Printed and Published by M. C. Das PRABASI PRESS 120-2, Upper Circular Road, Calcutta. FOREWORD In offering to the public this new and revised edition of the Greater India Society's Bulletin No. 5, an apology is needed for the unfortunate delay that has occurred in its publication. This has been largely due to the fact that both authors had to stay at a great distance from the Press where the work was printed. In the first part of the present work the author Dr. B. R. Chatterji has further availed himself of his knowledge of the Dutch sources to revise and bring up-to-date the subject matter of the first edition. The second part, which is altogether new, consists of a eorpua of Sanskrit inscriptions from Java, Sumatra and Borneo lands of originally alien tongues and peoples but afterwards completely transfused by contact with the superior culture of India. In this part while Dr. Chatterjee has with his usual industry collected all the inscriptions, the task of editing and translating them has been undertaken by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti to whom the Society conveys its warmest thanks. At the present w< time when India's fitness for undertaking the responsibilities of a complete national life is being judged at the bar of the world's opinion, it is to be hoped that this modest narrative of her cultural achievement in a remote corner of South-Eastern Asia in the past will not fail to awaken a wide and a keen interest. In conclusion, a word of acknowledgment is due to the Prabasi Press for the unfailing courtesy which it has extended to us at every stage of publication of the present work. Calcutta - 1 HorSecTeterT A ;i i QQQ r mm. secretary, rU. N. GHOSHAI,, Hon. Secretary, Greater India Society AtTHOR'S PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION In this Bulletin I have tried to give a general idea of tndian culture of Java and Sumatra in a popular way. In this connection I desire to express ray indebtedness to Dr. Otto Blagden, Dean of the School of Oriental Studies, London, who introduced me to the standard Dutch works on the subject, guided me in my studies on the history of Imulindia and read with me several important texts. I am specially thankful to Dr. Blagden for his help as regards the sections on Shrivijaya and the Javanese Ramayana. In the second edition I have added two more chapters. The first and second chapters have been revised according to the new information which Prof. Krom's Hindoe- Jamanschc Geschicdcnis has now made available. B. R. C. CONTENTS OF PART I PAGE AN OUTLINE OP INDO-JAVANESE HISTORY 1 SHRIVIJAYA THE EMPIRE OF THE SHAILENDRA MONARCHS OF SUMATRA 14 JAVA AND SUMATRA IN INDIAN LITERATURE 22 THE RAMAYANA IN JAVA 29 FALL OF THE LAST HINDU KINGDOM OF J*VA 42 THE MAHABHARATA AND THE WAYANG IN JAVA 48 TANTRISM IN CAMBODIA, SUMATRA AND JAVA 52 AN OUTLINE OF INDO-JAVANESE HISTORY THE material on which Sir Stamford Baffles based his history of anciont Java, wX comparatively recent Javanese tradition, has but little historical value. We have to go back to the ancient inscriptions of the Malay Archipelago, contemporary notices in Chinese annals and Kavi chronicles, like the Nagarakrta-gama and the Pararaton, in order to reconstruct the Hindu-Buddhist period of Javanese history. Within the last thirty years Dutch scholars like Kern, Brandes and Krom have accomplished much in this direction. Indeed Dr. N. J Krom's Hindoe-Javwnsche Gcschiedenis will for a long time remain the standard work on this subject. The mention of Java in the Ramayana, whore Sugriva sends out searching parties in quest of Sita to the four cardinal points, is well-known. Professor Sylvain L6vi would ascribe to this passage a date not later than the first century A. D. Ptolemy, the astronomer of Alexandria who wrote his geography about the middle of the 2nd century A. D, refers to Java as Jabadieu (Yavadvipa) a name which he himself translates as the island of barley. Thus the Sanskrit name of the island was already known to foreigners. Chinese chronicles mention that about 132 A. D. Tiao Picn (Deva Varman ?), the king of Ye-tiao (Yavadvipa), sent an embassy to China. The Emperor presented to Tiao Pien a seal of gold and a violot ribbon. The earliest inscriptions hitherto discovered come not from Java but from eastern Borneo. They are not dated, but on palueographical grounds they have been assigned to the fourth century A. D. The script closely resembles that of the early Pallava inscriptions of South India and that of the earliest inscriptions of Champa and Kamboja. The Borneo inscriptions are, however, much earlier than the Pallava inscriptions and it is in this island that we first find this script The language is tolerably good Sanskrit. The inscriptions tell us of one Ashvavarraan, the founder of a noble race. Foremost among his sons was Mulavarman, the lord of kings, who had celebrated a bahitsuvarnaka sacrifice, for which ceremony stone yupas (sacrificial posts) had been prepared by Brahmans. Fragments of these stone posts have been discovered along with the inscription. The next series of inscriptions tell us of Purnavarman of Western Java. These, too, are not dated, but, on account of their archaic character, have been ascribed to the middle 2 INDIA AND JAVA of the 5th. century A. D. The script is the same whteh later on became known as Pallava grantha and which is found in early "Borneo and in the Indo-Chinese epigraphy of Champa and Kamboja. Purnavarman calls himself the lord of Tartima-nagara (near Batavia), and one of the inscriptions refers to the construction of two canals, Chandrabhagft and Gomati. It is to be noted that both the names are those of rivers of North India. On two of the inscriptions the foot-prints of Purnavarraan himself are carved and compared with those of Vishnu, while on a third the footmarks of the king's elephant are cut into the stone. It might have been during the reign of Purnavarman or one of his immediate predecessors that the Chinese pilgrim Fa-hien reached West Java from Ceylon. Fa-hien writes that in this country there were many Brahmans but that the Buddhist religion here was not of sufficient importance to be worth mentioning. Then he mentions that after a short stay he sailed for Canton (in 413 A. D.) in a merchant vassel which had 200 Hindu traders on board. Buddhism was probably first preached in Java by Gunavarman, a prince of Kashmir, in 423 A. D. From Java Gunavarman proceeded to China in a ship belonging to a Hindu of the name of Nandi. The next mention of Java is also from a Chinese source. We learn from the history of the first Sung dynasty that, in the year 435 A. D , the king of Ja-va-da whose name was Sri-pa-da-do-a-la-pa-mo (Shripada Dharavarman ?) sent an envoy to the Chinese court to present a letter. Another Chinese chronicle, which covers the first half of the 6th century A. D., describes a kingdom of the name of Lan-ga-su on the N. W. coast of Java. "The people say that this kingdom was established more than 400 years ago. It once happened that a king of this country was very unsatisfactory in his rule. One of his relations was a clever man, and therefore the people began to turn towards him . . . The king drove him out of the realm, where- upon his kinsman went to India and there married the daughter of a ruler of that country. When the king of Lan-ga-su died, the exiled prince was called back by the nobles to be their king . . ." The son of this king sent a letter to the Chinese Emperor, which is characterised by a fervent Buddhist tone. It seems that towards the end of the 6th century, Western Java fell into decay and Central Java rose into prominence. The new history of the T'ang dynasty mentions a kingdom of the name of Kalinga in Central Java and describes embassies which came from this kingdom and from Bali in the period 637-649. INDIA AND JAVA O "In 674 A. D. the people of this realm took as their ruler a lady of the name of Sima. Her rule was most excellent, even things dropped on the road were not picked up. An Arab chief (an Arab colony existed on the Western coast of Sumatra from an early date) sent a bag of gold to be laid down within her frontiers. The people avoided it in walking, and it remained untouched for three years. Once the Crown-Prince stepped over that gold and Queen Sima was so angry with him that she wanted to have him executed. There was however a compromise, and the prince's toes, which had touched the bag of gold, were cut oft." We hear no more of this kingdom of Kalinga in Java. Our next source of information is the Janggal inscription of Central Java, of the Shaka year 654 (732 A. D.), the first dated record which we have got as yet from Java. The script (Pallava Grantha) and the language (Sanskrit) both closely resemble the characters and the style of the Han Chey inscription of Bhavavarman, the king who reigned in Kamboja about the middle of the 6th century. This Central Javanese inscription is a Shaiva document and refers to the reconstruction of a Shaiva temple on the model of a celebrated shrine in the holy land of Kunjara Kunja. Probably this Kunjara Kunja is to be identified with the ashrama of Agastya of that name in South India. Two kings of Central Java, Sannaha and Sanjaya (father and son), are mentioned here as having ruled long on this earth with justice like Manu. Perhaps the Shiva temples on the Dieng plateau should be ascribed to this period. A later Javanese chronicle describes extensive conquests of Sanjaya beyond the boundaries of Java. Princes of Sumatra, Bali and the Malay Peninsula are said to have yielded after severe fighting and acknowledged his supremacy. Another Shaiva inscription discovered at Dinaya in Eastern Java, dated 682 Shaka (760 A. D.), describes the construction of a black stone image of Agastya Eishi. This was done by the order of king Gajayana, the benefactar of Brahmans and the worshipper of Agastya, who had seen ail image of the Eishi constructed out of Devadaru wood by his ancestors. "In order to get rain, this image of Agastya Kumbhayoni was consecrated in kumblia-lagna by the strong- minded king in the fine Maliarshi-bhavana" It may be mentioned in this connection that Agastya is referred to again in another inscription which is dated a century later (785 S. 863 A. D.) and which is partly in Sanskrit verse and partly in Kavi. Kavi is a mixture of Sanskrit and a Polynesian dialect. There Agastya is also invoked under the Javanese name of Valaing. A temple of the name of Bhadraloka is mentioned in this inscription as having been built by Agastya himself, and in the conclud- 4 INDIA AND JAVA ing lines there is a praver offered for the peace and pros- perity of tne descendants of the Maharshi who, it seems, had settled down in Java, Prof. Kron:, however, thinks that the name Agastya here might refer to some person living m the 9th century A. D. who bore the name of the great seer. In the meantime, however, important political changes had come over Central Java, which had passed, about the middle of the 8th century, from the hands of the Shaiva rulers into the control of a Mahayanist dynasty from Sumatra. Chinese records tell us that a Hinduised kingdom of Palembang existed in Sumatra in the 5th century A. D. A learned French savant, M. CrodGs, has made a most remarkable contribution to our knowledge of the ancient history of Further India by identifying Palembang with Shrivijaya, the San-fot-si of the Chinese. We now know that the Shailendra dynasty of Shrivijaya ruled over a mighty empire extending over the Malay Peninsula and Central Java besides Sumatra. In the 10th century a Buddhist temple was constructed at Negapatain (near Madras) at the expense of a king of this Sumatran dynasty with the permission of a Chola prince. A Nalanda copper plate of Devapala records the grant of some villages by the Pala sovereign of Bengal for the upkeep of a monastery at Nalanda which was built at the instance of Balaputradeva of the Shailendra dynasty of Suvarnadvipa (Sumatra) out of his devotion to Buddhism. Evidently therefore Shrivijaya or Palembang in Sumatra had become a stronghold of Mahayana Buddhism since the days of I-tsing, who towards the end of the 7th century described it as a great centre of Hinayana learning. To come back to Java, an inscription found near the lovely temple of Kalasan in Central Java and dated 700 Shaka, (778 A. D.) tells us that this temple of Tara was built at the command of the Shailendra king of Shrivijaya in his own kingdom. Apparently the Javanese possessions were governed by viceroys on behalf of the Sumatran sovereign. A remark- able fact is that this inscription is not in the Pallava script of South India but in a North Indian alphabet In my work on ancient Cambodia I have tried to show that the introduction of Mahayana Buddhism and a North Indian script .in Cambodia should also be associated with the dominating influence of Shrivijaya. Moreover, this North Indian script of Java and Cambodia is obviously more akin to Bengali than to the Devanagari characters. This feature and the curious combination of Mahayana Buddhism with Trantric elements and Shaiva doctrines to be found henceforth in Java, Sumatra and Cambodia, have led me to suggest in the above-mentioned work that from the 8th century onwards, South Indian influence seems to be on the wane in Further India which, in religion and in art, comes INDIA AND JAVA 5 more and more under the sway of Pala ^Bengal and Magadha. In this connection Prof. Krom states : "Indian Buddhism in this period had a recognised centre in the University of Nalanda which centre had a far-reaching influence on the whole of India as well as remote colonies as far away as as China. .Therefore for (the true source of) the Mahayanist finds in Java we must look first of all to Nalanda." Central Java did not languish under the rule of the Shrivijaya kings. This is the classic penod of Javanese architecture. Borobodur that epic in stone is also to bo ascribed to this period. The image of Avalokiteshvara in the Chandi Mendoot is one of the happiest efforts of Javanese sculpture and can stand comparison with the best specimens of the Gupta school. Again, by a Shailendra king, as a proof of the study of Sanskrit, was edited a Sanskrit glossary (Amaramahi) in Kavi (Old Javanese). About 863 A. I), the Sumatran period of Javanese history comes to an end as an inscription, bearing .the date 785 Shaka era (863 A. D.), has been discovered in Central Java which commemorates the cult of Agastya. About this period the Shaiva princes, who had been ousted from Central Java and who had settled down in the eastern portion of the island, appear to have won back their lost territory from the governors of the Shailendra kings of Shrivijaya. Thus was founded the Hindu kingdom of Mataram in Central Java which lasted apparently from 863 A. D. to 915 A. D. Daksha (915 A. D.) seems to be the last ruler of Mataram and to be the builder of Prambanam. After his reign Central Java seems to have been ruled by governors appointed by East Javanese sovereigns. Wawa was one of these overlords of Mataram. It was during his reign that the 'Minto inseription' (924 A. D.) was written. It is so called because Sir S. Raffles sent this inscription to Lord Minto in Scotland during the period of the British occupation of Java. It is a grant for a temple. With Wawa's death Central Java drops out altogether from Javanese history. The great building activity continued in Central Java under these Mataram princes ; for to this period of Hindu revival belongs the famous Prambanam group of temples with its magnificent reliefs depicting scenes of the Eamayana. About 828 A. D. (the close of Wawa's reign) occurred a great disaster, probably a volcanic eruption, and Central Java was abandoned. The scene now shifts to Eastern Java where rose a power- ful State under Mpoo Sindok who was at first a minister of Wawa. During Sindok's reign lived the Buddhist author of the Subhuti Tautra, a text which attained fame afterwards. His great-grand- daughter Mahendradatta ( *&*% Sfsrt ) was 6 INDIA AND JAVA married to Udayana, the governor of Bali, which island had already come under the sway of the East Javanese princes. The offspring of this union, as we are told in an inscription, was the great Erlangga. While only 15 years of age, this prince had to fly from his enemies and take refuge in the forest of Vanagiri. He and his followers lived with the ascetics in the forest clad in the bark of trees and partaking of the same food as these hermits. He then made a vow that if he was ever restored to his throne, he would build an ashrama in the forest a vow, which the inscription tells us, he carried out on a magnificent scale. In the Shaka year 957 (1035 A. D.), after having overthrown his enemies in the cast and west and, like a fiery dragon, having burnt the andrya i non-Aryan) south, Erlangga was enthroned as the overlord of Javadvipa. It was during his reign that some of the most renowned Kavi (Old Javanese) poems were composed Arjuna-Vivaha, Virata-parva and a translation of the Mahabharata. The Ramayana may also have been translated into Kavi during this reign. In 1042 King Erlangga again took to a hermit's life after dividing his kingdom between his two sons. The partition was effected by a learned sage, Bharada, who had acquired 'siddhi? With a pitcher of water, which came down from the heavens by the magic power of the great master, the boundary line between the two kingdoms of Kediri and Jangala was marked out. Of Jangala little is known ; but Kediri or Daha has made itself illustrious by the contributions its poets have made to Kavi literature. As a Dutch scholar has written : **The Javanese of to-day still looks back on Kediri's golden age as the most perfect realisation of his romantic dreams*" About 1104 A. D. flourished at the court of king Varshajaya the poet Triguna, who was the author of the Kavi poems Sumanasantaka and Krishnayana. About 1120 A. D. reigned Kameshvara who has been identified with the famous hero Eaden Panji of the Panji romance, still so popular in Java. He was married to Chandra Kirana a princess of Jangala "with whom the king always sat on the golden lion-throne," and he was the hero of all sorts of adventures. His court-poet was Mpu Dharmaja, who composed the Smara-dahana ('the burning of the God of Love'). Between 1135 and 1155 A.D. Jayabaya, who is remember- ed to this day in Java, was on the Kediri throne. During his reign the poet Penoolooh wrote the Bharata Yuddha and the Harivamsa. Later on Mahabharata episodes were adapted in such a way that the scene of the great battle was shifted to Java and the heroes were transformed into Javanese princes and thus became the ancestors of noble INDIA AND JAVA Javanese families. King Jayabaya is described in the 1 Yuddha as a great conqueror who succeeded in over* even the ruler of Sumatra. The tradition still exists ii that Jayabaya will come back and restore the goldei He was a Vaislmava prince. The rulers of Kediri also made their influence foreign relations. In 1129 A. D. Kmeshvara received the Chinese Emperor the title of king. We learn Arab sources that Javanese merchants traded up vicinity of Sophala (on the southeast coast of opposite Madagascar. There were numerous Negro at the court of the Javanese princes. Inded M. ( Ferrand has been led to the conclusion by linguistic e^ and by the accounts of Arab and early Portuguese tra that Madagascar was colonised in the first centu the Christian era by Hinduised emigrants from 81 and Java. In the 10th century* he states, there was migration to Madagascar from the Malay Archipelago. Early in the 13th century Kediri had to submit t adventurer Ken Arok with whose romantic career we now to deal. We have ample material for the hist Java from the 13th century onwards, for both the N krfcagama and the Pararaton, the two most valuable chronicles which we possess, cover the Singasari ai Majapahit periods. The Pararaton continues its nai up to 1478 A. D., i. e the end of the Hindu peric Javanese history, while the Nagarakrtasatna stops year 1365 during the reign of Hyam Wuruk the ; Prapancha being the court-poet of that great monarch. The Pararaton begins with the story of Ken 1 the ancestor of the rulers of the Singasari and Ma kingdoms. He is described as the issue of Brahn incarnation of Vistmu and a near relation of Shiva, thus a superman, he hesitated at nothing. He was of theft, murder, and of every conceivable crime. On while he sat in a gambling den, he met a Brahman wi come from India for the sole purpose of seeing him. Brahman had come to know from supernatural s in India that Vislmu had incarnated himself in Java person of Ken Arok. With the Brahman's help Ken got into the service of the prince of Singasari (or Tui a vassal chief of Kediri. Then he fell in love wi wife of the prince, Dedes the most beautiful won Java, of whom had been foretold that her husband be a Chakravarti monarch. After a series of disref adventures the Kediri prince was disposed of by mean dagger. Ken Arok ascended the throne of Singasari in married Queen Dedes and soon reduced the neighb principalities of Jangala and Kediri to submission. He as 8 INDIA AND JAVA the title of Rajasa Sang Amurvabhumi and had succeeded in consolidating his conquests before he was murdered in 1227. The celebrated image of Prajna-paramita, perhaps the most exquisite specimen of the Indo-Javanese school of sculpture, is ascribed to his reign, and is said to represent the features of his queen Dedes. The reign of Krtanagara 1268-1293 A D.) the fourth ruler of Sangasari after Ken Arok, was full of events which formed a turning-point in Javanese history. Krtanagara, even in his life-time, was adored as Shiva-Buddha but in reality he was weak and frivolous and brought disasters on his State. Without taking care to make his position secure at home, he frittered away his resources in oxpoditions to Malay u 'in Sumatra), Bali, Bakulpura (in 8. W. Borneo), etc. His inordinate pride led him to insult the envoy of the Chinese Emperor Ivubilai Khan. Meanwhile a vassal of his, Jayakatong of Kediri (or Daha), rose in revolt against him. Krtanagara's son-in-law, Raden Vijaya, tried in vain to resist the rebel chief, who made his entry into Singasari. Krtanagara was slain, and Vijaya escaped to Madura (the island to the north of JavaX He came back again, however, entered the service of his former enemy Jayakatong and served him with a carefully feigned faithfulness. With that prince's permission Raden Vijaya founded a new town on a waste land which came to he known as Majapahit (Bilva-tikta) from a bad tree with bitter fruit found growing on the site. Vijaya was all the while biding his opportunity, which came in 1293 A. D, with the arrival of the Chinese troops sent by Kubilai Khan to avenge the insult offered to his envoy. At the instigation of Raden Vijaya the Chinese generals moved against Jayakatong of Kediri, who perished in the conflict. His enemy being thus disposed of, Raden Vijaya then attacked the Chinese troops, who, astonished at this treachery, retreated to their ships and sailed away to China without having accomplished anything. Kubilai Khan was highly incensed at the failure of this expedition and condemned one of his generals, a Mongol, to receive seventeen lashes. .. B ; en Yi )aya, having got rid of all his foes, ascended the throno of Majapahit, in 1294 A. D., and, assuming the title of Krtarajasa Jayavardhana, made himself the overlord of East Java. A fine statute of this first sovereign of Ma]apahit, erected in the temple built over his ashes, represents him as Vishnu with all the sacred symbols. This practice of identifying deceased monarchs with the divinities they worshipped in their life-time was common in ancient tambodia as well as in Java. The son of Krtarajasa, who succeeded' him, was a INDIA AND JAVA 9 worthless ruler. The third sovereign of Majapahit was the great queen Tribhuvanottungadevi Jayavislwuvardhani the eldest daughter of Krtarajasa. She shared her royal position with her mother Gayatri (a devout Buddhist) and her sister Rajadevi. Her husband, the Prince-Consort, was the chief justice ot the realm. It was, however, Gajamada, the prime-minister, who was the most masterful personality at her court. One day in a cabinet meeting he declared that he would not touch the income from his estate till West Java, Bali and the chain of islands to the east of it, Bakulpura in S.-W. Borneo, Palembang or Shrivijaya in Sumatra and Pahang and Singapura (Singapore) in the Malay Peninsula were conquered by Majapahit. This solemn vow was received with jeers and contemptuous laughter. Gajamada, keenly feeling the insult, laid his complaint before the queen. The scoffers had to clear out and Gajamada received the royal permission to carry out his policy. Bali was overrun in 134'J. The powerful prince of Badahulu in Bali was slain and as he was the over-lord of the chain of islands to th-j east of Java and of Madura and a portion of Celebes this was a great triumph for Majapahit. Probably the other conquests were achieved during the next reign, that of Hayam Wurnk, under whom Gajaraada continued to serve as prime-minister. To this period belong the curious inscriptions of Adityavarman a princo of Sumatra who was a relation and a vassal of the queen of Majapahit. The language of these inscriptions is very obsure but they clearly show the prevalence of Tantric doctrines in Sumatra and Java. De Heer Moens, in the Tijfacltrift van het Batanaaseh Gcnootschap, 1924 (3 and 4), thus interprets these stanzas, which were obviously meant to mystify the reader: 4 In 1269 Shaka in the month of Jyaisthya, Prince Adityavarman received on ^ a cremation-ground the highest consecration, thereby gaining salvation, becoming a Kshetrajna, under the name of Vishesa Dharani,enthroned in solitary state (on a heap of corpses), laughing violently and drinking blood while his Mahaprasada (i.e. the human sacrifice) flamed up and spread all around an awful smell, which however to the initiate seemed like the perfume of a million flowers." After his death Adityavarman was supposed to be identified with Avalokiteshvara. In this connection may also be mentioned the Tantric practices ascribed to Krtanagara (the last King of Singasari) by Prapancha the author of the Nagarakrtagama who was nvmg at the court of Majapahit at this time. We have already mentioned that K>tanagnra was supposed to be an JO TNUJA AND JAVA incarnation of Shiva-Buddha. He also received^ consecration on a cremation-ground and thus became identified with the Jinn Akshobhya. The Nagarakrtagama also refers to the Tantric Chakra rites diligently carried put by Krtanagara, who was also an adept in still darker practices. The Sang Hyang Karnahayanikan, which belongs to this period and which calls itself a text of Mantrayana Mahayana, also bears the impress of Tantrism. A passage in it refers to Brahma, Vishwu and Shiva as the emanations of the Dhyani Buddha Yairochana. This digression on the prevalence of Tantric doctrines in Java and Sumatra would serve to show how the deca- dence of both Hinduism and Buddhism paved the way for the success of Islam in these islands. To return to Queen Jayavish//uvardhani, she withdrew from the affairs of state when her son Hyam Wuruk (a Javanese name meaning the "young cock") became of age in 1350 A. D. The reign of Hyam Wuruk (his royal title was Shri Rajasanagara) saw the great expansion of Majaphit. This was due mostly to the genius of Gajamada, who, till his death in 136-4, continued loyally to serve the king. Both the Nagjirakrtagama, and the Pararaton give us a list of the countries which, during this reie;n, belonged to Majapahit and this list is of a quite respectable length. According to it the empire of Majapahit included at this time all the islands between Java and New Guinea the south and western part of the last-mentioned island also acknowledging the sway of Majaphit. Moreover Borneo, South and West Celebes, Buton, Buru, Ceram (Ambon >, Bunda, Banggai, the W. Molucca Isles, Talaut, etc. are all included in this list of dependencies. Then we come to the petty inlets between Borneo and the Malay Peninsula. On the Malay Peninsula itself Kedah, Kelang, Singapore, Pahang, Kelantan, etc. belonged to Majapahit. Finally the great island of Sumatra, including Palembang or Shrivijaya, formed part of this , powerful empire. Thus was carried out the scheme of (iajamada on a larger scale than he had planned originally. A part at least of these extensive conquests was achieved by an admiral of the name of Nala during the reign of Hyam Wuruk 's mother. After enumerating the conquests, the Nagarakrtagama mentions the countries in alliance with Majapahit. Ayodhya and Bajapuri (both in Siam), Marutma (Martaban), Kambuja, Champa and Yavana (North Annam) were steadfast allies (mitra) of Majapahit. Madura, it should be noted, was not regarded as foreign territory it was reckoned as part of Java itself. These islands brought their tribute regularly to the court of Majapahit. Owing to the desire of H. M. Hyam Wuruk to further the general welfare, Mantrins and Bhujangas INDIA AND JAVA 11 (learned priestb) were sent out by royal command to look after State affairs in these distant possessions. Sbaiva Bhujangas, besides their political work, were allowed to introduce the Shaiva cult wherever they went, so that it might not dwindle away. For the Bhujaugas of the Buddhist faith the whole of the West of Java was a forbidden ground as in ancient times there were no Buddhists there. But as regards Eastern Java and the islands to the cast, the Buddhist Bhujangas wore permitted to visit them. Two eminent Buddhist monks, Bharada and Kutaran, established a system of land-tenure in Bali on the Majapahit model. The efforts of the Bhujangas, Prapancha tells us, met with great success. Whatever regions dare trangress the royal ordinances were attacked and severely punished by the admirals (Jaladhi-mantri) of Majapahit, several of whom won great renown. "Five is the number of the blameless ministers, 1 ' to quote the Nagarakrtagama u who protect the realm. " Members of the royal family ruled over many of the different parts of the kingdom but they appeared very often at the court of Majapahit to pay homage to the king. The principal Queen, with the title of Shri Parameshvari, was Sushumna Devi who is described by the poet Prapancha us an incarnation of Rati. The Nagarakrtagma gives a detailed account of the capital Majapahit (Bilra-tikta) with its deep tanks, avenues of Icsar and champak trees, public squares, bazaars palaces and the royal pavilion (the ftsH hall) where the prime-minister (the pati), the Aryas and the "trusted five" (the cabinet) approached the king of Tikta-shriphaJa (Mujapahit*. In the eastern part of the capital dwelt the Shaiva Brahmans, of whom the very reverend Brahmaiaja was the chief. In the southern part lived the Buddhists the head of the Sangha being the Sthavira Kengkannadi. In the western part there were the houses of the Kshatriyas, ministers, etc. As far as we can gather from contemporary sources, Buddhism flourished in aristocratic circles. That would explain the large number of fine Buddhist shrines which rose during this period. But it did not enter so much into the life of the people. Javanese literature is overwhelmingly Brahmanic. Even Buddhist poets wrote on episodes of the Hindu epics during the Majapahit period. Dr. Vogel states that at this time Javanese plastic art presents a type which is much more Polynesian than Indian. This is to be noted especially in the highly fantastic sculptured panels of Chandi Panataran in Eastern Java representing Eamayana scenes. Here we find strange figures of warriors, demons and monkeys mingled with decorative clouds in the quaintest possible way. But this Polynesian. 12 INDIA AND JAVA style is confined to the exterior decoration of the temples of this period. The images inside the shrines are still of the genuine Indian type of Central Java, and many of these Images bear inscriptions denoting their names in North- Indian characters which, from the specimens I have seen, resemble Bengali more than Nagari. After the death of the great Hyam Wuruk in 1389 A. D. a rapid decline set in. A civil war between the son-in-law and the son of the deceased monarch proved disastrous for Majapahit. North Borneo, Indragiri in Sumatra and Malaka took this opportunity to shake oft the Javanese yoke. A terrible famine wrought havoc in Majapahit itself. Of the last rulers of Majapahit we know but little, as the Pararaton gives but the most meagre information. During the reign of Suhita, the grand-daughter of Hyam Wuruk, Kediri or Daha became independent under a rebel chief of the name of Bhre Daha. She was succeeded by her younger brother, KVtavjjaya, who married a princess of Champa. This queon favoured Islam which must have strengthened its foothold in Java during this reign. She died in 1448. According to the tradition still current in Java, the generosity of the last monarch of Majapahit, Bra Vijaya V, towards the Mahomedans met with ingratitude. The last words of the dying king, after he had seen the overthrow of his kingdom in H78, wore that foreigners would come some day from far over the seas and avenge him ; and the Dutch claim to have fulfilled the prophecy. But according to an inscription discovered by Dr. Krom, it was a Hindu prince, Ranavijaya, who dealt the death-blow to Mahapahit in 1478. Kanavijaya belonged to Kediri and was probably the son of Bhre Daha who revolted during the reign of Suhita. The city was not however destroyed, as in 1521 we find it still mentioned as an important place. But after 1478 Majapahit ceased to be the capital, and the more important families fled to Bali. Eanavijaya or his successors must have been swept away ere long by the rapidly rising tide of Islam. For the Muslim period of Java begins from the opening years of the 10th century. A few words on Bali would probably be not out of place here. The first copper-plates of Bali appear about 896 A. D. The first Balinese king mentioned in an inscription (c. 922 A. D.) is of the name of Ugrasena. These inscriptions are in old Balinese which is different from Kavi. Hinduised Bali seems to have developed in this early period on independent lines. It was not much influenced by Java as yet. It was colonised directly from India. It was during the reign of Erlangga that the first close relations commenced with East Java. INDIA AND JAW 13 According to the Javanese accounts, a number of Shaiva Brahmans came (probably from India) to Majapahit just before its fall in 1478 and then fled to Bali. The Balinese Brahmans trace their descent from Padanda (Pandit) Yahu Kavuh a name which means, "the newly auived." The fire existing subdivisions of Brahmans in Bali are supposed to be descended from him and his five wives. Buddhism still survives in Bali but Hinduism is in the ascendant. At great feasts a Buddhist priest is invited to join four Shaiva pandits. Ida is the title of Brahmans, Deva that of Kshatriyas, Gusti of Yaishyas, while the Shudras are given a name of courtesy Bape and Meme ( *WT, HT The Kshatriya princes of Bali trace their descent from Dev Agung- a Majapahit prince who settled down in Bali. For a long time the Balinese chiefs did not forget Java. Easternmost Java and Western Bali have been rendered desolate by continuous wars between Muslim Java and Bali. Unsuccessful in Java, the Balinese princes conquered some of the islands to the east, Lombok, etc. Only certain portions of the Yedas have survived in Bali. The Brahmanda Purana is probably complete. Under the heading of Tuturs we have a miscellaneous collection of Sanskrit texts on Hindu law and polity, Eajaniti, etc. This is almost all the Sanskrit literature Bali still possesses. The Eamayana (which has not got the Uttara Kanda) exists in Bali in the Kavi language. The Uttara Kanda forms a separate work by itself. The name of the Mahabharata is not known in Bali but six of its parvas exist in a complete form in Kavi. The rest are incomplete Then there are the chronicles or ballads^, g. the Usana Java and the Usana Bali. The last calls the island Balianka the lap of the strong and valiant thus fit]y expressing the bold, warlike spirit of the Balinese. SHRIVIJAYA THE EMPIRE OF THE SHAILENDRA MONARCHS OF SUMATRA The archaeologicl monuments of the Hindu period in Sumatra are of small importance compared with those of Java. Moreover, in the last two centuries of the Hindu period of Javanese history under the Majapahit dynasty (1294-1480), Java acquired a pre-eminent position in the Archipelago. Thus the other islands were quite thrown into the shade by Java which alone was considered to be important. But we must remember that Majapahit rose into importance only at the end of the 13th century A. D. and that both Java and Sumatra had been Hinduised more than a thousand years before that period. From Chinese sources we learn that a Hinduised kingdom of Palembang < formerly known as Shrivijaya) existed in Sumatra in the 5th century A.D. In the 10th century this kingdom' of Sanfotsi or Che-li-fo-chi (the Chinese rendering of Shrivijaya) ruled over 15 subject states. In the 10th century this Sumatran kingdom was conquered by Java but soon recovered its independence. Early in the 13th century we find again a list of the subject countries of Shrivijaya. In the Uth century it came under the sway of the Majapahit Kingdom oi Java. But till very recently Sumatra was never considered to be ^ery important in comparison \vith Java. M. Cicorges Cables has now given (in his Royaume do Shrivijaya, 1018) strong reasons fur reconsidering this opinion. He was the first to identify Palembang with Shrivijava. In the 7th century A.I), Shrivijaya included the isle of Bangka between Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. In the 8th century it appearss as a sovereign power as far north in the Malay Peninsula as the Bay of Bandom. In the 9th century this Sumatran kingdom is mentioned in connection with a monastery at Nalanda in an inscription of Devapala of Bengal. In this inscription the King's title is given as Shailen- 3 A. D. by the Hindu- Javanese princes from East Java. In his new book, Hindoe-Javanscho Geschiedenis, Prof. Krom raises the interesting question as to why the Sumatran king in the Nalanda inscription refers to his grand-father as the ruler of Java which was only a dependency and which had been lost in 890 A. D. (the date of the Nalanda inscription). This ancestor then was probably not the ruler of Shrivijaya and Java, and Java and Shrivijaya may have been separate though allied states under members of the Shailendra dynasty. Antagonism between Sumatra and Javanese rulers (who bad INDIA AND JAVA 19 shifted their headquarters to the eastern portion of the islands) continued, however, well on into the llth century. Indeed, Prof. Krom is of opinion that the restoration of Java really took place only after Shrivijaya had to yield to an invasion from South India by a Chola King (circa 1031 A. D). After recovering her independence, Java, which had learnt a lesson, took care not to attack Palem- bang (Shrivijaya). The East Javanese inonarchs turned their attention eastwards to Bali, etc. Meanwhile the great power of the West (Shrivijaya) continued to flourish. Towards the end of the 12th century Java and Sanfotsi (Shrivijaya) are mentioned by Chinese authors as two most important commercial countries. The t\\o great monarchies stand side by side, independent of each other, and of equal power the one (Shrivijaya) ruling the western and the other (Java) the eastern part of the Archipelago.* Chau Ju-Kua, a Chinese customs officer who wrote on Chinese and Arab trade in the 13th century ,t devotes a chapter to Sanfotsi (Shrivijaya) : "Sanfotsi is situated between Cambodia and Java. . . When the King goes out, he sits in a boat and is sheltered by a silk umbrella and guarded by men bearing gold lances. The people live scattered about outside the city or on the water on rafts, and these (latter) are exempt from taxation. The people are skilled at fighting on land and water. . .In time of war they appoint the chiefs and commanders ; each furnishes his own military equipment and the necessary provisions. For terrifying the enemy and defying death they have no equals. They use chopped- off lumps of silver in their business transactions. . .In writing official documents they use foreign characters (the Chinese chronicle of the Sung dynasty quotes this paragraph but substitutes 'Sanskrit' for 'foreign characters'). The laws of this country are very severe. Persons guilty of adultery are condemned to death. When the king dies, the people observe mourning and shave their heads, while his personal followers choose voluntary death by leaping into the blazing pyre. This act is called 'living and dying together.' ^ There is in Sanfotsi a golden image of Buddha called the 'Hill of Gold.' Every new king, before ascending the throne, has a statue made of gold representing his person. The people offer vases of gold to these statues. These statues and vases bear inscriptions forbidding future generations to melt them. When a person is seriously ill, he distributes among the poor a sum equivalent to his weight in silver. . . .The king has the tittle of 'Long-tsing.' (M. Pelliot believes that 'Long- tsing signifies 'the seed of the dragon or the Naga'. This is * N. J. Krom De Sumatransche Periode der Javaansche Geschiedenis. t Translation by Friedrich Hirth and W. Eockhill, 1912. 20 INDIA AND JAVA important, as it would ascribe a !Naga origin to the Shailendra rulers of Sumatra. In Cambodia also, a Nagi is the ancestress of the royal dynasty. M. Coeds thinks that these Naga traditions are of Pallava South Indian origin). The king may not eat grain but is fed on sago. Should he do otherwise, the year would be a dry one and grain dear. He bathes in rose-water should he use ordinary water, there would be a great flocd. . Besides the natural products of the country which include tortoise-shell, camphor, different varieties of aloe, cloves, sandal and cardamons, one can find here foreign products such as pearls, incense, rose-water, gardenia flowers civet, myrrh, assa-foetida, ivory, coral, cotton cloth, sword- blades, etc. Arabs and others who have settled in the country, and foreign merchants come to sell (their goods) ex- changing them for gold, silver, silk stuffs, sugar, rice, camphor, etc. This country, controlling the straits through which the foreigners' traffic must pass, keeps the pirates of other countries in check by using an iron chain as a barrier which can be raised or lowered at will by an ingenious device. . . If a merchant ship passes by without halting (at the port of Sanfotsi), the boats of this country attack that vessel. Therefore this country is a great shipping centre." Fifteen States are mentioned by Chau Ju-Kua as dependencies of Sanfotsi (Shrivijaya), among which arc Pahang, Kedah, Kelantan and some other localities in the Malaya Peninsula, and Sunda or "Western Java, and, curiously, the last name in this list of dependencies^ is Ceylon. Three hundred years before this Chinese work was written the Arab Masudi wrote in his 'Prairies of Gold' about the Maharaja who was the king of the island of Zabaj (Shrivijaya), of Kalah (Kra), of Siiandip (Ceylon), etc. * When the list of Chau Ju-Kua was being prepared (1225 A. D.), Java had just come under the Singasari dynasty which was going to make a breach in this balance of power maintained between the two powerful island kingdoms. In 1270 a Javanese expedition conquered Jambi in Sumatra and left some traces of Javanese supremacy in the heart of the island. A counter-attack by Shrivijaya followed. But tho Majapahit heirs of the Singasaris under- took systematically the conquest of the Archipelago. In 1377 Palembang (Shrivijaya) also fell this time for good and all. A hundred years later the Majapahit power of Java also waned away. A period of seven centuries was thus closed which began with Palembang (Shrivijaya) as the dominant power, which was then followed by a balance of power between Java and Sumatra, and which ended in complete Javanese supremacy. * ^Empire sumatranais de Srivijaya par G. Ferrand., p. 14, note (o). INDIA AND JAVA 21 This subjection of Palembang (Sbrivijaya) by Majapahit was a sad end of Shrivijaya's greatness. The Javanese deliberately neglected the country in order to destroy a rival. They did not come in sufficient numbers them- selves to settle in Sumatra, and the local authority was put in the hands of the Chinese settlers. Palembang being an important trade-centre attracted Chinese merchants who met here Arab merchants from the west. The heads of this Chinese colony made piracy their chief business. The country, inspitc of its fertility, lay uncultivated, and really it was a time of general decay. We should compare this sad picture of Palembang under Javanese supremacy with the condition of Central Java under Sumatran influence in the 8th and 9th centuries. The beautiful temple of Kalasan and many other noble shrines were constructed in Java towards the end of the 8th century by order of the Shailendra Kings of Shrivijaya. A short time later rose Borobudtir the most wonderful Buddhist stupa in the world. In the galleries of Borobudur, orthodox Mahayana legends Vwe have already seen that the rulers of Shrivijaya were fervent Mahayanists) are combined in a harmonious whole, having the evident object of giving the faithful, as they are ascending the monument, the impres- sion that they are also ascending spiritually. The unadorn- ed and plain character of the upper terraces is in striking contrast to the rich decoration so la\ishly applied to the lower stories of the edifice.* The bas reliefs of Mahayanist Borobudur arc based on the Lalita Yistara, though the artists have given a local touch to the reliefs, for the back-ground is not Indian but Javanese. Accor- ding to Prof. Krom the stupa form of architecture was introduced into Java by Sumatran architects. For though Java is rich in antiquities, the stupa form is represented in Java only by Borobudur, whereas in Sumatra several stupas occur even in ancient monuments. Finally Prof. Krom states that the strikingly harmonious character of the distribution of the decorative parts, the wonderful care shown by the artists as to the fitting in of the details to the whole, which we find in Borobodur, do not survive in later Javanese architecture. In Sumatra those characteristics survived longer. Therefore, Sumatran artists must have introduced these features in the Buddhist temples of this Sumatran period in Central Java. Thus the view of the absolute superiority of Java in political power, art, and culture will now have to be given up. * N. J, Krom De Suniatransche Periode der Javaansche Geschie- denis. (The first and the last part of this paper are based mainly on this work). JAVA AND SUMATRA IN INDIAN LITERATURE The fourth Canto of the Ramaya?ia contains considerable geographical details. Sita lias been stolen away by Ravana. Sugriva, the monkey-king, who has become the ally of Rama, sends searching parties to the four cardinal points, and for each of them describes the itinerary to be followed. He begins with the eastern route. After describing the regions through which the Jumna? the Ganges and the Brahmaputra flow, he passes on to Indo-China. After the description of "the isle with the wall of gold 1 (Suvan?a-dvipa or Sumatra.) we come to the well-known passage "With all your efforts reach Yava-dvipa (the island of Java), adorned with seven kingdoms, the isle of gold and silver, adorned with mines of gold ; then beyond the isle of Yawi is the mountain Shishira whose peak touches the sky and which is the abode of gods and demons." Is this passage a later interpolation ? Prof. Sylvain L6vi in his "Pour 1'Histoirc du Ramayawa" (1918) gives reasons for ascribing an early date to it. The Buddhist Sanskrit work SaddharMa-snirilyitpastltCMa-sutra ( contains a passage which gives u description of Jambudvipa. This passage follows closely the Digvarmina ( f?5^u ) in the Ramayami. Countries, rivers, seas, etc. are mentioned in the same order. But Java is not mentioned here, though the isle with the wall of gold is to be found here too. Now this work was translated into Chinese in 539 A. D. by a. Brahman coming from Benares. According to Sharat Chandra Das, Ashvaghosha wrote a commentary on this sutra. This would takxj us to the period of Kanishka i.e. the end of the first century AD., or the beginning of the second century. Ptolemy refers to Java as labadioou' (Yava-dvipa). We do not know the exact date of the geography of Ptolemy. He was an astronomer of Alexandria who wrote his geography mainly with the object of drawing a map of the world with latitudes and longitudes, and incidentally he has briefly described the countries referred to in his work. He himself admits that he relies on descriptions given by travellers such as Marin of Tyre. His work can be assigned approximately to the middle of the second century A.D. Ptolemy thus describes Java : "labadiou, which means 'the isle of barley' (so Ptolemy knew the meaning of the Sanskrit name Yava-dvipa of the island), is said to be of extraordinary fertility, and produces plenty of gold. The capital is Argyra (the city of silver) situated at its western INDIA AND JAVA 23 extremity." Between India and Java Ptolemy places a series of islands inhabited by cannibals (the Purushadaka of the Eamayarai). Oderic de Pordenone (in 1316) follows the Ramaya^a more closely than Ptolemy in his description of Java. "Near Sumatra there is a large island. The king of this island has seven kingdoms under him." Oderic then men- tions the walls of the king's palace as being of gold. Is this a reminiscence (as Prof. Ltvi suggests) of *the isle with the wall of gold* ? In the fitudes Asiatiques published in 1925, on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the Ecole Franchise de I'Extreme Orient, Prof. L6vi 1ms contributed an article 'Ptolemee, le Niddesa et la Brhatkatha.' From the Niddesa, a commentary or. the Pali Buddhist Canon, Prof. L6vi cites a passage in which different kinds of torments are enumerat- ed : "Again, under the sway of passions which dominate the soul, in quest of enjoyments, he embarks on the great sea which is sometimes icy cold, sometimes burning hot, troubled with mosquitoes etc., suffering from hunger and thirst ; he goes to Gumba, Takkola, Takkasila, Kalamukha, Maranapara, Yesunga, Verapatha, Yava, Taraali, Yanga, Elavaddhana, Suvannakutfa, Suvannabhumi, Tambapanni, Suppara, Bharukaccha, Surattha, Anganeka, Oangana, Para- roagangana, Yona, Paramayona, Alasanda, Marukantara, Jannupatha, Ajapatha, Mendhapatha, Sankupatha, Chattapatlia, Vamsapatha, Sakunapatha, Musikapatha, Daripatha, Vettachara; and thus again he is tormented, very much tormented." The same series of places reappears in an identical form in another passage of the same work. By comparing it with similar lists in the Milinda Panho and in the Sloka-Samgraha (which is based on the much older Brhatkatha), Prof. L6vi comes to the conclusion that it is a stereotyped series giving the names of places a navigator might visit while sailing along the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal, ie. sea-side localities in Burma, the Malay Peninsula, Java, and Sumatra, and then making for India via Ceylon (Tambapanni). We come then to the ports on the western coast of India : Suppara (Sopara), Bharukaccha (Broach), Surattha (Surat) and after some stages difficult to identify, we pass on to the Greek country (Yona), to Greater Greece (Parama Yona), to Alexandria (Alasanda). Takkola (the second name in the list) was situated on the western coast of the isthmus of Kra. Takkasila, which comes just after Takkola, is not Taxila, but the 4 Tokosonna' (near Kra) in Ptolemy's map of Transgangetic India. Yanga, which is mentioned soon after Java, is not Bengal, but the island of Banka between Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. Suvannabhumi corresponds to the Chryse of the Greek and Roman writers. It is a comprehensive 24 INDIA AND JAVA term for the countries situated to the east of the Bay of Bengal. This region was the El Dorado of Indian adventurers. Suvannakufa is probably identical with the Suvama-kudfyaka in Kautilya's 'Artha-Shastra.' In the chapter where Kautilya deals witli valuable objects Suvama-kurfyaka is described as a country of rare and precious products such as white sandal (the best variety of which is to be found in the Archipelago), tlukula, etc. Probably it is to be located some- where in Sumatra. The list of 'pathas' or paths is to be found also in the Sloka-Samgraha (which must have taken it from the Brhatkatha). Thus the Aja-patha means 'the path of goats' (where goats onlp can be used for carrying merchandise), Mendha-patha'the path of rams', Sanku-patha 'the path of spikes' (the steep assents being climbed with the help of spikes), Chatta-patlm l the path of umbrellas' (where big umbrellas wore to be used as parachutes for getting down), and so on. In the Supriyavadana, Prof. Levi points out how before Supriya readies the land of gold, he has to scale mountains by driving iron spikes into the rock and sometimes he has to use a ladder .of canes (the Vettachara of our list ) * So these extraordinary 'pathas' were familiar to the adventurers who went to Suvarwabhunri in quest of gold. To sum up : Prof. Levi is of opinion that the passage referred to in the Niddesa (which cannot be later than the 3rd century \.D.), corresponds closely with Ptolemy's map as regards this scries of places which were all on the sea- route from the Burmese coast, via Java, Ceylon and the western cost of India, to Alexandria Probably Suppara (Surparaka or Sopara) in the neighbourhood of Bombay was the great emporium from which the merchant vessels sailed both east and west along this route. Another mention of Java has been found by Prof. Sylvain L6vi in the 'Sutra of the Twelve Stages of Buddhahood,' translated into Chinese in 392 A.D. by the monk Kalodaka: "In the ocean there are 2500 kingdoms of which 180 subsist on cereals and the rest on fish and turtles. The kingdom of the ruler of the first island is Sseu-li, this king- dom serves only the Buddha ; the fourth (island) is Cho-ye : it produces the long pepper (pipa) as well as ordinary pepper." Sseu-li, Prof. Levi is sure, is Ceylon, devotion to Buddha being one of the traditions of the island. Cho-ye, he thinks, is Jaya, which is meant for Java. The 'pipa j is 'pippali' in Sanskrit. The Chou fan che (a Chinese work of * The episode of the 'Sakunapatha' or 'the path of birds' in the Brhatkatha may be the source from which the story of Sindbad and his adventure with the roc birds may have been derived. Some at least of the adventures of Sindbad the sailor have probably their basis in ancient Indian travellers' tales. TNDIV A\D -HYV 2o the 13th century) mentions pepper as one of the chief products of Java. In 423 A.D. Buddhism was preafiked in Java by the famous Gurcavarman. He was a Kshatriya prince belonging to the royal family of Kashmir.* When only 14 he con- vinced his mother that hunting wild animals was improper. When he was 30 years of age, the King of Kashmir died without issue and the ministers, knowing him to be the ablest member of the royal family, begged him to come out of his secluded religious life and accept the throne. To avoid their importunities Guttavarman left Kashmir. He reached Ceylon and was acknowledged there ns one who hod attained the highest stage of spiritual life. Then he went to Java. The night before his arrival the mother of the Icing of Java dreamt that a holy man, mounted on a flying cloud, was coming to her country. When Guj/avarman arrived tho next morning, the king's mother was converted by him to Buddhism. At her bidding, her son, the king of Java, also accepted the tenets of Buddhism. Shortly afterwards the kingdom was invaded by the army of a neighbouring prince. Uu;/avarman, on being asked by the king whether ho should resist the enemy by force of arms, ropliod that it was tho king's duty to defend his realm, but at tho same timo ho should not, harbour in his mind any cruel thoughts. Tho enemy tied in disorder without any lighting. A monastery was erected by the kin^ in honour of Guj/avarman who, however, in his ardent desire to propagate the truo faith, left for China soon afterwards in a ship belonging to Hindu merchant of tho name of JSfandi. Towards tho end of the fith century \. n., Aryabhatta, the astronomer of Ujjain, wroto : - <4 \Yiioii the sun aises in Ceylon, it is midday in Yavakoti and midnight in tho land of the Romans." In the Surya-Siddhanta (an astronomical work which can be dated back to the 5th century A.D., though the work in its present from dates from the llth century), we find the passage : "At quarter of the circumference of the earth, eastwards in the land of Bhadrashva (the Eastern Division of the earth), is the famous nngari Yavakoti with golden walls and gates.'' I-tsing, who stayed in Shrivijaya (modern Palembang in Sumatra) for seven years (688-695^ states that the king of Shrivijaya possessed ships sailing between India and his own kingdom. It was in a ship belonging to this king that the Chinese pilgrim left Sumatra for Tamralipti in India. He also describes Shrivijaya as a great centre of Sanskrit * Giwavarraan translated from the Chinese into French by Edouard Chavannes. 1'oung-pao, 1904. 26 INDU 4ND JAVA learning. I-tsing mentions many other Chinese mopks as halting in this, kingdom to learn Sanskrit before visiting India.* From the Manjushriraulakalpa (written about the 8th century), Prof. Sylvain L6vi cites a passagef in which the islands of Karmaranga (near Ligor from which we have got the fruit Kamran*a), the isle of cocoanuts, Varusaka (Baros in Sumatra), and the isles of the Nude (Nicobar), Bali and Java are mentioned as places where the language is indistinct, rude and too full of the letter V/ Apart from Sanskrit works, Tamil texts also mention Java. The Tamil poem Manimegalai mentions a town Nagapuram in Savaka-nadu which is the Tamil name for Yavadwipa. Two kings of Nagapuram are mentioned - Bhumichandra and Punyaraja who claimed descent from Tndra. The name of Shrivijaya (in Sumatra) occurs several times in the inscriptions of the Chola dynasty of South India. In the reign ot Rajaraja I. (985- 1 012 A. D.), a Sanskrit inscription commemorates the donation of a village to a Buddhist temple of Nagapattana commenced by Chudamanivarman and finished by his son Maravijayottungavarman the last being described as Kiog of Kateha (Kedah in the Malay Peninsula) and Shrivijaya. To the north of Negapatam about 50 years ago were found traces of a Buddhist temple whicii might well be that built by order of the Sumatran king. Again in an inscription of Kajendra Chola I. (1012-1042 A. D.), we have the following account of the Chola King's naval successes : u H ma?za leaving for the forest). In the next we find a group of workmen. One of them is putting a richly ornamented chest on an altar Other servants (all with wooly hair like negroes) arc apparently busy with some preparations A lady is sitting with three money-bags in ivont of her. Is this the Shradh ceremony after Dasharatha's death ? Then we have Rama handing over his sandals to Bharatu, his combat with Yiradha and another Raksasa (with a house on a wooden pile in the back-ground), Rama punishing the crow for vexing Sita, the visit of Surpanakha, Rama shooting the golden deer, Sita being abducted by Havana disguised as a Brahman, Havana's struggle with Jaayu (Havana and Sita arc here carried on a platform which a winged demon bears on his head), Sita giving a ring to the wounded 3 a/ay u, Ja/ayu handing over the ring to Laksmaua, Rama shooting Kabandha (who has got a head on his shoulders besides a second head in his belly), and Kabandha going to heaven seated on a lotus. The next relief represents a prince shooting an arrow at a crocodile in a tank and a lady on the bank in the attitude of prayer. Is this the Shabari episode on the bank of the Pampa lake ? After that takes place the meeting with Hanuman. This was the first relief discovered and led to the whole series being identified with the Ramayawa. INDIA AND JAVA 39 In the next, Sugriva is seen weeping on a tree. His tears are flowing into Laksma^a's quiver. In the. Malay version Laksmaraa brings water for Rama in his quiver. The water tastes like tears and this leads to the discovery of Sugriva. Then we have the interview with Sugriva, Rama shooting his arrow through seven trees to show his prowess to Sugriva, the first fight between Bali and Sugriva, with Rama standing in a hesitating attitude (a cockatoo on a tree in the back-ground), the second fight and death of Bali (Sugriva with a wreath of leaves round his waist), the wedding of Tara and Sugriva, Rama, Sugriva, etc., holding a consultation, the chief monkey warriors being presented to Rama, Hanuman jumping over to Lanka and Hanuman discovering Sita (a servant with wooly hair in the back-ground). It should be noted that the servants in all the scenes in which they appear have wooly hair. Negro slaves must already have been familiar figures iu the Javanese courts. The concluding scenes are : the burning of Lanka by Hanuman with his flaming tail (here the artist has with a fine sense of humour introduced into this scone of cofusion the figure of an ascetic taking away treasures from a burning house), Hanuman reporting his exploits to Rama, Rama on the sea-shore bow in hand, and tho sea-god rising from the waters, the building of the bridge and fishes swallowing up the stones. This last episode (of the swallow- ing of stones) is to be met with in the Malay Hikayat Seri Rama. There are minor details where the Prambauau reliefs differ from the Ramaya^a of Vzilmiki such as for example ' the introduction of a second RAkshasi in the Taraka episode and a second Rak,vhasa in the combat with Viraclha, the punishment of the ciow, Sita's giving a ring to Ja/uyu and Ja/fiyu handing over the ring to Laksmawa, Havana being carried by a Hying demon, the two heads of ivabandha, the different version of the first meeting with Sugriva, Rama desisting from shooting his arrow into the sea, the fishes swallowing up the stones used for making the bridge, etc. It is curious, as Dr. Stutterheim points out, that as regards these variations, the reliefs, instead of following the contemporary Old Javanese Kakavin, seem to approach more closely the second (later) group of Javanese Rama stories and the Malay version. We may now leave Prambanan with the remark that nowhere else, whether in India, Cambodia or Siam, are the exploits of Rama carved in stone in such a detailed and at the same time truly artistic way. Four hundred years passed after the construction of Prambanan before there rose in East Java the temple of Panataran with its Rama reliefs in an Indonesian style far 40 INDIA AND JAVA removed from the orthodox Indian style of the earlier shrine (Prambanan). There is another point of difference as Kama and Krishna reliefs are both found in Panataran in the same temple, as there is only one shrine here. Several dated inscriptions have been discovered in Panataran. The last date, corresponding to 1347 A. D., would bring us to the reign of the great queen of Majapahit, Jaya-vimu-vardhani, the mother of Hyam Vuruk. Probably the temple, which was begun by her predecessors, was finished during her reign. Panataran was also known as Pala in the Majapahit period. In the Nagarkrtagama Hyam Wuruk, the most famous of the Javanese monarchs, is mentioned as visting Pala several times to worship Shiva. So it is a Shaiva temple and it is also the largest ancient building in East Java. Hanuman's exploits in the Lanka Kanda are represented in the Panataran reliefs. We may note among them, Hanuraan reaching Lanka, Ravana and two of his queens seated in his treasury (which looks like a three-storeyed pagoda), Ravawa in the Ashoka grove, Sita with Trijatfa and Hanuman coming down from a tree to meet Sita. Then we have spirited battle scenes between Hanuman and Raksasas, trees uprooted, detachments of Bhutas marching in martial array to meet Hanuman, heaps of dead and dying Raksasas, etc. We are then introducted to Ravawa's court, we see messengers kneeling before the King and we get a glimpse of a Raksasa plucking out the hairs of his beard with pincers. In the following scenes we find Hanuman breaking the arm of Aksa (Ravawa's son), the monkey warrior taking a sea- bath after all this toil and trouble and then hurrying back to the fight in the garden of celestial trees. Indrajit then appears mounted on a horse (with naga heads) with a snake arrow in his bow. Hanuman is bound in the coils of the naga-pasha ( *W1W ) and is led a captive to Havana's presence. After that Hanuman bursts the bonds and with his flaming tail sets the palace on fire. We see women fleeing and Ravarai with his queen seeking refuge in his water-palace. Hanuman then leaves Lanka after again visting Sita. In the final scenes are represented the construction of the bridge, monkeys bearing elaborate standards reconnoiter- ing the battle-field, the beginning of the great fight, Hanuman killing a Raksasa with a vajra and the death of Kumbhakaraa. The human faces are done badly in this series but the monkeys and demons are quite artistic. The story, as depicted in the Panataran reliefs, follows very closely the Old Javanese version of the Ramayawa the Kakavin. It is very strange, as Dr. Stutterheim points out, that some of the 9th century Prambanan reliefs should be best explained by the much later Javanese 'Ramayawas of INDIA AND JAVA 41 the second group (the Serat Kandas, etc.) and the Malay version based on them, while the 14th century Panataran scenes should agree closely with the earlier Kakavin (of the first group) which follows Yalmiki pretty accurately. Is it because that in the later Javanese versions some of the older (and cruder) Indian traditions have been preserved which do not find a place in the Kakavin which follows the literary and polished text of Valmiki ? Some of these unorthodox traditions are of the pre- Valmiki period which the great sage rejected as too crude for his own immortal version of the story (cp. D. C. Sen's Ramava^a), Finally the technique of the .Panataran reliefs is pure Javanese (or Indonesian) as distinguished from the purely Indian style of Prambanan. Here too there is a revival of older indigenous traditions. The back-ground in the Panataran pictures is full of magical symbols which must be survivals of very old Malay-Polynesian superstitions. It is the art of Panataran which leads to the Wayang (the popular puppet shows of modern Java) and which still survives in the style of art which we find to-day in the island of Bali. FALL OF THE LAST HINDU KINGDOM OF JAVA The last Hindu kingdom of Java was Majapahit a name which its poet and historian Prapancha translates into Sanskrit as Bilva-tikta. This principality in East Java rose to the height of its power under King Hyam Wuruk (1350- 1389 A. D.). Hyam Wuruk (a Javanese name meaning the young cock) is also known by his title of Sri Rajasanagara in Prapancha's chronicle Nagarakritagama. This king and his pati or minister Gajamada brought the whole Archipelago under the sway of Majapahit. This maritime empire stretch- ed as far as New Guinea to the east and the Philippine Islands to the north. Many names given in the long list of its dependencies cannot now be identified some of these may have been places on the north-west coast of Australia. Considerable portions of the Malaya Peninsula also acknow- ledged the suzerainty of Majapahit. But after the death of this great king MajapahiYs foreign possessions rapidly fell away. Majapahit itself had to fight for its existence against enemies among which the most formidable wns the rising power of Islam. Before we commence the history of its decline and downfall we might turn for a moment to a bright picture drawn of the great capital city by Prapancha in his Nagara- kritagama. Prapancha was a contemporary of Hyam "Wuruk and followed the king during the royal tours. "The capital Majapahit (Bilva Tikta or Tikta Shriphala) is encircled by a wall, a wall of red brick thick and high. On the west there is a great open space surrounding a deep artificial lake. Brahmasthana trees, each with a bodhi terrace at its foot, stand in rows, and here are posted the guards who keep watch by turn in this public square. In the north there is a Gopura with iron gates. Towards the east (here is a high cupola the ground-floor of which is laid with rajra (cement). From the north to the south runs the market square exceedingly long and very fine with buildings all around. In every Chaitra the army meets here. In the south there is a fine cross-road and a wide and spacious open space. North of this square there is an audience-hall where the learned and the ministers sit together. East of it is a place where the Shaiva and the Buddhist priests speak and argue about their doctrines. There is also accommodation here for making offerings during the eclipse of the moon for the good of the whole country. Here also are the homakundas in groups of three. In the centre is a lofty Shiva temple and and to the south of it dwell the vipras in a building of many INDIA AND JAVA 43 storeys. Near an open space in the vicinity the Buddhist clergy dwell in a building of three storeys adorned with pinnacles and fine sculpture, All this is bestrewn with flowers when the king comes there or when there is a sacred festival. To the south is the grand stand for the public where the king gives his public audiences. The road which runs towards the west has got beautiful buildings on both sides and in the middle of the road there are everywhere mimusapana trees in flower. At a certain distance in this direction there is a cupola round which the army marches on State occasions. Then in the middle of an open space we find and ample pavilion where innumerable birds are always chirping. Here again is the audience hall which communicates with the second entry of the palace. These buildings have solid walls and pillars and there are galleries connecting them together. Here, i. e., in the open square in front of the audience-hall ivory cocoanuts and betels, conches and excellent elephants are offered to the royal ladies by people who have come from the forest districts and by sailors from distant seas. The officers of the royal array have quarters to the north of this second entrance of the palace. To the south are the quarters of the bhujangas the learned people. Toward the west are many buildings occupied by the ministers on duty Entering by this second gate one comes to a lovely square with many beauti- ful covered seats. Here those who went to pay their homage to the king, have to wait. To the east is the magnificent pavilion, incomparable in beauty, where His Majesty gives audience to those who humbly approach him The Prime Minister, the Aryas, and the 'Trusted Five' (this is the cabinet of Majapahit) these are the highest who apporach the throne. The Kshatriyas and Bhujangas, the Rishis and Brahmans stand in the shadow of' the Ashoka tree near the royal vitana. The two Chief Judges with their five assessors who in their behaviour are so arya as to deserve imitation, also approach the vitana hall to have audience with H. M. Sri Eajasanagara." Thus Prapancha goes on to describe the other palaces of the relations of the king most of whom held important administrative posts in the realm situated in squares full of Mimusapana, Keshara and Champaka flowering trees. The court religion of this period appears from the Nagarakritagama to be a curious mixture of Mahayana and Shaiva doctrines both strongly imbued with Tantric influence. Tantrayana texts like the Kamaliayanikan were composed about this period. Gross Tantric rites in aristocratic circles prepared the way for the progress of Islam in Java. The art of this period was reverting to Polynesian 44 INDIA AND JAVA influence e.g., in the fantastic but still artistic Eamayana reliefs of the Chandi Panataran. Such was the capital city of Majapahit in it its palmiest days of glory. Just after the death of Hyam Wuruk (or Rajasanagara) in 1389 A. D. there was a partition of the kingdom. Virabbumi, the son of the late king and his selir (concubine), had been ruled out of the succession, but he took possession of Eastern Java by force while Majapahit itself with the rest of the kingdom fell to the share of Hyam Wuruk's son-in-law Vikramavar- dhana who had married the crown princess. Vikramavar- dhana and his queen had a daughter Suhita on whom the throne of Majapahit was conferred by her father excluding his sons who were the issues of his sells (concubines). There was civil war, famine, and great disorder. The foreign possessions of Majapahit could not be kept together any more. In Java itself a certain Bhra Daha made himself independent at Daha. His descendants were to be the mortal enemies of Majapahit. Queen Suhita was succeeded by her younger brother Kritavijaya. Muhammadan chronicles mention that Kritavijaya's Queen was a princess of Champa who favoured Islam. If the story be true then this princess would be the sister of Jayasimhavarman V of Champa who with the help of the Emperor of China won back the northern provinces of Champa from the Annamities. Another sister of this Champa princess is said to have married an Arab priest Sheikh Ibrahim. Her son Raden Rahmat, it is said, came to Java to visit his royal aunt, and in Islamic chronicles be is celebrated as the first apostle of the new faith in Java. He assumed the title of Susuhunan and 'is believed to have constructed the first mosque built on Javanese soil. Sir Stamford Raffles however dismisses the whole episode as meie fiction. The successor of Kritavijaya was Rajasavardhana who reigned only from 1451 to 1453. How he was related to his predecessor is not known, nor is it clear why he left Majapahit and resided at Keling, After him for three years there was an interregnum Then two princes followed one another on the throne of Majapahit, Both of them had short reigns and the last left the capital. The king, who is usually called Bhra Vijaya V, reigned from 1468-1478 and died in his capital. Such are the unconnected facts which we know about the last years of Majapahit. It is generally accepted that Majapahit fell in 1478. Sir Stamford Raffles gives the popular Muhammadan version of the story. Among the wives of Browijoyo was a Chinese lady. She was repudiated by the Javanese monarch, when pregnant of Raden Fatah, She had to seek shelter with INDIA AND JAVA Arya Damar, the chief of Palembang (the old Shrivijaya in Sumatra), who was a relation of Browijyo. Eaden Patah, when he grew up, accompanied by Raden Husen, a real son of Arya Damar, came to Java from Sumatra after becoming converts to the Muhammadan religion of which Palembang was the most important centre. Eaden Patah, who was really the son of Browijoyo, become a devotee, while his step-brother Eaden Husen sought temporal advantages and soon became the commander-in-chief of the Majapahit army. Eaden Patah began to intrigue for the subversion of the Hindu religion. Having at last formed a considerable party and mustered a respectable force, he gave the command to a Javanese for he himself was not a military leader. This is said to have happened in 1468 A. D. The Muhammadan force was defeated by the Hindu army under the command of Husen. Eaden Patah was however, not discouraged by this defeat at the hands of his step-brother. He obtained succour from the faithful at Palembang and was soon able to assemble a fresh Muslim army. Husen, still the commander of the Hindu army of Majapahit, was now in his turn defeated. Majapahit fell and was destroyed. And this triumph of Islam took place in 1400 Saka i. 0 'lakons' are ba^ed on the Mahabharata. Eight of them, the Yishnu Krama, Bam bang Kalinga, Palasara Babi, etc,, describe the ancestors of the Pandavas. From these may be summed up the following genealogical outline. INDIA AND JATA CO ff 08 s s_ d ~~*3 *2 CD OS rr> d OS i d manai -L ,-v '^ d d a 2 n j S3 r ^ _CJ }SS CO cs >> CO z 08 I eg d i - "S3 d ns d " - _^ -S s ^ r^ o I CO d +- ^ d ..H g o 2 INDIA AND JAVA 51 In the Mahabharata the wanderings of the Pandavas begin after the Jatugriha adventure. Then Yudhisthira is crowned king at Indraprastha. After that comes the game of dice followed by further wanderings and then the Pandavas live in disguise at the court of king Virata. Hostilities commence at Kurukshetra with the reappearance of the Pandavas in public. The Javanese lakons do not always follow the original. According to their version a game of chess is played in the Jatugriha itself, and during the game the Pandava brothers are given poisoned drinks. Bhima (Brata Sena in Javanese) alone retains his senses and removes his brothers from the burning house. Then after long wanderings the brothers reach the country called Wirata. When they make them- selves known at last to king Matsapati of Wirata they receive as a present from their host the realm of JSTgamarta (Indraprastha). Draupadi's svayamrara takes place at this period. Meanwhile, Sujudana (Duryodhana) becomes very powerful at Ngastina (Hastina). The Pandavas are driven out of their capital by him. They seek refuge at the court of King Matsyapati of Wirata. Even Krishna has to abandon his capital Dvaravati. Then follows the Brata Yuda (Bharata Tuddha). Arjuna is the greatest favourite of the Javanese audience. He plays the leading role in at least fifty lakons. At the outset of his career, however, by a disreputable trick he gets rid of his rival Palgu Nadi who is also a brilliant pupil of Drona. His wooing of Subhadra and his combats with other aspirants to her hand are narrated in several lakons. Numerous are his other adventures and love affairs. His Javanese names are also numerous : Permade, Endralaya, Parta Kusuma, Chakra Nagara, etc. In some lakons Sikandi is represented as one of the wives of Arjuna. Two of his sons are married to two daughters of Krishna. On the other band, Arjuna's daughter Sugatavati is given in marriage to Krishna's son Samba. These (and other) descendants of Krishna and Arjuna are supposed to have founded some of ;he princely houses of Java. Punta-deva Tudhisthira, Wrekodara or Brata Sena, Dewi irimbi and her son Gatotkacha, Sujudana (Duryodhana an ncarnation of Dasamukha) are all familiar names in Muslim Fava. Indeed, custom prescribes that such and such a lakon )f the Mahabharata should be played on such and such an occasion ip the family. TANTRISM IN CAMBODIA, SUMATRA AND JAVA Tantrism flourished in Java in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries of the Christian era. We have no precise information as to when it was introduced into this island. But we know that in Cambodia Tantric texts are mentioned in the ninth century A. D. A Cambodian inscription relates how a Brahman, of the name of Hiranyadama, came from Janapada to the court of Jayavarman II (802-869 A. D.I. This Brahman recited the Vinashika, the Nayottara, the Sammoha and the Shirashcheda from beginning to end, so that they could be written down and then he taught the Royal High Priest these texts. It is mentioned also that these four texts constituted the four faces of the Tumburu. Now there are three regions each with its special Tantras, and among the Tantras of the Yishnukranta region (which includes Bengal and extends to Chittagong) there are two works, Sammohana and Niruttara Tantras, the titles of ^ which approach very closely to the names by which two r of the texts (Sammoha and Nayottara) are mentioned in this Cambodian inscription. Again 'Tumburu' is the name of a Gandharva and there is a Gandharva Tantra in the Yishnu- kranta group. It is interesting to note that another group of Tantras is mentioned, the Ashvakranta group, to which is allocated the region extending from the Karatoya river (in Bengal) to Java. There are other references in Cambodian inscriptions as to how several kings were initiated into the Vrah Guhya 'the Great Secret) by their Brahman gums : Cambodian Buddhism was probably much more free from Tantric influence than Javanese Buddhism of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. But there is reference in an eleventh century inscription to the "Tantras of the Paramis." Also images of He-vajra, a Tantric Buddhist divinity, have been recently discovered at Angkor Thorn, the ancient capital of Cambodia. In Java Tantrism seems to have attained greater importance. Kritanagara (1268-1292 A. D.), the last ruler of the kingdom of Singasari (in East Java\ who was adored in his lifetime as Shiva-Buddha, was an adept in Tantric practices. Prapancha, the author of the important Kavi (old- Javanese) chronicle Nagarakritagama, says that Kritanagara had gone through the ten ceremonies of purification and the eight processes of initiation and that he diligently carried out the pancha makaras "free from all sensual delusion." He goes on to say, " After Kritanagara's 'jina initiation,' his name INDIA AND JAVA 53 was everywhere known as Shri Jnana-bajreshvara." We know also from the inscription engraved on the pedestal of the statue of this king dressed as a monk that after his 4 jina initiation' on a cremation ground, Kritanagara was supposed to be identified with Mahaksobhya. His funeral monument was adorned with two images, both of them described as exquisitely beautiful, one of Shiva and the other of Aksobhya. Then we come to the Tan trie inscriptions of Adityavarman, a prince of Sumatra (c. 1343-1378 A. D.). An inscription of this prince dated 1269 Shaka era (1347 A. D.) describes the consecration of a Buddhist sculptural group of Amoghapasha- Gaganaganja with his companions and in this connection speaks of the virtuous practices to be observed by the Buddhist community, and then goes on to praise the practices of Toga of the Mahayana. At the same time it glorifiies a god and goddess Matanganisha and his Tara. Prof. Kern remarks that Matanganisha and Tara must be Amoghapasha and his Shakti and presumably they are Buddhistically fitted aspects of Shiva and Durga. In this inscription Mataoganisha is represented as drunken and amorous executing a mystic dance with his Tara in a locality resounding with the notes of birds, perfumed with the sweet scent of jasmine, full of the humming of bees and the cries of rutting elephants, and the merry shouts of sportive Gandharvas. Probably Adityavarman 'himself is to be identified with Matanganisha and his queen with Tara and the inscription commemorates some Tantric rite performed by the royal pair. Adityavarman is supposed to be an incarnation of Kama-raja-adhimukti- sadasmrtijna, i. e., Kama whose endeavours are continuously directed towards mukti. This fitts in well with the scene depicted here where the royal couple carry on their amorous dance (in the aspect of Matanganisha and Matangini in the fragrant groves, echoing with the lovely songs of nymphs, where lovers, with their locks of hair adorned with mandara blossoms, seek out trysting places where they disport them- selves with their beloved. Is the whole scene the description of some chakra ceremony ? Another inscription of Adityavarman dated 1297 Shaka era (1375 A. D.) narrates that on Tuesday, in the month of Jyaisthya of that year, king Adityavarman was made a Kshetrajna with the title of Vishera Dharani. Then it goes on : "fceated on a high seat, eating delicacies, lord of Suravasa drinking, laughing with myriads of flowers spreading on all sides their perfume....The perfume of Adityavarman's offerings is indeed indescribable." The sentences are disconnected and the meaning can only be guessed at. But we may be sure that this obscure passage does not refer to a royal picnic. As Herr I. J. L. Moens has tried to 54 INDIA AND JAVA explain (Tijd. Batav. Genoot,, 1924) all this may mean that king Adityavarman became a Kshetrajna in a cremation ground (like king ^Kritanagara) enthroned on a heap of corpses, laughing like a maniac, drinking blood, while his mahaprashada (his human sacrifice) flamed up and spread all around a dreadful smell. Finally, we came to the Mantrayana text the Kamaliaya- nikan, a Kavi (old- Javanese) work which has been recently edited (in Dutch) by M. Kats. This text, we may conclude from the internal evidence gleaned from its pages, dates from the Majapahit period (14th and loth centuries A. D.) i. e., during the rule of the last Hindu kingdom of Java. It commences with Sanskrit slokas extolling in very high terms this particular way to salvation. The Sanskrit verses are accompanied by a Kavi (old Javanese) commentary which is extremely obscure as in addition to the difficulties presented by the Kavi language it abounds with Tantric technical terms. Some of the introductory stanzas may be construed as follows: "Come, Oh child, I shall teach you fully the method of Mantra-charya-nayam of Mahayana as you are worthy of receiving this great lesson. The Buddhas who have gone and those who have not yet arrived (in this world) and those who are still existing for the welfare of the universe all of them have attained omniscience through the know- ledge of this supreme Yajra Mantra system You should practise this noble Yana which is beyond positive and nega- tive, clear as the sky, solemn, indisputable, stainless beyond all illusion, which is manifested only by its own manifesta- tions, which is free from all action, beyond the duality of truth and falsehood the greatest, noblest path. . . , One should n"ot speak of vajra, ghanta and mudra to those who are not in the mandala and only the faithful, who is in the circle, may laugh (i.e., think himself fortunate)." Then comes the sloka: "There is nothing which is prohi- bited for him who has attained the highest wisdom. He should enjoy at all times* without any hesitation, the pancha Kamas (the pancha makaras ?)." In another passage we find : "Vajra, ghanta, and mudra are never to be abandoned, the acharya is never to be despised, he is equal to all the Buddhas. Therefore, never insult ihe Vajra- charya mahaguru even if you can see no good in him." In the concluding stanzas we get : "To-day your lives have fulfilled their purpose, today, well-versed in this (doctrine), you have become the equal of the gods. . . .to-day without the slightest doubt, after having overcome Mara, you have reached the supreme goal and have attained Buddha-hood."* * I have to express my thanks to Pandit Krishnanand Pant, M, A. for helping me with the Sanskrit text. INblA AND JAVA 65 In the Kavi (old-Javanese) text, which follows the Sanskrit slokas, occurs the following passage : "The ten paramitas (dana, shila, kranti, etc.) have for tatva (essence) five Devis. Shri Vajradhatishyari Devi, of peerless wisdom and beauty, is the tatva of six paramitas. The tatva of Lochana is maitri, of Mamaki karuna, of Pandaravasini mudita, of Tara upeksa. In this way the ten paramitas have five Devis as tatva." After the pararaitas the Mahaguhya (the Great Secret) is mentioned which is the means of meeting the Lord and consists of Yoga and Bhavana. Yoga, the heritage (as is given in the text) transmitted (to us) by the illustrious Dignaga, is of four kinds : Mula Yoga which makes us realize the Lord of Akasha, Madhya Yoga which acquaints us with the Lord who is in (our) bodies, Vasana Yoga which intro- duces us to the Lord of Prithivi-mandala and Anta Yoga by which we know that there is a Lord in the Shunyatamandala. This reference to Dignaga is interesting. In this connec- tion we may recall the tradition that Dharmapala, the disciple of Dignaga, after having adorned for thirty years the Univer- sity of Nalanda, spent the last years of his life in Suvarna- dvipa (Sumatra ?). Enough has been said about the Kamaliayanikan to show that is well worth the careful study of scholars who have specialized in the Tantras. The last part of the Kavi text is very obscure and I shall end here by giving a curious genealogical table from this interesting Tantric work." Advaya Advaya-jnana Divarupa Bbatara Buddha I Shakyamuni I I I Lokeshvara Vairochana Yajrapani Aksobhya Eatnasambhava I Amitabha Amoghasiddhi i r i Ishvara Brahma Vishnu i i i atmosphere earth and water fire and wind The three worlds GREATER INDIA SOCIETY BULLETIN No. 5 INDIA AND JAVA (Second edition, revised and enlarged) PART II (INSCRIPTIONS) BY BIJAN RAJ CHATTERJEE M. A. (CaL), PH. D. (Lond.) Professor \ Meeruf College AND NIRANJAN PRASAD CHAKRAVARTI M. A. (Cal.)> PH. D. (Cantab.) Assistant Epigraphist to the Government of India CALCUTTA 1933 PREFACE The second part of this Bulletin contains the Sanskrit Inscriptions from the Malay Peninsula, Borneo, Java and Sumatra. In offering this little work to the public, I have to tender my apology for its various shortcomings. It is not a pretension to scholarship, and I had to face consider- able difficulties in seeing the book through the Press. After 1 had left Calcutta I had hardly any access to the books of reference needed for such a publication and I had mainly to depend on notes taken at Calcutta The same has been the case with Dr. Chatterji. Under these circumstances it is just possible that some inscriptions may have been left out but I do not think there has been any important omission. No proper impressions of the epigraphs were available and I had to depend, in many cases, on imperfect facsimiles. Sometimes even such help was not forthcoming. I am responsible for the texts and translations of the inscriptions but the introductions are mainly the joint work of the authors. I regret to state that it has not been possible to indicate the diacritical marks in a satisfactory fashion. Many printing errors have also remained uncorrected. In conclusion, I have to acknowledge my gratitude to Dr. U. N. Ghoshal, the Secretary of the Greater India Society, who has been in so many ways helpful to me. N. P. C CONTENTS OF PART II PAGE 1. INTRODUCTORY 1 2. THE INSCRIPTIONS 5 I INSCRIPTIONS PROM MALAY PENINSULA 6 1. Keddah Inscription 7 2. Inscription from N. Wellesley Province 7 INSCRIPTIONS PROM BORNEO 1. The Yupa inscriptions of King Mulavarman from Kutei (E. Borneo) 8 III INSCRIPTIONS FROM WEST JAVA 20 1. The Ci-Aruton Rock Inscription 23 2. The Jambu rock Inscription 24 3. The Kebon Kopi Rock Inscription 25 4. The Tugu (Bekasih) Rock Inscription 26 INSCRIPTIONS FROM CENTRAL JAVA 28 1. Tuk-mas Inscription 28 2. Inscription from Canggal (Kedu) of S. E. 654 29 3. Dinaya Inscription (3aka Year 182) 35 4. The Inscription of Viengsa (Saka Year 697) 40 5. Kalasan Inscription of the riaka Year 700 44 6. The Minto stone inscription of the Saka Year 876 48 7a Extracts from the Nalanda Copper-plate of Devapaladeva 49 7b Leyden copper plate of Rajaraja Chola 53 Appendix 57 Kclurak Inscription (Saka Year 704) 60 PAGE V INSCRIPTIONS FROM EASTERN JAVA 63 1. Inscription of Erlangga from Penang Gungen (Surabaya) 63 2. The Sanskrit Inscription on the image of Mahakshobhya at Simpang (Surabaya) Saka, 1211 75 VI INSCRIPTIONS FROM SUMATRA 1. Inscription on the back of the statue of Amoghapasa (at Padang Chandi in middle Sumatra) Saka Year 1269 79 2. Two Buddhist Inscriptions from Sumatra 85 (i) The Rock Inscription at Pasir Panjang (ii) The Gunung Tua Statue inscription 3. The Kubur Raja Inscription of Adityavarman 86 Appendix: The Sanskrit portion of the Pering Inscription 87 Introductory* A SHORT SKETCH OF THE HINDU-BUDDHIST PERIOD OF JAVANESE HISTORY. Tavadvipa (Java) is mentioned in the Ramayaua where Sugriva sends out searching parties in quest of Sita. Ptolemy, who wrote his geography about 150 A. i>., refers to Java as Jabadieu a name which he himself translates as the island of barley. The earliest inscriptions discovered in these distant islands come from Borneo. The language is Sanskrit and the script closely resembles that of the early Pallava inscrip- tions of South India and of the earliest epigraphy of Champa (Annam) and Kambuja (Cambodia). The Borneo inscriptions are, however, much earlier than the Pallava inscriptions. Indeed we may say that it is in this remote island that we first find the script which became known later on by the name of Pallava Grantha. These Borneo records describe a yajna (sacrifice) performed by Brahraans for King Mulavarman. On palaeographical grounds these inscriptions (as they bear no dates) have been assigned by archaeologists to the 4th century A. D. The next series of epigraphic records refer to King Purnavarman of Taruma-nagara which has been located near modern Batavia in West Java. The script is the same as that found in Borneo and on palaeographical grounds this series (which also bear no dates) have been assigned to c. 450 A. D. Purnavarman apparently was an illustrious monarch whose footprints have been carved on the stiles (of the inscriptions) and have been compared with Vishnu- pada-padma. A little before this period (in 413 A. D) Fa-hien reached Java on his way from Ceylon to China. He says that in this island there many Brahmans and but few Buddhists. Buddhism is said to have been first preached in Java by a Kashmir prince, Gunavarman, in 423 A. D. From Java the ascetic prince passed on to China. For three centuries we get no more inscriptions. But Chinese annals fill up the gap to some extent. They tell us of a kingdom of the name of Lan-ga-su in K-W. Java and of another called Kalinga in Central Java. West Java now falls into the background. It is in Central Java that we get the first dated record which has been as yet discovered in this island. This is 2 INDIA AND JAVA the Janggal inscription of the Shaka year 654 (732 A, D). The script is still Pallava Giantha and the language highly ornate Sanskrit. It is a Shaiva record and contains a reference to Kunjara Kunja Agastya's asrama in South India. Another inscription discovered at Dinaya a place further to the east and dated 682 Shaka era (760 A. o) describes the consecration of an image of Maharshi Agastya, Apparently during this period the cult of Agastya was prevalent in Java. The Dinaya inscription is the first to be written in the Kavi script which gradually replaces Pallava Grantha in Java The language, however, is still Sanskrit. In the last quarter of the 8th century Central Java was won from its Shaiva rulers by the Mahayanist monarchs of the powerful maritime kingdom of Srivijaya in Sumatra. An inscription unearthed near the beautiful temple of Tara at Kalasan (in Central Java) informs us that this Mahayanist shrine was constructed at the command of the Srivijaya ruler of the Sailendra dynasty. Apparently the Javanese possessions wore administered by governors on behalf of the Sumatran sovereign. The script of this as well as of other Srivijaya inscriptions brought to light in Java and Sumatra is North Indian, closely akin to the Pala inscriptions of Nalanda. Indeed there were cordial relations between the Pala Magadha and the Sumatran kingdom of Srivijaya. South-eastern Sumatra (where Srivijaya was situated) became in this period a far-famed centre ot learning and of commerce. The magnificent stupa of Borobodur as well as other lovely shrines and fine sculptures of this period in Central Java testify to the artistic taste of the Sumatran overlords. About 863 A. D. Central Java seems to have been won back from its Mahayanist overlords by Hindu princes who were fervent devotees of Agastya. This appears from an inscription bearing the date 785 Shaka era (803 A. D), written not in Sanskrit but in Kavi 'Old-Javanese a mixture of Sanskrit and a Polynesian dialect). It refers to descendants of Agastya as having settled in this island. Of these Hindu kings of Central Javathe names of Daksha and of Wawa have come down to us. It was probably Uaksha who built the famous Prambanam group of temples with its artistic reliefs depicting scenes from the Ramayana. Wawa's headquarter was in East Java and Central Java was administered by a governor on his behalf. Indeed from the close of Wawa's reign (828 A. D.) we -hear very little of Central Java. An inscription of Wawa was sent by Sir S. Raffles to Lord Minto during the short period of the British occupation of Java. It is known as the Minto stone and is now in Scotland. It contains a giant of a rent-free holding for the Bhatara of a temple. INDIA AND -JAVA 6 The scene now shifts to East Java where under a minister of Wawa, of the name of Mpoo Sindok, there was established a powerful kingdom. The great Erlangga was the issue of a princess of this dynasty and Udayana, the Governor of Bali. After many romantic adventures, which have been narrated at some length in an inscription, the most interesting epigraphic record which has been found in Java, Erlangga was enthroned as the Chakravarti sovereign of Yavadvipa (1035 A. u.) Ho was a great patron of Kavi literature. The Mahabharata and probably the Ramayana also were rendered into Kavi verse during his reign. There was a partition of his kingdom after his death. The principalitv of Kcdiri (a part of Erlangga's kingdom) has become famous in Javanese history on account of its illustrious poets. The bards who adorned the court of Kediri, during the reigns of Varshajaya, Kamesvara and Jayabaya (1100-1155), composed the Kavi works Sumanasantaka, Krishnavana, Smara-dahana, Bhanila Yuddha, Harivamsa, etc. Trade flourished as well as literature. Javanese ships touched Madagascar on the West and the Chinese coast on the east. Early in the 13th century Kediri fell before the conquering adventurer Ken Arok. This remarkable person, the super-man of the Javanese chronicles, who is represented as the offspring of the Gods, committed every conceivable crime to win a throne and the hand of the peerless beauty Queen Dedes of Singasari (a vassal principality of Kediri). With the help of a Brahman, who had come from India to assist him in his pre-destined career of glory, Ken Arok made himself master of Singasari (1220 A.D.) and made that kingdom the most powerful State in Java. The charming image of Prajnaparamita, which belongs to his reign, is said to represent the features of his queen Dedes. Krtanagara (1268-1292 A.D.), the fourth in descent from Ken Arok, was an adept in Tan trie practices. He attempted the conquest of principalities in the neighbouring islands of Bali, Borneo and Sumatra but was killed in battle by a rebel vassal of his the chief of Kediri. Before his death he had also in his pride insulted the envoy of the great Kubilai Khan of China. Shortly after his death Chinese troops landed in Java (1293 A.D.) to avenge this insult. The son-in-law of Krtanagara, Kaden Vijaya, was a master of crafty diplomacy. At his instigation the Chinese troops marched on the rebellious realm of Kediri and subjugated it. Vijaya now made a surprise attack on the Chinese host and drove them to their ships. Having 'thus disposed of all his enemies he founded the kingdom of Majapahit (1294), Majapahit was the name of a city which he himself had founded sometime ago and the city got this name from a 4 INDIA AND JAVA bael (*ta ) tree with bitter fruit (in Javanese Majapahit) which grew on its site. His daughter, the great queen Jayavishnuvardhani, began the conquest of the Archipelago (1343 A,D.) with the help of her famous minister Gajamada. Tantrism was the cult in the aristocratic circles of this period. The Kamahayanikam, a Mantrayana text, and the inscriptions of Adityavarman, a Sumatran prince, are typical examples of the prevailing Tantrism of this period. This illustrious queen was succeeded in 1350 A. D. by her son Hyam Wuruk (a Javanese name which means the young cock). The reign of this monarch saw the greatest expansion of Majapabit. The Nagarakrtagama and the Pararaton, the two most valuable Kavi chronicles which we possess, give a long list of the territorial possessions of Majapahit. The whole Archipelago was brought under its sway. To the east it extended to New Guinea to the north to the Philippine Islands. Srivijaya in Sumatra as well as Kedah, Singapore, eta, in the Malay Peninsula were all included in this list of dependencies. Mantris and Bhujangas (learned priests) were sent out by royal command to look after State affairs in the distant isles. The admirals (Jaladhi-mantri) of Majapahit always held themselves ready to crush any rebellion which might break out in any remote corner of this mighty maritime empire. In the Nagarakrtagama, composed by Prapancha the court-poet of Hyam Wuruk we have a glowing description of the capital Majapahit. Buddhism and Hinduism both shared the royal favour. The Javanese art of this period (best studied in the temple of Panataran) was coming more and more under Polynesian influence. Eapid decay set in after Hyam Wuruk's death (1389). A princess of Champa, who was married to Krtavijaya (one of the last rulers of Majapahit), is said to have favoured Islam which strengthened its foothold in Java during this reign (C. 1448). The coast-line of Sumatra, Java, and the Malay Peninsula was being rapidly 'Islamised' during this period. According to tradition Yijaya V, the last monarch of Majapahit, fell fighting the Muslim conquerors in 1478 A. D. But recent researches seem to indicate that it was a Hindu prince, Eanavijaya of Kediri, who dealt the death-blow to Majapahit in 1478. Prom Porturguese sources we learn that at the end of the 15th century the central authority in Java was still Hindu. In 1513 Albuquerque wrote to the King of Portugal referring to the Hindu suzerain of Java as seeking the Portuguese alliance. The last Hindu ruler of Java must have bBen swept away by the rising tide of Muslim conquest sometime between 1513 and 1522. In the latter year Majapahit was still considered to be the most important place in Java. The Inscriptions. The earliest indications of the appearance of Hinduism in the Malay Archipelago are the inscriptions of Borneo and West Java. These epigraphic records continue, in an almost unbroken series, down to the end of the Indo- Javanese period in the beginning of the 16th century. But the number of Sanskrit inscriptions found in these islands is much smaller than that of similar records discovered in Kambuja (Cambodia) and Champa (Annam). Again the historical matter which we obtain from these inscriptions is comparatively small. For almost without exception they commemorate occasions of building of temples or of pious donations. Hence we generally find in these records informa- tion as to when and by whom the building or the donation of temple or monastery or sacred image, took place. If it is a gift of land one finds the boundaries fixed ; if privileges have been bestowed these are carefully written down. Thus we get the regnal years of various sovereigns : we learn something about their high officials and incidentally adminis- trative and political information in addition to religious matters. Generally we do not get in such records definite statements of historical facts. Mentions of such facts are just passing references in connection with religious ceremonials. The inscriptions are engraved either on stone stiles or on copper plates. A few gold and silver plates have also been discovered. Some are copies of older inscriptions. The language of the earliest inscriptions (which are not dated) is Sanskrit. The first appearance of a date and another language (Old Malay) is to be found in Sumatra. Up to the middle of the 8th century A. D. the Pallava Grantha script is invariably used. Only in Srivijaya epigraphy we get the Nagari script In the Dinaya inscription (760 A. D.) we first come across the Kavi script. This is, as Dr. Krom states, not a script freshly imported from India (Brandes thought that it had been borrowed from Gujarat), but only a later development in Java itself of the earlier Pallava script. Later inscrip- tions are all in Kavi characters. About the same period the Kavi language, a mixture of Sanskrit and a Polynesian dialect, replaces Sanskrit in the inscriptions. The Kavi inscrip- tions are more numerous than those in Sanskrit. The last Kavi inscription is dated 1408 Saka era (1486 A. D.). Finally we must note that for the reconstruction of the Indo-Javanese period of the history of the Archipelago we have not only these inscriptions but also the Kavi chronicles and references to these islands in the Chinese Annals. The Arab records also give valuable information for some periods. Note This portion is based on the introduction to Dr. Krom's Hindoe-Javaansche Oeschiedenis. I. INSCRIPTIONS FROM MALAY PENINSULA In the ruin of an ancient brick building near Bnkit Meriam in Kcdah, a small building some 10 feet square, Col. James Low found a slab, a kind of slate, inscribed with the formula of the Buddhist creed. Probably the small building where the slab was discovered was the hut of a disciple of Buddha. Kern, who deciphered the Sanscrit inscription would not say if it were older than another inscrip- tion unearthed by Low "while excavating some old ruins on a sandy side in the northern district of Province AYellesley." The inscribed stone seems to have boon the upper part of a column. On a copy of it can be soon the representation of a stupa. On either side is a lino of writing, containing the same couplet as on the Kcdah slab. Along the edge of the pillar is another broken inscription which shows that the monument was a gift to a temple of a pious Buddhist sea-trader Buddhaguptn, who lived at a place called 'Rfd Earth.'* The Southern Indian stvlc of writing agrees exactly with the type known as Pallava and in Champa in W. Java and enabled Kern to give .\. D. 400 as its approxinato dat*. Col. Low also went on an elephant to transcribe a group of seven inscriptions on the sloping side of a granite rock at Cherok Tokum which lies near the centre of Province "VYollesly. They are too small and indistinct to be more than contributions to palaeography. One is written in nearly the same type as Buddhagupta's inscription. The characters of another Kern considered to be not older than the 6th century and similar to those at Pattadakal in W. Deccan and to those of the oldest Cambodian inscriptions of Bhavavarman. Some fragmentary clay tablets were found 9 ft. below the floor of a cave in Kcdah bearing undecipherable inscriptions in North Indian Nagari script of the 10th or perhaps the 7th century A. i*. Five votive tablets from Trang have been identified as relics of Mahayana Buddhism belonging to the western group of the llth century \ D. and resembling the characters of the Benares grant of Karnadeva and the grants of the Rathors of Kanauj ; on the obverse are Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. * This place called 'Rakta-mrttika' may be identified with the 'Rakta-mrtHka vihara' in Karnasuvarna (Murshidabad) mentioned by Hsuan Tsan^ as Lo-to-mo-chih, wrobgly translated by Wattors as raktarnrta. See Walters, If. p. 192 and Chatterji Indian Cultural Influence in Cambobia. INDIA AND JAVA 7 At the mouth of the Singapur river was discovered a large rock inscribed with some undecipherable lettering. ~ The stone was blasted later by the P. W. D. Several fragments of it were sent to Calcutta. All that has been so far ascertained is that it is in a script used in Majapahit about the middle of the 14th century. As these later inscriptions cannot be traced at present the texts cannot be given here. All these inscriptions have been found on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula, But about the 4th century \.D. appear alsc/ epigraphical remains on the cast coast. (Fmot, Bui Com. Arch 11)10 pp 152-151). 1. KT:J)I)AO INSCRIPTION r^? ;ii [u] TO wwi LG [ll] "The Laws which arise out of a cause, Tathagata told about lliat, and v r hat is theii suppression has thus boon told by the great Sramana. Karma (//'. action) accumulates through lack of know lodge. Karma is the cause oi (ro-birth.) Through knowledge no Karma is effected (and) through absence of Karma (0110) is not born (againj. v Of the two verses the former is the well-known Buddhist creed. 2. IxscuirrioN FROM X. WKLLESLEV PROVINCI:. Tins inscription repeats the Keddah inscription with the following addition at the end : "[The gift] of Buddh.igupla, the great sailor, whose abode was at linktamrttika. II. INSCRIPTIONS FROM BORNEO 1. THE YUPA INSCRIPTIONS OF KING MULAVARMAN FROM KUTEI (E. BORNEO) In 1879 K. F. Holle drew attention to several inscribec" stones existing in the Native State of Kotei (East Borneo).'* In 1880 the Sultan of Kutei presented four inscribed stones to the Batavian Society. In the same year Prof. Kern gave a transcript and translation of the inscriptions. Since then our knowledge of epigraphy has much improved (see especially Buhler Indische PalaographieEng. transl. by Dr. Fleet, 1904, Appendix to the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXIII). And we also know more of South Indian history, especially the Pallavas. Mr. Venkayya (in the Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1906-07) points out that the Pallavas derive the origin of their race from Asvatthaman, the son of Drona of the gotra of Bharadvaja. In a genealogy (found in some of the later documents of the Pallavas,) it is said that Asvatthaman had a son, named Pallava, by a divine nyrnph Madani. Pallava got his name from his bed of Wtf in the abode of hermits where he was born. The Tamil poem Manimegalai contains a Igend which relates that the first 'Tondaiman' ( i. e. Pallava) was the son of a Cola king by a Nagi. This Tamil poem also mentions a town Nagapuram in Savakanadu (Tamil for the island of Java). Two kings of Nagapuram are mentioned Bhumicandra and Punyaraja who claimed to be descended frem Indra. Prakrit characters of the first half of the 4th century A. D. acquaint us with King Sivaskandavarman whose dominions included not only Kanchi but also the Telugu country as far north as theKrisna. For Pallava history in the 5th and 6th centuries we have Sanskrit title-deeds which give the names of several Pallava princes. These are described as Bhagavatas (worshippers of Visnu). The names end with Varman. Foi the 7th and first half of the 8th centuries, when the Pallava power rose to its culminating point and then declined, archaeological materials are more abundant. There are numerous inscriptions on stone as well as copper-plate * This introduction is a summary of Dr Vogel's article in the BMragen tot-de Taal-Land en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsche- Indie, 1918. INDIA AND JAVA 9 charters. Vikramaditya n (Calukya) gave the death-blow to the Pallava power. It is during the period of Pallava ascendency that we meet with the first epigraphical monuments of Hindu influence in the Archipelago, In the history of the spread of Indian civilisation the Coromandel coast played an important part although the Indian emigrants did not come exclusively from that part of India. That during the 4th to 7th centuries A. D., there, must have been a lively intercourse between India, Indo-China and the islands of the Archipelago is evident from the accounts of Chinese pilgrims. Fa Hian sailed along the coast from Tamralipti to Ceylon and then went to Java where Brahmans flourish. In Hiuen Tsang's life, described by two contemporaneous authors, it is stated that Kanchipura, the capital of Dravida, was the "sea-port of South-India for Ceylon. Apparently it then held the position now held by Madras. May we not assume that then existed a direct intercourse between Kanchi and the Archipelago ? (Kanchi is about 40 miles from the mouth of the Palar river. But Tamralipti, Broach etc. were also inland. Moreover the river Palar has changed its course). I-tsing describes Srivijaya, Malaya and Kicthcha (Kedah ?) Xicobar Islands as halting stations on the way to Tamralipti. Probably there were other intermediate ports from Sri- vijaya to Tamralipti. We must remember the pillar inscrip- tion of the Buddhist sea-captain Buddhagupta of Eaktamrttika in the Wellesley province (near Penan g), which may be assigned to 400 A. D. The character is very similar to that of the early inscriptions of Java. I-tsing has given us short biographies of Go eminent Chinese pilgrims who had visited India in his days. Chavannes in the introduction to his French translation of that work ( Voyages des pelerins bouddhistes, Memoirs compose par I-tsing, E. Chavannes, Paris, 1894) thinks that there were many more pilgrims of whom wo do not know anything, and that the actual number of these pious palmers must have amounted to several hundreds. If we admit that the study of the Pallava inscriptions of Coromandel is important for the right understanding of the beginnings of Hindu civilisation in the Archipelago, the same may be said with greater justice of the early records of the two ancient kingdoms of Champa and Cambodia. Hero too we find Brahmanical civilisation grafted anew on two nations, the Cam and the Khmer. These peoples reshaped that civilisation in accordance with their own national genius, as is evident from those grand monuments which still excite admiration. It is particularly the ancient kingdom of the Cam which has placed an important part in the spread of Hindu 10 INDIA AND JAVA civilisation in the Far-Bast and which, owing to its situation on the east coast of .Further India, formed a natural link between China and Java. The name Cam was bound to remind the emigrants of the ancient city of Champa on the Ganges, and no doubt thus the name of Champa was given to the Cam country. The oldest epigraphical document of Champa and of the whole of Indo-China the rock inscription of A r o-Canh (partly illegible) may be ascribed to the third or perhaps the second century A. D. The existence of a Sanskrit inscription of so early a date in far-off Campa is remarkable. Then come 3 inscriptions of Bhadravarman (not dated but probably of the 4th century A.D.) which are Saiva in character. The king's title in one of them is Dharmmamaharaja, a title also borne by a Pallava prince (Sivaskandavarman) in the 4th century. Another of these inscriptions gives the site of the sanctuary of Siva Bhadresvara who is invoked in the two other inscriptions. Stele 111 of 657 A. D. of Mi-son gives the names of princes who must have come after Bhadravarman. These princes trace their origin back to a king Gangaraja. Is there any connection with the Ganga-Pallavas ? The earliest dated inscription of Cambodia (604 Saka.) is Saiva in character. Two points deserve special notice with regard to the early epigraphical records of Indo-China: the prevalence of the worship of Siva and the exclusive use of the Saka era (which is decidedly the era of S. India), whereas in Northern India it was the Yikrama (or Malava) era which was preferably used. Here, again, therefore, we have a peculiarity which points to the southern origin of that particular form of Indian civilization which is found in the Far East. It is certainly astonishing that in the inscriptions of the Pallavas and other Southern dynasties no reference is made to the relations which in those days must have existed between Coromandel and the Far East The explanation probably is that those relations of which the accounts of the Chinese pilgrims have left such a valuable record, were of a perfectly peaceful nature. We are perhaps justified in concluding that the penetration of Hindu culture in the Far East took place along the peaceful lines of trade and traffic. Fa Hian found Brahmans settled in Ye-po-ti (Tava- dvipa). The merchants on the vessel which brought the pilgrim home from his long voyage were partly at least- he says so explicitly-Brahmans. It was no doubt through the Brahraans in the first place that Brahmanical civilization, together with their religion, their sacred lore, and their ancient language was carried across the eastern ocean. INDIA AND JAVA 11 In the records of Campa on the other hand as well as in those of Java there is likewise a remarkable paucity of direct references to the homeland of that Indo-Aryan civilization, of whose greatness those very records are so eloquent witnesses. Indirect testimonies however are not altogether wanting. We have seen that Pallava was believed to have been borne by a heavenly nymph (named either Madani or Menaka) to Drona's son Asvatthaman. According to another legend the first Pallava prince had sprung from the union of Asvatthaman and a Nagi, whereas in Tamil poetry it is a Chola King who married the daughter of the Serpent-lord. Now the Sanskrit inscription in Stele III from Mi-son contains a curious passage which accounts for the origin of the kings of Cambodia in the following terms : "It was there that Kaundinya, the greatest of Brahmans, planted the javelin which he had received from the eminent Brahman Asvatthaman the son of Drona. There was a daughter of the Naga king who founded on this earth the race which bore the name of Soma. The great Brahman Kaundinya married her for the accomplishment of the rites." (Finot\s translation). In whatever way we look at it, the Cambodian legend brings us back to the Pallava court. This fact is more worthy of attention as the legend is associated in Indo-China with the name of Kaundinya who can be fairly called the 'Indianiser' of Cambodia. Another point which may be mentioned here is the nomenclature of Hindu (or rather Hinduised) Rajas in the Far East. M. Bergaigue was one of the first to draw attention to the fact that in the Sanskrit inscriptions of Indo-China with the only exception of the Vo-canh rock inscription which is the earliest of all we meet with royal names ending exclusively in Varman. "We will not find a single royal name which has not got this termination, which was also exclusively used in Cambodia from the period of the earliest inscriptions, as it has been also in the Archipelago, and above all among several dynasties of South India, Kings of Vengi, Pallavas, Kadambas, from the 5th or even the 4th century." If we remember that for a long period the Pallavas stood foremost in political importance, may we not assume that their royal house set a fashion which was followed first by their feudatories and neighbours and subsequently also by the Hinduised princes of the Far East. The Javanese inscriptions do not mention the Pallavas, but Kancipura, the Pallava capital, is mentioned in the old Javanese chronicle Nagarkrtagama. This work was composed by the poet Prapanca in honour of Hayam Wuruk, the 12 INDIA AND JAVA King of Majapahit, in Saka 1287. In the 93rd canto of his poem the chronicler says, no doubt with some exaggeration, that all pandits * in other countries composed eulogies in honour of his patron, King Hayam Wuruk. Among them he makes special mention of "the illustrious bhiksu Buddha- ditya who lived inJambudvipa (India) in the town of Kancipura with its six viharas." Again the Simbiring tribe (belonging to the Karo-Bataks of West Sumatra) is subdivided into five subdivisions Colia (Cola), Pandiya (Pandya) Meliyala (Malayalam), Depari and Pelawi (Pallava?), So we can recognize well-known ethnic names from the Dravida country which clearly points to the South-Indian origin of the tribe. In the Kotei inscriptions (one of the earliest documents of Indian civilization in the Archipelago) we meet with two royal names (Mulavarman the ruling prince and Asvavarman, his father) ending in Varman. The name of the grandfather of the King Kundunga has got a 'barbarous' sound. Kern concluded that it was possibly under Kundunga that Indian civilisation had been introduced in Eastern Borneo. Kern seems to imply that Kundunga was a native of Borneo and that the personages to which these inscriptions refer were Hinduised rather than Hindu princes. Krom however points out that the name Kundukara occurs in a Pallava inscription. We find a parallel in Indian history. The Kushan kings have foreign names Kanishka, Vasiska, Huviska but after Huviska there comes a king who bears the purely Indo- Aryan name of Vasudeva. This inference agrees with our assumption regarding the peaceful penetra- tion of Hinduism in the Archipelago. It is a point of considerable interest that the Kotei stones are described in the inscription as Yupa-(sacrificial posts generally made of wood). In India only three instances of s one Tupas have been found. The earliest was set up by a Brahman near Mathura in the reign of Vasiska and we may assign it to 102 A. D. (It is one of the earliest inscriptions in pure Sanskrit found in India). The stone yupa is an exact copy in stone of the actual sacrificial posts used in ancient India (corresponding to the description of the Satapatha-Brahmana). The second stone Yupa of Bijaigarh (Biana) does not seem to be an imitation of the wooden post in actual use at a sacrifice. It may be dated 372 A. D. There is a third stone Yupa in Mysore. It is not dated. The Kotei Yupas are not copies of the wooden Yupa of the Vedic ritual. They are four roughly dressed stones of irregular shape. That the Kotei stones do represent sacrificial posts is definitely stated in the inscriptions. This alone would be sufficient to establish the Brahmanical character of INDIA AND JAVA 13 these monuments, for Buddhists reject the animal sacrifice. Besides, the inscriptions mention that the creation of these Tupas was due to the assembled 'twice-born' priests on whom King Mulavarman had bestowed rich gifts in gold, cattle and land. Here again therefore we meet with those Brahmans who had carried their ancient civilization to Borneo as well as to Java and Sumatra. The word Vaprakesvara (in inscription C) must be a proper namethe name of a spot sacred to Siva. Krom points out that Vaprakesvara is mentioned in a later Javanese inscription : "Ye gods at Vaprakesvara." The Hindu images which have come to light in various localities of Borneo appear largely to belong to the Saiva pantheon. Two other objectsa gold Vishnu statuette and a gold tortoise were found at the same spot but earlier. The Sultan of Moera Kaman used to wear both these objects round his neck on State occasions. Moera Kaman in Kotei where these inscriptions come from, must be an ancient site of some importance. There are other sites in Kotei which still await a detailed survey by an archaeologist. In the first place there are the caves of Goenoeng Kombeng which contain a collection of Hindu images one of which is Ganesa. We must note the very fine execution of the Yupa inscriptions The letters are large-sized and clearly cut. The lettering of inscription D is defaced. The four inscriptions are all composed in Sanskrit poetry A in Arya the rest in anustubh. The verses are arranged on the stone so that each pada occupies a line. Generally in Indian inscriptions the lines are arranged without any reference to the verses. In this respect the Kotei inscriptions are similar to the cave inscription of the Pallava King Mahendravarman I at Mahendravadi. Although the Kotei inscriptions are extremely simple records they betray a very fair knowledge of Sanskrit. In this respect they are decidedly superior to the nearly contemporaneous epigraphs of Bhadravaman I of Campa. This bears testimony to a considerable degree of Hindu culture in East Borneo at this period. The term 'Vengi character' was adopted by Kern to designate the peculiar script from South India which we find employed in the early Sanskrit inscriptions of the Archipelago. Later writers on South Indian epigraphy, however, never use the term. (The Vengi country comprised the tract between the mouths of the Godavari and Kistna rivers). In the 5th century the Vengi country made part of the Pallava empire and remained in Pallava 14 INDIA AND JAVA possession till the beginning of the 7th century (up to the war with Pulakesin). In the opinion of Vogel it is advisable entirely to discard the term 'Vengi alphabet' from the terminology used by writers on Javanese epigraphy and to substitute for it the expression 'Pallava alphabet'. For, of all ancient scripts of South India it is the character employed in the early records of the Pallava rulers that shows the nearest approach to that of the Kotei and contemporaneous Javanese epigraphs. Dr. Burnell had arrived at the same conclusion (though he used for the Pallava character the not very appropriate term 4 Eastern Chera' as he assumed that this alphabet had been introduced into Tondainadu from the Cera country). Prof. Biihler applies the term 'Grantha' to the script used in the Sanskrit records of the Pallava dynasty. The Grantha is the peculiar alphabet employed in South India up to modern times for literary works composed in Sanskrit, in contradistinction from the alphabets in which the various Dravidian vernaculars are rendered. What Btihler's use of the word really implies is that that the Grantha, viz. the literary alphabet of South India, is derived from the ancient character found in the Pallava records. Biihler recognizes three successive stages in the development of this ancient 'Grantha' which be indicates as the archaic, the middle, and the transitional variety. To the archaic types he reckons all Pallava Sanskrit inscriptions, including those of Narasimhavarman I ; but from the Kuram copper- plate charter of Narasimha's son, Paramesvaravarman I, his middle variety commences. He further states that the archaic variety is also met with in the rock inscription from Jambu in Java. During the earlier period of Pallava rule their docu- ments are restricted to copperplate charters. It is only by the commencement of the 7th century that the first stone inscriptions (according to Vogel) make their appearance. There are therefore no lithic records from Coromandel which may be supposed to be contem- poraneous with the Kotei inscriptions. The copper-plates, which serve the purely practical purpose of recording a donation of land, are engraved in a much simpler style of writing than the stone inscriptions which were meant to be public memorials. The Kotei inscriptions are distinguished by their careful workmanship and highly ornamental character. On the other hand, the absence of stone inscriptions of so early an epoch in Coromandel imparts the Kotei inscriptions a peculiar interest for the history of South Indian epigraphy. It is in the distant lands of the Indian IKDIA AND JAVA 15 Archipelago and on the coasts of Lido-China that we thus find the prototypes of that remarkable group of lithic records which Coromandel owes to the Pallava Kings of the 7th century. We may say that the Archipelago and Campa have preserved the earliest examples of archaic Grantha carved in stone. We shall now examine the chief palaeographical characteristics of the Kotei inscriptions. They are the following : (1) The heads of the letters are marked by means of small, deeply cut squares which are found at the head of practically every aksara. Biihler notes the same peculiarity with regard to the early script of Central India in its more developed form. He further notes that this 'Box-head' characteristic occurs also in two Kadamba inscriptions of the 5th century and the copper-plate grant of Simhavarman Pallava which has been assigned to the same period. 'Box-heads' are also peculiar to the inscriptions of Bhadravarman of Campa. (2) Another feature of the Kotei inscriptions (it is mentioned by Biihler among the characteristics which distinguish the Southern alphabets from those of Northern India) is the little hook attached on the left to the foot of the long verticals. It is interesting that similar little hooks are found in the Pallava Prakrit grants of the 4th century, whereas in Sinhavarman's characters of the 5th century those excrescences are usually prolonged so as to reach up to almost half the length of the vertical. A still further development is noticeable in the later Pallava inscriptions of the 7th century, which, to use Biihler's terminology, exhibit the middle variety of the lithic grantha alphabet. Here the upward stroke is prolonged up to the top of the aksara so as to form a second vertical (Seven Pagodas). It is noteworthy that in the Campa inscriptions of Bhadravarman which otherwise betray so close a palaeographi- cal affinity to those of Kotei the long verticals (*, *, f etc.) show no trace of the little hook. In this respect they represent an earlier stage of writing than the Kotei inscription. In the Carunten and Jambu inscriptions (West Java) we notice a more advanced stage, as here the hooks are prolonged. (3) In the aksaras sr, q, *, ft and ( the left-hand stroke bulges outward. Here again the alphabets of South India, Indo-China and the Archipelago exhibit a parallel development (beginning with a notch and ending with the tendency to make the lines wavy). (4) Another feature of the Kotei inscription is the little hook which we find attached to the right stroke of the 16 INDIA AND JAVA letters H, *, V, and *. This feature is peculiar to the alphabet of the Pallava inscriptions and is unknown in other scripts. This hook replaces the usual cross-bar in other scripts. In the inscriptions of Bhadravarman of Campa only * is treated in a similar fashion. (5) One of the most remarkable features of the Kotei inscriptions is the looped form of the 3 letters ft, !, *ff. The tl and 1, are so similar in appearance that they could easily be mixed up. In the case of S the loop extends further upwards and the vertical is shortened. In the Pallava script the 1 is not provided with a loop, while 3 is often looped. In the inscription of Bhadravarmau of Campa, however, we do find these forms. In the Carunten rock inscription the three aksaras a, 1, *[ appear in exactly the same shape as in the Kotei inscriptions. (6) The absence of the vowel is not expressed by the virama as in the Nagari of North India. In the Kotei inscriptions this vowelless letter (1 and *) is about half the size of the ordinary aksara and is written beneath the line.* Burnell says : "The Java character has the peculiar small m used for a final m, and we find this also in the Vengi and Pallava characters and in them only." But it is found in Gupta inscriptions. In the Bhadravarman inscription of Campa we come across the same practice. (7) In the Kotei inscriptions we find the medial f expressed in the ancient fashion by a single superscribed curve to the left, but always open except in the aksara ft when a closed curve is found. This closed curve, which assumes the appearance of a superscribed circle, becomes the regular manner of expressing medial ? in later alphabets. The primitive form is found in the inscription of Bhadravarraan and in the Carunten inscription. In the Kotei inscription medial] I is expressed in the ancient fashion followed in the early Gupta inscription by a double curve over the aksara. In the Bhadravarman inscrip- tions the f in *ft is written exactly as in the Kotei inscriptions. In later inscriptions both in Campa-Cambodia and in Java the double curve has become closed so as to assume the appearance of a circle similar to that marking the short ?. * The same feature is noticed in the Central Asian manuscripts written in both the'Central Asian varieties of Indian scripts commonly knovra as the 'slanting' and the 'upright' Gupta scripts, as well as the fragments written in Kushana and Gupta characters. N. P. C. INDIA AND JAVA 1? (8) Finally attention may be drawn to the sign for medial 1 consisting of a little curve which is attached on the left-hand side to the top of the consonant. Medial ^ is expressed by a double 1 stroke. In this respect again the Koetei script approaches the Pallava character very closely. Conclusion : It is undoubtedly the archaic type of the ancient Grantha character used by the early Pallava rulers which appears to be most closely allied to the character of the Koetei inscriptions. The Koetei inscriptions are the earliest specimens of the Grantha used in stone records. We have also noted the very near affinity existing between the Koetei inscriptions and those of Bhadravarmau of Champa. In certain respects the inscriptions of Bhadra- varman appear to represent a somewhat earlier stage of writing. On the contrary, the Charunten rock insertion of Purnavarman (West Java) exhibits a more advanced style of writing, so that we arrive at the chronological succession : Bhadravarman, Mulavarman, Purnavarman. The intervening period in each case may be roughly estimated at half a century. Neither in India nor in Indo-China the early records bear any date. As on the basis of palaeographical evidence only an approximate date can be assigned to these documents, it follows that we stand on no very firm ground. Prof, Kern hesitated between the 4th and 5th centuries, and finally proposed 400 A. D. as the approximate date to assign to the Koetei inscription. Vogel accepts this view. Then the Bhadravarman inscription would belonglto the middle of the 4th century, a somewhat earlier date than that proposed by M. Finot who has assigned them to approximately 400 A. D. The Charunten inscription then should be attributed to 450 A. D M a conclusion agreeing with that arrived at by Kern. The facsimiles of the Borneo Inscriptions as published by Mr. Vogel were not available to me, The following readings are based entirely on the plates given by Kern. A L (1) WUffenrflv (2) TOF [ 5" ] *ft (3) *Wf<^ fW3CT(T): (4) ^ ' (5) WMfllmUBt (6) (7 {NltgVHUIMMl (8) Wht W(4itHI (2) (3) spftww? 2 fe*rm: (4) (5) 3CT 3*r JWcflTf: (6) saw* FTTTTO: II] (7 * o^nwi mii*iHi (8) *rfwsivul rc ici ( II J (9 "The illustrious Kundanga, the noble lord of men had a famous sou Asvavarman, who like unto the sun was the founder of a race. He had three noble sons, resembling the three (sacrificial) fires. The foremost of those three, the illustrious Mulavarraan, the lord of princes, endowed with the strength of austerity and self-restraint, having sacrificed a Bahusuvarnafca (sacrifice^ this sacrificial post of that sacrifice has been set up by the best of the twice-born. 1. Kern reads f*S. But to me it appears to be t In this inscription, the vertical strokes of V, <1, ?, etc. are not found bent to the left. 2. Read TOtf I Kern reads SFR but lit is certain on the plate* 3. Kern reads *nfaf but fT^ffr is clear in the plate. 4. Kern reads l&l but 1^?IT is clear and certain. INDIA AND JAVA 19 The three fires referred to are the three well-known sacrificial fires, *fl[fa?f *n*^ft4 and OTW I seems to be the name of a sacrifice, in which, evidently, much gold was distributed. Kern points out ijfWW as the name of a tfte sacrifice and suggests as synonymous with the former. (1) *forat s'jgwCT (2) (3) ?m 1 s^^f %* 2 (4) (5) ftlirfippqtfsiWWf: 3 (6) (7) w* sflwi *nftm (8) se "The gift of twenty thousand kine of the illustrious and foremost of the rulers of men, the king Mulavarman, which was given at the most sacred place of Vaprakesvara to the twice-borns resembling fire for that meritorious deed this sacrificial post has been erected by Brahma ns who had come hither." 1. Kern reads 5TT(?,8, but the facsimile shows clearly *TO*l 2. Kern reads ini" but %?f is clear on the facsimile. 3. Kern reads *^c<-i erroneously. 4. No visarga is visible on the facsimile. Metre D (1) WRW wr *r$n (2) (3) "As Bhagiratha was born of the king Sagara, Mulavarman (was born of the king Asvavarman)." 1. This inscription is not found in Kern's T. G. Vol VII. The metre is TOte and the second line may be re constructed us : Ill INSCRIPTIONS FKOM WEST JAVA It is a remarkable fact that whereas the glorious monuments of Indo-Javanese architecture are found in Central Java, the earliest documents testifying to Indian influence belong to the Western part of the island. They consist of four rock-inscriptions all composed - in Sanskrit verse and eulogise a ruler of the name of Purnavarman, who if we may trust palaeographical evidence (for none of the inscriptions is dated, must have flourished about the middle of the fifth century A. D. These four rock-inscriptions are all found within the boundaries of the province of Batavia. There is a 5th inscription of the same series, mentioned by Krom in Hiadoe-Javaansche Geschiedenis at a place called Mocara Jianten, which is as yet undeciphered. It is significant that those earliest records of Hindu settlement are found exactly in that part of the island where the Dutch traders first established their factories. The geographical position of the Batavian coast with regard to India and the special advantages which its figuration offers to shipping and trade are circumstances which will easily account for a coincidence that is certainly not due to mere chance. There is no reason to doubt that king Purnavarman mentioned in three of these inscriptions is one and the same person. Kerti assumed (while dealing with the Tugu inscription) that in Purnavarman we have an ancient hero and sage of Indian origin whose worship had been introduced in West Java. But why should Purnavarman be regarded as a legendary personage ? His name ending in Varman (like that of Muluvarman, the ruler of East Borneo, whose historical existence has never been doubted) in imitation of the royal nomenclature then in vogue both in India in Further India, suggests a historical person. The Tugu inscription mentions the 22nd year of bis reign. It is true that in India the symbol of the foot-print indicates a divine person. But it is nothing but a conjecture that the foot* prints of Purnavarman (in the Ci-aruton and Jambu inscription rocks, served a similar purpose. In the case of the Kebon Kopi inscribed rock which shows the footprints of Purnavar- man's elephant, it is certainly unlikely that they were presented for adoration by the king's subjects. In the inscriptions themselves there is nothing to support Kern's supposition.* * In Jaina inscriptions, even in those of a much later date, we find however foot-prints given for the adoration of worshippers. INDIA AND JAVA 21 Nothing is said in the inscriptions regarding the king's ineage. From the circumstance that in the Ci-aruton inscription the king is compared to Visnu it has been somewhat rashly concluded that Puranavarman must have been a Vaisnava. The Tugu inscription however speaks of Purnavarman's gift of a thousand cows to the Brahmans. We may assume therefore that Purnavarman was an adherent of the Brahmanical and not of the Buddhist religion. This agrees with the almost contemporaneous statements of Fa-Men "The law of Buddha is not much kuown here." In the history of the Sung Dynasty (420-478) there is th e following statement : "In 435 (A. D.) the king of the country Ja-va-da whose name was Sri Pa-do-a-la-pa-mo, sent an envoy." It has been suggested that the king mentioned here is Sri-pada Purnavarman. (Prof. L6vi however does not accept this identification.) The few facts these inscriptions give us may be summed up thus: Purnavarman probably lived about the middle of the 5th century A. D. He must have had a fairly long reign, the Tugu inscription being dated in his 22nd regnal year, His capital was Taruma a name which is preserved in the name of the Tarum. (Tarum is a Javanese word meaning 'indigo' which grows in abundance in this region). In three of the inscriptions in each case the -inscription is accompanied by a pair of foot-prints and these symbols constitute the raison d'etre of the epigraphs. In two of the inscriptions (Ci-aruton and Jambu) the foot-prints are stated to be those of Purnavarman himself and in the third one (Kebon Kopi) it is the footmarks of the King's elephant which arc carved on both sides of the legend. We can only surmise that Purnavarman mast have been a ruler of such renown that it was thought necessary to record in stone certain places which bad been hallowed, as it were, by his presence. The Ci-aruton rock-inscription may possibly mark the spot of the King's cremation. This would account for the curious position of the inscribed stone in the bed of the Ci-aruton torrent. From the wording of the Jambu inscrip- tion it appears that it was put up after Purnavarman's death. If we take the text literally it would follow that the foot- prints (of the deceased king) were credited with a magical power to protect his followers and to hurt his enemies. It is difficult to explain the meaning of the curious carvings found about the inscription. First of all, we have the two so-called 'spiders' (to follow the usual explanation of these symbols) which are shown in front of the foot-prints and seem to be attached to them by means of a thread. 22 INDIA AND JAVA Kern suggests that they possibly referred to the doctrine of ahimsa which prescribes that care should be taken not to tread on any living creature. Perhaps these are meant for TTTa i.e. tokens of good luck. In two early rock inscriptions of the Kangra valley at the end of the , legend we find a <th century. Of the following four inscriptions the first three, viz. thoso of Ci-aruton, Jambu and Kebon Kopi are at close pro- ximity to ecach other in the hilly country round Buitenzorg, a place of Dutch origin, best known as the residence of the Governor-General. The fourth now preserved in the Batavia Museum, was originally found at Tugu *near the sea-coast to the east of Tondjong Priok, the port of Batavia/ All the four inscriptions have recently been edited with excellent facsimiles by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel (The earliest Sanskrit Inscriptions of Java, 1925) in Publications of the Archaeological Survey of Netherlands' India. 1. THE CI-ARUTON ROCK INSCRIPTION. (SEE VOGEL, p. 22 AND PLATER 28, 29) This inscription was first brought to notice by the Rev. Brumund in 1868 and edited by Dr. A. B. Cohen in 1875 24 INDIA AND JAVA (Bijdr. Kon Inst. 3rd Series, Vol. X pp. 163ff.) and reprodu- ced by Kera (in V. G. Vol. VII, 1917, p. 4, note 1 and facsimile). The inscription proper does not offer any difficulty but a great uncertainty is attached to the decipherment of the curious carving, looking like some highly cursive writing, above the inscription and to the interpretation of the two symbols, the so-called spidery which are found attached by means of a thread to the heels of Purnavarman's foot-prints. Kern suggested that possibly they referred to the doctrine of vfifCIT of the Jains, forbidding not to tread on any living creature. Dr. Rouffaer thought that the spiders represent 'enemies attached to a thread on which the king has placed his foot.' Dr. D. Van Hinloopen Labberton (Z. IX M. G. Vol. LXVIt 1912 pp. 60 Iff) in his article on the symbo- lism of spider in Indian Literature, says that the spider denotes, the divine soul.' Mr. B. de Hann explains them as IM KM or turnings of the hair, 'to which people both in India and Indonesia attach a prognostic significance.' This view is endorsed also by Dr. Vogel, though not without some doubt. Finot also takes it as representing the soul. (see also above). As for the cursive writing Dr. Brandes is said to have read as : Sri ji aroe ? eun vasa, which was translated, by him as c tho blessed lord of the Jiaroe ? eun, and by Dr. Kern as 'jpr^-W*, 'the foot print of Purnavarmau,' both of which, as can be seen from the photo, are equally conjec- tural. Dr. Vogel seems to think, from the difference of script as well as the direction in which the line is placed, that it has no bearing on the inscription under consideration. Transcript (1) I*H*IHM4I4FW& (2i *ft*W: 'C (3) OTMW\*4W (4) fwftfi* TOW II 2 "Of the valiant lord of the earth the illustrious Purna- varman, the lord of the city of Taruma, (this is) the pair of foot (prints) like unto Visnu's." 1. Vogel reads vhl: but the W is clear on the plate. 2. Metre Wte I 2. THE JAMBU ROCK-INSCRIPTION (VOftEL P. 25, PLATES 30, 31.) This inscription was discovered in 1854 by Mr. Jonathan Rigg and first deciphered by Kern in 1875 (V. G. VII. p. 6.) itffcil ABD JiVl 25 this inscription is not preserved quite perfectly and here too we find a pair of foot-prints, evidently of the king, as the inscription says, but they are partly broken off. (Also see above.) Transcript (1) sftaFsrar * fjcc^fr wftwift $ 3*r [rfjvrar c ft 2 8 1 (2) 9M VH i<* fwiai^+i R^ i w*4 i ? "Illustrious, munificent, correct in conduct (was) the un* equalled king who in the past (ruled) in Taruma by name the illustrious Purnavarman, whose armour was famous for being impenetrable by the numerous arrows of his enemies his is this pair of foot-prints, always skilled in destroying enemy- cities which is salutary to princes devoted (to him, but) turns like a dart to (his) enemies." 1. In the plate 5 is clear but in the photo it looks like 1. Keru reads 5. Metre W{^T . SflSf : I would take in the literal sense S*t *nllf& V Us i.e. he who knows his duty. Vogel connects *T3* with f^3 but I would prefer to take it as an adjective to R^ik. It is pre- ferable to take *FW in the sense of a 4 dart^ here than 'thorn' as Vogel translated it. 3. THE KEBON KOPI ROCK-INSCRIPTION (VOGEL P. 27, PLATES, 32, 33.) This inscription was first brought to public notice by the Rev. Brumund and was first deciphered by Kern in 1885 who also published a revised reading in 1910. (See V. G M Vol. VII. p. 136). The writing on the stone is badly pre- served but interest lies in the fact of the rock containing two elephant's foot prints of enormous size, carved on both sides of the inscription. i (u) 26 INDIA Ata> "Here shines the pair of foot (prints) of the Airavata-like elephant of the lord of Taruma, great in victory. 1. Kern read JflftW: but tho correct reading is given by Vogel. 2. Kern first read ftw^ R^ 'RS^ and then SCT Metre 4. THE TUGU (BBKASIH) ROCK-INSCRIPTION. (VOGEL, p. 32, PLATE 27). This inscription was first edited by Kern in 1885 and again in 1917 (cf. V. G. Vol. VII pp. 129 ff.), with a facsimile of part of the inscription. The verses are all written in Hfffa metre and there is a figure at the beginning which looks like a burning torch. Vogel has shown from the two tithis given in the inscription that the months as used in the calendar in those days in Western Java were SM^IT^fl as we find in South -India and not lpu.*nrl as prevalent in the North. This may be due to South Indian influence. Vogel also adds that "whereas the Vikrama era is generally associated with the ifSpTT^f scheme (except in Gujarat ), the Saka era has the wn*ci month, especially in Southern India, which is the real home of that era. It is a well-knewn fact that it was the Saka reckoning' which was introduced both in Further India and in the Archipelago." TRANSCRIPT (1) Sfcf ^W' wi^W JPW * 2 srw (2) * (3) fl+u ^-mq+^pmn 1 u 5 iftfa ^n^ ^'^ft^ 6 (4) TO. The letters at the beginning and the end are not distinct. From this inscription, taken together with the symbols, it seems that this water was considered holy. The date cannot be determined exactly, it should be approximately 500 A. D. on palaeographic grounds. Transcript. 2 5 ( *5 ) si i^l^ipPi l*HI\iM I I J 9 ifpr [ u ] This (spring ? ), sprung from pure white lotuses, in some parts oozing out of stones and sand and in others spreading with clear and cool water is flowing (? extended) as the Ganga. Metre, *V^qi. The eye-copy given by Kern is not satisfactory. Three letters at the beginning are missing. Above the inscription there is a number of symbols. To the right there are four lotuses and a vajraf?) and to the left the Sarikha (conch shell), Cakra and Oada (mace.) Kern reads sruta but I find no sign of u. If the spring is compared to the Ganges Samprasrta, 'extended' would give a better sense than samprasuta meaning *oozing out/) 1 See Kern, V. G., YII pp. 201-203. 1 See Kern, Ibid., p. 204, INDIA AND JAVA 29 (2) INSCRIFTION FROM CANGGAL (KEDU), OF S. E. 654 The discovery of this inscription (found at Canggal or Janggal in Central Java) was announced at the Eoyal Academy, Amsterdam, in its session of 10th March 1884. l The record is composed of 25 lines of writing and is the earliest dated Sanskrit inscription of Java. The script is closely connected with that found in South Indian inscrip- tions from the 5th to the 10th centuries. It is more closely related to the Han~Chei inscription of Cambodia belonging to the 6th century. The language is pure Sanskrit though not elegant. The style is artificial and pompous. The inscription is a Saiva document and refers to the conseceration of a liwga in the Saka year 654 by order of the king Sanjaya. It precedes the Kalasan inscription and therefore belongs to a period before the Srivijaya conquest of Central Java. In v. 7 of this inscription we find a description of Java. Kern compares with this the verses referring to Java which are found in the Eamayana e.g. (Kamayanam, Bombay Edn., IV, 40, 30.) A temple in Kunjara-Kunja (South India ?) is cited as the model of the present shrine. "There was a miraculous shrine of Siva tending to the salvation of the world and brought over (the image ? ) by tho family settled in the holy land of Kunjara-Kunja." 2 In the Harivamsa Kunjara is said to be hill on which the auspicious abode of Agastya was situated and very likely this is to be placed in South India. From the verses which follow we get the following account : "In Java, which is a noble island, there was a king of very high birth, who through the use of peaceful methods, 1 See Kern, Ibid. pp. 117-128. 2 Krom however, differs from Kern and interprets the verse thus : There is a miraculous temple of Sambhu for the welfare of the world, as it were, brought over by the family settled in the blessed land of KuSjara-Kunja." This according to Krom does not mean that a temple was brought directly from Kunjara- Kuiija, but that a temple very much like that could be found in Java. The Brhatsamhita mentions KuSjara, the hermitage of Agastya, as lying between Kach and Tamraparm. Krom places it on the border of Travancore and Tinnevelley. 30 INDIA AND JAVA gained renown both far and near. Ruling his subjects lovingly as a father rules his children, he, by name Sanna (probably predecessor of Sanjaya), having overthrown his enemies ruled very long on this earth with justice like Manu.-- After swaying the destinies of his royal kingdom, Sanna in course of time entered heavenly bliss and the world was cast down with sorrow. He being dead, he, who rose after him, rich with qualities like Manu, the son of Sannaha the eminent, who is honoured by Pandits as an expert in the subtle meaning of books, distinguished for courage, who like Kaghu has conquered various feudatories, was King Sanjaya. TEXT [Metres : Sardulavikridita, Vv. 1, 2, 4-7, 12 ; Sragdhara Vv. 3, 8, 11 ; Vasantatilaka, v. 9 ; Prthvi, v. 10|. 2. 3. n^Tf^fw^l^Jidsic (+u w il" Among the places mentioned in this campaign Sri-Vishaya is the same as Sri-Viiaya, identified by M. Coedes with 'the residency of Palambang in Sumatra* Nakkavaram Hand Pappalam have been INDIA AND JAVA 55 Usually this account of the conquest of Kataha is found only in Tamil inscriptions of the 16th and later years of Bajendrachola I. The Tirumalai inscription dated in the 13th regnal year of tKe king does not mention this conquest. It may be concluded therefrom that Rajendrachola must have led his naval expedition some time between the 13th and 16th year of his reign. 1 Samgramavijayottungavarman, the king of Kataha with whom Rajendrachola fought is presumed to be the successor of Maravijayottungavarman of the Sailendra dynasty who is mentioned in the Ley den grant. We do not know the reason which led to the expedition and how far the Sailendra king submitted to the Chola king. But there is nothing to show that the Sailendra kings were feudatories to the Cholas, at least before the above mentioned expedition, as Mr. Yenkayya appears to have thought. 2 Besides the above Leyden grant there is another grant written in Tamil which also is now preserved in the Leyden museum. 8 It was issued in the 20th year of Kaviraja Kesarivarman Sri Kullottunga-chola and records an exemption of certain taxes in connection with the villages granted to the Sri Sailendra-chudamani Vihara. This exemption was allowed at the request of the king of Kidara, conveyed through the latter's messengers Rajavidyadhara Samanta and Abhimanottunga Samanta. EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT LI. 73-76. tffanH' ..... 3l*KI3t ns&flft (76) hiw (Valanadu)*fTf9 *Tfffl stinqft^ iigwfcf (Pattanakkarra)- identified respectively with the Nicobar islands and a port of that name in Burma. Takkolam is taken to be the same as Takopa on the western part of the Malay Peninsula. Kadaram has been located tin lower Burma by Mr. Venkayya (Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1898-99 p. 17 ; cf. S. I L Vol. Ill p.l94f.) but perhaps it should be identified with Kedu or Kidap in the Malay Peninsula. 1 Though the Sanskrit Dortion of the Tiruvalangadu plates which like the Tamil portion is dated in the 5th year of Rajendrachola's reign, mentions his conquest of Kataha Mr. Venkayya is of opinion that the Sanskrit portion was subsequently composed and added to the Tamil document (see Annual Report on Epigrahpy for 1905-06 p. 66) 2 See Arch. Survey Report, 1911-12 p. 175. See Arch. Surv. of Southern India Vol. IV. pp. 224/f. 56 INDIA AND JAVA Pattanakknrra [Ij (87) [l] (88) : [f] "He ..... Rajaraja Rajakesarivarman, the crest jewel of Kshatriyas in the twenty-first year of his own universal rule, in the great country named Valanadu, thickly inhabited and shining as an ornament to the whole world in the division of Pattanakkurru, in the town resplendent with many temples, choultries, water-places, and groves, and shining with manifold rows of mansions Nagapattana : by Sri Maravijayo- ttungavarman, son of Chudamanivarman, possessed of the entire science of royal polity, who, by virtue of his own wisdom, was a guru to the gods, who was the ray-gar- landed (sun) to the lotus groves of the wise and a kalpavriksha to the needy, sprung from the Sailendra family and the lord of the Srivishaya country, who possessed of the Makaradhvaja, assumed the lordship over Kataha (by Maravijayottunga), he (the king) gave to the Buddha dwelling in the exceedingly beautiful Chudamanivarman vihara, so named, after his own father, whose greatness and loftiness surpasses Kanakagiri (Meru) the village Anaimangalam, in that same populous district named Pattanakkurru, whose four boundaries were clearly traced by the circuit of a female elephant. "To the village thus givenlby his majesty the emperor (cakravartin) his father, he of great glory having gone to INDtA AND JAVA 5? divine glory, his son, the wise king Mathurantaka, having ascended his throne, and having caused a perpetual grant to be made, thus ordered: so long as Sesha, the king of all the serpents, holds the entire earth, so long may [this "Vihara stand with power on the earth. This same lord of the Kataha country, the abode of virtues and of renowned power, thus represents the kings yet to come: Protect ye for ever this edict of mine." APPENDIX Did Java and Srivijaya get the Mahayana cult from Pala Bengal ? (A) Comments on the inscriptions of Canggal, Kedu, Kalasan and Kalanda by Dr. Stutterheim in the Tijdscrift, 1927, and in 'A Javanese period in Sumatran History,' 1929. A Kavi inscription found at Kedu (in Central Java) gives us a list of the kings of Mataram (Central Java) beginning with Sanjaya the hero of the Canggal inscription, The immediate successor of Sanjaya, according to this list, is Maharaja Panangkaran whom Dr. Stutterheim identifies with the Maharaja Panankaran of the inscription of Kalasan. But Panankaran of the Kalasan inscription is a Sailendra i. e. a prince supposed to belong to the royal family of Srivijaya (in Sumatra). We know nothing however as to how the Sailendras got a footing in Java. There is nothing to suggest conquest by force of arms. Stutterheim's theory is that Sanjaya of Mataram (in Central Java), whose panegyric we read in the Canggal inscription, was himself a Sailendra. This dynasty then, according to Stutterheim, originated not in .Srivijaya but but in Java. Stutterheim quotes a Kavi Work Carita Parahyangan in which Sanjaya is described as having won victories in Khmer, Malayu, Keling and in the country last named Sang Srivijaya is defeated by him. Probably these conquests took place after the dedication of the linga mentioned in the Canggala inscription (732 A. D.). Dr. Stutterheim then proceeds to interpret the Nalanda inscription (c. 850 A. D.) in a daring manner in the new light thrown on it by the Kedu list of kings. Maharaja Balaputra of Sumatra, the donor of the monastery at Nalanda, refers to his grandfather, a king of Java, not by name but by the meaning of his name which is w 8 (he who has crushed the valiant enemy). Then Balaputra's father is described as witiv (foremost in war) and his (Balaputra's) mother is mentioned by the name of Tara. Tara is said to be the daughter of a king Dharmasetu. Now Stutterheim proposes to identify Sanjaya, a famous conqueror, with the grandfather of Balaputra. In this case Sanjaya's successor Panangkaran would be the father of Balaputra and Tara would be the queen of Panangkaran. This seems to receive some confirmation from the Kalasan inscription (778 A. D.) in which we find Panangkaran dedicating a temple to Tara. The queen on her death might have been identified with the goddess Tara and the Kalasan temple might have been built to commemorate her memory. Again in the inscriptions of Kalasan and Kelurak (782 A. D.) we come across the word Dharmasetu and in the Nalanda inscription Dharmasetu is mentioned as a king whose daughter is Tara the mother of Balaputra. Dr. Stutterheim is bold enough to identify Dharmasetu with Dharmapala the famous Pala ruler of Bengal. So his theory is that it was after the marriage of Dharmapala's daughter Tara, a Bengali princess, with king Panangkaran of Java that Mahayana elements began to be mixed up with the Saiva doctrines already existing in Java. Dharmapala, according to Stutterheim, was the guru as well as the father-in-law of Panang karan. Finally Dr. Stutterheim points out that there was no embassy from Srivijaya to China during the period 750-904 A. D. It was after 904 A. D. that ambassadors from Srivijaya began to visit again the Chinese Court. Therefore Dr. Stutterheim believes that Javanese rule over Sumatra ended in 904 A. D. Thus by supposing that the Sailendra monarchs belongod to Mataram (Central Java) and not to Srivijaya, Dr. Stutterheim rejects the hitherto accepted designation of the period (750-904 A. D.) as a Sumatran period of Javanese history and would replace it by a new designation a Javanese period of Sumatran history. (B) The Inscription of Kelurak and the visit to Java of the Mahayanist Kaja-guru from Bengal (From the article by Dr. Bosch in the Tijdscrift voor Indische Taal-Laand en Volkenkunde, LXVIII, 1928). This inscription of Kelurak (near Prambanan in Central Java) is in the Nagari script like some other Mahayana records, as for e. g. that of Kalasan, which bear the names of the Sailendra monarchs. It is dated 704 (Saka era i. e. 782 A. D.). Portions of it are badly damaged. Just as in the Kalasan inscription (778 A. D.) we are told that it was due to the persuasion of the guru that the temple INDIA AND JAVA 59 and image of Tara were constructed by the Sailendra monarch similarly in the Kelurak inscription it is the Bajaguru, coming from Gaudidvipa (Bengal) to 'purify with the holy dust of his feet' the Sailendra ruler of Central Java, who consecrates the image of Manjusri. Dr. Stutterheim believes that the guru mentioned in the Kalasan inscription was no other than Dharmmapala, the celebrated Pala ruler of Bengal. In the Kelurak inscription the name of the Kaja-guru seems to be Kumaraghosa. He is then not the king of Bengal but a very holy personage who has come all the way from Bengal to teach Mahayana doctrines in Java. There must have been many such visitors from overseas. Dr. Bosch quotes the Nagarakritagama (83,4) ; "Continuously people of all kinds came by sea to Java, numerous merchants, monks and distinguished Brahmans." Another passage in the Kelurak inscription raises some interesting points. We have seen that in the Nalanda inscription the Sailendra monarch Balaputra (the donor of the monastery at Nalandra mentioned in the inscription) refers to his grandfather a king of Java (not Sumatra), not by name but by the meaning of his name which is Now, the king of the Kelurak inscription is extolled as famt and therefore it wonld not be unreasonable to identify him with the grandfather of Balaputra. Balaputra, a contemporary of Devapala of Bengal, may be assigned a a date c. 850 A.D. and the date of the Kelurak inscription is 782 A.D. Dr. Bosch agrees with Dr. Stutterheim in accepting Panangkaran, the second prince of the list of Kedu, as the same person as the Maharaja Panankaran of the Kalasan inscriptson. But further than this they do not agree at all. Dr. Bosch believes thnt Panangkaran did not belong to an indigenous dynasty of Java, but was one of the younger Sailendra princes of Sumatra, who, by his marriage with a Javanese princess, became the legitimate successor of Sanjaya. The restoration of the Javanese dynasty might also have taken place by another marriage c. 904 A. D. So Dr. Bosch sticks to the older theory of the Sumatran period of Javanese history, through in a recent lecture delivered by him at the Societe Asiatique, Paris, he seems to appreciate the importance of the points raised by Dr. Stutterheim. To sum up, Dr. Stutterheim's identification of Dharraapala (of Bengal) with Dharmasetu, whom he supposes to be the father-in-law of king Panangkaran, is far-fetched. Prof. Coedes shows us from an old Malay inscription of Srivijaya dated 606 saka eraHi- e. 684 A. D.) that the Vajrayana was already known in Sumatra at that early date. The far reaching influence of Nalanda is also well known. In the Kelurak inscription we actually find a Mahay an is t guru from Bengal visiting Java. Thus, without dragging fin Dharmapala, we can point to Bengal as the source of the Mahayana and Tantrayana cults in Java and Sumatra. In my Indian Cultural Influence in Cambodia' (vide the conclusion) written in 1926 I had tried to show that Pala Bengal might well be given the credit for having spread Mahayana a&d Tantrayana teachings in Indo-China and Insulindia. Now this point is well established. Text of the Kelurak Inscription (dated 704 saka era) This inscription is in Nagari script and was found near Prambanan in Central Java. It is badly damaged but luckily the important portions are decipherable. l^ill''! WfMI I'8R!I < GW&*1^1 II (k) ^^ I - ...... fwu (;) () fc . * THVf I I WTO: () O O fatNl qawflHfiimfefii; II () ^-^ v) Summary : After the invocation to Lokesvara there begins the eulogy of the king one of whose qualifications is that of *fwrfhTOTO[l . Then comes the important passage (7th stanza-lst line) "his (the king's) head purified with the dust of the lotus-like feet of the guru from Gaudi- dvipa (Bengal)." The rest of the stanza is unhappily badly damaged. In the 8th stanza we read that the image of Manjusri has been consecrated by the Bajaguru. In the llth stanza we get the date of the inscription- 704 saka era and we are told that in that year Kumaraghosa (probably the name of the Rajaguru) has consecrated the image of Manjusri. In the 15th stanza we find Manjusri identified with Brahma, Visnu and Mahesvara. B.RC. INSCRIPTION Ofl ESLANGGA fcROM PENAM- GUNGEN (SURABAYA) (SAKA TEAR 963) This inscription which was formerly preserved in the Indian Museum, 1 Calcutta, was found on a stone inscribed on both sides. It must have been taken to Calcutta from Java in Sir Stamford Raffle's time. 2 As it was written in an old Javanese script it had been neglected in the Calcutta Museum. No one suspected that the language of one of these inscriptions was pure Sanskrit while the other was in Kavi. When K. F. Halle heard of the stone he got estam- pages of both the inscriptions and sent them to Prof. Kern. On decipherment the latter found that on account of the person celebrated in it, the Sanskrit inscription was a very important historical record. The middle portion of the inscription has been partly effaced by the action of the weather and the characters are too indistinct. There is a remarkable peculiarity that between the lines there are faint traces visible of something like letters. There are examples in India where new inscriptions have been engraved on old ones. But for a record of this kind in honour of the king Erlangga one would not expect an old inscribed stone to be used. The height of the stone is 1'24 metres, and breadth 0.95 at the top and 0'86 at the bottom. The inscription consists of 37 lines of writing. With the exception of the word Svasti at the beginning the whole is in Sanskrit verse and contains 34 stanzas of different metres. The letters which betray a skilled hand, are the usual old Javanese (Kavi). The consonants are sometimes doubled after and sometimes not (e, g. kirti or kirtU : purva or purvva). There is no anusvara visible on the stone and the same sign has been used for the medial o and ay. In judging the quite creditable verses found in this inscription we should remember that their author was composing a panegyric on Er-langga and not writing a chronicle. He recounts the king's deeds in a manner which is quite sufficient to remind his contemporaries of facts 1 I do not know where the inscription is now preserved. On enquiry from the Museum authorities I was told that the stone was sent back to Java (?) at the request of the Dutch Government. 2 We know that the Minto stone was sent by Baffles as a present to Lord Minto* In a letter, dated 23 June, 1813 Lord Minto, writes "I am very grateful for the great stone from the interior of your island. I shall be very much tempted to mount this Java rock upon our Minto crags that it may tell Eastern tales of us, long after our heads are under smoother stones." 9 64 INDIA AND JAVA which they knew but which is not enough for later generations, The events of Er-langga's reign remain obscure for us. But it is still extremely important and it is not surpassed in value by any other record we possess. The memory of Er-langga has long since been effaced among the Javanese. There is not a single chronicle which mentions him/ But the Balinese have still a tradition that Er-langga ruled in Kediri and that under him Kavi literature blossomed out. Some of the most renowned Kavi poems Arjuna-vivaha, Smaradahana, Sumanasantaka were composed during his reign. The old Javanese translation of the Mahabharata should also be assigned to the same epoch. The Virataparvan was written in the Saka era 918 during the reign of Dharmavarnsa Anantavikraraa (a predecessor of Er-langga). The period of Er-langga was already known from one of his grants dated in 945 of the Saka era. This date falls between the two dates found in our inscription. There are also other grants of this king which have not yet been published. Neither of the two inscriptions tells us how far the kingdom of Er-langga extended. But they do not contradict the Balinese tradition that he was the ruler of Kediri. The Sanskrit inscription mentions that he was highly honoured by the king of East Java. After he had punished his enemies in the East, South and West, he was enthroned as the overlord of Yavadvipa in the Saka year 957 (1035 A.D.). To commemorate this event he constructed a hermitage for monks near mount Pugavat which on account of its magnificent design became so renowned that people came from distant places to admire it. From pur inscription we find that Er-langga was descen- ded on his mother's side from Sri-Isanatunga, a Javanese ruler and that Er-langga's mother was Mahendradatta, the daughter of king Sri-Makuta-vamsa-vardhana whose mother was the daughter of Sri Isana-tunga, In Mpu Sindok we then recognise the great-great-grand-father of Er-langga. Saka year 913 is now accepted as the date of birth of Er-langga. In the year 957 of the saoie era he reached the pinnacle of power and of fame. The royal adventures are rather indicated in the inscrip- tion than told in detail. There are descriptive passages but the descriptions are concerned with matters of no particular importance. Important matters are only hinted at. Then the author of the inscription seems to avoid Javanese words. Even the name of Er-langga is sometimes Sanskri tised as Jala-langga or Nira-langga. 1 1 J3r is the Javanese word for water and langga means 'to sip 1 . INDU 1ND JAVA 85 Er-langga was foe son of Udayana and Mahendradatta. He was treated with great distinction by Sri Dharmavamsa, prince of East Java and obtained much hononr when he visited the latter. Not much later his capital was burnt (according to Krom it was not the capital of Er-langga but that of Dharmavamsa). With some faithful retainers he sought refuge in jungle. In the Suka year 932 in the month of Magha, he was implored by the Brahmins to reduce the whole country to submission. He made wars with the neighbouring princes and in the Saka year 954 he slew a queen who was like a giantess in strength. From the South he returned laden with booty. He overthrew the king of the West whose name was Yijaya, in the month of Bhadra of the Saka year 957. Vijaya was treacherously murdered by his own troops, and in the month of Kartika of the same year Er-langga assumed the title of the overlord of Java. In the fulness of success he decided to construct a magnificent hermitage near mount Pugavat which was equal in splendour to Indra's palace. The poem ends with the prayer that the King's reign may continue to be prosperous. On the other side of the stone is the Kavi rendering which gives us a few additional points. TEXT 1 [Metres : vv. 1-3 and 9 Arya ; vv, 4, 5, 8, 15, 17-19, 21, 28, 32 and 34 - Sardulavikridita ; vv. 6, 7, 10-13, 16, 20, 22-27 and 31 Vasantatilaka ; v. 14 Manjubhashini ; vv. 29 and 30 Malini ; v. 33 Sragdhara.] u wfeni fewr wt snA [t*] i* *l 8$T [Wj But pr in Sanskrit also means Vater'. The name Iralangga then would mean he who drinks water i e. he who drinks up the sea Ca,n it be possible that it is reminiscent of the tradition of Agastya sipping up the sea? N. P. C. ,,.,,, T r .11 1 This inscription which was published by Kern as far back as 1885 was not attended by a complete facsimile. The inscription having been removed from the Indian Museum, Calcutta, it was not possible to examine the original stone* In the present text, therefore. 1 have depended on Kern's reading in general, excepting the portion of which a facsimile has been published. The verses are not numbered, but there is a mark after each verse to denote its end. Portion of the inscription is badly damaged and the syllables restored have been put within brackets. N. P* C. 2 Kern reads Vllfewi^ but fcf is clear on the plate. 66 INDIA AND JAVA fan WFIT is M fillW^HJ M ff\ [Ift] JUtUtflntn ^^I^I^GIMI ^pt d *fwsi w^i>*Mfft gw^r flwu^yimi w n [4n] V I M I Im^^Ki *u vjj' f.* i^.i *ijiW^j|w^C* WW^lmWHi: II [7M] m: UM^jflll^LQ [811ft] ^ ^* C* : [ift] 1 The plate shows-mra as Kern reads bat this reading would spoil the metre. 2 The plate shows up to tsr only. 3 Kern reads nwft but I prefer to read im^as adjective to . This is common in Sanskrit literature and gives a better . Cf* Kirata XL 12. 4 Kern reads vradubut this reading gives no meaning and renders the metre faulty. INDU AND JAVA 67 mfaMM^imft n [I0ti$] 1 Kern reads fafefcl and ORRTfift which do not give the proper meaning. 2 Kern reads girt fa* (?), which is not only grammatically wrong but does not give any sense either. 3 Kern remarks that the letter in the gap looks like a n or V and thinks that it was originally 3 on the stone. 4 Kern leaves a gap here. 5 Kern reads mCtflH!llH, which does not gave any sense. 68 INDIA AND JAVA J^H i ^5* w i w^ wi wi^^w ^al l* JJ 'vlVl^^^t^^^^S^'fll^^l *f I* 1 5^T < *f* TO** fWT^fvft mnm^fa ovoT rawar nfhi* fffit- ^vTSxRHM ^l^Sl V*|M!^I f%ll ^iiv 1 Kern reads 2 Kern reads (a) nububhujas which is grammatically incorrect. 3 Kern reads 4 Kern reads 5 Should we read HP* f ANt) JAVA [22H*] fft SW 51ft UffWT [I*] : u [28ii$] 1 Restore as J(4