H': ff . Lixars

from, the RiuU TrMtpLe of SukuA in tfi£ Moun/jjjJi Lawuh in. Java .

ANCIENT RELIGION, kd 1Q3

vestige is found of any architectural remains con-
structed for purposes of convenience or utility.

I shall offer a brief and general sketch of the
leading relics of antiquity, referring the curious
reader for a more particular and detailed descrip-
tion to an essay on the subject, in the Transactions
of the Asiatic Society, and to another, in those of
the Literary Society of Bombay.

The antiquities of Java consist — of temples, — of
images, and — of inscriptions, which I shall describe
in succession ; and, from the inferences to be de-
duced from the whole, endeavour to render a ra-
tional account of the ancient religion of the Javan-
ese, and of its history.

To begin with the architectural remains, these
are spread over the whole of the best portion of
the island, from Cheribon to the eastern extremity,
and are most abundant in spots distinguished by
beauty and fertility, such as the mountain Prahu,
the districts of Mataram, of Pajang, and of Ma-
lang. They are of four descriptions ; 1st, Large
groups of small temples, of hewn stone, each occu-
pied by a statue. 2d, Single temples of great
size, of hewn stone, consisting of a series of inclo-
sures, the whole occupying the summit of a hill,
and without any concavity or excavation. 3d, Sin-
gle temples, constructed of brick and mortar, with
an excavation similar to the individual temples of the
first class. And, 4th, Rude temples of hewn stone,

196 ANCIENT RELTGrON OF THE

of more recent construction than any of the rest.
This classification is of utility, for it is connected
with interesting circumstances in the history of the
temples, and of the religion to which they were de-
dicated.

The most considerable and perfect remains of
the temples of the first class are afforded in the
ruins of Brambanan, situated partly in the district of
Pajang, and partly in that of Mataram. Among the
many groups of temples here to be traced, the most
perfect and considerable is that vaguely termed by
the natives of the country " the thousand temples J*
The following short account of this group may
serve for all others. The whole group occupies
an area, which is an oblong square, of 600 English
feet long, and 550 broad. It consists of four rows
of small temples, inclosing in the centre a greater
one, whose height is 60 feet* The temples are
pyramidal buildings, all of the same character, co-
vered by a profusion of sculpture, and consisting of
large blocks of hewn stone. Each of the smaller tem-
ples had contained a figure of Buddha, and the great
central one, consisting of several apartments, figures
of the principal objects of worship which, in every
case that I have had an opportunity of examining,
have consisted of the destroying power of the Hin-
du triad, or of some of his family. To the whole
group of temples there are four entrances, facing
the cardinal points of the compass, and each guard-

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 197

ed by two gigantic statues representing warders,
measuring, in a kneeling posture, not less than
nine feet and a half high, and being, in girth, full
eleven feet. This, with very little variety, is a de-
scription of all temples of this class. Sometimes
the group is an equal sided, instead of an oblong
square ; sometimes, instead of one great temple in
the middle, we have two or three, and, occasional-
ly, the entrances to the temples are but one or two,
with a corresponding number of warders instead of
four ; but these are inconsiderable variations, not
affecting the general character of the temples.

The temple of i^oro Budm\ situated in the moun-
tain and romantic land of Kadu, is a square building
of a pyramidal shape, ending in a dome. It em-
braces the summit of a small hill, rising perj)endi-
cularly from the plain, and consists of a series of
six square ascending walls, with corresponding ter-
races, three circular rows of latticed cages of hewn
stone in the form of bee-hives ; and, finally, ol the
dome already mentioned, which, although wanting
the apex which once crowned it, is still twenty feet
high. The height of the whole building is about 116
feet, and, at the base, each side measures in extent
five hundred and twenty-six English feet. There is
no concavity except in the dome. The hill is in
fact a sort of nucleus for the temple, and has been
cut away and fashioned for the accommodation of the
building. The outer and inner side of each wall i$

198 ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

covered with a profusion of sculpture, afterwards
to be noticed, and in various situations are niches
containing figures of Buddha, amounting in all to
between three and four hundred. The dome is
altogether unoccupied, and seems always to have
been so. To the temple of Boro Budur there are
four entrances facing the cardinal points, but here,
instead of the monstrous figures in human shape,
we have lions as warders.

The temples of brick are found towards the
eastern end of the island, and not unfrequently near
the last Hindu capital which was destroyed by the
Mahomedans in 14/8 of Christ. They are from
forty to fifty feet high, of a round shape, not py-
ramidal, and terminating in a dome, instead of the
sharp apex which crowns the temples oj the gi^oups.
Here and there we discover, that, in their perfect
state, they had been cased with a fine plaster, in
which was carved mythological representations, cor-
responding with the sculptures on the less perish-
able stone buildings.

Of the rude temples of the fourth class, I am
not aware that any examples exist except in the
mountain of Lawu, situated in the districts of Pa-
jang and Sokowati. Here there are two sets of
ruins of this class, one at Sukuh and one at Katto,
several miles distant from each other. In both,
the ruins are so indistinct and rude, that it is no
easy matter to render an intelligible account of

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 199

them. They may generally be described as con-
sisting of a succession of terraces, for the reception
of which the sides of the mountain are scooped
out. There are three of these terraces at Sukuh,
and no less than twelve at Katto. The length of
the terraces at Sukuh is no less than 157 feet, and
the depth of one of them eighty. The entrance at
Sukuh is by a flight of stairs through a triple por-
tal. At Katto we have similar ones up to the
twelfth or last. The terraces are chiefly occupied
by statues, and sculptured figures of animals, all
of which will be afterwards more particularly ad-
verted to. *

I come now to speak of the mode in which the
different buildings are constructed, and of the
character of their architectural ornaments. The
stone temples, in point of materials, solidity, and
neatness of execution, are very admirable struc-
tures. The stone is generally a basaltic material
in various states of aggregation, but usually not
very hard ; in the lower parts of the structure, it
is sometimes a white sandstone. The blocks are
regularly hewn, and well polished ; no cement is
any where used, no broken fragments or rubbish
any where employed to fill up cavities or inter-

* The account of Katto is given on the authority of ray
friend Mr Williams, of the Bengal military service.

200 ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

stices, but the stones neatly fitted for their places,
and morticed. The outer surface of the tempks
had been covered with a fine coating of plaster,
still remaining in a few parts, after the lapse of
six centuries, a convincing proof of its excellence.
The walls are in some instances ten and twelve
feet thick, so that the interior of the temple ap-
pears small after viewing it externally. The in-
terior corresponds in shape with the exterior, or is
of a pyramidal form, terminating in a sharp point.
The stones overlap each other within, so as to pre-
sent to the eye the appearance of the inverted steps
of a stair. The builders of Brambanan had pos-
sessed the art of turning an elliptical arch and
vault, for the entrances or door-ways are all arch-
ed, and the roofs all vaulted. A circular vault
or arch, however, is no where to be found among
the ruins ; and the principle of turning an arch is
no where carried to such a length as to convey the
impression of grandeur or magnificence. There is
evidently a regular design, not only in every group,
but in every individual temple ; nothing is left
unfinished, but all thoroughly completed in its way.
What is chiefly to be admired is the excellence of
the materials, their great solidity, and the mi-
nute laboriousness of the execution. This last
quality is most remarkably displayed in the sculp-
tures on the walls. These are covered with a pro-
fusion of such ornaments, some in alto, and others

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 201

in bass-reliefs while niches in the walls give room
to statues, all of them preserving a degree of sym-
metry and proportion little to be expected in such
structures. What is still more remarkable is, that
we see no gross or indecent representations ; and
seldom any even very fantastic or absurd, if we ex-
cept the Hindu objects of worship, which occupy
the interior of the temples, and which are seldom
exhibited in the external decorations. It is evident
that the whole of the sculptures must have been
executed after the construction of the buildings,
the only obvious and practicable means of deli-
neating figures and groups of such magnitude and
extent, on a variety of different stones. The or-
naments strictly architectural may be described
to consist of frizes, cornices, and architraves,
and a sort of flat pilastres carved in the stone, and
not set into them. There exist no ballustrades,
colonnades, nor pillars in any shape, the absence of
^11 of which gives to the structures a heavy and in-
elegant look, notwithstanding the profusion of
minute ornament. Upon the whole, the struc-
tures themselves are individually too small, the
entrances to them are mean, the interior is dark
and contracted ; and the impression left on the
mind is, that a vast deal of excellent materials, of
jskill, time, and labour, have been wasted without
producing a corresponding effect, even abstracting
from the buildings all character of utility, and con-

20^ ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

sideling them only as structures dedicated to a
system of superstition.

Of some of the ornaments of the temples a
more particular account is requisite, for, from an
observation of them may be drawn some of the
strongest presumptions for determining the religion
to which the temples were dedicated. The first
which I shall mention is a monstrous face, without
a lower jaw to be seen sculptured on all the most
conspicuous parts of the buildings, as at all pro-
jecting angles, and on the keystones of arches.
This, on the authority of the ambassadors of one of
the princes of Bali, I conclude to be a representation
of Siwa. The prevalence of vegetable decorations
among the sculptures of the temples is remarkable.
Delineations of animals are much less frequent.
Tlie most usual are the lion, the elephant, and
the deer ; the cow, singular enough to say, is never
seen. In general, it may be said, that both the
plants and animals delineated are strangers to the
island. May the prevalence of vegetable deco-
rations be attributed to the doctrines of Buddha,
which recommend vegetables for food, and prqfesS'
ing abhorrence for the shedding of blood, forbid
the use of an animal diet ?

The most remarkable and interesting portion
of the sculpturesof the temples of the ^rst and
secoifd class are the historic groups so often deli-
neated. I shall take my account of these from the

a -^ I'

^"^ ^s.(^ ^

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 203

splendid temple of Boro Budur, where they are
found in the most complete and satisfactory form.
These groups represent a great variety of subjects,
such as audiences, processions, religious wor-
ship in temples, hunting and maritime scenes. I
shall select for description a few of those that seem
most directly connected with the mythological history
of the temple. On the external face of the third
wall, Buddha is represented in a great many in-
stances. Close to the gateway, in particular, is
one group in which he is the principal figure. The
sage, or deity, is surrounded by a crowd of disci-
pies or votaries, some sitting and some standing ;
most of them are in the act of presenting gifts,
which, in agreement with the assumed mildness of
spirit which is the characteristic of his religion, are
found to consist of nothing but fruits and flowers.
Male votaries appear on one side, and female on
the other, while the sage sitting in the centre ap*
pears to address the multitude.

On the fourth wall of the same magnificent
temple, Buddha is repeatedly represented address-
ing certain persons, who, contrary to the usual
practice in the temple, are represented with beards,
and whom I conjecture to be the Bramins of the
bloody worship of the Hindu destroyer. In an-
other place, his own votaries, with their smooth
chins, are listening to him from the clouds ; and in
a third place, a battle is fought in his presence,

204 ANCIENT RELIGION OP THE

in which I conclude the party nearest to him to
be Victorious. Buddha is never found represented
as the object of worship in a temple ; and the only
figures that are so, are a certain male and female
divinity, decked with crowns, and with the dis-
tinguishing thread of the higher orders over the
shoulders. These want any distinguishing attri-
bute of a Hindu divinity, but in other respects
are identified with delineations of Siwa and Durga,
where they are better characterized by their parti-
cular emblems. Siwa is better marked in an-
other group, where he is carried in procession in
a triumphal car, being the individual distinguish-
ed by the crescent. Except these, no other my-
thological personages are represented in the sculp-
tures of Boro Budur, or any other temple on the
island. I shall conclude these remarks on the
sculptures and decorations of the temples of the
first and second class, by submitting a few remarks
of a general nature which apply to all. 1. The
scenery, the figures, the faces, and costume,
are not native, but those of Western India. Of
the human figures, the faces are characterized by
the strongest features of the Hindu countenance.
Many of these are even seen with bushy beards,
an ornament of the face denied by nature to all
the Indian islanders. The loins are seen girt
after the manner now practised in India, a cus-
tom unknown to the Javanese, or any other peo.^

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 205

pie of the Archipelago. The armour worn is
not less characteristic. The spear, the kris, and
the blowpipe for discharging the poisoned arrow,
in all ages the weapons of the Indian islanders,
are no where delineated on the temples, but, in-
stead of them, we have — the straight sword and
shield, — the bow and arrow, and the club. The
combatants, when mounted, are conveyed in cars,
or on elephants, both of these modes of convey-
ance of foreign custom, for the elephant is not a na-
tive of Java, and the nature of the country preclud-
ed the use of wheeled carriages. ^. There is not a
gross, indecent, or licentious, representation through-
out, and very little, indeed, of what is even grotesque
or absurd ; and 3. we discover no pointed nor very
distinct allusion in the sculptures to the more cha-
racteristic and unequivocal fieatures of Hinduism.
Of the sculptures and decorations of the third
class of temples, or those constructed of brick and
mortar, the casing in which they were wrought is
either entirely broken away, or so much defaced,
that we can render no account of them. The more
permanent materials of which the statues they con-
tained consisted, has rescued them from a similar
destruction, and some conjectures respecting them
will be afterwards offered. \ he construction of
the temples themselves is most excellent in its
kind. The bricks are unusually large, and well
Jburnt, and the mortar so good, that the junction

206 ANCIENT RELIGION OF TliE

of the bricks is not perceptible, the whole wall
appearing rather like an uniform mass, than a
congeries of parts.

The Jbuf'th or rude class of temples is in con-
struction so distinct from those described, that
some have, though erroneously, considered them
to have been structures dedicated to a different
worship. They are constructed, like those of the
first and seco7id class, of hewn stone, but neither
so well cut nor so well fashioned. In the plan of
the temples themselves, we hardly trace any marks
of design ; they appear a heavy mass of solid ma-
terials, and nothing else. The interior abounds
in sculptures, generally rude, and not unfrequent-
ly half-finished. One of the first objects that
strikes us at Sukuh, in the very threshold of one
of the entrances, is a representation, in relief, of
the Phallus and Yoni, in the most unequivocal and
disgusting nakedness. The former is represented,
both at Sukuh and Katto, in a piece of statuary
six feet long. One group represents a person in
the act of striking off human heads. Representa-
tions of stags, tortoises, and snakes, none of them
seen in the better order of temples, are frequent.
The figures are distorted and monstrous. We see
a dog in the dress of a man, a boar with horns,
and an elephant with four pairs of tusks. We here
discover, for the first time, representations of no*

- 7 ;

Dranm. hy^dk

:En^rayed hy W.H. Lv-

Oru^ of the tGl (G A:^ T I (C S T a T UT IE S repr^eritinff
a, Tl'inrder from, the Temples ofSramba-naTi ,

£ibnhurgh.FublL.ihedbs ConstaJ>U A C''1820.

//,,• / /t.u-.ui,-,- ot'uJ)evotce. /ram CLoiaanh'c Sialic in ^le^ of ' ihe Tc-m/'A.-- • ■/ 'Bra/nl;.

K Un^rtzfr^ hf WB'.Zi^ars'-

IR.EPREglEK-TATIO:^' OF §IWA

S-

IiEPRlESEirTA.TIOTr OF B CTJOjOUTA
tis Ea^ahvUd in otu. oi" {he, 400 Kiche£' tTfihe. Templ& of~-B<7raJhidaT:

♦

DratvTt byjidi Warna a naOive of Jovil En^rayeA- iy W. S.ltxju-^

From a mutilated stonj^ Image ui the. TefnpLes of BrambtLnan^.

Eihnhurnh. Vuhhxhf.l hs- Cmjxtnhtp .«. f" Iftin.

„ INDIAN ISLANDERS. £0?

tive manners and costume. The kris is frequent-
ly delineated ; and one very conspicuous group re-
presents a Javanese blacksmith, under a shed of
modern construction, using a pair of bellows of the
peculiar structure of the country, and in the act of
forging. Another peculiarity is the frequent oc-
currence of inscriptions never discovered in the
temples of the^r^^ and second class.

I am now to speak of that branch of the anti-
quities of the island which relates to statues and
images, perhaps the most valuable of all, as from it
the most distinct inferences concerning the ancient
religion of the people of Java may be drawn. The
different images may be ranged into three classes.
1st, Images belonging to the genuine worship of
the Hindus, ^d. Images dedicated to that wor-
ship in its decline. 3d, Images of a rude descrip-
tion, probably of a more ancient religion than Hin-
duism. I shall speak of them respectively in this
order.

Genuine Hindu images, in brass and stone, exist
throughout Java in such variety, that I imagine
there is hardly a personage of the Hindu mytholo-
gy of whom it is usual to make representations,
that there is not a statue of. Those sculptured in
stone are executed, for such a state of society, with
uncommon skill. Not unfrequently there is a
handsome representation of the human features,
and symmetry and proportion are not disregarded.

SOS AI^ClfeNT RELIGION OP tHE

The material is the same basaltic stone of which
the temples are constructed. The execution of
the images of brass is far less skilful, yet often re-
spectable, and sometimes evenbeautiful.

By far the most frequent images of this class
are those of the destroying power of the Hindu
triad and his family. We have images of Siwa
himself in a great variety of forms, of Durga his
consort, and of Ganesa the god of wisdom, of
Surya the deity of the sun, of the bull of Maha-
dewa, and of the Linga and Yoni, all of them, a
hundred to one, more frequent than any other de-
scription of images, except representations of Budd-
ha. Wherever the original appropriation of such ima-
ges can be distinctly traced, they will be found to
have been the principal objects of worship in the tem-
ples, always occupying in the groups the great cen-
tral temple. Thus the temples of Brambanan are dis-
covered to have been consecrated to the worship of
Siwa, by the discovery in one of the great central
temples of an image of the god himself, of his Sakti
Durga, and, of his son Ganesa, not to say that the
neighbouring country is strewed with images of the
same description. The same observation applies
to the groups at Singhasari, the most considerable
remains of this class of buildings after Brambanan.
Prom the principal temple, there were removed, a
few years ago, the fine image of Siwa, in the form
of a devotee, with a trident , and the more su-

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 2C9

perb ones of Kala or death, — of Durga, — of Nandi,
and of Genesa.

The most frequent images of all are those of
Buddha. The single temple of Boro Budur con-
tains near four hundred ; there are a great num-
ber at Brambanan, and they are to be found in
all the ruins of the island, those in the mountain
Lawu excepted. The figures of Buddha are the
same which are found in all countries professing the
doctrines ascribed to that personage. Now and then I
have seen an erect statue of him in brass, and on one
occasion saw a Linga crowning the head of a stone
image of Buddha; but the following is themost usual
appearance. Thefigure isina sittingposture, the legs
bent, and the soles of the feet turned up ; the right
side of the bosom is bare, the lower part of the body
clad in a loose trowser, reaching to the ankle. The
hands are variously disposed, sometimes resting on
the points of the knees, sometimes as if demon-
strating. The features are well raised and hand-
some, of the genuine Hindu cast ; the expression
of the countenance is placid, the hair is short, and
cu|:led as if done by art. There is no appearance
of the woolly hair of the African. The fact most
worthy of attention, in respect to the images of
Buddha, is, that they never appear in any of the
great central temples as the primary objects of wor-
ship, but in the smaller surrounding ones, seeming
them selves to represent votaries. They are not found

VOL. IT. o

210 ANCIENt RELIGION 0^ THE

as single images, but always, as far as my experi-
ence goes, in numbers together ; and when an-
other object of worship exists, always looking to-
wards it. In a word, in short, they appear to re-
present not deities themselves, but sages worship-
ping Siwa.

The images of the second class are of a more
ambiguous character than those now noticed ; but,
connected with the circumstances under which they
are found, I have no doubt may be identified with
the same worship as the last, when it had decay-
ed, and, with it, the arts which ministered to it.
Images of this class are found near the temples,
constructed of brick, and in a ruder state at the
stone temples in the mountain Lawu. In the
sculpture of these, the rude inhabitants appear as
if left to themselves, and, forgetting the principles
of the more decent Hinduism, pourtrayed in the
first class of temples, to have remembered only
its grosser parts, and to have allowed their imagi-
nations to wanton without guide, when they deli-
neated the rest. In this condition of the Hindu-
ism of Java, the rUde images are wholly destitute
of the characteristic emblems of the Hindu gods.
They are generally monstrous, being partly only
human. One of the most frequent is a human figure
with wings over the neck or shoulders, and with spurs
like a cock. This figure is found both at Suku
and Mojopahit. At Katto, alone, is sculptured a

^•hf.

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 211

figure of the five-faced Siwa ; and among the ruin-
ed temples at Mojopahit, we have several figures
of Buddha.

Of the third and hist class of images I have
little to say. In the- least civilized parts of the
island, as the mountains of the Sundas, and par-
ticularly the eastern province of Banyuwangi,
there are found a variety of images extremely rude
and ill-fashioned, and which, frequently, by the ex-
tensive decomposition which their surfaces have un-
dergone, appear of greater antiquity than those
already described. These are, in all probability,
representations of the local objects of worship
among the Javanese before they adopted Hindu-
ism, and which probably, as is still the case in
Bali, continued to receive some share of their a-
doration, after that event.

The ancient inscriptions found in Java are of
four kinds. 1 . Sanskrit inscriptions in the Dewan-
agari character. 2. Inscriptions in the ancient
Javanese, or Kawi. 3. Inscriptions in an anti-
quated but barbarous form of the present Javan-
ese ; and, 4. Inscriptions which cannot be decy-
phered, and are probably the characters in which
the Sunda was written. A very few inscriptions
only are found in Dewanagari, and these are con-
fined to the two most distinguished remains of
Hinduism on Java, Brambanan, and Singhasari.
Colonel Mackenzie, in 1811, discovered a long

^12 ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

inscription of this sort at Brambanan, upon a stone
more than six feet long, in the form of a tomb-
stone ; in 1815, L found, myself, another of ex-
actly the same description, and a third of smaller
size was discovered in the same year by Dr Tytler.
Besides these, smaller inscriptions, consisting of
a few words, or at most of a few lines, have been
found, chiefly at Singhasari, and commonly on the
stone images of the principal objects of worship.
I have one in brass in my own possession, on the
back of a figure of Buddha, found near Bramba-
nan. No translations of any of these inscriptions
have been effected, but I think some important in-
ferences may be drawn from their bare existence,
surrounded even among the same ruins by inscrip-
tions in the ancient Javanese ; and these are, that a
few genuine Hindus of Western India were among
the founders of the principal temples, but that they
were not the most numerous body of the priest-
hood of the time ; that Sanskrit was not the usual
language consecrated to religion ; and that, as we
see the Dewanagari and Javanese characters exist-
ing, separate and distinct, at the same moment, the
one was not derived from the other.

Of inscriptions of the second class, a great
number are found in every part of the island where
other Hindu ruins exist, from Pakalongan to Ma-
lang. They are particularly abundant in the
eastern portion of the island, and, as already men-

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 213

tioned, are found in the very same ruins where
Dewanagari inscriptions are found. At Brambanan
I discovered two myself in 1812. They are found
engraved both on stone and copper. The character
of these inscriptions is an ancient form of the present
Javanese, and does not even differ very essentially
from it in shape, except that it is rounder. A
good deal of it can be read by persons giving their
attention to the subject, but there are the best
grounds for suspecting the accuracy of the attempts
made to render these ancient inscriptions into mo-
dern Javanese or the European languages, for no two
translations agree. The knowledge of the language
is lost in Java, and for faithful translations we have
only to look to a better acquaintance with the priests
of Bali, among whom it is still the language of re-
ligion. The only portion of this character which
it can, in our present state of acquaintance with it,
be safe to rely upon, is dates, when in written figures^
and perhaps proper names, when these are corrobo-
rated by tradition. Trusting to imperfect interpre-
tations of the ambiguous and mystical system of no-
tation in the matter of dates, which the Javanese have
borrowed from the Hindus, several of the Kawi in-
scriptions, it is pretended, afford examples of dates
which go as far back as the middle of the ninth,
nay, in one or two instances, as early as the begin-
ning of the sixth centuiy of Salivana. Not one
of these is corroborated by a date in legible figures,

isJl4 ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

nor even by the more doubtful authority of the me-
morial verses, in which the ancient chronology of
tlie Javanese is pretended to be recorded Dr
Horsefield discovered among the Hindu ruins of
Panataran, in the district of Srangat, in 1816^ one
of the usual stones, with a Kawi inscription, the
only one in which I find any reference to an ac-
knowledged tradition of the Javanese, for it men-
tions more than once the hero of Javanese romance,
Pa7tji Inakarta Fati, as the reigning prince, Jafig-
gala the name of his kingdom, and that of his
princess, by whom the neighbouring temples, ac-
cording to the interpretations given to me, were
constructed. It is not pretended that this in-
scription has any date j but over the gateway of
one of the ruins to which it belonged, are inscrib-
ed in distinct and legible characters the year i ^42.
The stones on which it is pretended that the early
dates referred to have been taken, are exactly si-
milar to this one ; many of them have been found
in the site of ancient Jangala, the capital of the
prince whose name is lecorded on the stone at Pa-
nataran ; the inscriptions are not more defaced, the
stones have not suffered more by decomposition,
and the character is identically the same. From
the ruins in this quarter there has been brought a'
stone vessel, three feet long, on which is inscrib-
ed, in legible figures, the year l'^4f6. Two zo-
diacal copper cups in my possession, discovered at

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 215

no great distance from Kadiri, or Doho, which
contained important Hindu relics, and was one of
the chief seats of the Hindu worship, has inscrib-
ed upon them, in plain figures, the one, the year
1241, and the other 1246, and in the collection
of Sir Stamford Raffles is one brought li*om Doho,
with the year 1 220. 1 have never seen nor heard
of any earlier dates that could be relied upon. It
is satisfactory to find how well these dates corre-
spond with the more recent, and therefore r< a-
sonably the more authentic, dates recorded in the
memorial verses. Joyoboyo, king of Doho, is there
said to have flourished in 1 II 7 of Salivana, the
earliest of the temples of Prambanan, to have
been constructed in 1 188 ; the most recent in Ii2l8,
and the temple of Boro Budur 1260.

I come now to speak of the third class of inscrip-
tions, or those in a barbarous form of Javanese.
One of these, in the district of Kwali, of which
there is a copy in the valuable collection of Sir
Stamford Raffles, contains in figures the date J 363.
Inscriptions of this character are very rare, and
seem all of recent date. With these may be rank-
ed the dates and inscriptions on the barbarous re-
mains in mount Lawu, and on some zodiacal cups,
distinguished fi^om those already mentioned, by the
rudeness and uncouthness of the workmanship, as
well as by a considerable variation in the character,
which is frequently in relief, instead of being, as

216 ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

in the more ancient monuments* carved in the
stone. The date in the ruins of Katto in Lav/u is
Ibdd ; those in Sukuh, in the same mountain, are
1861 and I36b. A zodiacal cup, of the inscrip-
tion of which my friend, Sir Stamford Uaffles, has
afforded a drawing, has the date 136l, and one in
my own possession i 3^0, Those now enumerated
are the only authentic dates which have come with-
in my knowledge, until the connection of the
Javanese with the Mahomedans commenced. The
dates contained in these more modern inscrip-
tions are also corroborated by a reference to
the memorial verses of the corresponding era of
Javanese history. Mojopahit is, in these, said
to have been founded in l^^yi? just about the
era that the seven reigns of its princes would
afford, at the usual allowance of twenty years
for a reign. The date assigned to the remains
of a tank at Barowo is 1808, and to that of
another at Mangabel 1852. The reader will not
fail, on comparing the dates of this class of inscrip-
tions with the last, to notice a singular and import-
ant fact, which will be applied in another place in
tracing the history of the ancient religion of the
Javanese, that the antiquities of Java, during the
interval of more than a century, do not afford a
single authentic date.

^\'ith inscriptions of the class now mentioned, I
may rank an ancient manuscript found at Talaga,

INDIAN ISLANDERS. ^IJ

in the province of Cheribon, the only one ever dis-
covered in Java, and which was voluntarily present-
ed to me for perusal or inspection in ISL*^, when
engaged in making some political and revenue ar-
rangements in the country, by the respectable chief
of that beautiful mountain district. The manuscript
had been preserved for ages in his family, not only
as an heirloom, but as a sacred relic, with the safety
of which he and his followers superstitiously be-
lieved that of the district was inseparable. No
European had either seen it or heard of it before,
and, on this occasion, the secret of its existence
was divulged, in the confidence of satisfaction at
the character of the arrangements which were
making by the British authorities. The manu-
script is written on a substantial and durable pa-
per, the art of fabricating which is now unknown,
and it is folded in a zig-zag manner, as practised
by the Burmans and Siamese. The writing is re-
gular, but an indifferent specimen of penmanship ;
and, from the figures, signs of the zodiac, and other
characters painted upon it, it is conjectured to be a
treatise on astrology. It contains no date, but
from the agreement of the writing with that of
the class just now described, and the tradition of its
having been brought from the comparatively recent
establishment of Pajajaran, we conjecture that it
was written about the middle of the fourteenth
century of Salivana.

Of the fourth and last class of inscriptions, not

218 ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

much can be said. They cannot be translated,
and are in fact in an unknown character. They
are all found in tlie country of the Sundas, and no
where else, from whence there can be little doubt,
but that they exhibit a specimen of the national
character of that people, before it was superseded
by that of the Javanese, so that this adds one more
to the numerous alphabets of the Indian islands,
and another argument in proof of the facility of
inventing alphabets.

Having given this account of the antiquities of
Java, I shall endeavour to render an account of the
ancient religion of the Javanese, — to describe the
periods in which it flourisiied and decayed, — and
conclude by offering some remarks on the manner
and circumstances of its introduction. The most
prominent features of the first class of temples are —
the extraordinary preponderance of images of Siwa
and his family, and of the Linga and Yoni, the
emblems of his peculiar worship, — -the frequency
of images of Buddha, — the pointed decency of
the sculptures and ornaments of the temples, —
the existence of the images of Siwa and his family,
and no others, as the objects of worship in the
great central temples, — and the appearance of those
of Buddha in the small exterior ones, apparently
in the character of devotees, and no w here, as far as
my experience extends, as objects of worship. From
all this it will perhaps be fair to infer, that the
Hinduism of Java was the worship of Siwa and

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 219

Durga of the Linga and Yoni united to Budd-
hism ; and I think we may go the length of con-
cluding, that it was a reformation of the bloody
and indecent worship of Siwa, brought about by
sages or philosophers, by persons, in short, of more
kindly affections than the rest of their countrymen,
and perhaps to keep pace with some start in civili-
zation in the country where it had its origin. To
the arguments drawn from the relics of antiquities,
I shall adduce on this point such collateral evidence
as has occurred to me. The fragments of ancient
writings which still exist among the Javanese, af-
ford unequivocal testimony of the supremacy of
Siwa. The following invocation to a little ethical
treatise, called, in imitation of similar works among
the Hindus of Western India, Niti Sastra, is an
example. " I salute thee, Hari ; (Siwa,) I invoke
thee, for thou art the lord of' gods and men, I in-
voke thee, Kesawa, (Wishnu,) for thou enlighten-
est the understanding. I invoke thee, Suman,
(Surya,) because thou enlightenest the world.*'

From some of the usual epithets bestowed upon
Siwa by the pagan Javanese, and still familiar to
their posterity, the pre-eminence of this deity is
clearly demonstrated. He is called Mahadewa, or
the great god ; Jagatnata, the lord of the universe ;
Ywang Wcinang, the most powerful, with other
epithets as extravagant. He is the same personage
who acts so distinguished a part in the machinery

220 ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

of Malayan and Javanese romances, under the ap-
pellation of Guru, or the instructor, prefixing to it
the word Batara, a corruption of Axatara^ both in
sense and orthography, for with the Indian islanders
that word is not used as with the genuine Hindus,
to express the incarnation of a god, but as an appel-
lative expressing any deity ; nay, as if conferring an
apotheosis upon their princes, it has been sometimes
prefixed to the names of some of the most cele-
brated of their ancient kings. When Siwa appears
in this character in the romances of the Indian
islanders, he is painted as a powerful, mischievous,
and malignant tyrant ; a description sufficiently
consonant to his character of destroyer, in the
Hindu triad.

The Javanese of the present day attach no very
distinct meaning to the word Buddha, or, as they
write it, being the nearest approximation to the
true orthography which their alphabet affords,
Buda. They frequently use it vaguely, as an ad-
jective implying what relates to ancient times,
pretty much as we ourselves would use the word
"pagaUy in reference to the times which preceded
our conversion to Christianity. When asked what
religion they professed before their conversion to
Mahomedanism, they reply, that they professed the
Agama Buda, which is not a bit more distinct,
than if we were to reply to a similar question re-
specting our faith, that w^e professed the pagan re-

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 221

ligion. The bare use of this word, however, which
it is out of the question they could invent, and cer-
tainly did not borrow from any modern source,
may be considered as satisfactory evidence that
they were Buddhists.

The word Buddha, or Buda, is never to be dis-
covered in any modern or ancient Javanese manu-
script that I have heard of, as applicable to a dei-
fied person of this name ; and there is no evidence
from such a source of any worship to such a per-
sonage. The names and attributes of the princi-
pal gods of the Hindu pantheon are quite familiar to
every Javanese scholar, but of the name of Buddha
they are wholly ignorant. The images of the Hin-
du deities they cannot, indeed, in general, parti-
cularize by name, but they recognize them to be
such, while those of Buddha they denominate Pail-
dita Sabrangy or foreign Pundits or Brahmins.

On the strength of these data, I may repeat,
that the Buddhism of the Javanese was not the wor-
ship of a deified person of the name of Buddha,
but a modification of the worship of the destroying
power ; and that the images of Buddha, so abun-
dantly scattered over the island, represent the
sages who brought about the reform. When Buddha
isre presented on the sculptures of Boro Budur re-
ceiving gifts of fruits and flowers, I conclude that he
represents a priest receiving charity or donations from
his disciples or followers, and not a divinity re-

222 ANCIENT RELTGTOl^ OV THE

ceiving offerings from his votaries, because this last
practice is no part of the Hindu forai of worship.

If these inferences be just, the religion which is
pourtrayed in the relics of Hinduism in the prin-
cipal temples of Java, may be looked upon as a ge-
nuine example of the reform ascribed to Buddha,
and the testimony which they afford will be con-
sidered as a proof that the religions of Brama and
Buddha are essentially the same, the one being,
as for some time suspected by oriental scholars,
nothing but a modification of the other. If this
reasoning be admitted as conclusive, we shall be
compelled to consider the religion of the Burmans,
Siamese, and Cingalese, as corruptions of genuine
Buddhism, most probably superinduced by local
causes and superstitions, which, operating upon
the original system, produced, in the course of
ages, a form of worship differing essentially from
its purest form.

Such appears to have been the form of Hindu
worship which prevailed on Java, when the most
perfect and finished of the temples were construct-
ed. At the moment in which these temples were con-
structed, there is ground to believe that a body of
emigrants must have arrived from India. From the
earliest date, to the latest authentic date deter-
mined by figures, which these antiquities afford,
is only a period of ^6 years ; and the utmost lati-
tude, giving implicit credit to the traditional ones^

INDIAN ISLANDERS. J2^3

will give us but a latitude of 7^ years. It is high-
ly improbable, that the Hindus of Western India
existed in numbers before or after this period, or
we should surely have possessed memorials of that
existence. The argument in favour of the arrival of
such a colony will not be strengthened, even in the
event of our crediting the earlier dates assigned to
some of the stones, for between the very latest of
these, 865, and the earliest date in figures, or 1220,
there is a long blank of 335 years, during which it
is not pretended that a single monument exists.

From the year 1240, to the year 1356, 110
years, or even including the traditional date
ascribed to the great temple of Boro Budur, 106
years, no authentic date whatever occurs. Dur-
ing this long interval, it is not pretended that
any great structure was raised in honour of
the Hindu religion. It may, then, be conclud-
ed to have been on the decline, and this is the pe-
riod to which 1 ascribe the construction of the in-
ferior fabrics of brick, which are, like the greater
^)uildings, dedicated to Buddhism, but apparently
to a corrupted or degenerate form of it.

The dates 1856, 1361, and 1363, on the ruins
in mount Lawu, bring us to a new era in the history
of Hinduism on Java, after the lapse of 106 or 110
years.

It may reasonably be conjectured that these tem-
ples are the work of a new sect of Hindus, perhaps

S^i ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

of the followers of Sivva, unconnected with the rf -
formation of Buddha. The Bramins of Bali, who
are of that worship, informed me that their ances-
tors arrived first on Java, before the conversion of
the inhabitants of that island to Mahomedanism, on
which event they fled to their present country.
The ruins of Katto and Suku may have been
structures of a party of these persons. Here the
worship of the Linga and Yoni, in the most dis-
gusting forms presents itself for the first time, and
the emblems of destruction are represented with-
out disguise or reserve, while not a figure of Budd-
ha is to be seen throughout, and, indeed, not a ves-
tige of that more benignant religion. At the
more splendid ruins, — the superiority of the work-
manship, — the comparative beauty of the design, —
the propriety of the ornaments, — the genuine Hin-
duism of these, — and tlie presence of Sanskrit in-
scriptions, entitle us to conclude that they are
the work of foreign artists, or at least were entirely
completed under their direction. A very different
conclusion is to be drawn from the ruins of mount
Lawu. Native scenery and costume are predomi-
nant, — the work is coarsely executed, — and the de-
sign incongruous, from which the legitimate in-
ference is, that the architects were natives of the
country, — or at least, that the foreigners who super-
intended had little influence, — or were few in num-
ter, — or as unskilful as those they pretended to di-

^ INDIAN ISLANDERS. ^25

i-ect. The last date on the buildings of Lawu
brings the history of Hinduism down to within ^7
years of the triumph of Mahomedanism.

This branch of the subject I shall conclude with
a summary of the history of Hinduism. In its
utmost latitude, Hinduism in the form of genu-
ine Buddhism, flourished in Java from the middle
of the thirteenth century of our time, to that of the
fourteenth century, during which a considerable emi-
gration from Western India must have taken place.
From the middle of the fourteenth century to that of
the fifteenth century, no considerable body of emi-
grants arrived from India, and Buddhism lan-
guished in Java. At the latter period, a few emi-
grants arrived from India, of the sect of Siwa,
and attempted to propagate their peculiar worship,
but, with every other description of Hindus,
were driven from the island by the triumph of the
Mahomedan religion, in the latter part of the fifteenth
century, and a very few years before Europeans
reached India by the Cape of Good Hope.

In the remarks now offered concerning the an-
cient religion of the Javanese, I have supposed no
other sects of Hindus to have existed than those
of Buddha and Siwa. This conclusion may be too
general, though authorized by every ^permanent
and important relic of Hinduism which exists on
the island. Buddhism was undoubtedly the pre-
vailing religion of the ancient Javanese, but it is

VOL. II. p

226 ANCIENT EELIGION OF THfi ^

far from improbable that other sectaries also exist-
ed, though they may not have been numerous or
powerful enough to have left any permanent record of
their existence. A passage from the Cheribon ma-
nuscript, alluded to and quoted by Sir Stamford
Raffles, would seem to suggest that the doctrines
of Wishnu were prevalent in the western portion
of the island, but this is an insulated argument,
unsubstantiated by any other testimony.

The question of the country of those Hindus
who disseminated their religion over the Indian
islands, is one of curious interest, but we should
refer in vain for a solution of it to any record a-
mong the Hindus or oriental islanders. The evi-
dence to be drawn from the examination of lan-
guage is equally unsatisfactory ; notwithstanding
this, the fact may be ascertained with a consi-
derable approximation to probability. That coun-
try was Telinga, more properly Kalinga, or, as it
is universally written and pronounced by all the
Indian islanders, Kaling, Kal'mga is the only
country of India known to the Javanese by its
proper name, — the only country familiar to them,
— and the only one mentioned in their books, with
the exception of those current in religious- le-
gends. Hence they designate India always by
this name, and know it by no other, except, in-
deed, when, by a vanity for which their ignorance
is an apology, they would infer the equality of their

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 9.TI

island with that great country, and speak of them
relatively, as the countries on this or that side of
the water. It is to Kalinga that the Javanese uni-
versally ascribe the origin of their Hinduism ; and
the more recent and authentic testimony of the
Brahmins of Bali, who made me a similar assurance,
as will be seen in another part of the work, is
still more satisfactory.

In accounting for the mode in which the Hin-
dus were conveyed from their native country, there
is no occasion to have recourse to the supposition
of their hazarding a difficult and unknown voyage,
for between the Coromandel coast and the Indian
islands, a commercial intercourse has existed from
time immemorial, which would afford the Indian
priests a safe and easy conveyance. A passion on
the part of the Hindus, in common with the
rest of mankind, for the spices, and other rare
productions of the Indian islands, gave rise to this
commerce, which increased as the nations of the
west improved in riches or civilization, for the
trade of the people of Coromandel was the first
link of that series of voyages, by which the produc-
tions of the Archipelago were conducted even to
the markets of Rome itself.

The more considerable emigration which I have
supposed to Java, in the end of the thirteenth and
beginning of the fourteenth centuries, may have
had its origin in some political movement, or reli-

228 ANCIENT RELIGION OP THE

gious persecution ; but the character of the Hin-
dus, and the maritime unskilfuhiess incident to so
barbarous and unimproved a state of society as
theirs, must always have rendered them incom-
petent to fit out a great maritime expedition, and
accomplish a distant conquest. No evidence of
such a conquest, accordin^^ly, exists, and no ex-
ample of a considerable emigration, except that
just now referred to. It is by no means, however,
to be supposed, that the conversion of the Javan-
ese to Hinduism commenced with this latter event.
The extensive influence of the Sanskrit language
upon the Javanese is itself a prominent fact, which
implies, that the intercourse was of long continu-
ance ; and, in fact, we may safely believe, that in
almost all periods of the commercial intercourse
with India, the beauty and fertility of the Indian
islands, with the simplicity and credulity of their
inhabitants, would have brought to their shore a suc-
cession of adventurers and missionaries. The very
same people, the Teiingas, continue to flock to
them to this day, when there is far less encourage-
ment, — when in the field of commerce they have
formidable competitors in the Europeans, — and, in
that of religion, in the Arabs. *

* It was commerce which always ushered in religion.
Where there was no room for commerce, there was no religi-
ous innovation, as in the Nicobar and Andaman islands, and

INDIAKT ISLANDERS. Q^Q

An examination of the institutions of the In-
dian islanders furnishes an argument, and, as far
as I know, one only, in favour of the hypothesis of
Kalinga being the native country of those who pro-
pagated Hinduism in the Indian islands. This
argument is drawn from a comparison of the kalen-
ders of Southern India, and that which prevailed
in the Indian islands. The year in Karnata and
Telinga is lunar, with an intercalary month in
every thirty, and the era commences with the birth of
Salkana or Saka, 78 years after Christ. This, with
all its particulars, is the kalender which prevailed
in Java, and which at present obtains in the Hindu
country of Bali, as its name, Saka warsa chandra^
distinctly implies. The same kalender and era
do not generally prevail in Hindustan; and with
respect to the nations of the Deccan, those of the
south place the birth of Saka or Salivana one
year later than the people of Carnata and Telinga,
and, of course, one year later than the Indian
islanders. This valuable fact will determine us to
the northern part of the eastern portion of the Dec-
can, and, as maritime emigrations from the interior
of a great country are improbable, to the sea-coast.

some of the poorer of the great Archipelago. Religious in-
novation was carried farthest where there was most com-
merce, as in Java, the coast of Sumatra, and the Malayan
Peninsula.

230 ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

where in all ages down to the present, we are led tcr
believe that the Telinga people were the chief, or
only considerable foreign navigators.

Before bringing this chapter on the antiquities
and ancient religion of Java to a close, I shall offer
some remarks on the circumstances under which
Hinduism existed in Java, as it must necessarily
have been modified by the manners and character
of the society which adopted it.

Before entering upon this subject, it will be ne-
cessary to examine the character of those supersti-
tions which the Hindu religion would have to en-
counter. In so rude a state of society as that of
the Javanese, the nature of the language affords no
grounds to believe that there was any personifica-
tion of abstract ideas, but the common objects of
nature were personified, and the woods, the waters,
and the air, were peopled with deities, the objects
of fear, or adoration, or both, with the Javanese.
To this day, their belief in these local deities is
hardly diminished, after the admission of the su-
perstitions of two foreign religions, such is the
measure of their credulity. The subject will be
more intelligible if I enumerate a few of them. The
Banaspati are evil spirits that inhabit large trees,
and wander about at night doing mischief. The
Bdrkasahan are evil genii who inhabit the air,
wandering about without any fixed habitation. The
Dammit are good genii in human form, the tute-

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 231

lary protectors of houses and villages. The Prayan-
ganare beautiful genii of female forms, who bewitch
man, and occasion madness ; they inhabit trees, dwell-
ing chiefly on the banks of rivers. The Kdbo Kd-
male are evil male genii, usually presenting them-
selves in the shape of buffaloes, but often taking
the form of husbands to deceive wives; they
are the patrons of thieves and robbers. The
Wewe are malignant spirits, in the form of gigan-
tic females, who carry ofi* infants. The Dadung-
awu protect the wild animals of the forest, and are
the patrons of the hunter. In Bali, as will be seen
in the account of that island, the bulk of the peo-
ple, notwithstanding their profession of Hmduism^
have peopled the elements, mountains, and forests,
with their local deities, assigning a tutelary god to
each state or province, and erecting temples to
them. There is little doubt but Hinduism in
Java was on the very same footing. * The inhabi-
tants of the Indian islands are not in a state of so-
ciety to relish the laborious subtleties, and the
troublesome ceremonies of the Hindu religion and
ritual, and there is no doubt but the Brahmins

* The people of the Moluccas had the same form of religion.
** They knew of no God," says Valentyn, " but maintained that
every province had its dem^^n, that plagued or protected it as
he thought proper, on whom, in danger or affliction, tliey al-
ways called.*' — Valentyn^ Deel I.

232 ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

found it for their interest not to insist upon a too
rigid adherence to them. We may be certain that
the Hindu religion was not established in Java
with that inveterate and unsociable character which
distinguishes it in Western India. The distinction
into casts was but barely established; of the third,
or mercantile class, I see no mention made at all.
In so rude a state of society as that which existed,
in Java, we cannot, indeed, contemplate more
than three orders; — the priests, — the rulers, or
military, — and the people, or servile body. The
priests of Hinduism could readily make such an
arrangement ; it was, in fact, nearly made to their
hands, but the existence of a middle order, or
mercantile class, implies a considerable advance in
the march of industry and improvement, and such
a body, even a religious law could not create. The
four casts, it may, to be sure, be alleged, exist
in Bali, but in that island the arrangement is of
a more modern date, and belongs to a more im-
proved period of society ; slavery exists in that
island, and slaves are denominated the servile class,
while the actual cultivators of the soil are the mer-
cantile. In the ancient laws of the Javanese, no
distinction, it is singular, is made in the award of
punishment in favour of the Brahman, one of the
most remarkable features in the laws of the genu-
ine Hindus ; but a distinction is always made, on
the other handy in favour of the king. This may

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 238

be looked upon as a convincing proof that the an-
cient Javanese lived under a despotic government,
but that the tyranny of the priesthood was not
established in the revolting manner in which it
prevails in India.

On the subject of religious purity and pollu-
tions, the observances of the Javanese appear not
to have been very rigid. In their Niti Sastra there
is a passage which recommends to perso72S of rank
not to eat dogs, rats, snakes, lizards, and caterpil-
lars. The practice of using these disgusting ani-*
mals as food must have been frequent, or the in-
junction were unnecessary.

The ancient Javanese believed in the doctrine
of the transmigration of souls, and in that of future
rewards and punishments, but of all the practices
recommended by the Hindu religion, penances
and austerities, and the sacrifice of the widow on
the funeral pile of the husband, are those alone
which the ancient Javanese seem to have carried
to an excess which vied with that of their masters,
or rather indeed surpassed it. *

* A great diversity of religious practice in matters ot exter-
nal ceremony, no doubt, prevailed in the different islands. The
sacrifice of the hog, however, an animal which abounds in incre-
dible numbers in every country of the Archipelago, was pro-
bably general. The followmg curious account of a sacrifice
of this nature is extracted from Pigafetta.-— *' Puisque je

^34t ANCIENT RELIGION OF THE

viens de parler des idoles, je vais laconter a votre scigneurie
quelques-unes de leurs ceremonies superstitieuses, dont
Tune est celle de la benediction du cochon. On commence
cette cer^monie par battre des grandes timballes. On porte
ensuite trois grands plats, dont deux sent charges de pois-
son loti et de gateaux de riz et de millet cuit, envcloppes
dans des feuilles ; sur I'autre il y a des draps de toile de
Cambaie et deux bandes de toile de palmier. On etend par
terre un de ces linceuils de toile. Alors viennent deux vieillcs
femmes, dont chacune tient a la main unc grande trompette
de roseau. Elles se placent sur le drap, font une salutation
au soleil, el s'enveloppent des autres draps de toile qui etoient
sur le plat. La premiere de ces deux vieilles se couvre la
tete d'un mouchoir qu'elle lie sur son front, de maniere qu'il
y forme deux cornes ; et prenant un autre moucnoir dans ses
mains, elle danse et sonne en meme terns de la trompette, en
invoquant de terns en tems le sokil. L'autre vieille prend une
des bandes de toile de palmier, danse et sonne egalement de
sa trompette, et se tournant vers le soleil iui addresse, quel-
ques mots. La premiere saisit alors l'autre bande de toile de
palmier, jette le mouchoir qu'elle tenoit a la main, et toutes
Jes deux sonnent ensemble de leurs trompettes et dansent long-
tems autour du cochon qui est lie et couche par terre. Pen-
dant ce tems la premiere parle toujours d'une voix basse au
soleil, tandis que l'autre Iui repond. Apres cela on presente
une tasse de vin k la premiere, qu'elle prend, sans cesser de
danser et de s'addresser au soleil, I'approche quatre ou cinq
fois de sa bouche en feignant de vouloir boire, mais elle verse
la liqueur sur le ccEur du cochon. Elle rend ensuite la tasse,
et on Iui donne une lance, qu'elle agite, toujours en dansant,
et parlant et la dirige plusieurs fois contre le coeur du cochon,
qu'elle perce a la fin d'outre en outre d'un coup prompt et
bien mesure. Aussit6t qu'elle a retire la lance de la blessure^
on la ferme et on la pause avec des herbes salutaires. Du-?
rant toute cette ceremonie il y a un flambeau allume, que la

INDIAN ISLANDERS. 235

Tieille qui a perce le cochon prend et met dans sa bouche
pour l'6teindre. L'autre vieille trempe dans le sang du co-
chon le bout de sa trompette dont elle va toucher et ensang-
lanter le front des assistans, en commen9ant par celui de son
mari ; mais elle ne vint pas a nous. Cela fini les deux vieil-
les se deshabillent, mangent ce qu*on avoit apporte dans les
deux premiers plats et invitent les femmes, et non les hommes,
^ manger avec elles. Ou depile ensuite le cochon au feu.
Jamais on ne mange de cet animal qu'il n*ait et6 auparavant
purifie de cette mani^re, et il n'y a que de vieilles femmes
qui puissent faire cette cer^monie."— -Prewi^Vr Voi/age autour
du Mondcj^. 113, 114, 115.

CHAPTER IL

RELIGION OF BALI.

The Hindu Religion at present nearly confined to the Island
of Bali — The National Religion of Bali is the Worship
of Sixva, and a small number of Buddhists only exist. — The
Siwais, as in Hindustan^ divided into four great Casts, —
The Brahmins and Higher Classes genuine Hindus, but the
Loiuer Orders left to practise their local superstitions. —
The Brahmins iiitrusted voith the Administi-atioji of Justice.
— Few Prejudices on the subject of Diet^ — No Religious
Mendicants, and no practice of pairiful Austerities. — Sa-
erifice of the Widow on the Funeral Pile of her Husband,
and* Immolation if Slaves and Domestics tcith deceased
Princes. — Interesting Quotation fro?n a Dutch Narrative.
— Quotation from the Voyage of Cavendish, — Bodies of

the Dead Burned. — Tvoo great Religious Festivals Bali-

nese have adopted the Indian Era and Kalender, — List of
their Religious Books. — The Worship of Sivoa when intro-
duced. — Existence of Hinduism in Bali after the conversion
of the other Civilized Tribes accounted for.

With the partial exception of a few moun-
taineers in the eastern end of Java, the Hindu
religion, as far as I know, has been banished
from every country of the Archipelago, except
the island of Bali, where it is at present near-
ly the only form of worship. I visited this is-

KELIGION OF BALI. . ^SJ

land in 1814, and communicated the result of
my inquiries concerning its religion, in a paper
to the Asiatic Society, which they did me the
honour to print in the last volume of their Trans-
actions. The principal matter of that essay I shall
now transcribe.

The great body of the Balinese are Hindus of
the sect of Siwa, and there are a few Buddhists
among them 5 with the latter I had no communi-
cation, and, therefore, it is regarding the former
only that I can furnish any precise information.
The followers of Siwa in Bali are, as in Western
India, divided into four great classes or casts,
namely, a priesthood, a soldiery, a mercantile class,
and a servile class, respectively called Brahmanay
Satriya, Wisiya, and Sudra, The following origin
of the casts was distinctly stated to me by the
Brahmins, without any leading question. ** The
god Brahma produced the Brahmana from his
mouth, which imports wisdom, — the Satriya from
his chest, which imports strength, — the Wisiya
from the abdomen, which implies that it is his busi-
ness to furnish subsistence to the society ; and the
Sudra from his feet, w^hich implies, that he is des-
tined to obedience and servitude." The institu-
tion of the casts the Balinese term Chatur-J alma.
The superior classes may take concubines from the
lower, but the opposite practice is strictly inter-
dicted. The offspring of such unions form, as in

238 RELIGION OP BALI.

Continental India, a variety of new casts. A
legal marriage, however, can only be contracted
between persons of the same cast, so that the four
great classes are thus preserved distinct. There
exists a class of outcasts, called by the Indian
name Chandala ; they are held impure, and being
excluded from associating with their fellow sub-
jects, they occupy the outskirts of the villages.
Potters, dyers, dealers in leather, distillers, and
dealers in ardent spirits, are of this order.

The Brahmins of Bali may be considered ge-
nuine Hindus, but in general the people are left
to their local superstitions, consisting of the wor-
ship of personifications of the elements, and of the
most striking natural objects which surround them.
The deity thus created, ranks in proportion to his
supposed power, and the importance of the duties
assigned to him. Every nation in Bali has its
peculiar tutelary god, and the villages, mountains,
forests, and rivers, have their respective guardians.
To these deities rude temples are constructed, in
which the lower orders, usually Wisiyas and Sudras,
and never Brahmins, officiate as priests. These
persons so officiating are called Mamangkii or
guardians. The Brahman s declared to me that
they worshipped no idol whatever, not even those
of the Hindu mythology. In the part of Bali
which I visited, although temples were numerous,
there certainly were none dedicated to pure Hiu-

RELIGION OP BALI. 239

duism. Such, however, I am informed, do exist
in other parts of the island.

The Brahmins are treated with great respect,
and contrary to the practice of India, which places
the magistracy in the hands of the military class,
are entrusted with the administration of justice,
civil and criminal. The princes and chiefs are
usually of the military order, but this is not in-
variable, for the princes of the family of Karang-
asam, the most powerful in the island, and who,
of late years, conquered the neighbouring Maha-
medan island of Lombok, are of the mercantile or-
der, a fact which shows, that the institution of the
casts is not tenaciously adhered to.

The Brahmans, in external appearance, are
easily distinguished from the inferior classes, for
the former wear the hair long, and tie it in a knot
at the back of the head, as in India, while the
latter invariably crop it short ; neither they, how-
ever, nor the other twice- born casts, wear the diS"
tinguishing thread of the superior orders. In
conformity to their profession of being sectaries of
Siwa, the Balinese pay their principal adoration to
Mahadewa, whom they generally designate Prama
Siwa, or the Lord Siwa, but he is known to them
also by many of the epithets under which he is
recognized in India, such as Kala, Anta-pati,
Nilakanta, Jagat-nata, &c. In their solemn in-
vocations, the Balinese frequently prefix to hisf

540 RELIGION OF BALI.

name the sacred triliteral syllable «wm, pronoun-
ced by them ong, as in the expression ong Siwa
Chatiiy^'baja, " adoration to Siwa with the four
arms." I did not observe that the Balinese made,
like the Hindus, any scruple to pronounce this
sacred and mystical syllable.

The perpetual and tiresome routine of ceremo-
nies practised by the genuine Hindu are generally,
as far as I could discover, neglected by the Ba-
linese ; and the strange and wanton prejudices
on the subject of food are paid little regard to by
the body of the people, who eat beef without
scruple^ and among whom the domestic foxd and
hog aiFord the most favourite articles of diet. The
Brahmins are more scrupulous, and abstain from
every species of animal food, confining themselves
to what is barely vegetable ; some of the more
meritorious even restrict themselves to roots and
fruits.

In Bali I could discover no religious mendi-
cants. In a fruitful soil, understocked with in-
habitants, and where the priesthood possess valu-
able temporal authority, there is less occasion to
seek for spiritual distinction. Those whimsical
and extravagant acts of self-mortification which
have made the Hindu devotee so famous, are un-
known to the Ascetics of Bali, whose severest
penances consist of — abstinence from some descrip-

RELIGION OF BALI. 24- 1

tions of food, — seclusion from the society of man-
kind in caves and forests, — and sometimes, but not
very frequently, in celibacy.

Of the Hindu customs which obtain among the
Balinese, the only one of which the certainty has
been long ascertained among foreigners, is the
sacrifice of the widow on the funeral pile of the
husband. In Bali this practice is carried to an
excess unknown even to India itself. When a
wife oiTers herself, the sacrifice is termed Satya ;
when a concubine, slave, or other domestic, Bela, or
retaliation. A woman of any cast may sacrifice her-
self in this manner, but it is most frequent with
those of the military and mercantile classes. It very
seldom happens that a woman of the servile class
thus sacrifices herself; and, what is more extraor-
dinary, one of the sacred order never does. The
sacrifice is confined, as far as I could learn, to the
occasion of the death of princes and persons of high
rank. Perhaps the most remarkable circumstance
connected with these sacrifices in Bali is the in-
credible number of persons who devote them-
selves. The Raja of Blelling siat d to me, that,
when the body of his father, the chief of the fa-
mily of Karangasam, was burnt, seventy -four
women sacrificed themselves along with it. In
the year 1813 twenty w^omen sacrificed them-
selves on the funeral pile of Wayahan Jalanteg^

VOL. II. Q

242 RELIGION OF BALI.

another prince of the same family. I am satis-
lied, from the conversations which I held on this
subject with some Mahomedans of Bali, whom I
met in Java, that no compulsion is used on these
occasions, but abundance of over-persuasion and
delusion.

From some circumstances connected with this
strange custom, I am strongly inclined to believe
that it was not entirely of foreign origin, but an
original custom of the Indian islanders modified
by the Hindus. The practice of sacrificing the
living in honour of the dead, it must be recollect-
ed, is not an arbitrary institution of Hindustan,
but has been found to obtain in other parts of the
world where priestcraft or despotism have assumed
an early empire. The sacrifice, it may be observ-
ed, is performed, only in honour of a chief ; — his fe-
male domestics in numbers sacrifice themselves as
well as his wives ; — and the genuine name of the
Hindu sacrifice is confined to the former, while
the name of the latter is a native term imply-
ing retaliation or retribution, in strict conformity
with one of the most prevailing sentiments of the
human mind in the earliest stages of social exist-
ence. A similar institution, under a similar name,
prevailed in Java before the conversion, and I
have no doubt that one parallel to that of the
Natchez of America prevailed, very generally, in

RELIGION OF BALI. MS

the Indian islands, wherever arbitrary and des-
potic authority was fully established. *

* Pigafetta gives us the following singular account of a fu-
neral ceremony at Zebu, one of the Philippines, which, in the
progress of despotism, may be readily supposed to assume the
form of the horrid ceremony practised by the people of Bali.
** A la mort d'un de leurs chefs on fait egalement des ceremo-
nies singulieres, ainsi que j'en ai ete le teraoin. Les femmes
les plus considerees du pays se rendirent h la maison dumort,
au milieu de laquelle le cadavre etoit place dans une caisse,
autour de laquelle on tendit des cordes pour former une esp§ce
d'enceinte. On attacha a ces cordes des branches d'arbres ;
et au milieu de ces branches on suspendit des draps de coton
en forme de pavilion. C'est sous ces pavilions que s*assirent
les femmes dont je viens de parler couvertes d'un drap blanc.
Chaque femme avoit une suivante, qui la refraichissoit avec
un eventail de palmier. Les autres femmes etoient assises d'un
air triste tout autour de la chambre. II y en avoit une parmi
elles qui avec un couteau coupa peu a peu les cheveux du
mort. Une autre, qui en avoit ete la femme principale (car
quoiqu'un homrae puisse avoir autantde femmes qu'il lui plait,
une seule est la principale,) s'etendit sur lui de fa9on qu'elle
avoit sa bouche, ses mains et ses pieds, sur sa bouche, sur ses
mains et sur ses pieds. Tandis que la premiere coupoit les
cheveau, celle-ci pleroit ; et elle chantoit quand la premidre
s'arretoit. Tout autour de la chambre il y avoit plusieurs
vases de porcelaine remplis de feu, oh Ton jetoit de tems en
tems dc la myrrhe, du storax et du benjoin, que repandoient
une odeur fort agreable. Ces ceremonies continuent cinq ii
six jours, pendant lesquels le mort ne sort pas de la maison ;
je crois qu*on a soin de I'embaumer avec du camphre pour Is

244> RELIGION OF BALI.

In the year 1 633, four years after the last at-
tack on Batavia by the sultan of Mataram, the
Dutch, dreading a renewal of hostilities on the
part of that prince, sent a mission to the island of
Bali to request the assistance of the prince of Gel^
gely who appears at that time to have been sole
sovereign of tlie island. The manuscript account
of this mission has been translated by Mons. Pre-
vost, and affords an interesting and most curious
account of the funeral ceremonies of the Balinese
princes. The ambassadors found the king in the
deepest affliction on account of the death of his
two eldest sons, and the dangerous illness of his
queen, who, in fact, also died soon after their ar-
rival. No business could be transacted until after
that princess's funeral, which the king, according
to the Dutch statement, gave orders, in compli-
ment to the Europeans, should take plate in eight
days, although, in conformity to ancient usage,
the ceremony ought not to have taken place earlier
than a month and seven days after death. The
Dutch narrative proceeds as follows. " The same
day, about noon, the queen's body was burnt with-
out the city, with two and twenty of her female
slaves j and we consider ourselves bound to render

pres< rver de la putrefaction. On i^nUTre cnfin dans le meme
caisse, qu'on terme avec des chevilks <ie bois, dans le cinie-
tidre qui est un endroit enclos et couvert d'ais."~.P. 115, 116,

RELIGION OF BAH. 245

an exact account of the barbarous ceremonies prac-
tised in this place on such occasions as we were
eye-witnesses to. The body was drawn out of a
large aperture made in the wall to the right hand
side of the door, in the absurd opinion o^ cheat"
ing the devil, whom these islanders believe to lie in
wait in the ordinary passage. * The female slaves
destined to accompany the dead went before, ac-
cording to their ranks, those of lowest rank tak-
ing the lead, each supported from behind by an
old woman, and carried on a Badi, skilfully con-
structed of bamboos, and decked all over with
flowers, t There were placed before, a roasted pig,
some rice, some beteh and other fruits, as an offeringto
their gods, and these unhappy victims of the most
direful idolatry are thus carried in triumph, to the
sound of different instruments, to the place where
they are to be in the sequel poignarded and con-
sumed by fire. Each there found a particular scaf-
fold prepared for her, nearly in the form of a
trough, raised upon four short posts, and edged
on two sides with planks. After moving three

* It IS almost unnecessary to say, that this cannot have been
the true account of the superstitious practice in question.
Early European voyagers are in the constant habit of ob-
truding their own mythological opinions upon us as those of
the natives.

t The Badi is a kind of litter.

^46 RELIGION OF BALI,

times round in a circle, at the same pace at which
they arrived, and still sitting in their litters, they
were forthwith taken out of their vehicles, one
after another, in order to be placed in the troughs.
Presently five men, and one or two women, ap-
proached them, pulling off all the flowers with
which they were adorned, while, at each occasion,
holding their joined hands above their heads, they
raised the pieces of the offering which the other
women posted behind, laid hold of, and threw upon
the ground, as well as the flowers. Some of the at-
tendants set loose a pigeon or a fowl, to mark by that
that their soul was on the point of taking its flight
to the mansions of the blessed.

"At this last signal they were divested of all their
garments, except their sashes j and four of the men
seizing the victim, two by the arms, which they
held out extended, and two by the feet, the vic-
tim standing, the fifth prepared himself for the
execution, the whole being done without cover-
ing the eyes.

" Some of the most courageous demanded the
poignard themselves, which they received in the
right hand, passing it into the left, after respect-
fully kissing the weapon. They wounded their
right arms, sucked the blood which flowed from
the wound, and stained their lips with it, making
with the point of the finger a bloody mark on the
forehead. Then returning the dagger to their ex-

RELIGION OF BALI, 247

ecutioners, they received a first stab between the
false ribs, and a second, from the same side, under
the shoulder blade, the weapon being thrust up to
the hilt, in a slanting direction, towards the heart.
As soon as the horrors of death were visible in the
countenance, without a complaint escaping them,
they were permitted to fall prone on the ground, their
limbs were pulled from behind, and they were strip-
ped of the last remnant of their dress, so that they
were left in a state of perfect nakedness,

"The executioners receive, as their reward, two
hundred and fifty pieces of copper money, of about
the value of ^ve sols each. The nearest relations,
if they be present, or persons hired for the occa*
sion if they are not come, after the execution, and
wash the bloody bodies, and having sufficiently
cleaned them, they cover them with wood in such
a manner, that the head only is visible, and, hav-
ing applied fire to the pile, they are consumed to
ashes.

" The women were already poignarded, and the
greater number of them in flames, before the dead
body of the queen arrived, borne on a superb
Badi, of a pyramidal form, consisting of eleven
steps, and supported by a number of persons pro-
portioned to the rank of the deceased. At each
side of the body were seated two women, one
holding an umbrella, and the other a flapper of
horse -hair, to drive away the insects. Two priests

248 RELIGION OF BALI.

preceded iheBadi, in vehicles of a particular form,
holding each in one hand a cord attached to the
Badi, as if giving to understand that they led
the deceased to heaven, and ringing in the
other a little bell, while such a noise of go^igs, ta-
bours, flutes, and other instruments, is made, that
the whole ceremony has less the air of a funeral
procession than of a joyous village festival.

"When the dead body had passed the funeral piles
arranged in its route, it was placed upon its own,
which was forthwith lighted, while the chair, couch,
kc, used by the deceased in her lifetime, were also
burnt. The assistants then regaled themselves with
a feast, while the musicians, without cessation,
struck the ear with a tumultuous melody, not un-
pleasing. This continues until evening, when
the bodies being consumed, the relatives and chiefs
return home, leaving a guard for the prt)tection of
the bones. On this occasion the bones of the
queen only were preserved, the rest having been
gathered up and thrown away.

" On the following day the bones of the queen
were carried back to her former habitation, with a
ceremony equal in pomp to that of the preceding
day, and here the following forms were observ-
ed. Every day a number of vessels of silver,
brass, and earth, filled with water, accompanied
by a band of musicians and pikemen, are carried
thither. Those who bear them are preceded by
two young boys carrying green boughs, marching

RELIGION OF BALI. 24?

before others carrying — the mirror, — the vest, — the
loose garment, — the beteUhox^ and other conve-
niences of the deceased. The bones are devoutly
washed during a month and seven days, after
which, being placed in a convenient litter, they
are conveyed by the same retinue as was the body,
to a place called Labee, where they are entirely
burnt, and the ashes carefully collected in -urns,
and cast into the sea at a certain distance from the
beach, which terminates the ceremony.

" When a prince or a princess of the royal family
dies, their women or slaves run round the body,
uttering cries and frightful bowlings, and all
eagerly solicit to die for their master or mistress.
The king, on ihd following day, designates, one by
one, those of whom he makes choice. From that
moment, to the last of their lives, they are
daily conducted, at an early hour, each in her
vehicle, to the sound of musical instruments, with-
out the town, to perform their devotions, having
their feet wrapped in white linen, for it is no
more permitted to them to touch the bare earth,
because they are considered as consecrated. The
young women, little skilled in these religious ex-
ercises, are instructed in them by the aged women,
who accompany them, and who, at the same time,
confirm them in their resolution.

" A woman, on the demise of her husband, ap-
pears daily before the corpse, offering it viands,

253

but seeing that it will not partake, she resumes, at
each time, the usual lamentations, carrying her
affliction so far for three or four days, as to kiss
the body, and bathe it all over with her tears.
This mourning, however, only lasts until the even-
ing before the funeral rites. Those who have de-
voted themselves, are made to pass that night in
continual dancing and rejoicing, without being per-
mitted to close an eye. All pains are taken to
give them whatever tends to the gratification of
their senses, and from the quantity of wine which
they take, few objects are capable of terrifying
their imaginations. Besides, they are inflamed
by the promises of their priests, and their mis-
taken notions of the joys of another state of exist-
ence.

" No woman or slave, however, is obliged to fol-
low this barbarous custom. Yet, even those who
have desired to submit to it, and have not been
accepted, as well as those who have not offered
themselves, are alike shut up for the remainder of
their lives, in a convent, without being permitted
the sight of man. If any one should find means
to escape from her prison, and is afterwards taken,
her fate is instantly decided ; she is poignarded, —
dragged through the streets, — and her body cast to
the dogs to be devoured, the most ignominious
form of inflicting death in that country.

" At the funeral of the king's two sons who died

RELIGION OF BALI. ^51

a short time before, forty-two women of the one,
and thirty-four of the other, were poignarded and
burnt in the manner above described ; but on such
occasions the princesses of royal blood leap them-
selves at once into the flames, as did at this parti-
cular time the principal wives of the ^princes in
question, because they would look upon them-
selves as dishonoured by any one's laying hands
on their persons. For this purpose a kind of
bridge is erected over the burning pile, which
they mount, holding in their hand a paper close to
their foreheads, and having their robe tucked up
under their arm. As soon as they feel the heat,
they precipitate themselves into the burning pit,
which is surrounded by a palisade of coco-nut stems.
In case their firmness should abandon them at the
appalling sight, a brother, or other near relative, is
at hand to push them in, and render them, out of
affection, that cruel office.

•* We were informed, that the first wife of the
younger of the two princes just alluded to, who
was daughter to the king's sister, asked her father,
who was prince of Couta, whether, as she was but
three months married, and on account of her ex-
treme youth, she ought to devote herself on the
funeral pile of her deceased husband. Her fathe^,
less alive to the voice of nature than to the pre-
judices of his nation, represented to her so strong-
ly the disgrace she would, by preferring to live.

S52 RELIGION OF BALI.

bring upon herself and all her family, that the
unfortunate young woiiian, summoning ail her
courage, gaily leapt into the flames, which were
already devouring the dead body of her hus-
band.

" On the death of the reigning king, the whole
of his wives and concubines, sometimes to the num-
ber of a hundrf^d, or a hundred and fifty, devote
themselves to the flames. None of them are previous-
ly poignarded, a distinction confined to this occa-
sion. As they are at such a time permitted to
walk without restraint, it happened, at the funeral
of the late king of Bali, that one of his women, as
she was preparing to follow the example of her
companions, lost her courage at sight of the
dreadful preparations. She had sufficient presence
of mind, in approaching the bridge, to ask leave to
withdraw for a moment on some common pretext,
which being granted without any suspicion, she be-
took herself to flight with all possible speed. The
singularity of the circumstance, rather than any mo-
tive of compassion, saved her life, and gave her her
freedom. We were assured that she came daily
to the public market to sell provisions, but that she
was regarded by all persons of rank with the last
degree of contempt, though custom had taught her
to bear with the most cruel raillery.

" Another object of contempt among this people,
and for a reason sufficiently singular, is the female

RELIGION OF BALI. 2o3

slave to whose lot it falls to wash the dead body of
her mistress, dming the month and seven days be-
fore the funeral rites. It is, in fact, for the per-
formance of this task that her life is saved, and li-
berty afterwards given to her to retire where she
pleases into the country, to earn her livelihood.

" To obviate the infection which would otherwise
be generated by preserving the dead bodies so long
in a climate of such excessive heat, the y are oblig-
ed daily to rub them with salt, and with pepper,
and other aromatics, so that they fall away to mere
skin and bone. Afterwards these drugs, which
fprm a coat of four or five inches thick, are washed
off, and it is in this state that the bodies are burnt.
The coffin, which contains the body, is perforated at
the bottom, to permit the animal fluids to run off,
and these are received into a vessel, which is daily
emptied with much ceremony. "^^

The province of Blambangan^ composing the
eastern extremity of Java, was, down to very late
years, subject to the Balinese, and chiefly inhabit-
ed by that people. Cavendish, in his circumnavi-
gation of the globe, passed througli the straits
between Java and Bali, touching at the former
island. Purchas gives the following curious

* Histpire General dcs Voyages, Tom. XVII, p, 5*2, rt
sequent.

254 RELIGION OF BALI,

account of the ceremony alluded to in the text, as
received by Cavendish and his companions from
the Portuguese :- — " The custome of the countrey
is, that whensoeuer the king doth die, they take
the body so dead, and burne it, and preserue the
ashes of him, and within fiue dayes next after, the
wiues of the said king so dead, according to the
custome and vse of their countrey, euery one of
them goe together to a place appointed, and the
chiefe of the women, which was nearest vnto him
in accompt, hath a ball in her hand, and throweth
it from her, and to the place where the ball rest-
eth, thither they goe all, and turn their faces to
the eastward, and euery one, with a dagger in their
hand, (which dagger they call a crise, and is as
sharpe jfis a razor,) stab themselues to the heart,
and with their hands all to bebathe themselves in
their owne blood, and falling grouelling on their
faces, so ende their dayes. This thing is as true,
as it seemeth to any hearer to be strange/' *

* Piirchas*s Pilgrims, Vol. I. B. 2. p. 6S.

The testimony of Pigafetta confirms the existence of the
practice in Java. ** On nous dit que c'est I'usagc k Java de
bmler les corps des principaux qui meurent ; et que la femme
qu'il aimoit le plus est distinee a etre brftiees toute vivante
dans le raeme feu. Ornee de guirlandes de fleurs, elle se fait
portej'^^ar quatre hommes sur un siege par toute la ville, et
d'un air riant et tranquilie elle console ses parens qui pleurent
sa mort prochaine en leur distant ; * Je vais ce soir souper avee

RELIGIOJJ OF BALI. 255

I had written my account of the funeral rites of
the Balinese princes, before reading either the nar-*
rative of the Dutch envoys, or the above passage in
Purchas, and I have since made no alteration, that
the reader may have an opportunity of comparing
it with those earlier accounts, and drawing his own
conclusions.

The Hindus of Bali, like those of India, burn
the bodies of their dead ; but differ from the latter
in this singular particular, that they keep the dead
body for an extraordinary length of time previous
to consuming it. The bodies of persons of the
lowest condition are usually kept for several weeks,
and those of persons of rank often for a year, nay
sometimes even for two. A fortunate day must
be determined upon by the Brahmins for burning
the body, and, during the interval, it is embalmed
and preserved in an apartment for the purpose.

The Balinese have two great religious festivals,
followed the one by the other at an interval of ten
days, and repeated twice a-year. The first, in
point of time, is called Galungan, and is of five

raon mari, et cette nuit je coiicherai avec lui. Arrivee au
bucher elle les console de nouveau par les meme discours, et
se jette dans les flammes qui la devorent. Si elle s'y refusoit,
elle ne seroit plus regardee comme une femme hon^^ete ni
comme une bonne epouse.' *' French translation from the
original manuscript, p. 217.

^56 IlELIGtON OF BALI.

(lays duration ; the second Kuningan, and is of
two days duration. These festivals occur in De-
cember and June, or at the winter and summer
solstices, the first when the great rice crop is sown,
and the second when it is reaped. They are
dedicated to the worship of the gods, to festivi-
ty and rejoicing. All serious occupation is inter-
rupted, and even war, at all other times carried on
with the relentless ferocity common to barbarians,
is held unlawful during the celebration of these
festivals. From the seasons at which they occur,
and the native names by which they are designated,
I am inclined to consider them as native rather
than foreign institutions, or perhaps at furthest, but
as modified by the Hindus.

Tlie Balinese have generally adopted the Indian
chronology, and the era of Salivana, which they call
Saka x&mrsa chandra.

Besides the works current among the ancient
Javanese, and of which an account is given under
the head of Literature, the Balinese Brahmins of
the worship of Siwa supplied me with the follow-
ing list of works, containing the peculiar doctrines
of their own sect. Agama — Adigama — Sarsa-
muschayagama — Dewagama — Maiswa7'alatwa —
Wiyawaraha — Dustakalahaya — Shkantar agama
— Satmagama, and Gamiyagamana. They com-
plained of the loss of other religious works, and

RELIGION OF BALI. 257

made anxious inquiry respecting their existence in
India.

The religion of Siwa was introduced in Bali be-
tween three and four hundred years ago, previous
to which the reigning religion was Buddhism.
The followino- is the account of this revolution fur-

nished to me by the Brahmins themselves. A few
years previous to the Mahomedan conversion of the
Javanese, there arrived in Java, from Kalinga, a num-
ber of Brahmins, of the sect of Siwa, who received pro-
tection from Browijoyo, the last Hindu sovereign of
Mojopahit. Soon after the overthrow of that state,
they fled to Bali under their leader Wahu Baku,
and there disseminated their doctrines. The pre-
sent generation are, by their own account, the
tenth in descent from Wahu Baku and his com-
panions.

The fact of the Hindu religion existing in the
little island of Bali, after the conversion to Maho-
medanism, appears at first sight singular. This
phenomenon is to be ascribed to a variety of circum-
stances, such as hostility to the Mahomedan re-
ligion, on the part of the Hindu refugees from
Java, who are known, when persecuted, to have
fled to Bali in considerable numbers, — the adop-
tion of another new religion on the part of the Ba-
linese, but probably, above all, the inaccessibili-
ty of the shores of Bali, the only civilized and po-
pulous country of the Archipelago, destitute of

VOL, II. B

^68 RELIGION OF BALI.

harbours, and even of tolerably safe anchoring
ground. This has kept away the Mahomedan
merchants, by whose means Islam was propagat-
ed in the other countries of the Archipelago. At
present the Balinese, without hating the Mahome-
dan religion, or persecuting its followers, show no
small degree of jealousy of it.

CHAPTER IIL

CHARACTER OF MAHOMEDAXISM IS THE INDIAN
ARCHIPELAGO.

Indian Islanders throughout are of the orthodox creed, fol-
lovoing almost invariably fhe doctrines of Shqfihi. — The
doctrines of the Imams have never Jound their i\:ay into the
Archipelago. — Malays considered among their neighbours
the best Mahomedans. — In religious sentiment all the tribes
are liberal and tolerayit — State oj Mahomedanism in Java,
— The Mahomedan Festivals of Java modijications of the
ancient Hindu ones. A Mahomedan Festival in Java de*
scribed. — Java7iese Priests y their duties and offices — Lower
orders of the Indian Islanders singularly inattentive both
to the positive and negative precepts of the Koran. — Anec*
dotes in illustration of this,

1 HE Indian islanders first received the religion of
Mahomed from the orthodox land of Arabia, and
the flame has been kept alive by the intercourse
which has since subsisted with that country. All
the tribes and nations of the Archipelago are,
therefore, necessarily, nominally of the orthodox
faith. Of the Jour great divisions of Mahomc-

Q60 character of MAHOMED ANISM

danism, deemed equally orthodox, the Indian
islanders, with minute exceptions not worth men^
tioning, are followers of the doctrines of Shafihi,
the prevalent doctrines of Arabia, * and particular-
ly of the maritime portions of that country, from
whence proceeded the first apostles of Islam to the
Indian islands.

Among the Indian islanders there are no sec-
taries of any description. The doctrines of the
Imams, or of those who believe in the divinity of
Ali, have not found their way thither, and the few
Malays who visit Siam alone have an opportunity
of seeing a few straggling Shiaks or Rq/ki, as they
call them, in that country.

The Malayan tribes have the reputation of be-
ing the most exemplary Mahomedans of the Ar-
chipelago. On essential points they are sufficient-
ly strict without being intolerant. Their superior
instruction is owing to their longer and more intimate
intercourse with their masters the Arabs, and the
Mahomedans of the Eastern coast of India; and their
liberality is to be ascribed to their expensive inter-
course vi^ith men of various religious persuasions,
with Hindus, Buddhists of farther India, Chinese,
Christians, and Pagans of their own country. To

* Sa!e*s Preliminary Discourse to his Translation of the
Alcoran.

IN THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO. 26 1

tlie positive precepts of the Koran, viz. attention to
festivals, — fasting,- — prayer, — attendance at the
mosque, — and performance of the pilgrimage, they
are sufficiently attentive, but their violation of some
of its negative precepts, as stated in another place, is
open and flagrant : they are the greatest of gamb-
lers, and the most determined consumers of intoxi^
eating drugs.

The state of Mahomedanism in Java differs
widely from that among the maritime and com-
mercial tribes, and will demand a more particular
account. Of all Mahomedans the Javanese are
the most lax in their principles and practice, a
singularity to be ascribed to their little intercourse
with foreign Mahomedans, occasioned by the ex-
clusion of the Arabs in particular, through the
commercial jealousy of the Dutch, during a period
of two hundred years. It will be necessary to iur-
nish the reader with a review of the conduct of the
Javanese in the various duties of a Mahomedan.

The Javanese, like the Arabs, keep the two re-
gular festivals prescribed by the Koran, the Id til
Fetre, and the Id ul Kurhan, To these they add
a third and fourth, one in honour of ancestors,
already mentioned, and a festival on the 12th of
the month of Rabbi ul awal, the alleged anniver-
sary of the birth and death of tJie prophet. The
first of these two is evidently a relic of their an-
cient superstitions, and the last was instituted, I

^262 CHARACTER OF MAHOMEDANISM

imagine, to supply the place of the ancient Hindu
festivals, called in these countries the Galungan
and Kuningan, which divided the year into two
equal parts, and which in a civil, as well as reli-
gious view, were considered as important seasons,
for then the public revenue was paid, and all con-
tracts concluded. The institution of this festival
was, in all probability, a discreet concession made
to the Javanese by the first Mahomedan mission-
aries. The festival of the nativity or Maulud, and
that which succeeds the Ramzan or Mahomedan
lent, on the first of ShaXDaly called rather ambigu-
ously by the Hindu name of Fivwasa, or the Jast^
divide the year into nearly equal portions, and are
now the principal festivals of the Javanese ; it is
then that the public revenue is paid and all con-
tracts made.

Except the festival in honour of ancestors, the
others are celebrated in the same way, and are
considered rather as occasions of rejoicing and fes-
tivity, than of the performance of prayer and reli-
gious duty. A description of them, as exhibited
at the courts of the native princes, may gratify curio-
sity, while it affords a new and unexpected picture
of eastern customs and manners. Previous to these
great festivals, the governors of provinces and other
chiefs, with a numerous concourse of retainers and
followers, repair to court. At an early hour of the
fnprningof the festival, each, accompanied by his pcor

JN THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO. ^6S

pie, fully armed, attend in their gala dresses, and,
preceded by drums and music, proceed to the great
square of the palace, and hold themselves in readi-
ness to appear at an appointed hour in the presence.
Every part of the ceremony puts Mahomedan de-
corum at defiance. About the hour of ten the
monarch makes his appearance in the idolatrous
garb of his ancestors, decorated with ponderous
golden bracelets, armlets, and finger rings rich
with diamonds. • The procession which attends
him consists of persons whimsically dressed in the
ancient costume :of Java, and a great number are
women, in contempt of the usual fastidiousness of
Mahomedan nations. The most conspicuous of
the group are the handsomest of the concubines of
the prince himself, bearing the ancient regalia of
a Javanese monarch, of which the most remark-
ably in contrast to Mahomedan precept, are the
golden figures of a naga or snake, — of an animal of
the goose kind, — and of a deer. Some of the more
aged women appear in the procession with arms in
their feeble hands. In the native language these
last are called Langtin-astt^a, or Langdn-kusuina^
which imply, as much as, soldiers in play or jest,
terms sufficiently descriptive of their office. Such a
whimsical anomaly in oriental manners, had pro-
bably its origin in no better foundation than the
absurd and playful caprice of some ancient despot.
The prince arriving at the Sitingil, or terrace of

^6li CHARACTER OF MAHOMEDANISM

ceremonies, takes his seat on the throne, the chiefs
of all ranks, from the highest to the lowest, squat-
ting on the bare ground, the heir to the throne
only being, when in high favour, admitted to a seat
of some little distinction. The troops of all descrip-
tions, whether those of the household or the rabble
militia of the provinces, then pass before the prince
in review, moving mostly according to the man-
ners of the country in a strutting or dancing atti-
tude, and exhibiting costumes the most grotesque
and ludicrous than can well be- imagined. Some
appear in the ancient dress, — others in the more mo-
dern garb of the country, and these to an Euro-
pean are the most becoming ; others superadd some
of the more antiquated portions of the costume of
Holland, The absurd solemnity of some of the
figures, and the extravagant and wild gestures of
others, afford to a stranger a trial too severe for
the most determined gravity.

The public charity to be distributed in confor-
mity to the institutions of Mahomed, is now dis-
played in slow procession, to the sound of a hun-
dred bands of native music. It consists of dressed
food, chiefly rice, piled up into a conical mass of
four or five feet high, tastefully decorated with
flowers, and each mass supported on a separate lit-
ter, borne along by porters dressed for the occa-
sion. From their shape and size, and still more
because they are thought to be emblematic of the

IN THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO. QG5

bounty of the sovereign, these masses of food are
emphatically and figuratively denominated " moun-
tains." After being duly exhibited in procession,
they are carried to the houses of the nobles of rank,
according to their size and qualities, and, being
thrown down in their court-yards, there ensues
among the retainers of the chiefs an indecent but
amicable scramble for them.

That portion of the festivities of the day which
have their origin in the connection with the Euro-
pean authority, are not the least remarkable, or
least at variance with the duties of good Mussel-
mans. No sooner is the injunction of the Koran^
the distribution of charity complied with, than uine
is served, and half a dozen bumpers are quaffed
off by the Mahomedan monarch and his subjects,
to the health of their European allies and them-
selves. The evening, by long established custom,
is passed at the residency of the European chief,
where may be seen every year the strange spec-
tacle of a Mussulman prince and his court cele-
brating the festi'val of the sacrifice^ or comme-
morating the death and nativity of the Prophet^
by a Bacchanalian feast in the house of a Chris-
tian ! *

* The author has often had the honour of entertaining his
Highness the Sultan of Java on such occasions.

2G6 CHARACTER OF MAHOMEDANISM

In most of the Mahomedan institutions of the
Javanese, we discover marks of Hinduism. The
institutions of the latter have in reality. been ra-
ther modified and built upon than destroyed, and
in viewing them, we cannot withhold the tribute
of our applause to the discreet and artful conduct
of the first Mahomedan teachers, whose temperate
zeal is always marked by a politic and wise for-
bearance. The present priests of Java are the
successors in office, and almost in duty, to the
priest and astrologer of the Hindu village. The
latter were entitled to a small share of the crop,
and the same, under the legitimate Arabic name of;
ZaJcat, or alms, is now paid to the Mahomedan
priests. This, which ought by law to be a tithe,
is but a 26th of the staple crop, and, by the fru-
gal piety of the donor, who selects for his spi-
ritual guide the smallest sheaf, often still less.
Tlie contribution is, indeed, strictly eleemosynary,
but usage, prescription, and superstition, ren-
der the payment more imperious and punctual
than any municipal law could render it. This,
with fees at marriages and funerals, and small gifts
at festivals, constitute the incomes of the Javanese
priests, who are a peaceful, contented, and re-
spectable portion of the Javanese peasantry, liv-
ing in terms of perfect equality with the ordinary
(cultivators.

Neither the prayers nor the fastings of the In-

IN THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO. 267

dian islanders, commonly speaking, are very rigid.
The lower orders know little, and care less, about
these matters. * Such is the ignorance or careless-
ness of some of them in Java, of which I can per-
sonally speak, that they do not even know the
name of the Prophet whose religion they profess
to follow. Once when presiding in the Resident's
court at Samarang, a peasant was about to give
evidence on oath, when I directed him to be in-
terrogated on the nature and obligations of the
oath he was about to take. It came out that he
had never heard the name of Mahomed, and.

* " The religion of these people is Mahomcflanism, Friday
is their Sabbath, but I did never sec any dift'cu'cnce that they
make between this day and any other day, cnly the Sultan
himself goes then to the mosque twice. Laja Laut never
goes to the mosque, but prays at certain hours, eight or ten
times in a day; wherever he is, he is very punctual to his
canonical hours, and if he be on board, will go ashore on
purpose to pray, for no business or company hinders him from
this duty. Whether he is at home, or abroad, — in the house,
or in a field, he leaves all his company, and goes about 100
yards off, and then kneels down to his devotion. He first
kisses the ground, then prays aloud, and divers times in his
prayers he kisses the ground, and does the same .when he
leaves oif. His servants and xjoives and his children talk and
sing, or play hoto they, please all the timej but himsell'is very
serious. The meaner sort of people have little devotion ; I
did never see any of them at their prayers, or go into a mosque,**
— Dampier's Voyages, Vol. I. p. 338.

268 CHARACTER OF MAHOMEDANISM

when urged upon the subject, he pronounced with
great simplicity the name of his village priest !
The lower orders even display a most singular
levity upon these points. In the vicinity of the
town of Yvgyakartay I met one evening a band of
labourers returning from their work, and their ex-
traordinary amusement was as follows : One of
the party was repeating a veise of the Koran,
which he had somehow acquired, and mimicking a
preacher of their acquaintance. When he had
done, the rest applauded him by a loud shout, and
a convulsive roar of laughter. He again repeated
the verse, and received the same approbation, and
this was their diversion as they passed on to their
houses. I do not quote these cases as extraordi-
nary examples, but as a true picture of the popu-
lar feeling on the subject of religion. I do not
mean, in general, to assert, that, in matters of re-
ligion, the Javanese are incapable of conducting
themselves with decorum, but certainly there is
neither bigotry nor austerity in their religious be-
lief, and most frequently it has not much solem-
nity, and hardly ever any austerity.

Some of the higher classes, now and then, pay
a more sober and decent regard to the exterior ob-
servances of religion, but it is not very general, and
it is never severe. The late sultan of Yugyakarta,
who was a chief of a most kind and humane dis-
position, used frequently to apprize me as a joke,

IN THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO. S69

that his mother had gone to the mosque to pray
for herself and Jbr him too, — that he did not yet
trouble himself with matters of this sort, — ^that it
was time enough, and — that he would be more at-
tentive as he grew older.

The pilgrimage to Mecca is frequently under-
taken by the Javanese, and all the other Maho-
medan tribes, less on account of piety, than on ac-
count of the distinctions and immunities which the
reputation of the pilgrimage confers among a simple
and untaught people. As, however, an extensive in-
tercourse with the world, where there are no fixed
principles of morality, and no education, more fre-
quently produces depravity and cunning than im-
provement or wisdom— the islanders often re-
turn worse subjects than they went away, and have
been accused of misleading the people, and of be-
ing the most active agents in insurrection and re-
bellion.

The disregard of the Javanese, and of many
other of the Mahomedan tribes of the Archipe-
lago, for the negative precepts of the Koran, is
open and avowed. They entertain an universal
passion for intoxicating drugs. They consume
not less annually than eighty thousand pounds
of opium. Although they are no drunkards,
all classes partake of spirituous liquors, or wine,
without reserve, when it comes in their way.
Among the native chiefs of highest rank, I re-

€70 CHARACTER OF MAHOMEDANISM

member but three examples of persons refraining
from the open use of wine. *

To the prohibition against games of chance
they pay no regard on earth. They are passion-
ately fond of gaming, and give way tb this pro-
pensity without restriction or reserve.

* *'Then putting on the roll upon my head, I sat down in
the king's (of Achin) presence, who drank to me in aquavitce,
and made me drink of many strange meats."-— Davis' Voyage
in Purchas, Vol. I. p, 120. — '^ Puis il (the king of Achin) me
fit donner h boire dans un petit gobelet d'or, porte dans un
grand bassin du memo metail, par un eneuque; par le moyen
du Sabandar. Je beus u ia sante de sa grandeur, luy sou-
haittant meillure, en bref qu'elle n'estoit de present, et pen-
sant vuider ce petit gobelet, la force du breuvage me le fit
bien-tost quitter, et pensois avoir beu du feu, en sorte qu'il
me prit une grande sueur : II me dit qu'il falloit achever pu-
isque j'avois beu a sa sante, et qn'il estoit bien marry, de ne
pouvoir boire a celle du Roy de France, et qu'il vuideroit
tout,'' — Beaulieu's Voyage, in the collection of Melchizedec
Theremot, Vol. I. p. 54. — '^ This rice drink is made of rice
boiled, and put into a jar, where it remains a longtime steep-
ing in water. I know not the manner of making it, but it is
a very strong and pleasant drink. The evening when the ge-
neral (brother of the sultan of Majindanao) designed to be
merry, he caused a jar of this drink to be brought into our
room, and he began to drink first himself, then afterwards his
men, so they took turns till they were all as drunk as swiney
before they suffered us to drink. After they had enough,
then we drank, and they drank no more, for they will not
drink after us. The General leapt about our room for a
little while, but having his load, soon went to sleep, '-—Dam-
pier, Vol. I.p,369.

IN THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO* S7I

The inhibition of usury is as little regarded as
the last. The rate of interest for a loan is fre-
quently inserted in their written contracts, and
the amount sued for as openly and avowedly as any
other debt whatever.

The only negative precept of the Koran by
which the Javanese can be said strictly to abide, is
the prohibition against eating the flesh of hogs,
the one which presents no temptations. How
readily men are led to make such easy sacri«
iices may be inferred from a singular relic of
Hinduism in Java, now confined to the royal fa-
mily, an abstinence from the flesh of the cow. I
have seen many of the princes in a state of ine-
briety from wine at a solemn religious festival,
who most piously abstained from touching beef.

CHAPTER IV.

STATE OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE INDIAN
ARCHIPELAGO.

Catholic and Protestant Christians Jbund. — Zeal of the early
European Adventurers to make Proselytes. — Circumstances
XKihich frustrated the effects of that zeaL — lione of the more
thoroughly converted to Mahomedanism adopted Christiani-
ty, •-- A rational religion cannot be established until the Peo'
pie are more Civilized, — Superiority of the Christians over
the Mahomedan and Pagan TribeSy notwithstanding all the
disadvantages under which they labour, — Christianity con-
sidered as an Instrument of Civilization. — Efforts of insu-
lated Missionaries useless or mischievous. — Circumstances,
tvhich have contributed to bring Christianity into disre-
pute among the Indian Islanders, and their 7ieighbours. —
The misconduct of Christians the only obstacle to the Pro-
pagation of Christianity,

Did the nature of this work admit of it, the pre-
sent chapter might be extended to a great length.
As it is not, however, the object to enter into
any details, a very few pages will comprehend
every remark that can interest the liberal and en-
lightened reader.

STATE OF CHRISTIANITY, &C. 27S

The Christian religion, as a prevailing worship,
can only be said to exist in the Spice Islands and
the Philippines. In the latter, the converted na-
tives are nominally Catholics, and in the former
nominally Protestants.

To describe the particular modifications of re-
ligious practice induced by local superstitions, would
be equally impossible and unprofitable. Valentyn as-
sures us that the Christianity of some of the tribes of
the Moluccas, consisted in having a little baptismal
water sprinkled upon them, and being able to answer
by rote half a dozen common questions, which they
did not understand. They were Christians one day,
and Mahomedans equally sincere another. This gen-
tleman, a clergyman of the reformed church, argued
with the chiefs of one place on the necessity of
taking some active means for extirpating certain
iieathenish practices. His arguments produced
no influence on the minds of the chiefs, who were
convinced of the utility of the practices in ques-
tion. '* If," said they, " for example, in a trial, the
evidence is so equally balanced that we are at a
loss to decide, and pass no sentence, the people
will murder each other. To avert this, we must
pronounce in favour of him who can continue long*
est under water, ^' ^

^ This is the most usual form, among the Indian islanders,
of appealing to the judgment of God, — Valentyn; Deel J^

yoL. n, js

27i STATE OF CHRISTIANITY

Both the Portuguese and Dutch supported
schools in the Moluccas fca* religious instruction,
and an allowance of rice was given to the students,
which appears to have been the great inducement
to frequent them, from whence it is that the Dutch
often ludicrously denominate the native converts
rice Christians. Valentyn quotes one case in which
the reduction of the usual supply was the cause of
dispersing all the students ; and anothei', more fa-
vourable to the native character, in which the scho-
lars absented themselves, because the preacher
spoke bad and unintelligible Malay to them !

The Portuguese and Spanish adventurers, who
first visited the Archipelago, were deeply tinctur-
ed with the religious frenzy, bigotry, and intole-
rance of their age and nations, and no sooner had
intercourse with the islanders than they began the
work of conversion. The illustrious Magellan
himself set the example, and, indeed, fell a sacrifice
to his imprudent zeal on this subject-
Many circumstances contributed to frustrate the
effects of this zeal. The instructors were ignorant
of the language, the habits, and manners of the
natives, — the manners of Europe were at direct
variance with those of the east, — the Europeans,
by their intemperance, and, above all, by their
avarice and rapacity, brought their religion into
odium, — and it happened unluckily that but a very
little time before the commencement of their in-

IN THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO. %*J^

tercqurse, the people of the Archipelago had re-
ceived a new religion, more popular, because in-
troduced with more skill, and under circumstances
more agreeable to the genius of their charactex%
their state of society, and their temporal prosperity.
Had not, however, the violence, injustice, and ra-
pacity of the first Europeans estranged the natives
from their worship, they were still in time enough,
for scarcely was the Mahomedan religion any where
fully established. The greater number of the
people of the Moluccas and neighbouring isles
were Pagans, so were many of the Javanese, and
even many of the inhabitants of Malacca were so.
The success of the Mahomedan missionaries,
contrasted with the failure of the Christian^ it is
not difficult to trace to the true cause. The Arabs
and the other Mahomedan missionaries conciliated
the natives of the country, — ^acquired their language,
— followed their manners, — intermarried with them,
— and, melting into the mass of the people, did not,
on the one hand, give rise to a privileged race, nor on
the other, to a degraded cast. Their superiority of
intelligence and civilisation was employed only for
the instruction and conversion of a people, the
current of whose religious opinions was ready to be
directed into any channel into which it was skil-
fully diverted. They were merchants as well as
the Europeans, but never dreamt of having re-
course to the iniquitous measure of plundering the

S76 STATE OF CHRISTIANITY

people of the produce of their soil and industry.
This was the cause which led to the success of the
Maliomedans, and it was naturally the very opposite
course which led to the defeat of the Christians.
The Europeans in the Indian Archipelago have been
just what the Turks have been in Europe, and the
consequences of the policy pursued by both may
fairly be quoted as parallel cases.

The only people among the Indian islanders who
adopted the Christian religion were those nations and
tribes who had but partially adopted Mahomedan-
ism, or were still Pagans, and who, among the nations
tlieir neighbours, had made but a secondary progress
in civilization. None of the greater and more im-
proved tribes ever became proselytes, because they
had adopted more heartily the Mahomedan doctrines,
and were, besides, too powerful to be wholly subdued.

The poverty and barbarism of the natives of
the Archipelago, under their own forms of go-
vernment, and the deprivation of political, and
even of personal rights under those of Europeans,
forbid us to believe that a rational Christianity
either was, or ever can be, under such circum-
stances, the character of religion among them.
Their religion, under such disadvantages, whatever
its name, can reasonably be viewed as but little
better than one form of superstition distinguish-
ed from another. No middle or higher ckss, we
may be assured, can be formed to set an example.

m THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO. 277

or form the morals of the humbler classes, in a
country, the natives of which are, by a fixed po-
licy, deprived of the property of the soil they were
born to inherit, and where commerce is shackled
by the effects of restrictions and monopolies, the
direct tendency of which, as long as they last, must
be to perpetuate poverty, ignorance, and superstition.

Under all the disadvantages of intolerance, bi-
gotry, and oppression in the Philippines, and of
a state of slavery in the Moluccas, amounting to a
privation of almost every genial right which be-
longs to the natural situation of these people, some
advantage may still be discovered in the influence
of the Christian religion. It has either given rise
to an energy and intelligence superior to that which
characterizes the followers of the other modes of
worship, or has bred manners more mild, and
morals more inoffensive. *

The natives of the Philippines, who are Chris-
tians, possess a share of energy and intelligence,
not only superior to their Pagan and Mahomedan
brethren of the same islands, but superior also to

• Independent of the direct influence of religious principles,
no doubt a good deal of this may fairly be ascribed to the re-
ciprocity of kindness, good offices, and confidence, which a
similarity of religious belief induces between the governors and
the governed.

S7^ StATE OF CHRISTIANITY

all the western inhabitants of the Archipelago, to
the very people who, in other periods of their his-
tory, bestowed — laws, — language,- — and civilization
upon them. They not only excel these, but the
more advanced nations of Hindustan, as well in
energy of character, as in intrepidity and intelli-
gence. A well known fact will place this beyond
the reach of doubt. In the intercolonial naviga-
tion of all the nations of Europe in the Indies,
the natives of Manila are almost universally employ-
ed as gunners and steersmen; that is, in those offices
tvhere it is necessary to combine skill and firmnT

290 PRELIMINARY REMARKS ON THE

ministration of two years, removed from his trust ;
and, on his return to Portugal, permitted to die
from want in a prison.

The conqueror, Albuquerque, was a brave officer,
and endowed with the great and high qualities
necessary for the government of men in the
turbulent and violent career pursued by the first
Portuguese conquerors ; but his conquest of Ma-
lacca is not among the most distinguished events
of his brilliant administration. The conquest
was, in itself, an act of palpable injustice ; it was
carried into effect with peculiar ferocity ; and such
was the want of wisdom and moderation which
marked his own short administration of the new
acquisition, that he laid the seeds of much of the
misfortunes w^hich attended the future history of
the ill fated city.

The apostle of the Indies deserves to be consi-
dered as one of the greatest men, and one of the
most disinterested, virtuous, and useful, that ever
visited the Indies. It is impossible to read his true
story without forming this conclusion.

The Dutch, from their more extensive power,
we might be led to expect, would have produced a
long list of eminent individuals, but this has not
been the case. Not an illustrious name has been
handed down to us, from the ranks of inferior a-
gents ; and we hear only of those at the head of
the government, a circumstance that may excite a

HISTORY OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. ^91

suspicion, that the indiscriminate eulogies with
which the latter are loaded, they owe rather to the
lustre of their high rank, than to the greatness of
their personal qualities. The first governors-general
were men of plain good sense, steady perseverance,
and intrepid courage, who sustained their difficult
trusts with applause, and they were in all respects
superior to their European competitors of the same
^age, on the same theatre of action. But they
do not seem to have risen much beyond the level
of ordinary educated Europeans of their own
day. Coen was the most remarkable of them.
Their successors degenerated from their virtues.
Speelman was one of these, and may, upon the
whole, be considered as the most eminent of all
the characters which the Dutch history of the In-
dies has prod 'ced. He was a man of enlightened
understanding, and of active enterprise, and may
be considered as a man endowed with high qualifica-
tions, both for civil and military command. These
qualities were displayed in a remarkable degree, in
a long course of subordinate service ; but it turned
out unfortunately for his reputation, that when he
rose to supreme authority ^ he sunk into an indo-
lent and ordinary voluptuary, and did nothing to
support his early fame.

The mercantile principle, which was perpetually
held in view in the Dutch councils, was inimical
to the growth and display of genius and talents of

•

J89^ PRELIMINARY REMARKS, &C.

the higher class. The persons, too, who, in later
times, sustained the fortunes of the Dutch nation
in the Indies, were depraved by the circumstances
under which they were placed, — by the contempla-
tion of domestic slavery, — by wantoning in irregular
gains, — by the absence of all regular industry and
competition, — ^by a long course of domination over
the feeble races by which they were surrounded, —
and by the want of an equal enemy or rival to afford
a wholesome exercise and emulation.

The Spanish worthies are still fewer in number,
arid I think it would be difficult to produce one
name of distinction, except that of Legaspi, who
established the Spanish power in the Philippines,
and founded Manila. He was a man of courage,
discretion, and wisdom, and possessed of the en-
thusiasm and the suppleness of character, which
suited him for the novel and difficult charge com-
mitted to his care. *

* Lafitau, Histoire des decouvertes et conquetes des Portu-
gais dans le noveau monde.— Valentjn, History and Descrijp-
tion of theDutch Settlements in the East Indies,*— Ziniga, His-
tory of the Philippines.

CHAPTER II.

ANCIENT HISTORY OF JAVA.

No Ancient Historical Composition hnoiun to the Javanese.---^
Attempts at Histori/si?icethe Introduction of Mahomedanism,
— Character of these attempts. — No great permanent empire
ever established in Java, and xuhy.'—The latter part of the
twelfth Century, the earliest authentic date ascertained*-^
Lists of ancient Kings mostly Jabrications, — Ancient /«-
scriptions referred to. — Hindu States, viz. Doho, Bram-
banan, Madang-kamolan, Janggolo, Singhasari, Pojjaja-'
ran, Mojopdhit*

JN o one, aware of the weakness of the human
mind, and of the universal prevalence of supersti-
tion and credulity, in so rude a state of society as
that which exists in Java, will reasonably expect to
find the Javanese possessed of any remote records
deserving the name of history. If the accounts
of their ancient story be less monstrously extrava-
gant and impudent than those of the Hindus, they
are fully more childish and incongruous. We
find the niythological legends of ancient India na-
turalized in Java, and blended with the wild tales
of the country, while the whole, mixed up with
Jewish and Mahomedan story, forms a mass of ab.*

S94» ANCIENT HISTORY OF JAVA.

surdity, and of puerile incongruity, almost unequal-
led in the accounts of any other people.

From the period of the acquaintance of the Ja-
vanese with Mahomedans, forming an exact paral-
lel case with the Hindus of India, the dawning of
the historical truth, and some common sense and
moderation may be discovered, brightening slowly
as w^e descend, and, for the last two centuries, im-
proving into records of some consistency and mo-
deration. Still, however, the professed object of his-
torical writing among the Javanese is amusement,
and not utility ; in their most recent productions we
see a constant effort made to give the most natural and
obvious transactions an air of romance, and even to
convert the most ordinary affairs of human life into
tales to amuse the fancy. Every transaction which
wears an air of mystery is eagerly seized, and con-
verted into a miracle, or ascribed to supernatural
agency, while the most important movements of
society are either taken no notice of at all, or
treated with provoking apathy and neglect. The
unskilfulness and awkwardness even of these at-
tempts, as efforts of fancy, are such as to excite no
other feelings than pity for the weakness of the hu-
man mind in the infancy of civilization, in regions
of the world w^here the strength and fertility of the
imagination have never compensated, as in Europe,
for the feebleness of reason.

What we are soon struck with in Javanese story

ANCIENT HISTORY OF JAVA. ^95

is its recentness, for even tradition does not pre-
tend to an antiquity of above a fev7 centuries. In
the history of the rude Javanese, the lapse of a
hundred years removes from their knowledge all
preceding facts, in a much greater degree than five
times the period among a people acquainted with
true history and chronology. It is for this reason
that the Mahomedan conversion, an affair not yet
three centuries and a half old, is already ancient
history, and enveloped in its miracles and myste-
ries, and that all previous transactions are involved
in utter uncertainty and obscurity. The remote story
of the Javanese is, in fact, a fit topic for a disserta-
tion on antiquities, rather than a subject for histo-
ry, and will soon be discovered to relate with pro-
priety to the portion of this work which treats of
the ancient religion and antiquities of the island,
to which I, therefore, refer the reader.

With respect to the history of Java, one very im-
portant remark requires to be premised. Compact,
defined, and, compared to great empires, limited, as
is the territory, the island has never been perma-
nently united under one sovereign. The state of
society in Java did not supply those powers of com-
bined action which enable a people to make exten-
sive and distant conquests, and, above all, the skill
necessary to regulate and maintain them. A few
princes, more able and ambitious than their contem-
poraries, have at times subjugated their immediate

296 ANCIENT HISTORY OF JAVA.

neighbours, and thus extended their dominions; and,
on one or two occasions, we see approaches made to
a dominion over the whole island. But the duration
of these more considerable states is but momentary,
and marked with constant anarchy and rebellion,
while the natural determination of the society to
subdivide into small states, is distinctly marked in
every period of the history of the island. We shall
perhaps, however, underrate the improvement of
the Javanese, by applying to them too rigidly this
test of civilization. They possess the necessaries,
the comforts, and some of the refinements, — per-
haps of the luxuries of life, — in a far superior de-
gree to most of the Nomade tribes, who effected
and retained the mighty conquests of Europe,
Western Asia, and China. The shepherd state,
the offspring of the cold and immeasurable plains
of Tartary, and the school both of war and govern-
ment, could have no existence among the woods,
the narrow valleys, and soft climate of Java. The
Javanese are naturally an unwarlike people, and it
is the necessary consequence of their luxurious
climate, that they should want the hardihood
and manly virtues of the semibarbarians of sever*
er regions. The fertility of their soil, and the be-
nignity of their climate, are a sort of hot-bed, in
which has sprung up a sickly civilization, wanting
the vigour and hardihood of the plant of a rougher
ch'me, and more stubborn soil.

ANCIENT HISTORY OF JAVA, ^97

The latter portion of the twelfth century is the
earliest period of Javanese history to which I can
with any confidence refer. From this time, down
to the establishment of Mahomedanism, at the
close of the fifteenth century, a number of consi-
derable, but independent states, existed in Java,
and the religion of the people was a modified Hin-
duism, according to the doctrines ascribed to Bud-
dha, as is shown in the chapter on Ancient Religion.
The theory of a great monarchy, and of an antece-
dent state of high civilization and improvement, so
often pretended by the Brahmins, has also been forg-
ed by the national vanity of the Javanese, unsupport-
ed, as already remarked, by a shadow of proof, and
xjontradicted by unquestionable internal evidence.
The different independent states now alluded to, are
conjectuFed by the Javanese writers to have been so
many seats of this great monarchy, and genealogical
lists of the sovereigns of Java are fabricated, where
the patriarchs of Jewish history, — the saints of Ma-
homedan legends, — and the heroes of the Mahaharat,
are, as occasion requires, employed to fill up a gap.
Even in the more recent portions of them, these ge-
nealogical lists are equally irreconcilable with reason
and each other. Some of them go as far back as
the utmost extent of the established era, or 17^7
years, while others modestly stop short at two, three,
or five hundred. The most disordered discrepan-
cy prevails in these pretended chronologies. By

298 ANCIENT HISTORY, OF JAVA.

one account, ^xe princes are described as having
reigned in one place ; by a second, seven. A seat
of empire, where four princes are described as hav-
ing reigned in a third account, is, princes and all,
omitted in a fourth. The average duration of a
reign, by one account, is 55 years, — ^by another, 50,
- — and by a third, near 40. In short, they abound
~ as much in folly, ignorance, and inconsistency, as
we have a right to reckon upon in the remote
story of a people still rude and uninformed.

Upon such fabulous relations as those now allud-
ed to, we can place no confidence whatever, and
our only reliance is upon the meagre and un-
satisfactory notices contained in ancient inscrip-
tions, from which a Jew dates may be ascertained,
though not a single hint respecting the transac-
tions of the country is to be collected even from
these. From the incompetency of our interpre-
ters, and the absurd and mystical principle on
which dates are generally reckoned, such latitude
and uncertainty of interpretation arise, that our
resources from inscriptions, even in determining a
few dates, are extremely limited; and, in general, it
will scarcely be safe to trust to the dates to be deriv-
ed from them, except when given in actual figures.
The remains of ancient palaces and royal tombs,
but particularly of ancient temples, — of numerous
images of stone and brass, — and of inscriptions on

the same materials, all dedicated to religion, in

ANCIENT HISTORY OF JAVA. 299

rude ages the only considerable and durable
monuments of art, still point out to us the seats or
capitals of the principal native states in Java, and
tradition has handed down their names. The fol-
lowing are the chief, which existed in the three
centuries which preceded the conversion to Ma-
homedanism: Doho, Bramhanan, Madavg^lmmo-
lan^ J angola^ Singhasari, Pajajaran, and Mo-
jopahit. Considerable relics of ancient temples,
and other structures, in various situations, in the
midst of some of the most fertile districts of the
island, point out where there must have existed
other considerable states, but respecting these,
even tradition itself is silent.

The ruins of Do ho are in the fertile district of
Kddiriy about the centre of the island, counting
by its length and towards the southern coast.
The earliest date I can ascribe to these is the year
1117, of the era of Salivana, or 1195 of Christ.
Here reigned Joi/o BoyOy a prince of high fame
in Javanese romance.

The state which existed at Brambanan flourish-
ed about the years of Salivana 1188 and 1218,
or 1266 and 1296 of Christ. Of this state w^e
know not one syllable of the 7^eal history.

Tradition hands down to us the name of Md-
dang'hamolany and, in the district of Wirosobo, the
ruins of a palace are still discernible, but it is ut-
terly impossible to assign any era to it.

800 ANCIENT HISTORY OF JAVA.

Janggolo and Singhasari, the first in the district
of Surabaya, and the last in that of Malang, both
towards the eastern part of Java, are said to have
flourished at the same time. One of the fabricat-
ed accounts assigns to them the year 1082 of Sali-
vana; another, S^Q-, and a third, 818; but an in-
scription and a real date, in legible figures, enables
us to determine that they flourished about the year
1242. * At Jdnggolo reigned the princes so famed
in Javanese romance, and from them in those of
the Malays and Balinese, under the name of
PaTTJi. It would be in vain to attempt to extract
an atom of true history from the absurd and inco-
herent traditions respecting the princes of Jdng^
golo ; but it seems probable, that their authority
extended over a considerable portion of the eastern
part of the island, and that they displayed a con-
siderable share of adventure, holding some con-
nection with princes beyond the limits of the
island, which was even, perhaps, extended to India.

Pdjqjaran, t about forty miles from the modern
city of Batavia, is pointed out by tradition as the on-
ly ancient state of considerable extent, which ever
flourished in the country of the Sundas. Its situa-

♦ All inscription found by my friend Dr Horsfield, in the
eastern district of Panafarauy contains the date here alluded
to, with the name of the prince and his queen,

+ This \ford means arrangement*

ANCIENT HISTORY OF JAVA. 301

tion is determined by the foundations of a palace
still distinctly to be traced. With respect to the era
of the foundation of Fctjqjaran, I can discover no
date to which I can refer with confidence. The
pretended annals of the Javanese differ from each
other on the subject, as widely as two hundred
years. The probability is, that it flourished during
the end of the thirteenth, and beginning of the
fourteenth centuries of the Christian era.

The origin of the last and best known of the
Hindu states of Java, Mojopakit, * remains as un-
determined as that' of Pqjqjaran, In the chrono-
logies of the Javanese writers, there is here, too,
an irreconcilable discrepancy of from 80 to 143
years. All accounts agree that Mojopahit was
destroyed in the year of Salivana 1400, or 1478
of Christ, and, from presumptive evidence it is
inferred that it may have been founded about a
century and a half before. The dynasty of princes
which reigned at Mojopahit, appears to have ex-
tended its authority over the finest provinces of
the island, and to have spread the name and arms
of the Javanese nation beyond the precincts of
their own country, for it was during this period of

* The word means, " The place of the bitter Mojo tree,"
Places are very frequently named by the Indian islanders
after trees or plants, as Pasuruhan, the place of the betel
•vine ; and Pajarakan, the place of the PaUna Christi. The
bitter Mojo is an imaginary fruit.

302 ANCIENT HISTORY OF JAVA.

theliistory of Java that at Falembang, in Sumatra,
was established tlie Javanese colony, which to this day
speak the language of Java, and exhibit the peculiar
manners, customs, and forms of government of that
coun try; and it was by the same princes, though Javan-
ese story or tradition be wholly silent on the subject,
that the Malayan state at SinghapurawsLS subverted.*
The ruins of the city of Mojopahit are still visible
in the district of Wirosobo, and both from the extent
of the area which they occupy, not less than several
square miles, and the beauty of some of the relics
of architecture, we are inclined to form a respect-
able opinion of the power of this native state, esti-
mating it by a just standard, and rejecting those
exaggerations which the imagination is prone to
induljxe with rejxard to all that is involved in the
mystery of antiquity. We must not forget, how-
ever, that much of the celebrity which it enjoys,
in the legends of other countries of the Archipe-
lago, was probably owing to the missionaries of
Islam, who disseminated and exaggerated the fame
of a conquest they had themselves made.

* The invaMon of the territory cf a smaller tribe by a great-
er, is an affair of higher importance in the history of the for-
mer than in that of the latter, and more likely to be preserv-
ed in their records or traditions. In investigations of this
nature, this circuni stance ought to be k< pt in remembrance.
I think it a supposition not improbable, that Mojopahit is
ignorantly applied by the Malays to all the eastern poition of
qncient Java, and to every period of its ancient history.

CHAPTER III.

HISTORY OF THE PROPAGATION OF MAHOMEDANISM
IN JAVA.

Many of the circumstances connected tuith the introduction of
Mahomedanism involved in fable, — Mahomedanism intro-
duced among some of the more Western Tribes^ \ 50 years
before it ivas established in Java. — Decay of Hinduis7n in
Javafacilitated the propagation of Mahomedanism. — Ma^
hoynedan Merchants had long frequented the Island, pre-
vious to the establishment of their Religion. — An unsuccess-
Jul attempt to propagate Mahomedanisn} in the Western
Districts.' — Missionaries of Islam, in Java^ tvere not alien
strangers, but persons familiar mth the Habits and Lan-
guage of the People. — Shekh Rahmat the first Mission.
ary. — Raden Patah, a Javanese of the Colony of Palem-
bang, the principal Agent. — His story, according to the Ja-
vanese. — He intrigues for the Subversion of the National
Religion of Java. — TheMahomedans defeated in the first Ac*
tion. — Mahomedans Victorious in the second Battle, — They
take and destroy the Hindu Capital of Mojopahit^—- Stric-
tures on the Javanese Accounts of these Transactions. — Ab"
struct of the true story of the Introduction of the Religion
of Mahomed. — Political State oj Java, immediately before
the Triumph of Mahomedanism. — The nine Apostles of Ma*
homedanism usually designated Susunan, — Their Cha^
racter. — Shekh Maulana the ablest of them. — Account of
his Converting the People of the Western Districts. — Che*
ribon.^-'Bantan.—^Pajajaran.^-^General Reflections,

304 HISTORY OF THE PROPAGATION"

The establishment of Maliomedanism in Java is
just of ti4f^ years standing ; yet even this event*
comparatively so modern, is involved in much of
that fable and perplexity, which are ever insepar-
able from the story of rude people in every age. I
shall, in this chapter, endeavour to glean for the
reader the true circumstances of this transaction,
where they appear of sufficient consequence to
merit narration. The event is an important one
in the particular history of the people of whom
I am rendering an account ; and so far as it
illustrates the character of a people in a peculiar
stage of civilization, — of consequence in the his-
tory of man in general.

Mahomed anism was predominant in the west-
ern portion of the Archipelago, at least 150
years before it was finally established in Java.
The commerce in spices, for which the western
countries of the Archipelago were the emporia,
attracted thither some adventurers from the Ara-
bian and Persian Gulfs, at an early period, who,
colonizing on the coasts, became in time fit in-
struments for the propagation of the Mahomedan
religion.

No record whatever is preserved of any
early intercourse between Arabia and Java^ but
there can be little doubt but the richest and
most civilized country of the Indian islands soon

OF MAHOMEDANISM IN JAVA. 305

attracted the curiosity or cupidity of the Arabian
traders or of their descendants, naturalized among
the western natives.

The Hinduism established throughout the Ar-
chipelago was by no means of the same inveterate
character as that of continental India. It had not
laid a strong hold of the imagination, and was not,
as there, interwoven, not only with political insti-
tutions, but with the common duties and offices of
life. * It had by no means superseded the still
grosser local superstitions of the country, and
it was a system in itself too complicated and
subtile to suit a state of society unquestionably
more rude and unimproved than that in which its
baneful empire has been so fully established. In
Java, which contained the most civilized com-
munity, Hinduism, we are warranted in believ-
ing, must have made a deeper impression than in
any other country of the Archipelago ; and to this
we ought,' in some measure, to ascribe the long
rejection of Mahomedanism by the Javanese, after
it had been adopted by so many of their neigh-
bours. Even among the Javanese, however, the
empire of the Hindu religion over the human
mind was very far from being firmly established.
The propagation of Mahomedanism, when once

* Hume's History of England, Vol. I.
VOL. II. U

306 HISTORY OF THE PROPAGATION

the work of conversion was fairly commenced upon,
Was rapid, and as complete as the genius of society
among the people would permit. The period of
the conversion of the great tribes of the western
portion of the Archipelago^ may, indeed, I think,
be pointed out particularly, as the most flourishing
period of Hinduism in Java, as I have endeavour-
ed to show, ill the account of ancient religion and
antiquities. On the other hand, the era of its de-
cline was that of the successful propagation of Ma-
homedanism.

That the Mahomedans frequented the island of
Java long previous to the establishment of their reli-
gion, is determined with certainty, by the existence
of their burying grounds, on more than one part
of the north coast, where tombs are found of a date
nearly a whole century earlier than the fall of Mo-
jopahit ; and an unsuccessful attempt to convert
some of the Sunda tribes is said to have been made
as early as the year of Salivana 1250, or 1328 of
Christ. In the more populous and civilized eastern
districts, an attempt to propagate Mahomedanism
was made in 1313 of the era of Salivana, or 1391
of Christ, by a foreigner called Raja Charmen,
and by an Arab of the name of Maulana Ibrahim,
The latter lived at Garsik, after this unsuccessful,
and, apparently, imprudent and premature attempt,
and died there, in 1334 of Salivana, A. D. 1412.
In the history of the conversion of the Indiaa

OF MAHOMED ANISM IN JAVA. 307

islanders to Mahomedanism there is one important
fact which ought to be kept in view, that the mis-
sionaries who brought about this revolution were not
alien strangers, unconnected and unprepared, but
supple agents disciplined for their enterprise, by a
knowledge of the language, character, and manners
of the people. We see that in Java the road had
been paved for the introduction of Mahomedanism,
by a whole century's acquaintance, a period during
which would have been bred up a number of use-
ful inferior agents to aid the efforts of the principal
actors. The discreet forbearance of the Maho-
medan missionaries, and the many essential doc-
trines and practices of their faith, which they
compromised, show that, however vulgar and une-
ducated, they were no intemperate zealots, but men
who understood the art of governing mankind,
and whom a general knowledge of mankind and
necessity had taught to substitute dexterity and
cunning for open force.

The principal state in Java, at the period of
the conversion, was the kingdom of Mojopahit,
and the name of the ruling monarch, it is agreed
on all hands, was BrowijoT/o, * The principal
agents in the work of conversion were Shekh
Rahmat, the son of an Arab priest, by a woman

* A contraction, it is said, of Bramah-Wijaya, a Sanskrit
compound epithet, meaning Bramah the Victorious,

308 HISTORY OF THE PROPAGATION

of Champa, whose sister was in the haram of the
king of Mojopahit ; but, above all, Raden Fatah,
son of Ari/a Damar, chief of the Javanese colony
of Falembangy in Sumatra, already mentioned.
This colony, surrounded by Malay tribes, and
mixing with them as the less numerous party,
though the most powerful, seems to have adopted
the religion of Mahomet, and to have become,
from this circumstance, and its natural connection
with Java, a principal means of propagating Ma-
homedanism in the latter country.

The story, although involved in much improba-
bility and contradiction, must be given as narrated
by the Javanese writers themselves ; after which I
shall add the necessary comments and strictures.
During the period of the Mojopahit empire, a con-
siderable intercourse existed between Java and the
continental part of India, and the favourite wife of
Browijoyo was a native of the Little Buddhist and
Siamese kingdom of Champa, on the eastern coast
of the Gulf of Siam, * the daughter, in short, of

* *' Here we found two small vessels at an anchor on the
east side. They were laden with rice and lacquer, which is
used in japanning of cabinets. One of these came from Champa,
bound to the town of Malacca, which belongs to the Dutch,
who took it from the Portuguese ; and this shows they have a
trade with Champa. This was a very pretty, neat vessel, her
bottom very clean, and curiously coated ; she had about forty

OF MAHOMEDANISM IN JAVA. 309

the king of that country. In her own country the
princess had a sister who married an Arabian priest,
whose name was Shekh Wall Lanavg Ilyrahim,
The sister of the queen of Java, say tlie Javanese
accounts, had by this person two sons, who are
known in Java by the names of Raden P audita and
Raden Rahmat, When they arrived at the years
of manhood, they were recommended by their
mother to visit the court of their uncle by mar-
riage, the king of Mojopahit. They accordingly
embarked, but were shipwrecked on the coast of
Kamboja, and being detained by the sovereign of
that country, a deputation from the Javanese mo-
narch was necessary to effect their release.

The two adventurers finally effected their voyage
to Java, and were received and caressed by the
king of Mojopahit. Of Raden P audita we hear
no more ; but Raden Rahmat became afterwards
celebrated as the first apostle of Islam in Java,
made many proselytes, — acquired a grant of land
from the monarch, — and constructed the first mosque
ever built in Java. He assumed the title of SusU'

men, all armed with cortans, or broad swords, lances, and
some guns, that went with a swivel upon their gunnal. They
were of the idolaters, natives of Champa, and some of the
briskest, most sociable, without fearfulness or shyness, and the
nKSt neat and dexten^us about their shipping, of any such
I have met with in all my travels." — Dampier, Vol. 1. p. 400.

310 HISTORY OF THE PROPAGATION

hunaUy abbreviated Susunan, and Sunan, which,
no matter its literal signification, meant, in its early
use, apostle, but when assumed by the temporal so-
vereigns, two centuries afterwards, is more appro-
priately explained by the word Caliph, as it was
applied to the temporal and spiritual successors of
Mahomet.

Among the wives of Browijoyo was a Chinese,
or more probably the Creole descendant of a man
of that nation, whose hjstory is by the native writers
connected with the introduction of the Mahome-
dan religion. This woman was repudiated by the
Javanese monarch, when pregnant ofRaden Fatally
and made over to the chief of Falembang, An/a
Damar, said to have been Browijoyo's own son.

Raden Fatah, when he grew up, accompanied
by Raden Husen, a real son of Arya Damar, by
the same mother, came to Java, both converts to
the Mahomedan religion. Raden Fatah assumed
the character of a zealot and a devotee, but Raden
Husen contented himself with temporal advan-
tages, and the promotion he received at the court
of his grandfather, where he was raised to the rank
of adipati, or governor of the district of Trung, and
in due time even intrusted with the command of the
army, which afterwards encountered the forces of
thefaithjid.

Raden Fatah settled in the district of Damak,
or Bintoro, where he was permitted to reside,

OF MAHOMEDANISM IN JAVA. 311

through the influence of his brother. His conduct,
however, creating at last some suspicion at the
capital, his brother paid him a visit, and prevailed
upon him to make his appearance at court, and
pay the accustomed homage. Raden Fatah was
not only forgiven, but preferred to the honours
and emoluments of adipati of Bmtoro,

With this title he returned to Damak, and be-
gan to intrigue anew for the subversion of the na-
tional worship, surrounded by the most celebrated
of the advocates of the new religion. Raden Fa-
tah having, by his intrigues, at length formed a con-
siderable party, and mustered a respectable force,
gave the command to a Javanese, who obtained or
assumed the name of Susuhunan Udang^ for the
zealot himself appears to have been no soldier.
This is alleged to have happened in the year 1390
of Salivana, after Raden Fatah had been no less^
than five and thirty years on the island. The Ma-
homedan force was encountered and defeated near
Gdrsik, by the Hindu forces under the command
of Husen, and their general killed.

Raden Fatah, not discouraged by this de-
feat, applied for, and obtained succour from, the
faithjul at Falembang, and was in condition shortly
after to assemble a fresh force, of which the com-
mand was given to Susunan Kudus, son of the ge-
neral who had been defeated and killed in the last
engagement. Husen, still the commander of the

312 HISTORY OF THE PROPAGATION

troops of Mojopahit, was now in his turn defeated,
and the consequence of the loss of the battle was
the capture of Mojopahit, its eventual destruction,
and the triumph of Mahomedanisni, which is well
ascertained to have happened in the year of Sali-
vana 1400, corresponding to \'V]S of the Chris-
tian era.

The leading circumstances of this account are
no doubt correct, but there are some of the minu-
ter parts of the detail irreconcilable with truth and
probability. The most remarkable of these are the
story of the princess of Champa^ and of the birth
of Raden Patah, Champa, as already mention-
ed, is a small state on the eastern coast of the
gulf of Siam, the inhabitants of which are Hin-
dus of the sect of Buddha, like the other people
of farther India. The emigration of females is
strictly forbidden in all these countries, and, there^
fore, it is not very likely that the king of Java,
though of the same religion, should obtain a wife
from that country ; and if he had, it is absurd to
imagine that the vagabond priest of a foreign and
hostile religion, should obtain in marriage her sister
and the daughter of the king of the country. I'he
probability is, that the wife of the king of Java Avas
some liumble female, clandestinely withdrawn from
Champa, and procured for the king of Java's ha-
ram, by th^ instrumentality of some of the Arab
traders themselves. This princess is alleged by

OF MAHOMEDANISM IN JAVA. 313

the Javanese to have been converted to the Maho-
medan religion on the capture of Mojopahit ; and
her tomb, still reckoned a holy shrine, and attend-
ed by Moslem priests, is pointed out near the ruins
of the city. In a visit made to this place in 1815,
we discovered, unfortunately for this account, the
date iS'iO, distinctly inscribed on the tomb, eighty
years before the destruction of the city, and as
many at least before the reputed death of the prin-
cess.

As to the revolting account of the birth of Ra-
dep Fatah ^ in which a father, and a king, is repre-
sented as giving his pregnant wife in marriage to
his own son, it was probably the fabrication of a
later age, determined, at all hazards, to give a' royal
pedigree to the founder of the Mahomedan reli-
gion.

All that is important in the history of the intro-
duction of Mahomedanism is told in a few words.
The Mahomedans, in the course of several ages,
had accumulated in considerable numbers. Many
of them were persons who had seen the manners of
other nations : all were superior in intelligence to
the natives, and were capable of acting in combi-
nation for a great end ; — they were actuated by a
religious zeal, and, at length, found an ambitious,
persevering, and able leader. The aboriginal bar-
barians of Java, less active and civilized, with a re-
ligion which never laid a strong hold of the imagi-

3H HISTORY OF THE PROPAGATION

nation, and, at the moment, as is proved in another
place, for a long time on the decline, or unsupport-
ed by an active priesthood, were no match, not-
withstanding their numbers, for the zeal and ener-
gy of their adversaries. The throne and govern-
ment being subverted, and the leaders adopting
the new religion, the progress of conversion among
a people who, at this moment, would almost adopt
a new religion on the authority of a royal mandate
or proclamation, was necessarily rapid. *

The political state of the island, previous to the
subversion of Hinduism, maybe described as follows.
— The eastern and central provinces, the richest
and most populous districts of the island, were sub-
ject to the king of Mojopahit, some in a vassal state,
and others under his direct sway. Cheriboriy and the
districts around it, were under petty independent
princes. The rest of the island, comprehending

* If we are to credit the apochryphal authority of Mendez
PintOj and there is no good reason to distrust it, the Hindu
religion existed entire in the independent knigdom cf Pasuru-
han, 68 years after the fall of Mojopahit. The chief of Da-
mak, and other Mahomedan princes, went against it in the
year 154(5, and were defeated. Pinto accompanied the ex-
pedition, along with some other Portuguese adventurers, and
his narrative though crowded with the most palpable falsehoods
in matters ^ detail, shows that he understood the country and
the people ot which he was rendering an account. — Voyages
and Adventures of Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, Chap, xliv.

OF MAHOMEDANISM IN JAVA. 315

all the other Sunda districts, and Bantam, were
subject to the king of Pajqjaran, In the western
districts, the work of conversion went on as rapidly
a? in the eastern, and at the same time. The most
active and distinguished of the leaders in the
work of conversion throughout the island, are
known by the name of the nine Susuhunans or
apostles, of whom as many fabulous and puerile
tales are related, as if in Europe they had been the
worthies of three thousand years ago. The truth
is, that such of them as were foreigners, or rather
the descendants of foreigners, were a set of adven-
turers who, as usual, traded as well in religion as
in merchandise, and who were more remarkably
characterized by the cunning of petty traders, than
by that high and chivalrous enthusiasm which dis-
tinguished the hardy and high-born chiefs of Arabia,
that spread the religion of the prophet over the
countries of Western Asia, in the early ages of
Moslem history. *

Unquestionably, the most able and enterprising
of all these was the apostle of the western districts,
Shekh Maulana, Sultan of Cheribon, called Su-
suhanan Gunung-Jatiy from the place of his resi-
dence. He was by birth an Arab, but had sojourned
for years among the Mahomedan countries of the

* Ockley's History of the Saracens.

^16 HISTORY OF THE PROPAGATION

Archipelago, before he reached Java. He is said
to liave arrived in that island as early as lSS4i,
which is highly improbable, as his death, which is
better ascertained, did not take place until 0^ years
after ; and surely the man, who had sojourned for
years in other countries of the Archipelago, after
being old enough to leave his own, and of years to
become the character of an apostle, could not, on
his entering upon that office, have been a youth.
Whatever the period of his arrival or birth, his
apostolic functions were active and important, and
the reward to himself and his family, was the acqui-
sition of considerable principalities. He con-
quered and converted the districts of Cheribon for
himself, and, sending his son to Bantam, in 1405
of Salivana, 1480 of Christ, the young prince
made proselytes of the inhabitants, as is expressly
mentioned in the annals or traditions of that part
of the island, bi/ the gentle means of persuasion
and not by the sword. His father conferred upon
the young prince the title of Sultan of Bantam, and
assumed himself the same title for Cheribon. From
them are descended the present princes of both
countries. The Sultan of Bantam, after he was
some years established in his government, made war
upon the pagan king of Fajajaran, Prabu Seda^
and capturing his palace, the country fell, without
farther struggles under his authority, and the in-
habitants accepted the religion of the Koran. A

OF MAHOMEDANISM IN JAVA, 317

third kingdom was formed for another son of the
Sultan of Cheribon, in the principality of Jacatrtty
on the seat of the modern Batavia, and which he-
reditarily descended to his posterity, untd their
conquest by the Dutch in the beginning of the
seventeenth centuiy.

These spiritual and temporal conquests were
made in concert, or at least in correspondence,
with the apostles of Islam to the east, and reciprocal
aid was frequently furnished by them to each other.

Such is a sketch of all that is useful or authen-
tic in the history of the conversion of the Javanese
to the religion of Mahomet. It may be remarked,
as a singular coincidence, that the Mahomedan re-
ligion was extending itself thus in Asia, at the very
time it was expelled from Europe ; and it is curious
to observe, that this important revolution was going
forward nearly at the Fame moment with the grand-
est events of the history of man. Mojopaphit was
destroyed but li years before the discovery of
America, and but nine before Vasca di Gama doub-
led the Cape. It was a moment, indeed, when the
nations of the world throughout were becoming
better acquainted with each other. The European
reader, in reflecting upon this subject, will feel re-
gret, that the intolerant religion of Mahomed
should have anticipated the religion and civilization
of a more polished and improved portion of man-
kind ; but that regret will be moderated when he

318 HISTORY OF THE PROPAGATION, &C.

considers the bigotry and cruelty of the Portuguese,
the first adventurers, and the mean and pitiful po-
licy of their mercantile successors of all nations,
viewing that policy in its influence upon the hap-
piness and improvement of mankind.

CHAPTER IV.

HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED.

Petty States tvhich sprung wp from the Convulsions occa-
sioned by the Introduction of Mahomedanism. — Damak^ —
Pajang. — Rise of the Dynasty of Mataram. — Kyayi A-
gang Pamanahan, the founder of the Dynasty. — Reign of
Panambahan Senopati, at Mataram. — Fie Conquers the
Eastern Districts^ as far as Pati, — Anecdotes of this
Prince's reign. — Death of Panambahan Senapati. — Pa-
nambahan Krapyak ascends the throne. — Conquers the
Province of Pronorogo. — Suppresses various Rebelliom. —
Remarkable events in his reign. — Reign of Sultan Adi Ma^
taramt usually called the Great Sultan. — Conquers the
whole of the Eastern Districts^ Cheribon, and the Sunda
Districts^ down to Jacatra. — Receives missions from Borneo
and Sumatra. — Sends an embassy to Celebes — Anecdotes
of his reign. — Predatory incursion into the Eastern Dis-
tricts. — Massacre of the Inhabitants of the Sunda District
of Sumadang. — Sultan of Mataram poisons the xuaters oj
the river of Surabaya. — Chiefs of the Eastern Dism
tricts combine against the People of Mataram^ and are
defeated. — Generosity of the Sultan on the occasion. — Des'
perate ayid gallant action of the Prince of Pamakasan, in
Madura. — Story of the heroic Princess, Wandan Sari.-.-

%' Execution of the spiritual Chief of Giri. — Remarkable na^
fnral events during this reign. — Sultan Tagalarum succeeds

320 HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED.

to the throne of Mataram.-^Is an abominahle Tyrant.'^His
'whole reign characterized by a series of Rebellions, — He is
finally driven from his throne^ and dies in his flight to Ta-
gal — Principal incidents of his reign. — Story of the Re'
hellion of the P anger an Alit, — The Priests of Mataram,
with their families, amounting to six thousand persons, mas'
sacred by the Sidtan in cold blood.

1 HE portion of the history of Java contained in
this chapter, extends from the establishment of the
Mahomedan religion, to that of the influence of
Europeans in the destinies of the native inhabi-
tants, and is the most curious and instructive
branch of Javanese story.

For a hundred years, or from the establishment
of the Mahomedan religion, to the rise of the dy-
nasty of Mataram, the island of Java was divided
into a number of petty states, governed by the suc-
cessors of the first missionaries, and disturbed by
their ambition and intrigues. We possess no au-
thentic and detailed record of their transactions,
and if we did, they would be unworthy of rela-
tion. A rapid sketch is all that can interest the
European reader, and this I shall proceed to give.
The principal of these states were, Damak,
Cheribon, Bantam, Jakatra, and Pajang. Ma-
dura, and the eastern end of Java, were inde-
pendent, and split into still more inconsiderable
principalities.

HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED. 3^1

lladen Patah, the principal agent in the subver-
sion of Hinduism to the eastern end of the island,
was raised to sovereign authority by the voice of his
followers. It deserves to be remarked, as a proof
of the great influence of the Mahomedan priest-
hood, that, during the first century of Mahome-
danism, they exerted, very generally, the high
prerogative of choosing the sovereign. The go-
vernment of the eastern districts was in fact elec-
tive, in a hierarchy, until it became hereditary in
the family of Mataram.

The place which Raden Fatah chose for the
seat of government was Ddmak, on the north coast
of the island, and about twelve miles from the
modern city of Samarang. Three princes of this
dynasty in all reigned at Damak, during a period
of about sixty years ; and their authority seems to
have extended over a considerable portion of the
east and centre of the island.

This partial monarchy was farther divided on
the death of the last prince, when the most consi-
derable state which arose out of it was Fqjan^^ a
central province of the island, to which was subject
several of the surrounding districts. This govern-
ment fell to a chief named JoJw Tingkir^ on whom
w^as eventually conferred the title of sultan by the
spiritual chief of Gdrsik, Pajang was subverted
by the chief of the family of Mataram, after it
had existed about forty years. Its destruction

VOL. II. X

322 HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED.

is calculated to have happened in the year 1578
of Christ. The stories of Cheribon, Bantam,
and Jakatra, which continued hereditarily for
a much longer period in the families of the first
missionaries, will be briefly told in another place.

Towards the latter end of the fifteenth centu-
ry of our time, the richest and most extensive part
of the island, the central and eastern provinces,
whatever might have been its condition earlier,
was broken down into a great number of indepen-
dent states. In Madura, alone, there were three
independent principalities, and in Java at least
eight. The fortunate family of Mataram now
commenced a successful career of conquest, and
during the reigns of four princes, but chiefly of the
first three, and in less than a century, subjugated
the whole island except Bantam, assuming in com-
plete sovereignty the whole of the eastern and cen-
tral part, reducing Cheribon to the condition of a
vassal kingdom, and exacting homage from Jaka-
tra. The detail of this conquest is preserved with
tolerable fidelity, and as it illustrates the character
of the people, and presents a curious picture of
manners and society, I shall be tempted to offer it
to the reader at more length than its importance
would otherwise seem to merit.

KyayiAgang Famanahan, the first of the family
of Mataram that rose to consequence, was chief of
the dependent province of Mataram, under the

HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED. 32$

Sultan of Pqjang, He is said to have been the
fourth in lineal descent from Browijoyo, the last
Hindu sovereign of Mqjopahit, a genealogy, in all
likelihood, fabricated in after times to impose on
the credulity of the people, by tracing the origin
of the family to a source which insured their
veneration and affection. This person was suc-
ceeded in the administration of the province by
his son, the first sovereign of the family, who is
best known by the title of Senopati^ or military
commander, conferred upon him by the Sultan of
Pajang\ in return for which he poisoned his be-
nefactor, and by a course of intrigue, too often re-
peated in the history of man to demand a new re-
cital, deprived his family of their patrimony, add-
ed Pajang to Mataram, and assumed the sovereign
title of Fandmhahan.*

(A. S. 1508, A. D. 1586.)— The principal
object of the reign of this prince was the subjuga-
tion of the eastern districts, and in this he succeed-
ed as far as Paliy towards the north coast, and
Kadiri towards the south. He made predatory in-
cursions as far as Fasuruhan^ but no permanent
conquest. Of the manner in which the war was
conducted, I shall offer a few specimens. The
prince of Mataram having made an expedition to
the east, was opposed by the confederated chiefs

* Literally " the object of an obeisarice.'*

324} HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED,

of Madura and Java, and used the following stra-
tagem to disengage the two first of the confede-
rates that opposed his progress, the princes of Ma-
diyon and Pronorogo. He selected a beautiful wo-
man, of the highest rank, and sent her as liis am-
bassador to the jirince of Madiyon, who, by the
way, affected the habits and life of a devotee. The
chief of Mataram called him of Madiyon father,
v^hich is equivalent, by the customs of Java, to
tendering submission, and acknowledging depend-
ance or inferiority. The lady was particularly in-
structed to resist no solicitation of the prince. She
obeyed his instructions, and by her blandishments
seduced him from his alliance. The Senopati
meanwhile attacked the prince of Fronorogo, and
surprised him with two hundred chosen horse, led
by himself in person, after which success, without
farther ceremony, he fell upon the prince of
Madiyon, and obtained an easy victory. This
chieftain, flying from his palace, with his fa-
mily, left his favourite daughter behind him, as a
decoy to his antagonist, and this lady was after-
wards married to the prince of Mataram,

The prince of Mataram having attacked the pro-
vince of Pasiiruha7i, the chief of that district
would have submitted, but was dissuaded by a re-
fugee from Blambangan, a chief called Adipati
KaniteUy to whom he gave the command of his
troops. This person having challenged the chief

HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED* 3'25

♦

of an advanced party of the Mataram forces, who,
unknown to hnn, was the Senopati himself, he
was worsted in the single combat which ensued, and
thrown wounded from his horse. The conqueror,
without offering him any further injury, directed a
lame mare to be brought, on which, bare backed,
and with a miserable bridle, he mounted his dis-
comfited rival, and in this plight dismissed him to
his chief, to tell the story of his disgrace. It is
necessary to explain, that, in Java, it is considered a
disgrace to ride a mare ; none but the meanest of
the people using mares for the saddle. The troops
of Pasuruhan, after the loss of their leader, took
to flight, and the chief of that province, to make
his peace with the victor, put the wounded Kani'
ten to death, by pouring melted tin down his
throat, and transmitted the dead body, with gifts
and proffers of submission, to the Senopati.

This prince died in the year of Salivana 1523,
leaving the reputation of the bravest and most in-
trepid, though not the wisest, of the princes of
Java. He owed a large portion of his success to
the counsels of his uncle Mondoroko^ by whose
wisdom and prudence his ardour and impatience
were tempered and restrained.

(A. S. 1508, A. D. 1686.)— In the first year
of the reign of this prince, there was, say the na-
tive writers, a dreadful eruption of a volcano, ac«
companied by showers of ashes, and violent earth-

326 HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED.

quakes, which terrified the inhabitants of Java.
This was the same eruption to which the Portu-
guese were witnesses, and which, by their account,
hid the sun for three whole days, and destroyed
ten thousand souls.

(A. S. 15^23, A. D. 1601.)— The Senopati was
succeeded by his second son, Mas Jolangy called
after his death Pandmbahan Krapyaki from the
spot where he died, in confonnity with the uni-
versal practice of the Indian islanders. This
prince, less active and ambitious than his prede-
cessor, added but the single province of Prono-
Togo to his dominions. He was chiefly occupied,
indeed, in a contention for authority with the
prince of Pugar, his elder brother, and in suppress-
ing a variety of those rebellions which are natu-
rally incident to a dominion acquired by violence,
and maintained without skill.

In the year 15'-<^4 of Salivana, (160^,) the Ja-
vanese writers record a total eclipse of the sun.

(A. S. 1535, A. D. 16130— The eldest son of
the last prince succeeded his father, taking the
name of Adi Mataram. He and his son alone
took the Arabic title of Sultan, their predecessors
contenting themselves with the humbler appella-
tion of Panambahan, and their successors tak-
ing the spiritual distinction of Susunan. In
Javanese history he is called Sultan Agung, or
the Great Sultan^ a title which he undoubtedlj

HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED, 3!27

deserves, for he was not only the greatest conque-
ror, but the best prince of whom any mention is
made in Javanese story. In a reign of thirty-
three years, he conquered the whole of the eastern
districts, including the principality of Blambangan,
at the extreme east, Cheribon, and the whole of
the Sunda countries, except Jacatra and Bantam.
His disgrace and discomfiture in his wars with the
Europeans will be mentioned in another place. His
fame spread to Celebes, where he sent an embassy,
as well as to Sumatra and Bornqo. The Adipati, or
chief of the Javanese settlement ofFakmbang, intlie
former island, paid his respects in person, and the
Javanese colony of Baryarmasin, in the latter coun-
try, sent a mission. These honours from distant
islands, and the homage which the chief of Mata-
ram received from many states of Java, had their
origin as much in the terror of his name, as in any
experience of his real power, for sovereign power
has on the mind of the Indian islanders the mys-
terious influence which religion has on the minds
of all barbarians, arising from the same causes,
fear, ignorance, and superstition.

From a few examples of the mode in which this
best of Javanese princes conducted his wars and
government, we have an opportunity of estimat-
ing the character of the society over which he
ruled.

The very year that the Sultan ascended the

328 HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED.

throne, he sent a large force for the conquest of
the eastern districts, which ended in a mere pre-
datory expedition, no pennanent conquest having
been effected. In this affair, the country was laid
waste, the villages burned, and the cattlf^ and in-
habitants carried off, and divided as booty among
the troops.

Sometimes the men were put to the sword, in-
stead of being led into captivity, but the latter
was invariably the fate of the women.

In the {^7th year of his reign, the chief of the
Sunda district of Sumddang revolted. The Sul-
tan was highly incensed, and his orders were, to ex-
terminate the males, without sparing the children,
and to carry off the women into captivity. These
orders were obeyed, — no resistance was offered, and
in that poor and ill-peopled district, a thousand
persons were massacred.

One of the most powerful and obstinate of the
Sultan's enemies was the Fangera?iy or prince of
Surabaya. The Sultan, in the year of Salivana
1545, (A. D. 1623,) sent a powerful force to sub-
due him, and the following is the stratagem by
which the purpose was effected. The commander
halted at Japan, on the river of Surabaya, thirty
miles above the town of that name. Here he dammed
up the river, diverting a portion of the stream.
Into the stream, thus diminished, he threw dead
carcases, putrid vegetables, and, above all, the a-

HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED. 3^9

bundant and noisome fruit of the aren palm, with
the view of poisoning the water, and compelling
the inhabitants of Surabat/a to submission, a conse-
quence which, either from the real or imaginary
effects of the mt asure, soon followed.

The chief of Surabaya having submitted, sent
his son to Mataram to make his submission. On
this occasion, the young prince, with his compa-
nions and domestics, his wives, and all the fe-
males of his family, were, say the native writers,
according to custom, brought into the public pre-
sence of the Sultan, bound in cords.

We may glean a fiew facts now and then, of a more
favourable character. In the year 1537 of Saliva-
na, (A. D. J 615,) the ambitious projects of the
family of Mataram raised against them a host of
enemies, in a confederation of the princes of Ma-
dura, and of the eastern part of Java. Encouraged
by the response of the spiritual chief of Giri, whom
it was customary to consult as an oracle, they march-
ed in great numbers to the west, with the hope of sub-
verting Mataram. Ignorant of the country, and im-
provident, they had not reached Pajang when their
stock of provisions was expended, and they were
compelled to feed on wild roots and the bark of
trees, which engendered fatal disorders that car-
ried off great numbers. In this condition they
were attacked by the Sultan of Mataram and utter-
ly defeated. Among the slain was the chief of

33J HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED.

Japan, a man of great gallantry. At sight of the
dead body of his enemy, the Sultan exclaimed, with
a generosity which is commonly a stranger to such
a state of society on such an occasion, — " This is,
indeed, the body of a true soldier, let it be duly
honoured and buried with distinction ;" and, turn-
ing to the Adipati of Fqjang, whose fidelity was
suspected, he farther eulogized the open and ho-
nourable hostility of the fallen chief.

In 154^ Salivana, (A. D. 1623,) a powerful
force was sent to subdue Madura, and the conquest
was finally effected, but not till after a brave strug-
gle on the part of the chiefs of that island, then
divided into five states. Tlie Madurese are reput-
ed a braver and hardier race than their more civi-
lized neighbours the Javanese. On this occasion
the prince of Famakasan, incensed against the in-
vaders of his country, hoped to turn the fortunes
of the war, by depriving the enemy of so skilful a
leader as the commander of the Javanese army,
Joi/o Saponto ; and, with this view, accompanied
by a few determined followers, he entered the Ja-
vanese camp in the dead of the night, made his
way to the quarters of the adverse chief, and, mor-
tally wounding him, effected his retreat, but not un-
til he himself had received a fatal stab, of which he
expired the following day. This accident threw
the troops of Mataram into consternation, and for
a time arrested the progress of the war.

HISTOKY OF JAVA CONTINUED, 331

I shall give but one other anecdote of this reign,
and chiefly because it affords a curious illustration
of the female character in the highest rank of life.
A similar example has not, indeed, been often af-
forded in Java, though there the women claim a de-
gree of equality with the stronger sex, not often seen
in the east, but frequent instances are afforded of fe-
male heroism among the more warlike, ferocious,
and uncivilized tribes of Celebes. In the year
1550 of Salivana, (A. D. 16^8,) the Sultan attack-
ed Giri, the residence of the spiritual chief of that
name, and the descendant of one of the most con-
spicuous of the first apostles of Mahomedanism,
and subdued it after an obstinate struggle. He
was probably induced to diregard the holy charac-
ter of this person, from resentment for the advice
he had given to the eastern chiefs in their invasion
of Mataram.

The command of the troops for this enterprise
was entrusted to the prince ot Surabaya, now affi-
anced to the Sultan by a marriage with his daughter
the princess WandanSari, The priest of Giri made
a gallant defence, and in one rencontre defeated his
adversary, whose fortunes were retrieved by the
spirit of his heroic consort. This princess present-
ed herself before the troops, accoutered as a war-
rior, spoke of the bravery of her ancestors, ha-
rangued the soldiers, distributed gifts to them, and
put herself at their head. Encouraged by her ex-

S32 HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED.

ample, the troops renewed the attack, captured the
temple and mausoleum of Giri, and took the Su»
sanan and his family prisoners. The daughters of
Javanese princes, when married to subjects, assume
a tone, and insist on privileges, unknown to their
sex in the east. The husband, in such a case, fre-
quently terms the wife mistress , addresses her in
the language appropriated to ceremony, and cannot
marry a second wife or keep a concubine. The
Ratu Wandan claimed and maintained this ascen-
dancy over her husband.

The following natural calamities are recorded
.by the Javanese writers to have happened during
this reign. In the year 1536, (A. D. 1614*,) the
island was enveloped in a cloud of ashes, which oc-
casioned a total darkness. This had its origin in
one of the volcanos of the neighbouring islands.

In the year 1563, (A. D. l6il,) a vast number
of lives were lost by the falling of a portion of the
mountain of Adiksa.

In the year of Salivana 1566, (A. D. 1644,) the
country was afflicted with a dreadful epidemic,
which swept off a great number of people.

The Sultan Tagal-arum succeeded his father in
the year of Salivana 1568, (A. D. 1646,) and
reigned three and thirty years.

The records of Asiatic despotism, so fruitful in
crime and villany, hardly afford a superior to this
Javanese prince. He was, in short, a cruel and
ferocious madman, without the shadow of a virtue

HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED. 335

to redeem his character. It is unnecessary to add,
after this, that numerous insurrections took place.
His own son-inlaw, a native of Madura, named
Truna Jatja, abetted by his son and the heir to his
throne, revolted in the year 1595 of Salivana,
(A. D. 1672,) and this rebellion terminated in
the conquest of the whole of the eastern districts,
and eventually in that of the centre, the expulsion
of the tyrant from his throne, and the seizure of his
capital. In his flight to Tagalsihev this event, he
was taken ill and died on his road.

I shall proceed' briefly to narrate a few of the
incidents of this reign, by which we shall be en-
abled to appreciate the character of the sovereign,
and of the society over which he presided.

Shortly after his accession to the throne, the
F anger an Alit, his younger brother, entered into a
conspiracy against him. The principal instigator
of this transaction was a noble of the name of Sing-
smgan. The Sultan bein^ duly apprised of his
danger, had the noble secretly put to death. On
the following day, when the young prince appeared
in the presence, the first spectacle which offered
itself to him, was the bloody head of his friend sus-
pended from the Sultan's own hand by the hair.
The Sultan indignantly threw it down at his bro-
ther's feet, who, to make his peace, and saVe his
life, began with a baseness equal to the ferocity of
the other, to insult the head by wounding and

S3i HISTORY OF MVA CONTINUED.

disfiguring the face with his dagger. This scene
of wild and savage barbarity did not end here. The
young prince retired from the presence with dis-
sembled resentment, and refusing compliance with
the Sultan's order to surrender his accomplices, he
prepared for resistance. The chief of Madura
entreated the youth to desist from his rash enter-
prise, and in doing this, embraced his feet accord-
ing to the custom of the country. The prince put
an end to his entreaties and his life by drawing his
kris, and mortally wounding him in the throat, as
he thus lay supplicating him. The retainers of the
chief of Madura, who were witnesses to this trans-
action, rushed upon the prince, and sacrificed him
to their fury and resentment.

The Sultan hearing of the loss of his brother,
feigned a deep sorrow, accused himself of his death,
unsheathed his dagger, and woundedhimself in the
arm, as an expiation for the share he had in his
death.

Connected with this transaction is another of
much greater atrocity. The Sultan, suspecting the
priests of Mataram to be implicated in the conspi-
racy of P anger an A lit, directed registers of them
to be formed, and on pretence of conferring upon
those of the capital some distinctions, had them as-
sembled, when, upon a concerted signal, an indiscri-
minate slaughter was commenced, and six thousand.

HISTORY or JAVA CONTINUED. 385

including women and children, were thus butchered
in cold blood !

One farther example of the atrocities of this abo-
minable tyrant will be enough. He had married
in his father's lifetime the daughter of the prince
of Surabaya, and by her had a prince, now appa-
rent heir to the throne. Of this prince, and of his
father-in-law, he seems early to have entertained a
deep-rooted jealousy. The young prince having
fallen in love with a young woman of Surabaya
residing at Mataram, applied to his grandfather to
put him in possession of her person. But the Sul-
tan himself had unfortunately also felt a passion for
the same lady. Notwithstanding this, the chief of
Surabaya, willing to gratify his grandson, used his
influence, and obtained her for the young prince,
to whom she was accordingly married. The Sul-
tan, when he heard of this transaction, was incen-
sed to madness, and directed the immediate execu-
tion of the chief of Surabaya, his wife, children, and
grandchildren, to the number of 40 persons. There
is one part of the story, which, for the credit of
human nature, it were better to refuse our belief to,
had it not been too well authenticated. The Sul-
tan ordered the young prince and his bride to ap-
pear before him, and there commanded him to stab
her with his own hand j and this lover obeyed the
mandate !

S36 HISTORY OF JAVA CONTINUED.

After this transaction, the Sultan gave a loose to
all the extravagance of his tyranny, and massacred
without scruple, and without provocation, the first
persons of the land. I have already remarked, that
fear, and not love, is the source of the political as
well as the religious creed of the Javanese ; and the
respect still shown to the memory of this monster
is a signal proof of it, for his tomb at Tagal is not
considered as less than the shrine of a saint, and
often receives the pious visits and oblations of thp
present race of inhabitants !

CHAPTER V:

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY*

Retrospect of Portuguese History, as immediately connected
xvith that of Java. — Of Dutch History, and Rejiections on
the policy pursued by Europeans, — Reign of the Susunan
Mangkorat. — Rebellion of Truna J ay a, and Invasion of the
Macassars. — Mangkorat calls in the Dutch to his assist-
ance. — Story of Surapati. — Singular incident at Japara.-"'
Tragical story of Truna Jay a. — Tragical story of Sukro,
son of the first minister, — Reign of Mangkorat Mas. — i?e-
bellion of his uncle, the Pangeran Pugar, and his dethrone-
ment. — Murder of the Chief of Pronorogo. — Reign of Pa-
hibuono.—Jayeng Rono, Prince of Surabaya, assassinated
by the Susunan^ at the instigation of the Dutch' — Rebellion
ofJoyo Puspito. — Reflections on the conduct of the Dutch,
— Account of the Impostors called Kraman* — Story of Mas
Dono, one oj these. — Reign of Susunan Prabu, — His reign
a series of rebellions. — The reign of Susunan Sedo Lawe*
yan. — Susunan joins the Chinese uho had escaped from the
massacre of Batavia. — lliey jointly attack Samarang. — The
Susunan treacherously quits the Chinese, and allies himself
again ixith the Dutch. — Chinese make a Susunan of their
own, and drive their late ally from his throne. — Chinese de-
feated a?id the Susunan restored.— -Narrative of some of the
principal events of this reign, — Treacherous attack upon the
Dutch Fortress at Cartasura, and Massacre of the Prison-
ers, — Atrocious circumstances connected wth the secession

VOL, II. y

358 SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY*

efthc Javanese from the Chinese alliance. — A mock baitVc
Jbught bet'ween the Javanese and Chinese to hoodmnk the
Dutch. — Specimen of the correspondence of two hostile
Javanese Chiefs. — Character displai/ed hy the Chinese in
the ivar which they conducted in Java.- — Reign of Paku'
Imonothe third. — Bcbellion ofMangkuhumi. — Of Mangku-
nagoro. — Character of these rebellions. — The Javanese Em-
pire split into two separate monarchies. — Establishment of
Yugyakarta. — A small j^rincipality bestorved on Manghu-
nagoro. — Internal tranquillity restored in Java, which has
novo lasted sixty years.

J this chapter, which gives the sequel of Java-
nese history, and which commences with the pe-
riod when the Dutch power began to be felt in the
Javanese counsels, and to influence the fortunes of
the people, it will be necessary to premise a brief
retrospect of the circumstances and character of
the European connection, as it more immediately
relates to the island of Java. The more general
narrative of European affairs will be related in sub-
sequent chapters.

The Portuguese arrived in Java in the year
1511,* the same year in which they conquered
Malacca, two years after their first appearance in
the seas of the Archipelago, and thirty-three after

* Albuquerque sent embassies from Malacca to the princes
of Java, but neither the names of those princesj nor of their
kingdoms, have been handed down to us.

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORT. 839

the Mahomedan religion had assumed the ascen-
dancy in the island. The immediate successors of
the first apostles of Islam still ruled the country,
though it would appear that many of the inha-
bitants continued to follow their ancient wor-
ship.-^ It was not a moment propitious to the in-
troduction of a new power, or the introduction of a
new religion. The Portuguese were, besides, ful-
ly occupied on the continent of India, and the
western portions of the Archipelago, and were at

* The Portuguese, on their first arrival, are said to have
treated with a Hindu sovereign in the western end of the
island. In the voyage of Olivt-r Noort round the world, he
touched in I6OI at the eastern end of Java. The narrative,
according to Purchas, has the following strange passage, which
does not occur in the narrative in the " Collection of voyages
which contributed to the formation of an East Indian Com-
pany." — " On the twentie-eight they came to Jortan, and
heard of Holland ships at Bantam. Heere they bought mac«
and provision. Jortan hath a thousand houses all of timber.
The king was absent at Passaruan, five years before he had be-
sieged Balamboa, and destroyed the king with all his kindred.
He is also king of Sorbay, a citie not far distant, all which
four cities are Mahometan, and very rigid in that stvinish su'
perstition. The Pagodes and idols argue permission of Elh-
nicke and ancienter Indian rights.'^ — Pilgrims, Book 11. p. 77'
The Dutch voyagers may have been deceiveo by the number
of ancient temples of Hindu worship, which must have existed
at a period little more than a century after the subversion of
Hinduism.

54fO SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY.

the moment anxious to be possessed of the country
of the spices. They seem never to have attempted
any conquest in Java, and to have confined them-
selves solely to the aflPairs of commerce, which they
conducted chiefly at Bantam and Panarukan. In
the native annals, no notice whatever is taken of
them.

The Dutch arrived in Java in the year 1595,
eighty-four years after the Portuguese, and 1 17
after the establishment of the Mahomedan religion.
This was during the last years of the reign of the
first prince of the house of Mataram, the Fanam'
bahan Se?iopati, Cheribon, Bantam, and Jacatra,
were then independent, and Madura, Surabaya,
and the maritime provinces east of it, were still un-
subdued. It was during the four and twenty years
which elapsed from their arrival, until the founda-
tion of Batavia, that the family of Mataram was
chiefly aggrandized by the conquest of the best
part of the island 5 but the probability is, that a
number of years must have passed, before the igno-
rant and gross traders ofthe sixteenth century under-
stood and noted the political movements of a great
country, especially as the residence of the more in-
telligent portion of them was always momentary
and uncertain.

The object of the European adventurers of those
times was purely mercenary and commercial. The
plunder of the east, for it does not deserve the

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. 84tl

name of commerce, was their object. To give an
equitable price for the commodity they purchased,
or to demand no more than a reasonable profit,
never entered into their minds. They considered
the natives of those countries as fair game, and
drove a trade, in short, in which the simplicity, ig-
norance, 'and weakness of the inhabitants of the
country, were but poorly opposed to the superior
intelligence, more enlarged experience, and, above
all, to the power and violence of the European.

On these most inauspicious principles commen-
ced the intercourse bertween the Dutch and Java-
nese. It would have been far more beneficial to
the latter, had the Europeans with a great force at
once conquered their country. Ultimately they
did so, after two centuries of misery and tedious
suffering. In the first case, the European con-
querors would have mixed with the native popula-
tion, instructed them in the arts and civilization of
Europe, and the interests of both must have been
finally assimilated. In the last, the interests of the
two parties have been at direct variance. The tribu-
tary party, distrusting every thing European, have
neither adopted the improvements, nor the religion
of their masters ; and, to say the least of it, are at
this day not a whit more civilized or improved than
when the connection commenced more than two
centuries back.

From l59o to 1612, the Dutch traded chiefly

342 SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY,

with the kingdom of Bantam, then the principal
emporium of the east for pepper, in those times the
staple of European commerce.

In i61^ they removed to Jacatra, obtaining per-
mission from the prince of that place to settle there.
Here they conducted their trade peaceably for five
or six years, but at last broke with the prince who
had afforded them protection, subdued his countiy,
and built Batavia in the year of Salivana 156 1, (A- D.
1619,) on the ruins of his capital. It was in this year
that the Sultan of Mataram, incensed at the piratical
conduct of the Dutch at Japara which they had de-
stroyed, and their violence and usurpations at Jaca-
tra, sent on the invitation of the Pangeran of the
latter place, a numerous force levied from almost
every province of Java to expel them from the
country. The result of this expedition, probably the
most numerous and powerful which Java had ever
seen, consisting of troops accustomed to conquer, and
acting under the orders of a victorious monarch,
will give us a just impression of the military cha-
racter of the Javanese. They were defeated by a
handful of Europeans, — after three assaults were
unable to capture an ill constructed and half finished
redoubt, and, losing the best part of their numbers
chiefly by famine and sickness, at last retired dis-
comfited and disgraced.

Upon this occasion they arrested the progress of
the conquests of the kings of Mataram, and so far

SEQUEL OP JAVANESE HISTORY. 345

may be said to have influenced the domestic poli-
tics of the Javanese ; yet without their interference,
the temporary empire of Mataram was about to
tumble to pieces in the subsequent reign, through
the unsupportable tyranny and misgovernment of
the succeeding prince, as we have already seen,
—A. S. 1551. (A. D. 16.'9.)— They had made
their peace with the Great Sultan, and sent a mis-
sion to Mataram, and took some share in the dis-
putes of his vicious successor against his subjects ;
but it was not until A. S. l60ij, in the reign of the
Susuhunan Mangkorat, that they took a great, and
finally a leading part in the affairs of Java.

When that prince succeeded his father, the coun-
try was throughout in a state of anarchy and re-
bellion. The Madurese Truna Jaya, aided by
a band of fugitives from C^elebes, at first got pos-
session of the eastern and central districts, includ-
ing the capital ; but, from the latter, he was driven
by the younger son of the late Sultan, Pangeran
Fugar^ who, taking possession of the seat of go-
vernment, set up the standard of independence.
The legitimate heir, who took the spiritual distinc-
tion of Susunan, called in the Dutch, and a large
force under Admiral Speelman having been sent to
his assistance, he was, after a tedious struggle, placed
upon the throne at Cartasura, the seat of govern-
ment having been changed from Mataram. He
died in the year A. J. 16;^7, (A. D. 17OS,) after

34>4f SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY.

a troubled reign of twenty-six years. He is one
of the most respectable of the Javanese princes,
and enjoys a high reputation among his country-
men. The most remarkable incidents of his reign
are his alliance with the Dutch, and the rebellion
of Surapati, 1 shall give a brief account of the
character of both these, and add a few anecdotes of
his reign, which will assist in giving us a farther
insight into the character of the people of Java
and their government.

What is most remarkable in the character of the
political connection of the Dutch with the Java-
nese, is the perpetual recourse of the former to ar-
tifice and finesse, when the object of their policy
would appear more easily and speedily accomplish-
ed by a manly, direct, and ingenuous conduct. Al-
though they had the earliest experience of the
weakness and unskilfulness of the natives, and of
their immeasurable inferiority to Europeans, every
enterprise they undertook against them was mag-
nified beyond all reasonable proportion, and mark-
ed by a singular timidity throughout, by a timidity
which constantly led them to prefer a policy of ex-
pedients to measures of prompt energy, resolution,
and good faith, and which too often seduced them
into acts of the most abandoned perfidy. It would
be unjust to throw the odium of this conduct upon
the national character of the Dutch, whose repub-
lican integrity, in the days of their glory, is the

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. 845

just theme of applause. It is clearly to be ascribed
to the peculiar and unfavourable circumstances un-
der which they were placed.

The first Dutch adventurers to the East were a set
of rapacious traders, who found themselves unexpect-
edly called upon to exercise the functions of poli-
ticians and sovereigns. Unused to these offices,
without agents who could be entrusted with the ,
execution of any great or bold undertaking, and
having, instead of a regular or disciplined force, a few
half-disciplined marines and sailors, from their com-
mercial navies, we can be no longer surprised to
find those who were conscious of the want of real
strength, constantly resorting to subtlety and in-
trigue. The natural consequences of this policy
were protracted wars, financial difficulties, waste
of human life, mutual hatred and distrust between
them and the natives, inevitable ruin and destruc-
tion to the country, and misery to its inhabitants.
This picture applies to by far the greater portion
of the two centuries of Dutch rule in Java.

The rebellion of Surapati, by which name this re«
markabie adventurer is best known, is one of the most
singular which the history of any people affi^rds.
This person was, in short, a slave, who rose, by the
force of his natural talents, to the rank of a sovereign
prince. He was brought from Bali when seven years
of age, among the crowd of slaves who were annually
imported into Batavia from that island, was purchased

34}6 SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY.

by a Dutchman of the name of Hese, whose favour
and confidence he gained, and abused, by an in-
trigue with his natural daughter, by a native wo-
man. The slave was detected, corporally punish-
ed, and placed in the public stocks, from whence,
with sixty of his countrymen in a similar state of
durance, he effected his escape, massacring the
centinels and guards of the prison. After a series
of extraordinary adventures, in the vicinity of Bata-
via, in the Prayangan mountains, and at Cheribon,
he proceeded eastward, and, trusting to the secret ha-
tred of the Susuhunan to the Dutch, threw himself
upon his generosity, A. J. l6u8, (A. D. 1684.)
The Susuhunan, disgusted at the ignominious thral-
dom in which he was himself held, countenanced
Surapati in secret, and when his person was demand-
ed, evaded giving him up, upon the plea of respect-
ing the laws of hospitality, but pretended to give
leave to seize him in any part of his dominions. The
Dutch, to effect this latter object, sent to Cartasura
a force of a thousand men, in addition to the troops
already there. Surapati had ingratiated himself with
the first minister, and obtained this chief's daughter
in marriage. The Susunan directed the minister
openly to espouse his cause, and, in the event of their
being overpowered, ordered his brother, the Pan-
geran Pugar, to render fartiier assistance. An ac-
tion commenced in front of the palace, in the great
square, where the Dutch force was overpowered,

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. 347

and nearly the whole, with their commander, Tak,
destroyed, for the greater part of the native inhabit-
ants of the city fell upon them. Surapati, after
the battle, retired, by the advice of the Susuhunan,
to the eastward ; and, seizing upon the district of
Pasuruhan, he in time added to it those of Bangil,
Probolingo, Japan, Wirosobo, and others, which he
continued to govern well for more than twenty
years, when he lost his life in a drawn battle fought
between him and the Dutch in the Javanese year
1631, (A. D. I707O He was unquestionably die
greatest and most extraordinary person that the his-
tory and revolutions of Java present to our observa-
tion ; one, in short, of those hardy and intrepid
geniuses which are of rare occurrence in any age
or state of society.

The following well authenticated anecdote af-
fords a singular picture of native manners, and of
the conduct of the Dutch. In the early period
of the Dutch authority, their principal establish-
ment to the east was at Japara. Here a quarrel
having ensued between a Dutchman and a native
of the place, the chief Martopuro considering the
former in fault, had him punished, according to a
common practice of the country, by streaking his
face with lime and turmeric, and thus exposing him
to the ridicule of the populace in the common mar-
ket place. The Dutch chief communicated on the
subject with the authorities at iiatavia, and the life
of Martopuro was demanded as an expiation for his

S4fS SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY.

insolence. The SiKsuhunan hardly daring to re-
fuse compliance with the demands of the Dutch,
but at the same time heartily inclined in secret to
thwart them, sent word to Martopuro privately,
that if he would resist tlie Dutch as Surapati had
done, his life should not only be spared, but he
should in secret have his assistance. The first mi-
nister, with other chiefs of rank, were accordingly
dispatched to Japara to see this project carried into
effect. Martopuro at first entered into the views of
the prince, but his courage failing him, the emis-
saries of the Susuhunan determined upon giving
him up. Being invited into the fort, a Dutch
officer, under pretext of presenting him with a
glass of wine, snatched his kris from the scabbard.
Martopuro perceiving this, attempted to make his
escape, but was seized and krised on the spot, and
his body, at the instigation of the Javanese chiefs,
torn to pieces and thrown to the dogs ! They
made an offer of the disposal of his wives and pro-
perty to the Dutch chief, and the Susuhunan, in-
dignant at his cowardice, issued a peremptory or-
der, forbidding all to give shelter or protection to
his children and relations.

In point of atrocity this acts yields to the story
of the fate of Truna Jaya, which has, indeed, I
am happy to say, no parallel in Javanese history,
and few, it is to be hoped, in that of any people
who have made such progress in the useful arts of
life. It affords, indeed, an incredible contrast to

!^QUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. S49

the benignity and kindness of the native charac-
ter, when not goaded by the spirit of revenge, or
debauched by the exercise of despotic povs^er. Truna
Jaya, after being defeated by the Dutch and the
Susunan, fled to the mountains of Antangy where
he lay concealed with a few followers, until, aban-
doned by most of these, and reduced by want, he
was glad to make overtures of surrender. These
were accepted, and his own uncle, the chief of
Madura, with a Dutch officer, sent to beguile hira
by fresh assurances. He appeared before the
Susunan bound in cords, with his wives the
prince's own sisters, and the rest of his family.
They threw themselves at the Susunan's feet im-
ploring pardon, which he feigned to give them,
going the length of promising the captive prefer-
ment. He directed Truna Jaya to retire and
clothe himself in a decent garment. W]ien this was
done the prisoner returned into the presence. The
Susunan now upbraided him with his treachery and
rebellion, and directed one of the women in wait-
ing to bring him an unsheathed kris, which he
particularized by name. The tragedy which en-
sued is related by the Javanese annalist in the fol-
lowing words : ** My brother Truna Jaya, (said
the Susunan,) when I was at Tagal I made a vow
that this my kris, Blaber,^ should never be sheath-

* Spears; cannon, and krisc?, are j'requentiy particularized

350 SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY.

ed until sheathed in your breast. On these wordiJ
the nobles brought Truna Jaya to the foot of the
throne, from whence the prince rising, came near
him, and stabbed him to the heart ; the kris pass-
ing through and through under the shoulder-blade,
and the blood gushing out in a torrent. Anto
Gopo, an officer of the palace, repeated the blow,
and all the nobles present followed his example,
leaving' the body of Truna Jaya thoroughly
mangled. The prince rising again from his throne,
exclaimed, in a loud voice, — Let his heart be
devoured. The chiefs rushed upon the body
again, and tearing out the heart, divided it into
fragments of a nail's-breadth, and devoured it ac-
cordingly. The head they severed from the body,
and laid it at the foot of the throne."

It appears, farther, on the same authority, that
three of the nobles entering even more fully than
the rest into the infernal spirit which actuated their
sovereign, smeared their naked bodies all over with
the blood of the prisoner. The head was carried
in procession before the Susunan, and when the
savage retired at night to rest, he is reported to
have used it as a mat to wipe his feet upon.

During the scene in the palace, the Dutch ge-
neral officers and party were present, but asto-

by names. The kris here named was an ancient heirloom of the
royal family, and is still preserved at Surakarta.

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. 351

nished and appalled at the frightful scene which
was transacted before them, they wanted the cou-
rage or magnanimity to interfere, though ft was
acknowledged that their honour was pledged for
the safety of Truna Jaya.

I shall give one other anecdote of this reign,
chiefly because it affords an illustration, unusually
authentic, of the effects of eastern despotism, and
is, at the same tune, connected with the state of
domestic manners among the people of whom 1 am
rendering an account.

The Susunan had married his eldest son and suc-
cessor to the daughter of his brother the Pangeran
Fugar. The parties wrre soon compelled to sepa-
rate on account of the ill conduct of the husband,
a prince of brutal character and manners. The
princess, thus neglected, formed an attachment to
SukrOf son of the first minister, a youth of agreea-
ble manners and handsome person. The criminal
connection was in time discovered through an in-
tercepted letter from the lover to his mistress.
The Susunan was highly incensed at the discovery,
and the F anger an Fugar, to avert from himself
and his family the effects of his resentment, re-
solved to take the life of his daughter. He, ac-«
cordingly, ordered his seven sons into his pre-
sence, and informed them of the necessity of their
becoming the instruments of taking the life of their
sifter, to avert the wrath of their uncle and sove-

852 SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY.

reign. They naturally refused compliance, but at
length yielded, on his threatening to punish their
disobedience by the solemn malediction ojajather !
The place chosen for the execution was the prince's
own garden. The young princes having commu-
nicated to their sister the fatal orders with which
they were charged, she received them with cahn-
ness, and only begged for a few moments to bathe
and perfume herself. When this ceremony was
over, her mother and female relations were order-
ed to withdraw, and the gate of the garden was
locked. A veil was thrown over the princess
to conceal the bloody office, and the brothers, af-
ter receiving her last injunctions, drew the fatal
cord. When the garden door was opened, and
the female attendants admitted, the princes were
seen viewing the dead body, and awakened, at
the sight of it, to all the horrors of the tragedy
they had acted, while they expressed tkeir grief
with tliat loud, unreserved, and passionate de-
clamation, which, on occasions of extreme sorrow, is
constantly exhibited in the lower stages of society.
In the mean time, the life of the lover was loud-
ly demanded by the Susunan. The father, who
loved him tenderly, permitted the feelings of na-
ture to supersede the servile allegiance of a Java-
nese, and was half inclined to resist. He was,
however, finally persuaded to submission, and went
into the presence^ for between unlimited submis-

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. 355

sioii, and open rebellion, there is in such a state of
society no medium. As soon as he made his
appearance he was seized, deprived of his kris, an
unfailing and necessary precaution, and, according
to a frequent practice, confined in a cage ofbam^
hoo, until the safety of the royal family should be
assured by the execution of his son. The young
man, while this was passing, determined to sell his
life dearly, and threw himself, with some desperate
and determined retainers of the warlike tribe of the
Bugis, within the inclosures of the minister's pa-
lace. The palace was immediately surrounded by
the troops of the Susunan, demanding admission,
but deterred from entering by force by the fierce
aspect of those who occupied it. At length, the
young man's own uncle having thrown away his
arms, scaled the wail, and, presenting himself to
his nephew, perfidiously tendered to him the Su-
sunan's pardon, if he would but throw himself on
his mercy, and dismiss his guards. Relying on the
assurances of so near a relative, the Bugis retain •
ers of the prince, were directed to retire, and the
gates were thrown open, when the troops rushed
in, and Sukro was secured and disarmed. Being,
on this act of violence, persuaded of the inevitabi-
lity of his fate, he only entreated, in compliance
with a common Javanese superstition, that, in the
manner of his death, his blood should not be shed.
His uncle, accordingly, administered to him a dose

VOL. II. ^

554f SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY*

of poison, but the operation being slow, and the
despot pressing his death by repeated messages
from the palace, his relative seized him by the hair of
the head, dragged him to the ground, and strangled
him by treading on his neck ! !

(A. J. 1(327, A. D. 1704.)— The Susunan
Mangkorat was succeeded by his son, who took
the title of Mangkorat Mas, but he was not
many months seated on the throne, when his
tyrannical and violent conduct drove hi^ uncle,
the Pangeran Pugar, into rebellion. This prince
fled to Samarang to the Dutch, and being counte-
nanced by them, was installed Susunan under their
auspices. The consequence was a civil war, which
raged in the central and eastern districts of the
island for four years, and which ended in the
seizure of the person of Mangkorat Mas, by an
act of treachery on the part of the Dutch, and
his final banishment to Ceylon. Mangkorat Mas
appears to have been a tyrant, voluptuous and
wanton, equally destitute of talents and of pru-
dence. His character, and probably that of many
an eastern despot, is pourtrayed in the following
anecdote of him, which is circumstantially related
by the Javanese writers : In his flight from his ca-
pital, proceeding eastward to join the force of the
gallant and intrepid Surapati, he halted in the
distant and secluded district of Fronorogo, and
here, unconscious that he had already virtually lost

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. 355

his honour and his crown, he gave himself up to
every ilHberal pleasure. The loyal chief of the
district, to gratify his prince, directed an inclosure
to be constructed, and here assembled a variety of
game, to afford him, at an easy rate, the diversion
of shooting. The Susunan, wit his family, men
and women, repaired to the spot, and, taking up a
bow and arrow, he began the sport by shooting a
deer. The chief of Pronorogo, seeing the game
fall, ran into the inclosure, and directed the priest to
slaughter the animal according to the rites of the Ma-
homedan religion, that it might be legal food. But
he was unused to the severe punctilio of a Javanese
court, which permits no order, however trivial or in-
different, to be given in the prese^ice without the
royal nodof assent. The brutal and infatuated prince
proceeded on the spot to punish this breach of eti-
quette, and, before the thousands who were as-
sembled, not forgetting the females of his own fa-
mily, ordered the chief to be emasculated, and had
the satisfaction to see his host faint before him
from the pain of the operation. This act was too
much even for the forbearance and slavish loyalty
of the Javanese ; and the relations of the chief of
Pronorogo were preparing to retaliate, but the Su-
susan, receiving notice of their intentions, eluded
their vengeance by a precipitate flight.

The Pangeran Pugar took the title of Pakubu^
wono, a name which has since descended to all

S56 SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY.

his successors. Courfting from his accession, he
yeigned sixteen years, as he died in the A. J.
1643, A. D. I7I8.

From the circumstances of his elevation, and his
own character, this prince became a mere tool ixi
the hands of the Dutch, and they used their in-
fluence neither with good policy nor discretion.
Their conduct, equally marked by wanton cruelty,
and imprudence in the affair of the chief of Su-
rabaya, involved the country again in civil war.
This noble, whose name was Jayeng Rono, was
the confidential friend and adviser of the Su-
gunan, and to his counsels, and those of the prince
of Madura, he was chiefly indebted for his eleva^
tion. He had, however, incurred the displea-
sure of the Dutch, most probably from thwart-
ing some of their ambitious designs, or being de-
ficient in that flexibility and subserviency which
was necessary to their purposes, and they demand-
ed his life from the Susunan. There is some-
thing so sorrowful in the whole story, that I can-
not forbear entering into the circumstances of
it, as given by the native writers. The Susu-
nan received the demand of the life of his friend
with astonishment, exclaiming, as is reported, " I
have already lost my right hand, (alluding to the
death of the prince of Madura, which had just
happened,) and they would also cut off my left."
He hesitated to comply with the order, and yet

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. 357

knew not how to resist it. ^'he chief was absent in
his government, and a messenger was instantly
dispatched to inform him that the Dutch had de-
manded his life, but that if he chose to resist, he
should be secretly abetted and assisted. The chief
of Surabaya, clearly foreseeing that his resistance
would involve the ruin, not only of himself, but
of his whole family, came to the disinterested and
noble resolution of sacrificing his own life to se-
cure the safety of his friends and relations, and he
proceeded forthwith to Cartasura, to submit to his
fate. Here he had repeated audiences of the Su-
sunan, who assured him of his thorough convic-
tion of his innocence, promised to protect his fa-
mily, and complied with his request to place his
brother in his situation after his death. For a
whole month he waited the arrival of the "warrant
for his execution, if it be allowable to use, on such an
occasion, a word which belongs to the language o/[;w5-
tice. At length it arrived from Batavia. TheSusunan
summoned the chief, who proceeded to the palace,
clothed in white, the habit of resignation and devo-
tion. His retainers were hindered from following
him into the interior, and as the old man, for Jayeng
Rono was much advanced in life, entered the outer
court of the palace, he was met by the public execu-
tioners, who dispatched him on the spot. The most
formidable and destructive rebellion which has ever
characterized the annals of Java was the consequence.

35S SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY.

JoyopuspttOy brother tO;the deceased chief, accepted
of his office, but only to use the influence which it af-
forded him for revenge. He subdued all the dis-
tricts in his vicinity, called to his assistance the
people of Bali, was joined by the Madurese, and
by several rebel princes of the house of Mataram,
so that this formidable insurrection onlyterminat-
ed by his death in the succeeding reign, after de-
solating the country for a great many years. The
chief of Surabaya, in the many actions which he
fought with the Dutch, and in all his proceedings,
displayed so much enterprise, spirit, and conduct,
that, but for the slender portion of European sci-
ence opposed to him, he must have acquired the
sovereignty of the island.

I shall take this opportunity of animadverting up-
on the policy pursued by the Dutch, not only on the
present occasion, but in every war which they carried
on in Java. They always permitted a beaten enemy
to retreat unmolested, and never vigorously prose-
cuted any advantage. This either arose from igno-
rance and want of conduct, or from a crooked and
mistaken policy, which led them to believe it the
wisest conduct to reduce the native power, whether
legitimate or insurgent, by expending its strength
in a protracted contest. Probably both causes had
their share. By the imagined refinement implied
in the latter, nothing can be more certain than
that they were exhausting their own finances, and

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. 359

training the natives to a predatory and desultory war-
fare, the only one which a barbarous enemy, in a close
country i can with any success conduct against a civi«
lized and disciplined one, and that even in the event
of success, they would acquire but a desolated and
ruined conquest, hardly worth the occupation.

Oppression on the part of the government act-
ing on the singular credulity and superstition of
the people, gives rise in Java to those rebels, called,
in the language of the country, Kraman^ a word
which literally means " an impostor or pretender to
royalty." Whenever the country is in a state of
anarchy, one or more of these persons is sure to
appear. Sometimes they affect to be descended
from some ancient line of sovereigns ; at others,
pretend to redress grievances, and now and then to
propagate some absurd and nonsensical opinions,
under the name of a new religion. Sometimes
the individuals themselves are designing fanatics,
at others, mere boys, or simple peasants, the puppets
or tools of more designing and artful persons. Who-
ever they be, they are quite sure of finding follow-
ers, and they have been often known to subjugate
whole provinces, and to disturb the peace of the
country for whole years, defying the legitimate
authorities. The reign of Pakubuwono was fruit-
ful in these insurrections. The fate of one of these
impostors is worth narrating, because it affords but
too true a picture of native manners. Mas Dono set
up the standard of rebellion in the district of Mata*

360 SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY.

ram, and, ravaging this and several of the other fine
districts near it, for a long time, eluded every at-
tempt of the native government against him. The
Susunan was highly incensed, and, in the words of
the native writer from whom I borrow the account,
gave orders, " that should Mas Dono be killed in
action, his ears should be brought to him for his
satisfaction ; but he made a vow, that should he be
taken alive, he should be conveyed to Cartasura,
and there exposed in front of the palace, to be
punctured to death with needles, for the amuse-'
ment of the people.^' Mas 'Dono was at last taken
alive, and transported to Cartasura, where he was
actually tortured to death, agreeably to the savage
vow of the prince.

(A. J. 1643, A. D. I7I8.)— Pakubuwono was
succeeded by his son, who took the name oi Susunan
Frabu. During the greater part of this reign, the.
country was in a state of the greatest anarchy, and,
for the most part, in a state of open rebellion. No
less than five princes of the royal family rebelled, and
the standard of rebellion was erected, at times, in
three, four, or fiwe places at the same moment.
These rebellions were at length quelled, chiefly by
acts of treachery, in which the Dutch were the
principal agents. The persons of the leaders got
possession of by such means were disposed of, some
by the bowstring, and some by the dagger. Some
were immured in the pestiferous dungeons of Ba-

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. 861

tavia, and some sent into banishment to the Cape
of Good Hope or Ceylon.

(A. J. 1650, A. D. 17^5.)— This prince was
succeeded by his son, a lad of a few years old, who
reigned twenty-five years, — twenty-five years of
warfare and misery. (A. J. iGjf), A. D. 17^9.)
— He died in a state of insanity. Like his grand-
father, he was called Pakiibuwono, but is distin-
guished by the appellation of Sedo LaweyatJ, or
he who died at Laweyan. The two great events
of his reign, and of that period of the history of Ja-
va, are the rebellions of the Chinese and of the
prince Mangkubumi, the termination of the last
of which he did not live to see. The story of the
massacre of the Chinese atBatavia will be told in a
subsequent chapter of this work. Suffice it at pre-
sent to say, that the Chinese of the city of Batavia had
. grown in numbers and wealth \ that they presumed
on their own strength, and the weakness of the rul-
ing authority; and that they incurred the jealousy of
the Dutch, who, by an act of perfidy which has few
examples in the history of an*^ people, and none in
that of a civilized one, committed a dreadful and
indiscriminate massacre of them. A large body of
these people retired from Batavia towards the east,
and then commenced the portion of the story which
relates to the history of the Javanese They clandes-
tinely negocia ted with theSusunan and his ministers,
who, at length, burning to free hmiself from the

362 SEQUEL or Javanese history.

yoke of tlie Dutch, openly joined them, — besieged
the Dutch fortress close to his capital, took it, and
razed it to the ground. The Chinese and Javanese
forces uniting on this, marched to Samarang, hop-
ing to expel the Dutch from their principal esta-
blishment to the east, but, unskilled in the science
of war, they made no impression on the petty for-
tress of that place ; discord began to arise between
the Chinese and Javanese, and the intrigues of the
Dutch finally separated the Susunan from his
league. The Chinese, not discouraged by this de-
fection, and still encouraged by the adherence of
several Javanese chiefs, elected a Susunan of their
own from the royal family, marched to the capital,
drove the legitimate prince from it, and occupied
it. It was not until after a war of two years duration
that the false Susunan was taken, the Chinese dis-
persed, and peace in part restored.

I shall relate a few of the transactions of this
war, to show the spirit in which it was conducted.
The conduct of the Susunan towards the Dutch
was of the most treacherous character. Under the
pretext of joining them for the destruction of the
Chinese, he prepared a force to attack their fortress
as already stated. When the expedition he had
thus prepared was ready, as he pretended, to march,
he sent the commanders, three resolute and despe-
rate persons chosen for the occasion, into the for-
tress to receive the final orders of the Dutch

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. S63

eomiYiander. This was the moment chosen for
perpetrating the act of treachery which had been
meditated. While in the act of saluting the com-
mander, the assassins drew their daggers and com-
menced the attack. A crowd of Javanese now at-
tempted to rush in at the gate, but the European
centinels had the presence of mind to close it. The
Dutch in their turn became the assailants, and the
Javanese were in a few minutes put to death with
as little mercy as they deserved.

The Chinese force now joining the Javanese,
the Dutch fort was besieged, and the garrison, 450
in number, had the folly to surrender themselves
prisoners of war, on the faithless assurances of
safety made to them by the Javanese prince. In
the first paroxysm of caprice, he directed the Chris-
tians to be circumcised, and instructed in the Ma-
homedan religion ; or, as the Javanese writer care-
lessly expresses, " directed them to change their
prophet." Soon repenting of this degree of lenity,
he ordered the European officers to be executed,
** by beating them to death with bludgeons 1'*
Tliese circumstances are related on the authority
of native manuscripts.

When the Javanese agreed to forsake the Chinese,
and renew their alliance with the Dutch, on the sug-
gestion of the latter, they agreed suddenly to fall up-
on their old friends occupying the same camp, and
massacre the whole of them. The matter was conr

564^ SEQUEL or JAVANESE HISTOIlY.

certed in a secret negociation, and wouW have beeii
carried into effect, had not some of the Javanese
chiefs revolted at the atrocious proposal. The
scheme which they substituted, to be sure, is in
wickedness inferior to it only in extent. They
proposed to the Chinese chiefs to make a sacrifice
of their wounded to save appearances on their part
with the Dutch, and what is more wonderful, the
Chinese acceded to it. The Chinese forces accord-
ingly marched from their encampment unmolest-
ed, leaving their sick behind them. These unfortu-
nate people were immediately butchered by the Ja-
vanese, " and their heads being struck off, were sent
in baskets to the Dutch commandant of Samarang,
in toke?i of their fidelity to their engagements,^*

The Chinese having retreated, accompanied, how-
ever, by a number of Javanese, who still adhered
to them, they were follow^ed by the Javanese force,
commanded by the first minister Noto-kusumOy the
prime mover of the conspiracy against the Dutch,
and a perfect pattern of dissimulation. He and the
Chinese perfectly understood each other, but \^
thought it necessary to fight a mock battle, the
more thoroughly to hoodwink the Dutch. The
Chinese acceded to the proposal, but not under-
standing how such matters were conducted, they
thought it necessary to consult their Javanese col-
leagues. The answer given by the latter affords the
most undisguised and impudent specimen of orient-

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. 365

al despotism which I have ever met with. " Fa-
ther, replied the Javanese chief, (I quote the na-
tive writer,) such a battle is conducted by us in per-
fect earnestness with mutual slaughter, for not the
smallest compassion is shown to the people. Keep-
ing your secret, and saving the life of the chief,
you may exterminate tlie rest." An action was
accordingly fought on these principles, and some
lives lost on both sides. The first minister, perfectly
true to them, offered a rewavdjor every ear ofaChi-
nese that was brought to him j when openly opposed
to the Dutch a little before, he had offered rewards
for " Dutch heads^' under similar circumstances.

It may amuse the reader to be supplied with a
specimen of the correspondence of the hostile chiefs.
Martopuro, the chief of those Javanese who were on
the side of the Chinese, and of the prince they had
proclaimed, wrote to Pringoloya, commanding a
detachment of the Susunan's army, a challenge in
the following words : — '* There is a wild bull
to the north of the range o£ Kdndang,^ that longs
to gore the Jemale white elephant to the south of
it." By the wild bull, which is an emblem of cou-
rage among the Javanese, was meant the prince
under whose banners he was fighting ; and by the

* A long range of mountains which divides, in the eastern
part of the island, the low belt of land on the north coast, from
Iti^ valleys of the centre of that quarter of the island.

366 SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY.

Tv'hite elephant the Susunan, a noble object, being
degraded by assigning to it the female sex. Prin-
goloyo, in his reply, pursued the same style of si-
mile, and observed, that " he was aware there was
a buffalo calf to the north of the range of Kandang,
accompanied by a little fugitive ragged animal of a
goat, of both of whom he would soon render a good
account.'* By the buffalo calf was of course meant
the false Susunan ; and by the goat, Martopuro
himself, who was a person of diminutive stature,
that, contrary to the usual practice of the Javanese,
wore a beard. Buffalo, or goat, but particularly
the latter, is in the mouths of the Javanese equi-
valent to " ass in oars." They seldom, indeed, go
farther, for gross invective and scurrility are no vice
of their manners. The vicinity of the dagger is an
insurmountable barrier to the habitual use of them.
I shall pause for a moment, to make a few obser-
vations on the conduct of the Chinese in the
course of this warfare. They showed themselves
to be a people much beyond the Javanese in civili-
zation, as evinced in their superior enterprise, skill,
and energy of character. What we should be less apt
to reckon upon is their courage ; but in this qua-
lity, too, they much exceeded the Javanese. When
the two nations acted together, we find the Chinese,
and the Javanese themselves tell the story, not only
planning and directing every operation, but taking
the most active part in their execution, leading and

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. 36^

showing an example of intrepidity in every situa-
tion, of danger or difficulty. From the ambition
and enterprise shown by them on this occasion,
there is little doubt, but, in the absence of Euro-
peans, they would have made themselves masters of
the island, and, supported by the swarms of emi-
grants from China, have established a permanent
supremacy in it. Their abuse of the right of
conquest, and their violation of the laws of war,
were, however, still more flagrant than those of any
of the belligerent parties. They almost constantly
put their prisoners to death in cold blood ; and to
burn and ravage the country were certain attendants
upon their march. After a rapid series of advanta-
ges, for example, they entered Gartasura. The
prince had but just time to escape, and was forced
to abandon almost the whole of his family. The
Chinese, on this occasion, forcibly seized the females
and violated them, not excepting the queen-mo-
ther, and the wives of the Susunan. In the wan-
tonness of their brutality, they even made the un-
fortunate princesses dance naked before them !

In the year 1675 of the Javanese era, (A. D.
1749,) Fakuhu'wonoy the second of the name, was
succeeded by his son the third of the name. The
rebellion of Mangkubumi, already alluded to, which
commenced in the former reign, ended in this by a
schism in the native power, by which two equal sove-
reignties were established in the central districts

3GS SEQUEL OF JAVANESE, JIISTORy.

of the island, the same arrangemeiU which still
subsists. Of all the civil wars which had been
waged in Java for three centuries, this appears to
have been the most destructive and most tedious, for
twelve years'^ * desolation hardly terminated it. It
may be said to have Hown out of the Chinese re-
bellion, and the indiscreet and insulting violence
of the Dutch. The principal agents were the
Fa7igerans Mangkubumi and Mangkunagoro,
two men of intelligence and vigour of character su*
perior to what the history of Java usually presents.
Mangkubumi was possessed of great bravery, firm^
ness of purpose, and perseverance. Of the Dutch
and Susunan he repeatedly beat the united forces.
Mangkunagoro, w ith less discretion, had more per-
sonal enterprise. The Javanese describe him as
" a man wlio carried on a war fifteen years without
any wealth but his understanding ;" a sentiment
which they have versified, and are fond of repeat-
ing. It is clear, however, that they owed less to
the superiority of their own genius and resources,
than to the imbecility of their adversaries. The
persons entrusted with the conduct of the war on
the part of the Dutch, appear always to have been
deficient in military skill, and very frequently in
common courage. * We find them frequently de-
feated in the field, often surprised, and never pursu-
ing any advantage to a profitable result. Through
ignorance and mismanagement their troops were ex-*
* 11

SEQUEL OF JAVANESE HISTORY. S69

posed to the inclemencies of a tropical climate, and,
consequently, swept off in numbers. Desertions
were 'frequent even among the European troops,
who were often found fighting, a strange spectacle
in the history of Indian warfare, under the ban-
ners of the native enemy. The probability is,
that, had not their negociations and intrigues final-
ly accomplished what their arms were unequal to,
Mangkubumi would have subdued all the valua-
ble part of tlie island, and established a powerful
native sovereignty independent of their influence.
After a series of abortive attempts to negociate
with him, they at length succeeded, and in the
year ly-'^^ a treaty was concluded, by which the
heir of the ancient sovereignty was compelled to
yield to him one half of his dominions.

Mangkubumi and Mangkunagoro had at first
acted in concert, the latter receiving the daugh-
ter of the former in marriage, and serving
as his minister. These ambitious chiefs, how^
ever, were soon estranged from each other, and
Mangkunagoro parted with his father-in law, and
set up for independence. He held out long
after Mangkubumi had made his great bargain,
and was not pacified, in the end, until he obtained,
as a hereditary possession, a great estate or prin-
cipality of four thousand families, (A, J. 1685,
A. D. 1758.)

VOL. II. A a ^

370 SEQUEL OF JAVANEvSE HfSTORY.

The Susunan Pakubuwono was succeeded by hi»
son the reigning prince, in the Javan year 17 1^-^
(A. D. 17870

The fortunate rebel Mangkubumi established
his government at Yugyakarta, and died in the
Javan year I7I8, (A, D. 1791.) He was suc-
ceeded by his son, who was expelled by the Bri-
tish in the Javan year 1739, (A. D. 1812.) The
son and successor of this prince died after a short
reign of little more than two years, and was suc-
ceeded by the reigning prince, still a youth, A. J.
1743, (A.D. 1815.)

For a period of more than sixty years Java may
be said to have enjoyed one uninterrupted peace,
for the vigorous and prompt military movements,
deemed necessary by the French and British ad-
ministrations for the maintenance of the European
supremacy, which seemed falling out of the hands
of their predecessors, was unattended with waste of
life or property. *

* The materials of the histor}? of Java have been chiefly
collected from a variety of Javanese historical compositions in
the author's possession, which have been duly collated with
such European authorities as have fallen in his way.

CHAPTER VL

HISTORY OF THE MALAYS^

MenaHghahao in Sumatra^ the original seat of the Malaj^aa
Name and Naiian. — Malays^ emigrated to the Penin&ula. —
Native History of the Emigration. — Strictures and re-
marks on the Native Narrative. — Origin of the word
Malay — and of the terms JVmdward'and Leeward People,
— Malay Language and Name diffused through the Arcfit'
pelago by the First Colonyi, and not by the Parent StocL —
Why the Peninsula is denominated " the Land of the Ma^
lays" — Details of the History of each Tribe referred ti»
their particular heads..

J HE notices whicli we possess on this curious and
interesting subject are meagre and unsatisfactory,
for the Malays are still more ignorant of historical
composition than their neighbours the Javanese,
f and Europeans have had far less intercourse with

the primitive race.

The country which Europeans denominate the
Malay Peninsula, and which, by the natives them-
selves, is called ^^the land oj the Malays^'** has, from
its appearing to be wholly occupied by that people,
been generally considered as their original coun-
try. The country of Menanglmbao in Sumatra

* ** Tanah Malayii."

37^ HISTORY OF THE MALAYS.

is, however, beyond dispute, the parent country of
the Malay race. Menangkabao, contrary to all other
Malay states, is an inland country. Its original
limits to the eastern side of the island were the
great rivers of Palembang and Siak, and to the
west those of Manjuta and SingkeL As the trans-
action does not pretend to a very remote antiqui-
ty, we may credit the universal assertion of the
Malays tliemselves, though it would not be safe to
trust to the details which they furnish, that all
the Malayan tribes, wherever situated, emigrated,
directly or indirectly, from this parent establish-
ment. We are at first view struck with the im-
probability of an inland people undertaking a ma-
ritime emigration ; but their emigration, it will per-
haps appear, on a closer examination, may really be
ascribed to this peculiarity of situation. The coun-
try which the primitive Malayan race inhabits is
described as a great and fertile plain, well cultivat-
ed, and having a frequent and ready communica-
tion with the sea, by the largest rivers within the
bounds of the Archipelago. The probability, then,
is, that a long period of tranquillity, secured by
the supremacy which the people of Menangkabao
acquired over the whole island, occasioned a rapid
and unusual start in civilization and population, —
that the best lands became scarce, — and that, in
consequence, the swarm which founded Smgahpu-
ra in the Peninsula, was thrown off.

HISTORY OF THE MALAYS. S^S

Had the orio:inal tribe consisted of mere fisher-
men and navigators, their numbers would not have
increased so as to give rise to so striking an event
in their history.

The native details of the emigration, and which
I give on the authority of Van der Worm, Valen-
tin, and Mr Marsden, are briefly as follow, in the
words of the latter, History of Sumatra, p. 3^7 —
329 : — " Having chosen for their king or leader a
prince named Sri Turi Buwana^ who boasted his
descent from Iskander the great, and to whom, on
that account, their natural chief, Demang Lebar
Daun, submitted his authority, they emigrated un-
der his command about the year 1 1 60, to the south-
eastern extremity of the opposite Peninsula, named
Ujimg Tanaky where they were at first distinguish-
ed by the appellation of Ordng de-bawah Angina
or the Leeward people ; but in time the coast be-
came generally known by that of Tanah Malayu^
or the Malayan land.

** In this situation they built their first city,
which they called Singapura, and their rising con-
sequence excited the jealousy of the kings of Mo-
jopahit, a powerful state in the island of Java. To
Sri Turi Buwana, who died in 1208, succeeded
Faduka Pikaram TVira, who reigned fifteen years ;
to him Sri Rama Wikaram, who reigned thirteen,
and to him Sri Maharaja^ who reigned twelve.
His successor, Sri Iskandar Shah, was the last king

374< HISTOIIY OF THE MALAYS.

of Singapura. During three years he withstood
the forces of the king of Mojopahit -, but, in 1^52,
being hard pressed, he retired first to the north-
ward, and afterwards to the western coast of the
peninsula, where, in the following year, he found-
ed a new city, which, under his wise government,
became of considerable importance. To this he
gave the name of Malalm, from a fruit-bearing tree
so called, (mijrobolanuni,) found in abundance on
the hill, which gives natural strength to the situa-
tion. Having reigned here twenty-two years, be-
loved by his subjects and feared by his neighbours,
IsJimidar Shah died in 1^74, and was succeeded
by Sultan Magat, who reigned only two years. Up
to this period the Malayan princes were pagans.
Sultan Muhammed ShaJi^ who ascended the throne
1^6, was the first Mahometan prince, and, by the
propagation of his faith, acquired great celebrity
during a long reign of fifty- seven years. His in-
fluence appears to have extended over the neigh-
bouring islands of Ltngga and Bintan^ together
with JekoVf Fatani, Kedah, and Ferak, on the
coasts of the peninsula ; and Kampar^ and Aru in
Sumatra ; all of which acquired the appellative of
Malayu, although it was now more especially ap-
plied to Malacca,"

I shall oiler a ^ew strictures and remarks on this
narrative. We find in it the precise year of the
emigration, and other dates, when no proof exist*

HISTORY OF THE MALAYS. 375

tliat tlie Malays were ever possessed of a national
era or kalendai*. Arabian and Persian names and
titles are given to the Hindu sovereigns of a peo-
ple who had not yet embraced the Mahomedan re-
ligion. The reigns are unnaturally long. The new
establishment at Singapura is stated to have excited
the jealousy of the Javanese kingdom of Mojopa-
hit, before, according to Javanese record, Mojopa-
hit itself had any existence ; and the Malays are
stated to have been driven from Singapura by the
Javanese of Mojopahit, a transaction upon which
Javanese story is wholly silent.

Notwithstanding these suspicious circumstances
in the detail of events, the main points may be re-
lied upon, and we may conclude, — that an extensive
emigration took place from Sumatra to the extremi-
ty of the peninsula ; — that some Javanese drove the
settlers from Singapura to Malacca ; — that six sove-
reigns reigned before the conversion to Mahome-
danism ; — and that this event took place about the
year ITl^, in the reign of Mahomed Shah, for
now the Mahomedans may claim the prerogative
of imposing their own names, and determining
datos by their peculiar kalendar.

Prom facts brought forward in the above narra-
tive, we are enabled to ofler plausible conjectures
respecting the name of the Malayan tribes. One
of the four great tribes into which the parent race
is subdivided is called Malay u. It was this, as Mr

376 HISTORY OF THE MALAYS.

Marsden ingeniously observes, that probably fur-
nished the first adventurers to the peninsula, and
who bestowed their name on the rising colony, the
prosperi^^y and greatness of which were destined to
eclipse the fame of the parent state. This, I have
no doubt whatever, is the true etymology of the
word Malayu.

It appears that the new colony was at first dis-
tinguished by the appellation of the Leeward peO'
pie, while the parent state were denominated the
Windward people. This meteorological distinc-
tion appears to me to have reference to the wester-
ly or boisterous monsoon ; Barat, in the Javanese
language, is the general term for wind. In Malay
it is the west wind, or, as would be said in our
more expressive language, the wind. The use of
this correlative language to describe the parent
state and the colony, was afterwards dropped, and
used more comprehensively, the Windward coun-
tries being all those to the west of the country of
the Malays, but particularly India and Arabia,
those with which the Malays had most intercourse;.
It was from the colony, and not the parent stock,
that the Malayan name and nation were so wixiely
disseminated over the Archipelago. Singapura,
Malacca, and Jehor, colonized the islands Lingga
and Bintan, Kampar and Aru on Sumatra, Bor-
neo on the great island of that nam«, and all the
states which exist on the Malay peninsula* This

.HISTORY OF THE MALAYS. 377

last country was found by them almost unoccupied,*
or inhabited scantily by two miserable races, who
readily gave way to their superior power and civi-
lization. The peninsula is the only great country
of the Archipelago wholly occupied by this race ;
for, in a general view, the miserable tribes of sa-
vages need not be considered, and it is therefore
no wonder that it should have assumed the general
name of the country of the Malays, and that stran-
gers should have naturally looked upon it as the
primitive seat of the Malayan name and nation, t

* There is one circumstance mentioned by the Portuguese
writers, which would seem lo throw considerable doubt on this
circumstance. Albuquerque wanted stones to build the forti-
■fication, and found near Maliicca abundant materials in the
tombs of ancient kings. But eight Malay kings only had reign-
ed at Malacca, whose tombs, even had it been the practice,
which it was not, to erect splendid tombs to the Malayan
kings, either Mahomedan or Hindu, would not have supplied
materials for an extensive fortification. The supposed tombs
were probably Hindu temples ; and if they were Hindu tem-
ples, there must have been a Hindu population.
. + The authorities quoted by Valentyn for the history of the
Malays, are three works, one called Malcuta segala Rajarajaj
"the crown of all kings;" another, Panurunan segala Raja'
raja^ " the descent of all kings ;" and a third, caller! Hang
Tuah, He calls these books ^Hhree jeixels" 0\ the last he says,
" I know not who is the author of the book Hang Tuah, but
must declare that it is one of the most beautifully written
works I ever perused." This favourite of Valentyn is the only
QHQ «f the three which I have perused, and I have seen several

37S HISTORY OF THE MALAYS.

As we are in possession of no full and connect-
ed narrative of the history of any of the Malay
states, and as, since their first separation, all have
been generally independent, it will be out of place
here to attempt any narrative of their affairs, for
the little that is known will be detailed to more
advantage under the particular head of each state.

copies of it. To ray taste it is a most absurd and puerile pro-
duction. It contains no historical fact upon which the slight-
est reliance can be placed ; no date whatever ; and if we ex-
cept the faithful picture of native mind and manners which it
uiiconsciously affords, is utterly worthless and contemptible.

CHAPTER VII.

HISTORY OF CELEBES.

The Records ef the People of Celebes more limited and im^
perfect than those of the Javanese. — Four hundred years,
the utmost limit (^probable history among the Bugis, the
■principal tribe, — General Remarks on the early History of
Celebes. — Celebes never ^united as one Empire — People of
"Celebes Hindus before they adopted the Mahomedan Reli^
gion. — Macassars begin to keep Historical Records. — Their
progress in the tnost vulgar of the useful arts very recent. —
History of the Conversion to Mahomedanism. — Macassars
attack Boni. — The latter being conquered, accepi the Ma-
homedan Religion. — A Religious Persecution^ and the sirb-
gular circumstances attending it. — The Macassars attack
tlie Kingdom of Boni and reduce it to a province. — The
people (f Boni rebel^ — are conquered, and reduced to
slavery. — The Goa Macassars conquer a great part of Cele-
les, and extend their arms and commerce to the neighbour^
ing Islands. — They come in contact vnth the Dutch raonopo'
lists, and War ensues. The Macassars are defeated o^
Butunsr Uiith sjeat loss. — Boni revolts, and is oorain sub"

* dued. — The Dutch conquer Goa Macassar, and the tribii-
iary natioris are emancipated. — Refections on the Power of
the Macassars. — Raja Paiaka is tnade King of Boni, and
acquires the supremacy of Celebes, under the iffuence of the
IXutck. — General Reflections^ — Various Rebellions,

As the natives of Celebes are less civilized tliari
those of Java, so are their historical records mort

380 HISTORY OF CELEBES.

limited and imperfect. Javanese dates will carry
us back with tolerable certainty for GOO years'; we
cannot presume on going any farther than four
hundred with the history of Celebes. The Bugis
tribes had a peculiar kalendar, but no era until they
adopted that of the Christians and Mahomedans.
It seems to have been their practice, like the Chi-
nese, to reckon time by the reigns of their mo-
narchs. The first positive date to which we can
refer, is that of the arrival of the Portuguese in
15 1£, the year after they conquered Malacca. Of
the kings of Goa Macassar, there have reigned in
all, down to the year 1809, thirty-nine sovereigns,
which, by the rule of assignmg twenty years to each,
adopted in European calculation, would indeed
carry us back no less than seven hundred and eighty
years. So long a duration for each reign in the
barbarous state of society on Celebes, and with the
turbulent and elective monarchies which obtain, will,
on examination, be found far too great. Among
the 28 sovereigns who have reigned at Goa Macas-
sar since the arrival of the Portuguese for example,^
three were deposed, two resigned their crowns, three
abdicated, and o/ze was assassinated. From the acces-
sion of the first prince, the commencement of whose
reign is accurately determined to the year 1588, down
to 1809, there have reio;ned 1 7 kings, the average of
whose reigns gives exactly 13 years, which, making
allowance for the circumstances of the country, is.

HISTORY OF CELEBES. S8l

in my judgment, fully enough for the whole period
of Macassar history. At the rate of 13 years for
each reign, the whole period will be 416 years,
which carries us back to the last years of the
fourteenth century of Christ. The very names of
the sovereigns point at the anarchy and disorder
which belongs to the state of society. In their re-
cords the princes are usually designated by the
place or circumstances under which they died. The
uncertain and wandering life which they led, and
the want of a fixed residence, must have given rise
to the practice of naming them from the place of
their death, for the occupation of a permanent seat
of government w^ould soon have rendered this no
distinction. One person is recognised under the
amiable name of *' throatcutler." One is called
** he who run a muck,^^ Another, " he who was
decapitated ;" a fourth, " he who was beat to
death on his own staircase ;" and a fifth, as if it
were a rare occurrence, " he who died reigning,"
that is, who died a natural death.

The more civilized portion of the inhabitants of
Celebes are divided, as already mentioned, into
two great tribes, the Macassars and Bugis, and
each of these again subdivided into a number of
petty nations, among whom that of Goa^ with the
Macassars, and that of Boni, with the Bugis, have
for many ages been the most considerable. These
two, in different periods of the history of the island,

38£ HISTORY OF CELEBES*

have exercised a permanent authority over the
smaller tribes. A brief sketch of their history will
comprise all that is interesting or valuable in the
history of Celebes. It is hardly necessary to say,,
that there is no record, nor evidence drawn from the
state of society, that can entitle us to infer, that
the whole island was ever united as one great mo-
narchy.

Pl'evious to their adopting the Mahomedan re-
ligion, the inhabitants of Celebes professed the
same Hinduism with the more western tribes of
the Archipelago, and just as we find to be the
ease in the legends of the Javanese, Batara Guru,
a local name of Siwa, is described as the first of
their kings. The civilization of the Hindus seems^
however, to have made very smallprogress in Celebes.
The soil is not peculiarly inviting by its fertility^
— the manners of the people are ferocious, — ^the
distance is great, — and the country produces none
of those costly luxuries^ which alone in a rude
state of commerce afford a profitable trade. These^
it is probable, were the circumstances which re-
stricted the intercourse between Celebes and West-
ern India. It was not until the very reign in which
the Portuguese arrived, that the Macassar nation
began, by their own account, to keep any record
of their principal transactions ^ and it is by no
means improbable that this was suggested to them
by their European visitors, who seem always tf

HISTORY OF CELEBES. 383

have cultivated a more intiinate connection with
the natives of India than any other of the adven-
turers of Europe to the east.

In the next reign, we are expressly told in the
Macassar annals, that cannon were first intro*
duced, and the art of manufacturing gunpowder
acquired. In these we can be at no loss to guess
at their instructors. We are more surprised to
find that the vulgar art of burning bricks was not
known until this time, a fact which illustrates, in
the clearest manner, the previous rude condition of
the arts, and the little useful intercourse which sub-
sisted with strangers. The origin of a commercial in-
tercourse with foreigners in the same reign, is im-
plied by the regulation ascribed to it for determining
weights and measures, and by the striking, for the
first time, of a national coin. The violence and dis-
order which reigned maybe implied from the follow-
ing story, gravely told in their writings. A merchant
of Java having come to Macassar to settle, present-
ed the king with some European broad-cloth, and
Indian cottons, and requested, in return, the four
following boons for himself and his companions,
— That his house should not be forcibly entered,
— that the inclosure which surrounded it should
not be broke down, — that the individuals of his fa-
milies should not be seized as slaves, — and that his
property should not be confiscated !

What we hear of in the annals of the people of
Celebes consist of nothing but constant wars^

5S4t HISTORY OF CELEBES.

petty conquests made, and soon lost, with perj>c-
tiial anarchy and violence. The character of the
people and their rulers seem to have acquired a new
energy on the adoption of the Mahomedan reli-
gion. As early as the year i5I2, when the Por-
tuguese first visited Macassar, they found among
them a few Mahomedans, but it was not until near
a century afterwards that the religion of Mahomed
was generally adopted. * The principal agents in
the conversion were inhabitants of various Malay

* *' To return to the king of Macassar, you must know that
the Jesuits once endeavoured to convert him ; and perhaps
they might have brought it to pass, had they not negkcted one
proposal which he made them. For at the same time that the
Jesuits laboured to bring him to Christianity, the Mahomedans
used all their endeavours to oblige him to stick to their law.
The king, willing to leave his idolatry, yet not knowing which
part to take, commanded the Mahomedans to send for two or
three of their most able MouUas, or doctors, from Mecca ; and
the Jesuits he ordered to send him as many of the most learn-
ed among them, that he might be instructed in botli religions,
vhich they both promised to do. But the Mahomedans were
more diligent than the Christians, for in eight months they
fetched from Mecca two leafned Moulias; whereupon the
king seeing that the Jesuits sent nobody to him, embraced the
IMahomedan law. True it is, that three years after there
came two Portugal Jesuits, but then it was too late." — Taver-
nier, Part 2. Book 3. There is some foundation for this story,
but I have generally found Tavernier a superficial and un-
faithful narrator.

HISTOilY OP CELEBES. SSS

States in Sumatra and the Peninsula ; and the most
renowned i^Aa/i^ Tungal, a native of Menangkabao,
commonly known by the name of Dutu Bandang\
The tomb of this person is still to be seen in the
principality of T.a//o. Kraing Matonaga^ the king
of this little state, always confederated with Goa, was
the most zealous champion of the new faith, and it
was through his influence that about the year 1605,
in the reign o^ RiGaukanay it was generally adopted
by all the tribes speaking the ikf<r;ca,S5d?r language. It
was but ten years after this event that our country-
men appeared at Goa, and in the treaty they con-
cluded, we discover the jealousy of the king towards
the religion of the strangers ; for one clause ex*
pressly provides, " that the English shall not convert
any of the inhabitants of Celebes to their religion.'*
Inspired by the zeal of the new faith, the Ma-
cassars attacked Boni and Waju^ and forced them to
adopt the Mahomedan religion. On this occasion
the king of Goa is described as having made an
offer to the king of Boni, to consider him in all
respects as his equal, if he would but vs^orshlp " the
one true God,'^ The prince of Boni consulted the
people, who said, " We have not yet fought, we
have not been conquered/' They tried the issue
of a battle, and were defeated. The king adopted
the Mahomedan religion, but the conversion of his
people was for a time but nominal.

VOL. II. 8 b

886 HISTORY OP CELEBES.

In the year 1640, Lamadarama^ king of Bani^
commenced a religious persecution of his own sub-
jects, and to impose the Mahomedan religion upon
the smaller states, his neighbours, by force. A
singular scene ensued. The people applied to the
Macassars of Goa for assistance and protection, and
the principal emissary was the king's own mother.
l^i Fapang Batuna, king of Goa, sent ambassadors
to Boni, who were instructed to demand an answer
to the three following questions, — Whether the
king, in his persecution, w^as instigated by^ par-
ticular revelation from the Prophet, — or whether
he paid obedience to some ancient custom, — or fol-
lowed his own personal pleasure ? If for the first
reason, the king of Boni requested information ;
if for the second, he* should have his cordial co-
operation ; if for the third, he must desist, Jor
those whom he presumed to oppress were the
^friends of Goa, The king of Boni made no re-
ply, and the Macassars having marched a great
army into the country, defeated him in three suc-
cessive battles, forced him to fly the country, and
reduced Boni into a province, leaving a viceroy
for its government. The people of Boni, and other
Bugis states, we see, were not fully converted at
this time, so that we may conclude that the pro-
pagation of Mahomedanism was the slow and gra-
dual work of a century and a half The instru-
ments throudi which the conversioi;! was brought

HISTORY OF CFXEBES. # 387

about were of the lowest order, and on this ac-
count, perhaps, the fitter for their occupation. No
extraordinary exertion seems for a long time to
have been made in behalf of the new religion.
An abhorrence of innovation, and a most pertina-
cious and religious adherence to ancient custom,
distinguish- the people of Celebes beyond all the
other tribes of the eastern isles ; and these would,
at first, prove the most serious obstacles to the dis-
semination of Mahomedanism. It was this, proba-
bly,* which deferred the adoption of the new reli-
gion for so long a period, and till it had recommend-
ed itself by wearing the garb of antiquity. Inde-
pendent of the mere effect of habit, it is not pro-
bable that the ancient religion of Celebes was one
which laid a deep hold of the imagination of its vo-
taries.

Three years after the conquest of Boni, or in
the year 1643, the Boni people rebelled, and a
large force being sent against them, they were sub-
dued, and, according to the custom of the coun-
try, reduced to a state of bondage, being deprived
of every privilege of an independent people. From
the conversion of the Macassar state to Mahomedan-
ism, in 1 603, it had been engaged in a rapid career
of conquest, for the Macassars not only rendered
tributary to them the principal states on Celebes,
but carried their arms to Sambawa, the Xiilla Isles,
Butting, and other countries. This brought them

388 HISTORY OF CELEBES.

in contact with the Dutch power, for, in the year
1655, they destroyed the Dutch establishment on
Butung, in effecting the conquest of that island.
In the year i660, the Dutch, determining to be
revenged, sent a powerful force against the Ma-
cassars, and, notwithstanding they were assist-
ed by the Portuguese, defeated them in several
actions, and dictated a peace to them.

!No permanent establishment was at this time
formed by the Dutch, and the Macassars being
left without control, and weakened by their for-
mer defeats, resolved to retrieve their losses,
and fittod out a great fleet of boats and vessels,
amounting to iOO, which carried an army of
20,000 men. This is the greatest maritime expe-
dition of which I have heard in any period of the
history of the Indian islands, and calculated to
give us a high opinion of the power of the Ma-
cassar state. It made an easy conquest of Butung
and the XulJa Isles, and was on the point of at-
tempting the conquest of the Moluccas, when it
was encountered at Butung by a force fitted out
at Batavia, under Admiral Speelman, and totally
overthrown.

Previous to this expedition the people of Boni
had once more rebelled, and were once more defeat-
ed. Many of the princes had fled the country and
joined the Dutch, among whom the principal was
Evja Falaka, afterwards kmg of Boni. A series

HISTORY OF CELEBES. 889

of disasters and defeats forced the Macassars to
make a peace, which emancipated all the tributary
nations, and put a stop to the conquests and great-
ness of the Macassars. But, for the interference
of the Europeans, it is nojt improbable that the en-
terprising state of Macassar would have founded,
on this occasion, a more extensive and niore po-
tent state than had ever existed before in that part
of the Archipelago. The convenience of the port,
and the energy of the government, attracted to it,
during the period it flourished, a considerable com-
merce, and we discover the native traders of the Ar-
chipelago, the European nations, and the maritnne
nations of continental Asia, resQrting to it as a
great emporium.

Raja Falaka, the ambitious and enterprising
chief who had fled to the Dutch, and who was the
great instrument in the conquest of Celebes, was
raised to the throne in the year 1 67 "^2, and render-
ed tributary to him, while he himself was under
the influence of the Dutch, all the considerable
states of Celebes, and from this period the state of
Boni assumed the place of the conquered Macas-
sars, giving law to Celebes. From the time of this
arrangement, the history of the island has consist-
ed of a series of rebellions, for neither the European
nor native paramount authority have had power or
skill to preserve order or tranquilliiy. The com-
mercial monopoly of the Europeans has destroyed

390 HISTORY OF CELEBES.

trade, and proved no benefit to any party, while •
the natives have not borrowed one useful improve-
ment from their masters, but continue to this day
the same ferocious semibarbarians which we found
them when we first interposed in their politics,
more than a century and a half ago.

The particulars of the story of Celebes, from the
establishment of the ascendancy of Boni and the
Dutch, are detailed at sufficient length in the chro-
nological table ; and it would be unprofitable to insist
upon them at a greater one in this place. The most
considerable of the rebellions alluded to are those
of Bontolangkasa and of Sangldlang. That of the
first desolated the country five years, and it re-
quired the utmost exertions of the Dutch authori-
ties at Batavia to prevent the enterprising and gal-
lant chief from subduing the whole island, and ex-
pelling the Europeans. The rebeiiion <?f Sanghu
lang was still more ruinous, for it lasted during the
almost incredible period of sixteen years, yet such
was the obscurity of the adventurer, that his birth,
parentage, or country, could never be ascertained. *

. * The mateiials of this short sketch of the history of Ce-
lebes were obtained by the author, when at Macassar, in
18 14. They consist of the manuscript memoir of a Governor
Bloii, written in 1759, a judicious performance; and of se-
veral native writings, both in the Bugis and Macassar lan-
guage, of which translations were made into the Malay for
the author's use. The originals are in his possession.

CHAPTER VIII.

PORTUGUESE HISTORY OF THE ARCHIPELAGO.

General remarks on the intercourse of European nations tvith
the Indian Islanders. — First appearance of the Portuguese
under Seqiieira. — Albuquerque conquers Malacca. — Wealth
obtained by the Conquerors. — Military character of the
Malays at the time of the conquest. — Account of the Po-
licy pursued by Albuquerque for re-establishing Malacca,
— Conduct of the neighbouring Princes — Character of
the Policy pursued by the Portuguese in the Indian
Archipelago during their possession of Malacca. — Albtc
querque sends D'Abreu to the Moluccas, — Serrano one of
his officers, is shipwrecked, and hospitably entertained by
the Inhabitants. — De Britto, toith a squadron of nine shiys,
makes a permanent establishment in the Moluccas^ and is
the frst Governor. — He forthwith enters upon the scene of
iniquity and crime which characterized the whole duration
of the Portuguese yoke. — The Administration of Antonio
Galvan, the only exception in a period of sixty years.^^
Circumstances to which so aggravated a degree of misrule
ought to be ascribed^

1 HE object of the four following chapters is to fur-
nish a brief sketch of the history of European na-
tions in the Indian Archipelago, in the course of
which, the principal aim is to illustrate the efforts

39^ PORTUGUESE HISTORY

which their domination has produced on the charac-^
ter and destinies of the native inhabitants, and not
to furnish a detail of the revolting and disgusting
scenes of colonial intrigue, a topic, which, even
were it compatible with the nature of my under-
taking, would little interest the greater class of
readers*

The power of European nations has been felt or
established in the Indian islands for more than three
centuries, and although its influence has not been
co-extensive with its duration, it has, upon the
whole, produced effects essential and important. It
is instructive to contemplate the difference which has
characterized the policy pursued by European na-
tions in these countries, and in America, which
became known to Europeans nearly about the same
time. Avarice was the main spring of their policy
with respect to both countries, but it took a differ-
ent direction, and was differently modified accord-
ing tp the circumstances in which they found the
nations which occupied them. The gold of America
was soon exhausted ; — the persecution of the natives
which followed the search of it soon ceased ; — the
Americans had no rich commerce to persecute ; —
their soil furnished no productions on which Euro-
peans put an extraordinary estimate ; — colonization
was consequently early resorted to, and consequently
the prosperity of America has been comparatively
great and progressive. The Indian islands, on the

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 9Q^

•contrary, were found to have an industrious and com-
mercial population, and abounded in highly prized
commodities peculiar to themselves. The attainment
of these commodities by violent means, and not the
search for gold, became naturally the object of the
European adventurers of all nations. The pro-
secution of the same object has continued down
to the latest period to actuate their policy ; a
systematic injustice which has, in every period of
the European connection, generated a train of
evils and misfortunes to the native inhabitants, of
which no other portion of mankind has been so
long the victim.

The rich commerce of the east was a kind of by-
word in Europe. The Phenicians, the Egyptians,
and the Venetians, owed, indeed, their prosperity
to it, but their monopoly of it was alone a legitimate
one, for it sprung from their superior wealth, skill,
ingenuity, and geographical advantages, and violence
had no share in it. The moment the passage to
India by the Cape of Good Hope was discovered,
the character of the commercial intercourse with
India underwent a complete revolution. The
spices, and other productions of Asia, had before
reached Europe by a route difficult and circuitous
from the ignorance of the times, and the barbarism
of those who transported them, and of the nations
through whose dominions the t^^ade liad to pass ;
but still the commerce wiis as free as the barbari-

SDlf PORTUGUESE HISTORY

ty of the times could admit, and the commodities
were obtained at their natural price, the cost of
bringing them to market. Tlio Europeans, able,
by the passage round the Cape, to appear in force
at the very sources of production, began from the
first moment to exact the produce of the country at
inadequate prices ; and could the nature of the pro-
ductions which excited their avarice have admit-
ted, like the gold of America, of being directly
pillaged, they would not have scrupled to have done
so. This is the conduct which every European
nation has actually pursued, and the principle
which unfortunately still continues to be acted
upon.

The state of society which existed in Europe at
the moment of the discovery of the Indian islands
was, of all others, the worst for the unfortunate na-
tives of the Archipelago. -Could we suppose the
Europeans of the darker and more barbarous ages
to have achieved the conquest of these islands, we
can readily imagine them either to have made a pre-
datory incursion, and abandoned the country,
or a thorough conquest, colonized it, and mix-
ed and assimilated with the inhabitants, render-
ing the evils of conquest of temporary duration.
But the Indies were discovered at the first dawn
of commercial enterprise, when mercantile cupi-
dity had just awakened, but before trade had had
time to produce its legitimate effects, humanity

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO* 535

and civilizatioij, — at a moment when religious
bigotry was at its height, — ^when the manners
were rude and ferocious, — and when the progress
of civilization had gone Jar enough to give the
Europeans 3uch a superiority in arts and arms as
to make them despise their feeble enemies, with-
out going so Jar as to inspire them with the huma-
nity or generosity to use that superiority with jus-
tice or moderation. In our age, the cruelty and
ferocity of the soldier is moderated and restrained
towards an enemy by the humanity and genero-
sity of the officer, In the periods to which I al-
lude, the vulgar passion of revenge pervaded every
rank ; and we discover the leader and the soldier
actuated alike by them in their intercourse with the
Indians. In regard to religion, the Europeans of
those times hated all who differed from them, and
those of an opposite worship they considered as not
entitled to the common benefits of humanity. As the
immediate and avowed object of their encroachments
was not glory or ambition, but the mean and sordid
vice of avarice, we feel less sympathy for their crimes
than for those of less interested conquerors and
tyrants. At the same time, it ought, perhaps,
to be considered, that the vices and crimes of the
European conquerors of India and America ap-
pear to us in colours particularly odious, chiefly,
because the art of printing has furnished us with
ample records of their transactions, — a disadvan-

596 POllTUGUESE HISTORY

tage under which the reputation dof their prede-
cessors does not labour.

Such was the character of the people, who, in
the progress of knowledge and discovery, invaded
the happiness, and tranquillity, and independence,
of the Indian islanders.

The Portuguese reached the Indian islands ten
years after Vasco di Gania had doubled the Cape
of Good Hope, and reached the continent of India.
In the year 1508, Emanuel, king of Portugal, fit-
ted out a squadron of four ships, under the com-
mand of Diego Lopez di Sequeira, which reached
the Indian Archipelago in the following year,
touching first at Fedir and Pase, in Sumatra, and,
finally, reaching Malacca, Mahomed, the king of
which place, having heard of the outrages commit-
ted by the Portuguese, from the merchants of West-
em India, determined to lay a snare for Sequeira^
which the Portuguese commander escaped, but not
without the death of some of his crew, and the
captivity of others. If we except the accidental
visits of Marco Polo, Mandeville, and others, Se-
queira may be looked upon as the proper discoverer
of the Indian Archipelago.

In the year 1511, the renowned Alphonzo Al-
buquerque, the viceroy of the Indies, with a fleet
of nineteen ships, and fourteen hundred men,
six hundred of whom were natives of Malabar,
sailed for Malacca, which he reached on the
1st day of July of that year. Albuquerque's

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. §97

pretended object was to be revenged on the
king for his perfidy towards Sequeira, but it
was the spirit of rapine and conquest that, in
truth, propelled him to the undertaking. Ma-
homed was still on the throne, and at war with
the king of Siam, who had marched forty thousand
men against him. From this formidable invasion,
Mahomed had the dexterity to extricate himself
by stratagem. Fearing the revenge of the Portu-
guese for his conduct towards Sequeira, he had
called in the aid of the king of the neighbouring
state of Fahang, who came to his assistance with a
large iorce ; so that, when he was attacked by
Albuquerque, he had a garrison of thirty thousand
men to manitain his independence.

Notwithstanding this, he made an attempt to
negociate which failed. Albuquerque demanded
the Portuguese prisoners, and Mahomed com-
phed. i he viceroy rose m his claims, demanding
ground to build a ibrt, and reimbursement for the
expences incurred on account of his own expedi-
tion, and that of Sequeira. Ihe king rejected
these insolent and unreasonable propositions, and
prepared himself for the worst. 1 our-and-twenty
days appear to have been .>pent in this fruitless
negociation, for it was not until the ^4th of July
that the Portuguese force ellected a landing. The
plan of attack was to htorui the town in two divi-
sions, which^ marching along the banks of the river.

•

S98 PORTUGUESE HISTORY

were to join at the bridge, which unites the tW3
parts of the town. The principal defences of tne
enemy were at that bridge. It was fortified by
artillery, by a wooden tower, and by ditches. The
Portuguese met with little resistance until they ar-
rived at this place, which was defended by Aladin
the hereditary prince, and by his brother-in-law
the king of Pahaiig, The viceroy led one of the
divisions in person, stormed and carried the bridge.
Don John de Lima commanded the other, and was
opposed by Aladin and the king of Pahang in front,
while the king of Malacca in person, mounted on
an elephant, and supported by others, fell upon his
rear. The Portuguese opened their ranks for the
elephants, turned round and wounded them with
their lances. These* timid animals, as usual, took
fright, and becoming unmanageable, trode down the
ranks of their own combatants, and threw all into
disorder. De Lima, without meeting further re-
sistance, then proceeded to join Albuquerque, at the
bridge. The action was well-contested, and bloody
at least on one side. Albuquerque, although he had
gained the bridge, was not in a condition to profit
by his success. He had no supply of provisions,
and his troops were exhausted with fatigue,
heat, and thirst. He, therefore, prudently retired
in the course of the night to his fleet, determined
to renew the attack under more favourable circumr
,^tanees. Mahomed, as usual with barbaj-ians,

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 899

construed the retreat of the Portuguese into fear ;
but, notwithstanding this impression, prudently oc-
cupied his time in strengthening the town, by making
trendies across the streets, and strewing the avenues
with poiso7ied caltrops. After some delay, and
preparing a vessel to accompany the army with a
supply of water and provisions, he renewed the
attack. The Portuguese carried the entrench-
ments of the town with enthusiastic bravery ; and,
passing the bridge, the governor-general in per-
son stormed an entrenched position in the prin-
cipal street, where the chief force of the enemy was
stationed, and where they made a gallant but in-
effectual resistance.

Albuquerque now gave his attention to for-
tifying the bridge, from whence he sent de-
tachments into the town, which still continued t#
resist, with orders to put the inhabitants to the
sword. These orders were strictly executed, and
the streets and rivers were choked with the
dead bodies of the massacred inhabitants. The
king abandoned his palace in the course of the
night ; and for three days the city was given up
to plunder. The riches obtained in it, by the Por-
tuguese accounts, were immense. The fifth part
of the booty, which was the king's share, amount-
ed to two hundred thousand crusados of gold.*

* li there be any truth in this account^ we may conclude.

400 PORTUGUESE HISTORY

The king of Malacca, driven from his capital,
posted himself on the river Muara^ within a* few
miles of the town, where he attempted to entrench
himself, but was pursued and attacked by Albu-
querque, who drove him from his position, cap-
turing his baggage and elephants. The Por-
tuguese were thus left in tranquil possession o^
Malacca.

Such is the detail of the first and greatest eifort
of the natives of the Archipelago to resist the in-
vasion of the European nations. The particu-
lars now given will supersede the repetition of
any similar narrative, and will illustrate the cha-
racter of the unequal contest which the inhabitants
of those islands maintained against the skill and
courage of Europeans. Eight hundred Europeans,
with six hundred Indian auxiliaries, arriving in
an unknown country, capture an entrenched town,
defended by thirty thousand native warriors, with
the loss of eighty of their number, and surround-
ed by hostile tribes, maintain themselves in their
conquest. This fact is decisive. Whatever the Por-
tuguese may tell us of the greatness and difficulty

that tlie wealth obtained consisted of the spices brought to
Malacca a»the entrepot of the tradC;, articles of little compara-
tive value in the country, but estimated by the Portuguese at
their then extravagant price in Europe Oi jewels and precious
stones it is not to be supposed that much would have escaped
the rapacity of a licentious soldiery in the sack of a town.

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 401

of the undertaking, the enterprise must have been
one of comparative facility. The Malays, when they
first encountered the Europeans, had some know-
ledge of fire-arms and artillery ; and the Portuguese
writers have a fabulous story of there having been
found in the town of Malacca three thousand pieces
of cannon.* That they had the knowledge of gun-
powder and fire-arms, there can be no doubt, but
the unskilful use of fire-arms with barbarous tribes,
who always want the art of fabricating them to any
useful purpose, and the discipline to use them ef-
fectually, inevitably renders them a more easy prey
to an European enemy, than when they confine
themselves to the weapons more natural to their
condition in society, which are always sufficiently
well fabricated, and wielded with effect and dex-
terity.

Having given a detail of the conquest of Ma-
lacca, I shall now render some account of the mea-

* " A propos de quoi je ne puis me lenir de faire une re-
maique, fort necessaire pour bien entendre les relations dcs
pais eloignez. Cest que les mots de bon, de beau, de magnl-
Jique, de gra?id, de mawvais^ de laidy de simple^ de petit, equi-
voques d'eux-memes, se doivent toujours entendre par rap-
poTt au goftt de I'auteur de la relation, si d'ailleurs il
n*explique bien en detail ce dent il ecrit. Par example, si un
Facteur HoUandois, ou un Moine de Portugal, exagerent la
magnificence,'' «StC. Siam, parDe la Loubere, Tom, II. p. 107.
VOL, II, C C

402 PORTUGUESE HISTORY

sures pursued by Albuquerque, the greatest and
wisest of the Portuguese conquerors of India, to
secure this acquisition ; and from the spirit of his
regulations, we may gather how little can be looked
for in the sequel from meaner agents. To secure his
possession, he built a strong citadel, and, with the
religious zeal which belonged to his age, one of
his first cares was the construction of a church.
Malacca, at the moment of the conquest, consisted
of a mixed population of Mahomedan natives, Pagan
natives, Mahomedans of Western India, and Ma-
homedan Javanese. Of the first and third classes,
those who were not massacred in the sack of the
town, or did not follow the fortunes of their natu-
ral prince, were condemned, without exception, to
slavery, Albuquerque saw Malacca an useless and
dreary solitude, and resolved to repeople it with
strangers. He, for this purpose, pursued the
wise and salutary conduct of leaving the natives
to their domestic laws and usages. He intrust-
ed Raja Utimutis, a Javanese chief, with the ad-
ministration of the Mahomedan part of the popu-
lation, and Ninachetuan"^ over the Pagan portion,
the former an ambitious chief, who long aimed at
the sovereignty of Malacca, and the latter, one

* These names are neither of them native, but Portuguese
corruptions of genuine names, which are so altered that
cannot guess at them.

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 403

who befriended the Portuguese from his hatred to
the Mahomedan religion.

The Portuguese provoked their enemies, and dis-
gusted or persecuted their friends. Albuquerque
gave the first example. Utimutis, on pretext of a
conspiracy, was, with his son, son-in-law, and ne-
phew, publicly and relentlessly executed by hiixi.
Ninachetuan, two years afterwards, was deprived of
his office unjustly, and publicly sacrificed himself
on a funeral pile, a solemn ceremony, conformable,
it seems, to the religion he professed. His suc-
cessor, the Rc0a of Kampar, with hardly a suspi-
cion against his reputation and fidelity, was put to
death very soon after his accession to his office.
By the same suspicious policy, Patiquiter^ a Java-
nese chief, was driven into rebellion, and afterwards
proved one of the most formidable enemies of the
Portuguese power.

Albuquerque, notwithstanding the violence of
his proceedings in the case of Utimutis, pursued
some politic measures for repeopling Malacca with
strangers. He made a pompous display of mag-
nificence, coined a gold, silver, and tin coin, and,
after the manner of the East, dazzled the people
by distributing money in a public procession, a
juggle not without its influence on the imagina-
tions and opinions of the people for whom he was
legislating.

The kings of the surrounding countries, from

4015 PdllTUGUESE HISTORY

fe<ar, interest, or astonishment at the novel event,
sent Albuquerque ambassadors to congratulate him
on his victory. In this manner came ambassa-
dors from Siam and Pegu, from the kings of Java,
and from those of Sumatra. Albuquerque sent
ambassadors, in return, to these different countries,
but the spice trade was what chiefly excited his cu-
pidity, and Antonio D' Abreu was dispatched to the
Moluccas. Among the princes who thus sent mis-
sions to Albuquerque, the king of Siam, from his
power and vicinity, deserves particular notice. He
thanked Albuquerque for his chastisement of a re-
hellious subject, a fact from which we learn that
Malacca, like the rest of the Malayan Peninsula,
was considered as tributary to Siam.

All that can interest the reader in the story of
Malacca, until it fell into the hands of the Hol-
landers, a period of a hundred and thirty years,
may be told in a few words. The Portuguese of
Malacca, as they are painted by the historians of
their own country, in dissoluteness of morals, in
rapacity and faithlessness, were second only to those
of the Moluccas. By their violence and perfidy
they provoked the hostility of all the neighbouring
nations. The legitimate possessors of Malacca,
the Malays of Jehor, Bintan, or Ujung-tanah, be-
sieged or blockaded the city, during the one hun-
dred and thirty years of Portuguese possession six
times, — the king of Achin seven times, — the Ja-

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 405

vaiiese three times, — and the Dutch twice. On
many occasions it was reduced, by famine and epi-
demic disease, to the last degree of distress. Ma-
lacca scarce ever exceeded the limits which the first
conquest established. This distant post was ne-
glected by the viceroys of India, amidst the multi-
plicity of their engagements to the "west. Notwith-
standing these disadvantages, and the pernicious
exercise of commercial functions by the sovereign au-
thority, the natural advantages of the place as a com-
mercial emporium, a considerable freedom of com-
merce in the place itself, and the active enterprise of
the Javanese, the people of Celebes, the Chinese and
Japanese, not yet compelled, by the violence of Eu-
ropean invasion and encroachment, to withdraw
from commercial pursuits, Malacca continued to
maintain its commercial reputation. After Or-
mus and Goa, it was still the first commercial city
of the Indies. The revenue of the customs a-
mounted annually, independent of the profits of
trade, real or pretended, to seventy- thousand do!*
lars ; but, as the Portuguese writers assure us, that
the crown was regularly defrauded by its officers of
one- half the duties, the amount must of course have
been one hundred and forty thousand crowns,— a
large sum in those times.

The particulars of the story of Malacca will be
found, narrated at length, in the chronological ta-

466 PORTUGUESE HISTORY

ble, and I shall not venture to offer any particulars
in this place.

Having given this account of the first esta-
blishment of the Portuguese in the Archipelago, I
shall take a rapid survey of their conduct in the
Spice Islands. Albuquerque, while at Malacca in
1511, dispatched a squadron to the Moluccas, un-
der Antonia D'Abreu, who touched at the island
of Amboyna only, and from thence returned with
one of his ships bearing a cargo of spices. Fran-
cis Serrano, one of the captains of D' Abreu's squa-
dron, was separated from bis commander, and suf-
fered shipwreck on a desert island. Some hospi-
table fishermen, who observed his situation, carried
him in safety to Amboyna, where the Portuguese
were received with a friendship and humanity
which did honour to the character of the natives,
and which formed so cruel a contrast to the requit-
al they received. "^

♦ The hospitality of the people of the Moluccas, towards
every class of strangers, was remarkable. All the European
nations were received by them with a courtesy and good faith
which does honour to their character ; afid the malignant pas-
sions of barbarians never displayed themselves in their conduct
imtil excited by insult and provocation. The following is the
account of the reception of our countrymen by the king of
Ternate. ** Tiie fouretcenth of November wee fell with the
islands of Molucca ; which day at night, (having directed our
course to run with Tydore,) in coasting along the island of Mo-

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 407

It was not, however, until the year 1521, ten
years after their establishment at Malacca, that the
Portuguese appeared in force in the Moluccas.
Antonio de Britto commanded a squadron of nine
ships, which appeared in the Spice Islands, for the

tyr, belonging to the king of Ternate, his deputie, or vice-kiug,
seeing us at sea, came with his canoa to us, tvithout allfeare^
and came aboord ; and, after some conference with our Qe^
nerall, willed him in any wise to runne in with Ternate, and
jiot with Tydore, assuring him that the king would be glad of
his comming, and would be readie to doe what he would re-
quire ; for which purpose he himselfe would that night be with
the king, and tell him the newes, with whom, if hee once dealt
hee should find, that, as hee toas a kingy so his 'wor4 should
stand. In the mean time the vice. king had been with the
king, according to his promise, signifying into him what good
things he might receive from us by traffique : whereby the king
was moved with great liking towards us, and sent to our Ge-
nerall with special message that he should have what things he.
needed and would require, with peace and friendship ; and,
moreover, that he would yeeld himselfe and the right of his
island, to be at the pleasure and commandment of so famous
a prince as we served. In token whereof he sent our General
a signet, and within short time after came in his owne person,
with boats and canoas to our shippe, to bring her into a better
and safer road than shee was in at that present. Our Gene-
rail's messenger being come to the court, was met by certaine
noble personages, with great solemnitie, and brought to the
king, at tvhose hands he tvas most friendly and graciously en^
tertained" Drake's Voyage in Purchas, Vol. I. Kook 11,
p. 54, 55.

408 PORTUGUESE HISTORY

purpose of talcing possession of them in the name
of the king of Portugal, and he was invested with
the government. The simple sovereigns of the
Moluccas received their treacherous guests with ca-
resses, and contended for the honour of entertain-
ing them, and giving them a military establishment
in their country. Ternate finally obtained the
dangerous preference ; and in that island, the seat
of the most powerful chieftain of the Moluccas,
the Portuguese commander established himself. De
Britto, to his astonishment, found in the Moluccas
the companions of Magellan, who had reached them
in the course of the first voyage round the world.
These he seized upon and imprisoned, and the na-
tives no sooner knew Europeans, than they were
presented with the odious spectacle of their hatreds
and animosities.

The very first governor of the Moluccas commen-
ced the course of violence, intrigue, injustice, and
perfidy, which, with little exception, characterized
the whole of the Portuguese ascendancy in the
Spice Islands. His intrigues deprived the widow
of Boleijey the first kind host of the shipwrecked
Portuguese, of the regency ; he stirred up a civil
war in the island of Tidor, and distributed the mer-
cantile adventure with which he was charged, in
rewards for the massacre of the unfortunate natives.
For sixty years, during which the dominion of the
Portuguese in the Moluccas endured, the same

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 409

scenes of rapine and cruelty were exhibited. Kings
were made and dethroned, executed and expatriat-
ed at the caprice of those petty tyrants of the Mo-
luccas. The natives were unwillingly driven to re-
sistance, and the long period in question was
almost wholly one scene of hostility and anarchy.
The two short years of the administration of the
heroic and virtuous Galvan form the only ex-
ception ; for with this slight deviation, every
succeeding governor ^as worse than his predeces-
sor. The Portuguese writers are ashamed of the
crimes of their countrymen in the Moluccas, and
would fain have us believe that these crimes had
not their origin in the national character, but were
confined to the *' knot of villains^* who happened ac-
cidentally to represent their country in those distant
parts ; but their uniform continuance during so
long a period, and the successive depravity of
every new chief, though nominated from the su-
preme seat of government, must convince us, that
the vices which entailed misery on the Moluccas,
were those of the age and nation of the Portuguese,
aggravated in this particular instance by the tempta-
tions which their distance from control, the weak-
ness and simplicity of the natives, and the seduc-
tions of avarice peculiar to the situation held out. *

* Maffcei, Ilistoria Indica. — Lafitau, Histoires des deoou-
vertes et conquetes des Portugais dans le nouveau monde. —
Histoire General des Voyages. — Modern Universal History.

CHAPTER IX.

DUTCH HISTORY OF THE ARCHIPELAGO.

Causes tvhich led to the Dutch Adventures to India. — The
First Voyage under Hoiitman, and the Conduct of that Ad-
venturer — Causes which led to the Jbrmation of a Joint*
Stock Company y and the pernicious consequences ofihatearl^
example. — General Character of the Dutch Policy in rela-
tion to the Inhabitants of the Archipelago. — Conduct of the
Dutch in Java. — Native Princes of the Island combine to
expel the Europeans.'>^Comhination broken by the mutual
jealousies of the Parties. — The Town of Jacatra destroyed^
and B ataxia founded. — The Sidtan of Mataram besieges
Batavia ttvice, and is defeated. — The most Nourishing pe-*
riodofthe Dutch History of Java. — The Dutch take part
with the Sultan of Maiaram against his Subjects, and are
involved iti a long and expensive War. — War of Bantam^
and exptdsion of the English from Java. — Rebellion of Su-
rapatif a Slave, who founds an Independent Principality, —
Dutch involve themselves in the War for the Succession to
the Throne of Mataram, and take part with the Usurper.—'
The Conspiiacy of Erberfeld. — Massacre of Ten Thou-
sand Chinese at Batavia.'— Java enjoy s a profound Peace
for Fifty Years, and in spite of Monopolies, and want of
Foreign Commerce, flourishes in consequence.- — Proceedings
of the Dutch in the more Western Countries of the Archi-'
pelago. — The Object of their Policy in those parts chiefly
Commercial. — Conquest of Malacca,— Decay of Malacca,,

DUTCH HISTORY, &C. 411

owing to the Establishment of the Commercial Monopoly ^—^
Transactions in Sumatra. — Search for Gold and Pepper
defeated. — Conduct of the Dutch in the Spice Islands. —
They completely enslave them. — The Natives are scarcely
acquainted with them, when they are desirous to be rid
of them. — They inveigle the Native Princes into Treaties,
conferring upon themselves the exclusive right of buying
Cloves. — -Revolt of the People ofBanda in l6l5. — Their se-
cond Revolt in 1620, and total subjugation. — Massacre of
the English at Amboyna, — Revolt of the People of Amboyna
and Ternate. — Executions. — Revolt in l650. — Conduct of
Vlaming^ the Governor of the Moluccas. -^-Destruction of
Clove Plantations became too 'productke.'—Execufion of
Twenty Nobles. — Execution of the gallant Terbile and
others. — Execution of John Pays, a Christian Chief.-^
Murder of the Prince Saydi. — Murder of the King of Gi-
lolo and his Family. — Earthquakes* and Epidemics affiict
Amboyna. — The People of the Moluccas finally submit t»
the Dutch Yoke.— The Ruin of Celebes involved in the Fate
of the Moluccas.

The history of the Dutch empire in the" Indiaa
Archipelago must be narrated at greater length
than that of the Portuguese, as it is more import-
ant and better known, and as the influence of the
Dutch nation has been not only more extensive,
but of longer continuance.

The inhabitants of the Low Countries, driven
from the ports of Spain and Portugal, and deprived,
by the union of those kingdoms, of the beneficial
commerce which they carried on in distributing
throughout Europe the productions of the East,

ii2 DUTCH HISTORY

obtained at the mart of Lisbon, resolved to pr(^
ceed direct to the Indies in search of tho^e pro-
ductions, and on the 2d of April 1595, a fleet of
four ships sailed from the Texel for this purpose.
The chief management of this important expedi-
tion was entrusted to Cornelius Houtman, a Dutch
merchant, vvho, without having visited the Indies,
pretended to a knowledge of the Indian commerce
obtained during a long captivity in Lisbon. On
the 2d of June 1596, after a voyage of ten long
months, the Dutch fleet arrived at Bantam, then
the principal trading port of the Indies, in those
commodities which the habits of Europe demand-
ed. The adventurers, in their intercourse with
the natives, beliaved without judgment or modera-
tion. At Bantam they embroiled themselves with
the inhabitants, and committed actual hostilities.
At Sadayu, in Java, they committed a horrible
massacre, and at Madura a still more atrocious one,
in which the prince of that country and his family,
coming to visit the Dutch fleet in a friendly man-
ner, lost their lives through the suspicious timidity
of these strangers. Houtman was little better than
a presumptuous impostor, deficient in all the qua-
lities necessary to the delicate affair entrusted to
his management.

The Dutch, encouraged to persevere by the suc-
cess of their first adventure, though it was not con-
siderable, sent a number of private ships to India

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 413

/Voni various ports of Holland down to the year

160!2, when the parties conducting these enter-
prises united to the formation of -d joint stock com-
pany. The restricted income of a republican go-
vernment, and, at the same time, the necessity of
combining for security against the hostility of
Spain, naturally gave rise to this measure, one pro-
bably indispensable in that early and rude period
of commerce and government ; but which, as well
with the Dutch as other European nations, has
since, by its example, had so pernicious an influence
upon the commercial history of the East.

The early period of the Dutch history of the In-
dies consists in a complication of their commercial
transactions, — their wars with the Spaniards or Por-
tuguese, their broils with the English, — and their
aggressions upon the natives. Their conduct in
their wars w^ith the Spaniards always did honour
to their courage, and often to their moderation. In
their transactions with the English, it is difficult to
say which party was least to blame, unless we pro-
nounce in favour of that which had the smallest
power of aggression. On both sides the mean and
bad passions which were excited by avarice, and by
commercial and national rivalry, were carried to an
unexampled extent. In their transactions with the
natives, the Dutch, while restrained by prudential
motives, by their weakness, and the competition of fo-
reigners, pursued a moderate course j but as soon as

4)14* DUTCH HISTORY

these restraints were removed, the sequel of their
history plainly showed, that that moderation was
only the result of expediency and necessity. It
may perhaps be admitted, that, in the measures they
pursued, there was a less insolent, daring, and open
violation of justice than in those of the Portuguese j
but they were attended by results still more perni-
cious, because the power which confirmed the thral-
dom of the natives was greater than that of their
predecessors, and therefore embraced a larger field
of desolation.

I shall take a view of their conduct in the prin-
cipal seats of their authority, viz. in Java, in the
Moluccas, and other neighbouring islands, and in
Malacca, and the other seats of theii' power in tlie
west, illustrating each subject by a rapid narrative
of some of the most prominent events of their ad-
ministration.

The eminent fertility of Java, the greatness of
its resources, and the commodiousness of the port
of Batavia, soon pointed it out as the fit seat of an
extensive and commercial empire ; and as early as
1611, just a century after the establishment of the
parallel authority of the Portuguese at Malacca,
the first Dutch governor-general laid the founda-
tions of the future capitalin Jacatra.

By the year 1618, the ambition, rapacity, and
abilities of the Dutch, French, and English, the
new adventurers from Europe, had convinced the

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 415

princesof the Archipelago, that these guests, whom,
on their professions of amity and moderation, they
had so hospitably entertained, were not less dan-
gerous than their first visitors the Portuguese. The
princes of Java, too weak to remove them by open
force, began secretly to conspire to rrd themselves
of them. The Dutch, whom they observed to be
the most powerful, were the principal objects of
their hatred and alarm ; and they thought, if they
got rid of them, the weaker invaders might readily
be disposed of. Of this conspiracy, as the Dutcli
are pleased to call it, the movers were, the Regent
of Bantam, the Kings of Jacatra and Cheribon, and
the Sultan of Mataram. These princes had the dex-
terity to dupe the English, whose animosity towards
the Dutch led them to become the tools of the native
princes. Conspiracies were at the same time form-
ed in Sumatra, in Celebes, and the Moluccas, to
expel the Dutch, but their good fortune, and a cou-
rage and perseverance worthy of a better cause,
saved them from all these impending dangers. The
jealousies and animosities of the native princes, and
that weakness and oscillation of conduct common
to them with all barbarians, broke and defeated in
Java the combination against them. The Dutch
fort was on the point of surrendering to the king
of Jacatra, but the regent of Bantam, forgetting
the primary object of the war, and becoming jea-
lous of the rich booty which would in this manneu

416 . DUTCH HISTOUr

fall into the hands of his ally, determined at all
risks to snatch the prize from him. With this view,
he sent a force of two thousand men, under pretext
of assisting the common cause. The bold leader
who commanded these troops, presenting himself
before the king of Jacatra, drew his dagger, and
dictated to him with the point to his breast, in con-
sequence of which his troops took possession of the
town ; the Dutch retained their fort ; and the Eng-
lish, allies of the king of Jacatra, unable to stem the
progress of this strange revolution, unwillingly re-
tired. On the 29th May 1619, the Dutch appear-
ed in strength at Jacatra, and landing a military
force, assaulted the town, and carried it. Some
of the inhabitants saved themselves by flight ;
the rest, with the exception of women and children,
were put to the sword. The houses were burnt to
the ground, and the walls razed, so that nothing
remained of Jacatra but the name. The king and
his family were among the fugitives, and the same
unfortunate monarch, reduced to indigence and dis-
tress, is said to have passed the rest of his life in
the humble and mean occupation of a fisherman, as
complete an example of fallen greatness as the his-
tory of any nation or period can afford ; whether
we consider the extent of the fall, or the meanness
of the instrument by which it was brought about,
— a band of rapacious merchants from a country
of the second order in another hemisphere. The

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 417

new town, founded by the Dutch, took the name
of Batavia, which afterwards acquired such cele-
brity in the history of the Indian commerce. This
narrative is an epitome of the whole history of Eu-
ropean aggression in the East.

For ten years, the Dutch enjoyed tranquillity in
Java, and their establishments at Batavia grew
great and prosperous from the influx of European
capital ; and, the resort and settlement of the more
industrious nations of Asia, encouraged thereto,
by the comparative vigour and advantages of Euro-
pean government.

The Sultan of Mataram, master of the richest
and greatest portion of Java, and called by his coun-
trymen the Great, seeing his afnbitious scheme*
circumscribed by the presence of the strangers,
formed the scheme of expelling them from the
island ; and, with this view, twice besieged the
new city. The detail of these sieges is worth re-
cording, as, of any transaction of the history of
these countries, it affords the best illustration of
the genius and resources of the European and na-
tive character.

The Sultan, agreeably to the character of a bar-
barian, resolved upon a treacherous attack on Ba-
tavia, hoping thus to take .the place by surprise.
He sent, for this purpose, his commander, Baku
Rcikso, with six hundred chosen men in fifty war
boats, pretending to bring the Dutch a supply of

VOL. ir. B d

418 DUTCH HISTORY

«■

cattle. On the first attempt of the Dutch to use
precautions against this force, hostilities commen-
ced, and the Javanese at once proceeded to the as-
sault of the fort, in Which they persevered, with
ineffectual courage, for five hours. Numerous and
frequent reinforcements arrived from Mataram, and
the Javanese entrenched themselves. From the
beginning of August until the end of November,
the Javanese army besieged the half-finished for-
tress of Batavia, defended by a handful of Euro-
peans, and by a few Indian soldiers. After a va-
riety of impotent attacks, the siege was raised, .
and a force, which it is pretended, from first to
last, did not amount to less than 077e hundred thou-
sand men, was reduced by famine, sickness, deser-
tion, and the sword, to ten thousand. -

In the following year, the King of Mataram sent
a second army against Batavia, which proved as
unfortunate as the first. It is reported, though, in
all probability, with exaggeration, to have amount-
ed to one hundred and twenty thousand men ;
and, when it raised the siege in the month of No-
vember, before the commencement of the incle-
ment season, to have lost, by the common causes
of destruction in an army, to which, in the present
instance, are to be added some horrible and exten-
sive executions, one half its numbers. The Dutch,
in the defence of their capital, received the most
effectual assistance in the zeal, and, what is less to

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 419

be expected, in the courage of the Chinese inhabit-
ants. Their principal soldiery, were natives of
Japan, who, as usual, distinguished themselves by
their forward courage.

Such is a brief narrative of the two famous sieges
of Batavia. The greatest and most powerful of
the princes of Javanese history ^ends, in the zenith
of his power, and in two successive years, armies of
more than one hundred thousand men each against
a half-finished fortress, defended by an insignificant
body of perhaps undisciplined Europeans, and he
is triumphantly defeated.

From the year 16*29 to the year 1675 may be
looked upon as the most flourishing period of the
Dutch history of Java, as well as of their settle-
ments elsewhere. Their transactions, during this
period, were chiefly mercantile ; but, at the con-
clusion of it, they became involved in the politics
of Java ; so that the epoch of their political great-
ness, of their own commercial ruin, of the humi-
liation of the natives, and the destruction of ge«
neral commerce, may justly be considered as co-
eval.

The Dutch, in the year 1675, took part with
the Sultan of Matarara against his rebellious sub-
jects, and were fully committed in the expences^
intrigues, and crimes which characterized the con-
test, which ended in the year 1681 by the death
of the rebel, Truna Jaya. Treaties were concluded

4*20 DUTCH HISXaRY

with the Sovereign of Mataram, which had for their
object the acquisition of territorial power, but, above
all, the plunder of his subjects, by restricting their
commercial enterprise, and exacting the produce
of their land and industry at inadequate prices.
The ruin and impoverishment of their subjects and
allies were, by a strange perversion, considered in
these engagements as paramount to their own en-
richment and aggrandizement.

It was the evil genius of monopoly which also
dictated the proceedings of the Dutch in the war
of Bantam, which almost immediately after ensued*
The circumstances of this contest, so important to the
other commercial nations of Europe, are as follow.
The reigning Sultan of Bantam, at the age of
sixty-three, resigned his crown to his eldest son ;
but, dissatisfied with his successor, began, from his
retirement, to intrigue in order to place the crown
on the head of a son from whom he expected more
gratitude. The chiefs and people of the country
generally rose in behalf of the ex-monarch, — an un-
equivocal testimony of the goodness of his cause, —
and the English and Danish merchants at Bantam
had the imprudence to take a share in the contest,
and join him. The old Sultan, with fifty thou-
sand men, besieged Bantam. The young Sul-
tan claimed, and readily received, the aid of the
Dutch, anxious only for an opportunity of extend-
ing their friendly protection on sueh an emergency*

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 4^1

The result was what might have been expected
from the superior power of the Dutch, and the use
they were wont to make of their advantages. The
old Sultan was defeated ; the young one confirmed ;
the English, Danes, and all other Europeans, ex-
pelled for ever from Bantam ; a monopoly secured
to the Dutch ; and, of course, the trade and pro-
sperity of the country annihilated. *

The power of the Dutch was never equal to
their ambition. They attempted, by intrigue,
what their resources wera unequal to accomplish
by avowed conquest. Their counsels were often
capricious, and commonly unjust, and the principles
of commercial monopoly on which their acquisitions
were governed, were sure to disgust the people.

* Hamilton (New Account of the Kist Iiuiies, V'ol. II.
p. 127) gives the following flippant, but tolerably accu-
rate, account of the transaction. " The first place of com-
merce on the west end of Java is the famous Bantam, where
the English and Danes had their factories flourishing till
anno 16'82, at which time the neighbourly Dutch fomented a
uar between the old king of Bantam and liis son; a^, be-
cause tiie father would not come into their measures, and be
their humble slave, they struck in with the son, who was more
covetous of a crown than of wisdom. They, with the assist-
ance of other rebels, put the son on the thron«, and took the
old king prisoner, and sent him to Batavia ; and, in 1683,
they pretended a power from the new king to send the Eng-
lish and Danes a-packing, which they did, tvith a great deal
*/ insolence J according to custom"

M2 DUTCH HISTORY

Constant anarchy, and frequent rebellions, were
the certain results of this policy.

One of the most memorable examples of the ef-
fects of this policy is afforded in the story of the
celebrated Surapati, which is narrated at some
length in the native history of Java, This person,
a native of Bali, and the slave of a Dutch citizen
of Batavia, goaded by domestic cruelty, «and en-
couraged by the general anarchy which surrounded
him, escaped from his slavery, and, favoured by *
circumstances, but not less by the ascendancy of a
superior courage and genius, admirably suited to his
situation, defied the whole power of the Dutch, and
founded an independent principality, which he and
his family, in defiance of the power of the Dutch,
and ultimately of the Susunan, held for twenty years.

While struggling with this formidable adversary,
the Dutch involved themselves in the war of the
succession to the throne of Java. They declared
in favour of a rebel prince, and incurred all the
expences and hazards of a five years' contest by
this step. At length, by an act of treachery, they
secured the person of their enemy, and banished
him to a distant and foreign country.

For ten years after this event, the island was in_
volved in a variety of wars and rebellions, which
had their origin in the policy which I have attempt-
ed to describe, and in the busy, but unskilful am-
bition of the Dutch administration. It was the

OF THEAECHIPELAGO. 42S

same policy which gave birth to the extraordinary
conspiracy of Peter Ei^her/eld, which I am now to
describe.* Peter Erberfeld was the son of a gentle-
man of Westphalia, and citizen of Batavia, by a
Javanese mother. His father had left Erberfeld
great wealth. At the age of fifty-eight or fifty-
nine, he entered into a conspiracy to destroy the
Dutch . power in Java by the massacre of all the
Christians, on which he was himself to have assum-
ed the government of at least all the portion of the
island which was under the dominion of Euro-
peans. The manner in which the conspiracy was
discovered remains unknown. It is only suspect-
ed that the Sultan of Bantam, who was engaged in
a correspondence with the conspirators, began to
fear that his own safety was involved in the success
of their ambitious schemes, and became, in conse-
quence, instrumental in bringing it to light.

* *' We are the more astonished," says the record of the
trial, *' at this horrible contrivance, because this Cormpany^
under the auspices of their High Mightinesses the States Gene-
ral, has never ceased to govern tczY/i all possible mildness and
tenderness^ all the people under their authority, whether Ma-
homedan or Pagan, without distinction of religion, and pro-
tected them against all and every one who sought to trouble
or molest them." Either this sentiment is a piece of the most
revolting eflfrontery, or the authors of it must have been wholly
blinded by the circumstances of their situation. The latter is:
most probable^

424* DUTCH HISTORY

The principal evidence was extorted from the
conspirvators themselves on the rack ; and much
of it, therefore, may well be discredited ; but,
whether the particulars be real or imagined, they
afibrd so curious an illustration of the character of
the Dutch administration, that they ought not to
be passed over in silence. After being frequently
put to the question, the conspirators confessed to
the following circumstances : The first object
was to massacre the Dutch with all the Europeans,
and the Christians of every denomination ; atter
which, the conspirators were to be joined by all the
-Asiatics in the island. Erberjeldj the chief con-
spirator, took the name of " Ywa?ig Giisti," or
The Lord ; and Cantadia, the second conspira-
tor, the title of Raden, or Noble. The plot was
laid at the house of Erberfeld without the walls of
the city ; and it appeared that the conspirators had
been in the practice of holding frequent meetings
at a country house of their leader, and there con-
ducting a correspondence with several native chiefs
and princes, both in the island and in the neigh-
bouring countries. Some of the conspirators were
engaged, according to the superstitious notions of
the Javanese, and, as always happens on similar
occasions, in distributing charins and arnulets to
render the possessors invulnerable. Ihe attack
was to have commenced on the first day of the new
year, and with the iirbt opening of the gates of the

QF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 425

jertadel in the morning. Each conspirator had his
particular post and office assigned. The chief
conspirator was to have governed in the city and
citadel ; and the second to have administered the
territory extending to the mountains. The infe-
rior conspirators, under the titles or official de-
signations of Pangerariy Tumcinggung, and Man-
tri, were to fill the subordinate situations. The

conspiracy was wide spread, and the arrangement
for its execution to have been supported by a
force of seventeen thousand men. It originat-
ed with Cantadia, a native of Cartasura, who
had, it appears, laboured for two years to seduce
Erberfeld. I'he conspirators were mostly natives
of Java, and ahnost all of them of mean origin-
It was detected but three days previous to the
time appointed for putting it in execution. Nine^
teen of the conspirators, among whom were the
wives of three of the male prisoners, were tortur-
ed, found guilty, and sentenced to the most cruel
and horrid punishments, which were carried into
execution fourteen days after sentence was pas-
sed. On Sunday, two days after the execution,

* The followin i is the record of this Hbominable sentenceic
" We, the iudi>es, having heard and examined the information
preferreii ex(yfficio byHenr) van Steel, drossard ot thelow coun-
try, ai;aitist the beiore-Mientuuierj criminals, who have confes-
sed the whole, and submitted themselves voluntarily to this

MG DUTCH HISTORY

public thanhsgivings "were offered to God, say the
Dutch writers, in the churches of Batavia, for the

conclusion; it is therefore concluded, regard being had to the
before-mentioned crimes, and all the circumstances relating
to them, and we hereby conclude and decree in justice, in
the name, and on the part, of their High Mightinesses the
States General of the United Provinces, that we condemn
the before-mentioned prisoners, with the approbation of the
governor-general Mr Zwardekroon, and of the counsellors of
the Indies, to be transported to the place before the citadel,
where it is usual to execute criminals, there to be delivered in-
to the hands of the hangman, in order to receive their respec-
tive punishments in the manner following : The two crimi-
nals, Erberfeld and Catadia, otherwise styled Rading, shall be
extended and bound each of them on a cross, where they shall
each of them have their right hands cut off, and their arms,
legs, and breasts, pinched with red hot pincers, till pieces of
the flesh are torn away. They shall then have their bellies
ripped up from bottom to top, and their hearts thrown in their
faces ; after which, their heads shall be cut off, and fixed upqn
a post ; and their bodies, being torn in pieces, shall be expos-
ed to the fowls of the air without the city, in whatever place
the government shall please to direct.

" The other four criminals, Maja Praja, SanaSuta, otherwise
Wangsa, Suta Chitra, and Layeck, are to be each of them
bound upon a cross, and have their respective right hands cut
off, their arms, thighs, and breasts, pinched, their bellies rip-
ped open, and their hearts thrown in their faces, and their
limbs exposed upon a wheel in the usual places, there to be-
come a prey to birds. The other ten criminals shall be each,
of them tied upon a cross on the scaflold, and, in case there be
pot room on the scaffold itself, on a place near it, where they

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 4^

discovery and defeat of this horrible conspiracy.
The house of Erberfeld was razed to the ground ;
and on the spot where it stood is still to be seen a
rude death's head with a mimic spike through the
' scull, underneath which is an inscription in Euro^
pean and native languages, which expresses the
vindictive feeling of the moment, in a declaration,
that no house shall ever again stand on the spot
where was framed the mcked conspiracy of Erber-
feld !

The most atrocious of all the acts of the Dutch
administration in Java, and the observation may
be extended to all their possessions in the Indies,
is the famous massacre of the Chinese. These
people, encouraged to leave the crowded ranks of

shall be broken alive, without receiving the coup de grace.
They shall be afterwards carried to the ordinary place of exe-
cution, and there exposed on a wheel, and guarded so long as
they shall live there; and, after they expire, be left a prey to
the birds. The other three, Tomboam, Grambiek, and Mitas,
are condemned to be each of them tied to a stake, and there
strangled, till they are dead. Their bodies shall be then car-
ried, like the rest, to the common place of execution, and there
exposed on wheels for the nourishment of the birds. We like-
wise further condemn the said criminals to the costs and expen-
ces of justice, and to the confiscation of half their effects : This
being paid, renouncing all further pretensions. Done and de-
creed in the assembly of ray lords the counsellors of justice,
this Wednesday the 8th of April, all the judges, except Mr
Craivanger, being present." — Roggewein's Voyage, in Harris^.
Collection, Vol, L p, 285.

428 DUTCH HISTORY

their own country by the fertility of Java, its
commerce, and the comparative security which
the vigour of European arms and legislation
ensured to their properties, had settled and co-
lonized in the island in great numbers. The
conscious weakness of the Dutch rendered them
jealous of the power, the numbers, and wealth
of this class of their subjects. They goaded them
by excessive taxations, arbitrary punishments,
and frightful executions. The intelligence, num-
bers, and nationality of the Chinese, made this
systematic oppression insupportable to them.
Unlike the less civilized inhabitants of the
country, though under local circumstances so
much less advantageous, they felt their capacity
of combining for resistance, and being once fairly
Kjommitted, their ambition prompted them to look
to the dominion of the island. Both Javanese and
Dutch writers detail the circumstances of the mas-
sacre, and from their accounts, it is no difficult
matter to collect the most instructive facts con-
nected with it. The persecution and oppression
of the Chinese took a more active character from
the year 1730 ; but it was not until the year
1710 that the revolt commenced. The matter
was brought to a crisis by the forcible seizure
of a number of Chinese, and their deportation
to Ceylon, under pretext of their being en-
gaged in committing irregularities in the vicinity
of Bata\Tia. On this event, the Chinese ia the vi^.

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 429

cinity of the city, who were not restrained by the
direct presence of a military force, flew to arms,
assembled a large force, and, as usual in such cir-
cumstances, and among such a people, committed
acts of violence, excess, and cruelty. On this
some of their countrymen in the city were tor-
tured, and on the authority so obtained, a story
of a wicked and long -meditated conspiracy to de-
stroy the Dutch was got up by the European autho-
rities. Between the Dutch troops, and the armed
mob of Chinese in the environs, several indecisive
actions took place. On the 7th day of October it
was discovered that the Chinese quarter of the
town was on fire. This was construed into an ar-
tifice to mask an attempt to murder the European
inhabitants, in the confusion of the conflagration.
The habitual timidity of the Dutch colonists took
the alarm. The massacre of the Chinese inhabitants
of Batavia forthwith commenced, and was in a few
hours formally authorized by an order of the Re-
gency, which directed that none but the women
and children should be spared. A band of brutal
sailors was landed from the fleet in the roads to
carry this order into effect. The doors of the
Chinese houses were burst open, and the inhabit-
ants dragged out and massacred, without offering
the smallest resistance.* The city was in a state

* <(

They made ne more resistance than a nest of young

430 DUTCH HISTORY

of conflagration, and nothing was to be seen
throughout but fire, murder, and rapine, victims,
and executioners. It was not until the twenty-se-
cond of the same month that an armistice was jprx>«
claimed. Those massacred in the town of Batavia
alone, on this occasion, are reckoned, by the Dutch
themselves, not to have fallen short of ten thou-
sand. The effects of this abominable act of ty-
ranny were felt from one extremity of Java to the
other. The Chinese who escaped the slaughter
marched to the east, leagued with the Susunari,
not less willing than themselves to be rid of the
common oppressor, and a series of revolts, wars,
or rebellions, was the consequence, which conti-
nued, for a period of fifteen years, to desolate the
fairest portions of the island, and to- exhaust its
resources. It would be superfluous here to dwell
upon these transactions, which are narrated at
sufficient length in the native history of Java.

From the termination of these contests, to the
year 1810, has been a period of almost profound
peace in the Dutch annals of Java. From the
mere negative advantages of tranquillity, — though
with the privation of foreign commerce, — with the
existence of injudicious and harassing monopolies,
— and, in other matters, with a system of internal po-

mice," is the homely, but strong expression of the Javanese
annalist.

OP THE ARCHIPELAGO. ^81

ilcy and regulation, neither liberal nor judicious,
the country has prospered to an unexampled de-
gree, its agriculture has greatly increased, and its
population has been probably tripled. Here it
cannot escape notice, that the period of the de-
cline and weakness of the Dutch power, both in
Europe and India, is just the same as the period
of the prosperity of this great colony. While the
ability to exercise a mischievous ambition, and to
inflict the most grievous and absurd restrictions
lasted, the island was in a perpetual state of deso-
lation and anarchy. From the moment that that
ability (Teased to exist, order and tranquillity were
restm'ed, and prosperity was progressive and rapid.
Having rendered this account of the policy pur-
sued by the Dutch in Java, I shall proceed to offer
a short account of their proceedings in the more
western countries of the Archipelago, chiefly con-
sidering Sumatra and Malacca under this head.
These countries, less fertile, less improved, and
less populous than Java, afforded them, from
these causes, and the intractableness of the rude
natives, the absence of resources, and the natu-
ral difficulties opposed to invaders, in extensive
and almost inaccessible regions, covered by forests,
no opportunity of making permanent territorial
conquests. The object of the Dutch policy in
these countries had more exclusively in view the
interests of the commercial monopoly, by pursu*

432 DUTCH HISTORY

ing which, the countries under its influence wer^
exhausted, the natives estranged or driven to re-
volt, and the most interested advocates of the sys-
tem convinced, though their reasoning respecting
the causes of failure may not have been accurate,
<that all the establishments of the Dutch in that
quarter of the Archipelago at least were burthen-
some and useless.

Malacca, from the strength of its fortifica-
tions, resisted the Dutch power long after it had
been established in the other countries of the
Archipelago, and it was not until the year 1 641,
after a siege and blockade of five months, and a
gallant defence, worthy of the best days of Por-
tuguese heroism, that it was taken. The kings of
Achin and Jehor joined in the league against the
Portuguese, but the former receded on thje dis-
covery that his interests were not the object of his
European allies, and the reward of the king of Je-
hor, who contributed in an eminent degree to the
success of the enterprise, was to be laid under the
severest restrictions of the commercial monopoly.
All the other princes of the Peninsula, whose sim-
plicity could be intimidated by a display of the
Dutch power, or cajoled and deceived by the
artifice of European intrigue, were treated in the
same manner. From the cause already describ-
ed, no territorial conquest was made, no inter-
nal improvement was any where effected, and.

t«*;

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 433

down to the latest days of Dutch rule, the country
and its inhabitants continued in the same rude and
uncultivated state in which they were found. Under
the destructive influence of commercial restraint,
the town of Malacca itself, from its happy situa-
tion a rich emporium, even under the rude legisla-
tion of the natives themselves, dwindled into insig-
nificance, and the monopoly of the Dutch appears
to have proved more prejudicial to it than the ty-
ranny of the Portuguese, and the invasions of its
territory by foreign enemies, to which their lawless
ambition gave rise.

The struggles maintained by the Dutch in Java
and the Moluccas prevented them, for a longtime,
from turning their arms to Sumatra, less inviting
by its fertility, and the value of its productions,
and more difficult to subdue. The most power-
ful, civilized, and commercial state of that island
was Achin, and here the Dutch made repeated ef-
forts to insinuate themselves, and establish their com-
mercial system. The prince of Achin, who, from
the extent of his intercourse with the foreign na-
tions of Asia, had a thorough knowledge of the be-
nefits of commerce, alone, of all the potentates of
the Archipelago, resisted the insidious attempts
of the Dutch, and other European nations. In
the year 1664, the Dutch had leisure to extend
their ambitious views to Sumatra ; and, in that
year, they rendered themselves masters of the whole

VOL. II. E e

454 DUTCH HISTORY

of the west coast of that island, from Sillebar to
Bancs. In the same year they captured and burnt
the town of Palemhang, and forced upon the prince
of that country, from the value of its productions,
and the advantages of its situation, one of the finest
trading positions of the Archipelago, one of their
commercial, or rather anti-commercial treaties. The
country of the Lampungs they got possession of in
virtue of their influence over the councils of the
king of Bantam, who pretended a claim to it. In
the same manner, they got possession of LandaJx
and Succadana^ in Borneo ; and their mercantile
influence was in time established, with all its de-
structive influence, in Bmyermassin, Whatever na-
tive state was, from distance, or natural strength of
situation, incapable of being brought under this thral-
dom, Was proclaimed to be hostile, barbarous, and
piratical. Their avarice was stimulated by two pro-
ducts, for which those iwo islands are distinguish,
ed, gold and pepper ; and to obtain these, under
the.r compulsory regulations, constituted the whole
objects of their administration, which, in every
branch, was constantly subservient to these con-
temptible and unattainable views. In their etfbrts
to draw a profit from the gold mines, their cupidi-
ty was signaliy punished by a heavy loss in the pur-
suit, and tiieir persecution of the industry of the
natives, in regard to the pepper, was accompanied
by the almost toud annihilation of that important
article ot traffic. The weakness of their power in

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 435

Sumatra prevented them from urging their pecu-
liar principles, to the extent to which they were
carried in Java and the Moluccas, and the inhabit-
ants of that country continued generally more pas-
sive under their authority. Several revolts, how-
ever, took place. Within one year of their possession,
the inhabitants o£ Pao rose on the Dutch garrisons,
and murdered them. A revolt took place in I67O,
within six years of their conquest, and another in
] 680, which required the aid of large military for-
ces from Batavia to suppress them.

I come to the third and last branch into which
this chapter is divided, an account of the Dutch
history of the Spice Islands. It was, perhaps, in
these islands, that the most baneful influence of
their policy was experienced. The spices were the
most desired objects of European avarice ; the peo-
ple were generally less powerful, less civilized, nu-
merous and warlike, than the western tribes, and
their country, consisting of numerous small isles,
could be more easily overrun and subjugated.
The first of these causes prompted the Dutch to
make the most vigorous efforts for their subjuga-
tion, and the rest facilitated the enterprise, so that
the Spice Islands are more completely under Euro-
pean domination, than any other portion of the In-
dian Islands.

The hatred of the people of the Moluccas to-
wards the Portuguese, made them readily join the
Dutch in driving them from the Moluccas j but

4^6 DUTCH HISTORY

the rapacity of the latter was too open for their ar-
tifices, and the natives were scarcely acquainted
with them, when they were as desirous of being
rid of these new guests as of the former. As early
as the year I6u6, the king of Ternate attempted
to league the princes of the Moluccas against the
Dutch for their expulsion, but was baffled by the
jealousy of his neighbours. In l6l3, the Dutch
had the dexterity, in pursuance of their exclusive
system, to inveigle the greater number of the na-
tive princes of the Moluccas into treaties, confer-
ring upon themselves the exclusive right of buy-
ing cloves J Whether any actual imposition was
practised in framing these treaties is not certain,
but that the natives were wholly unaware of the
ruinous consequences to their industry, comfort,
and independence, which resulted from fulfil-
ling them, cannot admit of a doubt. They had
been long accustomed to a free traffic with all
the commercial nations of Asia, and the unna-
tural restraints to which, under the mask of j^ro-
tection and Jriendshipy they were subjected, could
not but be disagreeable to them. The infringe-
ment of the treaties was the obvious interest of the
prince and his subjects. The Dutch insisted upon
their fulfilment, and resenting every infraction of
those iniquitous compacts, made them the pretext
for all the wars, persecutions, and invasions, which
desolated the country, with little interruption, down
to the year 1681, embracing a period of seventy years..

or" THE ARCHIPELAGO. 437

The unfortunate natives, in these contests, behaved
with courage and perseverance, virtues which would
have been successful in the expulsion of the invad-
er, but for the disunion and feebleness incident to
their geographical situation, and to their want of ci-
vilization. To illustrate the characters of the contend-
ing parties, I shall now run rapidly over a few of the
most prominent circumstances of the contest. The
inhabitants of the Banda, or Nutmeg Isles, were
the first to resist, and, in l6l5, their destruction
was resolved upon. A large fleet and military ex-
pedition sailed against them, but the Bandanese,
conducting themselves with extraordinary courage,
the Dutch were defeated on this occasion, and the
governor-general, who accompanied the troops,
died of chagrin on account of the failure. The
following year the Baudanese were subdued and
forced into treaties, more hostile to their commer-
cial interests and prosperity than ever.

In 1620 the Bandanese had again revolted, if
this expression can be applied to their resistance
of foreign aggression. The direct charge made
against them on this occasion was, that they sold the
produce of their country to strangers. The Spa-
niards, Portuguese, and English, fomented the
quarrel between the natives ; and, blind to their
own aggressions, could easily see the injustice of
their rivals. At the period of this last revolt of
the people of the Banda Isles, the Dutch and Eng-

138 bUTCII HISTORY

Hsli were reconciled to eacK other, and the* latter
now saw no harm in subduing the inoffending Ban-
danese. The English commissioners only declared
their inability, from want of means, to join in a
league for their subversion. The Dutch governor-
general, happy at their excusing themselves, piouS'
ly declared that he would undertake the enterprise
with the assistance of heaven, which he boasted had
hitherto been so favourable to him. This crusade
ended in the total subjugation of the Banda Isles,
in the year 16^1, in spite of the efforts of the Eng-
lish, who, keeping as little faith with their Euro-
pean allies as with the natives, assisted the latter
against the former. The island of Lontar alone
long resisted ; the natives betook themselves to the
mountains, where in time they were starved and
hunted down, until at length the survivors, a poor
remnant of 800 persons, surrendered themselves,
and were transported to Batavia. Such was the
termination of the expedition, which a Dutch
governor-general of the Indies undertook in reli-
ance upon the assistance of heaven 1

The inhabitants of Amboyna, and the other
Clove Isles, unable to endure the despotic commer-
cial arrangements of the Dutch, were in arms almost
as early as the people of Banda, and, as they were
more numerous and powerful, their resistance was
more formidable and long continued.

In the year 161^3 took place the famous massa-

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 439

ere of Amboyna, an affair of European history,
which it is not my province to relate. In itself a
transaction sufficiently execi*able,and affording, per-
haps, the most revolting and hateful example of the
consequences of the commercial rivalry of Euro-
pean nations, in enormity, it falls far short of many
of the calamities inflicted by the European nations
on the natives of the country. The insurrections
of the people of Ternate continued down to the
year l6c38, when assuming a more formidable as-
pect, the presence of the governor-general was
twice thought necessary.

The Dutch used the king of Tornate, whom
they had in their hands, as the tool of their views ;
and this prince, with an in; incerity to be expected
in his situation, secretly encouraged and abetted
the resistance of his subjects. One of the bravest
of. these, Louhou, the governor of a distant pro-
vince, exhausted by long resistance, and deserted
by his people, made his peace with the Dutch, and
came over with his family. He, his mother, sis-
ter, and brother, were perfidiously seized and be-
headed 1

From this time, until the termination of the re-
sistance of the people of Ternate, the noblest per-
sons of the country were seized in numbers, and
executed without mercy. Tuhikabdssi, a chief of
Amboyna who had made a long resistance, was at
length induced to surrender himself. He was exe-

440 DUTCH HISTORY

cuted, though he offered to embrace Christianity
to save his life, an honour, says the Dutch historian,
of which he was deemed unworthy 1

From the year 1650 to 16,53, the insurrection
of Amboyna assumed a more formidable aspect than
ever. A monster of energetic character, called
Vlaming, was governor, and wantoned in blood and
executions^ I shall give a few examples of his
proceedings* The Dutch had agreed to take any
quantity of cloves tendered by the natives at a fixed
frice^ and although this fixed price was lower than
the people had been accustomed to receive from the
other strangers that resorted to their market, still
the quantity brought in was too great for the re-
stricted consumption to which the abuses of the
monopoly necessarily gave rise. Vlaming resolved
upon the destruction of the cloves every where but
at Amboyna^ the immediate seat of the Dutch
power, where he imagined production might be
restricted to the limited demands of the monopoly
market. The natives were exasperated to the last
degree by this iniquitous and unheard of invasion
of property, and flew to arms to defend their just
rights. Even the chiefs who owed their promotion
to the Dutch influence revolted, and all the islands
were involved in a general insurrection.

On the 28th of August 1650, Vlaming ordered
the execution of twenty nobles. Some were strang-
led, — others broken on the wheel,— and others cast

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 441

•

into the sea and drowned, by beating them with
bludgeons. A Mahomedan priest leaped from a
redoubt and fractured a limb. The brutal gover-
nor ordered him to repeat the leap, which cost him
his life! *

On his return to Amboyna, Vlaming ordei^d a

new execution, as well of those who had surren-

dered at discretion, or promise of pardon, as of those
taken prisoners. Fifteen chiefs were executed on
this occasion, among whom were two petty kings.
The most distinguished of the sufferers was the
heroic Terhile^ who, appearing on the scaffold with
an undaunted countenance, which* astonished his
persecutors, hastened to present his bare neck to
the axe.

Even the natives converted to Christianity rose
against their oppressors. The most remarkable of
these was John Pays, a native of Amboyna, distin-
guished for his eloquence as a teacher of Christi-
anity, and adding to the effects of that eloquence,
the authority of birth, office, and fine qualities. This
nobleman, with many others, was executed at nighty
for fear the spectacle might occasion a tumult
among the inhabitants. Next day the governor,
having assembled the native troops, suddenly pro-
duced the bloody heads of the sufferers by way of
striking terror into the survivors.

The Prince Saydi, the chief of the patriot insur-
gents, was at length taken by the treachery of one

M2 DUTCH HISTORY

of his companions. Before he was overpowered he
made a gallant resistance, and when he fell was
covered with wounds, and exhausted with loss of
blood. In this situation he was brought before
Vlaming, who insulted him with vulgar raillery,
and, pushing the shaft of his spear into his mouth,
bid him wake from his sleep. The dying chief
was neither able nor willing to reply, but had
strength enough remaining to turn his head aside,
and avert his eyes from the hateful spectacle of the
enemy of his country. The governor abandoned
him to the fury of the Dutch sol iiers, who cut him
to pieces, and threw his quiv'ing members over
the precipices of the mountain, in the fastnesses of
which he was captured.

The last act of Vlaming was the murder of the
king of Gilolo, who was accidentally taken prisoner
in passing from one island to another. He and
five-and-twenty of his family, the women and
children only beitig spared, were put to death, and,
for fear of a commotion among the people, they
were privately drowned at midnight 1

The inhabitants of the Moluccas continued to
carry on the war, though with less vigour, down to
the year 1 67 1 , when, as generally happens in tropical
climes, when the regular industry of man, and his
natural pursuits, are interrupted by a long succes-
sion of wars and intestine convulsions, a violent
epidemic afflicted the country, the effects of which

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 443

were aggravated by earthquakes in that year, in
1673 and 1674, which were also themselves the
direct cause of the loss of many lives.

The last insurrection of the people of the Mo-
luccas broke out in 1680, and continued during the
whole of that and the following year. These were
the last efforts of those islanders to maintain their
independence. Enfeebled and broken- spirited by
their ineffectual efforts, they submitted from this
time. The Dutch were now enabled to carry
their principles of commercial policy into the most
rigid practice. The consumption of spices decreased
as their price rose, and the Spice Islands hence-
forth ceased to be of value and importance.

The monopoly of the spices was secured by the
conquest of Macassar in the year I669. It was
the avidity of the Dutch to secure the monopoly of
the spices, and the natural hostility of the people
of Celebes, towards those who unjustly and vio-
lently excluded them from a traffic in which they
had so long and so extensively engaged, one which
was so beneficial to them, and so natural to their
geographical and moral situation, which produced
the long wars between them, the incidents of which
are given in the native history of that island. It
need hardly be remarked, that the commercial and
political importance of Celebes ceased with the loss
of its independence, and its subjection to the com-
mercial shackles of Dutch policy.

444 DUTCH HISTORY, &C.

It will be unnecessary to quote further examples
of the consequences of the Dutch dommation in the
Archipelago, and enough has been said to illus-
trate the nature of the influence which it has pro-
duced upon the character and destinies of the na-
tive inhabitants.

CHAPTER X.

SPANISH HISTORY OF THE ARCHIPELAGO.

Spanish influence confined to the Philippines, — Policy pursued
by the Spaniards, with all its vices^ superior to that of any
other European government established in the Archipelago,
— Sketch of that Policy. — Discovery of the Philippines by
Magellan. — Philippines neglected for the Moluccas, — First
attempt to conquer the Philippines. — Conquest of Zebu by
Legaspi. — Luconia invaded. — Causes to which the facility of
the early conquest of it is to be ascribed. — Foundation of the
city of Manila, — Causes which have proved a barrier to the
progress of the Spanish conquests. — Effects which result from
the proximity of China to the Philijopines. — Manila attack'
ed by the Chinese rebel Limakon, and nearly taken. — Chi^
nese employed as rowers^ in an expedition against the Mo-
luccas, murder the Governor of the Philippines ^who command-
ed^ and the crew of his galley. — First Massacre of the Chi-*
nese, when thirty thousand are cut off. — Emperor of China
demands an explanation, and is easily satisfied. — Second
Massacre of the Chinese, when twenty-three out of thirty
thousand are cut off. — The Phili2)pines threatened with an
invasion by Coxinga^ the conqueror of Fomosa, which they
escape by the sudden death of that able and ambitious lead'
er.- — Spaniards expel the Chinese from the Philippines, —
Powerful causes springing from the principle of population
in China, and the locality of the Philippines have induced
the inhabitants of the former country to settle in numbers in

446 SPANISH HISTORY

the latter.-— Absurd arguments of the Spaniards for the
expulsion of the Chinese refuted, — Chinese return to the
Philippines. — A royal edict for their absolute expulsion not
carried into effect by the local administration. — Royal edict
carried into effect^ and its consequences. — Chinese return by

slow degrees^ and are as numerous as ever Character of

the Japanese, and their intercourse with the Spaniards of
the Philippines. — Emperor of Japan sends a mission claim-
ing vassalage from the Philippines. — He meditates their con-
quest about the period oj' his persecution of the Christians in
the empire* — Emperor of Japan sends a friendly mission to
Manila. — A first and second revolt of the Japanese in the
Philippines. -—The intercourse ivith Japan finally terminated
by the fainous edict qj the Japanese empire, excluding itself
from the intercourse of the tvorld. — Political intercourse be-
ttoeen the Spaniards and the independent nations of the Ar-
chipelago. — General reflections on the intercourse of Euro-
peans with the more 'powerful nations of the Archipelago. —
Futile attempts of the Spaniards to conquer Sooloo and
Mindanao. — Retributive measures of the inhabitants of
those islufids. — Wars of the Spaniards with European na-
tions in the Archipelago. — Conquest of the Moluccas five
times attempted. — Conquest of Manila by the English. —
Plunder the object of those who planned the expedition. —
Extravagant opinion of the wealth of Manila. — Narrative
of the Conquest. — Animadversion on the conduct of the
captors. — British conquest never extended beyond the
neighbourhood of the city. — Population of the country dc'
fend it ajter the destruction of the regular military force. —
Important and interesting conclusions to be drawn from this
vmis2ial circumstance.

The influence of the Spanish nation in the Mo-
luccas was of short duration, and limited extent ;

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 44?

and, while the Indian possessions of Portugal were
under the crown of Spain, they were wholly admi-
nistered by Portuguese, and on the Portuguese
principles of government. The influence of the
Spanish government on the fortunes and history of
the inhabitants of the Archipelago, therefore, may
be said to be confined to the Philippines. In this
extensive and important portion of the Indian
islands, it has been peculiarly active ; and a histo-
rical sketch of its proceedings will prove interest-
ing and instructive.

It is remarkable, that the Indian administration
of one of the worst governments of Europe, and
that in which the general principles of legislation
and good government are least understood, — one,
too, which has never been skilfully executed, —
should, upon the whole, have proved the least inju-
rious to the happiness and prosperity of the native
inhabitants of the country. This, undoubtedly,
has been the character of the Spanish connection
with the Phili|)pines, with all its vices, follies, and
illiberalities ; and the present condition of these
islands affords an unquestionable prooi of the fact.
Almost every other country of the Archipelago is,
at this day, in point- of wealth, power, and civiliza-
tion, in a worse state than when Europeans con-
nected themselves with them three centuries bacL
The Philippines alone have improved in civiliza-
tion, wealth, and populousness. When discovered,

MS SPANISH HISTORY

most of the tribes were a race of half-naked sa-
vages, inferior to all the great tribes, who were push-
ing, at the same time, an active commerce, and en-
joying a respectable share of the necessaries and
comforts of a civilized state. Upon the whole,
they are at present superior in almost every thing
to any of the other races. This is a valuable and
instructive fact, and the cause deserves to be traced^
This, I imagine, is no difficult task. In the first
place, the Spanish government has never, in the
case of its Indian dominions, pursued, like other
nations, the visionary and pernicious principle of
drawing a direct profit from the commercial indus-
try of its colonies, by appearing in the character
of the sole or chief merchant. On the contrary,,
private industry, though injudiciously shackled,,
has been permitted sojne scope, and the wholesome
principles of competition have had some operation..
The Spanish government has rested satisfied with
deriving a revenue from a fixed capitation tax on
its native subjects ; and, however heavy in amount,
or iniquitous in the collection, it has, on the whole,
proved less prejudicial to improvement than the
restrictions of other European nations on the agri-
culture and industry of their subjects. But, above
all, the prosperity of the Philippines has been ow-
ing to the freedom given to European colonization j
a freedom which it has been the idle glory of our
nation, in particular, to withhold, or to restrict, un-
it)

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO* 4i9

der the mask, or under the delusion, of benefit-
ing the natives. The Spaniards permitted to
their countrymen a perfect freedom of coloniza-
tion, and the unappropriated lands were freely dis-
tributed among them. They have mixed with the
native inhabitants, and lived familiarly with them.
The consequence has been, that, through the me-
dium of religious or other instruction, and general
communication, the influence of the genius and
manners of Europe has been felt by the native races,
and produced corresponding benefits.

We can be at no loss to see to what circum-
stance in their situation the Philippines owe the
superiority of the policy pursued in regard to them.
Fortunately for them, they happened to produce
none of the commodities for which the avarice of
Europeans was in search. They produced neither
the rich spiceries of the more western islands, nor
the fine manufactures of the continental nations ;
and were, therefore, saved from the usual depre-
dation upon industry.

The Philippines, as is well known, were discover-
ed by the illustrious, but unfortunate Magellan, in
the course oi the first circumnavigation of the globe,
in the year 1521, ten years after the conquest of Ma-
lacca by the Portuguese. It was the search for spices
which led to the accomplishment of the circumna-
vigation of the globe, and the discovery of the
Philippines, as well as to the more splendid achieve-

VOL. II. Ff

450 SPANISH HISTORY

ments of Columbus and Di Gama, all of them the
most striknig events in the history of mankind.
The first land which Magellan made, after quitting
the western shore of America, was the port of
Batuan^ in the great island of MindanaOy from
whence he sailed mto the midst of the cluster, and
touched at Zebu, He was hospitably received,
both at Batuan and Zebu, by the wondering na-
tives ; but this man of genius wanted prudence
and moderation, and was strongly tinctured with
the indiscreetest religious zeal, the vice of his age.
By planting a cross in Zebu, and sprinkling a little
water on the king and his family, with some of his
subjects, he imagined himself establishing the
Christian religion. The petty prince of the insig-
nificant islet of Mactan, which lies opposite the
great island of Zebu, happened to be a man en-
dowed with a strength of mind above the fears of
his countrymen, and saw in the Spaniards nothing
but what was mortal. He challenged Magellan
to combat, who, with the characteristic chivalry of
his time, accepted the challenge. Fifty Spaniards
in armour entered the lists against a host of na-
tive adversaries, — they were decoyed into a marsh,
and, fighting up to their necks in vyrater, the great
navigator, with six of his companions, lost their
lives. The rest saved themselves by a precipitate
flight, and the result convinced the people of Zebu
that their visitors were mere men, perhaps that

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 451

tliey were dangerous invaders, for the king sought,
by treachery, to destroy those whom he had at first
received with so much hospitality.

The companions of Magellan sailed for the
Moluccas, and, touching at Tidor, were en«
tertained by the prince of that island with the
kindest hospitality, received a supply of refresh-
ments, and cargoes of the precious products of the
country. Such was the first intercourse of the
Spaniards with India and the Philippines. On the
strength of the discovery of Magellan, the Spa-
niards founded their claims to the Philippines ; and,
by virtue of the line of demarcation drawn by the
Pope, though the Portuguese reached them more
early, they asserted their claims to the country of
the spices, the primary object of the search of both.
For them, the Philippines were wholly neglected,
and the emperor Charles the Fifth, fitting out a
squadron in the year 15^5, it reached the Mo-
luccas in the following year, and made a perma-
nent, but a feeble establishment in Tidor. The
Spaniards and Portuguese now disputed the pos-
session of the Moluccas, and war was on the point
of being declared between the two countries, when
the needy emperor mortgaged his clai^i for the
sum of ^^50,000 ducats.

In the year 1642, the emperor made an inef-
fectual attempt to conquer the Philippines. The
expedition never reached farther than the little

45^ SPANISH HISTORY

island of Sahagan^ which lies off the southern coast
of Mindanao, and the sole result of the expedi-
tion, according to the Spanish writers, was the
baptism of one child, and the bestowing the name
q) the Prince of Asturias upon the whole Archi-
pelago. The fleet was scattered, and the whole
armament almost annihilated. Such, indeed, with
the navigators of those times, was the smallness and
insufficiency of their barks, their own unskilful-
ness, their want of particular experience, and their
general ignorance, that nothing short of the high-
est zeal, and most intrepid determination, could
have insured success in the undertakings they a-
chieved.

It was not until the year 1 566, forty-five years after
their first discovery, that the Spaniards conquered,
or rather appeared for the purpose of conquering
the Philippines. The person to whom this achieve-
ment was allotted was a noble Spaniard, whose name
was Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, He made his first
appearance in the southern island of Bohol, with one
of the petty kings of which place he swore friend-
ship, by undergoing with his majesty the ceremony
of losing blood Jrom their arms, each drinking the
blood oj the other, according to the strange practice
of the country. From Bohol, where they were hos-
pitably entertained^ the Spaniards proceecied to
Zebu, which they determined to conquer, and the

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 45S

pretext was the treachery of tlie people ^to the com-
panions of Magellan, forty- five years before.

The inhabitants resisted the invaders ineffec-
tually, and finally were reconciled to them. Such
was the poverty of the people of this island, and
the little progress they had made in agricultural
industry, that the arrival of the few Spaniards who
accompanied Legaspi brought on a famine, which
was scarcely relieved by the inadequate supplies
brought by traffic, but oftener by plunder, from the
neighbouring islands. For four years they strug-
gled with scarcity, and the attempts of the Portu-
guese to drive them from their acquisitions. In
1^69, the establishment was removed to the island
of Panay, and in 1571 the conquest of Manila was
made. The people of this portion of the Philip-
pines were more improved than the rest, and had
some knowledge of fire-arms, but the feebleness of
their resistance is sufficiently declared, when we
understand that two hundred and eighty Spaniards
effected their subjugation. The people fled on the
appearance of the Europeans, but by the discreet
conduct of Legaspi, they were brought back, and
a reconciliation effected. Legaspi was a man of
conduct and talents, well fitted to the important
duties he had to perform, and to his dexterous and
prudent management, as well as the weakiicss of
the opposition he met with, is to be attributed the
success of the enterprise. The induence of reli^

4)54i SPANISH HISTORY

gion had also a large share in it. The expeditiou
was accompanied by a number of priests, who were
actively employed in the pious office of converting
the simple natives ; and it may be safely asserted,
that the benevolent influence of religion has had,
from the earliest to the latest period of the Spanish
authority in these islands, the most powerful ascend-
ancy in the civili;zation of the people, and in re-
conciling them to their conquerors.

The Spaniards now founded the city of Manila,
and by this measure, which took place in the year
1571, their power may be considered as es-
tablished. Resistance was frequently made to
their arms, but its amount in any one place was
trifling, for even the people of Luconia, the most
civilized of the Philippines, divided, like all sava-
ges, into numerous petty communities, incapable
of combining to resist an invader, proved but a
feeble enemy.

The same circumstance, the division of the peo-
ple into many tribes of different conditions of ci-
vilization, and speaking many languages, with
the subsequent weakness of the Spanish nation,
and the hostile and savage habits acquired by
the tribes not at first subdued, are what have
since opposed the greatest obstacles to the Span-
ish arms, and hindered the total subjugation of
the country. A people united as one nation, with

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 455

the same political institutions, and the same lan-
guage, accustomed to obey the same authority,
would, in the first encounter, as in the case of the
Mexicans, the Peruvians, and the Malays of Ma-
lacca, have made a respectable resistance, but when
once overcome, would bow their necks to the yoke.
The manner and principle on which the Spanish
conquests were effected, being once described,
the history of their intercourse with the natives of
Luconia, and of the other islands, which submitted
directly to their authority, affords nothing suffi-
ciently prominent or interesting to deserve parti-
cular recital. The natives suffered endless oppres-
sions from private aggression, or the injustice of
public measures, and lost no opportunity of attempt-
ing to get rid of the Spanish yoke. Many of the
more savage tribes retired to the mountains, pre-
serving their national independence to this day,
and bearing an implacable hatred to the Spanish
name. The most interesting portions of the his-
tory of the period of two centuries and a half,*
which has elapsed since the first permanent con-
quest, are, — the history of the wars and quarrels
of the colonial government, with the Chinese,
foreign or domestic, — with the neighbouring Ma-
homedan states, — with the Japanese, — and with
European nations. Of all these the most striking
incidents will be shortly narrated in their turns.
The facts are curious in themselves, and tend in

456 SPANISH HISTORY

every case to throw a strong light on the character
of the Spanish influence on the destinies of the
native inhabitants.

Among the islands of the Indian Archipelago,
one of the most distinctive characteristics of the
Philippines, is their proximity to China. They
owe to this situation their great commercial ad-
vantages, but they owe to it too, considering the
weakness of the European nation which governs
them, some political disadvantages. They are the
only portion of the Archipelago in any measure
assailable to tlie clumsy military force and imper-
fect naval power of the Chinese empire, or the de-
predations of its rebellious subjects. The eastern
end of Luconia is little more than four hundred
miles, or three days' sail from the coast of
the Chinese province of FoJcien, and scarce half
the distance from the southern extremity of For-
mosa. This propinquity of situation excites the
jealousy of both nations, and would be felt by the
Chinese to ^ keener degree, were their European
rivals a people of more enterprise and activity.

The Chinese appear, in almost all ages of their
history, to have carried on a traffic with the Philip-
pines, and to have been sufficiently aware of their
situation. Considering, however, the character of
the Chinese and of the natives of the country, as
Europeans found them, there is no good reason to
credit the assertion of the former, that these

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 457

islands constituted a portion of their empire, and
that they colonized them.*

Scarce were the Spaniards established at Manila,
before they experienced the consequences of their
vicinity to China. A powerful rebel of the empire,
named by the Spaniards Limahon, had long infest-
ed the coasts of China, and now with a force of
- . . — <

* The ignoriince and feebleness of the Chinese empire,
down to the most recent period of its history, before Eu-
ropeans came into their neighbourhood, are unequivocally con-
firmed by the state in which the hitter found the island of
Formosa and the Philippines, the first not 20 leagues from
their coast, and the latter not above 150. By the Chinese ac-
counts, Formosa was not discovered until 1430, and then only
by pure accident. It lay after this wholly unnoticed for one
hundred and thirty-four years. In fact, it was not peopled by
the Chinese until after l66l, when Europeans had made it
worth occupying, and showed] them the way to it. The
Philippines were, probably, a little better and earlier known,
because more in the direct course of the monsoons, and be-
cause they afforded some of those commodities of their peculiar
luxury, in quest of which they had been making still more dis-
tant voyages into the more abundant and richer islands of the
west. That the Philippines formed no integral portion of the
Chinese empire, any more than Formosa, is proved beyond the
reach of doubt, by the absence of a Chinese population, or
very decided admixture of it ; by the absence of any relics of
the Chinese language, arts, or institutions. Scarce was the
road pointed out by Europeans, and the jealousy of the Chi-
nese excited, than they were anxious to possesss, what their
supineness had neglected in ail j^revious ages of their history.
•^Duhaldes Description of ChinUf Vol. I.

458 SPANISH HISTORY

upwards of sixty junks, and several thousand
men, sailed to Manila, induced, perhaps, to this
enterprise by the accounts he had received of the
riches of the Spaniards, which he did not doubt,
considering their weakness, would easily fall into
his hands. After a spirited attempt upon the new
colony, in which he met a gallant, but not very
skilful resistance, he was beat off; but permitted
to make his escape, after ravaging the coasts of the
island for many months.

The neighbourhood of the Philippines to China
afforded, at all times, so convenient and natural an
outlet to the overflowing population of the latter
country, that the Chinese, in spite of all oppres-
sion, constantly poured over. At an early period,
from the causes already enumerated, and the mo-
nopolizing spirit of the resident European colo-
nists, to whom the fair competition, occasioned by
the industry of the Chinese, was odious ; the re-
sident Chinese became objects of jealousy and ha-
tred. These, finding themselves persecuted and
distrusted, became dissatisfied in their turn, and na-
turally not the most loyal subjects. In the year
159^, the Spaniards from the Philippines fitted
out an expedition against the Moluccas ; and the
governor, Dasmarinas, accompanied it. A hundred
and fifty Chinese had been pressed as rowers itito
the governor's galley, and were urged to their la-
bour by stripes. The governor's ship was separat-

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 459

ed from the rest of the fleet, and had not got clear
of the islands, when the Chinese rose on the crew
and murdered the whole, the governor included.
In the same year a great number of Chinese re-
sorted to Manila, and among others some men of
rank, who excited the suspicion of the Spaniards.

In the year 1603 took place the first massacre
of the Chinese. In that year the Emperor of
China sent three Mandarines on a mission to Ma-
nila, to ascertain the truth respecting a report
which had reached him, that the fort of Cavito
was constructed of gold. The Spaniards conclud-
ed them to be spies, and declared them to be the
forerunners of an army of 100,000 men for the con-
quest of the Spanish possessions. No such army
ever arrived, or probably was ever intended, but
the apprehensions of the Spaniards connected this
circumstance, with the insurrection of the Chinese,
which soon after followed, but which was, in fact,
brought on by their own jealous and oppressive mea-
sures. A rich Chinese of Manila, who had embraced
the religion of the Spaniards, and lived on terms of
great intimacy with them, undeitook, as a work of
munificence to gratify his countrymen, to build a
stone wall round their quarter of the suburbs. The
work was openly and unsuspectingly commenced
upcn, but the jealousy of the Spaniards was roused
by it. They conjured the story of a conspiracy to
murder the Christians, and the massacre of the

460 SPANISH HISTORY

Chinese, already twenty-five thousand in number,
was resolved upon. The Chinese retired into the
country, and made a slender defence. Twenty-
three thousand were massacred, and the poor rem-
nant made their escape to China.

The Chinese government does not appear al-
ways to have acted on the same principle of entire
indifierence respecting those who emigrate from
China, as it is alleged ta hajve done in the case of
the Dutch massacre at Batavia ; for, after the pre-
sent one, the emperor sent a mission to Manila
to inquire into the cause of the slaughter of his
countrymen. The Spanish writers assert, that the
governor of the Philippines was able amply to justi-
fy himself. He must, we may conclude from this,
have made an ingenious defence, or his Majesty of
China must have been content with slender satis-
faction.

By the year 163^, the Chinese had again in-
creased to the astonishing number of thirty thou-
sand, most of them engaged in the principal occu-
pations of agriculture. They were again driven
to revolt by oppression, and, after being hunted
down for months, surrendered at discretion, re-
duced to the number of seven thousand. Ma-
nila was reduced to the greatest distress by the
loss of so large a portion of its most industrious
subjects.

In the year 166^ the Philippines were alarmed

by the greatest danger which ever threatened
them. 1 his was from the arms of Kwe-Sing-kong^
or Codinga^ the fortunate rebel who conquered
Formosa from the Dutch, and whose achievement
affords the only great example in the east, of eminent
success against European arms. Elated by his good
fortune, he sent a Dominican friar to the governor of
Manila, as his ambassador, demanding to be recog-
nized as sovereign of the -Philippines, and claiming
tribute." The Spaniards, on this summons, were
thrown into the greatest alarm. The whole of
the Chinese were ordered off the island, and these
people, in their distrust of the fidelity of the Spa-
niards, fearing their lives in danger, from their ex-
perience of the past, flew to arms. The Spaniards
called in their outposts from Ternate and Min-
danao ; but they escaped this danger by the sud-
den death of Coxinga, and they had nothing to
fear from his unenterprising and unwarlike son.
Had Coxinga lived, the Philippines would at this
day have been a province of China, and having
gained such a footing, there is no saying how much
farther to the west their arms might not have pene-
trated. Coxinga had conquered Formosa from a
more powerful and skilful enemy than the Spa-
niards, and weak as these were in themselves, and
surrounded by internal enemies, there can be no
doubt but their possessions would have fallen an easy
prey to an hundred thousand warlike Chinese ac-

462 SPANISH HISTORY

customed to conquer, and led by so experienced
an'd intrepid a chief as Coxinga.

In the year I709 the Spaniards of the Philip-
pines expelled all the Chinese from these islands.
The pretexts for their expulsion were, — that they
came under the mask of cultivating the land, but
became traders ; — that, in their occupation as traders,
they became monopolists; — and that they carried ofl*
the wealth of the country to* China. The natural
tendency of emigration from China to the Philip-
pines was so strong, that it is not surprising to see
the Chinese use every means in their power to gain
an establishment. That they should prefer the
occupations of commerce to husbandry, is easily
enough accounted for. The land was in possession
of the Spaniards, who had a monopoly of it, and
the Chinese were not so ignorant or inattentive to
their own interests, as to labour for other men's
advantage ; they refused to be servants where they
could be masters. Their capital, in the form of
intelligence, enterprise, and industry, was natural-
ly directed to commercial pursuits ; where those
qualifications gave them a natural and legitimate
monopoly over the supineness and ignorance of
the Spanish colonists. They engaged not only in
the pursuits most beneficial to themselves, but to
the society of which they were members also. The
epithet of monopolizers is used towards them by
the Spanish writers, in the vulgar and popular

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 463

sense, and they explain it, in terms which convey
the highest compliment to the acuteness and in-
telligence of the Chinese, by accusing them of
" watching narrowly the wants of the inhabitants, and
the demand for thediflPerent articles of consumption
which they kept back until they rose to their price
As to the charge of carrying off the public wealth,
this is almost too vulgar and absurd for explana-
tion. It is needless 4o add, that, if they carried
away to China the gold and silver of the Philip-
pines, they must have carried off what was too a-
bundant in the country, what it was of more ad-
vantage to the country to lose than to keep. The
country was not plundered of , what was taken away,
for an equivalent was left in the produce of Chi-
nese industry; and to have exported produce when
money was of less value, and, of course, of less
use, would have been an injury to the community.
Arguments like these, however obvious, were little
understood by those who legislated for the Philip-
pines, or, indeed, by any other of the European na-
tions, similarly situated, and down to the present
period, the Chinese are unwisely looked upon with
an envious and illiberal eye, by the government
and colonists of every nation under whose admi-
nistration they reside. Notwithstanding their first
expulsion, and the persecutions to which they were

- — — — — — ■ " ' ■ — r. '

* ZumgQj Ciiap. VI.

464« SPANISH HISTORY •

subject, they slowly crept back to the Philippines,
and in a few years were as numerous as ever.

The outcry against the Chinese was always suf-
ficiently general in the Philippines, yet there were
some whose interests were concerned in affording
them protection, and by large gifts, they obtained
from the avarice of those in power what their jus-
tice denied them.

The court of Madrid, with its usual hostility to
every sound principle of colonial government, sup-
ported public clamour, and sent repeated orders
for the expulsion of the Chinese. In the year
1649, a royal edict for their absolute expulsion
arrived, but was evaded by the interests of those
in power, and by the wisdom of an archbishop, who
at the time exercised the civil government.

Two years after this order, a second was actually
carried into effect, and the Chinese were expelled.*
They were no sooner expelled, than the public began,
from want of supplies, and want of trade, to feel the

* ** One of the good things which Senor Atandia effected
was the expulsion of the Chinese. He dispatched all these
heathens to their own country ! — Tiie Spaniards who inte-
rested themselves in the res'dence of the Chinese in Manila,
represented to the govern(»r that there would be a want of
people to carry on the trade with the islands if they were ex-
pelled; and to obviate this difficulty, he established a com"
pany of native Spaniards and mastizoes Jar that purpose^
'which, however J ivas found very incompetent for the task '^ —
Zuniga, Vol. II. Cap. xii.

-«

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 466

loss of this valuable portion of the population, and
the governor who carried the measure into effect
brought upon himsdi' ^niblic odium.

Such hcis been the nature of the intercourse be-
tween the Spaniards of Manila and the Chinese.
On the arrival of the English, in 176^, their ani-
mosity was again excited, and in the sketch which
I shall give of that affair, the present subject will
be briefly renewed.

The same circumstance of vicinity which has occa^
sioned so great an intercourse between the Philip-
pines and China, connected them also more intimate-
ly with the other great maritime nations of Eastern
Asia, than the rest of the Archipelago, particular-
ly before the dangerous ambition of Europeans
compelled those nations to have recourse to the re-
strictive and precautionary policy which is now so
generally adopted by them.

Among these, the most distinguished were the
Japanese. Prior to their strange resolution to se-
clude themselves from the world, as tlie only prac-
ticable security against European invasion, they
were found, like the Chinese, freely navigating and
trading in all the countries of the Archipelago, and
were chiefly distinguished from that race by a cou-
rage as remarkable as the pusillanimity of the latter.

Almost from the establishment of Manila, the Ja-
panese traded with it, and the richest articles for do-
mestic consumption, or for the more extensive mar-

VOL. ir. G g

466 SJ^ANISH HISTORY

ket of America, were of their importation. In the
year 1590, the emperor of Japan sent a mission to
the Philippines, claiming the vassalage of these
islands, and desiring a more extended intercourse.
The governor made a prudent reply, declining any
discussion of the question of vassalage, but giv-
ing every encouragement to the proffered exten-
sion of commerce The emperor was not to be
dissuaded from his scheme of acquiring the sove-
reignty of the Philippines, and with this view was
assembling an army for the conquest, when ' death
arrested his ambitious designs. It was about this
time that the dreadful persecution of the Chris-
tians commenced ; and, no doubt, the hostility of
the emperor towards the Philippines was excited
by the imprudence of the Spanish and Portuguese
priests within the empire.

In 1602 the reigning emperor of Japan sent
ambassadors to Manila, entreating a continuation
of the intercourse between the two countries, and
begging the assistanceof some Spanish shipwrights,
which was declined, and in room of them a host
of friars returned, whose imprudence contributed
to the final expulsion of the Christians.

In 1606 the Japanese, who appear to have
had a permanent residence in Manila, revolted.
These people, of a more lively curiosity, and quick-
er imaginations than the phlegmatic Chinese, ap-
pear to have adopted the Catholic religion. The

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 467

influence of the Spanish priests restored tranquilli-
ty, and the ringleaders were sent off to their own
country. Of the causes which led to this revolt
we are told no particulars. A second broke out
in the same year, in which many of the Japanese,
who defended themselves with their usual gallan-
try, lost their lives. Down to the year 1629, the
intercourse with the Japanese appears to have con-
tinued, for in that year an embassy arrived at Ma-
nila from the governor of the commercial prowince
of Ncmgasaki, In the Philippines we hear no more
of the Japanese, for, about eight years after this
last event, the emperor of Japan issued that fixed
decree, which has now for near 180 years secluded
the empire from the commerce of the rest of the
world. "*

* It Is remarkable that, at the present day, we are unable,
as far as my knowledge extends, to discover a single vestige
of the descendants of those Japanese, who, in our early inter-
course with the Archipelago, were so numerous in almost every
country of it. Like the other great nations of the farther
east^ they tolerated the emigration of men ^ but absolutely and
practically forbid that of ivomen. After emigration was
ivoholly put an end to, the race could not be continued as a dis-»
tinct stock, but must have disappeared by mixing with some
congenial class. Much similarity of manners in some respects
would, at first view, induce us to believe that the Chinese would
have been that class, but the rancorous hatred which is
known to subsist between the two nations forbids us from be^

468 SPANISH HISTORY

I come now to say a few words respecting the
intercourse which has subsisted between those parts
of the Philippines conquered by the Spaniards,
and those which did not yield to their arms, or the
nations of the surrounding countries of the Archi-
pelago.

The power of the Spaniards does not extend
beyond the immediate reach of their arms, and
the influence of their religion. That power
exists in the farthest corner of the Archipelago,
at the greatest distance from native civilization^
and over tribes whom they found in a half savage
state. They have never established a dominion
over any nation in a considerable degree civilized.
The character of the nation, and of the principles
on which they established themselves, seem to liave
been incapable of establishing, perhaps for want of
forbearance or prudence, that singular empire of
opinion, founded upon a supple management of
the conquered, which the Dutch and English,
with so little profit, have been enabled to establish
in various situations. The Spaniards have either
wholly conquered and colonized, or they have
been entirely baflSed. With the tribes of the Ar-
chipelago, their neighbours, whom they were in-

ing satisfied with this conclusion, and it is far more probable,
as most of them, I believe, were Christians, that they mixed
\f ith the half-race of Europeans.

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 46j

capable, after many trials, of subduing, they have
ever been in a state of almost perpetual hostility.
The most considerable of these neighbours are the
Malays of Borneo, — the people of the Suluk or
Sooloo group, and those of Mindanao.

As early as the year 1589, but 1 8 years after
their establishment in Manila, the Spaniards
made an unsuccessful attempt to conquer Sooloo
and Mindanao, but met with a complete defeat.
In their turn the people of those islands fitted out
predatory expeditions against the Philippines, and
committed the most extensive ravages on their
coasts. There is a passage in Zuniga, containing
reflections on the subject of these expeditions,
which, for its good sense, and the soundness almost
of the opinions delivered in it, deserves to be quot-
ed. *' From that time to the present," * says he,
" the Moors have not ceased to infest our colonies*
It is incredible what a number of Indians they
have made prisoners, what towns they have plun-
dered, what villages they have annihilated, and
what ships they have taken. I am inclined to
think that Providence permits this as a punishment
on the Spaniards, for delaying the conquest for no
less a period than two hundred years, notwithstand-
ing the expeditions and fleets that have almost an-

* The period of the expedition just meotioned,

470 SPANISH HISTORY

nually been sent to attempt it. On the first arri-
val of the Spaniards in these seas they conquered,
in a short time^ all the Philippines, excepting the
small island of 800I00, part of Mindanao, and a few
other very insignificant islands near them, which, to
thi> period, have not submitted. These Moorish
Indians are certainly very valiant, and their enmi-
ty has been drawn upon us by our own conduct ;
for, instead of following the laudable example of
the first settlers in these islands, who brought the
natives under subjection, principally by the mild
interference of the priesthood, it seems of late
years to have been the object of the Spaniards,
since the great increase of the lucrative commerce
of Manila, to acquire, by oppression and force,
lands and establishments on these islands, without
any view to conciliate the natives. Those, there-
fore, who have been sent on different occasions to
reduce the country, have, instead of attending to
the object of their mission, been solicitous only to
serve their own purposes, considering that as a pri-
mary, which ought to have been a secondary ob-
ject ; and the natives, profiting by constant ex-
perience in warfare, during which they discovered
that the Spaniards were mortal like themselves,
have at last become very formidable. There can
be no doubt these Indians may be reduced by the
same means employed with the others, that is, by
sending missionaries amongst them, and a sufficient

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 471

number of Spanish stations might be established
to command respect. These garrisons ought to
be independent of the governor of Manila, and
ought to have a chief who should reside there, di-
recting his whole attention to the improvement of
the settlement, by the extension in the country of
Spanish influence, by temperate measures." *

It were useless and endless to recount all the at-
tempts made by the Spaniards to subdue the neigh-
bouring islands, or the invasion and incursions of
the inhabitants of these upon the Spanish territo-
ries. In I6'i8 and l6'i9, two great expeditions
were sent for the conquest of Sooloo, both of which
utterly failed, and in the last the governor lost his
life. In the year 1637, the Spaniards made a tem-
porary conquest of Sooloo and Mindanao, which
they were soon compelled to abandon. In 1645,
the Malays of Borneo, and the people of Sooloo,
ravaged the coasts of the Spanish islands, and the
Spaniards committed reprisals, having burnt the
city of Borneo, and carried off many of the inhabit-
ants as slaves. In the year 17^1, the Spaniards
made their last great attempts against Sooloo, and
were disgracefully beaten. The natives of those
islands being joined to their Mahomedan neigh-
bours, invaded the Philippines in their turn, and
successfully desolated and laid waste the Spanisjbi

* ^uniga, Vol. [. Chap. XU.

<17^ SPANISH HISTORY

provinces for a period of three years. This will
suffice to give us a notion of the policy pursued by
the Spaniards in their relations with the neighbour-
ing insular states.

The wars of the Spaniards in the Archipelago
with the Dutch and Portuguese, produced little
direct injury to the Philippines, except by the de-
predations upon commerce, which affected more
remotely the internal prosperity of the country.
But the contests for the possession of the Moluccas
are to be enumerated as among the great causes
which contributed to the ruin and desolation of
these islands. Spain and Portugal were at first
rivals for the possession of the Moluccas, and
when the former acquired the dominion of the lat-
ter, a new enemy sprung up in the Dutch and
English. The native princes took part in their
quarrels, hoping, in vain, to find in every new pre-
tender a protector from the oppression which in
turn they were doomed to experience from all.
The Spaniards were the weaker party in their con-
tests with the Portuguese, and then feigned a soli-
citude for the welfare of the natives. When they
got possession of the country, no change was made
in the condition of the natives, whose sufferings,
indeed, were daily aggravated to the last moment
of the continuance of their government. When
the Dutch presented themselves, they began with
professions still more liberal, and with censures the
most unmeasured, on the tyranny of their prede-

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 47^

cessors, and, as we have already seen, their sordid
and cruel management produced a longer and
more extended misery, than that of either of the
nations which had gone before them.

The Spaniards of the Philippines attempted the
conquest of the Moluccas, from the Portuguese or
Dutch, no less than five times. They sent their
first expedition, as early as 1682, about ten years
after the foundation of the city of Manila, and con-
tinued their eiForts down to 171 6, wh.en the last
great attempt was made against ' the whole com-
merce and possessions of the Philippines, by Don
Juan de Silva. The Dutch supremacy was, after
this, too firmly established to be shaken by the
feeble power of the Philippines.

It was the ambition of the Spanish court that
prompted, and, for the most part, directly ordered
these fruitless expeditions, to which the capacity of
the Indian possessions of Spain was never equal,
and which tended to exhaust the resources of the
Philippines, to retard their improvement, and af-
forded the local governments, in one form or
other, a pretext to oppress both the natives and the
Spanish colonists.

The only formidable attack ever made on the
Philippines by an European power, was that of the
British in 176:2 ; and as the circumstances and con-
sequences of it elucidate, in a very pointed and in-
teresting manner, the nature of the Spanish admi-

47^ SPANISH HISTORY

nistration, in relation to the Asiatic population of
the islands, I shall narrate shortly the most promi-
nent facts which attended this celebrated expedi-
tion. It was planned and executed by the well-
known Sir William Draper, who obtained a loose
knowledge of the Philippines, enough for his pur-
pose, in a visit which he made to Canton, as a va-
letudinarian. When the history of the enterprise
is fairlv considered, it will not be too much to as-
sert that the 'plunder of Manila was hu X^^^^mg
object, and probably that of most who were conr
cerned in it. The East India Company, at least,
are fully implicated in this charge, for they stipu-
lated before-hand for one4hird of the booty.

The British public absurdly imagined that Ma-
nila, an ill-governed settlement, and oppressed by
all the devices of Spanish colonial* restrictions, must
be a place of great wealth. They were seduced
into a belief in this mischievous phantasy, — by the
dazzling and popular spectacle of the millions of
dollars sent annually from America ; — by the daz-
ling captures of Cavendish and Anson ; — and by the
imposing circumstance of seeing annually embarked,
in a single speculation, the commercial adventures
of a whole settlement, in itself one of the most ob-
vious sources of a poverty, which it would have
been more reasonable to have predicted.

In the month of September I762, an expedition,
fitted out at Madras, and consisting of a land force.

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 475

of two thousand three hundred men, partly Eu-
ropeans, and partly Sepoys, with nine men-of-war,
appeared in the bay before the town of Manila,
To oppose this force, the Spaniards had, by their
own accounts, but five hundred and fifty regular
troops, vv^ith a few militia, and by our's but eight
hundred. In a few days five thousand Indians, by
the Spanish account, and twice that number by
the English, presented themselves, armed with ja-
velins, and with bows and arrows, for the re-
lief of the garrison, unprepared against an at-
tack by the slovenly administration of the Spa-
niards, and even by an ignorance of the exist-
ence of a war with Britain. All that is connect-
ed with the military and naval management of
the expedition cannot be too much praised.
The European troops, who were veterans dis-
tinguished in the wars of Coromandel, behaved
with the most determined gallantry and resolution.
They landed in open day in a heavy surf, with the
water breast-high, carrying their cartouch-boxes
and muskets on their heads. Struggling against
the difficulties of a season, too far advanced for
military operations in these climates, they raised
works against the fortifications of the town, and
with great spirit and success repelled the sorties of
the besieged. On the 6th of October, but twelve
days after the landing was effected, the English
Jiad made a practicable breach, and they stormed

476 SPANISH HISTORY

anil took the place. An archbishop, who was go-
vernor, retired to the citadel, which was not te-
nable, and he therefore came and delivered him-
self up to the conquerors, with whom he entered
into a capitulation, surrendering the whole of the
Philippines to the King of Great Britain, and se-
curing to the inhabitants their liveSy liberties, pro-
perties, and domestic government, on payment of
the enormous contribution of a million Sterling,
or rather four millions of Spanish dollars, and an
understanding that the town should be given up
to pillage for three hours. The town was ac-
cordingly given up to plunder, which, by the
Spanish account, lasted twenty-four hours. A
contribution on the rick city of Manila, which the
sanguine avarice of the captors had rated at four mil-
lions of dollars, w^ould never realize one-fourth the
sum, though some of the church plate was melted
down, and the unfortunate archbishop contributed
his personal plate and jewels. This dignitary, in
the power of the English, was compelled to give
an order for the balance on the treasury of Ma-
drid, but his bills were most reasonably and justly
protested, a treatment which the captors had the
audacity to complain of as a breach of faith. It is
difficult to conceive by what misapplication of lan-
guage the sum extorted was called a ransom, if,
particularly, the town was given up to three hours
plunder, and was kept possession of, as well as a

OF THE ARCHIPELAOe. 477

claim laid to the surrender of the whole Philippines.
Our notions of the laws of war, and views of com-
mon justice, are much refined since the conquest
of Manila. Such is now the strength of public
opinion against such an abuse of the right of
conquest, that no military commander of our day
or nation would dare to commit so open and flag«
rant an act of plunder. An Indian city is never
treated in such a manner, even when the conduct
of the conquered, by the violation of the laws of
war, so frequent in Hindustan, would appear to
render such severity more justifiable.*

The success of the English ended with the cap-
ture of the town and suburbs of Manila, and a few

* The Annual Register, the historical part of wliich is said,
at the time, to have been conducted by Burke, eulogizes the
whole conduct of the expedition. The following is the very
disgusting strain in which the affair of the ransom is spoken of:
" Influenced by a generosity familiar to our commanders, and
willing to preserve so noble a city from destruction," (tlfty were
already in full possession of it,) " General Draper and the admi-
ral, though able to command every thing, admitted the inha-^
bitants to a capitulation, by which they enjoyed their liberties,
lives, and properties, and the administration of their domestic
government. A ransom of a million Sterling purchased these
terms." — Annual Register for 176^3, p. 13. The virtuous Ju-
nius, torturing the public and private life of Sir William Dra-
per for matter of accusation, is so far from reflecting upon his
extortion at Manila, that he is angry with him for being silent
respecting his own claim and that of the captors.

478 SPANISH HISTORY

predatory incursions, made to no efiect, in the
neighbouring country, during a period of ten com-
plete months. This is the most remarkable cir-
cumstance connected with the whole transaction,
and that for which it is chiefly worth mention-
ing. The Spaniards were true to their allegi-
ance, and the Indians, influenced by the priests^
and attachment to their religion, very generally
continued to assist them, although the English had
recourse to the unjustifiable means, — unjustifiable,
because delusory, — of promising a remission of the
tribute paid by them to the European power. The
Chinese alone, heartily and universally, joined in
the cause of the English, as might be expected
from the cruelty and oppression with which the
Spanish government had always treated them.*

* ''Although the Senor Arandia had sent away all the pagan
Chinese, others replaced them after his death ; and the aug-
mentation of their numbers, which took place in three years,
was incredible. There were, besides, many Chinese Christians
in Pa naw, and scattered over the provinces, and almost all of
them declared for the English. The moment they took pos-
session of Manila, these Chinese gave them every aid, and ac-
companied them in all their expeditions." — '* Senor Anda"^
(the military commander, who took charge of the government
after the captivity of the archbishop) " gave orders that those
who escaped should be tried for their conduct, in whatever
part they were found ; but having found some letters, which
proted that they had an understanding with those of Pariau

OF THE ARCHIPELAGO* 479

These interesting results of the English invasion
deserve the most serious consideration of all who
legislate for Indian colonies. If the goodness of a
government is to be judged of by the attachment
of the great body of its subjects, the Spanish admi-
nistration of the Philippines stands higher than any
other which was ever established in the Archipela-
go, and probably higher than that of the British
government of India, though regulated with so
much greater care, skill, and moderation. In all
previous invasions of the Indian settlements, of
one European power by another, the moment the
military strength of the invading party was over-
come, the whole colony yielded at once. The
conquest of the Portuguese garrison of Malacca
was immediately followed by the conquest of the
territory attached to it. The conquest of the
strongholds of the Portuguese in the Moluccas
was equivalent, as far as the overthrow of the
European power was concerned, with the conquest
or possession of the whole Moluccas. The defeat
of the European army of the Dutch in Java, in
1811, was almost immediately followed by the

on tilt' subject of those commotions, he ordered that all the
Chinese in the islands should be hanged^ which orders were
put in execution very generally, but vvhen the order had been
disregarded, he readily overlooked the omission." — Zuniga,
Chap. XVI.

480 SPANISH HISTORY, &G.

peaceable submission of five millions of people, and
with the tranquil surrender of all the outposts. Not
a native arm was willingly raised, in defence of
those who held the supremacy of those countries
for two centuries. All this requires no comment ;
the Spaniards who did not directly obstruct the
natural order of conquest and colonization, esta-
blished a local and permanent influence ; the vi-
sionary and factitious system of other European
powers was in a moment subverted, when the mi-
litary power was destroyed which supported it. *

* An historical view of the Philippine Islands, by Martinez
de Zuniga. Relations des Isles Philippines, in the collection
of Thevenot, Vol. I. Voyage dans les Meis de PInde, par M.
Le Gentil, Tom. II.

CHAPTER X

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS
OF THE HISTORY OF THE INDIAN ARCHrPELAGO.

N.B The letters C. S. J. and H. stand respectively for the

Eras of Christ ^ o^ Salivana, o£Java, and of the Hegira,

C. 1160. S. 108*i. H. 55Q.

A Malayan colony, first from the original coun-
try of that people, and latterly from Palembang
in Sumatra, settles at the extremity of the Ma-
layan Peninsula, under their leader, Sri Turi
Buvi^ana, and founds; the city of Singhapura,

A powerful king of Java repeatedly invades the
territory of the new colony.

C. 1195. S. 1117. H. 592.

Joyoboyo, king of Doho in Java, flourishes.
C. 1208. S. 1130. H. 605.

Sri Turi Buwana, king of Singhapura, dies, after
a reign of forty-eight years, and is succeeded by
Paduka Pekaram Wira.

vol. IT. n h

48!^ eHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

C. 1223. S. 1 145. H. 620.
Sri Rama Wikaram, king of Singhapura,
reigns.

C. ViS6. S. 1158. H. 634.
Sri Maharaja ascends the throne of Singhapura.
C. l'^49. S. 1171. H. 647.
Sri Iskander Shah reigns at Singhapura.
C. 1250. S. 1172. H. 648.
Colonies from Gilolo settle in the island of Ter-
nate.

C. 1252. S. 1174. H. 650.
The king of Java invades Singhapura, and
drives the Malays from thence, who, proceeding
farther west, found the city of Malacca.
C. 1257. S. 1179. H. 655,
Chicho, the first Kolano, or king of Ternate,
reigns.

C. 1266. S. 1188. H. 665.
The earliest of the temples of Brambanan in
Java are built.

C. 1274. S. 1196. H. 673.
Sri Iskander Shah, who founded the city of
Malacca, dies, and is succeeded by Sultan Magat.
C. 1276. S. 1198. H. 675.
Sultan Mahomed Shah ascends the throne of
Malacca. He embraces the Mahomedan religion,
and takes possession of the islands of Lingga and
Bintan.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 485

C. 1^77' S. 1199. H. 676.
Poit, the second king of Ternate, reigns.

C. 1284. S. 1206. H. 683.
Siale, the third king of Ternate, reigns.

C. U90. S. 1212. H. 689.
The celebrated traveller, Marco Polo, visits the
Malayan Archipelago.

C. 1296. S. 1218. H. 696.
The latest of the temples of Brambanan in Java
are constructed.

C. 1298. S. 1220. H. 698.
Kalebata, the fourth king of Ternate, reigns.

C. 1304. S. 1226. H. 704.
Komala, the fifth king of Ternate, reigns.
The Javanese and Malays visit the island of
Ternate for cloves, and many of them settle there.
The people of Ternate extend their conquests
to some of the neighbouring islands.

C. 1517. S. 1239. H. 717.
Pacharanga Malamo, king of Ternate, reigns.
The people of Ternate come to the extraordi-
nary resolution of adopting it as a principle, to no-
minate the nearest collateral male relation, instead
of the lineal descendant of the reigning prince, to
the throne.

C 1319. S. 1241. H. 719.
The kingdom of Janggolo in Java, under Panji
Ina Karta Pati, flourishes.

484 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

C. 13^2. S. 1244. H. 7^^.
Sida Aarif Malamo, nephew of the last king of
Ternate by his sister, succeeds to the throne.

A great number of Javanese and Arabs visit
Ternate, and settle there.

The confederation of the four kings of the Mo-
luccas is formed.

C. 1331. S. 1253. H. 732.
Paji Malamo, king of Ternate, reigns.
C. 133^. S. 1254. H. 733.
Paji Malamo, king of Ternate, is assassinated,
and succeeded by Shah Alam.

Sultan Abu Shahid ascends the throne of Ma-
lacca.

C. 1334. S. 1256. H. 735.
The people of Ternate conquer the island of
Machian.

Abu Shahid, king of Malacca, is murdered, and
Sultan Mozassar Shah ascends the throne.
C. 1338.. S. 1260. H. 739.
The magnificent Buddhist temple of Boro Bu-
dur in Java is constructed.

C. 1340. S. 1262. H. 741.
The king of Malacca engages in a war with
Siam, the sovereign of which country is killed in a
battle which ensues.

C. 1343. S. 1265. H. 744.
Xulu Malamo succeeds to the throne of Ternate.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 485

C. 1347. S. 1269. H. 748.
Boheyat succeeds to the throne of Ternate.

C. 1350. S. 127^. H. 751.
Molomat Cheya, king of Ternate, reigns.
An Arabian adventurer instructs the king of
Ternate in the Arabian language, and in the art of
ship-building.

The people of Ternate conquer the Xulla Isles.

C. 1367. S. 1279. H. 759.
Momole, king of Ternate, reigns.

C. 1358. S. 1S81. H. 760.
Gapi Malamo, king of Ternate, reigns.
By the assistance of the emigrants from Java
and Celebes, who resorted in numbers to Ternate,
the power of that country is greatly increased.
C. 1366. S. 1288. H. 768.
Laomasah, king of Boni in Celebes, ascends
the throne.

C. 1372. S. 1294. H. 774.
Gapi Baguna the First, reigns in Ternate.
The king of Ternate succeeds to the throne of
Gilolo. ^

C. 1374. S. 1296. H. 776.
Sultan Mansur Shah ascends the throne of Ma-
lacca.

C. IS77. S. 1^99. H. 779.
Kamala Pulu, king of Ternate, reigns.
The king of Ternate acquires the first rank
among the kings of the Moluccas.

486 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Kamala Pulu, king of Ternate, succeeds, after a
long and prosperous reign, in establishing the suc-
cession to the throne in his own direct line.
C. 1580. S. 130^. H. 782.
The king of Malacca espouses the daughter of
the king of Java, and receives, as her marriage por-
tion, the kingdom of Indragiri, in Sumatra.
C. 1391. S. 1313. H. 794.
An unsuccessful attempt to convert the Java-
nese to Mahomedanism is made by Raja Charmen.
C. 1398. S. 1820. H. 801.
Laomasah, king of Boni in Celebes, is succeeded
by his son, Lasaliwah.

C. 1412. S. 1334. H. 815.
Maulana Ibrahim, who accompanied Raja Char-
men to Java, dies at Garsik in that island.
C. 1432. S. 1354. H. 836.
Gapi Baguna the Second, succeeds his father on
the throne of Ternate.

C. 1439. S. 1361. H. 843.
The Hindu temples at Sukuh, in the mountain
of Lawuh in Java, are constructed.

*C. 1447. S. 1369. H. 851.
Sultan Ala ed-din Shah ascends the throne of
Malacca.

C. 1465. S. 1387. H. 87O.
Marhum, king of Ternate, reigns.
Javanese, Malays, and Chinese, in great num-
bers, frequent Ternate in quest of the clove trade.
10

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 487

The king of Ternate, towards the close of his
reign, ^partially embraces the Mahomedan reli-
gion,

a 1470. S. 1392. H. 875.
Lasaliwah, king of Boni in Celebes, dies, and is
succeeded by his daughter, Ibri Gao, called also
Daeng Marewa.

C. 1477. S. 1399. H. 88^.
Sultan Mahomed Shah, the second of the name,
ascends the throne of Malacca.

C. 1478. S. 1400. H. 883.
The city and kingdom of Mojopahit are destroy-
ed, and the Mahomedan religion established in
Java.

C. 1480. S. 1402. H. 885.
The people of the western end of the island of
Java, or the Sundas, are converted to the Maho-
medan religion by Shekh Ibn Maulana, an Arab,
and his family.

C. 1486. S. 1408. H. 891.
Zainalabdin, king of Ternate, reigns.
The power of the people of Ternate is spread to
the islands of Boeroe, Amboyna, and Coram.
C. 1490. S. 1412. H. m^.
Ibri Gao, queen of Boni in Celebes, dies, and is
succeeded by her son, Latang ri Suki.

C. 1495. S. 1417. H.9OI.
Zainalabdin, king of Ternate, embraces the Ma-
homedan religion, and is properly eonsadered the

488 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE*

first Mussulman sovereign. — The Javanese in num-
bers frequent the island, with the double view of
obtaining cloves for the market of the west, and
of propagating the Mahomedan religion.

The king of Ternate visits Giri in Java, in order
to receive instruction in the Mahomedan religion,
and on his return is killed at Biraa in a duel.

Husen, a native of Java, arrives at Ternate, and
becomes a principal instrument in propagating the
Mahomedan religion in that island.

C. 1500. S. UW. H. 906.
Bayang Allah ascends the throne of Ternate,
and, being a prince of talents, busies himself in
civilizing his people.

C. L511. S. 1433. H.917.
The Portuguese conquer Malacca, and drive the
king Mahomed Shah from his kingdom, on which
he establishes a principality at Jehor and Bintan.
■ — They arrive at Bantam in the reign of Husen
Udin, king of that country.

Ibrahim, a slave of Pidir in Sumatra, is ap-
pointed governor of Achin, a dependency of that
kingdom, revolts, and renders himself independent.
Albuquerque sends from Malacca a squadron un-
der Antonio de Abreu for the discovery of the
Moluccas. De Abreu touches at Amboyna only,
from whence he returns with a cargo of cloves.
— Francis Seran is separated from the squadron of
De Abreu, and being shipwrecked on a desert

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 489

island, is carried with his crew by the friendly
natives to Amboyna, the king of which island re-
ceives these insidious and dangerous guests with
caresses and hospitality.

C. 1512. S. 1434. H. 918.

The Portuguese arrive in Celebes, in the reign
of Tuni Jalu ri Pasuki, king of Goa Macassar,
and are permitted by that prince to settle in the
country. — They find some of the inhabitants con-
verted to the Mahomedan religion.

The Malays, under the celebrated Laksimana,
invest Malacca ; they are defeated ; but the Ma-
layan commander extricates himself with great skill.
A famine takes place at Malacca, attended by an
epidemic, and a truce is concluded between the
Malays and Portuguese.

Patiquiter, the Javanese ally of king Mahomed,
is totally defeated by the Portuguese, and with his
Javanese retires to his native country.

C. 1513. S. 1435. H.919.

Pati Unus, a chief of Japara in Java, sails against
Malacca with a great fleet consisting of near three
hundred sail, and is defeated near Malacca with
the loss of eight thousand men and sixty of his large
war gallies. — He escapes, himself, to Java with
difficulty.

Sultan Ahmed Shah, commonly called Aladin,
(his name as hereditary prince,) ascends the throne
of Jehor.

490 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

C. 1514. S. 1486. H. 9^0.

Ninachetuan, a Pagan Malay of Malacca, burns
himself publicly on a funeral pile, on account of the
ingratitude of the Portuguese.

The Raja of Campar in Sumatra, exercising the
functions of Bandahara, or first minister of Malac-
ca, is unjustly put to death by the Portuguese, in
consequence of which they are execrated, and the
«ity is deserted.

C. 1516. S. 1438. H. 9^2.

Mahomed, ex-king of Malacca, and king of
Bintan and Jehor, blockades Malacca.
C. 1517. S. 1439. H. 925.

Mahomed, ex-king of Malacca, attacks that place
a second time — is beaten off, but returns to the
blockade.

C. 1518. S. 1440. H. 924.

Mahomed, ex>king of Malacca, continues the
blockade of that city, which is defended successfully
by seventy Portuguese.

C. 1519. S. 1441. H.925.

Mahomed, king of Bintan, continues his block-
ade of Malacca, but the garrison being reinforced
by Garcia de Sa, they attack Mahomed's entrench-
ed camp, which they take, and that prince retires
again to Bintan.

The king of Achin, taking advantage of the dis-
tressed state of Malacca, attacks the Portuguese
factories within his dominions, and makes prisoners
or puts to death the Europeans.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 491

C. 1521. S. 1443. H. 1)28.
■ George Albuquerque, governor of Malacca, at-
tacks Passe in Sumatra, Jeinal the king of which is
killed in the storm. — He restores to the throne
the legitimate king who had fled to Hindustan,
imploring the assistance of the Portuguese.

George de Britto, with a squadron of nine ships,
touching at Achin on his way to the Moluccas, is
induced from avarice, and at the instigation of a
shipwrecked Portuguese named Borba, who had in
his distress been kindly treated by the king, to at-
tack a temple reputed to contain great riches, in
which he is defeated and slain.

Antonio de Britto succeeds to the command of
the squadron destined for the Moluccas, and, pro-
ceeding to Malacca, unites with George Albu-
querque in an attempt against Bintan, with eighteen
vessels and six hundred soldiers. They attack that
place, and are disgracefully defeated by the ce-
lebrated Laksimana, who pursues Albuquerque,
after his coadjutor had proceeded in his voyage to
the Moluccas, and takes one ship of his squadron.

The Spaniards, conducted by Magellan, arrive
in the Moluccas by the Straits bearing his name.
That great navigator is killed in an affray with the
people of the little isle of Maktan, one of the
Philippines.

Antonio de Britto, as governor of the Moluccas,
touches at Java on his way to these islands. He

492 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

reaches Banda ; where he finds Don Garcio Hen-
riques, sent thither by George ^Albuquerque, who
gives him the surprising information of the arrival
of two Spanish ships in the Moluccas by an eastern
passage.

De Britto seizes the twelve Spaniards, left at
Tidor by the companions of Magellan, and one of
the two ships of that great commander's squadron,
being forced back into the Moluccas in distress, he
sends her crew as prisoners to Portugal.

The queen regent of Ternate,and Alraanzor,king
of Tidor, dispute the honour of having a Portuguese
fort and garrison in their dominions, and the latter
is mortified at the preference given to the former.

De Britto intrigues at Ternate ; deprives the
queen of the regency ; and stirs up a civil war there
and at Tidor.

He offers a reward of a piece of fine cloth
for the head of every Tidorean which is brought to
him, and has speedily to distribute six hundred
pieces for such services.

The king of Tidor declares open war against
the Portuguese, and gains several advantages, but
has his capital finally captured and destroyed.
C. 15^22, S. 1445. H. 929.

Ibrahim, king of Achin, takes Pidir by strata-
gem, and subjects it to his power.

C. 1523. S. 1445. H. 930.

The king of Achin makes himself master of the

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 493

countries of Passe, Aru, and Pidir, and besieges
the fortress of Passe,' the Portuguese garrison of
which, after a gallant defence, are suddenly panic-
struck, and take flight, which puts an end for ever
to the Portuguese dominion in Sumatra.

The Portuguese are defeated in the river Muara
near Malacca by the Malays.

The king of Pahang, hitherto in friendship with
the Portuguese, joins Mahomed, king of Bintan,
and massacres the Portuguese wherever he finds
them.

The inhabitants of Java seize upon the Portu-
guese in that island, and massacre them.

Malacca, surrounded by enemies, is cut off from
supplies, and suffers from famine. The celebrated
Laksimana, taking advantage of the circumstance,
and the absence of the Portuguese shipping in
quest of provisions, comes into the roads, and burns
a Portuguese ship in presence of the garrison.

The Laksimana captures two ships sent against
him by the governor of Malacca.

The king of Bintan invests Malacca with a fleet
and army, the former commanded by the Laksi-
mana, and consisting of twenty thousand men, and
the latter by a renegade Portuguese, and consist-
ing of sixty thousand.

Alphonso de Sosa arrives at Malacca, and re-
lieves the city ; — he blockades the Laksimana in the
river Muaru j — he sails for Pahang, where he de-

494* CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

stroys all the merchant vessels lying there, among
others numerous trading vessels of Java ; — he kills
six thousand persons at that place, and takes prison-
ers in such numbers as to afford to every Portu-
guese sLv slaves. He sails, finally, to Patani, and
commits depredations still more extensive, reducing
the whole town to ashes.

C. 1526. S. IM^S. H. 933.
Mascarenas, governor-general of India, sails
from Malacca, against Bintan, with a fleet of
twenty-one ships, and an army of four hundred
Portuguese, and six hundred Malays. The Laksi-
mana attacks and boards one of his gallies, and
is on the point of carrying her, when she is saved
by the assistance of the governor-general. The
Portuguese storm the entrenchments and town
of Bintan ; and, though the Laksimana, who
commanded in person, makes a gallant defence,
they are taken, the town given up to pillage, and
finally razed. King Mahomed retires to the main-
land, where he establishes himself.

The Spaniards form their first establishment in
the Moluccas, on the report of the companions of
Magellan.

C. 1527. S. 1449. H. 934.
Don Garcio Henriques succeeds De Britto in
the government of the Moluccas, and makes peace
with the king of Tidor.

Don Garcio Henriques, the Portuguese gover-

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. it95

nor of the Moluccas, poisons Almanzor, king of
Tidor, through his physician, whose attendance the
latter when sick had requested.

The Portuguese governor, under pretext of
non-fulfilment of the treaty on the part of the peo-
ple of Tidor, invades the island unexpectedly, and
pillages and burns the town. The islanders, awak-
ened by these enormities, resolve to do all in their
power to shut their ports against the Portuguese,
and if possible to exterminate them.

The emperor Charles the Fifth, convinced of
the goodness of his claim to the Moluccas, fits out
a squadron of six ships for these islands, two of
which, with three hundred men only, arrive. The
Tidoreans receive them with cordiality, but the
weakness, both of the Spaniards and Portuguese,
prevent the Europeans from coming to open hosti-
lities.

Don George Menezes arrives as governor of the
Moluccas, and his contests with the late governor
give occasion to a civil war between tlie Portuguese
ef the Spice Islands.

The Spaniards, reinforced from Europe, attack
the Portuguese, and gain some advantage over
them ; but the latter, being in time also reinforc-
ed, drive them from the island of Tidor, and com-
pel them to a treaty, agreeing to quit the Moluccas.

The young king of Ternate is accused by his
uncle of sorcery and secret arts, and is compelled

496 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

to fly to the citadel, where, receiving no assistance
from the Portuguese governor, he throws himself
from a window, and kills himself to avoid a more
ignominious death.

Menezes, on the bare supposition of his having
killed a Chinese hog belonging to himself, causes
the uncle of the king of Ternate, and head of the
Mahomedan religion, to be seized and imprison-
ed, and, before discharging him, directs his face to
be smeared over with the lard of the animal. The
insulted prince,, in consequence, flies from island to
island, stirring up the people to resist their Euro-
pean oppressors.

The people of Ternate refuse to bring provisions
to the Portuguese fort.

Menezes seizes three chiefs of Ternate for resist-
ance to the Portuguese, and directs the right hands
of two of them to be cut off. The third, having
his hands tied behind his back, is left on the beach
to be devoured by two mastiffs set upon him for
the purpose.

Menezes publicly executes the regent of Ternate
for a pretended conspiracy, on which the native in-
habitants quit the country almost without excep-
tion,

C. 1528. S. 1450. H.935.

Simon de Sosa, proceeding as governor to the
Moluccas, stops at Achin, where he is attacked by

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 497

the king, his vessel taken, and himself killed, af-
ter a gallant resistance.

A king of the Sundas in Java, (possibly Prabu
Seda, the Hindu king of Pajajaran, conquered by
the king of Bantam,) calls in the assistance of the
Portuguese, who arrive under Francis de Sa ; but,
finding their ally subdued, they retire, after los-
ing one of their ships, the crew of which were put
to death by the natives.

C. 1529. S. 1451. H. 935.

The governor of Malacca discovers a conspiracy
of the king of Achin to destroy the Portuguese,
and take the city, and he executes the principal con-
spirators.

Aladin Shah ascends the throne of Achin.

The Spaniards renounce their claims to the Mo-
luccas for a pecuniary consideration of three hun-
dred and fifty thousand ducats.

C. 1530. S. 1452. H.g36.

The king of Achin deceives the Portuguese,
who, sending a mission to him from Malacca, the
ship which conveys it is treacherously attacked and
taken, and the envoy, with all his people, put to
death in cold blood.

The king of Achin, encouraged by his succei^s
against the Portuguese, meditates the conquest of
Malacca, and intrigues with the Shahbandar, or
intendant of the port, but the plot is discovered,

VOL. II. I i

498 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLI).

and the traitor put to death, by being thrown head-
long from a window of the castle.

Gonsalvo Pereira sails, as governor, for the Mo-
luccas, and touches at the port of Borneo in the
island of that name, where he makes commercial
arrangements with the king.

Gonsalvo Pereira arrives in the Moluccas, and
attempts to remedy the disorders brought about by
the misgovernment of his predecessors. In con-
sequence of his measures, the Ternatians return to
their country, and a good understanding is esta-
blished with the king of Tidor.

The Portuguese, dissatisfied with the conduct of
Pereira, stir up a revolt of the Ternatians against
him, and he is killed in an insurrection which takes
place. — The conspirators seize the government,
and dethrone the king of Ternate, who flies to the
mountains to escape their persecution. — They raise
to the throne in his room a son of the late king by
a concubine.

Fonseca, the usurping governor of Ternate,
carries fire and sword into the island of Tidor, and
pursues the king of that place and the king of Ter-
nate, forcing these unfortunate princes to take re-
fuge in the forests.

Tristan d'Ataida takes charge of the govern-
ment of the Moluccas, a worse man than any of
his bad predecessors.— He dethrones the king of

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 499

Ternate, and raises in his room the infant son
of a Javanese concubine by the late king. —
I'he mother refusing her consent to the ele-
vation of her son to this dangerous distinction,
her reluctance is construed into a crime, and
she is seized and thrown over the window^s of the
castle.

C. 1531. S. 1453. H. 937.

The kings of Gilolo, the Papuas, and the prin-
ces of the Moluccas, join in a league to extermi-
nate the Portuguese, and succeed in massacring a
great number.

The Portuguese fortress in Ternate is blockaded
by the Ternatians and their allies, and the garri-
son reduced by famine to the last extremity.

The Portuguese receive several partial reinforce-
ments, but are confined for years almost to their
fortifications, until they receive succours by the
new governor, the heroic and virtuous Antonio
Galvan,

C. 1536. S. 1458. H. 942.

Antonio Galvan arrives in the Moluccas, and
reduces affairs to some order.

C. 1537. S. 1459. H. 943.

Antonio Galvan proceeds to Tidor, and with
four hundred men, one hundred and seventy of
whom only are Portuguese, attacks the allied prin-
ces of thfe Moluccas, whose arn^y amounted, by the
Portuguese computation, to thirty thousand, and

iOO ClillONOLOGlCAL TABLE.

defeats them, killing the king of Ternate, and los-
ing but ofie Portuguese slave.

The late governor of the Moluccas attempts
to form a party against Galvan ; a revolt takes
place, and the conspirators quit Ternate for India,
leaving their countrymen mtich weakened by theil*
desertion.

Antonio Galvan proposes to the kings of Gi-
iolo and Bachian, to save the effusion of blood, by
a single combat with each of them, which they ac-
cept, but the meeting is prevented by the interces-
sion of the king of Tidor, and peace is concluded.

Tabarija, king of Ternate, sent by Ataida to In-
dia, is there converted to Christianity, and sent
back to be reinstated in his kingdom, but dies at
Malacca on his way to the Moluccas.

Ferdinand Cortez, the conqueror of Mexico,
sends two Spanish ships to the Moluccas, which
arrive in great distress, and are finally shipwrecked,
— The crews being made prfsoners, are treated by
Galvan with generosity and humanity.

The merchants of Java, Banda, Celebes, and
Amboyna, deprived of the spice trade, resolve
to open a commerce by force of arms, and assemble
an army for that purpose at Amboyna, which is de-
feated by a Portuguese expedition sent against it
from Ternate.

Galvan employs himself zealously in the task of
converting the islanders to Christianity j he insti-

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 501

tutes a seminary for religious education, afterwards
approved of by the Council of Trent ; and Chris-
tianity not only makes rapid progress in the Mo-
luccas, but is spread to Celebes and Mindanao.

Galvan, after making himself beloved to such
a degree, by his great qualities, as to cause the in-
habitants of the Moluccas to propose making him
their king, is superseded in his government.

The king of Achin besieges Malacca, and is
driven from the place by a sortie of the besiegers.

Paul de Gama is sent by the governor of Ma-
lacca to reduce Jehor, the new residence of Ala-
din, but is attacked by the celebrated Laksimana,
and defeated, losing his own life, and having the
greater part of his force destroyed.

Don Estevan de Gama, governor of Malacca,
attacks the town of Jehor, reduces and sacks it.

The king of Achin again attacks the city of
Malacca.

C. 1540. S. 146^. H. 947.

Sultan Ala ed-din Shah the Second ascends -the
throne of Jehor.

C. 1544. S. 1466. H. 951.

George de Castro renews the scenes of iniquity
transacted by the Portuguese in the Moluccas, and
sends another king of Ternate prisoner to Goa.
C. 1547. S. 1469. H. 954.

The celebrated Saint Francis Zavier, one of the

502 CHRONOLOGICAL TAfiLE.

companions of Ignatius de Loyola, makes his ap-
pearance at Malacca, and the Portuguese ascribe to
his presence the salvation of the place from a for-
midable attack of the king of Achin.

Oct. 18. — The king of Achin sends an army of
one hundred thousand men against Malacca, with
a fleet of seventy large gallies, and having in his
army five hundred Turkish janissaries.

Dec. 24. — The Portuguese fleet go in search of
that of the king of Achin, and, attacking them in
the river of Parlas in Sumatra, gain a complete vic-
tory, the Achin ese losing four thousand men.
C. 1549. S. 1471. H. 956.
Saint Francis Zavier propagates Christianity in
the Moluccas.

C. 1550-51. S* 147^-73. H. 957-58.
Aladin, king of Jehor, with the assistance of
the neighbouring Malay princes, and the queen of
Japara in Java, sends a powerful fleet and army
against Malacca, which is greatly reduced by fa-
mine, but at last relieved by the retreat of the
confederates. The heroic and veteran Laksimana,
with his son-in-law, are killed in this expedition.
C. 1556. S. 1478. H. 963.
Husen Shah ascends the throne of Achin.

C. 1557. S. 1479. H. 964.
Edward Deca, the Portuguese governor of the
Moluccas, puts Aeiro, king of Ternate, in irons,

CHRQNOLOGICAL TABLE. 508

and imprisons him ; in consequence of which there
is a general insurrection throughout the island.
C. 1559. S. 1481. H.966.

Aeiro, king of Ternate, is released and restored ;
in consequence of which tranquillity is re-establish-
ed throuojhout the Moluccas.

Sultan Abd-ul- Julil the First ascends the throne
of Jehor.

C. 1565. S. 1487. H. 973.

Raja Firman Shah ascends the throne of Achin,
and is soon afterwards murdered.

Raja Jawil ascends the throne of Achin, and is
murdered soon after.

Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, in the reign of
Philip the Second of Spain, takes nominal posses-
sion of the Philippines.

Zebu, one of the Philippines, is conquered by
the Spaniards.

C. 1567. S. 1489. H. 97^.

Mansur Shah, a native of the Malay state of
Perah in the Peninsula, ascends the throne of
Achin.

The king of Achin joins in the league of the
western powers of India against the Portuguese,
and sends a fleet and army against Malacca.
C. 1568. S. 1490. H. 976.

The king of Achin in person goes against Malacca

504 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

tvich a great force, and is compelled to raise the
siege, after losing four thousand men, and his
eldest son.

C. 1569. S. 1491. H. 977-

A single Portuguese man-of-war defeats the
Achinese fleet, commanded by the king in person.
C. 1570. S. 149^. H. 978.

Aeiro, king of Ternate, is treacherously assassi-
nated by Lopez de Mesquita, governor of the Mo-
luccas, at his own house, under pretext of a friend-
ly conference, and his body being refused to his
friends, who demand it for burial, is cut in pieces
and thrown into tlie sea.

The Ternatians under Baber, the late king's
son, retire to the mountains, and for the rest of
the period of the residence of the Portuguese in the
Moluccas, continue to harass them by a predatory
warfare.

C. 1571. S. 1493. H. 979.

The king of Achin sends a fleet to attack that
under the Portuguese admiral Louis de Melo, and
is defeated near Malacca with great loss.

Manila is conquered by the Spaniards, and a
town built.

• C. 157^. S. 1494. H. 980.

The king of Achin, in consequence of a league
dntered into with the princes of western India,
?gain attacks Malacca with a numerous army, but

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 505

his fleet is defeated by Tristan de la Vega, and he
is in consequence compelled to raise the siege.
C.I573. S. 1495. H. 981.

The king of Achin having formed an alliance
with the queen of Japara in Java, again attacks
Malacca.

C. 1574. S. 1496. II. 982.

Manila is attacked by the Chinese rover Lima-
hon, and nearly taken.

The queen of Japara, with an army of fifteen
thousand men, and a fleet of forty-five great
junks, attacks Malacca, and, after a siege of three
months, is compelled to retire.

C. 167 . S. 1497. H.083.

The king of Achin again besieges Malacca with
a greater force than at any former period, and when
on the eve of taking the town, which is defended
by no more than one hundred and fifty men, is sud-
denly panic struck, and retires with precipitation.

Don Francisco la Sande, governor of the Philip-
pines.

C. 1578. S. 1500. H. 986.

Nov. 14th. — The English, under Sir Francis
Drake, make their first appearance in the Archipe-
lago, touching at the islands of Ternate and Java.
C. 1580. S. 150^2. H.988.

Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, governor of the Philip,
pines.

.>0() CHitONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Bab Ullali, king of Ternate, visits Macassar,
and recommends the Mahomedan religion to the
inhabitants.

The island of Butung is subdued by Bab Ullah,
king of Ternate.

C. 1581. S. 1503. H. 9S9.

Baber, king of Ternate, captures the Portu-
guese fortress, and puts an end to the Portuguese
dominion in that island.

The kingdom of Portugal being united to that
of Spain, on the death of Don Sebastian and Don
Henry, its Indian dominions fall under the power
of the latter.

C. 1582. S. 1504^. H. 990.

The king of Achin makes one more unsuccess-
ful attack upon Malacca.

The Spaniards, from the Philippines, make an
unsuccessful attack on the Moluccas.

C. 1584. S. 1506. H. 99^.

Don Santiago de Vera, governor of the Philip-
pines.

C. 1585. S. 1507. H. 993.

The Spaniards, from the Philippines, send an-
other unsuccessful expedition against the Moluccas.

Mansur Shah, king of Achin, his queen, and
many of the principal nobility, are murdered by
the commander-in-chief of the army. The grand-

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. dOj

son of Mansur Shah, usually denominated Sultan
Bujang, (the Lad,) nominally succeeds to the
throne.

C. 15S6. S, 1508. H. 99'4-

The Senopati, first prince of the house of Ma-
taram, destroys Pajang.

There is a great eruption from the volcanic
range of mountains towards the eastern end of the
island of Java, by which many lives are lost.
C. 1588. S. 1514). H. 996.

Tuni Jalluh, king of Macassar, is assassinated,
and succeeded by his son, Tuni Paselu.

Thomas Cavendish, in his circumnavigation of
the globe, touches at Blambangan, a kingdom in
Java, lying on the straits which divide that island
from Bali.

The usurper, who had murdel'ed Mansur Shah,
king of Achin, also puts liis grandson to death, and
takes formal possession of the throne.

C. 1589. S. 1511. H. 997.

Various attempts are made by the Spaniards to
conquer Mindanao, which are wholly unsuccess-
ful. The people of that island, in their turn, send
an expedition, and ravage the Philippines.
C. 1590. S. 151^. H. 998.

Lapatawa, king of Boni, dies, and is succeeded
by his son.

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, governor of the Phi-
lippines.

508 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

The eraperoj of Japan sends a letter and mission
to the Philippines.

The king of Camboja sends a mission £o the go-
vernor of the Philippines, begging his assistance
against the king of Siam.

C. 1591. S. 1513. H. 999.

Tuni Paselu, king of Goa Macassar, is dethron-
ed, and succeeded by his brother, Tumamenga ri
Gaokana, called also Allah u Din.

Sultan Abd ulah Shah ascends the throne of
Jehor.

C. 1593. S. 1515. H. 1001. ^

The governor of the Philippines, Dasmarinas,
having sailed on an expedition against the IMoluc-
cas, his fleet is dispersed, and he is murdered
by the mutiny of the Chinese portion of his crew,
who had been cruelly used by the Spaniards.

Xlie licentiate Rosas, provisional governor of the
Philippines.

C. 1596. S. 1518. H. 1004.

The Dutch, under Ha^tman, arrive in Java>
in the reign of the Panambahan Senopati of Ma-
taram, and Abdul Mufaker, king of Bantam.
The prince of Madura and his family are mas-
sacred by the Dutch in attempting to pay a visit of
ceremony on board of Hautman's fleet-
Don Francisco Tello de Gusman, governor of
the Philippines.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. COV

C. 1600. S. 152'^. H. 1009.
The Dutch visit Achin, and are perfidiously
treated by the king.

C. 1601. S. 1523. H. 1010.
The king of Achin sends two ambassadors to
Holland, one of whom dies there, but the other
returns in safety.

The Panambahan Senopati, prince of Mataram
in Java, dies, and is succeeded by his.son, Panam-
bahan Sedo Krapyak.

The use of tobacco is introduced into Java.
December 29th. — The Dutch, under Hermans-
zen, defeat the Spanish fleet under Andrew Fur-
tado de Mendoza, off Bantam.

C. 1602. S. 1524. H. 1011.
The English make their first appearance in the
Archipelago, and reach Achin, under Sir James
Lancaster, with a letter and presents from Queen
Elizabeth.

Don Pedro Brabo de Acuna, governor of the
Philippines,

The emperor of Japan sends ambassadors to the
governor of the Philippines, requesting a continua-
tion of the commercial intercourse between Japan
and those islands, and some Spanish shipwrights.
C. 160a. S. 1525. H. 1012.
The English under Lancaster establish a com-
merce with Bantam.

The emperor of China sends an embassy to Ma.

510 tHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

nila, for the object, real or pretended, of ascertaiB-
ing the truth respecting a report which had reach-
ed him, that the port of Cavito was formed o£ gold^
The Chinese of the Philippines revolt against
the Spaniards, and, after a long resistance, are ex-
terminated, to the number of twenty-three thousand.
I'he emperor of China sends a mission to the
Philippines, to inquire into the murder of his
countrymen. He is satisfied with the explanation
afforded by the governor, and the commercial in-
tercourse goes on on the old footing.

C. 1004. S. 15*16. H. 101e3.
Ali MaghayatiShah ascends the throne of Achin>
after imprisoning his father.

C. 1605. S. 15SJ7. H. 1014.
The Panambahan Krapyak, prince of Mataram
in Java, suppresses the rebellion of his brother, the
Pangeran of Pugar, by defeating him, and taking
him prisoner.

Datu ri Bandang, a native of the Malayan king-
dom of Menangkabao, converts the kings of Goa
and Talio in Celebes, by whose influence the Maho-
medan religion is accepted by all the Macassar >
states.

C. 1606. S. 15^8. H. 1015.
The Macassars force the |)eopie of Boni, and
the Waju nations, to adopt the Mahomedan resigion.,
Martin Alfonzo, a Portuguese commander, at-
tacks Achin, and is beaten off.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 511

The Spanish governor of the Philippines sends
an expedition against the Moluccas, and capti'res
Ternate and Tidor, carrying off the king of the
former place, and many of his nobles, to Manila.

The Japanese residing in the Philippines re-
volt against the Spaniards, and their insurrection
is suppressed.

Don Christoval Telles de Almanza, provisional
governor of the Philippines.

Another insurrection of the Japanese takes
place in the Philippines,

C. 1608. S. 1530. H. 1017.

The prince of Mataram in Java suppresses the
rebellion of the Pangeran Jogorogo.

Don Rodrigo Vivero, provisional governor of
the Philippines.

C. 1609. S. 1531. H. 1018.

Don Juan de Silva, governor of the Philippines.

The Spaniards defeat a Dutch squadron of six
ships, off' the Philippines.

C. 1610. S. 163^2. H. 1019.

Iskandar Muda ascends the throne of Achin.

Sultan Abd Ulah Shah ascends the throne of
Jehor.

C. 1611. S. U33. H. 1020.

Peter Both, the first Dutch governor-general,
^arrives at Bantam.

He enters into a treaty with Widyak Rama, king

5\2 , CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE,

of Jacatra, by which the Dutch are allowed to build
a fort, and establish a factory at that place.
C. 1613. S. I53d. H. 10^22.

The prince of Mataram dies, and is succeeded
by his son, known by the name of Sultan Agung,
or the Great Sullan. The young sultan sends an
army under his general Surantani, and attempts the
conquest of the eastern districts of Java, but fails.

King James the First of England sends a letter
and presents to the king of Achin, by Captain
Best.

The Dutch enter into treaties with the king of
Ternate and other petty princes of the Moluccas,
by which they endeavour to insure to themselves
the exclusive trade in cloves.

The Dutch capture the Portuguese settlements
in Solor and Tidor.

The Spaniards fit out an expedition against the
Moluccas, which is repelled by the Dutch with a
heavy loss to the former.

The Dutch, with a squadron of ten ships, infest
the coast of the Philippines, and burn and destroy
some towns and villages.

The king of Achin writes a friendly letter to the
king of England, and requests to have one of his
cou7itrywome7i to wi/e, promising to make her son
king of the pepper countries*

The king of Achin conquers Siak, and plunders

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 513

the Jehor, carrying oflF a great many of the inha-
bitants as slaves.

C. I6i4. S. 1,^36. H. 10^3.

The sultan of Mataram in person conquers the
eastern provinces of Java as far as Wirorosobo in-
clusive.

C. 1615. S. 1537. H. 1024.

Gerard Reynst, governor-general of the Dutch
Indies. Reynst compels the English to quit Am-
boyna.

An eruption of a volcano takes place at Banda.

May 14th. — The Dutch commence hostilities
with the Bandanese, and capture Pulo-ay, but are
driven out of it again by the inhabitants.

The king of Achin, with a numerous fleet, and
an army of sixty thousand men, sails against Ma-
lacca, and is defeated by the Portuguese before ef-
fecting a landing.

The English visit Macassar, and conclude a com-
mercial treaty with the king.

The confederated chiefs of the eastern provinces
of Java invade the territories of the sultan of Ma-
taram, but are reduced by famine and sickness, and
ultimately defeated by the prince in person. Ele-
phants are described as having been used on this
occasion.

C. 1616. S. 1538. H. 1025.

The sultan of Mataram conquers the district of
Lassem.

VOL. II. Kk

;514 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Don Juan de Silva, governor of the Philippines,
sails with a powerful expedition against the Dutch
settlements and commerce, but dying at Malacca,
the fleet returns to Manila without effecting any
thing.

Don Andres Alearas, governor of the Philip-
pines.

Speelberg, the Dutch admiral, arriving by the
Straits of Magellan, blockades the harbour of Ma-
nila.

Laurent Reaal, governor-general of the Dutch
Indies.

The Dutch capture Pulo-ay, one of the Spice
Islands.

C. I6I7. S. 1539. H. 1026.

April 14. — An action is fought between a Dutch
and Spanish squadron, with partial loss on both
sides.

Martoloyo, the commander of the Mataram
forces, conquers the district of Pasuruhan, and car-
ries off all the women who fall into his hands.
The chief of Pajang revolts, and is defeated.
C. 1618. S. 1540. H. 1027.

The sultan of Mataram in Java conquers the
district of Tuban, and makes slaves of the female
prisoners. The Dutch plunder and burn the town
of Japara.

July 2. — Don Alonzo Faxardo, governor of the
Philippines.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 6\5

Jan Pietersz Coen, governor-general of the Dutch
Indies.

The kings of Bantam and Jacatra, with the Eng-
lish, enter into a plot to expel the Dutch from
Java, and hostilities commence.

C. I6I9. S. 1541. H. 1028.

The Dutch enter into a capitulation to surren-
der their garrison at Jacatra, but are saved by the
secession of the king of Bantam from the league
against them.

The name of Batavia is bestowed on the Dutch
fort at Jacatra.

May 28. — Coen returns from Amboyna with a
large force, and attacks and destroys the town of
Jacatra.

The Dutch commence hostilities with the Ban-
tamese, which last ten years.

Tomamenanga ri Gaokana, king of Goa Ma-
cassar, lays the states of Bima, Tambora, Dompo,
and Sangar, in the island of Sambawa, under con-
tribution.

The king of Achin conquers Queda and Perah,
in the Malayan Peninsula, and Dili in Sumatra.
C. 1620. S. 1542. H. 1029.

The Dutch and English East India Companies
having entered into treaty, the former propose the
reduction of the Banda Isles as a joint enterprise,
which the latter decline, declaring their want of

5\6 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLl?.

means to be the sole reason. The Dutch by them-
selves achieve the conquest of these Isles.
C. 1621. S. 1543. H. 1080.

Sultan Mahomed Shah the Third ascends the
throne of Jehor.

The French, under General Beaulieu, make
their first appearance in the Archipelago, carrying
a letter and presents from the king of France to
the king of Achin.

C. 1623. S. 1545. H. 1082.

The sultan of Mataram conquers the island of
Madura. — He conquers the province of Surabaya.

A great revolt of the native inhabitants of the
Philippines takes place, which is at length quelled
with difficulty.

Peter de Charpentier, governor-general of the
Indies.

The Dutch pretending to have discovered a plot
of the English and their Japanese soldiers to seize
the fort of Amboyna, put the supposed conspira-
tors to the torture, and execute them on their con-
fession on the rack.

C. 1624. S. 1546. H. 1033.

The Dutch commence hostilities against the in-
habitants of the Moluccas, for selling their cloves
to other strangers.

Sultan Abd ul Jalil the Second ascends the

throne of Jehor.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 617

Don Geronimo de Silva, provisional governor of
the Philippines^

A Dutch squadron appearing off the coast of
the Philippines, the Spanish governor goes out
with a fleet to meet it, and is shamefully defeated.

Tomamenanga ri Gaokana, king of Goa Macas-
sar, sails with a fleet, and subdues Butung, Bongai,
the Xulla Isles, Baru, and Kute, and makes a treaty
with Bali. He strikes a gold coin, the first ever
coined in Celebes.

. C. 1625. S. 1547. H. 1034.

Mataram, in Java, is afflicted by a fatal epidemic
disease.

Don Fernando de Silva, provisional governor of
the Philippines;

The Spaniards make a settlement on the east
side of Formosa, and are successful in converting
the native inhabitants to Christianity.

C. 16^26, S. 1548. H. 1035.

Don Juan Nino de Tabora, governor of the
Philippines.

An expedition sails from the Philippines a-
gainst the Dutch establishment in Formosa, but
returns without reaching the place, or effecting any
thing. The Spaniards of the Philippines fit out
an expedition against the Dutch commerce, which
sails to Siam, where the Dutch being protected
by the king of that country, the Spanish com-
mander burns their junks, and takes prisoners the

518 CHRONOJ.OGICAL TAi3LE.

Siamese mission, proceeding on its annual voyage
to China.

Tanrepala, king of Boni, dies, and is succeeded
by his sister's son, Lamadarama.

C. 1627. S. 1549. H. 1037.

Jan Pietersz Coen, governor-general of the
Dutch Indies for the second time.

The Javanese enter into a conspiracy to assassi-
nate the governor-general Coen, which is defeated.
C. 1628. S. 1550. H. 1038.

The governor of the Philippines sends an expe-
dition against the Sooloo Islands, to punish the in-
habitants for their depredations on the coast of
Luconia.

The king of Achin, for the last time, sends a
fleet and army against Malacca, which are totally
destroyed, and the Laksimana, or admiral, made
prisoner.

The sultan of Mataram suppresses the great re-
bellion of Pragolo, chief of Pati, his brother-in-
law. — He attacks Giri, and takes it, making the
Susunan prisoner, and carrying him oflP to Mata-
ram.

August 28. — The sultan of Mataram sends a
force against Batavia, and attempts to take it by
surprise.

Sept. i2. — The Dutch garrison makes a vigor-
ous sortie.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 5l9

Sept. 21. — The Javanese make another attempt
to carry the fort by assault.

Oct. 2i. — The Dutch, assisted by the Japanese
and Chinese inhabitants, attack and destroy the
Javanese camp.

Oct. 25. — The Dutch again attack the Java-
nese, and put them to the rout, but the latter ral-
lying, the Dutch on their side are compelled to
retreat with loss.

Nov. 27. — Tlie Javanese, being strongly rein-
forced, make another unsuccessful assault on the
fort of Batavia.

The Javanese raise the first siege of Batavia.
C. 1629. S. 1551. H. 1039.

The Spanish governor sails at the head of an ex-
pedition against the Sooloo Islands, and, attacking
a fortified port of the islanders, is disgracefully de-
feated, and returns to Manila.

The governor of the province of Nagaski in Ja-
pan sends a mission to the governor of the Philip-
pines.

The king of Siam sends an embassy to Manila,
claiming redress for the ravages committed by the
Spaniards in the port of Siam, and the seizure of
the ambassador of that country proceeding to Chi-
na.

The king of Kamboju sends a mission to the
Philippines, claiming the assistance of the Spaniards

5^0 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

against the king of Siam, and requesting ship-
wrights, who are sent to him.

August 'ii^. — The king of Mataram sends ^
fresh army to attack Batavia.

Sept. 21. — The Javanese assault the fortress of
Batavia, and are driven back with loss*

Sept. 25. — The Dutch governor-general dying,
James Speex is nominated in his room.

Sept. ^9. — The Javanese renew the assault on
the fort, and are again defeated.

Oct. 20. — The Javanese make a third and lasfc
attack on the fortress of Batavia.

The Javanese raise the siege of Batavia, and re-
treat, having, it is alleged, lost by famme, death, or
desertion, one half of an army, amounting to from
one hundred to one hundred and twenty thousand
men*

C. 1632. S. 1554. H. 10i2.

July 22. — Don Lorenzo Olaso, provisional go-
vernor of the Philippines.

Henry Brouwer, governor-general of the Dutch
Indies.

C. 1633. J. 1555. H. 1043.

The Dutch governor-general sends a fruitless
embassy to the king of Bali, to claim his assistance
against the sultan of Mataram.

The sultan of Mataram directs measures to be
taken for changing the kalendar ; and the lunar
months are adopted instead of the solar.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 521

C. 1634. J. 1556, H. 1044.

Amboyna and the rest of the Moluccas continue
in a state of revolt.

C. i63:K J. 1557* H. 1045.

June 25, — Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera,
governor of the Philippines.

The king of Achin imprisons the Portuguese
ambassador, and murders all the Portuguese about
his court.

C. 1636. J. 1558. H. 1046.

Antony Van Diemen, governor-general of the
Dutch Indies.

a 1637. J. 1559. H. 1047.

The revolt at Amboyna still continuing, the go-
vernor-general proceeds thither in person.

A great mortality prevails all over the island of
Celebei^.

Don Sebastian Hurtado, governor of the Philip,
pines, sails against Sooloo and Mindanao, and after
an obstinate struggle, reduces them, but is soon ob-
liged to recal his garrisons and abandon his con-
quests.

C. 1638. J. 1560. H. 1048.

Tomamenanga ri Gaokana dies, and is succeeded
by his son, Tomamenanga ri Papang Batuna.

The governor general of the Dutch Indies re-
pairs to Amboyna a second time, and concludes a
new treaty with the king of Ternate, but the in-
surrection still continues.

69.% CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

C. 1639. J. 1561. H. 1049.

The Dutch arrive in Celebes, and make a com-
mercial treaty with the king of Goa Macassar.

The Chinese in the Philippines, now amounting
to thirty thousand men, revolt against the Spanish
authority ; being attacked by a military force they
are driven from post to post, and at length yield,
after their numbers had been reduced to seven
thousand.

The sultan of Mataram achieves the conquest
of Blambangan. He quells a rebellion of the dis-
trict of Sumadang, and orders the male inhabitants
to be exterminated.

C. 1640. J. 156^. H. 1050.

The king of Achin sends twenty-five galleys to
assist the Dutch in their conquest of Malacca.

Lamadarama, king of Boni, institutes a religious
persecution, and attempts to propagate Mahome-
danism by the sword. His subjects apply to the
king of Goa Macassar, who invades the country,
and defeats him.

The Portuguese settlements in India are sepa-
rated from those of Spain, by the rise of the duke
of Braganza to the independent throne of Portu-
gal.

C. 1641, J. 1563. H. 1051.

The queen, Taju ul Alum, ascends the throne
of Achin.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 523

A great number "of people are destroyed by the
fall of a portion of the mountain Adiksa, in Java.
C. 164^9^. J. 1664. H. 1052.

Malacca is taken by the Dutch after a siege and
blockade of five months.

The viceroy of Goa sends a mission to the Dutch
governor-general at Batavia, informing him of the
succession of the duke of Braganza to the throne
of Portugal.

The Dutch, having taken possession of the
island of Formosa, their vicinity occasions great
consternation at Manila.

C. 164.3. J. 1565. H. 1053.

The Macassars of Goa invade Boni, make the
king and other princes prisoners, and subdue the
whole country, reducing the people to a state of
bondage or slavery. The supremacy of Macassar
over all Celebes is thus established.

The truce of ten years for India is concluded
between the Dutch and Portuguese.

Tasman discovers New Zealand and Van Die-
men's Land.

Van Diemen begins the compilation of the co-
lonial code of laws, called the Statutes oj Batavia.

The Adipati, or prince of Palembang, does h6-
mage in person at Mataram. The chief of the Ja-
vanese colony at Banjarmassir in Borneo sends a
fission to the same place.

5€4 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

C. 1644. J. 1566. H. 1054.

Mataram is visited by a second great epidemic.

August 11.^ — Don Diego Farado, governor of
the Philippines.

The Dutch make an attempt on Sooloo and
Mindanao, but are defeated.

C. 1645. J. 1567. H. 1055.

The Dutch, with a squadron of eleven ships,
make various attempts upon Manila and other
parts of the Philippines, but finally retreat without
effecting any thing.

Salicala, son of the king of Sooloo, and the Ma-*
lays of Borneo, commit great depredations on the
coasts of the Spanish possessions in the Philip-
pines.

The Spaniards of the Philippines send a retalia^
tory expedition against the Malays of Borneo,
which destroys many of their villages, and carries
off two hundred prisoners as slaves.

A most formidable insurrection of the natives
takes place throughout the Philippines, which is
quelled with difficulty.

A succession of earthquakes takes place during
sixty days in the Philippine Islands, when the
town of Manila is entirely destroyed, and many
lives lost.

Cornelius Van der Lyn, governor-general of the
Dutch Indies.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 5^5

April 26. — The Dutch send a mission to the
sultan of Mataram, and conclude a treaty of peace
with him.

The sultan of Mataram in Java sends a mission
to the king of Macassar in Celebes.

C. 1646. J. 1568. H. 1056.
The sultan of Mataram dies, and is succeeded
by his son, Tagalarum.

C. 1647. J. 1569. H. 1057.
The sultan of Mataram suppresses a revolt of
the people of Blambangan, aided by the people of
Bali.

C. 1648. J. 1570. H. 1058.
The Moluccas continue in a state of insurrec-
tion, and the inhabitants carry on a continual war-
fare with the Dutch.

C. 1649. J. 1571. H. 1059.
The sultan of Mataram issues an order to his
subjects, enjoini7ig all the men to marry each two
wives.

e. 1650. J. 1572. H. 1060.
Charles Reinerzoon, governor-general of the
Dutch Indies.

C. 1651. J. 1573. H. 1061.
The sultan of Mataram constructs a palace at
Plered, and removes his court thither. The Adi-
pati of Jambi, and the chiefs of Cheribon in Su-
matra, do homage at Mataram.

C. 1652. J. 1574. H. 1062.
Jan. 31. — The king of Ternate is carried off to

526 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Batavia by the Dutch, and compelled to sign a
treaty, agreeing to destroy all the cloves in Jiis do-
minions.

Aug. ^8. — Vlaming, the governor of Amboyna,
executes more than twenty of the nobles of the
Moluccas by breaking some on the wheel, and
strangling or drowning others.

The king of Bantam declares war against the
Dutch, and proceeds against Batavia, with sixty
thousand men, but does no more than lay waste
the surrounding country and retire.

C. 1653. J. 1575. H. 106r3.

Feb. 6. — The Dutch execute a great many no-
bles and princes of the Moluccas taken prisoners
by them.

The king of Macassar joins the people of the
Moluccas in their league against the Dutch.

March 6. — The Dutch and people of Macassar
fight a naval action at Ternate.

May 18. — Jan Maatzuiker, governor-general of
the Dutch Indies.

May ^1. — The Dutch order another execution
of the Moluccan chiefs.

An extraordinary fall of rain takes place in Java,
when many parts of the country not usually flood-
ed are inundated. — In the month of Safar of the
same year, a comet is seen.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 527

Tomamenaiiga ri Papang Batuna dies, and is suc-
ceeded ^by his son, Hasan u' Din, called also
Tomamenanga Bala Pangkana.

Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara, governor of
the Philippines.

Corrolat, king of Mindanao, puts to death two
Jesuits, and some other Spaniards sent to him as
ambassadors from Manila.

A formidable revolt of the natives takes place
in the Philippines.

C. 1654.. J. 1576. H. 1064.

Krairig Patingalong, first minister of Goa, de-
nominated *' the Father of the Country,*' dies, and
is succeeded by the able and renowned Kronrong.

The war continues in the Moluccas.
C. 1655. J. 1577. H. 1065.

The Dutch defeat the Macassars in the Moluc-
cas, who make a gallant resistance. — Four hundred
prisoners are made on this occasion, and assigned
to the captors as slaves.

A mission from the king of Siam appears at
Mataram.

The king of Goa Macassar conquers all Butung,
overthrowing the Dutch establishment there.
C. 1656. J. 1578. H. 1066.

The Dutch conclude a peace with the king of
Macassar.

The king of Gilolo is taken, and, with five and
twenty of his people, privately drowned by the

5SS CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. *

Dutch, lest his public execution mi^ht excite a tu-
mult among the people. ^
C. 1660. J. 1582. H. 1070.

The war still continues to ravage the Moluccas.

A copper currency is substituted for tin coin by
order of the sultan of Mataram. — The Pangeran of
Surabaya, and forty of his family, are wantonly put
to death by order of the sultan.

The Dutch send a force against Macassar; —
they destroy six Portuguese ships, and capture the
fort of Panekoka. Peace is concluded between the
Dutch and Macassars.

C. 1661. J. 1583. H. 1071.

The Macassars conquer the kingdom of Sopeng
in Celebes.

C. 1662. J. 1584. H. 1072.

Kwe Sing Kong or Coxinga, having conquered
Formosa from the Dutch, sends a mission to Ma-
nila, requiring the payment of tribute, and his ac-
knowledgment as sovereign of the Philippines.

The governor of the Philippines, in consequence
of the hostility of Coxinga, directs all the Chinese
to quit the Philippines.

Coxinga dies, and his unwarlike son succeeding,
the Philippines are relieved from the danger of a
Chinese invasion.

C, 1663. J. 1585. ^H. IO74.

The Spaniards finally quit the Moluccas.

Don Diego Salcedo, governor of the Philippines^

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. ^529

C. 1664. J. 1586. H. 1072.

The Dutch reduce under tiieir sway the princi-
pal portion of the west coast of Sumatra.

A volcanic eruption of the mountain Marapi
in Java takes place.

The Dutch, under Admiral Vander Laen, send
a fleet against Palembang in Sumatra, which they
capture and burn.

C. 1665. J. 1587. H. 1073.

The inhabitants of Pao in Sumatra massacre the
Dutch officers and garrison of the island of Chingo.

The Macassars fit out a great expedition of seven
hundred vessels, and twenty thousand men, for the
conquest of Butung and the Xulla Isles, and
eventually for that of the Moluccas. They con-
quer the people of Butung, who redeem them-
selves for seven hundred and eighty katis of gold,
(about seven hundred ounces.)

C. 1666. J. 1588. H. IO74.

The Dutch send a great force, under Admiral
Speelman, for the conquest of Macassar. They
give the Macassars a complete overthrow at Butung,
and, not knowing how to dispose of their prisoners,
they leave five thousand on a desert island.
C. 1667. J. 1590. H. 10/0.

The Dutch reconquer the whole west coast of
Sumatra, from Salebar to Barus.

The people of Boni in Celebes, with auxiliaries
from Ternate and Butung, join the Dutch, when

VOL, II. L 1

530 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

these allied parties dictate terms to the Macassars,
and the treaty of Bonayo is concluded.

C. 1668., J. 1591. H. 1077.

The treaty between the Macassars and Dutch is
broken, and the war renewed through the intrigues
of the minister Krongrong.

C. 1669. J. 1592. H. 1078.

The Dutch and their allies take from the Ma-
cassars their last fort, Sambaopo, and the war ends.
The king of Macassar resigns the government of
his kingdom to his son Mapa Samba. — Lamadara-
ma, the captive king of Boni, is restored.

The people of the kingdom of Dili in Suma-
tra throw off their allegiance to the Achinese.

September 4. — Don Manuel de Leon, gover-
nor of the Philippines.

C. 1671. J. 159i. H. 1080.

Sultan Ibrahim Shah ascends the throne of Jehor.
C. 167^2. J. L095. H. 1081.
. Lamadarama, king of Boni, resigns the crown,
and Raja Palaka, who had fled to the Dutch, and
by whose instrumentality chiefly the Macassars
were subdued, is elected in his room. He is
known to his countrymen by the names of Tuni
Sombaya, or " The Great," and Matinroa ri Bon-
tualah, or " he who died at Bontualah."

A numerous band of fugitives from Celebes ar-
rives in Madura. Truna Jaya, a prince of that
country, rebels and joins them.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 531

C. 1673. J. 1596. H. 1082.

The fugitives from Celebes, who, in the preced-
ing year, had landed on Madura, land in the east-
ern end of Java, ravaging and subjecting several
districts. They defeat an army sent against them
by the sultan, under Karsulo, chief of the province
of Japan.

A letter from the Dutch council of the Indies
directs the assassination or seizure of Krongrong,
minister of Goa, and his party, but the order is not
executed.

C. 1674. J. 1597. H. 1083.

Mapa Samba, king of Goa Macassar, dies, and
is succeeded by his paternal uncle, Mapa Usung.
Raja Palaka, king of Boni, and the Dutch, re-
duce the state of Mandar to subjection.

The war in the Moluccas ends this year.

Violent earthquakes take place at Amboyna in
this year, in 1671 and I67S, in which two thou-
sand three hundred and twenty-two persons ard
destroyed.

C. I675. J. 1598. H. 1084.

Craing Montemarano, a fugitive from Celebes,
invades Java.

Nur-ul-Alum, queen of Achin, ascends the
throne.

C. I676. J. 1599. H. 1085.

The sultan of Mataram claims the assistance of

0352 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

the Dutch, who join him from Japara. The Dutch
taking no share in the action which ensues at Pa-
suruhan, the Javanese receive a complete over-
throw from the Macassar fugitives and Truna Jaya,
and are dispersed. The Pangeran Adipati, or heir
apparent, marches against Truna Jaya and the
Macassars, and is beaten by them in a battle fought
near Surabaya.

Truna Jaya assumes sovereign authority ; and,
sending a great force, conquers the districts east
of Mataram, which he at last enters.

The sultan of Mataram flies, with his family,
from his capital, and dies on his way to Tagal. He
is succeeded by his eldest son, who takes the title
of Susunan Mangkorat. — Pangeran Pugar, a young-
er son of the late sultan, defeats the Mandurese,
and proclaims himself sovereign at Mataram.
Susunan Mangkorat calls in the assistance of the
Dutch, and marches with them to Japara.
' Raja Palaka, king of Boni, demands a free trade
for his subjects, and threatens to quarrel with the
Dutch for their evasion of it, but is finally pacified
by their dexterity.

December ^9. — The Dutch send a force under
Admiral Speelman to assist the Susunan Mang-
korat.

The Susunan Mangkorat grants great commer-
cial immunities to the Dutch, the origin of his

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 533

humiliation, and of their political errors in the ma-
nagement of Java.

Speelman captures Surabaya from Truna Jaya
and the Macassars.

C. 1677. J. 1600. H. 1086.

Anayit Shah, queen of Achin, ascends the throne.

The Dutch, at the instigation of the Bugis kings
of Boni and Sopeng, make war on Macassar, and
depose the king, raising in his room his brother,
Mapa Dulang.

The deposed king of Goa Macassar is taken into
custody, and transported for Batavia, but dies on
his passage thither.

C. 1678. J. 1601. H. 1087.

Ryklof Van Goens, governor-general of the
Dutch Indies.

The war which commenced in Java in 1675 still
continues.

The Dutch and Susunan attack Kadiri, the
residence of Truna Jaya, and capture it, with much
treasure.

September 21. — Don Juan de Vargas, governor
of the Philippines.

C. 1679. J. 1602. H. 1088.

Truna Jaya is taken prisoner, and put to death
by the Susunan with his own hands, his courtiers
joining in the murder.

C. 1680. J. 1603. H. 1089.

The western portion of the island of Madura is

534* CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

given by the Susunan, on the death of Truna Jaya
to Chakra Ningrat, and the eastern to Machan
Wulan.

1 he people of the west coast of Sumatra rebel,
and are subdued by a large force sent from Bata-
via.

April S5. — The Susunan Mankgorat and the
Dutch attack Giri, the principality of the spiri-
tual chief of that name, defeat him, and puts him-
self andhis relations to death.

The Susunan changes the seat of government,
and fixes upon Cartasura for the new capital.

November I7. — ThePangeran Pugur surrenders
himself to his brother the Susunan at Ampel.
C. 1681. J. 160^. H. 1090.

The Dutch defeat and kill the rebel Nimrod, a
fugitive slave from Batavia, who had long disturbed
the peace of Java.

The sultans of Cheribon place themselves and
their country under the protection of the Dutch.

A new war breaks out in the Moluccas, which
ends in the seizure of the king of Ternate, and his
transportation to Batavia.

Cornelius Speelman, governor-general of the
Dutch Indies.

The Dutch interfere in the quarrel of the ex-
sultan and reigning sultan of Bantam.

C. ^6S^2. J. 1605. H. 1091.

Ambassadors arrive at Mataram from Jehor

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 5S5

and Palembang, presenting elephants to the Susu-
nan.

Sultan Mahomed Shah the Fourth ascends the
throne of Jehor.

C. 1683. J. 1606. H. 1092.

Various sharp actions are fought between the
Dutch and the party of the old sultan of Bantam,
in which the former are victorious.

The ex-king of Bantam is taken captive, and im-
prisoned for life.

The king of Bantam grants to the Dutch the
exclusive trade in pepper, and the monopoly of the
sale of cotton goods in his dominions, and expels
the Danes and English who had taken part with
his father.

Shekh Yusuf, a Balinese slave, raises a rebellion
in Bantam, is taken and banished to the Cape of
Good Hope.

The rebellion of Surapati commences by the
flight of that person, a native of Bail, and the slave
of a Dutch citizen of Batavia.

He takes refuge with the Susunan, who receives
him favourably.

C. 1684. J. 1607. H. 1093.

The impostor Kyayi Agung Gring raises a re-
bellion in Mataram. — A total eclipse of the sun
is observed at that place.

The English send an embassy from Madras to

536 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Achin, requesting permission to build a factory,
which is peremptorily refused,

August ^4. — Don Gabriel Curuzalegui, gover-
nor of the Philippines.

Jan Canphuis, governor-general of the Dutch
Indies.

C. 1685. J. 1608. H. 1094.

June ^25, — The P^nglish establish their settle-
ment at Bencoolen in Sumatra.

Panambahan Kajoran, father-in-law to Truna
Jaya, raises a rebellion, which is not suppressed
without difficulty.

C. .1686. J. 1609. H. 1095.

The Seur Tak is sent by the Dutch as ambas-
sador to the court of Mataram, to demand the
head of Surapati, when he and his suite are mas-
sacred by the latter and his followers, with the con-
nivance of the Susunan.

C. 1687. J. 1610. H. 1096.

Surapati retreats to the eastern end of the island
of Java, and establishes an independent principa-
lity over twenty one districts.

The Dutch, on the call of the king of Bantam,
attack Succadana in Borneo, said to be a depend-
ency of Bantam, and conquer it, making the
English who are found there prisoners.
C. 1688. J. 1611. H. 1097.

A nayet Shah, queen of Achin, dies, and is succeed-
ed by another queen, whose name is not mentioned.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 537

C. 1689. J. 16! 2. H. 1098.
April 27. — Senor Abelia, provisional governor
of the Philippines.

C. 1690. J. 1613. H. 1O99.
Don Fausto Cruzat y Gongora, governor of the
Philippines.

C. 1691. J. 1614. H. 1100.
Jonker, an Amboynese chief in the Dutch ser-
vice in Java, is driven to rebellion by an affront
offered him by a certain General de St Martin. —
He is killed himself in a skirmish which ensues,
and one hundred and eighty of his foUovs^ers are ex-
ecuted.

C. I694. J. 1617. H. 1103.
An insurrection takes place in the Marianas, or
Ladrones, agamst the Spaniards.

C. 1696. J. 1660. H. 1106.
The people of Blambangan in Java invade the
more westerly districts, particularly Kadiri, laying
the country waste, and murdering thc^ inhabit-
ants.

The tragical affair of Sukro, son of the first
minister of the Susunan, and the repudiated wife
of the heir-apparent, takes place at Cartasura.
C. 1697. J. 16^21. H. 1107.
Raja Palaka, king of Boni in Celebes, after ren-
dering himself nearly independent of the Dutch,
and dictating to the smaller and tributary states of
the island, dies, and is succeeded by his nephew,

538 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Lapatao, called after his death Matinroa rl Naga-
wulang.

C. 1699. J. l6^?. H. 1109.

Surapati attempts the conquest of the province
of Pronorogo in Java, but is defeated.

The queen of Acliin is deposed, and the king,
Beder al Alum, elected in her room.

Sultan abd ul Juhl the Third ascends the throne
of Jehor.

C, 1701. J. 1625. H. 1111.

The Susunan of Java sends a mission, with gifts,
to Mecca.

September 8. — Don Domingo Zabalburu, gover-
nor of the Philippines.

C. 170^2. J. 1626. H. 1112.

Beder al Alum, king of Achin, afflicted with
a severe malady, resigns his crown, and Perkasa
Alum is elected in his place.

The king of Achin having attempted to levy-
duties on the English trade at the port, the English
traders of that nation at the place immediately pro-
ceed to offensive measures, and he is, by a threat-
ened insurrection of his subjects, compelled to re-
peal his decree.

C. 1703. J. I627. H. 1113.

The Susunan Manghurat dies, nominating his
eldest son, the Pangeran Dipati Anom, as his suc-
cessor, who sends ambassadors to Batavia, announc*
ing his accession to the throne^

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 539

C. 1704. J. 1628. H. 1114.

Jan Von Hoorn, governor- general of the Dutch
Indies.

The Dutch espouse the cause of the prince of Pu-
gar, and commence the war, which, for distinction
sake, is called " the first war of Java."

Pangeran Pugar escapes from Cartasura to Sa-
marang, and is proclaimed Susunan by the Dutch
vmder the name of Susunan Pakubuwono.

Perkasa Alum, king of Achin, is deposed, and
Jemal ul Alum elected in his room.

C. 1705. J. \629. H. 111^.

The Dutch general De Wilde takes the field
with an army of eight thousand Europeans; and
seven thousand Javanese and Madurese auxiliaries,
under the Madurese prince Chakra Ningrat.

The Dutch defeat the army ot the Susunan near
Cartasura, consisting of thirty thousand men.

The prince of Pugar is proclaimed Susunan at
Cartasura. Many of the nobles come oyer to him,
some of whom he strangles, and others he stabs to
death with his own hand, — among the former a son
q) his 0W7h

October 5. — De Wilde concludes a treaty with
the new Susunan, by which the latter yields the su-
premacy of Cheribon and Madura, and cedes many-
provinces on the north coast of the island of Java
to the Dutch.

6i0 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

C. 1706. J. 1630. H. 1116.

The dethroned monarch the Susunan Mas flies
to the eastern end of Java and joins Surapati.

The Dutch and their allies, with an army of
thirty thousand men, take the field against the de-
throned Susunan and Surapati.

Surapati surprises and defeats a detachment of
the Dutch army near Bangil.

October I6. — The Dutch attack the fort of Ban-
gil, in which Surapati commanded in person, and,
after a brave resistance, carry it. — Surapati makes
his escape, after receiving a wound, of which he
dies three months thereafter. — The Dutch, instead
of pursuing the advantage thus gained, retire to Su-
rabaya for the rainy season, and give the enemy
time to recruit, who become in their turn the assail-
ants, insult Surabaya the Dutch head-quarters, and
burn and destroy the country around it.
C. 1707. J. 1631. H. 1117.

The sons of Surapati are defeated by the Dutch
and their allies ; they are deprived of the princi-
pality which the family had held for twenty years,
and the body of Surapati himself, with those of
many of his followers, is disinterred, burnt, and the
ashes scattered in the air.

The prince of Sumanap Sudarma is poignarded
by order of the Dutch government, for being im-
plicated in the rebellion of Surapati*

GHRONOLOGTCAL TABLE. ^41

C. I7O8. J. 1632. H. 1118.

August 24. — The Dutch commander of the for-
ces, Knol, makes offers to the dethroned Susunan,
who surrenders liimself on assurance of grace, and
is sent to Batavia.

The Pangeran of Surabaya is put to death by
the Susunan at the instigation of the Dutch.

The ex-Susunan arrives at Batavia, and claiming
the indemnity on the faith of which he had surren-
dered, the pledge of indemnity is disclaimed, and
after a month's residence at Batavia, he is banished
to Ceylon, where he ended his days.

C. 1709. J. 1633. H. 1119.

The impostor Mas Dono raises a rebellion, is
taken prisoner, and tortured to death by order of
the Susunan.

August 5. — Don Martin de Ursua-y- Arismendi,
Count de Lizaraga, governor of the Philippines.

The Chinese are banished from Manila, un-
der the absurd pretext of carrying off the public
wealth.

Mapa Dulang, king of Boni in Celebes, dies, and
is succeeded by his daughter's son, Sapuale-e, king
of Macassar.

C. 1710. J. 1634. H. 1120.

The Macassars of Goa having refused to deliver
up Arung Palaka, son of the king of Boni, who
had taken refuge with them, the king of Boni and

54^ CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

the Dutch make war upon them, and reduce them
to entire subjection.

The Spaniards attempt the conversion of the in-
habitants of the Palaos, or Pelew Islands, but the
priests sent with that view were never heard of af-
ter landing.

C. 1712. J. 16J6. H. in^.

Sapuale-e, king of Goa, is formally deposed by
the national council, and Mapa Orange, king of
Tallo, raised to the throne in his room.
C. lyi':^. J. 1687- H. ll^^S.

The king of Boni is inconsolable for the loss of
a beloved concubine, and proposes, in his grief, to
abdicate the throne, and undertake the pilgrimage,
but is dissuaded by his courtiers.

The Javanese chiefs of Surabaya, Madura, Blam-
bangan, and Kadiri, with the assistance of Dewa
Agung, king of Bali, unite in a confederacy a-
gainst the Dutch and Susunan.

The Dutch banish the king of Tambora in
Sambawa to the Cape of Good Hope.

Christopher Van Zwol, governor-general of the
Dutch Indies.

C. 1714. J. 1658. H. 1124.

The king of Boni, Mapa Orange, dies, and is
succeeded by his eldest daughter, Batara Toja.

The settlement of the English at Bencoolen is
removed from its first station to Fort Marlborough.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 54}$

C. 1715. J. 1639. H. 1125.

February 4. — Senor Torralba, provisional gover-
nor of the Philippines.

Batara Toja resigns the crown in favour of her
half-brother, Lapadang Sejati, king of Sopeng.
C. 1717. J. 16^1. H. \h27.

August :'. — Don Fernando Bustamante, gover-
nor of the Philippines.

The governor of the Philippines sends a mission
to Siam, to cultivate friendly and commercial rela-
tions with that country, and the Spaniards obtain
liberty to settle a factory ; but a ship of Siam
having, in the mean time, come to Manila, and the
crew being ill used by the Spaniards, the effects
of the mission are frustrated.

C. I7I8. J. 1642. H. 1128.

Joyo Puspito, chief of Surabaya, defeats the
Dutch and Susunan in a battle fought near Sura-
baya.

The prince of Madura revolts, and, being defeat-
ed, takes shelter on board a Dutch frigate, where a
muck taking place, he, his brother, and son, with
the captain of the Dutch frigate, and others, lose
their lives.

Henry Zwardekroon, governor-general of the
Dutch Indies.

C. 1719. J. 1648. H. 1129.

February. — The Susunan Pakubuwana dies, af-

54f4f CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

ter a reign of sixteen years, and is succeeded by
his eldest son, Susunan Prabu.

The princes Blitar and Purboyo, brothers of the
Susunan, rebel. — Nine of the principal persons
concerned in their revolt are taken prisoners, and
being ranged in order before the Susunan, he re-
quests his courtiers to show their attachment to his
person by putting them to death, when a number
of them rush upon the prisoners, and poignard
them on the spot.

The impostor, Pangeran Kudus, or Ponchowati,
raises a rebellion in Java, is defeated, wounded,
and, on being taken, put to death.

Aryo Mataram, uncle to the Susunan, revolts.

Joyo Purpito, the head of the great rebellion
in Java, dies a natural death.

The natives of Sumatra, irritated by the miscon-
duct, of the agents of the English East India Com-
pany, rise upon the Europeans at Bencoolen, and
the garrison, panic-struck, abandons the fort.

The natives of Bencoolen, alarmed for the en-
croachments of the Dutch, invite the English to
come back, who return accordingly. ^

The king of Boni becomes jealous of his sister,
Batara Toja, or Datu Chita, and persecutes her
and her husband.

October 11. — The governor of the Philippines
acts in a tyrannical manner, and loses his life in a

eHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 34^

tumult of the citizens of Manila, who raise the
archbishop to the government in his stead.
C. 1720. J. 1644. H. 1130.

Pangeran Blitar, one of the rebels in Java, who
had taken the title of sultan, is defeated by the
Dutch and Susunan, but the victory not being taken
advantage of, he is soon again in a condition to
take the field.

The nobles of Boni in Celebes are disgusted at
the conduct of their king, Lapadang Sajati. — They
depose him, and re-elect his sister Batara Toja,
who immediately resigns in favour of her half,
brother, the deposed king of Goa, Sapuale-e.
C. 17^1. J. 1645. H. 1131.

Aryo Mataram, uncle to the Susunan, is seized
by a treacherous negociation of the Dutch, decoyed
into the foit of Japara, and there, with his family,
to the number of eighteen persons, massacred in
cold blood.

August 6. — Don Toribio Casio, Marquis de
Torre Campo, governor of the Philippines.
C. 1722. J. 1646. H. 1132.

A famine and epidemic prevail among the bel-
ligerent parties in Java, and both the European
and native troops are swept off in great numbers.
The rebel sultan falls a victim to the disorder.

April 22. — The conspiracy of Erberfeld is dis-
covered at Batavia, and the conspirators are broken
on the wheel.

VOL. ir. Mm

546 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

The Dutch commodore Roggewein performing
his celebrated voyage of discovery round the world,
has the mortification td find his squadron confis-
cated by the authorities at Batavia, on his arrival
at that place, for a pretended infringement of the
charter of the East India Company.

The Javanese princes and chiefs, in revolt against
the Dutch and "the Susunan, surrender themselves
at Batavia to the number of fortj-four persons, and
are banished to Ceylon and the Cape of Good
Hope, — thus ending the^r^^ tsoaf of Java, which,
for a period of near twenty years, continued to de-
solate the finest parts of the island.

C. 17^3. J. 1647. H. 1183.

The culture of coffee is introduced into Java by
the Dutch governor-general Zwardekroon.

Jemal ul Alum, king of Achin,is deposed, and Ju-

har ul Alum elected in his room. — Undai Tebans: is

raised to the throne, but is immediately deposed. —

Ala-ed-den Ahmed Shah Juhan ascends the throne.

. C. 1724. J. 1648. H. 1134.

The people of Boni in Celebes are dissatisfied
vyrith Sapuale-e, because he is in the hands .^ fa-
vourites, and they dethrone him. — Tapawawi, or
Arnug Mampo, is raised to the throne, but de-
posed in four days, and his sister Batara Toja e-
lected for the third time.

C. 1725. J. I6i9. H. 1135.

The prince Purboyo and the son of Surapati are

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 5^J

betrayed by a promise of pardon, and seized by the
Dutch.

Matthew de Haan, governor- general of the
Dutch Indies.

C. 1726. J. 1650. H. 1136.

The Susunan Prabu dies, and is, through an
intrigue of the Dutch, succeeded by his youngest
son, Pakubuwono, to the exclusion of the elder,
the prince Aryo, nominated successor to the crown
by his father.

Batara Toja, queen of Boni, marries for her
fourth husband Arung Kayu, and makes him joint
regent with herself.

C. 17^7. J. I60I. H. 1137.

Batara Toja, queen of Boni, attacks the king of
Sopeng, her brother, defeats him, and puts him
and his family to death. — She causes herself to be
proclaimed queen of Sopeng.

C. 17«8. J. 165^\ H. 1138.

Arung Kayu, joint regent with his wife Batara
Toja, conspires against and attempts to supplant
her. — His conspiracy is detected, and he is com-
pelled Ui fly to save his life.

C. 17^29. J. 1654. H. 1140.

August 14 — Don Fernando Valdes y Tamon,
governor-general of the Philippines.

Diederick Thierry Durven, governor-general of
the Dutch Indies.

.548 CttRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

C. 1730. J. 1655. H. 1141.
The Pangeran Aryo, elder brother of the Susii«
nan, is seized on pretext of a criminal intrigue
with a concubine of the Susunan, and given over
to the Dutch.

C. 1732. J. 1657. H. 1143.
Dirk Van Cloon, governor-general of the Dutch
Indies.

The governor of Ceylon, Peter Vuyst, is executed
at Batavia for high treason and other crimes.
C. 1733. J. 1658. H. 1144.
Danurajo, first minister of the Susunan, having
thwarted the ambitious designs of the Dutch, in»
curs their displeasure, is given over to them, and
banished to Ceylon.

C. 1734. J. 1659. H. 1145.
C Krain^ Bontolangkas declares himself king of
Goa, and joins the intrepid Waju pirate Sinkang,
when they proclaim their intention of expelling the
Dutch from Celebes.

C. 1735. J, 1660. H. 1146.
The king of Goa Macassar flies to Tallo,
in consequence of the intrigues of Bontolang-
kas, and his grandson Malawangao is elected in his
room.

Ala ed-din Juhan Shah ascends the throne of
Achin. — A civil war, which afflicts that country for
ten years, commences.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

549

Abraham Patras, governor-general of the Dutch
Indies.

C. 1736. J. 1661. H. 1147.

The king of Goa Macassar, and the Waju pi-v
rate, Singkang, subdue Bontaing and the northern
provinces.

The Susunan Manghorat Mas dies at Ceylon, and
his family, with the regalia, are brought back to Java.
C. 1737. J. 1662. H. 1148.

Adrian Valckenier, governor-general of the
Dutch Indies.

C. 1739. J. 1664. H. 1150.

Bontolangkas, joined by the people of Waju, and
by the greater part of the Macassars, takes Goa»
and invests Fort Rotterdam. — The Dutch garrison
defeat them in three separate actions, and retake
Goa with the regalia of Macassar. — The Macassars
submit, and the war terminates. — Bontolangkas
dies of the wounds received in the last action,

Don Gaspar de la Torre, governor of the Phi-
lippines.

The English admiral Anson captures the Aca-
pulco Galleon, with a million and a half of dollars
in silver specie.

C. 1740. J. 1665. H. 1151.

The Dutch and people of Boni sail for Waju,
and obtain two victories over the Wajus, but in an
impolitic manner stop short of subduing the couij"
try, and of making a find arrangement.

550 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

The Chinese, to the number of ten thousand,
are massacred at Batavia by the Dutch, on suspi-
cion of a conspiracy.

r Valckenier, the Dutch governor-general, arrests
three counsellors of the Indies for opposition to his
measures, and sends them to Europe.

C. 174.1. J. 1666. H. 115^.

The Dutch governor-general proceeds for Eu-
rope, but is arrested at the Cape of Good Hope,
and sent back to Batavia to be tried for the mas-
sacre of the Chinese, and the. arrest of his asso-
ciates in the government.

Jan Thiedens, governor-general of the Dutch
Indies.

The Chinese are driven from their entrench-
ments, eight miles from Batavia, and, retreating
to the eastvvard, join the Susunan in a league to
exterminate the Dutch.

The Susunan and the Chinese capture the Dutch
fortress at Cartasura, and put to death the Euro-
pean officers who had surrendered by capitulation.

The Susunan and the Chinese march to Sama-
rang, and lay siege to the fort, with, according
to the Dutch statement, two hundred thousand
men.

The Dutch collect a force of twelve thousand
men at Samarang, make a sortie, and defeat the
besiegers.

The Susunan forsakes his alliance with the Chi-

eHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 551

nese, of whom he massacres a number, and then
joins the Dutch.

The Chinese retreat into the interior of Java,
and raise to the throne a prince of the house of,
Mataram, commonly called the Susunan Kuning.

November ^9- — The Dutch celebrate their tri-
umph over the Chinese, by a public thanksgiving
at Batavia.

C. 1742. J. 1667. H. 1153.

Malawangao, king of Goa Macassar, dies, and is
succeeded by his infant brother, Mapa Bewasa.

The Chinese, with the Susunan Kuning, attack
the capital ( ^artasura, and take it.

The Madurese retake Cartasura, and the Chi-
nese retreat with their Susunan.

The Chinese are jomed by Suryo Kusurao, bet-
ter known by the name of Mangkunagoro, and tliey
fight a number of actions with tae Dutch troops,
and those of the Susunan.

Cartasura is abandoned, and the seat of govern-
ment is removed to Solo or Surakarta.

C. l,4d. J. 1 608. H. 1154.

The Chinese disperse, and the Susunan Kuning
surrendering himself to the Dutch, is banished to
Ceylon.

Gustavus Willem, Baron dTmhofF, governor-ge-
neral of the Dutch Indies.

C. 1745. J. 1670. H. 1156.

The Dutch declare war against the prince of

552 ^ CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Madura, and defeat him in an engagement which
ensues,

September ^1. — Senor Arrechedera, provisional
governor of the Philippines.

C. 174(5. J. 1671. H. 1157.

The govern or- general Van ImhofF visits Solo,
the capital of the Susunan, and pursues such mea-
sures as disgust the Javanese princes. — The Pan-
geran Mangkubumi, in consequence, quits Solo at
night, with his followers, and commences the re-
bellion which ended in the division of the native
empire. — He is joined by Mangkunagoro.
C. 174.7. J. 167'^. H. 1158.

Pedro de la Sona Trinidad, provisional governor
of the Philippines.

A royal order arrives at Manila for the final ex-
pulsion of the Chinese, the execution of which is
suspended.

C. 1748. J. 1673. H. 1159.

The Dutch East India Company instal the
Prince of Orange as supreme director and gover-
nor-general of the Indies.

C. 1749. J. 1674, H. 1160.

The queen of Boni in Celebes,. Batara Toja, dies,
and is succeeded by her brother, Lama Sosrong.
C. 1750, J. 1675. H. 1161.

The Susunan Pakubuwonothe Second, usually de-
nominated SedoLaweyan, on his death-bed is induc-
ed t9 sign a deed, surrendering, for himself and his

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 653

heivs, the throne of Java to the Dutch. — He dies,
and the Dutch raise his son, a boy of nine years of
age, to the throne.

The rebel prince Mangkubumi gives the Dutch
and their Javanese allies a complete overthrovy^ at
Tidar, in the province of Kadu.

Don Francisco Joseph, Marquis de Obanda, go •
vernor of the Philippines.

C. 1751. J. 1676. H. 1162.

June 13. — The Spaniards of Manila send a
force against the island of Sooloo, and dictate terms
to the people of it. — They declare war against the
people of that island, and, sending a second expe-
dition thither, they are disgracefully beaten by the
inhabitants, who, in their turn, with the assistance
of the freebooters ofthe neighbouring countries, in-
vade the Philippines, and ravage and desolate the
Spanish provinces.

Mangkubumi and Mangkunagoro the rebel
princes gain a succession of small advantages over
the Dutch.

C. 1752. J. 1677. H. 1163.

The most considerable action of the war of
Java is fought at Janar, in the province of Baglen,
when Mangkubumi gains a complete victory over
the Dutch. — He invades after this the territory of
the European power, and plunders Pakalongan, Ba-
tang, and Waleri.

554. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

A volcanic eruption from some mountain ' of
the neighbouring islands covers Java with ashes,
accompanied by a total darkness, from seven in the
morning until four in the afternoon. — A dreadful
famine and epidemic afflict the island of Java.

Jacob Mossel, governor-general of the Dutch
Indies.

The English establish a settlement at Natal in
Sumatra.

C. 1751. J. 1678. H. 1164.

The rebel Javanese princes, Mangkubumi and
Mangkunagoro, quarrel and separate. — They fight
a battle in Pronorogo, and Mangkubumi is defeated.

The Dutch make overtures to Mangkunagoro,
sending him, as a bribe, the body of his father,
brought, for that purpose, from Ceylon, where
he had died in banishment !

Amasa Madena, called also Batara Goa, suc-
ceeds to the crown of Goa Macassar.

C. 1754. J. I679-8O. H. 1165-66,

The inhabitants of Sooloo, and other natives of
the surrounding states, invade the Philippines, and,
entering with fire and sword, murder the religious
orders, Indians and Spaniards, and carry off thou-
sands of the inhabitants of every description.

Don Pedro Manuel de Arandia, governor of the
Philippines.

December. — A dreadful eruption of a volcano,

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 555

accompanied by violent shocks of earthquakes, takes
place in the Philippines, by whicii a number of vil-
lages are laid in ruins, and many lives destroyed.
C. 175.5. J. 1680. H. 1165.

January 1. — The governor-generalof the Dutch
Indies issues a code of sumptuary laws, in one
hundred and twenty -three aiHicles,

The Spaniards of the Philippines, under the
priest Ducos, are successful in checking the in-
roads of the neighbouring native states on the Phi-
lippines.

The Dutch and Susunan, despairing of any suc-
cess against Mangkubumi in the field, negociate
with him to arrest his conquests, and cede to him
one half of the kingdom of the latter, under the
title of sultan.

The Dutch, the Susunan, and the newly created
sultan, pursue Mangkunagoro, and defeat him in a
variety of petty actions.

C. 1756. J. 168I. H. II67.

The new sultan of Java fixes his capital at Yug-
yacarta, in the province of Mataram.

C. 1757. J. 168^2. H. 1168.

Mangkunagoro, eluding the pursuit of his ene-
mies, attacks the sultan's capital in his absence,
and plunders it.

The confederated Dutch and Javanese find them-
selves compelled to negociate with Mangkunagoro,
and he comes to terms on receiving an hereditary

556 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

estate of four thousand families, which event puts
an end to a war of eleven years standing, which, for
distinction's sake, is usually called the second war
of Java.

The Chinese are finally expelled from the Phi-
lippines, in conformity to the royal edict, and the
temporary residence of the traders from China only
tolerated.

C. 1759. J. 1084. H. 1170.

June 1. — Senor Espeleta, bishop of Zebu, pro-
visional governor of the Philippines.

C. 1760. J. 1685. H. 1171.

Ala ed-din Mahomed Shah ascends the throne
of Achin.

The French, under the Com])te d'Estaing, de-
stroy the whole of the English settlements on the
west coast of Sumatra.

C. 1761. J. 1686. H. 117^.

Don Manuel Roxo, archbishop of the Philip-
pines, provisional governor of these islands.

Peter Albert Van der Parra, governor-general
of the Dutch Indies.

C. 1762. J. 1688. H. 1174.

September 22.- — The British, under Brigadier-
general Draper and Admiral Cornish, arrive at the
Philippines, with a considerable naval and military
expedition, and deniand the surrender of the
islands, which being refused, they commence mili-
tary operations.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 557

October 5. — The English storm the fortifications
of Manila, and carry the town, which they deliver
over to plunder, and on which they levy a heavy
contribution, after a capitulation had been entered
into.

The military commander, Senor Anda, retires
from the city of Manila, and, with the assistance of
the different religious orders, maintains the authority
of the king of Spain in the Philippines, so that the
British authority never extends much beyond the
confines of Manila.

December. — The Chinese, who, in the course
of three years, had increased in prodigious num-
bers in the Philippines, all join the English, and
commit great excesses.

Senor Anda, the Spanish military commander,
orders all the Chinese in the Philippines to he
hangedy which order is very generally carried into
effect.

The unconverted nations of the Philippines
commonly join the English, and a very general
rising of these people takes place.

C. 1763. J. 1689. H. 1175.

The English settlements on the west coast of
Sumatra are re-established, and their acquisitions
there confirmed by the peace of Paris.

The English settlement of Bencoolen, or Fort
Marlborough, is erected into an independent pre-
sidency^.

558 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Ala ed'din Mahomed Shah, kincr of Achin,* is
driven from the throne, which is seized by the
Maharaja, or first officer of state, who takes the
name of Beder ed-din Juhan Shah.

The English deliver over Manila to the Spa-
niards, in conformity to the conditions of the peace
of 1763.

C. 1765. J. 1690—91. H. 1176—77.
March. — The rebellion of the Indian inhabitants
of the Philippines, occasioned by the invasion of
the English, is finally quelled by the Spaniards,
after a loss, on the part of the former, of more than
ten thousand men.

Beder eddin Juhan Shah, king of Achin, is put
to death, and Mahomed Shah restored to the throne.
C. 1766. J. I69^i. H. 1178.
Batara Goa, king of Macassar, abdicates the
throne.

C. 1768. J. 1691^ H. 1180.
Arung Mampo usurps the throne of Goa Ma-
cassar.

C. 1769. J. 1695. H. 1181.
Tumamenang ri Matuangi ascends the throne
of Goa Macassar.

C. 1775. J. 1701. H. II87.
Jeremiah Van Reimsdyck, governor-general of
the Dutch Indies.

C. 1776. J. 170'2. H. 1188.
An adventurer, called Sangkilang, raises an in-

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 559

surrection and formidable rebellion in Celebes,
by which the country is kept in a state of anar-
chy for id years.

C. 1777. J. 1703. H. 1189.
October 8.— Reinier de Klerk, governor-general
of the Dutch Indies.

C. 1778. J. 1701. H. 1190.
Sangkilang captures the town of Goa and the
regalia.

^ C. I78O. J. 1706. H. 1192.
September 1 . — Arnold Alting, governor-general
of the Dutch Indies.

C. I78I. J. 1707. H. 1193.
Ala ed-din Mahomed Shah Jehan, son of the
last king, ascends the throne of A chin.
C. 1785. J. i7il. H. 1197.
The English, directed by Mr Light and Mr
Scott, establish a settlement on Pulao Pinang, called
by them Prince of Wales Island, a barren and un-
occupied island of the principality of Queda, lying
at the north-western entrance of the Straits of Ma-
lacca.

The adventurer Sangkilang dies a natural death.
C 1788. J. 1714. H. 1^200.
. The Susunan of Java dies, and is succeeded by
his son the reigning prince.

C. 1790. J. 1716. H. no^.
The war occasioned by the rebellion of Sangki-
lang ends in Celebes.

56) CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

C. 179'i. J. I7I8. H. 1204.
The sultan of Java dies, and is succeeded by
his son, Mangkubuwono the Second.

C. 1795. J. 1721. H. 1^07.
The British capture the town of Malacca and
its dependencies.

C. 1802. J. 1720. H. 1215.
Bencoolen is, by an act of the British Parlia-
ment, subjected to the presidency of Bengal.
C. 1809. J. 1736. H. 1222.
Tumanenang ri Lambusuna ascends the throne
of Goa Macassar.

C. 1810. J. 1737. H. 1223.
The Dutch move a force to Yugyacarta and de-
pose the sultan of Java, raising his eldest son in
his room.

C. 1811. J. 1738. H. 122k
The Dutch colonies of the Indian Archipela-
go, following the fate of the mother country, be-
come a portion of the French empire, and the ge-
neral of division Janssens, is appointed governor-
general.

August 4. — The British land a force in Java.
August 10. — They take possession of the town
of Batavia, and drive the Dutch and French troops,
after a smart action, from the cantonments of Wel-
tervrieden.

August 26. — The British troops storm the en-
trenched position of the enemy at Cornells, withi^i

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 56l

three miles of the city of Batavia, and take it in a
very gallant manner.

September 16. — The French governor-general
Janssens, having retreated to the eastern part of
Java with the remnant of his force, fights a petty
action with the British force at the village of Se-
rondol, within seven miles of Samarang, and is de-
feated.

September 18. — The French governor-general
enters into a capitulation with the British authori-
ties for the surrender of Java, and the other Dutch
possessions.

The ex-sultan of Java resumes the government,
and puts his first minister, and the father of that
officer, to death, for opposing his wishes.

The authority of the Dutch in Celebes is trans-
ferred to the British, in conformity to the capitu-
lation entered into between the French governor-
general and the British authorities.

C. 1812. J. 1739. H. 1225.

May 17. — The British authorities in Java send
an expedition against the sultan of Palembang, so-
vereign of the island of Banca, and dethrone him,
raising in his room his brother, in consideration of
which, the latter cedes to them the islands of Banca
and Billiton.

June 20. — The British march a force against
the sultan of Java, and, declaring war against him,
storm his fortified palace with less than a thousand

« VOL. II* N n

562 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

men, and take it without difficulty, though de-
fended by more than eight thousand. The sultan
is made prisoner, and his son replaced on the throne,
by the title of Mangkubuwono the Third.

The Susunan and sultan of Java cede to the
British government the provinces of Kadu, Blora,
Jipang, Japan, and Garobagan.

C, 1813. J. 1740. H. 12^6.

The British government of Java, under the di-
rection of Sir Stamford Raffles, in a spirit of great
liberality, effects a number of beneficial changes,
commercial, fiscal, and judicial.

C. 1814. J. 1739. H. 1227.

A brother of the Hindu Raja of Blelling in Bali,
having insulted the post of Blambangan in Java,
a British expedition, proceeding to Celebes, stops
at Bali, and receives the submission of the Raja.

The king of Boni in Celebes, refusing to ac-
knowledge the European supremacy, is attacked
by a large force sent from Java and defeated, but
escapes, and carries on a predatory warfare, until
the surrender of the island to the Dutch.
C. 1815. J. 174^. H. 1228.

Mangkubuwono the Third, sultan of Java, diesr,
and is succeeded by his son, the reigning prince,
the fourth of the same name.

C.I8I6. J. 1743. H. 1229.

August 19. — Java is ceded by treaty to the
Dutch, and taken possession of.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 563

The British authorities quit Celebes, and sur-
render it to the Dutch,

The Spice Islands are surrendered to the Dutch.

END OF VOLUME SECOND.

Printed by George Ramsay & Co.
Edinburgh, 1819.

BINDING LIST SEP 1 1344

University of Toronto
Library

DO NOT

REMOVE

THE

CARD

FROM

THIS

POCKET

Acme Library Card Pocket
LOWE-MARTIN CO. limited