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COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
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WORKS ISSUED BY
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VOYAGES OF SIR JAMES LANCASTEE
TO THE EAST INDIES.
ETC.
FIRST SERIES. NO. LVI-MDCCCLXXVII
THE VOYAGES
OP
Sm JAMES LANCASTER, K^
TO THB
EAST INDIES,
ABSTRACTS OF JOURNALS OF VOYAGES TO THE EAST INDIES,
DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, PRESERVED
IN THE INDIA OFFICE.
VOYAGE OF CAPTAIN JOHN KNIGHT
(1606),
TO SEEK THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.RS.
BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER
NEW YORK, NEW YORK
Published by
BURT FRANKLIN
514 West 113th Street
New York 25, N. Y.
9lo. 6
hud. .
ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
REPRINTED BY PERMISSION
3 Xd^l ivj
PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.
CONTENTS,
Dedication.
P.Vlili
Introduction . . , , i
Narrative of the First Voyage of Sir James Lancaster, by-
Edmund Barker, Lieutenant . . ,1
Narrative of the First Voyage of Sir James Lancaster, by Henry
May . . . .25
The Voyage of Captain James Lancaster to Pernambuco , ."5
The First Voyage made to East Lidia by Master .laiues Lancaster
(now Knight) for the Merchants of London, Anno 1600 . 57
ABSTRACTS,
The Voyage of Captains Keelinge and Hawkins — I . , 108
1^ 11 11 iX, -lii
„ „ III , 113
Tile Voyage of Captain Sharpeigh — I , .120
„ II . . . 126
The Sixth Voyage set forth by the East India Company : In-
structions to the Factors , .131
Commission to Sir Henry Middleton for the Sixth Voyage , 137
CO^' TENTS.
The Second Voyage of iSir Henry Middleton, being the bixth set
forth by the East India Company . 146
Journal of the Sixth Voyage, by Thomas Love . 147
Journal of the Sixth Voyage, kept by Nicholas Downton (1610-
1613) . . . . .161
Journal of Ralph Crosse, Purser of the Hoseander iu the Tenth
Voyage . . . . . .228
A Calendar of the Ships' Journals preserved in the India Office
(written within the seventeenth century) . . 263
Journal of the Voyage of John Knight to seek the North-West
Passage, 1606 . . . . .281
A List of Ships of the East India Company (employed during the
Seventeenth Century) .... 296
Index . . . . . ,303
DEDICATION
TO
COMMANDER A. DUNDAS TAYLOR
(late h.i.n.),
SUPERINTENDENT OF MARINE SURVEYS TO THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.
My deae Taylor,
I inscribe to you, as one who has, through a
long and useful career, been instrumental in upholding
the reputation of the Indian Navy, this volume containing
the narratives of voyages of some of the earliest of your
predecessors.
Lancaster, Middleton, Downton, Best, and the other
famous seamen who showed England the way to India,
commence the long and glorious roll of public servants
who made the history of the Indian Marine; while the
great names of Davis and BaflBn, famous alike in the
Arctic Regions and in the Indian Ocean, stand at the
head of the list of Indian Marine Surveyors.
It has been your good fortune, after that most useful
branch of the Public Service — the Indian Navy — had been
recklessly abolished, and after the surveys had been
entirely neglected for twelve years, to restore' them to
DEDICATION.
efficiency. That you may succeed in maintaining that
efficiency, and tlius achieve a work which I know to be as
near to your heart, as it is important to the interests of
England and of India, is the earnest hope of your sincere
friend and well-wisher,
Clements R. Makkham.
INTKODUCTION.
The Council of the Hakluyt Society have resolved to
reprint the narratives of the voyages of Sir James
Lancaster, from the collections of Hakluyt and Purchas,
in order that they may be brought together in one
volume. Lancaster was one of the leading seamen of
the reign of Elizabeth, and he commanded the two
first English voyages to the East Indies. He was
afterwards on the direction of the East India Com-
pany ; he was a great promoter of voyages of dis-
covery ; and, as such, his name was immortalised by
William Baffin, who called one of the chief portals
of the Arctic Regions — "Sir James Lancaster, his
Sound".
We learn from himself that, in his early years, he
had been in Portugal in the capacities of a soldier and
afterwards of a merchant. In 1591 he sailed on his
first voyage to the East Indies ; and two accounts of
this adventurous expedition, and of its disastrous ter-
mination among the West Indian Islands, were pub-
lished by Hakluyt.^ The first was written by Hakluyt
from the mouth of Edmund Barker of Ipswich,^ a
lieutenant; and the second by Henry May.^ Lancaster
' Hakluyt ii, Part li, p. 102 {2nd edition, ii, p. 586) ; and iii, p.
571 (2nd edition, iii, p. 52).
2 Page 1. 3 Page 25.
11 INTRODUCTION.
returned to En_o;land in May 1594, after an absence
of more than three years.
In the autumn of 1594, Lancaster was again in com-
mand of three ships fitted out by Aldermen of London,
with his old lieutenant, Edmund Barker, in the vice-
admiral. On this occasion, a successful piratical
attack, in which Barker lost his life, was made on the
Portuguese settlement of Pernambuco. The expedition
returned to Black wall in July 1595.^
In 1599, the full report of Dr. Thorne, who resided
at Seville, on the advantages of a trade with India,
and other information, including that obtained by
Lancaster during his first voyage, induced the mer-
chants and adventurers of London to project an expe-
dition, and eventually to form a Company, with the
object of establishing a trade with the East Indies.
A sum of £30,000 was at once subscribed. On Oc-
tober 16th, 1599, Queen Elizabeth's gracious accept-
ance of the voyage was reported, and the Lord
Treasurer recommended Sir Edward Michelborne as
principal commander. But the promoters resolved
not to employ any " gentleman" in any place of charge
or command in the voyage, because they desired to
"sort their business with men of their own quality".
All through the autumn the preparations for the voy-
age were energetically pushed forward, and a total
sum of £72,000 was subscribed. On the 10th of De-
cember, Captain James Lancaster was appointed
General of the Fleet, with a commission of martial
1 Page 35. This is also a reprint from Hakluyt, iii, p. 709
(2nd edition, iv, p, 207).
INTRODUCTION. lU
law from the Queen. John Middleton was in the
vice-admiral, and that glorious Arctic navigator, John
Davis, was Pilot-Major. The ships were nearly ready
for sea when, on the 31st of December, 1599, the
Charter of Incorporation of the East India Com-
pany was granted, being a privilege for fifteen years
to certain adventurers for the discovery of the trade
for the East Indies, namely, George Clifford, Earl of
Cumberland, and 215 knights, aldermen, and mer-
chants. Alderman Sir Thomas Smith was chosen as
the first Governor of the Company, and the names of
James Lancaster and John Middleton appear among
those of the twenty-four Directors.
All through the month of January 1600 the expedi-
tion was being fitted out in the Thames. Each ship
was provided with twelve streamers, two flags, and
one ancient. Stores and provisions of all kinds were
supplied, as well as merchandise, and merchants were
appointed to the diff'erent ships to superintend the
trading operations. The Queen gave letters of recom-
mendation to the Princes of India, and presents were
provided, consisting of "two fair, costly looking-
glasses", a silver basin and ewer, two standing cups,
four silver cups, and other things of less value. A
sufficient account of the scale of victualling, stores,
armament, and merchandise for the Company's ships
in the early voyages, and of their cost, has already
been given by Mr. Rundall.^ Mr. Richard Hakluyt
furnished much useful information and instructions
^ Narratives of Voyages towards the Horth-West (Appendix),
Hakluyt Society's volume for 1849.
IV INTRODUCTION.
" touching the preparing of the voyage", and also
supplied three maps. The officers and others received
"bills of adventure" upon the gain of the voyage.
Thus the Pilot-Major, John Davis, was to have £500
if the voyage yielded two for one, £1000 if three for
one, £1500 if four for one, £2000 if five for one.
The expedition sailed from Woolwich on the 13th of
February 1600, with 480 men. The General, James
Lancaster, was on board the Dragon. This vessel
was bought from the Earl of Cumberland for £3,700,
her former name having been the Malice Scourge.
She was launched on the 11th of December 1599, and
rechristened the Red Dragon, being a vessel of 600
tons, with a crew of 202 men.^ John Middleton was
on board the vice-admiral, the Hector, of 300 tons,
with a crew of 108 men. The Ascension, commanded
by William Brand, was a vessel of 260 tons, with a
crew of 82 men ; and the Susan^oi 240 tons, under
John Hey ward, had 88 men. The Guest, of 130 tons,
was added as a victualler.
The original manuscript journals of this memorable
voyage are lost. The narrative, as given by Purchas,
is now reprinted.^ It describes all the events from the
departure of the expedition in February 1600, to its
return to the Downs on the 11th of September 1603.
The gallant commander of the expedition received the
^ There is a drawing of the Red Dragon under sail facing-
page 1 of Sir Henry Middleton's Voyage, being the Hakluyt
Society's volume for 1855.
2 Page 57. See Purchas, lib. iii, cap. iii, p. 47; and Harris, i,
p. 62.
INTRODUCTION. V
honour of knighthood and became Sir James Lancaster.
He was the founder of that English trade with the
East Indies which led to the formation of the British
Empire of India. He afterwards served as a Director
of the East India Company in London, where his great
experience was invaluable in preparing subsequent
ventures, and in the general conduct of the Company's
affairs. He was still actively engaged on these duties
in 1618.
The second voyage set forth by the East India
Company was commanded by Henry Middleton, and
sailed from Gravesend on the 23rd of March 1604.
Middleton was in the Dragon, with his brother David ;
his second in command, Colthurst, in the Hector ; the
Ascension was commanded by Roger Stiles ;^ and the
Susan by William Keelinge. Middleton was knighted
on his return in 1606. This is the only East Indian
voyage of the seventeenth century of which a separate
narrative was published. It appeared in 1606, being
printed in London for Walter Burre ; and Mr. Bolton
Corney suggests that, as Middleton had a daughter
named Margaret Burre, the printer may have been
his son-in-law. This very rare book was reprinted for
the Hakluyt Society in 1855, and edited by Mr. Bolton
Corney. The notice of the first voyage of Middleton
in Purchas'^ is excessively meagre, only occupying two
pages, probably in consequence of the separate account
having been previously published.
Sir Edward Michelborne, whose influence with the
Lord Treasurer was great, but who found so little
' Died at Bantam. ^ Book in, chap, v, p. 18o.
VI INTRODUCTION.
favour in the City, continued to be a thorn in the side
of the Company for some years. In 1601 he was
" disfranchised of the freedom and privileges of this
fellowship, and utterly disabled from taking any benefit
or profit thereby.''^ But, in spite of the Company,
Michelborne obtained a licence in June 1604, to dis-
cover the countries of China and Japan and to trade
with the people, notwithstanding any grant to the
Company to the contrary. The great Arctic navigator
John Davis sailed with him as pilot on board the
Tiger, and was slain in a fight with Japanese junks on
the 27th December 1605.^ He left behind him some
valuable sailing directions for the voyage along the
Sumatran coast from Achin to Tiku and Priaman.
Michelborne was the first of the interlopers, and his
conduct, during the voyage, appears to have done
no credit to the English name. In 1608 the Com-
pany's factor at Bantam reported, that " if any more
such as he be permitted to do as he did in these parts,
their state would be very dangerous", and urges the
Company to " use all prevention in this point".
The printing of the four narratives of the voyages
of Sir James Lancaster suggested an examination of
the manuscript journals of voyages which are still
preserved at the India Ofiice, and a collation of the
earlier documents with the abstracts given by Purchas.
In the present volume, the voyages of Lancaster are
followed by a calendar of all the manuscript journals
^ Calendar of State Papers (East India), 1513-1616, para. 292.
2 See accounts of Michelborne's voyage in Purchas, vol. i, Book
III, p. 132 j and Harris, i, p. 55.
INTRODUCTION. Vll
of voyages during the seventeenth century now in the
India Office, while abstracts of a few of the most in-
teresting are given in considerable detail. Notices of
the manuscripts will be found in the foot-notes.
I will now proceed to give some account of the
materials that have escaped destruction, and of the
abstracts given in Purchas. On the formation of the
East India Company, their historical and geographical
documents were entrusted to Eichard Hakluyt, who
had completed his Principal Navigatioyism 1600, and
was made Archdeacon of Westminster in 1603. He
thus had charge of the journals of all the East India
voyages, from 1600 to the date of his death, in 1616.
In about 1620, four years after Hakluyt's death, these
journals and logs came into the hands of the Kev.
Samuel Purchas, having, in all probability, been en-
trusted to him by Sir Thomas Smith, the first governor
of the company, for publication. Unfortunately Pur-
chas, instead of doing this, resolved to abridge and
epitomise his materials, and, in this form, he published
them in four folio volumes in 1625, with the well-
known title Hahluytns Posthumus, or Purchas his
Pilgrimes. The Indian voyages are given in the first
volume, books iii, iv, and v. This method of treatment
would not, as Mr. Bolton Corney has observed, have
been objectionable if due care had been taken to
preserve the original manuscripts. Sir Thomas Smith
died in the year that the Pilgrimes were published,
on September 4, 1625, and Purchas followed him in
1626. From that time these priceless materials for
the opening chapter of the history of British India
Vlll INTEODUCTION.
have been Degiected. Many of the manuscripts are
lost, and those that survive are sadly injured by damp
and rats. Subsequent historians have never made use
of them, but have contented themselves with the
meagre and careless abstracts given by Purchas.
The manuscript journals of the voyages of Lancaster
and Middletou, the two first set forth by the Company,
have disappeared. The oldest existing manuscripts
in the India Office are fragments of three journals
kept during the third voyage ( 1 606-1 G 09), which was
commanded by Captains Keelinge and Hawkins. Pur-
chas gives abstracts of two journals of this third voyage,
that of Keelinge, from the document preserved in the
India Office. The first, in Purchas, is an abstract of
Keelinge's journal, occupying 18 pages ;^ but Purchas
tells us that the original was very voluminous, and
that he has " beene bold so to shorten, as to expresse
only the most necessary observations for sea or land
aflaires," The second, also much abridged, is the im-
portant narrative of Captain Hawkins, commanding
the Hector, who was the first Englishman to obtain a
concession for trading from the Great Mo^ul. It also
occupies 18 pages.^ The manuscript of the journal
of Hawkins is lost.
In the present volume I have given abstracts of the
three manuscripts in the India Ofiice which relate to
the third voyage.^ One consists of 4f pages; the second
of 32^ pages, those between the dates August 30th,
1607, and February 28th, 1608, having been torn out;
^ Book IV, cap. vi, p. 188. ^ Book in, cap. vii, p. 206.
■^ Sec pages 108 to 119.
INTRODUCTION. IX
and the fourth, of 59 J pages, being a journal kept by-
John Hearn and William Finch, containing some
sketches of coasts and headlands. It breaks off when
the ships were at Socotra on their way out.
The circumstance of the second of these journals of
the third voyage, which was kept on board the Dragon,
having had several pages torn out, calls for special re-
mark for the following- reason. Mr. Eundall, who was
a clerk in the India Office, in the appendix^ to the
volume edited by him for the Hakluyt Society in 1849
{Narratives of Voyages towards the North- West),
says that the following entry occurs in the journal of
the Dragon, Captain Keelinge's ship, and in a foot-note
he refers to East India MSS., showing that in 1849 the
journal was intact.
1607.
September 4 (at Serra Leona). Towards night the kinges
interpHer came, and brought me a letter from
the Portingall, wher in (like the faction) he
offered me all kindly services. The bearer is a
man of maruailous redie witt, and speakes in
eloquent Portugues. He layt abord me.
„ 5, I sent the interpreter, accoi'ding to his desier,
abord the Hector, whear he brooke fast, and
after came abord mee, wher we gave the
trcujcdie of Hamlett.
„ 30. Captain Hawkins dined with me, wher my
companions acted Klvg Richard the Second.
„ 31. I envited Captain Hawkins to a ffishe dinner,
and had Hamlet acted abord me, w'^'^ I p'mitt
to Iceepe my people from idlenes and unlawfull
games, or sleepe.
' Page 231.
X INTRODUCTION.
Now it is obvious that these entries are of very great
literary importance, for they record one of the earliest
performances of Hamlet after the first publication of
that play in 1604.^ They have been abstracted from
the manuscript volume since 1849, together with all
the pages containing entries between August 30th,
1607, and February 19th, 1607(8). In the third frag-
ment^ there are entries for the days on which the plays
were acted, but no mention of the performance. Owing
to the robbery of these leaves of the manuscript, there
is now no contemporary evidence of the interesting
fact that the play of Hamlet was acted by Captain
Keelinge's sailors at Sierra Leone in the autumn of 1 607.
The only evidence is the quotation from the original
document made by Mr. Rundail before the robbery
took place.
The fourth East Indian expedition (1608) consisted
of the Ascension, commanded by Captain Sharpeigh,
and the Union, under Captain Richard Rowles. It
^ The earliest allusiou to a play of Hamlet was made by Nash
in 1589, Malone did not think that this was Shakespeare's play,
but an earlier performance. In 1602, "The Tragicall Historie of
Hamlet, Prince of Denmark", was entered in the Stationers' Regis-
ters. But the earliest known edition is that of 1603, of which
two copies are extant. Mr. Furncss thinks that there was an old
play on the story of Hamlet which Shakespeare remodelled for the
stage hi 1602, and that this is the same as the edition of 1603,
Avhile the edition of 1601 is the first edition of Shakespeare's
Hamlet. So great was the popularity of the play, that another
edition was printed in 1605, which was, no doubt, the one used
by Captain Keelinge's men. The next edition did not come out
until 1611. Richard II appeared earlier, in 1597.
^ An abstract of this MS. is given at page 113.
INTRODUCTION. XI
was very unfortunate. The two ships were separated
off the Cape ; the Ascensioti was wrecked in the Bay
of Cambay, and the Union, after great disasters, was
met at Madagascar by Sir Henry Middleton in 1610.^
Purchas gives three documents relating to the fourth
voyage. The first is an abridgment of a narrative
of the Ascension's cruise, by T. Jones, occupying
3 J pages. The second is an account of a journey by
one of the shipwrecked seamen, named William Nicols,
who made his way overland to Masulipatam (one-fourth
of a page); and the third is an account of the voyage
of the Union by Samuel Bradshaw (1-| page). In the
India Office collection there are two documents re-
lating to the fourth voyage. The first^ consists of 75 J
manuscript pages, of which 60 J are the journal proper,
and the rest include twenty-five letters from Captain
Sharpeigh, while detained at Aden. The second is
comprised in 6f pages,^ being a letter from Captain
Sharpeigh to the Directors. Neither of these two
documents appears to have been used by Purchas.
The fifth voyage was commanded by David Middle-
ton, a brother of Sir Henry. It consisted of only one
ship, the Consent, of 150 tons, which sailed from Til-
bury Hope on the 12th of March 1606, and returned
with a full lading of cloves. Purchas only gives a
very meagre abstract of 3 J pages; and there is no
manuscript relating to David Middleton's voyage in
the India Office collection.
1 See page 160.
2 An abstract of it is given at page 120.
^ Abstract at page 126.
Xll INTRODUCTION.
The sixth voyage was on a larger scale. It was
commanded by Sir Henry Middleton on board the
Trades' Increase, oi 1100 tons, the largest merchant
ship ever built in England at that time. He was
accompanied by the Peppercorn, under the com-
mand of Captain Downton, and the Darling. The
fleet sailed from the Downs on the 4th of April
1610. Purchas gives an abstract of Sir Henry
Middleton's journal (27 pages), and extracts from
the journal of Captain Downton (391- pages). There
are several important manuscript documents relating
to the sixth voyage in the India Office collec-
tion, but Middleton's own journal is lost. There are
the instructions given to Lawrence Femell, the prin-
cipal factor -^ the commission issued to Sir Henry Mid-
dleton;^ a portion of a journal of the voyage, but
without the writer's name;^ a portion of the journal
of Thomas Love ;^ and the complete journal kept by
Captain Downton during the voyage, extending over
214 pages.^ This is the same document that was used
by Purchas. References are frequently made, in this
journal, to maps for which blank spaces have been left,
but of which not one has been filled up.
The seventh voyage was made in the Globe, under
the command of Captain Anthony Hippon, which
vessel sailed from Blackwall in January 1610. Pur-
chas gives a short account from the journal of Natha-
niel Marten, a master's mate (.5 pages), and another,
1 See page 131. 2 See page 137.
3 See page 145. 4 gge page 147.
^ See page 151.
INTRODUCTION. XUl
translated from the Dutch journal of Peter Williamson
Floris, a merchant on board (8^ pages). ^ The manu-
script of the journal of Floris has, fortunately, been
preserved intact, and is very interesting. It begins in
January 1611, and ceases abruptly on February 17,
1615 (142lpages).2
The eighth voyage was that commanded by Captain
Saris. The fleet consisted of three ships — the Clove,
Hector, and Thomas. Saris established trade and an
English factory in Japan, and his proceedings are,
therefore, of great historical interest. Purchas has
given the narrative of this voyage with unusual ful-
ness (60f pages),^ but the original manuscript has been
improperly taken from the India Office. It was pur-
chased some years ago from Mr. Kerslake, a bookseller
at Bristol, and is now in the topographical depot of the
War Office. The voyage of Saris is so important that
it seems worthy of consideration by the Council of the
Hakluyt Society, whether the manuscript at the
War Office should not be printed as a volume of their
series. There is a manuscript volume, in the India
Office, of letters from Richard Wickham, the Com-
pany's Factor at Firando, extracts from which might
complete the proposed volume.
Edmund Marlowe commanded the ninth voyage (so
called) set forth by the East India Company in 1611.
In reality this ninth voyage is merely that of the ship
James, which formed part of Captain Best's fleet.
Purchas gives a brief abstract of the journal written
^ Purchas, lib. iii, caps, xiii and xiv.
2 See page 264. 3 lji^ ^v, caps, i, ii.
XIV INTRODUCTIO];^.
by John Davy, the Master (4 pages), but there is no
record of this voyage at the India Office.
The tenth voyage was commanded by Captain
Thomas Best, and consisted of four ships — the Hose-
ander, Hector, James, and Solomon, which sailed from
Gravesend in February 1612. From this voyage dates
the establishment of permanent English factories on the
coast of India ; and it was Captain Best who secured
a regular firman for trade from the Great Mogul.
Purchas gives an extract of 10 pages from the journal
of Best himself,^ and certain observations written by
others employed in the voyage.^ In the India Office
collection there is the manuscript journal of Captain
Best, which was used by Purchas^ (46 pages), and the
journal of Palph Crosse, the purser of the Hoseander
{67^ pages)^ besides a manuscript of 66 pages, contain-
ing extracts from various logs, two of which refer to
Best's voyage.^
The eleventh voyage, so called, is merely that of the
ship Solomon in Best's fleet. Purchas gives extracts
from the journal of Ralph Wilson, ofte of the mates of
the Solomon, comprising 1|- page.
The twelfth voyage was commanded by Christopher
Newport,^ and left Gravesend in 1612. Newport's ship,
the Expedition, of 260 tons, had the Persian ambassador
^ Lib. IV, cap. vii, p. 456.
2 Hid., p. 466. 3 See page 264.
* See page 248. ^ gge page 265.
^ Christopher Newport commanded a fleet of three ships, which
went to the West Indies in 1591, and burnt three towns and nine-
teen Spanish ships (Hakluyt, 2nd edition, iii, p. 48).
INTRODUCTION. XV
on board. This was the famous Sir Robert Sherley,
with his Circassian wife Teresia, and several English
and Persian followers. Purchas gives an account of
this voyage from extracts of the journal of Walter
Payton, who was on board (12 pages). There is no
record of this voyage at the India Office.
The next voyage was that commanded by Captain
Downton, which Purchas calls the "Second Joint-Stock
Voyage", but it appears to have been the first. It
consisted of the New Years Gift, the Hector, the
Merchant Hope, and the Solomon; and sailed from
England in March 1613. This expedition of Downton
is famous for a great success gained over the Por-
tuguese fleet. Purchas gives 11 J pages of extracts
from .the journal of Captain Downton,^ who died at
Bantam on August 6th, 1615; and also some notes of
the voyage of Martin Pring, who served under Down-
ton. Downton was succeeded by Captain Elkington;
and Purchas gives an extract of two pages from that
officer's journal, and another of three pages from
some memoranda of Edward Dodsworth, chief mer-
chant of the second joint-stock voyage under Captain
Keelinge (1614-15). Dods worth's journal of 54 manu-
script pages is preserved in the India Office collection.^
There is also another manuscript journal of this voyage,
kept by John Monden, master's mate of the Hector,
consisting of 53 pages.'
Purchas gives extracts from the journal of Cap-
tain Walter Payton, who commanded the fleet
1 Lib. IV, cap. xi, page 500.
2 See page 265. 3 See page 266.
3
XVI INTRODUCTION.
which took Sir Thomas Roe out to India in 1614
(8 pages),^ of which there is no record among the India
Office manuscripts.
The voyage commanded by Andrew Shilling in
1619, is memorable, because that great Arctic explorer
and navigator William Baffin served in the fleet. Pur-
chas gives extracts from the journal of Richard Swan,
master of the Roebuck, one of the ships of Shilling's
fleet.^ In the India Office there are two manuscript
journals of Shilling's voyage, one by Archibald Jenni-
son (37-|- pages), and the other by Richard Swan
(68 pages), which was used by Purchas.
There are some other unimportant extracts in Purchas
which are not in the India Office, and the rest of the
seventeenth century manuscripts in the India -Office
collection have not been used by Purchas. An account
of them will be found from pages 266 to 277 of the
present volume.*
' Lib. IV, cap. xv, page 528.
2 Lib. V, cap. vxi, page 723. ^ gee page 269.
^ The following is a list of ships' journals of voyages to the East
Indies from which Purchas gives extracts in his Pilgrimes.
Harris copied most of them into his collection. Those with an
asterisk are still preserved at the India Office : —
1. The first voyage, commanded by Lancaster ...Vol. i, Lib.iii,cap. 3, p. 147.
2. The second voyage, „ H. Middleton „ cap. 5. p. 185.
3. The third voyage, „ Keehnge & Hawkins ,, cap. 6, 7, p. 188.
4. The fourth voyage, „ Sharpeigh...3 accounts cap. 9, p. 228.
5. The fifth voyage, „ David Middleton ...Lib. iii, cap. 8, p. 226.
6. The sixth voj-age, „ H. Middleton „ cap. 11, p. 2-17.
„ „ *N. Downton „ cap. 12, p. 274.
7. The seventh voyage, „ Anthony Hippon... „ cap. 13, p. 314.
„ „ „ * Journal of Floris... ,, cap. 14, p. 319.
8. The eighth voyage, „ John Saris Lib. iv, caps. 1 and 2.
9. The ninth voyage, „ Edmund Mario we... „ cap. 5, p. 440.
INTRODUCTION. XVll
I take this opportunity of expressing my thanks to
Mr. Handcock, of the State Paper Office, for his
valuable assistance in deciphering and making ab-
stracts of the earlier logs of the seventeenth century
in the India Office.
The present volume concludes with a document re-
lating to a very different part of the world, which was,
however, very closely connected with the early history
of the East India Company. This is the journal of the
voyage of John Knight to seek the North- West Passage
in 1606. The original manuscript was found in the
India Office amongst a heap of waste paper, and was
thus rescued from destruction. It is marked No, 19
of some lost series, which probably included other
10. Sailing directions for the East Indies, by John Davis... Lib. iv, cap. 6, p. 444.
11. The tenth voyage,commauded by *Thomas Best „ cap. 7, p. 456.
„ „ „ Observations by others „ cap. 8, p. 466.
12. The eleventh voyage, „ Ralph Wilson „ cap. 9, p. 486.
13. The twelfth voyage, „ Christopher Newport „ cap. 10, p. 448.
14. Joint-Stock voyage, „ Downton „ cap. 11, p. 500.
„ „ ,, Elkington „ cap. 12, p. 514.
„ „ „ *Dodsworth „ cap. 12, p. 516.
15. A voyage in 1614, ,, John Milward „ cap. 14, p. 524.
15. Voyage of Captain Walter Peyton „ cap. 15, p. 528.
16. Notes from the Journal of Alex. Childe Lib. v, cap. 2, p. 606.
17. Voyage of the Anne Royal (1618)..., „ CAp. 5, j). 622.
18. Two voyages of Martin Pring „ caps. 6 and 7.
19. Proceedings of Sir Thomas Dale „ cajj. 7, p. 637.
20. Discourse of William Hore's voyage „ cap. 8, p. 656.
21. Journal of Nathaniel Courthorp „ caj). 9, p. 664.
„ „ >, „ cap. 10, p. 679.
22. Narrative of Captain Fitzherbert „ cap. 13, p. 697.
23. * Voyage of Captain Shilling, by Richard Swan .... „ cap. 16, p. 723.
24. Discourse of trade to the East Indies, by T. Mun „ cap. 17, p. 732.
Purchas also gives the journal of the ship Pearl, an interloper
(1612), of which Samuel Castleton of London was captain, written
by John Tatton, master (iii, cap. xv, p. 328).
XVlll INTRODUCTION.
priceless Arctic journals. This one has alone escaped.
It was once in the hands of Purchas, for he gives ex-
tracts from it occupying 4^ pages ;^ and a collation of
the original manuscript with his version, affords a
good example of the way in which the Rev. Samuel
dealt with his materials.
Captain Waymouth's Arctic expedition and others,
as well as that of Captain Knight, were despatched by
the East India Company ; but Captain Knight was
originally connected with the Danish expeditions to
Greenland of the seventeenth century, and it will be
well to glance briefly at his antecedents.
On the 2nd of May 1605, an expedition sailed from
Copenhagen consisting of two ships and a pinnace,
with the object of re-discovering Greenland. The com-
mander was John Cunningham, a Scottish gentleman
in the service of the King of Denmark, who was on
board the Frost— Si, vessel of the burden of 40 or 50
lasts, and James Hall served under him as pilot. The
Lyon carried the Vice- Admiral, a Dane named Lin-
denow, and John Knight commanded the pinnace. On
the 30th of May they sighted very high land in 59°
50' N., which they called Cape Christian, but could not
approach it, owing to the quantity of ice. The Lyon
here parted company to return home. The Fi^ost and
pinnace, under Cunningham, Hall, and Knight, pro-
ceeded northwards, and on the 12th of June they
sighted very high land on the west coast of Green-
land, which was named Mount Cunningham. Then,
approaching the land between two capes, that to the
' Third Part, lib. iv, cap. xvi, p. 127.
INTRODUCTION. XIX
south was called Cape Anne, after the Queen of Den-
mark, and the other Cape Sophia, after the queen
mother. Thus they entered a goodly bay, which they
named King Christian's Fjord ; and, sailing up it for
several leagues, they anchored in 2 6 fathoms. Eskimos
were met with, and Hall gives an interesting account
of them, and of their country. He named a group of
islets off Cape Sophia the Knight Islands. A headland
was called Burnil's Cape^ (Brunei's ?) probably after the
eminent Dutch navigator, Oliver Brunei, who was in
the Danish service at this time. The expedition re-
turned to Copenhagen in August of the same year.
John Knight then left Denmark and returned to
England, and there is some reason for thinking that
Oliver Brunei went with him.
Hall remained in the Danish service, and was in
a second expedition with Cunningham and Lindenow.
He sighted the American coast in 58° 30' N. on July
9th, 1606, and afterwards revisited Greenland, return-
ing to Copenhagen in October. In a third expedition
in 1607, Hall's crew mutinied, and forced him to put
back. After this he left Denmark, and in 1612 took
command of an expedition to Greenland, set forth by
English adventurers from Hull, an account of which
was written by William Baffin. They reached a bay,
which Hall named Cochin's Fiord, in remembrance of
Alderman Cockin; and here Baffin made some inter-
esting calculations for dijfference of longitude. But
Captain Hall was murdered by an Eskimo out of re-
^ Not Co/je Burnit, as incorrectly given in the Admiralty
chart.
XX INTRODUCTION.
venge for a relation who was kidnapped in one of the
former voyages. He died on the 23rd of July, and
was buried on one of the Knight Islands. The ex-
pedition then returned to Hull. Baffin mentions that
on the banks of a fiord, which they named Ball's
Eiver,^ there were shrubs six or seven feet high, and
much angelica.
We now return to John Knight, who was employed,
on his return to England, by the East India merchants
to discover the North- West Passage. He sailed from
Gravesend in the Hopewell, of 40 tons, on April 18th,
1606, and it is supposed that Oliver Brunei went with
him. The history of Brunei, the first of the Dutch
Arctic navigators, has been elucidated with much
ability and research by the historian S. Muller, and by
Lieutenant Koolemans Beynen of the Dutch Navy in
his introduction to the second edition of the voyages
of Barents, printed for the Hakluyt Society." It is
certain that, after the failure of the voyage under-
taken by Brunei, which sailed from Enkhuyzen in
1584, that indefatigable explorer ojQfered his services to
Christian II of Denmark, proposing to find the long-
lost Greenland colonies. He probably served in Hall's
first voyage, when Cape BruneP was named after him;
and Lieuteuant Beynen thinks it by no means impos-
sible that he left Denmark with Knight, and sailed
wdth that navigator in the Hopewell in 1606.*
^ Since incorrectly called Baal's river.
2 See Barents (2nd edition^ p. xiv.
^ Erroneously printed on the Admiralty chart as '' Cape Biirnit".
^ Introduction to Barents (2nd edition), p. xvi.
INTRODUCTION. XXI
The journal of Captain Knight describes the voyage
of the Hopewell across the Atlantic^ until the coast of
Labrador was sighted near the position of the modern
settlement of Nain. The manuscript, which is in
Knight's own hand, ceases abruptly on the 26th of
June. A postscript follows, describing how Captain
Knight and others landed, on that day, on a great
island. He, his mate, his brother, and one more,
went on shore, leaving two men in the boat. They
walked over a hill, and were never seen nor heard of
again. The postscript in the manuscript is different
from that in Purchas, the latter being much longer.
The Purchas postscript describes how the people were
afterwards attacked by savages; how they got out of
the bay, and reached Newfoundland, where they ob-
tained succour; and how they eventually arrived at
Dartmouth on the 29th of September 1606. "The
rest of this journal, from the death of Master John
Knight, was written by Oliver Browne,^ one of the
company." With these words the postscript in Pur-
chas ends, and Mr. Muller suggests that the I in
Brovmel has been omitted through a typographical
error. There is certainly some reason for the sup-
position that the writer of the melancholy postscript
to Knight's voyage was identical with the Dutch navi-
gator whose history has been so diligently brought to
light by the historian S. Muller Fr., and by Lieutenant
Koolemans Beynen.
Arctic exploration is so important and useful, and
^ See page 281.
- Brownel is the recognised English equivalent for Brunei.
XXll INTRODUCTION.
the enterprises connected with it form such noble and
heart-stirring episodes in our history, that every frag-
ment relating to thsm should be looked upon with
veneration. This old manuscript record has, therefore,
been printed as a contribution towards the more com-
plete history of English Arctic adventure. It fitly
concludes a volume containing narratives of East
Indian voyages,^ because, in its earliest and best days,
much precious Arctic work was undertaken and
achieved by the English East India Company.
* Postscript — William Mace of Radcliffe, the Master of Lancas-
ter's ship, the Edward, in his first voyage (see pages 6 and 26),
who -was killed at the Comoro Islands, had formerly commanded
an expedition of his own. In 1589 he made a voyage to the Gulf
of Mexico, in the ship Dog (70 tons), and took several Spanish
prizes. On one occasion, when he and some of his people went on
board a ship which had surrendered, the Spaniards treacherously
attacked them, and Mace only escaped by jumping overboard and
swimming to his own ship. See Hakluyt, iii, p. 39 (2nd edition).
The Dog returned to London in the same year, 1589.
NARRATIVE OF THE FIRST VOYAGE
OF
SIE JAMES LANCASTEE.
BY
EDMUND BARKER, Lieutenant.
A voyage with three tall ships — the Penelope, Admirall ; the Marcliant
Royal, Vice-Admirall ; and the Edward Bonaventure, Rere-admirall,
— to the East Indies, by the Cape of Buona Speransa, to Quitangone,
neere Mosambique, to the lies of Comoro and Zanzibar, on the backe-
side of Africa, and beyond Cape Comori in India, to the lies of
Nicubar and of Gomes Piilo, within two leagues of Sumatra, to the
Hands of Pulo Pinaora, and thence to the maine land of Malacca,
begunne by M. George Raymond, in the yeere 1591, and performed
by M. James Lancaster, and written from the mouth of Edmund
Barker, of Ipswich, his lieutenant, in sayd voyage, by M. Richard
Hakluyt.
OoR fleet of the three tall ships above named departed from
Plimmouth the 10th of April^ 1591, and arrived at the
Canarie-islands the 25 of the same, fro whence we departed
the 29 of April. The second of May we were in the height
of Cape Blanco. The fift we passed the tropique of Cancer.
The eight we were in the height of Cape Verde. All this
time we went with a faire winde at north-east, always before
the winde untill the 13 of the same moneth, when we came
within 8 degrees of the Equinoctiall line, where we met
with a contrary winde. Here we lay off and on in the sea
untill the sixt of June, on which day we passed the sayd
line. While we lay thus off and on, we took a Portugal
carawel laden by marchants of Lisbon for Brasile, in which
2 OCCASIONS OF SICKNESS NEAR THE LINE.
carauel we had some 60 tunnes of wine, 1200 iarres of oyle,
about 100 iarres of olives, certaine barrels of capers, three
fats of peason, with divers other necessaries fit for our
voyage : which wine, oyle, olives and capers were better to
vs than gold. We had two men died before we passed the
line, and divers sicke, which tooke their sicknesse in those
hote climates ; for they be wonderful unwholesome from 8
degrees of Northerly latitude unto the line, at that time of
the yeere : for we had nothing but Tornados, with such
thunder, lightning and raine, that we could not keep our
men drie 3 houres together, which was an occasion of the
infection among them, and their eating of salt victuals, with
lacke of clothes to shift them. After we passed the line, we
had the wind still at east south-east, which caried us along
the coast of Brasil, 1 00 leagues from the maine, till we came
in 26 degrees to the southward of the line, where the wind
came up to the north, at which time we did account that
the Cape of Buona Esperansa did beare off us east and by
south, betwixt 900 and 1000 leagues. Passing this gulfe
fi'om the coast of Brasil vnto the Cape, we had the wind
often variable, as it is vpon our coast, but for the most part
so that we might lie our course. The 28 of July we had
sight of the foresayd Cape of Buona Esperansa : vntill the
31 wee lay off and on, with the wind contrary, to double the
Cape, hoping to double it, and so to have gone seventie
leagues further, to a place called Agoada de S. Bras,^ before
we would have sought to have put into any harbour. But
our men being weake and sicke in all our shippes, wo
thought good to seeke some place to refresh them. With
which consent we bare up to the land to the northward of
' Bartolome Dias, with two vessels, sailed from Lisbon for the south
in August 1486, and was the first European to double the Cape. In
proceeding eastward, he reached the bay, which he named San Bras,
where, in attempting to take in water, he was attacked by the natives.
This is what Lancaster calls the Agoada (watering-place) de S. Bras.
GREAT STORE OF PENGUINS AND 8EALBS. 6
the Cape, and going along the shore, we espied a goodly
bale, with an Hand lying to seawards of it, into which we
did beare, and found it very commodious for our ships to
ride in. This baie is called Agoada de Saldanha,^ lyiiig 1^
leagues northward on the hither side of the Cape. The first
of August being Sunday, we came to an anker in the baie,
sending our me on land, and there came vnto them certaine
blacke salvages, very brutish, which would not stay, but
retired from them. For the space of 15 or 20 dayes we
could jBnd no reliefs, but onely foules, which wee killed
with our pieces, which were cranes and geese : there was
no fish but muskles and other shelfish, which wee gathered
on the rocks. After 15 or 20 daies being here, our admirall
went with his pinnasse unto the iland which lieth off this baie,
where he found great store of penguines and scales, whereof
he brought good plenty with him. And twise after that we
sent certain of our men, which at both times brought their
bots lading vnto our ships. After we had bene here some
time, we got here a negro, whom we compelled to march
into the country with us, making signs to bring us some
cattell ; but at this time we could come to the sight of none,
so we let the negro go with some trifles. Within 8 dayes
after, he, with 30 or 40 other negros, brought us downe
some 40 bullocks and oxen, with as many sheepe : at which
time we bought but few of the. But within 8 days after
they came downe with as many more, and then we bought
some 24 oxen, with as many sheepe. We bought an ox for
two kniues, a stirke for a knife, and a sheepe for a knife,
and some we bought for less value than a knife. The oxen
be very large and well fleshed, but not fat. The sheepe are
very big, and very good meat ; they have no woU on their
backs, but haire, and have great tailes, like the sheepe in
Syria. There be divers sorts of wild beasts, as the antelope
1 In 1502 Antonio de Saklanha, on his way out to India, gave his
name to this Agoada de Saldanha, near the Cape of Good Hope.
4 CAPE DE BUONA SPERANZA DOUBLED.
(whereof M. Lancaster killed one of the bigues of a yong
colt), the red and fallow deere, with other great beasts
unknowen unto us. Here are also great store of ouer-
growen monkeis. As touching our proceeding upon our
voyage, it was thought good rather to proceed with two
ships wel manned, then with three euill manned : for here
we had of sound and whole men but 198, of which there
went in the Penelope with the admiral 101, and in the
Edward, with the worshipfull M. Captaine Lancaster, 97.
We left behind 50 men with the Koiall Marchant, whereof
there were many pretty well recovered, of which ship was
master and gouei*nour, Abraham Kendal,^ which for many
reasons we thought good to send home. The disease that
hath consumed our men hath bene the skurvie. Our souldiers
which have not bene used to the sea, have best held out,
but our mariners dropt away, which (in my judgment) pro-
ceedeth of their euill diet at home.
Sixe dayes after our sending back for England of the
Marchant Roiall from Agoada de Saldanhf, our Admirall,
M. Captaine Raimond, in the Penelope, and M. James
Lancaster, in the Edward Bonauenture, set forward to
double the Cape of Buona Esperansa,^ which they did very
speedily. But being passed as far as Cape Dos Corrientes,^
the 14 of Septeber we were encountered with a mighty storme
and extreme gusts of wind, wherein we lost our general's
companie, and could neuer heare of him nor his ship any
more, though we did our best endeuour to seeke him up
and downe a long while, and staid for him certaine dayes at
the iland of Comoro, where we appointed to stay one for
' See also p. 17. But, in May's narrative, the name is given as Fox-
croft.
2 Here is some confusion, as they must have doubled the Cape before
reaching the Agoada de Saldanha.
3 Cape Corrientes is between Delagoa Ray and Sofala, in 2-1° 7' 30"
S. Lat.
QUITANGONE, NEAR MOZAMBIQUE. 6
another. Foure dayes after this uncomfortable separation,
in the morning toward ten of the clocke, we had a terrible
clap of thunder, which slew foure of our men outright, their
necks being wrung in sonder without speaking any word,
and of 94 men there was not one untouched, whereof some
were stricken blind, others were bruised in their legs and
arms, and others in their brests, so that they voided blood
two dayes after, others were drawen out at length, as though
they had been racked. But (God be thanked) they all
recouered, sauiug onely the foure which were slaine out-
right. Also with the same thunder our maine maste was
torne very grieuously from the head to the decke, and some
of the spikes, that were ten inches into the timber, were
melted with the extreme heate thereof From thence wee
shaped our course to the north-east, and not long after we
fell upon the north-west end of the mighty island of S.
Laurence;^ which one of our men espied by God's good bles-
sing late iu the euening by moone light, who seeing afarre
off the breaking of the sea, and calling to certaine of his
fellowes, asked them what it was : which eft soones told
liim that it was the breaking of the sea upon the shoulds.
Whereupon in very good time we cast about to auoyd the
danger which we were like to have incurred. Thus passing
on forward, it was our lucke to ouer-shoot Mozambique,
and to fall in with a place called Quitangone,^ two leagues to
the northward of it, and we tooke three or four barkes of
Moores, which barkes in their language they call pangaias,
laden with millio, hennes, and ducks, with one Portugall
boy, going for the prouision of Mozambique.
' Madagascar was first made knowu to Europe by Marco Polo. It was
seeu by Lourenzo Almeida, the son of the first Poi'tuguese Viceroy in
India, in 150G ; and called San Lorenzo, by which name it appears on
the earlier Portuguese charts.
^ Quitangouha Island forms the northern boundary of Conducia Bay,
and is about ten niilco north of Mozambique.
6 MEN BETRAYED AT THE ILE OF COMORO.
Within few dayes following- we came to an iland an
hundred leagues to the north-east of Mozambique, called
Comoro, which we found exceeding full of people, which are
Moores of tawnie colour and good stature, but they be very
trecherous and diligently to be taken heed of. Here wee
desired to store our selues with water, whereof we stood in
great need, and sent sixteene of our men well armed on shore
in our boate ; whom the people suffered quietly to land and
water, and diners of them with their king came aboord
our ship in a gowne of crimosine satin, pinked after the
Moorish fashion down to the knee, whom we entertained in
the best maner, aud had some conference -with him of the
state of the place and marchandises, nsing our Portugall
boy which we had taken before for our interpreter, and in
the end licensed the king and his company to depart, aud
sent our men agaiue for move water, who then also dis-
patched their bnsinesse aud returned quietly; the third time
likewise we sent them for more, which also returned with-
out any harme. And .though we thought our selues fur-
nished, yet our master, William Mace of Eadcliffe, pretend-
ing that it might be long before we should finde any good
watering place, would needes goe himselfe on shore with
thirtie men, much against the will of our captaine, and hee
and 16 of his company, together with one boat which was
all that we had, aud 16 others that were a washing ouer-
against our ship, were betrayed of the perfidious Moores,
and in our sight for the most part slaine, we not being able
for want of a boat to yeeld them any succour. From hence
with heauie hearts we shaped our course for Zanzibar, the 7
of November, where shortly after wee arriued, and made us
a new boat of such boards as we had within boord, and rid
in the road untill the 15 of February, where, during our
aboad, we sawe diuers pangaias or boats, which are pinned
with wooddeu pinucs, and sowed together with palmito
cordes, and calked with the huskes of cocos shels beaten.
AT ZANZIBAR. 7
whereof they make occam. At length a Portugal pangaia
comming out of the harborow of Zanzibar, where they haue
a small Factorie, sent a canoa with a Moore which had
bene christened, who brought us a letter wherein they de-
sired to know what wee were, and what we sought. We
sent them word we were Englishmen come from Don
Antonio^ upon businesse to his friends in the Indies ; with
which answere they returned, and would not any more come
at us. Whereupon not long after we manned out our boat
and tooke a pangaia of the Moores, which had a priest of
theirs in it, which in their language they called a sherife ;2
whom we used very curteously ; which the king tooke in
very good part, hauing his priests in great estimation, and
for his deliuerance furnished us with two moneths victuals,
during all which time we detained him with us. These
Moores informed us of the false and spitefuU dealing of the
Portugals towards us, which made them beleeve that we
were cruell people and men-eaters, and willed them if they
loued their safetie in no case to come neere us. Which they
did onely to cut us off from all knowledge of the state and
traffique of the countrey. While we road from the end of
November until the middle of February in this harborough,
which is sufficient for a ship of 500 tuns to ride in, we set
upon a Portugal pangaia with our boat, but because it was
very little, and our men not able to stirre in it, we were not
able to take the sayd pangaia, which was armed with 10 good
shot like our long fouling pieces. This place for the good-
> "When Philip II seized upon Portugal in 1580, as the heir of King
Henry the Cardinal, there were several other claimants. Philip claimed
through his mother Isabella, sister of John III and of Henry. The
English espoused the cause of Antonio, Prior of Crato, who was the
illegitimate son of Luis, a younger brother of John HI and Henry. The
Braganzas descend from another brother of John III, named Duarte,
and had a prior right as coming from the daughter of a brother, while
Philip II claimed through a sister.
' iSherif, a descemiant of the Prophet.
8 ZANZIBAR AN EXCELLENT PLACE FOR REFRESHING.
nesse of the harborougli and wateinng, and plentifull refresh-
ing with fish, whereof we tooke great store with our nets, and
for sundry sorts of fruits of the couutrey, as cocos and others
which were brought us by the Moores, as also for oxen and
hennes, is carefully to be sought for by such of our ships as
shall hereafter passe that way. But our men had need to
take good heed of the Portugals ; for while we lay here the
Portugal admiral of the coast from Melinda to Mozambique,
came to view and to betray our boat if he could haue taken
at any time advantage, in a gallie frigate of ten tunnes, with
8 or 9 oares on a side. Of the strength of which frigate
and their trecherous meaning we were advertised by an
Arabian Moore, which came from the king of Zanzibar diners
times about the deliuerie of the priest aforesayd, and after-
ward by another which we caried thence along with vs:
for wheresoeuer we came, our care was to get into our hands
some one or two of the countreys to learne the languages
and states of those partes where we touched. Moreover,
here againe we had another clap of thunder which did shake
our foremast very much, which wee fisht and repaired with
timber from the shore, whereof there is good store there-
about of a kind of trees some fortie foote high, which is red
and tough wood, and as, I suppose, a kind of cedar. Here
our surgeon, Arnold, negligently catching a great heate in
his head, being on land with the master to seeke oxen, fell
sicke and shortly died, which might haue bene cured by
letting of blood before it had bin setled. Before our depar-
ture we had in this place some thousand weight of pitch, or
rather a kind of gray and white gumme like vnto frankin-
cense/ as clammie as turpentine, which in melting groweth
as black as pitch, and is very brittle of it selfe, but we
mingled it with oile, whereof wee had 300 iarres in the prize
which we tooke to the northward of the equinoctiall, not
farre from Guinie, bound for Brasil.^ Sixe dayes before wee
' Apparently gum copal. - See page 1.
ZOCOTORA. y
departed hence, the Cape marchant of the factorie wrote a
letter vnto our capitaine in the way of friendship, as he pre-
tendedj requesting a iarre of wine and a iarre of oyle, and
two or three pounds of gunpowder, which letter hee sent by
a Negro, his man, and a Moore in a canoa; we sent him his
demands by the Moore, but tooke the Negro along with vs,
because we vnderstood he had bene in the East Indies and
knew somewhat of the countrey. By this Negro we were
advertised of a small barke of some thirtie tuunes (which
the Moores called a junco), which was come from Goa thither,
laden with pepper for the Factorie and seruice of that king-
dome. Thus hauing trimmed our shippe as we lay in this
road, in the end we set forward for the coast of the East
India, the lo of February aforesayd, intending if we could
to haue reached to Cape Coraori, which is the headland or
promontorie of the maine of Malauar, and there to haue lien
off and on for such ships as should haue passed from Zeilan,
Sant Tome, Bengala, Pegu, Malacca, the Moluccos, the
coast of China, and the ile of Japan, which ships are of ex-
ceeding wealth and riches. But in our course we were very
much deceiued by the currents that set into the gulfe of
the Red Sea along the coast of Melinde. And the windes
shortening upon us to the north-east and easterly, kept us
that we could not get off, and so with the putting in of the
currents from the westward within fourescore leagues of the
lie of Zocotora, farre from our determined course and ex-
pectation. But here we never wanted abundance of dolphins,
bonitos, and flying fishes. Now while we found our selues
thus farre to the northward, and the time being so farre
spent, we determined to goe for the Red Sea, or for the
iland of Zocotora, both to refresh our selues, and also for
some purchase. But while wee were in this consultation the
winde very luckily came about to the north-west and caried
us directly toward Cape Comori. Before we should haue
doubled this cape, we were determined to touch at the Hands
10 JLANDS OF PULO PINAON.
of Mamale,^ of which we had aduertisement, that one had
victuals^ standing in the northerly latitude of twelue degrees.
Howbeit it was not our good lucke to finde it^ which fell out
partly by the obstinacie of our master ; for the day before
we fell in with part of the ilands the wind came about to the
south-westj and then shifting our course we missed it. So
the wind increasing southerly, we feared we should not
haue bene able to haue doubled the cape^ which would haue
greatly hazarded our casting away upon the coast of India,
the winter season and westerne monsons already being come
in, which monsons continue on that coast until August.
Neuertheless it pleased God to bring the wind more wes-
terly, and so in the moneth of May 1592, we happily doubled
Cape Comori without sight of the coast of India. ^ From
hence, thus hauing doubled this cape, we directed our course
for the Islands of Nicubar, which lie north and south with
the westerne part of Sumatra, and in the latitude of 7 de-
grees to the northward of the equinoctiall. From which
Cape of Comori unto the aforesayd ilands we ranne in sixe
days with a very large wind though the weather were foule
with extreme raine and gustes of windes. These ilands
were missed through our masters default for want of due
observation of the south starre. And we fell to the south-
ward of them within the sight of the Ilands of Gomes Pulo,
which lie hard upon the great Hand of Sumatra, the first of
June, and at the north-east side of them we lay two or three
dayes becalmed, hoping to haue had a pilote from Sumatra,
within two leagues whereof wee lay off and on. Now the
winter comming upon us with much bad weather, we
directed our course from hence to the Ilands of Pulo
Pinaon^ (where by the way is to be noted that Pulo in the
Malaian tongue siguifieth an iland), at which ilands wee
' Manole, one of the Laccadives on the map of Ortelius of 1570.
* They of course passed round the Island of Ceylon.
^ Penang.
TREES FIT FOR MASTES. 11
arriued about the beginning of June, where we came to an
anker in a very good harborough betweene three-Hands ; at
which time our men were very sicke and many fallen. Here
we determined to stayuntill the winter were ouerpast. This
place is in 6 degrees and a halfe to the northward, and some
fiue leagues from the maine betweene Malacca and Pegu.
Here we continued vntill the end of August. Our refreshing
in the place was very smal, onely of oisters growing on rocks,
great wilks, and some few fish which we tooke with our
hookes. Here we landed our sicke men on these vninhabited
ilands for their health, neverthelesse 26 of them died in this
place, whereof John Hall, our master, was one, and M.
Rainold Golding another, a marchant of great honestie and
much discretion. In these ilands are abundance of trees of
white wood, so right and tall, that a man may make mastes of
them, being an hundred foote long. The winter passed and
hauing watered our ship and fitted her to goe to sea, wee
had left vs but 33 men and one boy, of which not past 22
were found for labour and helpe, and of them not past a
third part sailers : thence we made saile to seek some place of
refreshing, and went ouer to the maine of Malacca. The
next day we came to an anker in a baie, in six fadomes
water some two leagues from the shore. The master James
Lancaster, our captaine, and M. Edmund Barker his lieu-
tenant, and other of the companie manning the boat, went
on shore to see what inhabitants might be found. And
comming on land we found the tracking of some barefooted
people which were departed thence not long before ; for we
sawe their fire still burning, but people we sawe none, nor any
other lining creature, saue a certaine kind of foule called oxe
birds, which are a gray kind of sea-foule, like a suite in
colour, but not in beake. Of these we killed some eight
dozen with haile-shot, being very tame, and spending the
day in seai'ch returned toward night aboord. The next day
about two of the clocke in the afternoone, we espied a canna
12 SHIPS OF I'EGU LADEN WITH PEPPER.
which came neere unto vs^ but would not come aboord us,
hauing in it some sixteen naked Indians, with whom
neuertheles, going afterward on land, we had friendly con-
ference, and promise of victuals. The next day, in the
morning, we espied three ships, being all of burthen 60 or
70 tunnes, one of which we made to strike with our very
boate ; and understanding that they were of the towne of
Martabam, which is the chiefe hauen towne for the great
citie of Pegu, and the goods belonging to certaine Portugal
Jesuites, and a biscuit baker a Portugal, we tooke that ship
and did not force the other two, because they were laden
for marchants of Pegu, but hauing this one at our command,
we came together to an anker. The night folowing all of
the men, except twelue, which we tooke in our ship, being
most of them borne in Pegu, fled away in their boate, lean-
ing their ship and goods with us. The next day we weighed
our anker and went to the leeward of an iland hard by, and
tooke in her lading being pepper, which shee and the other
two had laden, at Pera,^ which is a place on the maine 30
leagues to the south. Beside the aforesaid three ships, we
tooke another ship of Pegu laden with pepper, and perceiu-
ing her to be laden with marchants' goods of Pegu onely, we
dismissed her without touching any thing.
Thus hauing staled here 10 dales and discharged her
goods into the Edward, which was about the beginning of
September, our sicke men being somewhat refreshed and
lustie, with such relief as we had found in this ship, we
weighed anker, determining to runne into the streights
of Malacca, to the ilands called Pulo Sambilam,^ which are
some fiue and fortie leagues northward of the citie of
' Perak, the second Malay State on the western side of the penin-
sula of Malacca, counting from the north : bounded on the north by
Quedah, and on the south by Salangore. The word perak means silver.
- Pulo Sanibelong is the ]\Ialay name for the Nicobars. It means
"nine islands". Little Nicobar Island is so called.
PORTUGALL PRIZES. 13
Malacca, to whicli ilands the Portugals must needs come
from Goa or S. Thome, for the Malucos, China, and Japan.
And when wee were there arriued, we lay too and agayne for
such siiipping as should come that way. Thus hauing spent
some fiue dayes, upon Sunday we espied a saile which was
a Portugall ship that came from Negapatan, a towne on the
maine of India, ouer-against the north-east part of the He of
Zeilan ; and that night we tooke her, being of 250 tunnes ;
she was laden with rice for Malacca. Captaine Lancaster
commanded their captaine and master aboord our shippe,
and sent Edmund Barker, his lieutenant, and seuen more to
keep this prize, who, being aboord the same, came to an
anker in thirtie fadomps water ; for in the chanell three or
foure leagues from the shore you shall finde good ankorage.
Being thus at an anker and keeping out a light for the
Edward, another Portugall ship of Sant Thome of foure
hundred tunnes, came and ankered hard by us. The Edward
being put to seeward for lacke of helpe of men to handle her
sailes, was not able the next morning to fetch her vp, vntil
we, which were in the prize, with our boate went to helpe to
man our shippe. Then comming aboord we went toward
the shippe of Sant Thome, but our shippe was so foule that
shee escaped us. After we had taken out of our Portugall
prize what we thought good, we turned her and all her men
away except a pilot and foure Moores. We continued here
vntill the sixt of October, at which time we met with the
ship of the captaine of Malacca, of seuen hundred tunnes,
which came from Goa ; we shot at her many shot, and at
last shooting her maine-yard through, she came to an anker
and jnelded. AVe commanded her captain, master, pilot,
and purser, to come on boord vs. But the captain accom-
panied with one soldier onely came, and after certaine con-
ference with him, he made excuse to fetch the master and
purser, which he sayd would not come vnless he went for
them ; but being gotten from vs in the edge of the euening,
14 WARES FIT TO CARRY INTO THE INDIES.
he with all the people, which were to the number of about
three hundred menj women, and children, goto ashore with
two great boates, and quite abandoned the ship. At our
commiug aboord we found in her sixteene pieces of brasse,
and three hundred buts of Canarie wine and Nipar wine,
which is made of the palme trees, and rasin wine, which is
also very strong ; as also all kind of haberdasher wares, as
hats, red caps knit of Spanish wooll, worsted stockings knit,
shooes, veluets, taffataes, chamlers, and silkes, abundance
of suckets, rice, Venice glasses, certaine papers full of false
and counterfeit stones, which an Italian brought from Venice
to deceiue the rude Indians with all, abundance of playing
cardes, two or thi'ee packs of French paper. Whatsoever
became of the treasure which usually is brought in roials of
plate in this gallion, we could not find it. After that the
mariners had disordredly pilled this rich shippe, the captaine,
because they would not follow his comraandement to vnlade
those excellent wines into the Edward, abandoned her and
let her driue at sea, taking out of her the choisest things
that she had. And doubting the forces of Malacca, we de-
parted thence to a bale, in the kingdorae of Junsalaom,^
which is betweene Malacca and Pegu, eight degrees to the
northward, to seeke for pitch to trimme our ship. Here we
sent our souldier, which the captaine of the aforesaid gallon
had left behind him with us, because he had the Malaian
language, to deale with the people for pitch, which hee did
faithfully, and procured vs some two or three quintals with
promise of more, and certaine of the people came unto vs.
We sent commodities to their king to barter for amber-
griese, and for the homes of abath, whereof the king onely
hath the traffique in his hands. Now this abath is a beast
' Junk Seylon or Salanga, an island twenty miles long, off the N.W.
extremity of the Malay peninsula. It contains extensive tin mines, and
exports also edible birds' nests, ivory, and Japan wood. It now belongs
to Siam. Hakluyt, in his "Epistle Dedicatorie", calls it "the main land
of Jun<;alaon".
ILANDS OF NICUBAR. 15
which hath one home onely in her forehead, and is thought
to be the female unicorne, and is highly esteemed of all the
Moores in those parts as a most soueraigne remedie against
poyson. We had onely two or three of these horneSj which
are the colour of a browne gre}^ and some reasonable
quantitie of amber-griese. At last the king went about to
betray our Portugall with our marchandise ; but he to get
aboord vs, told him that we had gilt armour, shirtes of maile
and halberds, which things they greatly desire ; for hope
whereof he let him returne aboord, and so he escaped the
danger. Thus we left this coast and went backe againe in
sight of Sumatra, and thence to the Hands of Nicubar,
where we arriued and found them inhabited with Moores,
and after wee came to an anker the people came aboord vs
in their canoas, with hennes, cocos, plantans, and other
fruits ; and in two dayes they brought vnto vs roials of
plate, giuing vs them for calicut cloth ; which roials they
finde by dining for them in the sea, which were lost not long
before in two Portugall ships which were bound for China,
and were cast away there. They call in their language the
coco, calamhe;^ the plantane, plson;^ a, hen, iam ; a fish,
iccan; a hog, habee.^ From thence we returned the 21 of
Nouember to goe for the Hand of Zeilan, and arriued there
abDut the third of December, 1592, and ankered vpon the
south side in sixe fadomes water, where we lost our anker,
the place being rockie and foule ground. Then we ranne
along the south-west part of the sayd iland, to a place called
Punta del Galle, where we ankered, determining there to
have remained vntill the comming of the Bengala fleet of
seuen or eight ships, and the fleete of Pegu of two or
three sailes, and the Portugall shippes of Tanaseri, being a
1 The Malay name is mir, in Javanese lidlapa.
2 P'lsang, a banana in Malay.
3 Babi is tlie most general name for a hog throughout the Malayan
islands.
IG PUNTA DEL GALLE.
great baie to the southward of Martabam in the kingdom of
Siam ; which ships, by diuers intelligence which we had,
were to come that way within fourteene dayes to bring com-
modities to serue the Caraks, which commonly depart from
Cochin for Portugall by the middest of Januarie. The
commodities of the shippes which come from Bengala bee
fine pauillions for beds, wrought guilts, fine calicut cloth,
pintados, and other fine workes and rice, and they make
this voiage twice in the yeere. Those of Pegu being the
chiefest stones, as rubies and diamants, but their chief
fraisrht is rice and certaine cloth. Those of Tanaseri are
chiefly fraighted with rice and Nipar wine, which is very
strong, and in colour like vnto rocke water somewhat
whitish, and very hote in taste like vnto aqua vitte. Being
shot vp to the place aforesayd, called Punta del Galle, wee
came to an anker in foule ground and lost the same, and
lay all that night a drift, because we had nowe but two
ankers left vs, which were unstocked and in hold. Where-
upon our men tooke occasion to come home, our captaine at
that time lying very sicke, more like to die than to live.
In the morning we set our foresaile, determining to lie vp
to the northward, and there to keepe our selues to and againe
out of the current, which otherwise would haue set us off to
the southward from all knowen land. Thus hauiug set our
foresayle, and in hand to set all our other sayles to accom-
plish our aforesayd determination, our men made answere
that they would take their direct course for England, and
would stay there no longer. Nowe seeing they could not
bee perswaded by any meanes possible, the captaine was
constrained to give his consent to returne, leaning all hope
of so great possibilities. Thus the eight of December, 1592,
wee set sayle for the Cape of Buona Esperansa, passing by
the Hands of Maldiua, and leaning the mightie Hand of S.
Lawrence on the starreboord, or northward in the latitude of
26 degrees to the south. In our passage ouer from S.
THE ISLAND OF SANTA HELENA. 17
Lawrence to the maine we had exceeding great store of
bonitos and albocores, which are a greater kind of fish ; of
which our captaine, being now recouered of his sicknesse,
tooke with an hooke as many in two or three howers as
would serue foi-tie persons a whole day. And this skole of
fish continued with our ship for the space of fine or sixe
weekes, all which while we tooke to the quantitie aforesayd,
which was no small refreshing to vs. In February^ 1593,
we fell with the eastermost land of Afinca at a place called
Baia de Agoa/ some 100 leagues to the north-east of the
Cape of Good Hope ; and finding the winds contrary, we
spent a moneth or fiue weekes before we could double the
cape. After wee had doubled it in March folowing, wee
directed our course for the Hand of Santa Helena, and
arriued there the third day of Aprill, where wee staidd to
our great comfort nineteene dayes ; in which meane space
some one man of vs tooke thirtie goodly congers in one day,
and other rockie fishe and some bonitos. After our arriuall
at Santa Helena, I, Edmund Barker, went on shore with
foure or fiue Peguins, or men of Pegu, which we had taken,
and our surgeon, where in an house by the chappell I found
an Englishman, one John Legar, of Burie, in Suffolke, who
was left there eighteene moneths by Abraham Kendall,^ who
put in there with the Roiall Marchant, and left him there
to refresh him on the iland, being otherwise like to haue
perished on shipboord ; and at our comming wee found him
as fresh in colour and in as good plight of body to our seem-
ing as might be, but crazed in mind and halfe out of his
wits, as afterward wee perceiued ; for whether he were put
in fright of vs, not knowing at first what we were, whether
friebds or foes, or of sudden ioy when he vnderstood we
were his olde consorts and countreymen, hee became idle-
> Delagoa Bay.
* See page 4, and note.
18 THE COMMODITIES OF SANTA HELENA.
headed, and for eight dayes space, neither night nor day,
tooke any naturall rest, and so at length died for lacke of
sleepe. Here two of our men, whereof the one was diseased
with skuruie, and the other had bene nine moneths sicke of
the fluxe, in short time while they were on the iland re-
coured their perfect health.
We found in this place great store of very holesome and
excellant good greene figs, orenges, and lemons very faire,
abundance of goates and hogs, and great plentie of part-
riges, guiniecocks, and other wilde foules. Our mariners,
somewhat discontented, being now watered and hauing some
provision of fish, contrary to the will of the capitaine, would
straight home. The capitaine — because he was desirous to
goe for Phernambuc, in Brazil — granted their request ; and
about the 12 of Aprill, 1593, we departed from S. Helena,
and directed our course for the place aforesayd. The next
day our captaine, calling vpon the sailers to finish a fore-
saile which they had in hand, some of them answered that
vnlesse they might goe directly home they would lay their
hands to nothing; whei'eupon he was constrained to follow
their humour. And from thencefoorth we directed our
course for our countrey, which we kept vntill we came 8
degrees to the northward of the equinoctiall, betweene
which 8 degrees and the line we spent some sixe weekes,
with many calme and contrary winds at north, and some-
times to the eastward, and sometimes to the westward :
which losse of time and expense of our victuals, whereof we
had very small store, made vs doubt to keepe our course :
and some of our men growing into a mutinie, threatened to
breake vp other men's chests, to the ouerthrow of our
victuals and all our selues, for eury man had his share of his
victuals before in his owne custody, that we might be sure
what to trust to, and husband it more thriftily. Our capi-
taine seeking to preuent this mischiefe, beiug aduertised by
one of our companie which had bene at the He of Trinidada
THE GULF OF PARIA. 19
in M. Cliidleys voyage,^ that there we should be sure to haue
refreshing, hereupon dii*ected his course to that iland, and
not knowing the currents, we were put past it in the night
into the Gulf of Paria, in the beo-innino" of June, wherein
Ave were 8 dayes, finding the current continually setting in,
and oftentimes we were in 3 fadoraes water, and could find
no going out until the current had put us ouer to the
western side vnder the raaine land, where we found no cur-
rent at all, and more deep water ; and so keeping by the
1 One would like to know more of this romantic voyage, and of its
gallant projector. John Chudleigh, commonly called Chidley, as Prince
tells lis and as the name is spelt by Hakluyt, w;\s of a very ancient
family in Devonshire, long settled at Chudleigh and Broad Clist. This
John Chudleigh, the navigator, was the eldest son of Christopher Chud-
leigh of Chudleigh, by Christiana, heiress of William Stretchlegh.
Prince says that " he was of a right martial, bold, and adventurous
spirit, and the famous actions of Drake and Cavendish ran so much in
his mind, that he could not rest without undertaking to show himself
the third Englishman that had circumnavigated the world, and per-
formed some noble service for his country." lie was also the friend and
neighbour of John Davis, the great Arctic navigator, who, when he
discovered the opening afterwards known as Hudson's Strait, called
the northern point of the entrance Warwick's Foreland, and the
southern Cape Chidley or Chudleigh, in 1587. N. W. Fox afterwards
truly observed that, by the discovery of this entrance, "Davis did light
Hudson into his straights".
Mr. John Chudleigh fitted out his expedition at Plymouth, and sailed
on the 5th of August, 1589. He commanded the Wild Man, of 300
tons, in which was Benjamin Wood, as master ; and he had with him
the White Lion, of 3-10 tons, Captain Wheele ; and the Deliyht, under
Captain Merick. The object of the voyage was to pass through Magel-
lan's Strait, visit the coast of Aranco, and then circumnavigate the
world. The young leader of the expedition died in the Straits of
Magellan, and the ships returned. There is an account of the disas-
trous cruise of the Delight, written by one of the crew named William
Magroth, in Hakluyt (iv, p. 357). John Chudleigh had married
Elizabeth, daughter of Sir George Speke, K.B., of White Lackington,
in Somersetshire, and left two sons, George and John. The former was
created a baronet in 1C22, and died in 1C57. The baronetcy became
extinct in 1745; and Frances, heiress of Sir George Chudleigh, Bart.,
of Ashton, married Sir John Chichester, Bart., of Youlston.
20 IN THE WEST INDIES.
shore, the wind off the shore euery night did helpe vs out
to the northward. Being cleare, within foure or fine dayes
after we fell with the He of Mona/ where we ankored and
rode some eighteene dayes. In which time the Indians of
Mona gave us some refreshing. And in the meane space
there arriued a French ship of Cane, in which was captaine
one Monsieur de Barbaterre, of whom we bought some two
buts of wine and bread, and other victuals. Then wee
watered and fitted our shippe, and stopped a great leake
which broke on vs as we were beating out of the Gulfe of
Paria. And hauing thus made ready our ship to goe to sea,
we determined to goe directly for Newfoundland. But
before wee departed, there arose a storme, the winde being
northerly, which put vs from an anker and forced us to the
southward of Santo Domingo. This .night we were in
danger of shipwracke upon an iland called Sauona,^ which
is enuironed with flats lying 4 or 5 miles off: yet it pleased
God to cleare vs of them, and so we directed our course
westward along the Iland of Santo Domingo, and doubled
Cape Tibvron,^ and passed through the old chanell betweene
S. Domingo and Cuba for the Cape of Florida. And here
we met againe with the French ship of Caen, whose cap-
taine could spare vs no more victuals, as he saide, but only
hides which he had taken by traffike vpon those islands,
wherewith we were content, and gaue him for them to his
good satisfaction. After this, passing the Cape of Florida,
and cleere of the chanell of Bahama, we directed our course
for the banke of Newfoundland. Thus running to the
height of 36 degrees, and as farre to the east as the Isle of
Bermuda, the 17 of September finding the winds there very
variable, contrarie to our expectation and all men's writings,
we lay there a day or two, the winde being northerly and
> Mona is a small island between Puerto Rico and San Domingo.
' Saona, an islet off the south-east point of San Domingo.
^ The western point of San Domingo.
MEN LEFT ON THE ILES OF NUEBLAS. 21
increasing continually more and more, it grewe to be a
storme and a great frete of wind, which continued with us
some 24 houres, with such extreraitie, as it caried not onely
our sajles away, being furled, but also made much water in
our shippe, so that wee had six foote water in holde, and
hauing freed our ship thereof with bailing, the winde shifted
to the northwest and became duUerd ; but presently vpon it
the extremitie of the storme was such that with the labour-
ing of our ship we lost our foremaste, and our ship grewe as
full of water as before. The storme once ceased, and the
wind contrary to goe our course, we fell to consultation
which might be our best way to saue our Hues. Our vic-
tuals now being vtterly spent, and having eaten hides 6 or
7 daies, we thought it best to beare backe againe for Domi-
nica and the islands adioyning, knowing that there we
might haue some reliefs, whereupon we turned backe for
the said islands. But before we could get thither the winde
scanted vpon vs, which did greatly endanger vs for lacke of
fresh water and victuals : so that we were constrained to
beare up to the westward, to certaine other ilandes called
the Pueblas or Cloudie Hands, towards the He of S. Juan
de porto Rico, where at our arriuall we found land-crabs and
fresh water, and tortoyses, which come most on lande about
the full of the moone. Here hauing refreshed our seines
some 17 or 18 dayes, and hauing gotten some small store
of victuals into our ship, we resolued to returne againe for
Mona, upon which our determination fine of our men left
vs, remaining still on the lies of Nueblas, for all perswasiona
that we could vse to the contrary, which afterward came
home in an English shippe. From these iles we departed,
and arrived at Mona about the twentieth of November,
1593, and there comming to an anker toward two or three
of the clocke in the morning, the captaine, and Edmund
Barker, his lieutenant, with some few others, went on land
to the houses of the olde Indian and his three sonnes, think-
22 GREAT FAMINE.
iug to have gotten some foode, our victuals being all spent,
and we not able to proceede any further vntill v^e had ob-
teyned some new supply. We spent two or three daies in
seeking prouision to cary aboord to relieue the whole com-
panie ; and coming to go aboord, the winde then being
northerly and the sea somewhat growne, tbey could not
come on shore with the boate, which was a thing of small
succour and not able to rowe in any rough sea, whereupon
we stayed untill the next morning, thinking to have had
lesse winde and safer passage. But in the night, about
twelve of the clocke, our ship did driue away witli Hue men
and a boy onely in it ; our carpenter secretly cut their own
cable, leaning nineteene of vs on land without boate or any
thing, to our great discomfort. In the middest of these
miseries, reposing or trust in the goodnesse of God, which
many times before had succoured vs in our greatest extre-
mities, we contented our selues with our poore estate, and
sought meanes to preserue our lines. And because one
place was not able to sustaine vs, we tooke our leaues one of
anothei', diuiding our selues into seuerall companies. The
greatest reliefe that we sixe which were with the captaine
could finde for the space of nine and twentie dayes was the
stalkes of purse-laine boyled in water, and nowe and then a
pompion, which we found in the garden of the olde Indian,
who vpon this our second arriuall with his three sonnes stole
from vs, and kept himselfe continually aloft in the moun-
taines. After the ende of nine and twentie dayes we espied
a French shippe, which afterwarde we vnderstood to be of
Diepe, called the Luisa, whose captaine was one Monsieur
Felix, vnto whom wee made a fire, at sight whereof he tooke
in his topsayles, bare in with the land, and shewed us his
fiagge, whereby we iudged him French ; so comming along
to the westerne ende of the island there he ankered, we
making downe with all speede vnto him. At this time the
Indian and his three sonnes came down to our captaine,
LANCASTER RETURNETH TO DIEPE. 23
Master James Lancaster, and went along with him to the
shippe. This night he went aboord the French man, who
gave him good entertainment, and the next day fetched
eleuen more of vs aboord, entreating vs all very courteously.
This day came another French shippe of the same towne of
Diepe, which remayned there vntill night, expecting our
other seuen mens comming downe : who, albeit we caused
certaine pieces of ordinance to be shot off, to call them, yet
came not downe. Whereupon we departed thence, being
deuided sixe into one ship, and sixe into another, and lean-
ing this island, departed for the north side of Saint
Domingo, where we remained vntill Aprill following (1594),
and spent two monethes in traffike with the inhabitants by
permission for hides and other merchandises of the countrey.
In this, meane while, there came a shippe of Newhaven to
the place where we were, whereby we had intelligence of
our seuen men which wee left behinde us at the Isle of
Mona, which was, that two of them brake their neckes with
ventring to take foules vpon the cliffes ; other three were
slaine by the Spaniards, which came from Saint Domingo,
vpon knowledge given by our men which went away in the
Edward ; the other two this man of Newhaven had with
him in his shippe, which escaped the Spaniards bloodie
hands. From this place Captaine Lancaster and his lieute-
nant. Master Edmund Barker, shipped themselves in another
shippe of Diepe, the captaine whereof was one John La
Noe, which was readie first to come away, and leaning the
rest of their companie in other ships, where the}'- were well
intreated, to come after him, on Sunday the seuenth of
April, 1594, they set homewarde, and disbockiug through
the Caijcos,^ from thence arriued safely in Diepe, within two
and fortie dayes after, on the 19 of May, where after we had
stayed two dayes to refresh our selues, and giuen humble
thanks vnto God, and vnto our friendly neighbours, we
' Tho Caicos Passage, in the Bahamas.
24 END OF THE VOYAGE.
tooke passage for Rie, and landed there on Friday, the 24 of
May, 1594^ hauing spent in this voyage three yeereSj sixe
weekes and two dayes, which the Portugales performe in
half the time, chiefly because wee lost our fit timej and
season to set forth in the beginning of our voyage.
We vnderstood in the East Indies by certaine Portugales
which we tooke that they have lately discouered the coast of
China to the latitude of nine and fiftie degrees, finding the
sea still open to the northward ; giuing great hope of the
northeast or northwest passage. Witnesse, Master James
Lancaster.
NARRATIVE OF THE FIRST VOYAGE
SIE JAMES LANCASTER.
BY
HENRY MAY.
A briefe note of a voyage to the East Indies, begun the 10 of April,
1591, wherein were three tall ships — the Penelope of Captains
Raimoud, Admirall ; the Merchant Royall, whereof was Captaine
Samuel Foxcroft,* Vice-Admirall ; the Edward Bonaventure, whereof
was Captaine M. James Lancaster, Rere- Admirall, with a small
pinnesse. Written by Henry May, who, in his returne homeward by
the West Indies, suffred shipwracke vpon the Isle of Bermuda,
whereof here is annexed a large description.
The tenth of Aprils 1591 j we departed from Plymmouth
with the ships aforesayd. In May following wee arriued at
Grand Canaria, one of the fortunate islands. Also, toward
the end of this month we tooke a Portugall shippe being
bound for Brasil, within three degrees to the northward of
the equinoctiall, which serued greatly to our refreshing.
The 29 of July following we came to Aguada Saldania, a
good harbour neere the Cape of Buona Speranca, where we
stayed about a month with the Merchant royally which by
reason of sicknesse in our fleet was sent home for England
with diuers weake men. Here we bought an oxe for a knife
of threepence, a sheepe for a broken knife, or any other odd
trifle of the people which were Negros, clad in cloaks or
mantles of raw hides, both men and women. The 8 of
• According to the preceding narrative of Barker, this captain's name
was Abraham Kendall. See pages 1 and 17.
26 AT COMOKO AND ZANZIBAR.
September the Penelope and the Edward Bonaventure
weyed anker_, and that day we doubled the Cape of Buona
Speranca. The 12 following we were taken with an
extreame tempest or huricano. This evening we saw a
great sea breake ouer our Admivall, the Penelope^ and their
light strooke out : and after that we neuer saw them any
more. In October following^ we in the Edward^ fell with
the westerraost part of the Isle of S. Laurence about mid-
night, knowing not where we were. Also, the next day we
came to an anker at Quitangone, a place on the mainland of
Africa, which is two or three leagues to the northward of
Mozambique, where the Portugals of the Isle of Mo(^am-
bique fetch all their fresh water. Here we tooke a pangaia,
with a Portugall boy in it ; which is a vessell like a barge,
with one matsaile of coco nut leaues. The barge is sowed
together with the rindes of trees, and pinned with wooden
pinnes. In this pangaia we had certaine corne called millio,
hennes, and some fai-dels of blew Calicut cloth. The Por-
tugall boy we tooke with vs, and dismissed the rest. From
this place we went for an island called Comoro, vpon the
coast of Melinde, which standeth about 11 degrees to the
south of the equinoctial : in which island we stayed all
Nouember, finding the people blacke and very comly, but
very treacherous and creuU : for the day before we departed
from thence, they killed thirty of our men on shore, among
whom was William Mace, our master, and two of his mates;
the one of them being in the boat with him to fetch water,
the other being on shore against our ship ; they hauing
first betrayed our boat. From hence we went for the Isle of
Zanzibar, on the coast of Melinde; whereas, wee stayed and
wintered vntil the beginning of February following.
The second of February, 1592, wee wayed anker, and set
saile directly for the East Indies ; but hauing calmes and
contrary windes, wee were vntill the moneth of June before
wee could recouer the coast of India neere Calicut; whereby
NICUBAR. 27
many of our men died for want of refreshing. In the
moneth of June we came to an anker at the Isles of Pulo
Pinaom^ whereas we stayed vntill the first day of September,
our men being very sicke, and dying apace. This day we
set saile, and directed our course for Malaca : and wee had
not bene farre at sea, but wee tooke a shippe of the king-
dome of Pegu of some fourescore tunnes, with wooden
ankers, and about fiftie men in her, with a pinnesse of some
eighteene tunnes at her stearne, both laden with pepper.
But their pinnesse stole from vs in a gust in the morning.
Here we might haue taken two shippes more of Pegu, laden
likewise with pepper and rice. In this moneth also we
tooke a great Portugall ship of six or seuen hundred tun,
laden chiefly with victuals, chests of hats, pintados, and
Calicut clothes. Besides this, we tooke another Portugall
ship of some hundred tun, laden with victuals, rice, calicos,
pintados, and other commodities. These ships were bound
for Malaca with victuals : for those of Goa, of S. Thomas,
and of other places in the Indies doe victuall at, because
that victuals there are very scarce.
In the moneth of Nouember, 1592, we shaped our course
for the Island of Nicubar, lying certaine leagues to the
north-west of the famous Island of Sumatra ; whereas,
within short time wee came to anker : and here wee had
very good refreshing : for after wee arriued there, the
people (whom we found in religion to be Mahumetans)
came aboord vs in their canoes, with hennes, cocos, plantans,
and other fruits : and within two dayes they brought vnto
vs reals of plate, giuing vs them for Calicut cloth : which
reals they found by dining in the sea, which were lost not
long before in two Portugall shippes which were bound for
China, and were cast away there. This was the furthest
place that we were at to the south-east : and heei'e, be-
cause our company by this time was much wasted and
diminished, we resolued to tnrne l)ack to the Isle of Zeilan.
28 AT SANTA HELENA.
Wherefore, we weyed anker in the moneth of Nouember,
and arriued at Zeilan about the end of the same moneth.
In this island groweth great store of excellent cinamonn,
and the best diamonds in the world. Here our captaine
meant to stay to make vp our voyage : whereof hee con-
ceiued great hope, by certaine intelligence which wee had re-
ceiued ; but the company, which were in all but 33 men
and boyes, being in a mutiny, and evei-y day ready to go
together by the eares (the captaine being sicke and like for
to die), would not stay, but would needs go home.
The 8 of December, 1592, we set saile homeward, but
some 15 dayes before we had sight of the Cape of Good
Hope, we were forced to shai^e our bread, by reason we had
certaine flies in our ship, which deuoured most part of our
bread before We were aware : so that when we came to
sharing, we had but 31 pounds of bread a man to carry vs
into England, with a small quantity of rice a day.
The last of March, 1593, we doubled the Cape of Bona
Speran^a.
In Apinl next insuing we came to anker at the Island of
S. Helena ; whereas we found an English man, a tailer,
■which had bene there 14 moneths before we came thither :
so we sending our boat on shore with some ten men, they
found this English man in the chapell, who by reason of
the heat of the climate, was inforced to keepe himselfe out
of the sun. Our company hearing one sing in the chapell,
supposing it had bene some Portugall, thrust open the
doore, and went in.vnto him : but the poore man, seeing so
many come in vpon him on the sudden, and thinking them
to be Portugals, was first in such a feare, not hauing scene
any man in 14 moneths before, aijd afterwards knowing
them to be Englishmen, and some of them his acquaintance,
in such ioy, that, what betweene excessiue sudden feare and
ioy, he became distracted of his wits, to our great sorowes.
Here we found, of his drying, some 40 goats. The party had
IN THE WEST INDIES. 29
made him, for want of apparell, two sutes of goats' skinnes
with the hairj side outwards, like vuto the sauages of
Canada. Here we stayed all this moneth. This man lined
vntill we came to the West Indies, and then he died.
In the moneth of June, 1593, we arriued at the Island of
Trinidad, in the West Indies, hoping there to finde refresh-
ing: but we could not get any, by reason that the Spanyards
had taken it. Here we were imbayed betweene the island
and the maine j and, for want of victuals, the company
would haue forsaken the ship : whereupon, the captaine was
inforced to sweare euery man not to forsake the ship vntill
we should see further occasion. Out of this bay, called Boca
de Dragone, it pleased God to deliaer vs : from whence we
directed our course for the Island of S. Juan de Paerto Rico,
but fell with the small Isle of Mona; where we abode some
fifteene dayes, finding in that place some small refreshing.
And heere arriued a shipof Caen in Normandy, whereof was
captaine one Monsieur Charles de la Barbotiere, who greatly
refreshed vs with bread and other prouision, which we
greatly wanted. And so we tooke our leaues the one of
the other.
In July, hauing foule weather at Mona, we were forced
to wey anker, and to set saile, directing our course for
Cape Tiburon : and in doubling of the Cape we had a gust
from the shore, which caried away all our sailes from the
yards : so that we had left but one new forecoui'se to helpe
our selues withall : which canuas the aforesayd French-
man did helpe vs with all. Also, hauing doubled the fore-
sayd Cape in the distresse aforenamed, the foresayd capitan
de la Barbotiere, with his pinnesse, gaue chase vnto vs
againe ; who, being come nere vnto vs, I went aboord him,
certifying him what distresse we were in. The gentleman
replied to me againe, that there was not anything in his
shippe, but what he could spare he would helpe vs withall.
So, to conclude, we agreed with him for canuas. Moreover,
30 MUTINOUS COMPLOTTING.
he sayd that if we would go with him to an harbour called
Gonnauyj which is to the north of Cape Tiburon, that then
he would helpe vs with fresh victuals enough. Whereon I
returned aboord our ship, and certified our captaine of all:
who made it knowen vnto the company ; which no sooner
heard of it, but they would all go in. So here we staled
with the aforesaid Frenchman 15 dayes : but small refresh-
ing we could get, because the Spaniards stood in some feare
of the Frenchman of war, supposing our ship to be a Portu-
gal, and that we were his prize ; neuerthelesse, hee certified
to the contrary. And, in staying so. long with him, and
hauing little refreshing, our company began to be in a
mutiny, and made report that the captaine and I went
aboord the Frenchman but to make good cheere, and had
not any care of them : but I protest before God, tliat our
care was to get victuals whereby we might haue bene gone
from him. But, in the meanetime, a great part of our com-
pany had conspired to take away the Frenchman's pinnesse,
and with her to boord the man of warre. While these
things were in complotting, one of their consorts went
aboord the Frenchman, and certified him of all the con-
spiracy. Whereupon the captaine of the French ship sent
for our captaine and we to come aboord to dinner : and we
stayed with him all the afternoone, being inuited vnto sup-
per; and, being at supper, he himselfe would not a great
while come to vs : but at length he came. At his comming
we asked of him what newes. Who answered vs, that either
we must depart from him, or els he must goe seeke some
other harborow. Whereupon, I told captaine Lancaster,
who prayed me to 'tell him that, rather then he would be
any hindrance vnto him, we would be gone. But, in the
mean time, while we were thus talking together, the French-
man weyed and set saile : which we perceiued, and asked
him what he meant by it. He replied to the captaine and
me, that he kept vs for his security, and that our men had
HELP FROM A FRENCHMAN. 31
purposed as is aforesayd. When he came thwart our shippe,
it blew a prety gaile of winde : the boat being asterne of
them, hauing in her two Moores and two men of Pegu,
which we had giuen them, brake away. Then was the
Frenchman worse then before, and did threaten vs very sore
that we should pay his voyage. In the meanetime, the
Edward, seeing vs part, weyed and set saile to go for Eng-
land : and they did share among them all the captaine's
victuals and mine, when they saw the Frenchman keepe vs
as prisoners.
So the next morning we went to seeke out the French-
man's pinnesse ; which being at Laguna we shot off a piece,
and so she came to vs, hauing in her three more of our com-
pany, Edmund Barker, our lieutenant, and one John West,
and Richard Lucland, one of the mutinous crew. The which
I told the Frenchman of, and he could not deny, but there
was such a thing pretended. Then I was put into the French
pinnesse to seeke their boat ; and in the meane time they
would go to see if they could ouertake our shippe. And the
next day we should meet againe at Cape S. Nicolas ; so the
next morning we met together all three of vs, but heard no
newes of his boat. So he hauing Spanyards and Negros
aboord of vs, requested to haue them. Our captaine desired
him to send his boat aboord our shippe, and he should haue
them with all his heart. So with much adoe he sent his
boat and had them. Then he demanded of thorn if his boat
were not aboord the ship. They answered no. So that
then Monsieur de la Barbotiere was satisfied ; and then we
were great friends again to all our ioyes.
The 12 of August, 1593, our captaine was sent aboord
our ship, but before his departure he requested the captaine
of the French ship that he would give me a passage home
with him, to certifie the owners what had passed in all our
voyage, as also the vnrulinesse of the company. And this
day we tooke our leaues the one of the other ; the Edward
32 SHIPWRECK AT BERMUDA.
for England, and we bare in for Gonnany, where afterwards
we found the Frenchman's boat. The last of Nouember,
1593, Monsieur de la Barbotiere departed from a port called
Laguna, in Hispaniola. The 17 of December next insuing,
it was his fortune to haue his ship cast away upon the north-
west part of the Isle of Bermuda about midnight ; the
pilots making themselues at noone to be to the southward
of the island twelue leagues, certified the captaine that they
were out of all danger. So they demanded of him their
wine of heighth ; the which they had. And being, as it
should seeme, after they had their wine, carelesse of their
charge which they tooke in hand, being as it were drunken,
through their negligence a number of good men were cast
away ; and I being but a stranger among 50 and odde
Frenchmen and others, it pleased God to appoint me to be
one of them that were saved, I hope to his service and glory.
We made account at the first that we were cast away hard
by the shore, being hie cliffs, but we found our selues seuen
leagues off; but with our boat and a raft which we had
made and towed at our boat's sterne, we were saved some
26 of vs ; among whom were no more English but my selfe.
Now being among so many strangers, and seeing not roome
for the one halfe, I durst neither presse into the boat, nor
vpon the raft, for feare lest they should haue cast me ouer-
boord, or else haue killed me ; so I stayed in the ship which
was almost full of water, vntill the captaine being entred
the boat called me vnto him being at hand, for that it stood
vpon life or death ; and so I presently entred, leaning the
better halfe of our company to the mercy of the sea. After
this we rowed all the day vntil an hour or two before night
yer we could come on land, towing the raft with the boat.
When we came on shore, being all the day without drinke,
every man tooke his way to see if he could finde any ; but
it was long before any was found. At length one of the
pilots digging among a company of weeds found fresh water
SHIPWRECKED AT BERMUDA. 33
to all our great comfort, being only raine water ; and this
was all the fresh water that we found on the shore. But
there are in this island many fine bayes, wherein, if a man
did dig, I thinke, there might be foud store of fresh water.
This island is diuided all into broken islands : and the
greatest part I was vpon, which might be some 4 or 5 miles
long, and 2 miles and a halfe ouer; being all woods, as
cedar and other timber, but cedar is the chiefest. Now, it
pleased God, before our ship did split, that we saued our
carpenters' tooles, or els I thinke we had bene there to
this day: and hauing recoured the aforesaid tooles, we went
roundly about the cutting downe of trees, and in the end
built a small barke of some 18 tun, for the most part with
tronnels and very few nailes. As for tackling, we made a
voyage aboord the ship before she split, and cut downe the
shrowds, and so we tackled our barke and rigged her. In
stead of pitch we made lime, and mixed it with the oile of
tortoises ; and, assoone as the carpenters had calked, I and
another, with ech of vs a small sticke in our hands, did
plaister the morter into the seames ; and, being in April,
when it was warm and fair weather, we could no sooner lay
it on, but it was dry, and as hard as a stone. In this moneth
of April, 1594, the weather being very hot, we were afrayd
our water should faile vs, and therefore made the more
haste away : and, at our departure, we were constrained to
make two great chests, and calked them, and stowed them
on ech side of our maine mast, and so put in our prouision
of raine water, and 13 line tortoises for our food, for our
voyage which we intended to Newfoundland. Tn the south
part of this Island of Bermuda there are hogs, but they are
so leane that you can not eat them, by reason the island is
so barren : but it yeeldeth great store of fowle, fish, and
tortoises. And to the eastward of the island are very good
harbours, so that a shippe of 200 tun may ride there land-
locked, without any danger, with water enough. Also iu
34 MR. MAY RETURNS HOME.
this island is as good fishing for pearles as is any in the West
IndieSj but that the place is subject to foule weather, as
thundering, lightning, and raine : but in April and part of
May we had very faire and hot weather.
The 11 of May it pleased God to set vs cleere of the island,
to the no little ioy of vs all, after we had liued in the same
almost the space of 5 moneths. An the 20 of May we fell
with the land nere to Cape Briton, where we ran into a
fresh water riuer, whereof there be many, and tooke in wood,
water, and ballast. And here the people of the countrey
came vnto vs, being clothed all in furs, with the furred side
vnto their skins, and brought with them furres of sundry
sorts to sell, besides gi'eat store of wild ducks : so, some of
our company hauing saued some small beads, bought some
of their ducks. Here we stayed not aboue foure houres,
and so departed. This should seeme to be a very good
countrey. And we saw very fine champion ground, and
woods. From this place we ranne for the banke of New-
foundland, whereas we met with diuers, but none would
take in a man of vs, vntill it pleased God that wee met with
a barke of Falmouth, which receiued vs all for a little time ;
and with her we tooke a French ship, wherein I left Cap-
tain de la Barbotiere, my deere friend, and all his company,
and stayed myselfe aboord the English barke : and hauing
passage in the same^ in the moneth of August I arriued at
Falmouth, 1594.
THE VOYAGE
OF
CAPTAIN JAMES LANCASTER
10
PEENAMBUCO.
The well gouerned and prosperous voyage of M. James Lancaster be-
gun with three ships and a galley-frigate from London, in October
1594, and intended for Fernambiick, the porte-towne of Olinda, in
Brasil.' In which voyage (besides the taking of nine and twenty
ships and frigats) he surprized the sayd port-towne, being strongly
fortified and mai^ned ; and held possession thereof thirty dayes to-
gether (notwithsianding many bolde assaults of the enemy, both by
land and water), and also prouidently defeated their dangerous and
almost ineuitable fire-works. Heere he found the cargazon or
freight of a rich East Indian carack ; which, together with great
abundance of sugars, Brasil-wood, and cotton, he brought from
thence ; lading therewith fifteene sailes of tall ships and barks.
In September 1594, the worshipfull M. John Wats, Alder-
man ; M. Paul Banning, Alderman ; and others of worship
in the City of London, victualled three good ships ; to wit,
the Consent, of the burthen of 240 tunnes or thereabout ;
the Salamon, of 170 tunnes; and the Virgin, of 60 tunnes :
and appointed for commanders in this voyage M. James
> A factory was originally settled at Pernambuco by a ship from
Marseilles ; but in 1530 the line of coast from the Rio de San Francisco
to the Rio de Juraza was granted to Duarte Coelho Pereira, and he
came there with his family to found a colony, landing at the port of
Pernambuco. He exclaimed, " que linda situa^am!'''-^ hence the town
was called Olinda, and the fort Recife. During the first years the new
colony had to resist incessant hostilities from the Cahetes Indians;
but afterwards it enjoyed a long period of prosperity.
36 THE FLEET IS SCATTERED.
Lancaster,^ of London, gentleman, admirall of the fleet ; M.
Edmund Barker, of London, vice admirall ; and M. John
Audely, of Poplar, neere London, rere admirall, hauing in
their sayd ships to the number of 275 men and boyes.
Being fully furnished with all needfull prouision, wee de-
parted from Blackwall in October following, keeping our
owne coast, vntill we came into the West Countre}^, where
we met with such gusts and stormes, that the Salomon
spending her mast at the Range of Dartmouth, put into
harbour ; but by the earnest care and industry of the gene-
ral] and others hauing charge, she was shortly againe pro-
uided. Which done, hauing a pleasant gale for our purpose,
we put foorth from Dartmouth the last of Nouember follow-
ing. But contrary to our expectation, not fifty leagues from
our owne coast, we lost the Salomon and the Virgin, by a
storme of contrary winde that fell vpon vs : yet, being alone,
in hope to meet them about the Canaries or Cape Blank,
we kept on our course to the Canaries, but could heare no
tidings of our consorts; which greatly grieued vs.
Thence we went, bearing for the Isle of Tenerif, where,
in the morning early, we had sight of a saile, which being
becalmed vnder the shore, was towing with their boat
ahead, hauing one other at her sterne. For this saile we
manned our boat, appointing our men wel for fight, if need
should require. The Spaniards, seeing our boat come,
entred theirs, and leaning the ship, sought to saue them-
selues by flight : but our men persued them so fast, that
they boorded them, and brought them with their shippe to
our generall. This ship was laden with 80 tunnes of Canary-
> Southey says that there was what may be called moral treason, on
the part of Lancaster, in bearing arms against the Portuguese, because
he had, by his own account, been brought up among them, lived among
them as a gentleman, served with them as a soldier, and dwelt among
them as a merchant. — History of Brazil, ii, p. 364.
Southey gives an account of the expedition of Lancaster against Per-
nambuco. — Ibid., pp. 364-71.
I
SPEECH TO THE MEN. 37
wine, which came not vnto vs before it was welcome. We
kept and manned itj plying that day, and the next night
thereabout. The very next morning we had sight of one
other ; to whome, in like manor, wee sent our boat : but
their gunner made a shot at her, and strooke off a propper
yoang man's arme ; yet we inforced her to yeeld, and found
40 tunnes of wine in her. The Spaniards hauing their free
passage, and an acquitance for the deliuery of their wines,
were all set on shore vpon Tenerif, making a quicke returne
of their long voyage intended into the West Indies.
Hence we departed toward Cape Blank ; and before wee
came thither, we met againe with the Virgin, our rere
admirall, whose men tolde vs for very trueth, that the Salo-
mon was returned for England; inforced so to doe, by spend-
ino- her mast the second time. Which, when our men
vnderstood, they were all in a maze, not knowing what to
doe, and saying among themselues that their force was but
small when all our strength were together, and now we had
lost the one halfe of our strength, we were not able to per-
forme the voyage : and therefore some of them came to the
captain, asking him what he would now do, seeing the
Salomon was lost, the one" halfe of our strength, giuing him
counsell to beare vp for the West Indies, and proue there
to make his voyage, because his first plat for want of
strength was cleane ouerthrown. The captaine hearing this
new nouelty, as not vnacquainted with the variable pretenses
of mariners, made them this answere : Sirs, I made knowen
to you all at my coraming out of England what I pretended,
and that I meant to go for Fernambuck ; and, although at
the present we want one of our ships, yet (God willing) I
meane to go forward, not doubting but to meet her at the
appointed places, which are either at Cape Blank or the
Islands of Cape Verde : for I am assured that M. Barker,
the captaine, is so resolute to performe this voyiige, that
his mast being repaired, he will not faile to meet vs, and it
38 THE SALAMON JOINS COMPANY.
were no wisdoms for vs to diuert our course, till we haue
sought him at those places where our appointed meeting is :
for the diuerting of courses is the ouerthrow of most of our
actions. And T hope you will be all contented herewith :
for to go any other course then I haue determined (by God's
helpe), I will not be drawen vnto. With these reasons and
many others shewed, they rested all satisfied : and at our
comming to Cape Blank (God be praised) we met with the
Salamon, with no small ioy to vs all ; and there she had
taken of Spaniards and Portugals 24 saile of ships and
caravels, fishermen, and had taken out of them such neces-
saries as she had need of. Of these ships our captaine tooke
four along with him, with another that he had taken him-
selfe, meaning to imploy them as occasion should serue. At
this place he vnderstood of one of the pilots of those ships,
that one of the caracks that came out of the East Indies
was cast away in the rode of Fernambuc, and that all her
goods were layd vpon the Arraqise, which is the lower towne.
Of these newes we were all glad, and reioyced much ; for
our hopes were very good, seeing such a booty before vs.
Of this good company and happy successe we were all
ioyful, and had great hope of the blessing of God m per-
formance of our intended voyage ; and so, after some pai-le
and making frolike for ioy of our meeting one with the
other (praising God for all), we plied for Maio : where,
comming to anker, our general! and the rest of the captaines
went ashore to view the place where we might in best safety
set our gally-frigat together : which frame wee brought
from England of purpose to land men in the country of
Brasil. Here we discharged our great prize of wine, and
set her on fire : but before our comming thither you shall
vnderstand, we had sight of foure sailes, which was Captaine
Venner, in his ship the Peregrine, and a proper Biskaine,
which he tooke at Capo Blank ; the Welcome of Plymouth,
and her pinnesse : all of which stood with vs. But they
THEY BUILD A GALLY FRIQAT. 39
seeing our flags^ not expecting such good fellowes as we
did bears from vs all they might ; which our people tooke
very vnkindly^ that being all friends, they would neither
enquire nor tell vs any newes of our friends, but without
making any shew of kindnes would so depart. As beforej
I haue said, the choice being made for the place to build the
gally-frigat, ashore it was brought, where the carpenters
applied their worke, still cheered vnto it by the general's
good gifts bestowed among them, and kind vsage of the
rest of the commanders, not without great care of the cap-
taine for the safety of them all, by keeping good watch :
yet one negligent fellow, which had no knowledge of the
country, straying from his company, was by the Portugals
taken, and very kindly vsed, and brought againe vnto vs :
for which good the generall rewarded them well with gifts
very acceptable, which they tooke as kindly. While wee
were thus busily imployed about the foresayd galley, we
descried at sea foure sailes, which we had good hope would
haue prooued Indies men, or some to haue brought vs what
wee looked for : but they proued Captaine Venner with his
fleet, as aforesayd, who, seeing vs at anker, ankered also ;
where, spending some time, and being acquainted with our
generals determination for landing, consorted with vs, and
their bils, according to the maner of the sea, were made and
signed on either part, we to haue three parts and he the
fourth of all that should be taken, wherby our strength was
increased, to all our comforts. Three weeks, or thereabouts,
we stayd in this place, before the gaily was finished ; which
done, putting men into her, and fitting her with oares,
hauing fourteene banks on a side, a mast and saile, the com-
mandement of her was committed vnto M. Wats, an honest
skilfull mariner.
From thence we put again to sea, and went for the lie of
Braua, where we watered : which done, we made no long
stay after, but bent our course as directly as we could for
40 OFF THE HARBOROW OF FERNAMBUCK.
the place, making our first fall with the land to the south-
ward of Cape S. Augustine, from whence wee plied still to
our desired port of Fernambuck, and did so much, that
about midnight we came before the harbour ■} where some
plied vp and downe, holding that the best policy to forbeare
the entring till day might giue them light, the harborow
being hard, and, therefore, the more perillous. Our ships
being in safety well arriued, God was praised ; and the
generall in his boat went from ship to ship, willing thera to
make ready such men as they could spare, with muskets,
pikes, billes, bowes, arrowes, and what weapons they had to
follow him. Himselfe, with 80 men from his owne ship,
imbarked himselfe in the gaily, which carried in her prow a
good sacar, and two murdering pieces.
Our admiral spent all the night in giuing directions to
euery ship to haue their men ready shipped in their boats,
for he intended to enter the harborow at the breake of day,
and to leau'e his ships without till he had gotten the fort
and the towne : for he would not aduenture the ships in,
till the harborow was gotten. Also he prouided fine ships,
which he brought from Cape Blank, and put men in thera
as many as could conueniently saile them, and no more,
giuing them charge to enter the harborow with his boats :
for at the entrance of the harborow rode three great
Holland ships, which our admirall doubted would impeach
his going in ; and, therefore, he gaue order to the men of
these fine small ships, which were not aboue 60 tunnes a
piece, if the Hollanders did offer any resistance, to run
aboord of them, and to set their owne ships on fire, and
scape in their boats, which they had for the same purpose,
that by this meanes they might not impeach our entrance.
But when the morning was come, we were fallen aboue halfe
a mile downe to the northward, below the harborow, which
was a great inconuenience vnto vs; so that before we could
• Recife, the jiort of Pernambuco.
PREPARATIONS FOR THE ATTACK. 41
get vp againe, the ebbe was come vpon vs, and thereby we
were forced to houer before the harborow till two of the
clocke in the afternoonej in the sight of all the towne. In
this meane time, our ships rode before the fort without the
harborow^ about a demy-coluering shot off: in the which
time passed many shot betweene the fort and the ships, and
especially betweene the admirals ship and them : but no
great harm was done on either part. All this while our
admirall kept the men ready, houering in the gaily and the
boats. The Hollanders that rode in the mouth of the har-
borow, seeing our resolution, layd out haulsers, and wound
themselves out of the way of vs. Our admiral was very
ioyfull, and gaue great incouragement to all his men : for to
passe these three great Hollanders he held it the greatest
danger of all. About 12 of the clocke the gouerner of
' the towne sent a Portugall aboord the admiralls ship, to
know what he would haue, and wherefore he came. He re-
turned him this answere: That he wanted the caracks goods;
and for them he came, and them he would haue, and that he
should shortly see. In this processe of time, the townes-
men and inhabitants which saw so much shipping, and per-
ceiued vs to be enemies, gathered themselues together,
three or foure ensignes of men, esteemed to the number
of some six hundred at the least. These came to the fort
or plat-forme lying ouer against the entry of the harborow,
and there attended our landing; but before our admirall set
forward with his boats, he gave expresse order to all that
had charge of gou»rning the boats or galley, to run them
with such violence against the shore that they should be all
cast away without recouery, and not one man to stay in
them, whereby our men might haue no manner of retreat to
trust vnto, but onely to God and their weapons.
Now was the time come of the flood, being about two of
the clocke in the afternoone, when our admirall set forward,
and entered the harborow with the small galley, and all the
42 THE FORT CAPTURED.
rest of the boats followed him, the Hollanders that rode in
the mouth of the harborow, nothing impeached him ; but
now the fort began to play with their ordinance vpon the
galley and boats ; and one of their shot tooke away a great
piece of our ensigne out of the galley. But our saile being
set, it was no time for vs to make any stay ; but with all the
force we could we ranne the galley vpon the shore right
vnder the fort, within a coits cast of it, with such violence
that we brake her backe, and she suncke presently ; for
there whei'e we landed, went a breach of the sea, which pre-
sently cast her away. The boats comming after did the like.
At our arriuall, those in the fort had laden all their ordi-
nance, being seuen pieces of brasse, to discharge them vpon
vs at our landing ; which, indeed, they did : for our admirall
leaping into the water, all the rest following him, off catpe
these pieces of ordinance ; but, almighty God be praised,
they in the fort, with feare to see vs land in their faces, had
piked their ordinance so steepe downwards with their
mouths, that they shot all their shot in the sand, although,
as I sayd before, it was not aboue a coits cast at the most
betweene the place wee landed and the face of the fort ; so
that they onely shot off one of our men's armes without
doing any more hurt, which was to vs a great blessing of
God : for if those ordinances had bene well levelled, a great
number of vs had lost our Hues at that instant. Our
admirall seeing this, cried out, incouraging his men. Upon
them, vpon them ; all (by God's help) is ours : and they
therewith ran to the fort with all violence. Those foure
ensigns of men that were set to defend our landing, seeing
this resolution, began to go backe, and retire into certaine
bushes that were by the same fort ; and being followed,
fledde thorowe a certaine oaze which was drie, being then
but the beginning of the tide : and so abandoned the fort,
and left it with their ordinance to vs. This day of our
arriuall was their Good-friday, when by custome they
GUEAT STOKE OF MERCHANDIZES TAKEN. 43
vsually whippe themselues : but God sent vs now for a
generall scourge to tliem all, whereby that labour among them
might be well spared. The fort being taken with all their
ordinance^ the admirall waved to the ships, wiUing them to
wey and come in j which they did with all speed, himselfe
taking order in leaning certaine men in keeping the said fort,
and placed the ordinance toward the high towne,^ from
whence he suspected the greatest danger ; and putting his
men in order, marched toward the low towne,^ which was
about foureteene score from the fort : in which town lay all
their merchandize and other goods. Approaching to the
towne, he entered the same, the people imbarking them-
selues in carauels and boats, with all the expedition they
could. The base towne, of aboue an hundred houses, being
thus taken, we found in it great store of merchandizes of all
sorts : as Brasil wood, sugars, calico-cloth, pepper, cynamon,
clones, mase, nutmegs, with diuers other good things, to
the great comfort of vs all. The admirall went vp and downe
the towne, and placed at the south end of the same Captaine
Venner and his companion, himselfe and his company in the
midst of the towne, and Captaine Barker and Captaine Addy
at the other end of the towne, giving great charge that no
man, vpon paine of great punishment and losse of his
shares, should breake vp or enter into any ware-house with-
out order and direction from the admirall. And this com-
mandement was as well kept as euer any was kept, where so
great spoile and booty was found : for it was not kuowen in all
the time of our being there, that any disorder was com-
mitted, or any lodge or ware-house broken open, or any
spoile was made, or pillaging of anything ; which is a note
much to be observed in such an action ; for common mariners
and souldiers are much given to pillaging and spoiling,
making greater account of the same than of their shares.
Order being put in all things, we kept a very sure watch
' Olinda 2 Recife.
44 DEALINGS WITH THE HOLLANDERS.
this first nighty and the morning being comej our admirall
and Captaine Yenner, with the rest of the captaines^ went
about the towne^ and gaue order for the fortifying of it
with all expedition : so that within two dayes it was sur-
rounded with posts and planks, all that part of the towne
next the maine land, at least nine foot high ; for (God be
thanked) we found prouision in the towne, sufficient store
for it. Now it is to be vnderstood that this towne is en-
uironed on the one part by the sea, and on the backside by
a riuer that runneth behinde it ; so that to come to it by
land, you must enter it by a small nari'ow passage, not
aboue forty paces ouer at an high water. At this passage
we built a fort, and planted in it fine pieces of ordinance,
which we tooke out of the first fort we wan at our comming
into the harborow. Now we having the towne in posses-
sion, our admirall sent for the Hollanders by his chyrurgian,
which had been brought vp in that countrey, a man know-
ing their conditions, and sober and discreet of his owne
cariage. At his first comming aboord of them, they seemed
to stand vpon their owne guard and defence, for they were
three great and strong ships : but he vsed himself so that
they at the last willed him to come into the greatest of their
ships, which was aboue 450 tunnes. Then he declared to
them our intent of comming thither, and that they should
be there as sure from any show of violence or iniury offered
them, as if they were in their owne houses, and if they
should thinke so good, his admirall would fraight the for
England, if they would be content with fraight reason-
able, and as they should agree, and it should be at their own
choise whither to go or not, he would not force them, un-
less it was to their benefit and good liking. Although this
people were somewhat stubburne at the fii'st, as that nation
is in these causes, yet being satisfied with good words and
good dealing they came alaud, and after conference had
with the admiralls, they were so satisfied that they went
ARRIVAL OF FRENCH SHIPS. 45
thorow with a fraight^ and then we ioyed with them, and
they with vs, and they serued vs as truly and as faithfully as
our owne people did, both at watch and ward, by sea and
other services. Within two dayes after our comming in,
about midnight, a great number of Portugals and Indians
with them, came downe vpon vs with a very great cry and
noise ; but Grod be thanked, we were ready for them : for
our admirall supposing some such assault, had prouided all
our muskets with haile-shot, which did so gaule both the
Indians and the Portugalls, that they made them presently
retreat. And this is to be noted that there was both the
horse and his rider slaine, both with one of these shot. Our
men followed them some hue or six score, but no further.
We lost in this conflict but onely one man, but had diners
hurt. What was lost of their part we could not tell, for
they had before day, after our retreat, caried away all their
dead. Within three or foure days after our comming in,
appeared before the harborow 3 ships and 2 pinnesses, the
pinnesses being somewhat nere, discried our flags, and one
of them came in, which was a French pinnesse, declaring
all the rest to be French bottoms, which our admirall willed
should come in : and so they did. These were Frenchmen
of war, and came thither for purchase. The captaines came
aland, and were welcomed ; amongst whom was one, Cap-
taine John Noyer, of Diepe, that the yere before had taken
in our admirall at the Hand of Mona,-^ in the West Indies,
where his ship was cast away comming out of the East
Indies. To this man our admirall offered great kin dues,
and performed it, and was not vngratefull for his former
benefit shewed vnto him. This captain desired of our admirall
to bestow upon him his ships lading of Fernambuc-wood,^
which he granted him, and also his pinnesse, and more,
ffaue him a carauel of about 50 tuns, and bid him lade her
with wood also; which with other benefits he gratefully
' See page 20. ' Brazil wood.
46 LADING OF THE SHIPS.
received. To the other two captaiues he granted their lad-
ings of wood^ the one captaine being of Diepe, the other of
Roche! . The captaine of Diepe confessed that he met
Abraham Cocke certain moneths before, and being distressed
for want of water, gaue him some, and went with him to a
watering place where he had water enough, and so departed
fr5 him, saying that his men were very weake. The com-
ming in of these ships did much strengthen vs ; for our
admiral appointed both these French and the Flemings to
keepe watch vpon the riuer by night with their boats, euery
boat having in her 12 men at the least, and the boats well
prouided. This was for feare of filled ships or barkes to
come downe, which our admirall had great care vnto, and
caused our ships to ride by cables and haulsers, at all ad-
uantages to shun them, if by that meanes they should
attempt to put vs out of the harborow ; giuing commande-
ment to vs that watched in the towne, that what fires soeuer
we should espy or see, not one man to start from his watch
or quarter, vnlesse we were by himselfe commanded to the
contrary. Now this order put in all things, and hauing
viewed all the goods in the towne, and thinking ourselues
sufficiently fortified, we began to vnlade our ships, which
came as full laden in as they went foorth, but not with so
good merchandize. And this order was taken about the
vnlading of them, and also the lading of goods out of the
towne ; our men were diuided into halues, and the one halfe
wrought one day, and the other halfe the other day ; alwayes
those that wrought not kept the watch with their furniture
in their hands and about them, and none stept far off or
wandered from his colours, and those that wrought had all
their weapons in good order set and placed by them, so
that at an instant euery one knew where to go to his furni-
ture ; and this was carefully looked vnto.
The third day after our comming in, came down from the
higher towne, which might be about foure miles off, vpon a
CAPTAIN LANCASTER AND THE PORTUGALLS. 47
hill, three or foure of the principall gentlemen of the coun-
trey, and said that from the bishop, themselves, and the
rest, they would haue some conference with our admirall.
This newes being brought to the admirall, he hung downe
his head for a small season ; and when he had muzed a while,
he answered, I must go aboord of the Flemings vpon busi-
nes that importeth me, and therefore let them stay if they
will: and so he went and sate there with the Flemings from
nine of the clocke till two at the afternoone. In this space,
diuers messengers went to the admirall, to come away ; for
these gentlemen stayd. To whom he gaue this answere :
Are they not gone yet ? And about two of the clocke he
came aland, and then they tolde him they were departed.
Many of the better sort of our men maruelled, and thought
much, because he would not vouchsafe to come and haue
conference with such men of account as they seemed to be.
But the admiral made them this answere: Sirs, I haue bene
brought vp among this people ; I haue lined among them
as a gentleman, serued with them as a souldier, and lined
among them as a merchant, so that I should haue some
vnderstanding of their demeanors and nature ; and I know
when they cannot preuaile with the sword by force, then
they deale with their deceiueable tongues ; for faith and
trueth they haue none, neither will vse any, vnlesse it be to
their owue aduantage. And this I giue you wai-ning, that
if you giue them parle, they will betray vs ; and for my
part, of all nations in the world, it would grieue me most to
be ouertaken by this nation and the Spaniards : and I am
glad it was my fortune to pay them with one of their owne
fetches, for I warrant you they vnderstand me better then
you thinke they do. And with this I pray you be satisfied ;
I hope it is all for your goods : for what shall we gaine by
parle, when {by the helpe of God) we haue gotten already
that we came for, should we venture that we haue gotte with
our swords, to see if they can take it from vs by words and
48 CAPTURE OF enemy's TRENCHES.
policy ? tliere were no wisdome ia so doing. You know
what it hath cost us, and how many men lie wounded that
be not yet hole of this other nights hurts ; and, therefore,
from henceforth I giue you this commission, that if any be
taken he be sent away with this order, — although he come
as a friend, that if either he or any other approach vs from
henceforth^ he shall be hanged out of hand : and other
course than this I will not take with them. Which course
was followed, for within 3 or 4 dayes after it was performed
by two taken in the night ; and after that we were neuer
troubled with spies; and although diuers slaues came run-
ning from their men to vs, by which we vnderstood much
of their working and pretences, yet the admirall would en-
terteine few of them.
In this meane time that we began to worke, the Portugals
with the country people were not idle, for seeing vs so
busie about sixe nights after our comming in, they priuily
in the night cast vp a trench in the sands about a sacar
shot from our ships, minding there to plant ordinance,
which would haue offended our ships greatly; and they
would not haue bene able to haue rode there to take in their
lading, which now began to go aboord of them. The
admirall hearing this, about 3 of the clocke in the after-
noone marshalled our men, and he and all the rest of the
captaines marched toward them. The Portugals and
Indians perceiuing our comming, began to withdraw them-
selues within the trench, meaning (as it should appeare) to
fight it out there ; but we made no stand, neither did it be-
houe vs, but presently approached the trenches with our
muskets and pikes, afore their trenches were thorowly
finished : so that, by God's helpe, we entered the, and the
Portugals and Indians left the place, and left vnto vs 4
good peeces of brasse ordinance, with powder and shot,
and diuers other necessaries, and among the rest 5 smal
carts of that countrey, which to us were more worth than
FIGHTS AT THE WATERING-PLACE. 49
al the rest we tooke, for the lading of our goods from the
towne to the waterside : for without them we could not
have told what to haue done, much of our goods being so
heauie, that without carts we were not able to weyld them :
all these things we brought away and destroyed at those
platforms that they had made, and then we had rest with
them for certaine dayes, in which we went forward, deuid-
ing our marchandize with Capfcaine Venner, according to
our consort, and went daily lading them aboord, euery ships
company according as their turnes fell out, but only the
three Dutch ships, for the goods being put into their boats
their owne companies laded themselues. And this farther
good chance or blessing of God we had to helpe vs, that
assoone as we had taken our cartes, the next morning came
in a ship with some 60 negros, 10 Portugall women, and 40
Portugals : the women and the negros we turned out of the
towne, but the Portugals our admiral kept to draw the carts
when they were laden, which to vs was a very great ease.
For the countrey is very hote and ill for nation to take any
great trauell in.
In this towne there is no fresh water to be had, and,
therefore, we were euery 5 or 6 dayes compelled to passe
ouer the riuer into the maine land to get fresh water, which,
after the first or second time, the Portugals kept and would
haue defended our watering, so that we were driuen to
water of force, and at seuerall times some of our men were
hurt, and onely two or three slaine, and with this danger
we were forced to get our water.
And as they molested vs in our watering, so they slept
not in other deuises, but put in practise to burne our shios
or remoue them out of the harbour. For within some 20
dayes after our comming in, they had prepared 5 carauels,
and filled them with such things as would best take fire and
burne : these they brought within a mile or little more of
our ships, and there set them on fire, for neerer they could
50 FIRE SHIPS.
not well come because of our watch of boates, for, as is
aboue said, the admirall had alwaies 6 boates that kept
watch aboue halfe a mile from the ships for feare of such
exploytes as these, which was the cause they could not fire
them so neere the ships as they would have done. But
these fired carauels had the tide with them, and also the
little winde that blewe was in their fauovr, which caused
them to come downe the streame the faster ; which our
boats perceiuing made to them with as much expedition as
conueniently they could, but the tide and wind both seruing
them, they approched toward the ships with great expedi-
tion. Our men in the towne began to be in some feare of
them, yet no man mooued or started fro his quarter more
than if there had bene nothing to doe. Also the masters,
and such as were aboord, were somewhat amased to see 5
great fires to be comming downe among their ships, but
they prepared for to cleere them of it, as well as they could,
being prouided afore hande and iudging that some such
stratagems would be there vsed, the riuer being very fit
therefore. But (God be thanked) who was alwaies with vs
and our best defence in this voyage, by whose assistance we
performed this so great an attempt with so small forces,
our companie in the boats so played the men when they saw
the fires come neere our ships, that casting grapnels with
yron chaines on them, as euery boat had one for that pur-
pose, some they towed aground, and some they brought to
a bitter or anker, where they rode till all their force was
burned out, and so we were deliuered, by Gods helpe, from
this fearefuU danger. Within some 6 nights after this,
which might be about the 26 day after our comming in and
abode there, about 11 of the clocke at night, came driuing
downe other 3 great raftes burning with the hugest fires that
I haue scene. These were exceeding dangerous, for when
our men approched the, thinking to clap their gi'apnels vpon
them, as they had done vpon the carauels the night before,
FIRE SHIPS. 61
they were preuented : for there stooke out of the rafts
many poles which kept them from the body of the rafts,
that they could not come to throw their grapnels into the :
and yet they had this inconuenience worse then al the rest
which most troubled vs. There stooke out among the poles
certaine hollow trunks filled with such prouision of fire-
workes that they ceased not still (as the fire came downe to
those trunks to set the on fire) to spout out such sparkles,
that our boats hauing powder in them for our mens vse,
durst not for feare of frying theselues with their owne powder
come neerer those sparkles of the raftes, but seeing them to
driue neerer and neerer our ships, they wet certaine clothes
and laid vpon their flaskes and bandelers and so ventured
vpon them, and with their grapnels tooke holde of them,
and so towed them on ground, where they stooke fast and
were not burnt out the next day in the morning. Diuerse
logs and timbers came driuing along by our ships, and burn-
ing, but with our boats we easily defended them. And
thus (God be praised) we escaped the second fires. A third
firing was prepared, as a Negro gave vs to vnderstand, but
this we preuented by our departure. For this third firing
were very great preparations: and we were credibly informed
of certainetie, that this firing should be such as we should
neuer be able to preuent, and assuredly these fires be dan-
gerous things, and not to be prevented vpon a sudden, vnlesse
it be afore prepared for and foreseene. For when it commeth
vpon the sudden and vnlooked for, and unprouided for, it
bringeth men into a great amazement and at their wits end.
And, therefore, let all men riding in riuers in their enemies
countrey be sure to looke to be prouided before hand, for
against fire there is no resistance without preparation.
Also it is a practise in these hot countreys, where there
be such expert swimmers, to cut the cables of ships : and
one night it was practised to cut the admirals cable, and
yet the boate rode by the cable with two men in her to
52 AN IMPRUDENT ATTACK
watch all the night, and the buoy onely was cut, but not the
cable : but after that night, seeing then our good watch,
they neuer after attempted it.
While all these things passed, our ships (God be thanked)
thorow the industry of our gouernours, and diligent labour
of our men, began to be wholly laden, and all the best mai*-
chandize conueyed aboord our ships, so that our admirall
ment to depart that night, which was the 31 day after our
entrance, or else on the next day at the farthest, and so
warning was giuen to all men to make themselves readie.
Our admiral being aboord his ship y^ same morning, espyed
in the sands right against the place where the ships rode,
that there was a small bank of sand newly cast vp, vnder
which he perceiued now and then some people to be : pre-
sently he tooke his boat and went to the towne, and called
the captaines together, declaring that the enemies were
about some pretence right against the ships, consulting
whether it were best to sally out and see what they were
doing, or depart that euening according to the former de-
termination. The admirall was of opinion to depart that
night, saying it was but folly to seeke warres, since we had
no neede to doe it : other affirmed, it were good to see what
they did, least the winde might be contrarie and the ships
not got out, and so our enemies may build vpon vs to our
great disaduantage. 'Well/ said the admiral, 'the matter is
not great, for there can be no danger in this sally; for where
they worke it is within falkon-shot of the ships, and if any
power should come against you, the ships may play vpon
them with 40 peeces of ordinance at the least, so that a bird
cannot passe there but she must be slaine. I am somewhat
vnwilling you should go ; for I haue not bene well these
two dayes, and I am not strong to march vpon these heauie
sands :' they answered all at once, ' you shall not neede to
trouble your selfe for this seruice, for you see it is nothing
and of no danger, being so ueere the ships, doubt you not
UPON THE PORTUGUESE WORKS. 53
we will accomplish this seruice well ynough, and returne
againe within this houre/ The admirall answered : ' the
danger cannot be great, but yet you shall go out strong, for
feare of the worst/ And so the admirall marshalled them,
275 men, French and English, which wei'e vnder the con-
duct of Edmund Barker,- Captaine Barker of Plim mouth,
Viceadmirall to Captaine Venner, Captaine Addy, and the
three French captaines, all going out together, and they
were to march vpon a narrow peece of ground to the place
whether they were sent vnto : in the brodest place betwixt
the sea and the water on the other side, it is not aboue a
stone cast, for it is a bank of sand lying betweene the riuer
and the sea, so they needed not to feare any comming on
their backs or on their sides, and before them could no man
come, but he must passe by all the ships which no company
of men were able to do without present death. The admirall
commanded them at their departure to go no further then
the place he sent them to, and so he himselfe went aboord
the ships and made readie all the ordinance for feare of the
worst, not knowing what might insue, although he saw no
danger might follow. Thus we marched quietly till we
came to the place we were sent vnto, being right ouer
against the ships: out of which place came some dozen shot,
which seeing vs come, discharged and ran their wayes with
such as were working within the said platforme. So that
we came into it and perceiued they had begunne to lay
plankes to plant ordinance vpon. Our admirall commanded,
if there were any such thing, to burne the plankes and re-
turne in againe, which we might have done without hurting
of any man's finger : but our leaders were not content to
haue performed the seruice committed them in charge, but
would needes expresly and against their order march on
further to fight with certaino ensignes almost a mile off,
cleane out of the reach of the ordinance of all our ships, and
where lay the strength of the whole countrey. When our
54 DEPARTURE OP THE SHIPS.
men began to draw neere those ensigns of men, the ensignes
seemed to retire with great speed, which our men followed
with such great hast, that some outrunning other some,
our order was broken, and those ensignes retyred theselues
into the force of the whole countrey, so that our formost
men were in the midst of their enemies yer they were aware,
which were slaine yer the rest could come to succour them.
The enemies, incouraged by this, came also vpon the rest,
which presently began to retire, and the enemies followed
them til they came within the reach of the ordinance of our
ships, where they were beaten off and left their pursuit. In
this conflict were slaine Captain Barker, captaine of the
Salomon ; Captaine Cotton, y'^ admiral's Lieutenant ; Cap-
taine John Noyer, a French captaine of Diepe, and another
French captaine of Rochel, with M. John Barker and other,
to the number of 35 : for these were the foremost and hot-
test in the pursuit of the ensignes aforesaid, and by their
forwardnes came all to perish. At our returne into the
towne the admiral came to vs much bewayling the death of
so many good men as were lost, wondering what we menfc
to passe the exprese order that was giuen vs. With this
losse our men were much danted, but our admirall began
againe to encourage them, declaring that the fortune of
the warres was sometimes to win and sometimes to loose.
And therewithall he wished euery man to prepare and make
himselfe readie : for that night (God willing) he would de-
part. For all our ships were readie and laden, and he would
not stay any further fortune. The euening being come, the
ships began to wey and go forth of the harbour, and God
be thanked of his goodnesse toward vs who sent vs a faire
wind to go foorth withall, so that by 1 1 of the clocke in the
night, we were all forth in safety. The enemies perceiuing
our departing, planted a peece or two of ordinance, and
shot at vs in the night, but did vs no harme. We were at
our comming foorth J 5 sailos, that is, 3 sailes of Hollanders,
RESULTS OF THE ENTERPRISE. 55
the one of 450 tunneSj the other of 350 tunnes^ and the
third of 300 tunnes, foure sailes of French and one ship
which the admiral gave the French captaiue, 3 sailes of
Captain Venner's fleet of Plimmouthj and 4 sailes of our
admiral's fleete, all these were laden with marchandizes,
and that of good worth. We stayed in this harbour to
passe all this businesse but onely 31 dayes^ and in this time
we were occupied with skirmishes and attempts of the
enemie 11 times; in all which skirmishing we had the better,
only this last excepted. To God be the honour and praise
of all, &c. The whole fleete being out in safety, the next
day in the morning the admirall gave order to the whole
fleete to saile toward Peraniew, a harbour lying some 40
leagues to the northward of Feruambucke, and there to
take in fresh water and to refresh themselues : and to make
prouision for refreshing, our admirall had sent thither some
6 dales before two Frenchmen in a smal pinnesse, which
Frenchmen he had prouided fromDiepe before his comming
out of England for that purpose. For both these two spake
the Indian's language very perfectly : for at this port of
Peraniew and another called Potaju, some 6 leagues to the
northward, the Frenchmen haue had trade for brasil-wood,
and haue laden from thence by the Indians' meanes, who
have fet it for them some 20 leagues into the country vpon
their backs, 8 or 4 ships euery yere. Thus we all sailed to-
ward Peraniew, at which place we arriued in the night, so
that we were forced to lie off" and on with a stifle gale of
wind, in which we lost the most part of our fleete, and they
not knowing this coast put ofl" to the sea, and so went
directly for England. Our admirall and some 4 saile more
with him put into the harborow of Peraniew, and there
watered and refreshed himselfe very well, with hens, conies,
hares, and potatos, with other things, which the two French-
men had partly pi'ouided before his comming : this is a very
good harborow, where ships may ride and refresh very well.
56 SAFE RETURN TO BLACKWALL.
But^ as I am giuen to vnderstand since our comming from
thence, the Portugals haue attempted the place and doe in-
habite it, and haue put the French from their accustomed
trade. Here hauing watered and refreshed our selues, we
put to the sea, plying after the rest of our fleete which were
gone before, which we neuer heard of till our arriuall in
England at the Downes in the moneth of July, where we
vnderstood the rest of our consorts to be passed vp for
London, Captaine Venner and his fleete to be at Plimraouth,
and the French ships to be safe arriued at Diepe, which to
vs was very great comfort. At our setting sayle from the
Downes, according as the custorae is, finding the Queene's
ships there we saluted them with certaine ordinance. The
gunner being carlesse, as they are many times of their
powder, in discharging certaine pieces in y® gunner roome,
set a barrel of powder on fire, which tooke fire in y® gunner
roome, blew vp the admiral's caben, slew the gunner with
2 others outright, and hurt 20 more, of which 4 or 5 died.
This powder made such a smoke in the ship with the fire
that burnt in the gunner roome among all the fire workes,
that no man at the first wist what to doe : but recalling
back their feare they began to cast water into the gunner
roome in such abundance (for the Queene's ships now and
and also the other ships that were in our company came
presently to our helpe) that (God be praised) we put out the
fire and saued all, and no great harme was done to the
goods. By this may be scene that there is no sure safety
of things in this world. For now we made account to be
out of all danger, where behold a greater came upon vs
than we suffered all the whole voyage. But the Almightie
be praysed for ever, which deliuered vs out of this and many
other in this voyage. Our fire being well put out, and we
taking in fresh men (God be praysed), we came to Blacke-
wall in safety.
THE FIRST VOYAGE MADE TO EAST INDIA
MASTEK JAMES LANCASTER
(now kkight),
FOR THE MERCHANTS OF LONDON, ANNO 1600,
WITH FOURE TALL SHIPSj (tO WIT) THE HECTOR, THE ASCENSION,
AND SUSAN, AND A VICTUALLER CALLED THE GUEST.
§ I.
The preparation to this Voyage, and what befell them in the way till
they departed from Saldania.
The merchants of London, in the yeare of our Lord 1600,
ioyned together and made a stocke of seventie-two thousand
pounds, to bee imployed in ships and merchantdizes, for
the discovery of a trade in the East India, to bring into this
realme spices and other commodities. They bought foure
great ships to be imployed in this voyage : the Dragon, of
the burthen of six hundred tunne ; the Hector, of the
burthen of three hundred tunnes ; the Ascention, of the
burthen of two hundred and three score tunnes. These
ships they furnished with men, victuals, and munition for
twentie monethes, and sent in them, in merchandise and
Spanish money, to the value of seven and twentie thousand
pounds : all the i^est of their stocke was spent and consumed
about the shippes and other necessaries appertayning to
them, with money lent to the mariners and saylers before-
hand that went upon the voyage.
The inerchants were suters to her Maiestie, who gave
them her friendly letters of commendation^ written to divers
58 THE FLEET IN THE DOWNS.
princes of India, offering to enter into a league of peace
and amitie with them, the copies of which letters shall here-
after appeare in their places. And because no great action
can be well carryed and accomplished without an absolute
authoritie of justice, shee granted to the generall of their
fleet. Master James Lancaster, for his better command and
gouvernment, a commission of martiall law.
The said Master James Lancaster the generall was placed
in the Dragon, the greatest shippe, being admirall ; Master
John Middleton captaine in the Hector, the vice-admirall ;
Master William Brand chiefe gouvernour in the Ascention ;
and Master John Heyward in the Susan ; and more in every
of the said ships ; three merchants to succeed one the other,
if any of them should be taken away by death.
These ships were readie and departed from WoUvich
in the River of Thames, the thirteenth of February after
the English accompt, 1600, with foure hundred and foure-
score men in them : In the Dragon, two hundred and two
men j in the Hector, an hundred and eight ; in the Ascen-
tion, fourescore and two : and in the Susan, fourescore and
eight. The Guest, a ship of a hundred and thirtie tunnes,
was added as a victualler. These ships stayed so long in
the River of Thames, and in the Downes for want of wind,^
i The following letter from Captain Lancaster, written at the Downs
before reaching Plymouth, is preserved in the British Museum {Add.
MSS., 1873, fol. 63).
" Mr. Skynner, my very hartye commendatyons, etc. I dyd, in my
last letter I rote you, make acompt not to haue trobled you this yere or
too, but the contrraye winds haith so sterd me vppon this cost of Eng-
lande, that I cannot prosede vppon this Est Indea vyage w'^'' I have
vndertaken, as yt, but here abyde attendant at Gods plesure, to prosede
when wynde & wether shall permyt, vf"^ vyagc God graunt mayc be to
his glorye, & the benefyt of ou' countre and common welth. S"", accord-
inge to yo"" accostomed order, I praye you pase to the brynger hereof,
Mr. John or Mr. Josef e Jacson, yo'' warraunt for the twelfe pounds
tenne shillings, dwe to me out of her Majestyes excheker at o\v Ladye
Daye last past ; for ether of tlics ii men liaue poure by a lettc" of atoruey
VOYAGE TO GRAN CANARIA. 59
that it was Easter-day before they arrived at Dartmouth,
where the}' spent five or sixe dayes in taking in their bread
and certaine other provisions appointed for them. From
thence they departed the eighteenth of April 1601, and
road in Tor Bay till the twentieth in the morning. While
wee roade there, the generall sent aboord all the shippes
instructions for their better company keeping, at their
comming to the seas ; and further gave directions, if any of
the fleet should bee separated the one from the other by
stormes of wind, tempests, or other casualties, what places^
to repair unto for their meeting together again. The second
of Aprillj 1601, the wind came faire and we hoysed our
anchors, and departed out of Tor Bay, directing our course
towards the Hands of Canaria. The wind holding faire, the
fift of May in the morning we had a sight of Alegranza, the
northermost iland of the Canarias, and directed our course
betweene Forteventura and the Grand Canaria ; and com-
ing to the south part of the Grand Canaria, thinking to
water there, wee fell into the calmes, which proceed by
reason of the high-land that lyeth so neere the sea-side.
The seventh of May, about three of the clocke in the
afternoone, we departed from the Grand Canaria, having
from me, for the resete of soche rentes and dettes as are dwe to me in
my absence.
Thus hopinge, accordinge to yC acostomed kyndnese you will acom-
plysh my request herein, I compt you to the protectyoue of the all-
luyghttye, who sende you his blessinge : and me his grase to serue him
in this my pretended vyage. Ffrom the Dowens, abord the Red Dragon,
this fyrst Apryell, 1601."
Yo*" worshipes to
"vse James Lancaster."
" To the worshipfull Mr.
Skynner, of her Magestyes
Excheker dd' this—"
' These places were the Calmes of Canarie, and if weakness permitted
not to double the Cape, Saldunia, the third Cape Saint Roman in
^Madagasgar, to Cirne, and so to Sumatra, their first place of trade.
May the fift.
60 CAPTURE OF A PORTUGALL SHIP.
the wind at north-east, and we directed our course south-
west by south and south south-west till we came into
21 1 degrees. From the eleventh to the twentieth, our
course was for the most part south, till we came into eight
degrees, the wind being alwayes northerly and north-east.
In this height we found the calmes and contrarie winds,
which upon this coast of Ginney, at this time of the yeare,
are very familiar with many sudden gustes of wind, stormes,
thunder and lightening, very fearefull to be seene and
dangerous to the shippes, unless a diligent care be had that
all sayles be stricken downe upon the sudden, perceiving
the ayre never so little to change pr alter. And yet many
times, although the masters of ships were carefull, and
looked unto it with great diligence, the suddennesse was
such that it could hardly be prevented. From the twentieth
of May till the one and twentieth of June wee lay the most
part becalmed, and with contrarie winds at south ; and
turning up and downe with this contrary wind, with much
adoe we got into two degrees of the north side of the line,
where wee espyed a ship, to the which the generall gave
chase, commanding all the rest of the ships to follow him,
and by two of the clocke in the afternoone, we had set her
up and tooke her. She was of the citie of Viana in Portu-
gall, and came from Lisbone in the companie of two
carrackes and three gallions bound for the East India, which
ships she had lost at sea. The three gallions were ships of
warre, and went to keep the coast of the East India from
being traded with other nations.
We tooke out of her an hundred sixe and fortie buts of
wine, an hundred threescore and sixteene jarres of oyle,
twelve barrels of oyle, and five and fiftie hogsheads and fats
of meale, which was a great help to us in the whole voyage
after. The generall divided these victualls indifi'erently to
all the ships, to every one his proportion without partialitie.
The last of June, about midnight, we doubled the Line,
SICKNESS IN THE SHIPS. 61
and lost sight of the north star, having the wind at south-
east, and we held our course south south-west, and doubled
the Cape of Saint Augustine some sixe and twentie leagues
to the eastwards. The twentieth of July we were shot into
nineteen degrees, fortie minutes to the southward of the
Line, the wind inlarging daily to the eastward. Here
wee discharged the Guest, the ship that went along
with us to carry the provisions that our foure ships could not
take in in England. After we had discharged her, we took
her masts, sayles and yards, and broke downe her higher
buildings for lire-wood, and so left her floting in the sea,
and followed our course to the southward. The foure and
twentieth of July we passed the tropic of Capricorne, the
wind being north-east by north, we holding our course east
south-east. Now, by reason of our long being under the
Line (which proceeded of our late comming out of England,
for the time of the yeare was too farre spent by six or seven
weekes to make a quicke navigation) many of our men fell
sicke. Therefore, the nine and twentieth of July, being in
285 degrees, hee wrote a remembrance to the gouernour of
each ship, either to fetch Saldania or Saint Helena for
refreshing.
Thus following on our course, the first of August we came
into the height of thirtie degrees south of the line, at which
time we met the south-west wind, to the great comfort of
all our people. For, by this time, very many of our men
were fallen sicke of the scurvy in all our ships, and unless
it were in the generaPs ship only, the other three were so
weake of men that they could hardly handle the sayles.
This wind held faire till wee came within two hundred and
fiftie leagues of the Cape Buena Esperanza, and then came
cleane contrarie against us to the east, and so held some
fifteene or sixteene dayes, to the great discomfort of our
men. For now the few whole men we had beganne also to
fall sicke, so that our weaknesse of men was so great that
62 ARRIVE AT SALDANHA BAY,
in some of the ships the merchants took their turnes at the
helme, and went into the top to take in the top sayles, as
the common mariners did. But God (who sheweth mercy
in all distresses) sent vs a faire wind againe, so that the
ninth of September wee came to Saldania/ where the
generall before the rest bare in^ and came to an anchor, and
hoysed out his boats to helpe the reste of the ships. For
now the state of the other three was such that they were
hardly able to let fall an anchor, to save themselves withall.
The generall went aboord of them, and carried store of men,
and hoysed out their boats for them, which they were not
able to doe of themselves. And the reason why the gene-
rals men stood better in health than the men of other ships
was this: he brought to sea with him certaine bottles of
the juice of limons, which he gave to each one as long as it
would last, three spoonfuls every morning fasting, not suf-
fering them to eate anything after it till noone. This juice
worketh much the better if the partie keepe a short dyet,
and wholly refraine salt meat, which salt meat and long
being at the sea is the only cause of the breeding of this
disease. By this meanes the generall cured many of his
men, and preserved the rest, so that in his ship (having the
double of men that was in the rest of the ships) he had not
so many sicke, nor lost so many men as they did, which was
the mercie of God to vs all. After the generall had holpen
the rest of the ships to hoys out their boats they began all
to be greatly comforted. Then he himselfe went presently
a-land to seeke some refreshing for our sicke and weake
men, where hee met with certaine of the countrey people,
and gave them diuers trifles, as knives and peeces of old iron
• See page 3 (».). The Saldanha Bay of modern geographers is a
misnomer. The Saldaulia Bay of De Barros and the early English and
Dutch Navigators, is our Table Bay. Sir Henry INIiddletoii's fleet also
put in here in 1604. (See note by Mr. Bolton Corney at page 7 of the
Voyage of Sir H. Middleton.)
REFRESHMENT AT SALDANHA BAY. 63
and such like, and made signes to them to bring him downe
sheepe and oxen. For he spake to them in the cattels
language, which was never changed at the confusion of
Babell, which was "moath'^ for oxen and kine, and ''baa^^ for
sheepe, which language the people vnderstood very well
without any interpreter. After he had sent the people
away very well contented with their presents, and kind
vsage, order was presently given that certaine of every ships
companie should bring their sayles a-land, and build tents
with them for their sicke men ; and also to make fortifica-
tions of defence, if by any occasion the people should take
any conceit of offence against vs, and thereby offer vs any
violence.
And the generall prescribed an order for buying and
selling with the people, which was, that at such times as
they should come downe with the cattell, only five or six
men, appointed for that purpose, should goe to deale with
them, and the rest (which should neuer bee vnder thirtie
muskets and pikes) should not come neere the market, by
eight or ten score at the nearest ; and alwayes to stand in
their ranke in a readiness, with their muskets in their rests,
what occasion soeuer should befall. And this order was
most strictly obserued and kept, that no man durst once goe
to speake with any of the people without speciall leaue, and
I take this to be the cause why we lined in so great friend-
ship and amitie with them, contrary to that which lately
had befallen the Hollanders, which had fine or six of their
men slaine by their treacherie.
The third day after our comming into this Bay of Sal-
dania, the people brought downe beefes and muttons, which
we bought of them for pieces of old iron hoopes, as two
pieces of eight inches a piece for an oxe, and one piece of
eight inches for a sheepe, with which they seemed to be
well contented. Within ten or twelve dayes we bought of
them a thousand sheepe and two and fortie oxen, and might
64 REFRESHING AT SALDANIIA BAY.
have bought many more if wee would. Now, within twelve
days they ceased to bring us any more cattell^ but the
people many times came downe to vs afterward^ and when
we made them signes for more sheepe, they would point vs
to those wee had bought^ which the generall caused to be
kept grazing vpon the hilles about our tents, and was the
cause (as we iudged) they thought we would have inhabited
there, and therefore brought vs no more. But (God be
thanked) we were well stored to satisfie our need, and might
then very well forbeare buying. These oxen are full as
bigge as ours, and were very fat, and the sheepe many of
them much bigger, but of a very hairie wooll, yet of exceed-
ing good flesh, fat and sweet, and, to our thinking, much
better than our sheepe in England. The people of this
place are all of a tawnie colour, of a reasonable stature, swift
of foot, and much giuen to picke and steale ; their speech
is wholly uttered through the throate, and they clocke with
their tongues in such sort, that in seven weekes which we
remained heere in this place, the sharpest wit among us
could not learne one word of their language ; and yet the
people would soone vnderstand any signe we made to
them.
While wee stayed heere in this bay, wee had so royal!
refreshing that all our men recouered their health and
strength, onely foure or fiue excepted. But before our
cotnming in, and in this place, wee lost out of all our ships
one hundred and fiue men, and yet wee made account we
were stronger at our departure out of this bay then wee
were at our comming out of England, our men were so
well inured to the southerne climates.
DOUBLE THE CAPE OF BUENA ESPERAN^A. 65
§11.
Their departure from Saldania, and proceeding in their Voyage to
Achen in Sumatra, with their trading at Saint Maries, Antongil,
Nicubar : the strange plant of Sombrero, and other occurrents.
The foure and twentieth of October, the general! caused
all our tents to be taken downe and our men to repair
aboord the ships ; and being fitted both of wood and fresh
water, the nine and twentieth of October, wee put to sea,
and went out by a small iland^ that lieth in the mouth of the
said bay, which is exceeding full of scales and pengwines,
so that if there were no other refreshing, one might very
well refresh there. Oaer the Bay of Saldania standeth a
very high hill, flat like a table, and is called the Table f
such another plaine marke to find an harbour in is not in
all that coast, for it is easie to be scene seuenteen or eighteen
leagues into the Sea. Sunday, the first of Nouember, in
the morning, we doubled the Cape of Buena Esperanca,
hauing the wind west north west a great gale.
The sixe and twentieth of Nouember wee fell with the
head-land of the Hand of Saint Laurence,^ somewhat to the
east of Cape Sebastian, and being within five miles of the
shoare, we sounded, and found twenty fine fathome ; the
variation of the compasse being little more or lesse sixteen
degrees.* For in an east and west course the variation of
the compasse helpeth much, and especially in this voyage.
From the sixe and twentieth of Nouember till the fif-
teenth of December wee plyed to the eastwai'd, the neerest
our course wee could lie, always striuing to haue gotten to
the Hand of Cirne, which in some cardes is called Dieo'o
' See Bolton Corney's Voyage of Sir H. Middleton, page 9. This
island is seven miles N.N.W. of Cape Town, and now appears on our
charts as Robben Island (from the Dutch roh, a seal).
2 The Table Mountain. ^ Madagascar.
* At Mauritius the variation of the compass was 11° 42' W. in 1805,
16° 40' W. in 181.3, IT 18' W. in 18.36, and 9° 45' W. in 1858.
66 AT ANTONGIL, IN MADAGASCAR.
Rodriques, bvit wee found the wind alwaies, after our com-
ming to the Hand of Saint Laurence, at east and east south-
east and east north-east, so that we could not obtaine it :
and to strive long in hope of change of windes wee could
not, for now our men began againe to fall sicke of the scuruy.
Then the captaine of the Vice-amirall call ed to the general!
and thought it best to beare into the Bay of Antongil, and
there to refresh our men with oranges and limons, to cleere
our selves of this disease, which was by him and the whole
counsell called for that purpose well approoued.
The seuenteenth of December, wee had sight of the
southermost part of the Hand of Saint Mary,^ and the next
day wee anchored betweene Saint Mary and the great Hand
of Saint Laurence, and sent our boats aland to Saint Mary,
where wee had some store of limons and oranges, which
were precious for our diseased men, to purge their bodies
of the scuruy. Now, as we roade heere, buying oranges
and limons, there arose vpon vs a very great storme, so
that three of our ships were put from their anchres : but
within some sixteen houres the storme ceased, and the ships
returned and Aveighed their anchors againe. The generall
thought it not good to make any longer stay there, seeing
the uncertaintie of the weather, and that there was vpon
this iland so little refreshing to be had, only these oranges
and limons, a little goates milke, and some small quantitie
of rice ; we saw only one cow, and that they draue away
as soone as they saw vs come on land. Seeing this place so
dangerous to ride in, the generall gaue present order to
sayle toward the Bay of Antongil,- the time of the yeere
' St. Mary Island, off the east coast of Madagascar, is in lat. 17° 7'S.,
long. 49° 52' E. It is called by the natives Nossi Ibrahim. It is a long
narrow island, covered with trees, and lies parallel to the coast. The
narrowest part of the channel between St. Mary and Madagascar is four
miles wide.
2 Antongil Bay, on the east coast of INIadagascar, is named after
Antonio Gil, its Portuguese discoverer. The entrance is eleven leagues
to the iiortli of St. M;uy IsliUKl.
AT ANTONGILj IN MADAGASCAR. 67
being spent, the easterly winds come against vs, and our
men sicke.
This Hand of S, Mary is high land, and full of woods ;
the people are blacke, very handsome and tall men, and of
cui'led haire, onely before in their foreheads they stroke it
up, as the women do here in England, so that it standeth
some three inches vpright. They are wholly without apparell,
onely their priuy parts couered ; they are very tractable to
conuerse withall, yet seeme to be very valiant. The most of
their food is rice, and some fish ; yet at our being there,
wee could buy but small store of rice, for the time of their
store was farre spent and their harvest was at hand. There
are two or three watering places on the north part of this
iland, but none of them very commodious ; yet with some
trauell there is water enough to be had.
The twentie-third of December we departed from this
Hand of S. Mar}^, and the twentie-fift being Christmas day,
we came into the Baye of Antongil, and came to an anchor
in eight fatham water, betweene a small iland and the mayne,
lying in the bottome of the baye, a very good and a safe
roade. But the best riding is neerest vnder a small iland,
for the defence of the winde that bloweth there ; for while
we abode in this ba3^e, there blew an exceeding great storme,
and those of our shippes that road neerest the small island,
beeing vnder the wind, sped best, for two of our ships
droue with three anchors ahead, the ground being ozy and
not firme. At our going a land in the little iland we per-
ceiued, by writing vpon the rockes, of five Holland ships
which had beene there, and were departed about two monethes
before our comming in, and had had some sicknesse among
their men, and had lost (as we perceiued) betweene one
hundred and fiftie and two hundred men while they roade
in that place.
The next day after our comming to an anchor, we went
a land to the mayne iland, where the people presently re-
68 AT ANTONGIL, IN MADAGASCAR.
paired to vs^ and made vs signes of the five Holland sliips
departed, and that they had bought the most part of
their prouision. Yet they entred into barter with vs for
rice and hennes, oranges and limons, and another fruit
called plantans, and held all at high rates, and brought but
a pedlars quantitie. Our market was neere to a great riuer,
into which we went with our boats, and some men that
were appointed to be buyers went ashore : the rest re-
mained in the boates, alwaies readie with their weapons in
their hands, and the boates some fifteene or twentie yardes
oflf into the water, where the people could not wade to them,
and were readie at all times (if they a shore had had any
need) to take them in. So we trifled off some dales before
(as aforesaid) we could bring them to any reall trade, for all
these people of the south and east parts are very subtill and
craftie in their bartering, buying, and selling, that unless
you hold a neere hand with them, you shall hardly bring
them to trade in any plaine sort. For they would sift you
continually to giue a little more, and then no man will sell
without that price; so that you must not inlarge to any
one more than another, for in so doing all will have that
price or none. The generall seeing this, commanded measures
to be made of (almost) a quart, and appointed how many
glasse beades should be giuen for euery measure, and that
he that would not deale in this manner should not deale at
all. The like order was set downe for oranges, limons, and
plantans, how many for euery beade, or else not. Our
merchants, after a little holding off, consented, and our deal-
ino- was francke and round, without any contradiction or
words. So that while we abode heere, we bought 15^
tunnes of rice, fortie or fiftie bushels of their pease and
beaues, great store of oranges, limons, and plantans, and
eight beeues, with many hennes. While we roade in this
baye, we reared a pinnace, which we brought in pieces in
our shippes out of England, and cut downe trees, of which
SICKNESS AiMONQ THE CREWS. 69
there were verj-- great^ and gi-eat store, whicli trees we sawed
out in boordes, and sheathed her. This pinnace was of
some eighteene tunnes, and very necessary, and fit to goe
before our shippes at our comming into India. In the time
we stayed heere, there died out of the generalls shippe the
masters mate, the preacher, and the surgeon, with some
tenne other common men. And out of the Vice-admirall
there died the master, with some other two. And out of
the Ascention, by a very great mischance, were slaine the
captaine and the boatswaines mate. For, as the masters
mate out of the generalls shippe was carried a land to be
buried, the captaine of the Ascention tooke his boate to goe
a land to his buriall ; and as it is the order of the sea to
shoote off certaine peeces of ordnance at the buriall of any
ofiicer, the gunner of the ordnance shotte oflf three peeces,
and, the bullets being in them, one stroke the Ascentions
boate, and slue the captaine and the boatswaines mate starke
dead, so that they that went to see the buriall of another
were both buried there themselues. Those that died heere,
died most of the flux, which (in our opinion) came with the
waters which we drunke, for it was the time of winter, when
it rained very much, which caused great flouds to ouerflowe
the countrie, so that the waters were not wholsome, as in
most places in these hot countries they are not in the time
of their raines. This disease also of the flux is often taken
by going open and cold in the stomacke, which our men
would often doe when they were hot.
We set saile out of this baye the sixth of March, and held
our course toward India, and the sixteenth we fell with
an iland called Rogue-Pize,^ which lyeth in 10^ degrees to
the south of the equinoctiall line. To this iland the generall
» Roquepez, a low sandy island, said to be in 6° 24' S. and 60° 4' E. ;
but its existence has been doubted, and Captain Taylor suggests that
one of Her Majesty's steamers should settle the question of the position
of this and other doubtful dangers. {India Directory^ 1874, p. 636.)
70 AMONG THE CHAGOS ISLANDS.
sent his boate, to see whether there were any safe riding
for the shippes, but the boate (for the most part) found deepe
water, where the shippes could not safely ride. As we
coasted along this Hand, it seemed very faire and pleasant,
exceeding full of foule and coco nut-trees ; and there came
from the land such a pleasant smell as if it had beene a
garden of flowers. And surely, if there be any good riding
for shippes in this iland, it must needes be a place of very
great refreshing. For as our boates went neere the land,
they saw great store of fish, and the foules came wondering
about them in such sort, that with the oares, wherewith the
mariners rowed, they killed many which were the fattest
and the best that we tasted all the voyage. And of these
there was such exceeding great abundance, that many more
shippes then we had with vs might have refreshed them-
selues therewith.
The thirtieth of March, 1 602, being in sixe degrees to
the South of the Line, wee happened vpon a ledge of rockes,
and looking ouer-boord, and seeing them vnder the shippe
about fine fathome deepe, it much amazed vs, falling vpon
them sudden and vnexpected. Then as wee were presently
casting about the ship, wee found eight fathome, and so
held on our course east. One of our men being in the top,
saw an iland south-east of vs, some fiue or sixe leagues ofl'
being but low land ; this we judged to be the Iland of
Cardu,' although in our course we could not (by computa-
tion) find ourselues so farre shot to the eastward. Bearing
on our course some thirteene or fourteene leagues, we fell
upon another flat of rockes. Then wee cast about the
southward, and sayling some twelue leagues, found other
rockes ; so that proving divers wayes, wee found flats of
» One of the Maldive group, which extends from 1° 6' N. to 0" 42' S.
But Lancaster must have been among the Chagos islands and banks,
extending from T 29' S. to 4' 44' S. They were minutely surveyed by
Captain Moresby in 1837.
AT THE NICUBAR ISLAND. 71
rockes round about us ; and twentie and thirtie, and in
some places, forty and fiftie fathome water in the middest
of the flats. Here we were for two dayes and an halfe in
exceeding danger, and could find no way to get out. But
at last wee resolued to seeke to the northward, and in sixe
degrees, fortie-three minutes (God bee thanked) wee found
sixe fathome water ; the pinnasse alwayes going before vs,
and sounding, with commandement to make signes what
depth she had, that thereby we might follow her. Thus
(thankes be to God) being deliuered out of this pound, we
followed our course with variable windes, till the ninth of
May, about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, at which
time we had sight of the Hands of Nicubar, and bare in and
anchored on the north side of the channell. But the wind
changing to the south-west, wee were forced to hoyse our
anchors, and to beare ouer to the south side of the channell :
and so come to an anchor vnder a small iland that lyeth on the
said shore. Here wee had fresh water and some coco nuts,
other refreshing wee had little. Yet the people came
aboord our shippes in long canoas, which would hold
twentie men and aboue in one of them, and brought
gummes to sell instead of amber, and therewithal deceiued
diners of our men ; for these people of the east are wholly
giuen to deceit. They brought also hennes and coco nuts
to sell, but held them very deare : so that we bought few of
them. We stayed here ten dayes, placing of our ordnance
and trimming of our ships, because we would be in all
readinesse at our arrivall, at our first port, which we were
not (now) farre from.
The twentieth of Aprill, in the morning, we set saile to
goe toward Sumatra, but the wind blew so hard at south
south-west, and the currant was against vs, that we could
not proceed ; but beating vp and downe, our ships fell into
two leakes, so that wee we*e forced to goe to the Iland of
72 NICUBAR ISLANDS.
Sombrero,^ some ten or twelve leagues to the northward of
Nicubar. Heere we in the Admirall lost an anchor, for the
ground is foule, and groweth full of counterfeit corrall and
some rockes, which cut our cable asunder, so that we could
not recouer our anchor.
The people of these ilands goe naked, hauing only the
priuities bound up in a peece of linnen cloath, which
commeth about their middles like a girdle, and so between
their twist. They are all" of a tauny colour, and annoint
their faces with diuers colours ; they are well limmed, but
very fearefull ; for none of them would come aboord our
shippes, or enter into our boates. The generall reported
that he had seen some of their priests or sacrificers, all ap-
parelled, but close to their bodies, as if they had beene
sewed in it; and upon their heads a paire of homes turning
backward, with their faces painted greene, blacke, and
yellow, and their homes also painted with the same colour.
And behind them, vpon their buttocks, a taile hanging
downe, very much like the manner, as in some painted
cloathes, we paint the diuell in our countrey. He demaund-
ing wherefore they went in that attire, answer was made
him, that in such forme the diuell appeared to them
in their sacrifices ; and therefore, the priests, his seruants,
were so apparelled. In this iland grow trees, which for
their talness, greatnesse, and straightuesse, will serue the
biggest shippe in all our fleete for a omiue mast : and this
iland is full of those trees.
Heere, likewise, we found vpon the sands, by the sea-
side, a small twigge growing vp to a young tree, and offer-
ing to plucke vp the same, it shrunke downe into the
ground, and sinketh, unlesse you hold very hard. And
being plucked vp, a great worme is the roote of it : and
looke how the tree groweth in greatnesse, the wormo
' The Sonibroiro Channel separates Nancowry from little Nicobar.
Lancaster's Sombrero Island must be Nancowry.
A STEANGE TREE. 73
ditninislieth. Now as soone as the worme is wliolly turned
into the tree, it rooteth in the ground, and so groweth to
be great. This transformation was one of the strangest
wonders that I saw in all my trauailes. For this tree
being plucked vp little, the leaues stripped oflf, and the pill,
by that time it was dry, turned into an hard stone, much like
to white corrall ; so that this worme was twice transformed
into different natures: of these we gathered, and brought
home many.^
' Mr. Homf ray, the officer in charge of the Nicobar Islands, informs me
that the curious animal, described in the text, is common at the Nicobar
Andaman Islands. It is found in the sand between high and low water
mark, and is, he thinks, one of the coralliferous polyps (Virgularia
mirahilis). It protrudes from its hole as the tide rises, disappearing
almost completely when it falls, or on being touched, unless it is clutched
very firmly. With much perseverance, it is dug out of the ground while
being held by one hand, during which operation it sustains some injury.
The so-called leaves break off, owing to the animal having constantly to
seek shelter below the sand ; and are supposed to be really seaweed or
fungus parasites. Out of fifty specimens collected for Mr. Homfray,
only four had leaves.
Mr. Warneford, the Chaplain at Port Blair (Andaman Islands),
tells me that they are found in great variety, sometimes in sand,
but more frequently in mud. Some of them, at the top or part
projecting above the surface, do branch out just like a small tree.
They vary in colour, in length, and in shape. Mr. Warneford has
some specimens in spirits, and numbers of dried ones, white, mauve,
and yellow. Some are rough, some smooth ; and Mr. Warneford
says that the description in the text is true, though rather enlarged.
When pulled up, they have a large fleshy bottom, which is really the
intestines of the animal, not a separate worm. They have the power of
drawing themselves down into the mud when touched.
74 ARRIVAL AT ACHIN.
§ III.
Their entertainment and trade at Achem.^
The nine and twentieth of May, we set saile from this
iland of Sombrero, and the second of June^ we had sight of
the land of Sumatra, and the fifth of June we came to
anchor in the Roade of Achem, some two miles off the citie.
Here we found sixteene or eighteene saile of shippes of
diners nations, Goserats, some of Bengala, some of Calicut,
called Malabares, some Pegues, and some Patanyes, which
came to trade there.
There came aboord of us two Holland merchants which
had beene left there behind their shippes, to learn the
language and manners of the country. These told vs, we
should be very welcome to the king, who was desirous to
intertaine strangers; and that the Queene of England was
very famous in those parts, by reason of the warres and
great victories which she had gotten against the king of
Spaine. The same day the generall sent Captaine John
Middleton, captaine of the Vice- Admirall, with foure or fine
gentlemen to attend vpon him, to the King, to declare vnto
him that he was sent from the generall of those shippes,
who had a message and a letter from the most famous Queene
of England, to the most worthy King of Achem and Sumatra.^
* The name is properly Acheh. The Portuguese turned it into Achem,
and the English call it Achin, the Dutch Afjin. Colonel Yule suggests
that we got our form of the word from the Arabs, who have Achin. It
is so written in the Ain Akhari and in the geographical tables of Siidik
Isfahani. (See Geographical Magazine, Aug. 1873, p. 175.)
2 A.D. 1602.
3 The name of the King of Achin was then Ala-uddin Shah, a usurper
who, in 1585, had murdered the former Jiings, INIansur Shah, and his
family. Alauddin is said to have been originally a fisherman, whose
courage and prudence raised him to the position of commander of the
forces. He died in 1604, at the age of 95; and was succeeded by his
.son Ali Magliayat Shah.
RECEPTION BY THE KING. 7o
And that it would please liis royall maiesty to giue to the
said messenger audience to deliuer his message and letter,
with a sufficient warrant for the safety of him and his
people, according to the law of nations, holden in that be-
halfe. This messenger was very kindly entertained by the
king, who when he had deliuered his message, gladly
granted his request, and communed with him about many
questions : and after caused a royall banquet to be made
him. And at his departure gaue a robe and a tucke of
calico wrought with gold, which is the manner of the kings
of this place to those he will grace with his speciall favour.
And withall sent his commendations to the generall, willing
him to stay one day aboord his ships, to rest himselfe after
his comming from the disquiet seas, and the next day to
come a land, and haue kind audience and franke leaue, with
as great assurance as if he were in the kingdome of the
Queene his mistris. And if he doubted of anything of this
his royall word, such honourable pledges should be sent
him for his further assurance as he should rest very well
satisfied therewith.
The third day, the generall went a land very well accom-
panied, with some thirtie men or more to attend upon him,
and first at his landing the Holland merchants met him, and
carried him home to their house, as it was appointed. For
as yet, the generall would make choyce of no house of his
owne, till he had spoken with the king, but stayed at the
Hollanders house, till a noble man came from the king, who
saluted the generall very kindly, and declared that he came
from his Maiestie, and represented his person. Then he
demaunded the queenes letter of the generall, which he
refused to deliuer; saying, he would deliuer it to the king
himself For it was the order of embassadours, in those
parts of the world from whence he came, to deliuer their
letters to the princes owne hands, and not to any that did
represent the kings person. So he demaunded to see the
76 Lancaster's reception at achin.
superscription^ which the generall shewed him^ and he read
the same, and looked very earnestly upon the seale, tooke a
note of the superscription, and did likewise write her
maiesties name ; and then, with courtesie tooke his leaue,
and repaired to the court to tell the king what had passed.
Who presently sent sixe great elephants, with many trumpets,
drums and sti'eaniers, with much people to accompany the
generall to the court, so that the presse was exceeding
great. The biggest of these elephants was about thirteene
or fourteene foote high, which had a small castle, like a
coach upon his back, couered with crimson veluet. In the
middle thereof was a great bason of gold, and a peece of
silke exceeding richly wrought to couer it, vnder which her
Maiesties letter was put. The generall was mounted vpon
another of the elephants; some of his attendants rode, others
went a foote. But when he came to the court gate, there a
nobleman stayed the generall, till he had gone in to know
the kings further pleasure. But presently the said noble-
man returned, and willed the generall to enter in. And
when the generall came to the kings presence, he made his
obeysance after the manner of the country, declaring that
hee was sent from the most mightie Queene of England to
congratulate with his highnesse and treat with him concern-
ing a peace and amitie with his Maiestie, if it pleased him to
entertaine the same. And therewithall began to enter into
further discourse, which the king brake off, saying: I am
sure you are weary of the long trauaile you haue taken, I
would haue you sit downe and refresh your selfe. You are
very welcome, and heere you shall haue whatsoeuer you will
in any reasonable conditions demaund for your princesse
sake, for she is worthy of all kindnesse and franke con-
ditions, being a princesse of great noblenesse, for fame
speaketh so much of her. The genei-all perceiuing the
kings mind, deliuered him the queenes letter, which he
willingly received, and deliuered the same to a noble man
Lancaster's reception at achin. 77
standing by him. Then the generall proceeded to deliuer
him his present, which was a bason of siluer, with a foun-
taine in the middest of it, weighing two hundred and fine
ounces, a great standing cup of siluer, a rich looking-glasse,
and head-piece with a plume of feathers, a case of very faire
daggers, a rich wrought embroidei'ed belt to hang a sword
in, and a fan of feathers. All these wei'e receiued in the
kings presence by a nobleman of the court ; onely he tooke
into his owne hand the fanne of feathers, and caused one of
his women to fanne him therewithal!, as a thing that most
pleased him of all the rest. The generall was commanded
to sit downe in the kings presence, as the manner is, vpon
the ground ; where was a very great banquet prouided. All
the dishes, in which the meate was serued in, were either
of pure gold, or of another mettall, which (among them) is
of great estimation, called tambaycke, which groweth of
gold and brasse together. In this banquet, the king, (as he
sate aloft in a gallery, about a fathome from the ground)
dranke oft to the generall in their wine, which they call
racke. This wine is made of rice, and is as strong as any
of our aquauita : a little will serue to bring one asleepe.
The generall, after the first draught, dranke either water
mingled therewithall, or pure water ; the king gaue him
leaue so to do, for the generall craued his pardon, as not
able to drinke so strong drinke. After this feast was
done, the king caused his damosels to come forth and dance,
and his women to play musicke vnto them ; and these women
were richly attired, and adorned with bracelets and jewels ;
and this they account a great fauour, for these are not
vsually seene of any but such as the king will greatly honour.
The king also gaue vnto the generall a fine white robe of
calico, richly wrought with gold, and a very faire girdle of
Turkey worke, and two cresses, which are a kind of daggers,
all which a noble man put on in the kings presence ; and in
this manner ho was dismissed the court, with very great
78 QUEEN Elizabeth's letter
curtesies, and ore sent along with him to make choyce of an
house in the citie^ where the generall thought most meete.
But, at this time, he refused this kindnesse, and rather
chose to goe aboord his ships ; and left the king to con-
sider of the queenes letter, the tenor whereof hereafter
followeth :
" Elizaheth hy the Grace of God, Queene of England, France,
and Ireland {Defendresse of the Christian Faith and
Religion.)
"To the great and mightie King of Achem, S)'c., in the Island
of Sumatra, our louing Brother, greeting.
" The eternall God, of his diuine knowledge and proui-
dence, hath so disposed His blessings and good things of
His creation for the use and nourishment of mankind, in
such sort : that notwithstanding they growe in diuers king-
domes and regions of the world, yet, by the industrie of
man (stirred up by the inspiration of the said omnipotent
Creator) they are dispersed into the most remote places of
the universall world ; to the end, that euen therein may
appeare unto all nations His maruellous workes. He hauing
so ordained that the one land may haue need of the other ;
and thereby, not only breed intercourse and exchange of
their merchandise and fruits, which doe so superabound in
some countries and want in others, but also ingender loue
and friendship betwixt all men, a thing naturally diuine.
" Whereunto wee hauing respect (right noble king), and
also to the honorable and truly royall fame, which hath
hither stretched of your Highnesse humane and noble usage
of strangers, which repaire into that your kingdome, in love
and peace, in the trade of merchandise, paying your due
customes. Wee haue beene mooued to giue licence unto
these our subiects, who with commendable and good de-
sires, saile to visite that your kingdome : Notwithstanding
the dangers and miseries of the sea, naturall to such a
TO THE KING OF ACHIN. 1^
voyage, which (by the grace of God), they will make, beeing
the greatest that is to be made in the world : and to present
trafficke unto your subiects. Which their offer, if it shall
bee accepted by your Highnesse, with such loue and grace,
as wee hope for, of so great and magnanimious a prince :
wee for them doe promise, that in no time hereafter you
shall haue cause to repent thereof, but rather to reioyce
much. For their dealing shall be true, and their conversa-
tion sure, and wee hope that they will giue so good proofe
thereof, that this beginning shall be a perpetuall confirma-
tione of loue betwixt our subiects on both parts, by carrying
from us such things and merchandise as you have need of
there. So that your highnesse shall be very well serued
and better contented than you haue heretofore beene with
the Portugals and Spaniards, our enemies ; who only, and
none else of these regions, haue frequented those your, and
the other kingdomes of the East. ISTot suffering that the
other nations should doe it, pretending themselves to be
monarchs and absolute lords of all these kingdomes and
prouinces, as their owne conquest and inheritance, as ap-
peareth by their loftie title in their writings. The cont^-arie
whereof hath very lately appeai-ed unto us, and that your
highnesse and your royalle familie, fathers, and grandfathers
haue (by the grace of God and their valour) knowne not
onely to defend your owne kingdomes, but also to give
warres unto the Portugals in the lands which they possesse,
as namely in Malaca, in the yeere of Humane Redemption,
1575, under the conduct of your valient Captaine Ragama-
cota, with their great losse and the perpetuall honour of
your highnesse crowne and kingdome.
" And now, if your highnesse shall be pleased to accept into
your favour and grace, and under your royall protection and
defence, these our subiects, that they may freely doe their
businesse now, and continue yearely hereafter, this bearer,
who goeth chiefe of this fleet of foure ships, hath oi'dor (with
80 NEGOTIATION WITH THE KING OF ACHIN.
your highnesse licence) to leaue certaine factors ^ with a
setled house of factorie in your kingdome, untill the going
thither of another fleet which shall goe thither upon the
returne of this. Which left factors shall learne the language
and customes of your subiects, whereby the better and more
louingly to conuerse with them. And the better to confirme
this confederacie and friendship betwixt us, wee are con-
tented if your highnesse be so pleased that you cause capitu-
lations reasonable to be made ; and that this bearer doe the
like in our name. Which wee promise to performe royally
and entirely, as well herein as in other agreements and
arguments which he will communicate unto you ; to whom
we doe greatly desire your highnesse to give intire faith and
credite, and that you will receiue him, and the rest of his
companie, under your royal protection, fauouring them in
what shall be reason and justice. And we promise on our
behalfe to re-answere in like degree in all that your high-
nesse shall have need out of these our kingdom es, and wee
desire that your highnesse would be so pleased to send us
answere by this bearer of this our letter, that wee may
thereby understand of your royall acceptance of the friend-
ship and league which we offer, and greatly desire may have
an happie beginning, with long yeares to continue."
At his next going to the court, hee had long conference
with the king concerning the effect of the queenes letter,
wherewith the king seemed to be very well pleased, and
said if the contents of that letter came from the heart, he
had good cause to thinke well thereof And, for the league
her Maiestie was desirous to hold with him, hee was well
pleased therewith. And for the further demands the generall
made from her in respect of the merchants traflScke, he had
committed all these points to two of his noblemen to conferre
with him, and promised what her Maiestie had requested
should by all good meanes be granted. With this con-
tented answere, after another banquet appointed for the
lancastue's arguments for a treaty. 81
general, he departed the court. And the next day he sent
to those noblemen the king had named to him, to know
their appointed time when they would sit vpon this con-
ference. The one of those noblemen was the chiefe bishope
of the realme, a man of great estimation with the king
and all the people; and so he well deserued, for he was a
man very wise and temperate. The other was one of the
most ancient nobilitie, a man of very good grauitie but not
so fit to enter into those conferences as the bishop was. A
day and a meeting was appointed, where many questions
passed betwixt them, and all the conferences passed in the
Arabicke tongue, which both the bishop and the other noble-
man well understood. Now the geuerall (before his going
out of England) intertained a Jew who spake that language
perfectly, which stood him in good steed at that time.
About many demandes the generall made touching free-
domes for the merchantes, the bishop said vnto him : ' Sir,
what reasons shall we show to the king, from you, whereby
he may (the more wiUingly) grant these things which you
haue demanded to be granted by him ? ' to whom the
generall answered with reasons following :
' 1 . Her Maiesties mutuall loue.'
* 2. Her worthiness in protecting others against the King
uf Spaine, the common enemie of these parts.'
' 3. Her noble mind which refused the offer of those
countries.'
' 4. Nor will shee suffer any prince to exceed her in
kindness.'
'b. Whose forces haue exceeded the Spaniards in many
victories.'
' 6. And hindered the Portugals attempts against these
parts.'
' 7. The Grand Signor of Turkic hath alreadie entred into
league with her Maiestie on honorable conditions.'
82 Lancaster's demands for a treaty.
' Feasons of onofJicr Jciml :'
' 8. More ouer, it is not unknowne to the king what pros-
peretie trade of merchandise bringeth to all lands, with
increase of their reuenues, by the custome of these com-
merces/
' 9. Also princes grow into the more renowme and strength,
and are the more feared for the wealth of their subiects,
which by the concurse of merchandises grow and increase.'
' 10. And the more kindly that strangers are entertained,
the more trade doth grow ; the prince is thereby much
enriched also.'
'11. As for Achem, in particular, this port lieth well to
answere to the trade of all Bengala, Java, and the Moluccas,
and all China. And these places hauing vent of their mer-
chandise, will not let to resort hither with them ; so that,
by this meanes, the royaltie of the kings crowne will greatly
increase, to the decrease and diminishing of all Portugals
trade, and their great forces in the Indies.'
' 12. And if it shall happen that his Maiestie wanteth any
artificiers, hee may haue them out of our kingdome, giuing
them content for their trauaile : and free course to goe as
they haue good will to come. And any other necessarie
that our countrie bringeth forth and may spare, shall be at
the king's command and seruice.
But I hope his Maiestie will not vrge any demands more
than her Maiestie may willingly consent unto, or that shall
be contrarie to her honour and lawes, and the league she
hath made with all Christian princes, her neighbours.
Further, the generall demanded that his Maiestie would
cause present proclamation to be made for our safetie, and
that none of his people should abuse any of ours : but that
they might doe their businesse quietly. And this last request
was so well performed that, although there were a strict
order that none of there owne people might walke by night.
REPLY OP THE KING OP ACHIN. 83
yet ours might goe both night and day without impeach-
ment of any. Onely, if they found any of ours abroad at
vnlawfnll houres, the justice brought them home to the
general's house, and there deliuered them.
After these conferences ended the bishop demanded of
the generall notes of his reasons in writing, as also of his
demands of the priuiledges he demanded in her Maiestie^s
name for the merchants, and he would shew them to the
king, and within few dayes he should haue his Maiestie's
answere to them. And with these conferences and much
gratulation, and with some other talke of the affaires of
Christendome, they broke vp for that time.
The generall was not negligent to send his demands to
the noble men, which, for the most part, were drawne out
before hand, for he was not vnreadie for these businesses
before he came aland in the kingdome.
At his next going to the Court, and sitting before the
king, beholding the cock-fighting (which is one of the
greatest sports this king delighteth in), hee sent his inter-
preter with his obeisance to the king, desiring him to be
mindfull of the businesse, whereof hee had conferred with
his noblemen. Whereupon he called the generall vnto
him, and told him that hee was carefull of his dispatch,
and would willingly enter into peace and league with
her Maiestie, and (for his part) would hold it truely.
And for those demands and articles he had set downe in
writing they should all bee written again by one of his
secretaries, and should haue them authorized by him.
Which within fine or six dayes were deliuered the generall
by the king's owne hands with many good and gracious
words : the tenor of which league and Articles of Peace
are too long to be inserted. According to their desires
was to the English granted : first, free entry and trade ;
secondly, custome free, whatsoeuer they brought in or
carried forth, and assistance with their vessels and shipping
84 THE SUSAN SENT TO PRIAMAN.
to saue our ships, goods, and men from wracke in any dan-
gers. Third]}^ libertie of testament to bequeath their
goods to whom they please : Fourthly, stability of bar-
gaines and orders for payment by the subiects of Achem,
etc. Fiftly, authority to execute iustice on their owne men
offending. Sixtly, iustice against iniuries from the natiues.
Seuenthly, not to arrest or stay our goods or set prizes on
them. Eightly, freedome of conscience. This league of
peace and amitie being settled, the merchants continually
went forward prouiding pepper for the lading of the ships ;
but there came in but small store, in respect of the last
yeere's sterility. So by some of them he vnderstood of a
port, about an hundred and fiftie leagues from thence in
the south part of the same iland, called Priaman,^ where he
might lade one of his smaller ships. Then he prepared the
Susan, and placed for captaine and chiefe merchant in her,
Mr. Henry Middleton.^
He was also not a little grieued that Captaine John
Dauis,^his principall pilot, had told the marchants before our
comming from London, that pepper was to be had here for
' Priaman, on the west coast of Sumatra, is in lat. 0° 40' S., and long.
100° 7' 25" E. It is an open roadstead, sheltered by coral-bound islets.
It appears that Priaman and Tiku were the principal ports for pepper ;
and that the King of Achin expelled the English and Dutch from their
settlements there, from fear that they would attempt to seize the country.
This was previous to the year 1621. In 1684 the chiefs of Priaman in-
vited the English to settle there, and offered them the exclusive pur-
chase of their pepper, with a view to obtaining their aid against the
Dutch. But a similar invitation came from Beucoolen, further to the
south, and there our chief settlement was formed in 1686. (See Mars-
den's Sumatra, pp. 442 and 451.)
'' Commander of the subsequent voyage of 1604. — See The Voyage of
Sir Ilenrij Mid(Jlcto)i (Hakluyt Society's Edition, 1855). Middleton
was a native of Chester.
^ John Davis, the great Arctic Navigator, had previously been a
voyage to the East Indies in a Dutch ship which sailed from Flushing
in March 1593, and returned to Middelburg on July 23rd, 1600. He
was the first pilot that conducted the Zeclanders to the East.
PORTUGALL WILES DISCOVERED. 85
foure Spanish royals of eight the hundred, and it costs
vs almost twentie. The generall daily grew full of thought
how to lade his shippes to saue his owne credit, the mer-
chants' estimation that • set him aworke, and the reputa-
tion of his countrey: considering what a foule blot it would
be to them all in regard of the nations about vs, seeing
there were merchandise enough to be bought in the Indies,
yet he should be likely to return home with empty ships.
Besides, the Portugall embassador had a diligent eye ouer
euery steppe we trode, but was no whit accepted of the
king. For the last day of his being at the Court he had de-
manded of the king to settle a factorie in his countrey and
to build a fort at the coming in of the harbour : his reason
was for the more securitie of the merchants' goods, because
the citie was subiect to fire. But the king perceiuing what
he meant, gaue him this answer backe againe : Hath your
master (saith he) a daughter to giue unto my sonne that he
is so carefull of the preseruation of my countrey ? He
shall not neede to be at so greate a charge as the building
of a fort, for I have a fit house about two leagues from the
citie within the land, which I will spare him to supply his
factorie withall, where they shall not need to fear either
enemies or fire, for I will protect him. Hereupon the
king was much displeased at this insolent demand, and the
embassadour went from the Court much discontented.
§ nil.
Portugall wiles discouered ; a prize taken iieere Malacca.
Shortly after this there came to our house an Indian (to
sell hennes) which was appertaining to a Portugall captaine
who came to that port with a ship laden with rice, out of
the port of Bengala. This captaine lay in the embassador's
86 A SPY ON THE POllTUGALLS.
house, and the generall mistrusted he came only for a spy
to see and perceiue what we did, and yet he gave com-
mandement he should be well intreated, and they should
alwayes buy his hennes and giue him a reasonable price for
them. At last he himselfe tooke occasion pleasantly to com-
mune with the Indian, whence hee was and of what countrey ;
saying, a young man of his presence merited some better
meannes than buying and selling of hennes. Sir, said he,
I serue this Portugall captaine, yet am neither bound nor
free ; but being free borne, I haue beene with him so long
time that now he partly esteemeth me as his owne, and so
great they are that wee cannot striue with them. Then
said the generall vnto him : If thy liberty be precious vnto
thee, thy person meriteth it. But what wouldst thou doe
for him that would giue thee thy libertie without pleading
with thy master for it ? Sir, said the Indian, freedom is as
precious as life, and my life I would aduenture for him that
should doe it. Prooue me therefore in any seruice that I
can doe for you, and my willingnesse shall soone make good
what I haue said. Well, said the generall, thou hast willed
me to prooue whether thou meanest truely or no. I would
aske of thee, what the embassador saith of me and my
shipping which I haue in this place, and what pretences he
hath ? Sir, said the Indian, he hath had a spie aboord of
all your ships, a Chinese, who is continually conuersant
with your people, so that he hath a draught drawne, not
onely of your ships and their greatnesse, but also of euery
piece of ordnance that each ship hath and how they are
placed, and the number of your men that are in them.
And he findeth your ships strong and well appointed. But
by reason of the sickenesse that hath been in them they are
but weake of men and easie to be taken if any force come
vpon them on the suddaine, and within few days he
meaneth to send his draughts to Malacca for force to
attempt your ships as they - ride. The general laughed
THE PORTUGALLS CIRCUMVENTED. 87
pleasantly to heare these things, saying : The embassador
was not so idle as he thought him, for hee well knoweth
(said he) that I care little for all the forces of these parts.
It is but to make thee and the rest that are about him be-
leeue that you are stronger than you be. But goe thy way
and be here once in a day or twaine and tell me whether
the embassadour goe forward in his proceedings, and
when those messengers shall depart with the plots thou
speakest of. And although it will benefit me little to
know these things, yet I will giue thee thy libertie for thy
good will thou shewest therein as I haue promised thee to
doe. This Indian went away veiy well contented, as any
man might easily perceiue by his countenance and the light-
nesse of his face. Now, when he was gone, the generall
turned about and said to me ; We have met with a fit man
to betray his master if Ave can make any benefit of the
treason. And surely he was not deceiued in his opinion :
for by this meanes whatsoeuer the ambassadour did all the
day we had it either that night or (at the furthest) the
next day in the morning. And this fellow carried the
matter so warily that he was neither mistrusted of any of
the ambassadour's house, nor knowne to any of ours what
businesse he went about. For he had the right conditions
of a spie, being wily, fearefull, carefull, subtill, and neuer
trusting any to heare what conference he had with the
generall, but deliuered his minde vnto him alone, and that
in such carelesse sort as if he had answered the generall
idlely whatsoeuer he demanded of him : for he stood in
feare of his owne people least they would bewray the selhng
of his hennes, which couered all his commiug and going
to our house.
The next day the generall was sent for to the Court, and
the king had conference with him about an embassage that
the King of Siam had sent him touching the conquest of
Malacca, and with what force he would assist him by sea if
88 DETENTION OF POETUGALL MESSENGERS.
he undertooke that seruice. For this King of Sumatra is
able to put a very great force of gallies to sea if he may
haue but some fourre or fiue monethes warning before-hand
to make them ready. This conference the generall fur-
thered with many reasons, and tooke an occasion to enter
into talke of the Spanish embassadour how insolently proud
he carried himself^ and that his comming into his Maiestie's
kingdome and Court was for no other purpose but onely as
a spie to see and discouer the strength of his kingdome.
I know it well (said the king) for they are enemies of
mine as I haue beene to them; but what causeth thee to see
this ? The generall answered him : That he could take
nothing in hand but his spies attended vpon him to marke
what he went about and to what eude. And among other
things (saith he) he had taken a draught of his ships and
meaneth to send it to Malacca^ and to procure forces to set
vpon him vnawares. The king smiled to heare the generall
mention these things and said : Thou needest not feare any
strength that shall come from Malacca^ for all the strength
they haue there is able to doe thee no harme. The generall
answered, I doe not (said he) feare their strength what
they can doe to me, but it may be much to my hinderance
that they vuderstanding the time I meane to goe to sea
they shall thereby bee aduised to keepe themselues within
their ports so that I shall not be able to offend them. Is it
so, said the king ? Yea, said the generall, and therefore I
would intreate your Maiestie to make stay of two of the em-
bassador's seruants that are now going to Malacca within
these few dayes, who take not their passage from hence,
but will goe to another port of yours and there hire a
barke to transport them thence, because they will be sure
not to be intercepted. And if your Maiestie intercept
them there you shall be priuy to some of their plots and
pretences. Well, said the king, let me understand of their
departure from hence and thou shalt see what I will doe
DETENTION OF THE PORTUGALL ENVOY. 89
for thee. So the generall tooke his leaue of the king well
contented^ and had daily conference with his merchant that
sold hennes : so that there was not any thing done or said
in the embassadour's house but he was priuy to it.
Now the time was come that the embassador's two ser-
uants were to depart with their plots and their master's
letters : and they went down to a port about fine and
twentie leagues from Achen. But the generall was not
slacke to aduise the king thereof, who had giuen order
before, so that at their comming thither, and when they had
hired their passage and had embarked themselues with all
their letters, and were going ouer the barre, a mile from
the citie, a frigget went after them and caused the barke to
strike sayle, that the justice might see what their lading
was. And when the justice came aboord and saw two Por-
tugals there, he asked them from whence they came and
whither they were going : they answered, They came from
Achem and belonged to the Portugall embassadour. Nay,
said the justice, but you haue robbed your master and runne
away like theeves with his goods : and therefore I will
returne you againe to him from whom you are fled and
there you shall answer it. But in this hurly-burly and
searching of them they lost their plots and their letters,
and their trunkes were broken open ; and they were sent to
Achem bound backe againe to the Court, to be deliuered to
the embassador if they did belong vnto him. The generall
had some intelligence of these things, and the next time
he came to the Coui-t the king called him vnto him and
said ; Now, what sayest thou, art thou contented ? The
generall made him obeisance and gave him humble and
lieartie thanks for his clemencie and kindnesse towards
him : and with some other conference the generall departed
for that time. The raarchant of hennes came daily follow-
ing his merchandize, and as the generall suspected, and he
hiniselfe afterwards confessed, not without his master's
90 TWO ENGLISH MERCHANTS REMAIN AT ACHIN.
consent, to aduise from us as well as he aduised from his
master.
But now the summer was past and September came, the
time that the generall meant to goe to sea to seeke meanes
to supply his necessities ; and now fell out the greatest
crosse of all to his pretence. The embassador himselfe had
his dispatch from the king to be gone. Which the generall
knowing went to the Court, and where the king sate seeing
the sports that were made before him, he sent his inter-
preter to him, desiring that it would please him to hear a
certain request which he had vnto his Maiestie. Where-
upon the king immediately called for him and demanded
what he would haue him to doe. It hath pleased your
highnesse, said the generall, to doe me many courtesies, and
therefore I am further imboldened to proceed to request
one kindnesse more at your Maiestie's hands. What is
that (said the king smiling) are there more Portugals going
to Malacca to hinder thy pretences ? Yea, said the gene-
rall, the embassadour himselfe (as I am giuen to vnder-
stand) hath your Maiestie's dispatch to be gone at his plea-
sure, and is determined to depart within fiue dayes. And
what wouldst thou haue me to doe, said the king ? Only
stay him but tenne dayes, till I be gone forth with my
ships. Well, said the king and laughed, thou must bring
me a faire Portugall maiden when thou returnest, and then
I am pleased. With this answer the generall took his
leaue and departed ; and hasted all that he could to be
gone. For he had left the merchants behind him and
vnder the protection of the king till his returne : and in
the meane time to buy what pepper they could to helpe
to furnish the Ascention's lading, which was now more
than three parts laden. But the geuerall would not leaue
her behind him, riding in the port, but tooke her in his
company : for she road but in an open place. All the
three ships were made readie, and there was a captaine of
CAPTURE OF A PORTUGALL SHIP. 91
a Dutch ship in the road, who desired the generall that
he might goe to sea in his company and take pai-t of his
aduenture ; his ship was above two hundred tunnes, but
had as little money to lade himselfe as we ; and therefore re-
fused no consort. So the generall was contented to giue him
■| of what should be taken, and hee rested therewith con-
tented. The generall hauing taken his leaue of the king and
presented two of the chiefe merchants vnto him, M. Starkie
and M. Styles, the king graciously tooke them into his pro-
tection and safeguard : for these merchants, with some
others, were left behind (as I said before) for the prouiding
of such pepper as was there to be had against the returne
of the ships from the sea. The ships being ready, we set
sayle the eleuenth of September toward the Straights of
Malaca.
Now let me tell you how the king dealt with the embas-
sadour of Portugall after our departure, which euery day
vrged his dispatch to be gone : but still, vpon one occasion
or other his passage was deferred. At last (foure and
twentie dales after our departure) the king said vnto him :
I maruaile you are so hasty to be gone, seeing the English
embassadour is abroad at sea with his shipping ? If he
meete you he will be able to wrong you and doe you vio-
lence. I care little for him, said the embassadour, for my
friget is so nimble with saile and oares that if I haue but
her length from him, I will escape all his force. Well, said
the King : I am the more willing you should depart, be-
cause I see you rest assured of your owne safety : and so
he had his dispatch to be gone. This seruice came well to
passe for vs, for if he had gone away in time such aduice
would haue beene giuen from Malacca by frigots into the
Straights, that all shippes would haue had warning of vs :
but (by this meanes) we lay within fine and twentie leagues
of Malacca it selfe, and were neuer descryed whereby to be
preuented. The third day of October, we being in the
92 THE PORTUGALL PRIZE.
Straights of Malacca^ laying off and on, the Hector espyed
a sayle, and calling to the rest of the shippes, we all dis-
cried her. And being toward night a present direction
was giuen that we should all spread our selues a mile and a
halfe one from another, that she might not passe vs in the
night. The shippe fell with the Hector, that first espied
her, and presently she called vnto her, and shot off two or
three peeces of ordnance : so that the rest of the shippes
had intelligence and drew all about her, and began to
attempt her with their great ordnance, and she returned
shot againe. But when the admiral's ship came vp, he dis-
charged sixe peeces together out of his prow : and then her
maine yarde fell downe. After that she shot no more, nor
any of our shippes, fearing least some vnfortunate shot
might light betweene wind and water and so sinke her (for
the generall was very carefull), so the fight ceased till the
morning. At the breake of day the captaine, with some of
the rest, entred their boate, and the Hector, being next
her, called them to come aboord him ,« and Master John
Middleton, the captaine, being vice-admirall, brought the
boate and captaine aboord the generall, to whom they ren-
dered their shippe and goods. The generall presently
caused all the chiefe men of the prize to be placed aboord
our shippes, and onely placed but foure of our men aboord
the prize : for feare of rifling and pillaging the good things
that were within her ; and those foure suffered none other
to come aboord. And their charge was, if anything
should be missing to answer the same out of their wages
and shares : for when the shippe was unladen the boat-
swaine and the mariners of the same shippe did wholly vn-
lade her, and none of ours came within her to doe any
labour. Onely they receiued the goods into their boates
and carried them aboord such shippes as the generall
appointed them to doe : so that by this order there was
neither rifling, theeuing, pillaging, or spoiling, which
A GREAT SPOUT OF WATER. 93
otherwise would hardly haue been auoyded in such busi-
nesse as this. Within fiue or sixe daies we had vnladen
her of nine hundred and fiftie packes of calicoes and pin-
tados, besides many packets of merchandize : she had in
her much rice and other goods, whereof we made full
account. Now a storme arising, all the men were set
aboord, and we left her riding at an anchor. This shippe
came from a place called St. Thoma, that lyeth in the Bay
of Bengala, and was going for Malacca. When we inter-
cepted her she had in her aboue sixe hundred persons,
men, women, and children : her burthen was nine hundred
tuns. The generall would neuer goe aboord to see her, and
his reason was, to take away suspicion both from the mari-
ners that were there and the merchants that were at Lon-
don, least they might charge or suspect him for any dis-
honest dealing by helping himselfe thereby. He was very
glad of this good help and very thankfull to God for it, and
as he told me, he was much bound to God that had eased
him of a very heauy care, and that hee could not be thank-
full enough to him for this blessing giuen him. For, saith
he, he hath not only supplied my necessities to lade these
ships I haue : but hath giuen me as much as will lade as
many more shippes as I haue if I had them to lade. So
that now my care is not for money, but rather where I shall
leaue these goods that I haue, more than enough, in safety,
till the returne of the ships out of England.
The one and twentieth of October our shippes returned
out of the Straights of Malacca for Achem, where by the way
a great spout of water came powring out of the Heauens and
fell not farre from our ship, which we feared much. For
these spouts come powring downe like a riuer of water, so
that if they should light in any ship she were in danger to
be presently sunck downe into the sea : it falleth with such
an extreame violence, all whole together as one drop, or as
water powred out of a vessell : and sometimes dureth a
94 RETURN OF LANCASTER TO ACHIN.
quarter of an howre together, so that the sea boyleth with
froth of an exceeding height by the violence of the fall of
the spoute.
§ V.
Their present to and from the King : His letters to Queeue Elizabeth :
Their departure from Priaman and Bantam, and settling a trade
there.
The foure and twentieth of October we cast our anchors
in the Port of Achem in Sumatra, where the generall went
ashore and found all the merchants well and in safety : who
gaue great commendations of their good and kind enter-
tainment receiued from the king in the general's absence.
Wherefore the generall, willing to gratifie the king with
such things as he had taken in the prize, sorted out a present
of diuers things that he thought might be most to his liking:
and at his first going to the Court presented them vnto
him. The king receiued the present and welcomed the
generall, and seemed to be ioyfuU for the good successe he
had against the Portugal : and iestingly said, he had for-
gotten the most important businesse that he requested
at his hands, which was the faire Portugall maiden he de-
sired him to bring with him at his returne. To whom the
generall answered : that there was none so worthy that
merited to be so presented. Therewithall the king smiled
and said : If there be any thing heere in my kingdome
may pleasure thee, 1 would be glad to gratifie thy good
will. After this the generall commaunded the merchants to
put aboord the Ascention all such pepper, cinnamon, and
cloues as they had bought in his absence : which was
scarcely the ship's full lading, but at that time there was
no more to be had, nor that yeare to be hoped for. And
therefore he willed the merchants to put all their things
aboord the ships, for his resolution was to depart from
LETTER OP THE KING OF ACHIN. 95
thence and g-oe for Bantam in Java maior, where he vnder-
stood both of good sale for his commodities and great re-
turne of pepper to be had, and at a much more reasonable
price than they could buy it at Achem. This determination
once knowne all men hasten to put their things aboord. So
the generall made the king priuy to his departure, and went
to the court and had long conference with him, who de-
liuered him a letter for her Maiestie, written in the Arabian
tongue : the tenor wereof is as folio weth.
The Letter of the King of Achem. to the Queene of
England.
Glorie be to God, who hath magnified himselfe in his
workes, glorified his dominion, ordained kings and king-
domes, exalted himselfe alone in power and maiestie : he is
not to be uttered by word of mouth, nor to be conceived by
imagination of the heart, he is no vaine phantasme : no
bound may containe him, nor any similitude expresse him :
his blessing and his peace is ouer all his goodnesse in the
creature : He hath beene proclaimed by his Prophet hereto-
fore, and since that often, and now againe by this writing
at this present, inferiour to none. For this citie which is
not slacke to shew their loue, hath manifested it in the en-
tertainment of that societie which filleth the horizons with
ioy, and hath confirmed it to the eye by a signe which
bringeth knowledge of remembrance of it generally and
particularly. And for that their request is iust, with pur-
pose for exchange : and they themselues of honest carriage,
and their kindnesse great in doing good in generall to the
creatures, helping the creature in prosperitie and aduersitie
ioyently, giuing liberally vnto the poore and such as stand in
neede of their abundance, preseruing the creature to their
vttermost with a willing mind : which for them is now ex-
tended vnto India and Arach : sending forth the cliiefest
96 LETTER OF THE KING OF ACHIN.
men of discretion and note, calling also the best of the crea-
tures to counsaile herein.
This is the Sultana which doth rule in the kingdome of
England, France, Ireland, Holland, and Friseland : God
continue that kingdome and that empire long in pros-
peritie.
And because that he which hath obtained the writinar of
these letters from the king of the kingdome of Achey, who
doth rule with an absolute power : and for that there came
vnto vs a good report of you, declaired and spread very
ioyfully by the mouth of Captaine James Lancaster (God
continue his welfare long). And for that you doe record
that in your letters there are commendations vnto vs and
that your letters are patent priuiledges. Almightie God
aduance the purpose of this honourable consociation and
confirrae this worthy league. And for that you doe affirm
in them that the Sultan of Afrangie is your enemy, and an
enemy to your people, in what place soeuer he be, from the
first untill now, and for that he hath lift vp himselfe
proudly and set himselfe as king of the world: yet what is
he besides his exceeding pride and haughtie mind ? In
this therefore is our ioy increased and our societie con-
firmed : for that he and his company are enemies in this
world and in the world to come : so that we shall cause them
to die, in what place soeuer we shall meete them, a publicke
death.
And moreouer you doe affirm that you desire peace and
friendship with vs. To God be praise and thankes for the
greatnesse of his grace. This therefore is our serious will
and honourable purpose truely in this writing, that you may
send from your people unto our ports to trade and to traf-
fique,and that whosoeuer shall be sent unto vs in your high-
nesse name, and to whomsoeuer you shall prescribe the
time, they shall be of a ioynt company and of common
priuiledges. For this captaine and his company, so soone
TO QUEEN ELIZABETH. 97
as they came vnto vs, we haue made them of an absolute
societie :' and we haue incorporated them into one corpora-
tion and common dignities : and we haue graunted them
liberties, and we haue shewed them the best course of
traffique : and to manifest vnto men the loue and brother-
hood betweene vs and you in this world, there is sent
by the hands of this captaine, according to the custome,
vnto the famous citie, a ring of gold beautified with a
ruby, richly placed in his sete, two vestures wouen with
gold, embroidered with gold, inclosed in a red boxe of
tzin.
Written in Tarish of the yeere 1011 of Mahomet. Peace
be vnto you.
[Translated out of the Arabick by William Bedwel.]
For a present to her Maiestie he sent three faire cloathes
richly wrought with gold of very cunning worka, and a
very faire rubie in a ring : and gave to the generall another
ring and a rubie in it. And when the generall tooke his
leaue the king said vnto him : haue you the Psalmes of
David extant among you ? The generall answered : Yea,
and we sing them daily. Then said the king : I and the
rest of these nobles about me will sing a Psalme to God for
your prosperitie, and so they did very solemnly. And
after it was ended the king said : I would heare you sing
another Psalme, although in your owne language. So
there being in the company some twelue of us, we sung
another Psalme : and after the Psalme was ended the gene-
rall tooke his leaue of the king. The king shewed him
much kindnesse at his departure : desiring God to blesse vs
in our iourney and to guide vs safely into our owne coun-
trey, saying, if hereafter your ships returne to this port
you shall find as good vsage as you haue done. All our
men being shipped, we departed the ninth of Nouember,
being three ships, the Dragon, the Hector, and the Ascen-
98 EEFRESHMENT AT PRIAMAN.
tion. "We kept company two days, in whicli time the gene-
rail dispatched his letters for England^ and sent away the
Ascention, she setting her course homeward toward the
Cape of Buena Esperanza, and we along the coast of Su-
matra, toward Bantam, to see if we could meete with the
Susan, which had order to lade upon that coast.
As we sayled along the coast of Sumatra we sodainly
fell among certaine ilands in the night : and the day
approching wee maruelled how wee came in among them
without seeing any -of them. They were ail low landed
and full of flattes and rockes, so that wee were in great
danger before we could cleere our selues of them ; but
thankes be to God, who deliuered vs from many other dan-
gers, as he did also deliuer vs from these. So holding on
our course from Priaman we passed the equinoctiall line
the third time, and came thither the sixe and twentieth of
Nouember and found the Susan there, which the generall
had sent before him from Achen to lade there. Now when
they saw vs they were very glad of our comming, and had
prouided toward their lading some sis hundred bahars of
pepper, and sixtie-sixe bahars of clones. Heere our pepper
cost vs lesse then at Achen ; but there is none growing
about this port, but is brought some eight or ten leagues
out of the countrey from a place called Manangcabo. This
place hath no other merchandise growing there, only there
is good store of gold in dust and small graines, which they
wash out of the sands of riuers, after the great flouds of
raine that fall from the mountains, from whence it is
brought. This is a place of good refreshing and is very
wholesome and healthfull, and yet it lyeth within fifteene
minutes of the line. At this port, hauing refreshed our
selues with the good ayre, fresh victuals, and water, the
generall gaue commission to the captaine of the Susan to
make what haste he could for his lading, which would
bee accomplished with some hundred bahars of pepper.
ARRIVAL AT BANTAM. 99
and so to depart for England. And the fourth day of De-
cember we took our course towards Bantam/ in the iland
of lava maior : and we entred the Straights of Sunda the
fifteenth of December, and came to an anchor vnder an
iland, three leagues from Bantam, called Pulopansa.
The next day, in the morning, we entred the road of
Bantam, and shot off a very great peale of ordnance out of
the Dragon, being our admirall, and out of the Hector :
such an one as had neuer beene rung there before that day.
The next day, in the morning, the generall sent his ad-
mirall, Captaine John Middleton, a-land with a message to
the king : declaring that he was sent by the Queene of
England, and had both a message and a letter to deliuer
to his Maiestie from her, and required his Maiesties safe
conduct and warrant to come a-land to deliuer the same.
The king returned him word that he was very glad of his
comming, and sent backe a nobleman with Captaine Middle-
ton, to welcome the generall a-land. The general tooke
some sixteen men in his company and went a-land with
the nobleman to the Court, where he found the king (being
but a child of ten or eleuen yeares of age) sitting in a
round-house, with some sixteene or eighteen noblemen of
the countrey about him in some reasonable estate. The
generall did his obeysance, and the king welcomed him
very kindly. And after the generall had had some con-
ference about his message, hee deliuered to the kings hand
her maiesties letter, with a present of plate and some other
things with all : which the king receiued with a smiling
countenance, and referred the generall (for further confer-
ence) to one of his nobles, who was then protector. After
some houre and a halfes conference had of many things, the
said nobleman (as from the king) receiued the generall vnder
' The western end of Java. Bantam was first visited by the Portu-
guese in 1511, when Henrique Leme, one of Alboquerque's captains,
anchored at the port. The Dutch first came to Bantam in 1596.
100 TRADE AT BANTAM.
the kings protection, and all his company : willing him to
come a-land, and buy and sell, without any kind of molesta-
tion, for there he should be as safe as if he were in his owne
countrey : and to this all the nobles agreed with one con-
sent. There passed many speeches of diuers things, which
(for breuities sake) I omit to trouble the reader with all :
for my purpose is to shew the effect of this first setling of
the trade in the East-Indies, rather than to particularize of
them. The generall, after his kind welcome and conference,
had tooke his leaue of the king and the rest of the nobles :
and presently gaue order for the prouiding of housing,
whereof the king willed him to make his best choice where-
soeuer he would. So, within two days, the merchants
brought goods ashore, and beganne to sell : but one of the
kings nobles came to the generall, and said it was the cus-
tome of that place that the king should buy and furnish
himselfe before the subiects should buy anything^ The
generall was well contented, for he was aduised that he
would giue a reasonable price, and pay uery well. The king
being serued, the merchants went forward in their sales :
so that within some fine weekes much more was sold there
in goods then would haue laden our two shippes : and yet
they brought away from thence two hundred and seuentie
sixe bagges of pepper. These contayned sixtie two pound
waight a piece, and cost at first penny 5.| rials of eight the
piece, beside our anchorage, and the kings custome, which
anchorage for our two ships cost vs (by agreement the gene-
rall made with the Sauendar or the Gouernour of the citie)
fifteene hundred rials of eight, and one riall of eight vpon
euery bagge of custome. Wee traded heere very peaceably,
although the Jauians be reckoned among the greatest
pickers and theeves of the world. But the generall had
commission from the king (after he had receiued an abuse
or two) that whosoeuer he tooke about his house in the
night, he should kill them : so, after foure or fine were thus
DEPARTURE FROM BANTAM. 101
slainGj we liued in reasonable peace and quiet. But, con-
tinually, all night, wee kept a carefull watch. As we went
buying pepper, we sent it aboord, so that by the tenth of
February our ships were fully laden, and readie to depart.
But in this meane time the captaine of the Hector, Master
John Middkton, fell sicke aboord his ship in the roade (for
the generall obserued this from the beginning of the voyage,
that if he himselfe were ashore, the captaine of the Vice-
Admirall kept aboord, because both should not be from
their charge at one time). The generall hearing of his
sicknesse, went aboord to visit him, and found him weaker
than he himselfe felt, which experience had taught him to
know in these hot countries. And so it happened with
Captaine Middleton then walking vp and downe, who dyed
about two of the clocke next morning.
Now, the generall began to put all things in order, and
hasten his departure, and appointed a pinnasse of about
fortie tunnes (which he had) to be ladden with commodities,
and put in her twelue men with certaine merchants, and
sent her for the Moluccas, to trade there and settle a factorie
against the returne of the next shipping out of England.
Moreouer, he left eight men and three factors in Bantam,
the chief of which factors was Master William Starkey,
whom he appointed to sell such commodities as were left
there, and to prouide lading for the shippes against the
next returne. Also the generall went to the court to take
his leaue of the king, where he receiued a letter for her
maiestie, and a present for her of certaine bezar-stones,
very faire, and to the generall he gaue a very faire Sana
dagger, which they much esteeme there, and a good bezar-
stone, with some other things. And thus the generall tooke
his leaue of the king, with many kind countenances and
good words.
102 THE VOYAGE HOME,
§VI.
Their departure for England, and occurrents in the way.
The twentieth day of Februarie^ we went all aboord our
ships, shot off our ordnance, and set sayle to the sea toward
England, with thankes to God, and glad hearts, for his
blessings towards vs. The two and twentieth and three and
twentieth of the same moneth we were in the Straights of
Sunda, and the sixe and twentieth wee were cleere of all the
lies that lye in those Straights, and cleere of all the land,
holding our course south west, so that the eight and twen-
tieth wee were in eight degrees and fortie minutes to the
south of the Line. Vpon Sunday, the thirteenth of March,
wee were past the Tropicke of Capricorne, holding our
course for the most parte south-west, with a stiffe gale of
wind at south-east. The fourteenth day of April wee were
in thirtie foure degrees, iudging the land of Madagascar to
be north of vs. The eight and twentieth day we had a very
great and a furious storme, so that we were forced to take
in all our sayles. This storme continued a day and a night,
with an exceeding great and raging sea, so that, in the
reason of man no shippe was able to Hue in them : but
God (in his mercie) ceased the violence thereof, and gaue vs
time to breath, and to repaire all our distresses and harmes
we had receiued, but our ships were so shaken that they
were leakie all the voyage after.
The third of May wee had another very sore storme,
which continued all the night, and the seas did so beats
vpon the ships quarter, that it shooke all the iron worke of
her rother : and the next day, in the morning, our rother
brake cleane from the sterne of our shippe, and presently
sunke into the sea. This strooke a present feare into the
hearts of all men, so that the best of vs, and most expe-
• 1603.
LOSS OF THE EUDDEE. 103
rienced^ knew not what to doe. And specially, seeing our
selues in such a tempestuous sea and so stormie a place, so
that, I thinke, there bee few worse in all the world. Now,
our ship draue up and downe in the sea like a wracke,
which way soeuer the wind carried her, so that sometimes
we were within three or four leagues of the Cape Buena
Esperanza, then commeth a contrary wind, and driueth vs
almost to fovtie degrees to the southward into the hayle and
snow, and sleetie cold weather. And this was another great
miserie unto vs, that pinched vs exceeding sore, so that our
case was miserable and very desperate. Yet all this while
the Hector kept by vs carefully, the company whereof was
some comfort vnto vs : and many times the master of the
Hector came aboord our shippe ; so at the last it was con-
cluded to take our misen mast and put it forth at the sterne
port, to proue if wee could steere our shippe into some place
where we might make another rother to hang it to serue
our turnes home. But this deuice was to small purpose, for
when we had fitted it and put it forth (the seas being some-
what growne with lifting vp the mast) it did shake the
sterne, and put all in such danger that it was needfull to
make all conuenient haste to get the mast into the ship
againe : which we were very glad when we had brought it
to passe. Now we were without all remedie, vnlesse we
made a new rother, and could bring it to passe to hang it
in the sea : which to performe, let euexy man iudge how
easie a thing it was, our ship being of seuen or eight hund-
red tunnes, and in so dangerous a sea as this was : but
necessitie compelleth to proue all meanes. Then the gene-
rail commanded the carpenter to make a rother of the said
misen mast, to prooue what wee could doe : but this barre
fell in our way : that, at such time as wee lost our rother,
wee lost also the most of our rother irons wherewith to
fasten the rother. But yet wee went forward and made all
the haste we could, and one of our men diued to search
104 DANGER OP THE GENERALL's SHIP.
what rother irons remayned, who found but two and one
that was broken to helpe vs withall. Yet, by Gods helpe,
finding a faire day, wee made fast the said rother, and sailed
our course homewards. But within three or foure houres
the sea tooke it oflf againe, and wee had much adoe to saue
it, and with the sauing of it wee lost another of our irons,
so that now wee had but two to hang it by : and our men
began to be desirous to leaue the ship, and goe into the
Hector to saue themselues. '' Nay/^ said the generall,
"wee will yet abide Gods leasure, to see what mercie he
will shew vs : for I despaire not to saue our selues, the ship,
and the goods, by one meanes or other, as God shall appoint
vs." And with that he went into his cabbin, and wrote a
letter for England, purposing to send it by the Hector,
commanding her to depart, and leaue him there : but not
one of the companie knew of his command. The letter
was very briefe, and the tenour litle more or lesse as
followeth : —
" Right worshipfull, what hath passed in this voyage, and
what trades I haue settled for this companie, and what other
events haue befallen vs, you shall vnderstand by the bearers
hereof, to whom (as occasion hath fallen) I must referre you.
I will striue with all diligence to saue my ship and her
goods, as you may perceiue by the course I take in uentur-
ing mine owne life and those that are with mee. I cannot
tell where you should looke for me, if you send out any
pinnace to seeke me : because I Hue at the deuotion of the
winds and seas. And thus fare you well, desiring God to
send us a merrie meeting in this world, if it be his good
will and pleasure.
" The passage to the East India lieth in 62^ degrees by
the north-west on the America side.
" Your very louing friend,
"James Lancaster."
ARRIVAL AT SAINT HELENA. 105
This letter being deliuered, the generall thought they
would haue beene gone in the night, according to their
commission : but when he espied the ship in the morning,
he said to me, " These men regard no commission/' Now,
the ship kept some two or three leagues from vs, and came
no neerer : for the master was an honest and a good man,
and loued the generall well, and was lothe to leaue him in
so great distresse. And now it was time for vs to seeke all
meanes that could be to saue our selues and the ship. Then
the carpenter mended the rother we had saued, and within
two or three dayes the weather begun to bee somewhat faire
and the sea smooth. So we put out a signe to the Hector
to come neere vs, out of which the master. Master Sander-
bole, came and brought the best swimmers and diners that
he had in his ship, who helped vs not a little in the busi-
nesse wee had to doe. Thus, by Gods good blessing, wee
hung our rother againe vpon the two hookes that were left :
so that we had some goode hope to obtaine one port or
other to relieue our selues withall. Now, we had beene
beaten to and fro in these mightie seas, and had many more
stormes of weather than are here expressed, sometimes for
one whole moneth together, so that our men began to fall
sicke and diseased : and the wind fell so short, that wee
could fetch no part of the coast of Africa, which was neerest
to us. Committing our selues therefore to God, we set
saile straight for the Hand of Saint Helena : for we knew
we had doubled the Cape of Buena Esperanza by the height
wee were in to the northward. As we were in our course,
the maine-yard fell downe, and strooke one of our men into
the sea, and he was drowned. This was the end (God be
thanked) of all our hard fortunes.
The fift day of June wee passed the Tropicke of Capri-
corne, and the sixteenth, in the morning, wee had sight of
the Hand of Saint Helena : at the sight wereof there was
no smale reioyciug among us. Wee bare close along by the
106 PASS THE ISLAND OF ASCENTION.
shoare, the better to get the best of the road in the harbour,
where wee came to an anchor, right against a small chap-
pell, which the Portugals had built there long since. Our
ships rode in twelue fatham water, which is the best of the
harbo(u)r. At our going a shoare, we found by many
writings that the Carrackes of Portugall had departed from
thence but eight dayes before our comming. In this iland
there is very good refreshing of water and wild goats, but
they are hard to come by, vnlesse good direction be giuen
for the getting of them. And this course our generall
tooke ; he appointed foure lusty men, and of the best shot
he had, to goe into the iland, and make their abode in the
middest of it, and to eury shot he appointed foure men to
attend him, to carry the goats that he killed to the ren-
deuous : thither went (every day) twentie men, to fetch
home to the ships what was killed. So there was no
hoyting or rumour in the iland to feare the goats withall.
And by this meanes the ships were plentifully relieued, and
euery man contented. While wee stayed here we fitted our
shipping, and searched our rother, which wee hoped would
last us home. All our sicke men recouered their health,
through the store of goats and hogs, wherewith wee had
refreshed our selues, hauing great need of good refreshing.
For, in three moneths wee had seene no land, but were
continually beaten in the sea.
The fift day of July we set saile from this iland, our course
being north-west. The thirteenth day wee passed by an
iland called the Ascention, which standeth in eight degrees.
No ships touch at this iland, for it is barraine, and without
water : onely it hath good store of fish about it, but deepe
water, and ill riding for ships. From hence, wee held our
course still northwest, the wind being south and south-east,
till the nineteenth day, and then we passed the -i^quinoctiall-
Line. The foure and twentieth day wee were six leagues
to the northward, at which time we iudged our selues to be
END OF THE VOYAGE. 107
an hundred and fiftie leagues from the coast of Ginney.
Then we steered away north and by west and north till the
nine and twentieth, at which time wee had sight of the iland
of Fogo. Here wee were becalmed fiue dayes, striuing to
passe to the eastward of this iland, but could not : for the
wind changed and came to the north east) so we stood west
north west.
The seuenth day of August, wee were in sixteene degrees,
and the twelfth day wee passed the Tropicke of Cancer,
that lieth in 23| degrees, holding our course northerly.
But the three and twentieth, the wind came westerly. The
nine and twentieth wee passed the Iland of Saint Marie, the
wind faire.
The seuenth day of September wee tooke sounding,
iudging the lands end of England to be fortie leagues from
us. The eleuenth day wee came to the Downes wpll and
safe to an anchor : for which, thanked be Almightie God,
who hath deliuered vs from infinite perils and dangers in
this long and tedious nauigation.
THE VOYAGE
OB
CAPTAINS KEELING^ AND HAWKINS,
1607-1609.
BEING THE THIRD VOYAGE SET FORTH BY THE EAST INDIA
COMPANY.
I. .
" The princepall notes of the Third Voyadge (in the Dragon) to the
Easte Indies by William Keeling, Governor, begunne the 12th of
March, Anno Domini 1607."*
The Consent, Hector, and Dragon, sailed from Tilbury Hope
on the 12tli of March.
In May the Dragon and Hector touched at the Island of
Maio.l The vessels next touched at Sierra Leone, from
whence they sailed on the 15th of September. While there
" one Oliphante's tooth waighing 681i" was bought for 5
yards of blue calico and 7 or 8 iron bars.
» Captain Keeling had commanded the Susan (240 tons) in the second
voyage of 1604, under Sir Henry Middleton. The Hector^ under Cap-
tain Stiles, and the Susan were left at Bantam by Middleton, to load
with pepper. In March 1605, Captain Stiles died, and Keeliug then
took command of the Hector. Keeling sailed from Bantam on March
4th. In October he fell in with Middleton in the Consent., off Saldanha
Bay, being reduced to extreme misery. They reached England in Feb-
ruary 1606. Captain Keeling commanded the Second Joint-Stock Voy-
age in 1614, and was Commander-General of all the English in the East
Indies. He obtained a grant from the King of Achin for trading in
pepper, and estabUshed a factory at Teko on the west coast of Sumatra.
Sir Thomas Roe speaks of him as "a reasonable discreet man".
« An Abstract of the Journals of the Voyage. MS. in the India
Office, four pages and three-quarters.
3 One of the Cape Verde Islands. In the former voyage of Middleton,
Maio was appointed a place of rendezvous in the event of a separation
of the fleet.
TROUBLES WITH THE HOLLANDERS. 109
On the ITth of December the fleet entered Saldanha Bay,
where they "watered and had good refreshing of sheepe and
cattells^^
On the 19th of February the two ships put into the
Bay of St. Augustine, where they had " some small
refreshing''.
On the 25th of April the Island of '' Abderacaria" was
sighted, and the vessels anchored to the northward of the
Island : from thence they sailed to Samarine Bay, in which
they anchored on the 14th of May.
" Pryaman yeldeth yearely not above 500 bahars of peper,
but with the partes neare adjoining, as Bassaine,^ Teckoo,
the mountaines, and other like places, yt yealdeth 2,500
bahars yearly : which may be bought very cheape, if a
factory weare settelled to buy all the yeare, for theire har-
vest is only in August and September, and is fetched away
by them of Achene and Java ; but the Guyzerattes have noe
trade heare, for the King of Achene hath given expresse
commaund to the contrary.''
The Dragon anchored in Bantam Road in October, where
she was joined by the Hector on the 11th of November.
Twelve days later the Dragon was despatched on her home-
ward voyage to England.
In February (1609) General Keeling visited Banda, where
the people and Hollanders welcomed him.
In March a secret agreement was made to send a factor
to Polley.^ At the same date the people and Hollanders
were at open war.
Captain Keeling entered into an agreement at PoUey,
that the natives were to supply him alone with all the
spices at Policy, Pooloroon,^ and Nirapotte.* The Hol-
' Passaman and Tiku, ports on the west coast of Sumatra, north of
Priaman. 2 Bali.
=* Pulo Rhun, one of the Banda Islands, in the Moluccan Archipelago.
* Banda Neira, another of the Banda Islands.
110 THE VOYAGE OUT.
landers then offered the natives 12^000 dollars to drive
the English from the country, but this offer the natives
declined.
In May the Vice- Admiral of the Dutch fleet sent word to
Captain Keeling, that he hoped the latter would not take it
in ill part if his boats searched the English ones when going
on shore, to see what aid was given to his enemies. Cap-
tain Keeling, to avoid such an inconvenience, replied that if
the Hollanders would pay such debts as Neira and Comba
owed him, he would trade only at Polley and Pooloroon :
finally, for quietness' sake, he yielded. Nevertheless, on
the 5th of June " I went with my last rice to Polley, the
Hollander having first sent abord and serched to our great
discontentes : nevertheless, the ship at Lintore wearned
us, and called to come abord, which I refused ; they said
they would shott, but I neither went aboard, nor they
shott".
The natives and Hollanders made peace in August.
Having obtained the Dutch letters for such debts as were
due to him. Captain Keeling set sail for Bantam. On the
passage the Hector anchored off the Island of Celebes,
about half a day's sail from Macassar. Captain Keeling
did not venture closer in towards the town, as he had
heard that a large ship had been lately cast away there.
On the 26th of August the Hector anchored in Bantam
Road, where pepper was received in payment for the debts
due at Banda.
On the 5th of October the Hector sailed for England,
but Augustine Spalding, as chief factor, and ten other
Englishmen, were left behind to found a factory.
INCIDENTS AT ST. AUQUSTINE's BAY. Ill
II.l
The Hector, Captain Hawkins, and the Dragon, Captain
Keeling, sailed on the 7th of March from Erith. The wind
proving unfavourable, the vessels did not reach the Downs
until the end of the month. The Hector, while in the
Downs, was found to leak badly, but her own carpenter was
able to execute the necessary caulking.
On the 16th of April the two ships left Plymouth,
from which port the Consent had sailed a few days pre-
viously.
The Island of Maio was visited in hopes of obtaining a
supply of fresh water, but as none could be obtained, the
vessels put to sea again, *' God still furtheringe our jorney
with prosspurus winde, though our wicked actiones and
inhewmayne vilenes merited instead hereof fearfuU judg-
mentes'\
The weather on the 14th of May was very stormy, and
" the raigne which we had this morninge mad our cabbenes
and all thinges yet weate smell verey noysomely^'.
From the latitude of Cape St. Augustine, on the coast of
Brazil, the Hector and Dragon were driven by contrary
winds to the northward of the Line.
For the purpose of refilling the water casks, the general
put into Sierra Leone. At this place, as " for cattell theare
weare none to be gooten, for the countrye seemed bag-
gerly, and the people verey idle, but for ought wee per-
ceived harmlesse".
* >i( :ic ^ :): H:
' MS. in the India Office, Thirty-two and a half folio pages. The
entry for the 30th of August, 1607, breaks off abruptly at the foot of a
page ; the first entry on the next page consisting of the latter part of a
sentence, is that for the 18th of February, 1607-8. The final entry in
this Journal is an incomplete one for the 12th of March, 1607-8.
112 OUTBREAK OF SCURVY.
The fleet on the 19th of February [1607-8] anchored in
the Bay of St. Augustine.^ On the following day, Captain
Hawkins landed and went a short distance into the country.
On his return to the boat, " he founde one of his men sore
hurte with a crockadile, or alligator, which had seised upon
the mannes legge, whose name was George Evans, as hee
had benne washinge a sherte by the boate's side, and tugged
him over a river, beinge shoale water ; but hee, findinge
himselfe in such sorte, hailed away, and being amassed
footed the crokadile with his other foote, and soe by greate
chance bracke from him sore wounded and recovered the
boate, mackinge no other accounpte but that his foote was
gonne, till he sawe yet the hinder parte of the small of his
legge was bytten cleane asunder both flesh and synewes to
the bone ; and had the alligator gott him into deepe water,
assuredly he had bene carried clone away''.
The natives " seeme to bee a martiall people in theire
kinde and verie ingenious". " They are not verey blacke,
but browne of coller : the heare of som of them was arti-
ficially platted, of others yt was round-fryzeled lycke the
forme of a flatte cappe." '^Wine they seemed not to care
for, and would but taste theireof."
While lying in the Bay, the Dragon twice snapped her
cables, whereby two anchors were lost at '' this ylfavoured
hole, wheare wee could see nothinge worth commendacions
for our purpose ; for although wee gott a few cattle, yet it
seemed they wearo brought farr of, so that we could not
expect any store".
The water casks having been filled, the vessels put to
sea on the 28th of February, and on the 12th of the
following month were within sight of the coast of
Mozambique.
' On the south-west coast of Madagascar.
CAPTAIN KEELINg's VOYAGE. 113
The Dragon^ whereof Captain Wilh'am Keeling was
general, and the Hector, Captain Hawkins, sailed from
Erith on the 8th March, 1606-7, and next touched at
Plymouth, from which port they departed on the 16th of
April, 1607.
On the 7th of May the ships anchored off Maio,^ where
they lay for two days. During that time no tidings of Mr.
Dirham, who in 1604 had been left behind there by Sir
Henry Middleton, W3i 3 obtained.
The Island of Fernando Larania [Fernando Noronha]
was sighted on the 6th of June, and ten days later the ships
were off the coast of Brazil. From that time the fleet
drifted northwards, and recrossed the Line on the 8th of
July.
As some 50 of the Dragon's crew and an equal number
of the Hector's men were ill with scurvy and the flux, and
as, owing to the wind, it was impossible to reach the Island
of Fernando Larania, the General on the 30th of July held
a Council, when it was resolved to put into Sierra Leone, of
which place Sir Francis Drake and Captain Cavendish had
made a favourable report.
On the 6th of August the vessels entered the harbour of
> MS. in the India Office, fifty-nine and a quarter folio pages. The
Journal of the Third Voyage to India, so far as relates to the Dragon,
was kept by John Hearn and William Finch. It contains slight sketches
of some of the more prominent islands and landmarks sighted on the
passage. The last entry is the one for the 19th of June 1608, at which
date the Hector and Dragon were lying at anchor before Bandar Delishi,
in Socotra.
"^ See The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to the Maluco Islands (Hak-
luyt Society, 1855), pp. 5 and 6. Mr. Durham landed on the Island of
Maio with the men, to whom he gave a strong warning not to straggle.
But he seems to have straggled himself, so Sir Henry Middleton left hiia
behind.
114 CAPTAIN KEELING AT SIEEA LEONE.
Sierra Leone, at which place they remained till the 13th of
September. During that time the sick were sent on shore
to some empty huts, forinerly built by the Portugals. A
Portuguese ship, too, a regular trader between the Cape de
Verde Islands and Sierra Leone, put in there. Its master
avoided having any dealings with the English.
In retaliation for thefts committed by some of the crew,
the natives detained one man a prisoner at their village.
When this affair was reported to Captain Keeling, he
caused the offenders to be punished in the presence of the
owners of the stolen goods, to whom also he restored their
property.
A Portuguese Friar having undertaken to forward
letters to England, the General took advantage of the offer.
•' This Fryer, with 2 more, doe keepe heer aboute Sierra
Leone amongst the Portingalls to say masse : also to
procure some of the black people to become Christians,
they havinge drawne some fewe already to bee Christians^'.
" This people are verry lusty men, stronge and well
limmed ; and a good people and true, they will not steall as
others of their collour will doe in other places, ffor many of
our men lost many things ashore, and they that found them
brought them and restored them to the right owners. And
in all that tyme of our beeinge heer wee hadde no injury
offered to any of our people, but all the kyndnes that might
bee expected at the hands of such a black heathen nation."
Previous to sailing. Captain Keeling had a stone, engraven
with his own name and that of Captain Hawkins, set up on
the beach, close to another one, which bore the names of Sir
Francis Drake, a° 1580, and Captain Candish, a° 158G.
The fleet having sailed from Sierra Leone, next anchored
in Saldanha Bay, where the General, at the request of the
crews, put in for the purpose of obtaining fresh provisions.
From the countiy people 4G2 sheep and 81 head of cattle
were purchased.
THE BAY OF ST. AUGUSTINE. 115
" These people heer are a verry heathenish and brutish
peoploj not given to any goodnes. They doe apply all their
witts unto filchinge and stealinge. Their weapons are darts,
wherewith they are verry nimble, and verry expert in using
them. They are verry light of foote. They are much
afrayd of a peece, for so soone as they doe heare the reporte
thereof they fall downe to the ground, thinking thereby to
escape the danger of the shott."
On the 1st of January 1607-8 the fleet again set sail, and
on the 19th February entered the bay of St. Augustine.
At this place only a few cattle were obtained ; the water
casks too were filled.
The natives ''are a verry ingenious and an understandinge
people; they are of the collor of molatoes. They have verry
arteficiall dai^ts, headed lyke unto a broad-arrow head of
iron, and doe keep them verry bright. They have netts
verry arteficially wrought, as our netts bee in England, but
they bee made of cotton yarne. They have good under-
standinge in silver, and doe' know how to chose it: we
shewed them pewter spones and other toyes made of tin
and lead, which they knewe presently to be base, and of
small vallew. They bee proper comely men, verry well
limbed, and of a reasonable good behaviour. They bee a
verry sweete and cleane people, without any filthiness on
their heads or their bodies."
" This place neer unto the sea syde doeth yield nothinge
that is good. For I could not see anythinge but trees which
yeild no fruit, and sandy playnes yeilding no kynde of fodder
for cattell ; neyther aboute this place is there any lykely-
hood of ground where ryse might growe ; but that both
their cattell and ryse are farr upp in the country.
''And I hope that hereafter our owners at home will not
prohibitt touchinge at the Cape in hope of reliefe at any
other place whatsoever, consideringe that the touchinge
there (although it bee for a shorter tyme) doth so much
] 1 6 SOCOTRA.
iinporte the good of the voj-age, both by preserving of
men's healths by refreshinge in harbour^ as also there may
be flesh saved, in the manner as wee doe in the "West Indias
for 6 weeks victualls at the least."
On the 28th of February the fleet left the bay of St.
Augustine, and having on the passage sighted the island of
Pemba, Cape Dorfu^ and the islands of Abba de Curia^ and
Dos Tomoas,^ arrived in April at the island of Zokotora.
The general landed on the western side of the island,
and entered a town from which, on his approach, the in-
habitants had fled, as they thought that the party were
Portugals, by whom many of their number had been carried
off" to the mainland, and there sold as slaves.
'^ This towne is of a reasonable bignes. The houses are
built of stone and clay, fewer square, and flatt on the topps.
Neer the sea syde standeth their church, which is likewyse
built square, of stone and clay, lyke unto the houses : but
it is why ted on the oute syde with a kynde of lyme, and it
is walled round aboute with a stone wall in manner of a
church. In it wee sawe an altar, wheruppon are placed
3 crosses of wood, which they have anointed with a kynde
of sweete oyntment ; likewyse they have sweete wood and
frankinsence to burne ; also there are places for tapers to
burne in, and there hangeth an ould peece of pintado for a
rellique. By all which wee deemed them to bee a kynde of
Christians. And in the towne wee came to a Morels house,
where we found a table of their lawe written in Arabique,
and dyvers wrytings in Arabique in their houses. We sawe
many samples of druggs, as Olibanura, Mastick, Sang-Dra-
gonis, Turmerich, Blattalizantia, and Aloes, with other
gomes and woods, as also exceedinge sweete powders ; but
whether this island yield them or no, I know not."
' Abd-al-Kuri, an island midway between the west end of Socotra and
Cape Guardafui.
=* The Brothers ; two islands south-west of Socotra.
SOCOTRA. 117
As no supplies could be obtained at this town, the fleet
moved round to the northern side of the island, and an-
chored opposite the town of Tamore.^ The people of this
place promised to supply the ships with provisions and
water.
A Guzerat ship having entered the bay, Captain Keeling
obtained from the Guzerats much information touching the
navigation to Aden, Surat, and Cambaya. They further
informed him that broadcloth, iron, and lead were good
articles for trade at Aden, but that quicksilver and red lead
were in much greater demand ; also, that " the Governour
that now is is a yonge maun, whose fame is far spredd
to bee verry kynde unto all strangers that doe come thither
in trade."
Tamore and Delisha^ were the chief towns of Zokotora,
which island was a part of the dominions of Ameer Ben-
said.
" These people are a kynde of Mores, and doe naturally
speake the Ai'abian tongue. They be a verry subtill people,
and doe live under the Mahometan Lawe. There bee many
verry proper comely men, and have a reasonable civill
government amongst them. They are both black, tawney,
and white. There bee in this island aboute 3 thousand
Cafars, but for the most parte they bee montaniers which
seldome or never come into these towns of governement :
and of the better sorte of people in this island, wliich are
Mores, are aboute three hundred.
" This island doeth yield cattell, goates, sheep, and henns.
There bee also many date trees uppon this island, especially
at this towne Tamore, wherof I doe judge it taketh the name,
tamora beeing the Arabique worde for a date. Here is also
the drugg Aloe Sokotrina, which is made of the herbe
Sempei'vive : it taketh the name of the island Sokotora.
' Tamarida, the principal town in Sucotra.
= Baudar Dclislii.
118 SOCOTRA.
The Portingalls in tyme of yere doe come hither and trade
with them for this drugg, gevinge them silver for the same :
but noWj at this tyme, there is none to be hadd, the country
beeing all burnt upp with extreamitie of heate through
want of rayne.
" The Guzerats doe lykewyse come hither in trade, bring-
inge them ryce, white callicos, and other stuffs made aboute
Cambaya, which they truck with them for silver. Yf the
Guzerats doe take in any water heer they pay for it, as well
as for any thinge ells that this island doeth yield, and the
reason is in that they come not with such force as the
Portingalls or we doe.
" This iland yeildeth also some Civitt Catts, but verry
few.'^
In compliance with the wish of the Governor of Tamore,
Captain Keeling left a letter with him, to show to any Eng-
lishmen who at a future time might visit the island. The pur-
port of the letter was, that the natives had received the Gene-
ral kindly, and had supplied the ships with water and fresh
provisions, but that over much credit was not to be given
to them, ^'they beeinge Mores, and full of deceipt.^'
On the 29th of April the fleet set sail for Aden. During
the day the General examined a runaway slave, who had
boarded the Dragon. The man stated that he was a native
of Arabia Felix, from whence, as a prisoner of war, he had
been brought to the island, where he had endured much
misery. In answer to questions, he said that the people
and the king's son had been very unwilling to allow any
persons to land ; that the latter had given orders that no
one should be allowed to enter the town, or wander among
the trees, for fear that the cattle, sheep, and goats might be
discovered, as well as a river of fresh water. This slave
was afterwards restored to his owner.
On the 5th of May the vessels anchored in the bay of
Zukotora, close to two ships, one of which was the Guzerat
SOCOTRA. 119
which had been at Tamore. The General gave the com-
manders of these ships letters, and in return received
from them letters to the King of Cambaya and Governor of
Aden.
Contrary winds forced the general to return to Tamore,
where the fleet remained till the 19th of May, on which
day the vessels were moved round to an anchorage opposite
the '^ragged town" of Delisha, the only safe port in the
island, during the continuance of the south-west winds.
In May Captain Keeling had the allowance of bread
issued to each mess reduced by one-fourth part, the better
to make it hold out for the homewards voyage, but he pro-
mised the men that so long as the ships remained at Delisha
they should have one meal a day of fresh meat.
In June a council was held, at which it was settled that
both ships should remain at Delisha until the wind should
be favourable for continuing the voyage, in preference to the
Dragon's immediately sailing for Bantam, while the Hector
awaited a change of wind fair for a passage to Cambaya.
THE VOYAGE
or
CAPTAIN SHAEPEIGH,
1608-1609.
BKING THE FOURTH VOYAGE SET FORTH BY THE EAST INDIA^
COMPANY.
I.
The Ascension, of which Captain Alexander Sharpeigh^ was
general, and the Union, sailed from Woohvich on the 14th
of March (1607-8), and having on the passage touched at
Teneriffe and Maio, arrived on the 14th of July at Saldanha
Bay, where they remained till the 18th of September.
Duinng that time the pinnace was enlarged, aud named the
Hope j sheep and cattle were purchased, and oil for light
was obtained from seals killed, on Penguin Island.
Having sailed from Saldanha Bay, the vessels were
separated during a storm.
The Ascension having passed the Island of St. Lawrence,
> MS. in the India Office, seventy-five and a half folio pages. The
journal proper consists of sixty and a half pages, the remaining fifteen
pages being copies of twenty-five letters from Captain Sharpeigh, while
detained on shore at Aden, to the merchants and master on board the
Ascension. In these letters he related all that happened to himself, and
also gave directions concerning what goods should be landed, and what
steps should be taken to procure his own release. Both the journal and
the copies of the letters are in the same handwriting.
2 On January 12th, 1608, Captain Alexander Sharpeigh was engaged
as General of the voyage at £10 per month, and 100 marks for his pro-
vision at sea ; and he offered to adventure £200 in the general stock.
The Vice-Admiral was Captain Richard Rowles, and the Master Philip
Grove, who had been in the voyages of Lancaster and Middletou.
Sharpeigh took his brother with him as servant. — See Calendar of State
Papers, East Indies, 1613-1616.
-OFF PEMBA AND SOCOTRA. 121
anchored on the 25th of November off the Island of Comoro,
the natives of which place were found to be faithful and
courteous.
The Island of Pemba was next touched at. At first the
people seemed friendly, but afterwards they made a treacher-
ous attack on a party engaged in filling the water-casks,
when one man was killed, another wounded, and a third was
missing:, of whom no tidino^s could be obtained, when a
force landed on the following day to seek for him. On the
return of this party the Ascension put to sea. Daring the
night the vessel touched ground, but fortunately floated off
without having suffered any damage.
Next day three small ships, " Pangaes^', were captured.
Some of their company were brought on board, and kindly
treated, but suddenly they with their knives attacked the
crew : " upon this occasyon wee made with them shorte
worke, and brought most part of them by sundry wayes to
their last home; giving thankes to God for this last de-
liverye, wherein the owld proverbe was verrefyed, That one
Myscheife comes syldome alone." The goods found in these
ships, consisting principally of coarse calicoes of no great
value, were transferred to the Ascension.
On the night of the ninth of January (1608-9) there was
" an eclipes of the moone w°^ was very fayre, and con-
tinewed one hower and 30 minutes."
A supply of fresh water was obtained from some unin-
habited islands in latitude 4 deg. 10 min. south; there many
"lande turtles of a hudge bignes" were found, also much
goodly ship timber grew on the islands.
On the 1st of April, the Ascension being off the coast
of Socotora, fell in with a Guzerat ship from Diew,^
bound to Aden, whither the General arranged to accom-
pany her. On the 7th, the Ascension anchored some 2
leagues from Aden, which city she next morning saluted
• Diu.
122 ADEN.
with 5 pieces of ordnance. In the morning, the pilot of the
Guzerat ship, with the Sabindar and the Admiral of the sea
for the city, and divers others, went on board the ship. They
promised to supply such things as the ship requii-ed, and
added that such goods as were there vendible might be sold
upon paying the ordinary customs. On the 8th, the Gene-
ral landed and had a house assigned him by the Governor,
but was prevented from returning to the ship. On the 10th,
by the GeneraFs order, the Ascension was warped in closer
to the city, which she saluted with 3 guns ; the city replied
with 25 guns ; when, to show the vessel was well armed, a
second salute of 14 guns was fired. The Governor of the
town sent word to the Bashaw, who resided at Sinay,^
a city distant seven days' journey from Aden, of the arrival
of the ship : the latter gave orders to treat the company in
such manner as would induce them to return there for trade.
Notwithstanding this order. Captain Sharpeigh was still
detained, the Governor at one time promising to release him
if he would unlade the ship, at another time if he would
settle about the customs. Finally, his liberation was pro-
cured by exchanging for him two of the Governor's officers,
who, having boarded the Ascension, had been detained on
board as hostages. Then the Governor insisted on sending
Mr. Jourdain and Mr. Glascock to the Bashaw, but they
failed in obtaining from him redress. From Sinay they
went to Mocha,^ and there rejoined the ship.
" The city is a garryson, and consystes more in
souldiers then in marchaunts ; though frequented by some
fewe marchaunts in some fashion from India, to furuishe
the place it selfe and other places adjoyninge thereto vv'^ the
commodetyes y*^ India affoardes, w*^*^ noe doubt they make
great bennefytt thereby. It standeth in a valley, and hath
upon the northe syde, upon a lyttell ilando or rocke cut out
of the maync, a fayer castoll to see, too invynceabcll to bo
' Sana' a. - El-Mokha.
MOCHA. 123
taken but by famyne. This castell commandes the poarte
and holle cittye, w"*^ for antycketye is famous : but now for
waunt of repayringe is very much ruinated and fewe good
houses standinge therein, a thing lammentabell to see the
ruines of fayer houses in y' sorte to bee raced downe to the
grounde. Yet have they a great care for the beautefyeinge
their citty to keepe the walles next unto the sea syde in
repparation, w'^^ makes the citty shewe outwardly very
fayer.' ^
On the 8th of May, W. Eevett, Philip Glascock, and
another, were sent forward to Mocha. At that port they
found many ships from Dabul, Diewe, Chaull,^ Surat,
Cocheen, and Ormus. They were well received by the
Governor, who gave them permission to take a house. At
first they occupied the house of " a talkative lyenge Jewe,
w*^*^ spake Spanishe".
From a merchant of Surat they learned "for a certaine of
Capten Haukins, his being w''^ the Hector at a place called
Surratt, where hee was kyndly entertayned, and had beene
w*^ the Kyng, who had graunted him to establish a factory
in Surratt : to w'^^' end hee had sent away his shipp for
Bantam, but remayned himself with three more there".
With this and other intelligence, Glascock returned to
the General.
On the 9th of June, the Ascension, which at Aden had
been rejoined by the pinnace, anchored off Mocha. While
at sea some of the pinnace's crew had murdered their master,
" honest Jno. Luff kin", for which crime two of their num-
ber were executed.
Mocha is much resorted to by merchants from Constanti-
nople, Aleppo, Damascus, and Tripoli, who bring with them
cloth, kersey, tin, all sorts of silk stuffs, but principally ready
money, to trade with those from Ethiopia and all parts of
India. " The citty is situated in a playne, and cousistcs in
' Choul.
124 MOCHA.
some 6000 houses, the 3 partes whereof are of caines covered
of straw (ye reason is) ; it rayneth very lyttell there. It
hath the water from wells, some myles out of the citty, and
brought in by poore peopell upon asses, by w'^'^ meanes they
gett their livinge. It hath neither walls, castell, nor fort,
nor garde of souldiers. But the chiefe raauutenaunce of it
is y" trade of marchaunts, w"^ with the easterly monsones
commeth out of India to sell their marchandize unto the
marchaunts aflForesayd, w'^'^ commeth by bark from Swes^ and
Zidda.'^ " Now, by reason of troubles in Zidda^ and other
places in those partes, this citty serveth the marchaunts of
Constautinopell, Alleppo, Trippolie, Daraasco, and Grand
Cairo, of turbanes, callicoes of all sortes, pyntadoes, and
divers other coullored stuffes, as also white of great vallew,
w'*" all sortes of spyce, cotton, wolle, and in fyne indico,
^,ch goeth by this passadge into most partes of the worlde.
They bringe also and serveth this place out of India much
iron, w"^ they reape great bennefytt by, and are shewer of
ther sales."
'' They make no meaues to fortefy, for y* the peopell say-
eth they have 2 proffetts w"^ remayneth in the citty, and
have each of them their Muscito, W'' is a church or house of
devotion. These proffetts by watch night and day, as they
say, doe guard the citty. The one of them is called Shaomer
Shadli, and the other Shedhla Amoode. Shaomer Shadli
was the fyrst inventor for drynking of Coffe, and therefore
had in esteemation: the other for some superstitous matters
had in honour.^'
" The peopell are very affabell (and degennerate from
them in Turkey) : for y' a man may passe heere quyetly all
seasons both day and night w"'out molestation. Goodes
lyinge continually upon the key w'''^out pylferinge or pur-
lovuiuo-e."
On the 2GLh of July the Ascension sailed from Mocha,
1 Suoz. ' Jiddah.
SOCOTRA. 1 25
and on the 12th of August anchored off Socotra. The
General was induced by the natives to move from that
anchorage to another^ which they represented to be more
convenient for obtaining water at ; but this was found to
be false. Of General Keeling the natives spake much and
favorably, but did not produce any letter from hini until
the Ascension was getting under sail. General Reeling's
letter was a warning against the treacherous dealings of
those people. A similar letter, for the benefit of any who
at a future period should touch at that island, having been
sent on shore, the voyage was resumed on the 20th of
August.
While lying at Socotra the Ascension lost all her anchors
except one.
THE VOYAGE
OF
CAPTAIN SHARPEIGH,
1608-1609.
BEING THE FOURTH VOYAaE SET POBTH BY THE EAST INDIA
COMPANY.
II.
Captain Alexander Shaqieigh's account of his voyage to India, and of
tlie loss of the Ascension.^
The Ascension and Union had a quick passage from
England to Saldanha Bay. After leaving that bay the
Ascension lost sight of the Union and the pinnace. Having
failed to obtain a supply of water at Comoro, Captain
Sharpeigh touched at the Island of Pemba, the natives of
which place treacherously attacked his men who were
engaged in filling the water-casks. On the day after this
attack he put to sea ; during the night the Ascension
touched the ground, but fortunately floated off without sus-
' MS. in the India Office, six and three-quarter folio pages. This
account is contained in a letter written by Captain Sharpeigh to the
"Right Worii and Wor'i Sirs". The date at which it was written is not
given ; and the place he was at, when writing, is only alluded to as
" this place". On a blank prefixed to the journal there is this note: —
" Laus Deo. On hoard the JVades Increase^ 5 April, 1612.
"Captain Sharpeigh to Captain John Saidry, Governor of
the English Fleet in Moa Roads.
" Captain Sharpeigh cautions Captain Saidry against the false dealing
of the natives, and relates the treatment he himself had experienced at
the hands of the Governor of Aden. At INIocha he had spent two months
without buying or selling. No doubt Captain Saidry will find the
letters he has brought with him very effectual : yet he mast beware of
the Basha and Aga ; they will talk hiin into landing his goods, and will
-ADEN AND MOCHA. 127
taining any damage. Next day three small native ships
were captured, and some thirty men of their crews were
brought on board the ship. These men were seemingly
unarmed, but suddenly they with their knives attacked the
Ascension^s crew, for which they were either put to the
sword or thrown overboard.
A further supply of fresh water was obtained at some
islands in latitude four degrees ten minutes south.
Off the Island of Socotra the Ascension fell in with a
Guzerat ship ; in company with this vessel Captain Shar-
peigh proceeded to Aden. At that city he was at first
kindly entertained by the Governor, who, however refused
him permission to return to the ship. Finally, Captain
Sharpeigh ''by a slight'^, got on board, first having pro-
mised to pay customs not only for the goods' on shore, but
also for those in the ship. The Governor insisted on send-
ing Jourdain and Glascock to the Bashaw, from whom they
failed in obtaining any redress, and he told them that in
future he would not allow any persons to remain in those
parts, unless they had the Grand Tui'k's command to him
to do so.
From Aden Captain Sharpeigh went to Mocha, where
Jourdain and Glascock rejoined him. From Mocha he
returned to Socotra, where the Ascension lost all her anchors
then do him a mischief. Captain Sharpeigh hopes that this will be a
warning to Captain Saidry."
Dated Babamandell, the 5th April, 1612. (Three-quarters of a folio
page.)
" The Hollanders had factories at the four following ports on the
coast of Coromandel, viz. —
"1. Carapatam in the Territory of Tanjore, 16 leagues from St
Thome.
" 2. Pellicatt, 22 leagues from Carapatam, and G leagues from St.
Thome.
" 3. Arremagam, 8 leagues from Pellicat.
" 4. Pettipillie, 2-4 leagues from Arremagam."
128 THE WRECK OF THE '' ASCENSION^'.
save one. While off that island the pinnace had again
parted company from the Ascension, being driven out to sea
by adverse winds.
Having on the 20th of August, 1609, sailed from Socotra,
the Ascension next anchored in a bay some thirty leagues
south of Diwe. At that place no pilot could be obtained
to carry the ship to Surat. On again setting sail the
master shaped his course in accordance with the information
which he had obtained at Mocha, from the pilot of a great
ship of Surat, and also by a '' Plott or draught of the Bay
of Cambay", which the same pilot had given him. With
frequent use of the lead the Ascension ran into 10, 9, 8,
and, suddenly, 4| fathoms of water. The master attempted
to carry her across the shoal, but she struck astern, which,
though no great blow, carried away the rudder. As she
floated off her anchor was let go, which held her for some
time ; but during the following evening it gave way, when
she struck frequently with great force, and began to leak to
such an extent that in two hours all hopes of saving her
were lost. At midnight, the ship's hold being then full of
water, the crew, to the number of 78 persons, left her in
two boats, and the wind being fair the next day they fell in
with the land. At first they supposed it was the bar of
Surat, but it proved to be that of " Gadavee".
There Captain Sharpeigh learned that the pinnace, having
entered the river, had been seized by the Portugals, who
" had no other thing save stones for their purchase", for the
crew had, in anticipation of an attack, removed all the
goods, and thrown the ordnance overboard.
" Some 40 miells up the river is the towne of Gadavie,
where we landed, and were curtesly enterteined by the
Governor, and the next day sentt us away, fearing the
Porttingalls to come and take us from hime."
A journey of two days carried the company to Suratt,
where they found W. Finch and three other Englishmen.
AND ESCAPE OF THE CREW. 129
They were not allowed to - enter the city, but remained in a
neighbouring village daring some fourteen days, after which
time the party, except some of their number who had by
stealth entered the city, set out for " this place".
After travelling for 18 days Captain Sharpeigh and his
company reached the city of '*' Baramportt^', where he was
attacked by a fever. While he was ill most of the men left
him, some for Surat, others for "this place".
Upon recovery he set out from Baramportt, having pre-
viously obtained a pass from " Caun Cauntt", the King's
General in those parts. On the second day of the journey
a cabinet containing the King's letters and some money
was stolen : in hopes of recovering this cabinet Captain
Sharpeigh returned to Baramportt, but failed to recover it.
The General, who was much grieved at his misfortune, gave
him a letter to the King, in which mention was made of the
loss of the King's letters. With this letter Captain Sharpeigh
again started, and arrived in safety at " this place", '' where
the King att presentt is not, but w'^'^in these 20 dayes wilbe
heare, untill when I know not how he will take the losse of
y^ letters."
Captain Hawkins was, by all accounts, in great favour
with the king and nobles ; the former had granted him the
pay of 400 horse (with a promise to increase it to that of
1000), and the privilege of fr^e trade.
Should the Company determine to trade in the Red Sea,
it would be well to '^procure the Great Turks Com*'^ and
Copie of our priveledges, or elce there wylbe noe tradinge
hither. Y*^ portt must be Mocha, for Aden is a Towne of
Garisone." The commodities of the country are not fit for
England ; but Indian goods were the same as at Aleppo and
Alexandria, only better and cheaper.
There must be two Factors, one with the Bashaw at
Cenaw,^ the other at Mocha.
' Sana' t.
130 ADVICE OF CAri'AIN SHARPEIGH.
{Ships for the Red Sea must be at the Cape in March or
April, as then the wind is fair for the voyage to Socotra and
Mocha.
Ships trading in the East must carry out with them
pinnaces of force to enable them to embark their cargoes
" despitte of the Porttingalls whoe ordinarily in the somer
lye at the Bar, with 40 or 50 frigattes,, that noe boatte can
goe in or out w*^out their license^'.
Captain Sharpeigh concluded by hoping that judgment
on any charges brought against him would be suspended
until he returned to England. If again employed he would
serve faithfully.
There must be greater care for the future in selecting the
crews of ships, both of men skilled in mariners' art, and of
men of general good conduct.
SIXTH VOYAGE
SET FORTH BY
THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.
INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN BY THE GOVERNOR AND COMMITTEE OP THE
COMPANY OP MERCHANTS TRADING TO THE EAST INDIES TO
LAWRENCE FEMELL,^ THE PRINCIPAL FACTOR, AND THE
OTHER FACTORS EMPLOYED IN THE SIXTH VOYAGE.^
1. Directions to pay attention to the instructions con-
tained in the general Commission, a copy of which was pro-
vided for the factors.
2. That much is expected from Femell, as Chief Factor,
in consequence of the strong recommendations and high
opinion had of him. That at whatever places he shall visit,
or at which he may found a factory, he is to obtain full
information relative to the manners and condition of the
natives; the form of government; what commodities,
especially woollens and other goods of home manufacture
brought from England, are most vendible, whereby trade
may be carried on without sending out money ; also what
should be the quality, quantity, colour and price of such
goods, and, in regard to cloth, whether it should be high
shorn or low, strained or unstrained ; lastly to advise what
other goods it may be expedient to provide.
3. To report the commodities of each country best suited
to be sent home to England, or for trade at other places in
the East. What trade the people have with other nations
' Lawrence Femell was a merchant in Reeling's voyage.
- Original MS., seven and a quarter folio pages.
132 INSTRUCTIONS TO
neighbouring to, or remote from themselves; and what
goods are used in such trade. To give the value of the
coins of each country, and their respective weights, and also
the diflferent measures. Also to mention all other things
with which it may be useful for the Committee to be
acquainted. The letters containing such information to be
sent home by the way of the Eed Sea to Cairo, to the care
of the '' French ConsulP' there, and thence via Marseilles to
England, or else by caravans through Persia and across the
Caspian Sea. For greater security Femell is supplied with
an '^ Alphabet of Caracter'\
4. Should the vessels touch at Aden or Mocha, enquiries
should be made touching those of the Fourth Voyage, to
whom, if they have founded a factory there, every assistance
(as far as might be convenient) should be rendered, and
their attention should be called to the urgent command to
forward letters to the Committee. If by letters or otherwise
any hope of maintaining trade even in English goods be
held out to the Committee, they will send other ships there.
Femell is to dispose of his goods for gold or silver, if he can
do so profitably.
5. Upon arrival at Surat, Femell is to enquire whether
Mr. Wm. Hawkins, or any other person had settled capitula-
tions (for trade) with the Great Mogul ; and if such should
be insuflficient, he is to act as he may deem expedient, but
he is also to obtain a safe conduct from the King of Cam-
baya to carry on trade ; then, having disposed of the ships,
he and such factors as he may choose are to repair to the
Great Mogul to make further capitulations for peaceable
trade at Surat, or elsewhere, " alwaies remembringe the
honor of our king and contry, and the reputations of our
negotiators in those partes'\ Further, the Committee have
procured His Majesty^s letters to the Great Mogul, the origi-
nal and copy whereof Femell is to take care shall be delivered
" with that honor w''^ maye be well fittinge soe greate a
LAWRENCE FEMELL. 133
raonarche"; further he is to present '' some honorable pre-
sent" to the Great Mogul, and to some of the chief officers
of the Court.
C. For his further information Feraell is supplied with a
copy of the pr-ivileges which Sir James Lancaster had
obtained from the King of Achin, but he is not bound to
adhere strictly to their purport.
7. Femell is to obtain information whether a factory may
not be founded at Dabul, or Negratitti in the river of Sindus,
or at any other port, where the shipping may be in shelter
and be protected from the Portugals, and at which factory
goods may be sold and stored.
8. To obtain information relative to the breadth, depth,
ebbing and flowing of the tides, currents and shoals of the
various ports ; the cost of transporting goods from port to
port, both by land and sea ; and what customs and duties are
payable at each port, as also anchorage dues, etc,
9. If there shall be at Aden any goods of the Fourth
Voyage, or at Surat of the Third or Fourth, to be conveyed
to England, such goods are to be shipped on board the ves-
sels of the Sixth Voyage, care being taken to see that each
package be properly branded. An inventory of such pack-
ages, as well as a record of all buying, selling, bartering,
shipping, receiving, and transporting of goods, with an ac-
count of all other business, is to be kept in a register, of
which a true copy (signed by four or five factors) is to be
sent home by every opportunity.
10. Femell is to appoint the best qualified person under
him to keep a journal and ledger ; and another man to
act as cashier, to receive and pay out all moiiies ; also to
assign to the other factors their respective duties. Fur-
ther, he is to examine all their accounts every week, or
oftener, and to continue or displace them from their posts
as he may judge expedient.
11. '^ And because there is noe meanes more prevailent
134 INSTRUCTIONS TO
to strenglithen and coufirm the waies of the goodly in
Eighteousnes then the Spirit of God" ..." wee exhorts
you in the feare of God to bee very carefull to assemble to-
gether your whole familye every morninge and eveninge,
and to joine together in all humillitie w'^ harty prayer to
Almighty God for his mercyfuU protection and favour unto
you in all your proceedings."
12. As '^ civill behaviour" is very necessary to win the
love and estimation of the natives, Femell is to see that
there be no contentions or quarrels prejudicial to business,
or casting scandal upon the professions and religion of him-
self and his company, and that none of his people give just
cause of complaint to any man.
13. Special care is to be taken to uphold '' the honor of
our King and the reputation of our trafficke".
14. To advance the sale of goods at Surat to the utmost.
15. With any stock remaining on his hands, he is to pur-
chase such goods as will be most vendible in England, and
to have them ready for the ship^s next sailing.
16. Such money as he may have in hand and be unable
to invest in goods for shipment, he is to employ in trade in
the country for the Company's benefit,
17. If at any of the places he shall visit, he shall find any
of the factors of the third and fourth voyages, whom he may
consider as better qualified for their births than those with
himself, he is to continue them in their charges, provided
that they are to expect no increase of wages beyond the
amounts they had already agreed to ; further, they are not
to receive their pay until they return to England, or they
may have it handed over to their relatives in that country,
but while abroad they are not to draw for more than £10 or
20 marks per annum (at the rate of five shillings sterling
for the rial of eight) to provide themselves with clothing :
further, no factor is to be allowed to carry on private trade.
18. If any of the factors object to serve on these terms,
LAWRENCE I'EMELL. 135
they are to be sent home to England on the first oppor-
tunity. As the Committee wish to obtain from Mr. Haw-
kins more particular information about the East, he is to
return home as soon as convenient.
19. To be careful to buy the best sort of goods. Also
all goods to be carefully packed^ and each package branded.
20. Invoices to be sent home by every ship. The cost of
all goods to be clearly set forth. Further, invoices of all
goods and their value remaining on hand to be forwarded
to the Committee.
21. To report concerning the pearl fisheries of Ormuz.
22. When Femell shall have repaired to the Great Mogul,
or otherwise shall be settled in the country, he is to en-
deavour by the aid of the Great Mogul, or of his chief offi-
cers to obtain restitution for the goods seized by the Portu-
gals in the river of Surat, and also the release of those
servants of the Company then captives at Goa. Further, he
is to try to procure a freedom from customs (both in-
wards and outwards) levied on goods and money, or at least
money to be free, and a reasonable rate only to be levied on
such goods as may be landed, all remaining in the ships
being duty free.
23. Special vigilance enjoined with regard to the Por-
tugals.
24. Two gold rings set with emeralds are to be disposed
of as presents in such manner as may most benefit the
Company.
In case of Femell's death, previous to arrival at Surat,
John Fowler is to be chief factor, with Hugh Train, Ben-
jamin Greene, Robert , Thomas Glemham, John Wil-
liams, Francis Slany, Rowland Webb, John Stoughton, and
Baily Ball, to rank successively after him in case of further
mortality : at Surat, in event of Mr. FemelPs death, Mr.
Hawkins is to be chief agent, the others to take rank after
him.
136 INSTRUCTIONS TO FEMELL.
If Mr. Femell survive till he arrives at Surat, or settles
elsewhere in the East Indies, he is to name his own suc-
cessor, making choice from the factors who accompany him
as well as from those already out there. All obedience is to
be rendered to the ch'ief factor, and regard paid to priority
of rank. If any factor be chosen to fill a position," the late
holder of which drew higher wages, he is to receive no in-
crease of pay, the Committee retaining to themselves the
power to reward such factor on his return. Baily Ball is, if
possible, to be given a better post than that of steward on
board the Peppercorn.
Finally, Femell is to be careful to procure "anie rare
thinges", as birds, animals, or other things fit to present to
His Majesty or to the Noble Lords that are the Company^s
honorable friends. He is to forward such home in charge
of careful men. If any mariner has any curiosity as above-
mentioned, and refuses to part with it on reasonable terms,
Femell is to inform the Committee that they may take steps
accordingly.
Signed by
S^ Thomas Smith, Governor.
S° John Wattes.
Robert Bell. Hugh Hamersly.
William Harryson. Robert Middelton.
Robert Ofley. Thomas Stiles.
COMMISSION TO SIR H. MIDDLETON. 137
II.
COMMISSION ISSUED TO SIR HENRY MIDDLETON AND OTHERS FOR
THE SIXTH VOYAGE TO THE EAST INDIES.^
1 . Appointment of Sir Henry Middleton to the command
of the fleet consisting of the Trade's Increase, Peppercorn,
and Darling.
2. Appointments of Nicholas Downton to be second in
command ; of Benjamin Greene to be chief merchant in the
Darling ; of Lawrence Femell to be chief agent at Surat ;
of Matthew MuUineux to be pilot-major on board the Trade's
Increase. All of whom are to render due obedience to their
superiors in rank.
8. Each ship's company to assemble morning and evening
for prayers.
4. Blasphemy, swearing, thieving, drunkenness, and other
disorderly conduct, to be severely punished. No gambling
to be permitted, as the same generally leads to quarrel-
lings and murders, and is provocative of God's vengeance.
5. A special order is to be issued "that noe liquor bee
spilte in the ballaste of the shippe, nor fithines bee lefte
within bourde'^, as the same cause illness, but special care
is to be taken to keep the ships sweet and clean.
6. The general, lieutenant, and master of each ship to re-
ceive an inventory of all stores on board before the ship
leaves the Thames, such stores to be kept under lock and
' Original MSS., seven and a quarter and fourteen and a half folio
pages.
This volume contains copies of the Instructions given to Lawrence
Femell, the chief factor ; and of the Commission issued to Sir Henry
Middleton, Nicholas Downton, and others, for their guidance during the
Sixth Voyage.
The manuscript is injured throughout, a small piece at the foot of
each page having Ijeen worn or torn away.
138 COMMISSION TO
key until the ship is at sea^ when they are to be handed over
to the charge of the various officers who are to have charge
of such. All stores to be entered in the purser's books
when issued, and only to be issued on the warrant of the
general, lieutenant, or chief merchant of each ship, such
warrants to be duly registered by the purser.
7. The general and his master to issue such instructions
to the commanders of the other vessels as may prevent the
vessels getting separated on the voyage.
8. A joui-nal to be kept of each day's navigation and of
all circumstances that may occur. Such journals to be kept
by the lieutenant, merchant, purser, pilots, and master^s
mates, who are from time to time to compare their notes.
9. At all places at which the fleet may touch, the general
and other officers are to warn the men to behave civilly and
peaceably towards the natives, so that supplies may be easily
obtained. Discretion is to be used in eating fruits and fresh
victuals, which the general is to have served out in modera-
tion. The sick to be specially cared for. No straggling to
be allowed at any place where the men may be sent ashoi-e.
10. The general, merchants, and ships' companies to
draw up an agreement in writing relative to the disposal of
the possessions of such of their number as may die on the
voyage, such goods either to be stored away until the ships
return, or sold at the mast, in which case no man to be
allowed to spend more than one-thii'd of his pay. No buy-
ing, selling, or exchanging to be allowed on boai'd. No
man to be allowed to ship more goods than his chest will
hold, such goods to be registered in the purser's books
under pain of forfeiture to the Company. If a factor dies,
his goods, books, and accounts to be registered by the
purser and brought back to England.
11. For the preservation of health, as each cask is
emptied of fresh water, it is to be filled with salt water.
12. On the passage between the Island of St. Lawrence
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON. 139
and the coast of " Sophola'' care to be taken to avoid the
" Flattes of India", upon which there are strong currents.
13. The General to use his discretion about refreshing at
Saldania, or in the Bay of St. Augustine, the necessity of
reaching Surat by the end of September being duly con-
sideredj as well as the chances of obtaining refreshment at
Socotra^ of purchasing the Aloe Socotrina, and of setting up
the pinnace at that island.
14. The Committee recommend the General to touch at
Socotra^ as he may there meet Guzerats, from whom he may
obtain intelligence about W°\ Hawkins and the other factors
left at Surat by the Hector. If the monsoon does not suit
for the voyage to Surat^ the General is to visit Aden and
Mocha, at which places he is to buy only cloves, mace, and
nutmegs, which are as valuable at Surat as in England.
At Aden and Mocha he is to see that his men do not give
offence to the natives.
15. Upon arrival at Surat every means is to be used to
learn tidings of William Hawkins and the other factors.
Upon any one of them joining the ship information is to be
obtained from him relative to the state of the country, the
reception the factors had met with, what privileges have
been obtained, what goods are in most demand, and what
goods are in hand ready for shipping : further, what com-
modities are there suited for England, or for Bantam, Pria-
man. Ban da, and the Moluccas, and whether such can be
shipped in time to enable the fleet to benefit by the mon-
soon; what force the Spaniards can muster; and how far
the Guzerats may be inclined to aid the Company's servants.
If any encouragement is given, the Darling, with Lawrence
Ffemell, is to be despatched with all speed towards Bantam,
etc.
16. The lead, tin, elephants' teeth, quicksilver, vermilion,
sword-blades, red lead, cloth, kerseys, looking-glasses, and
red caps (if expedient), to be sent up to Surat in frigates.
140 COMMISSION TO
Before an agent goes up to Surat, tlie General is to consider
with him and the other factors in what manner His Majesty's
letters are to be delivered, and what presents are to be
given and to whom. Such pieces of the velvet, provided
for presents, as the General in his discretion does not give
away, he is to sell ; further* he may make use of some of the
gilt plate for the former purpose.
17. If the former factors have not procured a house large
enough to receive the people and goods, the chief agent is
to confer with them relative to obtaining a larger building.
18. The question of despatching the ships and of selling
the goods at current prices to be carefully considered, re-
gard being had to the fact that the prices asked will be re-
garded as a precedent for the future. If it be thought
better to hold such goods over, the lading for the ships
(homeward bound) may be purchased with the money in
hand, and such forwarded by the Peppercorn and Darling,
if there be sufficient for both vessels ; the goods of each
voyage being marked and numbered separately. The most
desirable commodities for sending home are indigo, both
round and flat, of the best quality ; calicoes, white, of good
quality ; calicoes, light-coloured, only the best qualities ;
strasses of all sorts ; cinnamon, twenty tons of the best
Ceylon, well packed ; cotton-yarn, twenty tons of the finest,
also five tons of a coarser quality ; green ginger, four tons ;
red sa(ndal) wood, three tons ; " Turbithe", two tons ;
opium, . . . pounds weight ; Benjamin, ten tons, if it can
be had at a reasonable rate ; " Sail armoniack", two tons ;
olibanum, ten tons ; lignum aloes, as much as possible ;
worm seeds ; gumlac, both best and second qualities ; and
silk of Persia, a good quantity. Upon the despatch of the
above goods to England, the General in the Trade's In-
crease is to proceed to Priaman, Banda, and the Moluccas.
19. At Priaman, the iron, calicoes, and pintadoes, are to
be disposed of for gold, or pepper, of which latter four hun-
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON. 141
dred tons are to be purchased. Too much anxiety to pur-
chase pepper must not be allowed to appear, nor the natives
be allowed to imagine that there is much calicoe on board.
From Priaman the ship is to proceed to Bantam and there
discharge the iron, lead^ calico, and cloth, and to ship silk
only.
20. Upon arrival at Banda a suitable present is to be
made to the Governor. Nutmegs and mace to be purchased,
the latter to be of the largest and brightest description.
While such are being provided the ship is (if convenient) to
proceed to the Moluccas to purchase cloves ; then to return
to Banda to ship the nutmegs and maces, and from thence
(leaving factors and sufficient stock behind) to sail for Ban-
tam, and there to take in silk and other goods for London.
Then, having received invoices (signed by the factors) of all
stock left" at those places, the General is with all speed to
get under weigh for England. The accounts of each adven-
ture to be kept separately. .
If at Surat there be no sale of the goods left there, such
commodities are (when the monsoon suits) to be carried
ba'^k to Aden and Mocha, and employed in the purchase of
such goods as the junks may bring to those ports.
21. If there is no trade to be done at Surat, the Gene-
ral is to invite the Guzerats to meet him at the Island
of Socotra, where there would be no customs to pay. If
there be no employment for Femell and the other factors at
Surat, they are to go to Aden or Mocha, or to such other
places as the General may decide upon. Should the General
sail for Bantam, he is to dispose of the ships as he thinks
best, and Femell is to be left there as chief agent with some
of the factors, the others to be placed at Banda; in this
case, all the old factors, except Spalding and two others who
have learned the language, to be removed from Bantam.
22. Such factors as remain on board the ships to be
employed in weighing and paying for goods ; nothing to
142 COMMISSION TO
be done without their privity, and all business transactions
to be entered in their books. Every night they are to
make a report to the commander of the ship of all business
done during the day, and they are also to compare their
books daily with those of the purser to see that all goods
bought have been delivered.
23. All business transactions at each place to be entered
by -the factors in books sent out to them for that purpose,
such books to serve as records for their successors, and
copies only of the same to be sent home to the Committee.
None of the factors to be suffered to bring away any books
of accounts, but only copies thereof signed by their suc-
cessors and two other factors, such copies to be sealed up.
Further, the General is to obtain information relative to
harbours and places (to prepare for the sale of English
goods) about Dabul, in the River Sindus or Saree, at Cape
Resolgate, or any ports on the coast of Arabia, free from
enemies and affording kind entertainment, where the ships
of the Company might meet those of the Moors, Guzerats,
and other nations. The ports of Socotra being particularly
recommended to him for that purpose.
24. No person who shall succeed by appointment or
otherwise to any command or office, either in a ship or
factory, shall take or be allowed the wages of his predecessor,
but shall only draw his own salary without any further
demand on the Company, unless the Governor or Committee
of the Company shall be pleased to grant him a further
allowance.
25. The Company will account it presumption for any
factor to call himself captain without their express order
to do so. Factors are to return as private merchants.
26. No cabins to be altered, nor other alterations made
in the ships.
27. No increase of wages to be awarded to any person,
but each person upon his return will have his case considered
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON. 140
by the Company. The General is not to remove any officer
from his post without the advice of a council consisting of
Nicholas Downton, Femell, and others, whom he shall con-
sult. He is to consult the same with reference to all business
of importance. On the homeward voyage he is to call to
his assistance such members of the former council as may
be on board.
28. No man to be allowed to indulge in private trade, nor
to bring home more goods than will fit in a chest, the same
to be registered in the purser's books, so that if any man die
his friends may learn what goods he owned.
29. Unnecessary firing of salutes forbidden.
30. In case of Sir Henry Middleton dying, Nicholas Down-
ton is to succeed him. In case of both djnng, instructions
in writing in a sealed packet are given with reference to the
appointment of a new commander.
31. No persons, unless in the service of the Company,
to be allowed to sail on board the ships for the East.
32. The General is to use his discretion in setting apart
one of the smaller ships to trade from place to place in the
Indies, and to carry home the cargo so acquired.
33. To prevent disorder either on the outward or home-
ward voyages, the General is forbidden (unless compelled
by necessity) to allow any of his ships to touch at Falmouth,
Plymouth, or Dartmouth.
34. Relying on his diligence and discretion, the Com-
mittee commit him to the protection of Almighty God.
Considering that a Commission was issued to Mr. Sharpy,
General of the Fourth Voyage, to trade at Aden, Mocha,
Surat, etc., and to found a factory where most convenient,
and that it is reported that he had traded at Mocha, Sir
Henry Middleton, upon arrival at Socotra, is to make en-
quiries about- him, and to try by all possible means to for-
ward certain letters to him and his factors, giving them a
choice of being employed in the Company^s service or of re-
144 COMMISSION TO MIDDLETON.
turning by the first ship to England, in which case they are
to bring some goods on account of the Fourth Voyage. If
there shall be no tidings of them there, then enquiries are
to be made at Bantam, Priaman, Banda, and the Moluccas,
and if found the letters are to be delivered to them.
If the General in his travels can ^' convenyently come by
anie rare thinges, as live birdes, or beastes, or any other
thinge fit for us to present to his Ma"^ or any of the noble
Lordes, w"*^ are our honarable frendes^^, he is to send them
home to the Committee in charge of careful persons. And
if he knows any of the mariners to possess such, and to re-
fuse to part with it, he is to inform the Committee, who will
take steps accordingly.
Signed by
S" Thomas Smith, Governor.
Robert Bell.
Robert Middellton.
Thomas Style.
Hugh Hammersly.
RoBT Offley.
THE SECOND VOYAGE
SIE HENHY MTDDLETON,
1610-1611.
BEING THE SIXTH SET FORTH BY THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.^
I.
The Trade's Increase, of which Sir Henry Middleton was
General, the Peppercorn, and the Darling, accompanied by
a store ship, sailed on the 1st of April, 1610, from the
Downs. The fleet put into " Saphia"^ Roads to obtain tim-
ber to fish the Admiral's mainmast, but failed to do so ; and
next touched at the Cape de Verde Islands, from whence
they sailed on the 16th of May. At these islands the store-
ship parted company from the other vessels.
On the fourth of July, " the wind being very much, and
fowle weather, our shipe (the Peppercorn) was very leake
in the bowes, and the water ran into the powder roome
throw the sealinge and bulke head and was 5 foote deepe,
and it wett us much powder. And the same day our
Admirall horded us and brake our head, and bore her mayne-
topmaste by the bord".
The fleet on the 23rd of July entered Saldanha Bay, and
remained there at anchor until the 12th of August. In
the Bay there was " a greate hollanse shipe, which was
Admirall to 9 sayle, and by reason of fowle weather shee
loste her company, being bound for the East India : and
• Sixteen and three-quarters folio pages. The entry for the 29th
January, 1610-11, is the final one in this Journal.
- Called Saffee further on. Mis- written, probably, for Sallee on the
coast of Morocco.
146 PROCEEDINGS AT MOCHA.
there wei'e two savle morOj Flemens, that were fishers for
trayne oyle.^^
When the vessels entered the Bay of St. Augustine, the
Union was found lying at anchor, '^ for shee had road there
six weekes. And she was in great distresse for want of
vittles; so wee releved hir, for shee was homward bound,
laden with pejDer, having in hir one merchante whose name
was Mr. Bradshew, for the reste of the merchantes with the
Captayne was betrayed at a place caled Zensebar".
Having on the 9th of September set sail from the Bay of
St. Augustine, the fleet on the 25th of October anchored in
Tamarida Bay,^ from whence, five days, later, they sailed
for Aden.
In compliance with a request made by the Deputy- Go-
vernor of the town Sir Henry Middleton, when he himself
with the Trade's Increase and Darling sailed for Mocha, left
the Peppercorn at Aden to carry on trade there. The Pep-
percorn, on the 17th of December, followed the other vessels
to Mocha, but without several of her merchants and seamen,
who having landed were detained by the Governor.
On the 22nd of December " the Generall departed from
Moha^ to Sinna^ to the Bashaw, with divers of his men to the
number of 30 and od persons, all besydes his smythes, car-
penters and cockers, the which they detayned behinde there
for the finishinge of the pinnis, but faste in irons, and dayly
at there labor which was unmertifull and lamentable to
heare, God comforte them'\ On the following day, Mr.
Peramerton succeeded in making his escape, and was picked
up by a boat from the Trade's Increase.
On the 19th of January, lGlO-11, the vessels, having
crossed over from Moha, anchored oif the coast of '' Abasha"
on the western side of the Red Sea. The people of this
country were friendly, and supplied the fleet with cattle
and i.esh water. The King's son " certified us how that
' In Socotra. « El-:\rokli.'i. ^ g^^^^^ \^
PKOCEKDINGS AT MOCHA. 147
the Turkes of Molia had willed them to betray us, and to
cutt our throates^ and not to let us have any thing for our
mony".
On the 29th a letter was I'eceived from the General, in
which he stated that Mr. Fowler, with the rest of the com-
pany who were with him at Aden^ had arrived at Sina ; and
that he himself hoped in a short time to rejoin his ship.
II.i
The Trades's Increase, on board of which was Sir Henry
Middleton, General of the fleet, the Peppercorn, and the
Darling, sailed from the Downs on the 4th of April 1610,
and having on the passage put into " SafFee in Barbery^',
arrived at the Cape de Verde Islands, from whence they
departed on the luth of May.
On the 18th of June, Thomas Love was transferred from
the Peppercorn to the Trade's Increase. On that day " we
had a great feast and a play playd'\
The Peppercorn, during foul weather, ran into the Trade's
Increase, but neither vessel suffered any serious injury.
On the 23rd of July, the vessels entered Saldanha Bay.
From Saldanha they sailed to the Bay of St. Augustine,
where the Union was found at anchor. She was homeward
bound, and had lost her Captain and chief merchants at
1 MS. in the India Office, twenty and a half folio pages. The Jour-
nal of the Sixth Voyage, kept by Thomas Love, extends from the 4th
of April, 1610, to the 4th of December, 1611 ; but there are no entries
for the period between the 13th of July and the 9th of October of the
later year. The latitude, longitude, distance run, the course, and vari-
ations, are recorded in a tabular form. The entries, some for the month
of February and a few for June, relating to the homeward voyage of
the Peppercorn^ are in a different handwriting, and are signed George
Downton,
148 PROCEEDINGS AT MOCHA. '
" Conggomare" in the nortli-east part of the Island of
St. Lawrence.
From the Island of Socotra the fleet proceeded to Aden,
which port they entered on the 7th of November.
On the 12th of December, the General with the Trade's
Increase and Darling sailed for Mocha, the Peppercorn
being left at Aden to carry on trade with the people of
that town.
" The 14th day (of November), we took in a pilott to goe
to Mocha, which pilott seat us ther aground. The Vise-
Admirall came abord that night and told us that we ohould
not fere, for the shepe would tack noe hurt. The 15th
day they came with ther bottes and toak oute some of our
goodes and vitteling to light the shep. The 16th day hck-
wis they came and took out more of our goodes and vittell.
That night we staved 50 tune of water in our hold, and soe
we hofe hur of the ground."
" This day (the 28th of November) att night, our Generall,
with all our carpendoners and trompetters, our cornites, our
master-surgane, our porser, with some of our marchantes,
our chef marchant, and others of theme, with some of our
sayleres to the nomber of 48, were all takene, some keld and
many of theme hurt. Which night Mr. Pempertone with
his botte and 9 of his company and his marchant were all
surpiysed at Mochoe in the Read Seae. Whatt time they
came with 3 bootes fooll of mene in the night to have takene
the Darlyng : but God be thanked, with the loss of 3 more
of ther men abord, they putt them all to the worse and
kelde some 27 of the Turkes, and bound many others;
notwithstanding they knue nott of ther mistaking with the
reast of ther men ashore, and our Generall with our men."
" 22"' day (of December) the Generall, with all our men
saving the carpendores and hurt mene, went up to the
Great Bashae, they all of them ridding uppon assnecoes
with a very strong gard before and behind theme, y'* nott-
PROCEEDINGS AT MOCHA. 149
withstanding the mone shineng verye bryght, and they so
strongly garded, Mr. Pempertone gave theme the slepe and
drove his asse into a boush and mad downe to the watter
side, where he found one of ther paddell ores and a boott
riding, of which boott he getting possessione of, we having
very fayer wether, he poutt himself to the seae : when the
next day being the 23''' day, we se hime by a chance and
so sent of our pennes and tuck hime up, he bing almost
spent with rowyng afore he came to the boott."
On the 18th of January (1611) the three vessels sailed
from Mocha " for the other side, which is the land of
Etheopya, and there anchored". When a boat was sent
ashore, a crowd of natives received the men on the beach,
" of which company ther was one came downe, which was
the ChefFest mens sonne of thatt place, howe badd theme
very wellcome, telling theme what newes the Turkes of
Mockcoe^ had sent them, which was that we were pirattes
and leved uppone the spoyell, and with this dossier, as they
had taken our Generall with many of our cheffest men
which we could nott well spare, so they in like sort should
if they could by any meanes to betraye us and cutt all our
throttes. This man comyng abord and certifying us of this
newes sayd thatt what we lackt for any cind of vettelles
they had, we should find them verye reddy to furnish us
our watter, and towld us they retturnd this answere agayne
to the Turke, that we being there with them, he myght
doe his plessuer if he could : but they did nott mean anye
such matter^'.
John Taylor, one of the Peppercorn's crew, deserted from
his ship at this place, but the natives brought him back to
the vessel. They also restored his knife, sword, and dagger,
though they themselves were in need of such things.
The Darling, having in accordance with directions con-
tained in a letter written by the General crossed over to
' Mocha.
150 PROCEEDINGS AT SUKAT.
Mocha, on the 11th of March rejoined the other vessels.
There were on board of her thirty-six persons who had
been released from thraldom.
On the 10th of May the Darling returned to Mocha, when
the General with some fifteen others of the company
escaped " out of the cruell hawkes handes'^ and succeeded
in getting on board her. Four days later she was joined by
the other vessels.
Mr. Femallj the chief merchant^ died on the 29th of May.
His body was by the General's order opened, when the
cause of his death was discovered to be poison.
From the 14th of May to the 19th of June, Sir Henry
Middleton blockaded the port of Mocha. He took posses-
sion of a ship from Diu, and some " MalybaiV with other
vessels. On the latter date the Sabendar and some other
merchants made an agreement with the General to pay for
the • goods which were on shore. Part of the cargo of the
Diuman was pledged as a security for the fulfilment of this
covenant. The final payment under this agreement was
made by the Sabendar on the 2nd of July, and on the fol-
lowing day the fleet sailed from Mocha.
^1* ■J' "^l^ '^ *i^
^m tj^ *J> T* ^f*
In October the vessels were off the bar of Surat, when
Captain Sharpeigh, Mr. Gordon, and two more of the
Ascension's crew embarked on board the Trade's Increase.
During October and November there were several unim-
portant encounters with the Portugals, in one of which a
" Portingal frigate" was captured, but most part of its crew
escaped by swimming asliore.
The pinnace being thoroughly rotten was dismantled at
the beginning of December.
sic ^If ^ts slf ^ic
On the 8th of February, 1612-13, the Peppercorn sailed
from Pullopenjan for England. In Juno she passed the
Island of St. Helena.
JOURNAL OF THE SIXTH VOYAGE,
KEPT BY
NICHOLAS DOWNTON,
1610-1613.'
On the 4th Aprils 1610, Sir Henry Middleton, in command
of a fleet consisting of the Traders Increase, his own ship,
> Original MS. in the India Office, 214 folio pages.
This Journal (a page or two only at the commencement being lost)
gives a complete history of the Sixth Expedition from the ith April,
1610, the date of its departure from England, to the 4th February,
1612-13, on which day the Peppercorn^ homeward bound, set sail from
Bantam. After the latter date, the Journal refers only to the fortunes
of that vessel, concluding with the account of her arrival at Blackwall on
the 19th November, 1613.
The writer of the Journal, Nicholas Downton, or Doughton, who was
next in rank to Sir Henry Middleton, the General of the Expedition,
commanded the Peppercorn during the voyage, with the exception of a
brief period in the East Indies, when he had charge of the Trade's In-
crease.
Downton relates the events of the voyage from England to Aden, at
which port his vessel lay for some time, and from thence to Mocha, to
which place his Commander, with the other two ships, had preceded
him. He records how at Aden part of his own crew, and at Mocha Sir
Henry Middleton, with many of his men, were made prisoners ; how
some of the captives were released, while others made their escape ; and
the steps taken by Sir Henry Middleton to exact compensation. He
then gives an account of the voyage from Mocha to Swally ; of the events
that occurred there; of various encounters at that place with the Portu-
gal, owing to whose interference all attempts at trade were unsuccess-
ful ; of the insincerity of the natives ; and of the manner in which his
Commander righted their wrongs.
Downton next tells of the return of the fleet to Mocha ; of the meet-
ing of Sir Henry Middleton and Captain Saris, the Commander of the
Eighth Voyage, and of their bickerings ; of Sir Henry Middleton's
attempt to exact further compensations from the Turks ; and of his
threats, that unletis his demands were complied with, he would carry the
152 OUTWARD BOUND.
the Peppercorn, Captain Nicholas Downton, and the Dar-
ling, sailed from the Downs.
The fleet having encountered heavy weather the General
touched at " Saffee" in Barbary, to repair damages^ from
which port he departed on the 21^'^ April. On the 29'^ of
that month the fleet were off the bar of the " Sinnego, w'=^
river is the parting of Barberye and Guinea" : from thence
their course was shaped for the Cape de Verdes, where on
the 1^' May they anchored off the Inner Island, not far from
a French ship.
Though the natives caught much flsh none was purchased
from them, the Expedition not having been provided with
crystal beads^ blue and white Counter .... bloodstones,
yellow-hafted knives, bars of iron and bottles of aquavitae,
etc. ; without which neither cows, goats, hens, wood, water,
etc., could be obtained.
Here the Hollander which had accompanied the fleet from
the Downs departed.
From the first to the sixteenth of May the crews were
employed in effecting repairs and in transferring provisions
Indian ships with him out of the Red Sea, and so spoil their market for
that year ; and how the Indian Merchants, sooner than lose the entire
profits of their ventures, paid over a sum by way of composition ; and
of the proportion of that sum received by Captain Saris as his share.
Finally, Downton describes the voyage from Mocha to Bantam ; the
homeward trip of the Peppercorn ; how, being short-handed with many
men ill, he was forced by contrary winds to put into Waterford, where the
inhabitants, hoping to force him to sell part of his cargo, refused to
advance money on bills drawn on London, and how the Custom's officer
of that port generously supplied his wants ; how he himself was arrested
(as a pirate) by the Lieutenant of the Fort of Duncannon, with his re-
lease, and the continuance of the voyage to Black wall.
The latitude, course, distance run, dii'ection of wind, and variations,
are given in a tabular form for such times as the vessel was actually
at sea.
References, too, are frequently made in the Journal to maps, for
tvliicli blank spaces have been left, but of which not one has been
billed up.
OUTWARD BOUND. 153
from the Victualler to the other ships. When the latter
operation was completed^ Mr. Tucker in the Victualler sailed
for " Porta Dalli'' to take in a cargo of hides^ which a Dutch-
man had made a contract to supply : and the fleet also put
to sea.
The king of the country about the ,Cape was called
Ray Melli, " the confines of whose kingdome (by reason of
my more earnest busines) I did omitt to enquire. His
Officers w''^ take up his customes, if they had the true
knowledge of God and care to serve him as they doe the
sunne at his rising (and what more I know not), I should
esteeme them happye people, being ritch in content w^^
what they have : they eate what the earth and sea yealdeth
them w'^out anye great paines : and for there apparell it is
easilye provided, they, going in a manner all naked: for
their wives they keep one, 2, or 3, according to there
abillitye, w*=^ are as there chattels, w"** if by dearth of corne
(of w°^ is a kind of small graine called Meillo), or for anye
other necessity, or for disobedience, or anye other mis-
behaviour, they may sell them to there most benifitt. These
people in generall will beg earnestlye .... some of them
will steale from white men, w""" they call blanks, but
1 never heard, or knew of anye cruell deed done by them
as to murther anye man for that he had.^^
" On the 22'^ daye at 2 in the afternoone there fell by us
a spout w* aboundance of raine, and wind shifting about till
6 of y® clocke : and two dayes after we were pestered with
manye showers of raine."
On the 18*^ June, Sir Henry Middleton invited Captain
Downton " to dinner and to play'^; on the same day
Thomas Love a master mate was, by the General's com-
mand, transferred from the Peppercorn to the Trade's
Increase.
The fleet encountered heavy gales on the 30'^' June and
4"^ July : during which latter gale the Peppercorn sprang a
154 SALDANHA BAY.
bad leak in her powder-room; and again on the 10'^ July
'' at 7 at night a great frett of wether began w"^ continued
verye vehemently e 16 houres". From that date the wether
was fair until the 24tlij on which day the vessels anchored
in Saldanha Bay.
At that time there were lying in the Bay three '' Hol-
landerSj one whereof was bound for Bantam^ and in her
Peter But generall of 13 saile outward bound^ who having
spent his maine mast, and lost companye of his fleet, put
into this roade for to refresh his sick men. The other two
(having made traiue of scales at Penguin Hand) bound
home'^
" Saldania is a baye some 14 leagues N.N.E. from the
Cape Bona Speranza, and North by W. 10 leagues from
Cape FalsOj w"'' is eastward from the former, and may both
be scene in the sayd baye ; these 2 capes are also divided
by another great baye, the distance betweene these 2 bayes
is some 3 leagues, being low marshy ground, extending
South and North, w'^'^ on ether side is environed w"^** moun-
taines. In this baye of Saldania, when you have brought
the norther point thereof W.N.W., N.W. & by W., for a
small ship N.W., thwart of the ledge of rockes (or watering-
place) neare the shore, W^'^ wilbe layed (as it were) in the
swamp betweene the high mountaiues called the Table and
the Sugar Loafe, in 6, 5, or 4 fathom, according to the draft
of our ship in cleane ground, and good anchor hold, you
may safelye ride : Penguin Hand, w*^^ his ledge, distant 3
leagues of bearing N.N.W. J, and stretching to the north
and by W. of you in the roade. The maine land also, al-
though it be 13 leagues distant, trenteth away unto the
north and by west, so y* there is little above 3 points open
to let in the N.W. sea, w^^ is the greatest stormes."
' In the tabular statement of the course, etc., the wind on the 30th
June is entered as N.N.E. ; on -Ith July as E. by N. and N.N.E. ; and
on the lUth of the same mouth as N. and W.^'.W.
SALDANHA BAY. lo5
" Saldania having beene in former time comfortable to all
our nation traviling this way, both outwards and homewards,
yeelding them abouudauce of fleshy as sheep and beefes,
brought downe by the savage inhabitants and sould for
trifles, as a beefe for an iron hoope of l-l inches long, and a
sheep for a lesser peece, whereby weeke sick men in former
voyages hath beene easilye recovered, and made strong, w'^'^
now (contraryewise) whither our trade heere were spoiled
by the Dutchmen we hear^ found, who use to spoile all places
where there come (onlye respecting there owne present
occasions) by there overmuch libertys, or as they impute it
the Frenchmen, who had lately beene heare to make traine,
or whither the cattle in former times so aboundantlye brought
downe were prayes taken by warre from one an other, or
other differences w''^ might make them greedye of iron to
make heades for there lances or dartes, w''^ now by peece or
reconsiliation they may have little neede of: vv°^ though it
be but supposition, yet it is not unreasonable ; but the true
cause, for want of understanding in their language, I know
not ; but well I found yt all the devises we could use by
bribes or otherwise to them, w'''^ daily came downe to our
tents in faire wether, would procure nothing from them for
our sick men's releife ; and them 4 cowes, w'^^ we did buy,
were so old and so leane that there was but little goodnes
in the flesh, for w°^ they would take no iron, but thin
peeces of copper of 2 inches square, as seaveu sheep at
per peece 3 inches square of coppei', cutt out of a kettle,
whereof they make riuges by 6 or 8 together, w^'^ they
weare one there armes, w"'^ being bright and smooth unto
them seemeth verye brave."
" These people are the filthiest for the usage of there
bodyes that ever I have heard of, for besides the naturall
uncleanes (as by sweat or otherwise) whereto all peo^jle are
subject, w'^'^ the most by washing cleare themselfes of, con-
tiaryuwiso these people doth augment by aunointing thorc
156 SALDANHA BAY.
bodyes vv*^ a filthy substance, w''^ I suppose to be tlie juice
of hearbeSj w''^ one there bodyes sheweth like cowe doung ;
and the wool! of there heades is so baked like a scrufe of
greene hearbes : ffor apparell they were before there privityes
the taill of a catt or some other small beast, and a cloke
made of a sheep skinne reachiuge downe to the middle of
there thighes, w'^^ according to the wether they turne some-
times the harye side^ and some times the drest side to there
bodyes."
" There sheep hath no wooll but haire, and are p^tye
coulered, like calves; there legs are larger, and there bodyes
larger then our sheep of lugland, but not so fatt."
" The princepall of these people (as ornaments) weare
about the bight of there armes a thin flatt ring of ivorye,
being very smooth and wrought compas, neare 16 inches
wide, and on there wrist some 6, 8, 10, or 12 ringes of
copper, bright and smooth, all ether fastened together or
wrought in one : other toyes also, as bracelets of blew
glasse and pearle shels, w^^ are ether presented them, or by
idle people given them for estridge egshels, or quils of por-
cupines, w'^^ w*^out restraint the Dutchmen did ordinaryelye
buy : also another most strange and filthy wearing, to what
purpose I knowe not, as the guts of cattle about there
neckes, w^*^ makes them smell like a butcher's slaughter-
house/'
"In there hands they carye a small launce or darte, y* hath
a small iron head, and a fewe estridge feathers as a fann to
keep away the flyes ; they have also bowes and arrowes, but
when they came downe to us they would leave them in some
hole or bush by the way."
" They are straight made people, and nimble of foot."
" It seemeth that there habitation is moveable to places
of best pasture for cattle, as in the vaileyes betweene the
high mountaines, whose topes (far up in the country) were
covered w''^ snow at this time ; but those neare the sea-
SALDANHA 13AY. 157
side are cleai'e thereof, notvv''^standing they are very
high."
" Wilde beasts there are of divers sortes ; but these we
have seene ; fallow deeres, antilopeSj porcupines, land tor-
toses, baboones. Also the Dutchmen tould us of lions; but
we sawe none; snakes and adders."
" Fouls also in abouudance, to witt, wild geese, ducks,
pellicanes, passera, flemincos, and crowes, w'''^ have in there
neckes, as it were, a w'^band, and small birds greene coulered,
and divers other sortes unknowne ; also sea fovvles, to witt,
penguins, guls, pintados, w'^'^ are all spotted black and
white ; also a great gray fowle, the pinions whereof are
blacke, w'''^ the Portugal s call Alcatrasses, and shags or cor-
merats at the iland in great aboundance ; and another kind
of foule like moore hens,^'
^' Fishes there are of divers sortes ; but these following
have I seene, to witt, in faire wether, there are a small sort
of whales in great noumber at the iland, scales in great
aboundance : v.'*^'^ the saine we tooke fish like millets, being
as large as a trout, smelts, thorn ebacks, and dogs : and one
the rockes limpets and mussels in aboundance: in the fresh
river the Union's men w*^^ a saine caught aboundance of
millets, as when we mett w*-*^ them they tould us."
" It is a verye holsome aire, and aboundeth w*^ good
fresh water, both for filling in the road and for travellers
in the land, w'^^ in small streames descendeth from the moun-
taines."
*' One morning, by my^ instigation, my Geuerall and
I, accompanied w'^ 23 men more, whereof 4 were small
shot, went to see if we could find a place where we
might cut wood, and being gone some 3 mile, and find
iug none but small greene wood, whereof we in the Pepper-
corne by reason of our great want were forced to cutt, ray
General!, desirous to get refreshing for our weake sick men,
' Captain Downton's.
158 EXCURSION NEAR TABLE MOUNTAIN,
desired to walk about the table to see if we could see anye
cattle y* we might by anye meanes buy for our reliefe, not
thinking it would have beene so long a journeye, where we
past through a most uneasye, unequally stonye^ unbeaten,
and, as it were, overgrowne wildei'nes, wherein after we were
to discend and ascend through manye deep and hollow
water courses, overgrowne w*^*^ trees from side to side, w*^^
were made w*^'^ the raine's swift descent from the hill called
the Table, and after a while found a beaten path, wherein
we past, seeing manye pennes wherein cattle had beene
kept, w''^, for that it led forwards our ships, we were forced
to leave, and againe had a most vile tiresome travell for a
while, till we hitt of another path, w^^ led alongst the
mountaines towards the roade, and having past a while be-
tweene the mountaines, as neere as they would give us leave,
still following the beaten path, w'''^ was our best guide, at
length we past over in the swamp betweene the souther-
most sugar loafe and the Table, at w°^ time we had sight of
the seaside, alongst w°^ we went over the tops of the clifs,
which at length we forsooke, going by judgment east to-
wards the swamp betweene the northermost sugar loafe and
the Table, where in the morning (after we had rested our-
selves a little by a fire) we made hast, and past over the
foresaid swamp, and before breake of daye we came to our
tents, where we found all our men y*' could be spared, dis-
tui-bedlye in armes, divided into 2 com., the one half under
M'" Pemberton, determining at daylight to seperat them-
selves and again to meet on the other side of the Table to
goe and meet us, w^'' intent our approach did prevent : re-
freshing ourselves w*'^ what our friends had prepared for
their intended journey : all the daye we kept the Table one
our right hand and the marsh one our left hand, w*'^ neare
the mountaines is much pestered w*-^ rockes, w°^ have fallen
from the top of the mountaine ; it is moist ground, and
seemeth to be good pasture for cattle ; in divers places
DEPARTURE FOR SALDANHA BAY. 159
scatteringlye wee see some trees of small stature, somewhat
broad topped, bearing a fruite in bignes and proportion like
a pine-apple, but the husk not so hard and spungye, the
seed whereof were devoured by the birds, and the husk re-
maining on the trees ; the leaves whereof were in forme of
our houslick in England, but not so thick."
"At this time was there spi'ing, both trees and all hearbes
blowing over the earth."
" It much repenteth me y* I came unprovided of all sortes
of garden seeds, w<=^ might be helpfuU or necessarye for re-
liefe of anye Christians, w*'^ heareafter might come hither,
w'^^ though the savages should somewhat spoile, yet yt seeing
such a beginning, every Christian capt. would seeke to
augment and re-edifye the same : also acornes, w*'^ in time
may doe good to posteritye, for trees are not here so long a
growing as in our could countrys. I will not contradict all
such as will esteeme it idleues in me to wish to sow where
it is man3^e to one I shall never reape, yet for myself I
esteeme it more idlenes in me y* I had not beene so provi-
dent as to have sought meanes in England to have per-
formed the same, and I would to God I could or had meanes
to leave a profitable remembrance for Christian travelers
unto the end of the world in anye place where I shall
come."
" Now having to our utmost powre heare finished all our
necessarye busines, to wit, watering, and some what releaved
our weake sick men w*-^ what refreshing we could get,
w^^ was principallye mussels, we prepaired our ships to sett
saile the 9''^ August, w*^^ by contrarye windes was crossed,
untill the 13*^^ day following."
" The 18'^ day little wind, but a high light sea flowing
one the top like breaches in should water : the 19*^*^ day^ we
had a verye strong gale of wind.^^
Some days after, having sailed from Saldanha, Cnptain
' The direction of the wind on the 19th is entered as W.N.W.
160 BAY OF ST, AUGUSTINE (MADAGASCAR).
Downton, " by the General's consent", broached a cask of wine,
from which five and a half gallons were drawn for the use of
the factors and minister, and five quarts for Captain Downton
and the master. The factors were not satisfied with this
wine, and wished to have a fresh butt tapped for themselves^
saying that they had heard that a cask had been put on
board for their use (which they were unwilling to share with
Captain Downton), and that what they did not drink they
would carry on shore with them. Afterwards the General
gave instructions that no wine should be served out to the
factors, as none (contrary to what had been represented to
him) had been shipped for their use.
On the 28% Sir Henry Middleton having summoned Cap-
tain Downton and his master on board the Admiral, blamed
the former for an error committed by one of the master
mates for bearing too slack a sail one night, for which
negligence the mate had been previously superseded.
The island of "Madagasker or S^ Lawrence^' was sighted
on the sixth of September, on which day the fleet anchored
in the Bay of S*. Augustine, where " we found the Union of
London, and the Vice-Admirall of the 4''^ voyage, whose
people was distressed, wanting victuals for to carye them
home : who related unto ray Genn^ there infortunate loosing
companye w*^ there Admirall and pinnance betweene Sal-
dania and the Cape Bona Speranza, and never since heard
of them : how they put into this baj^e (outwards bound) to
seeke them, also followed after them and put into Zanzabar,
an iland bordering of the Abexin coast, where the Portu-
gals made shew of favour and trade, inticing them to land
w*^ there boat, where they betrayed and tooke 3 of there
men ; the rest seeing there dainger fled w*^"^ the boat unto
the ship, who proceeded on there journey till, w*^ contrarye
windes before they could recover anye fitt port, for want of
water were forced to retourne towards the Bay of Antongill
on the E.S.E. side of Madagaskar, but the wind or there
MEETING WITH THE '^UNION . 161
course not suiting there determination, they put into a good
harbor or Bay of Gungomar, on the north-west corner of
Madagaskar, where they were awhile fed w*^*^ good words and
faire promises and kind entertainment by the king : that in
a short time the Cape merchant, in hope of trade for amber-
greese and other thinges, grew so conceipted of this heathen
kinge's plaine meaninge, y* at the kinge's request went not
alone to him, but perswaded his cap* and other merchants
to accompanye him, who, being brought to the kinge's pre-
sence, he sent also for the chirurgion, trumpet and drum,
who, refusing to goe to him, presently there sallied out of
the woodes a great number of people, w°^ attempted to force
the boat and men in her w*^ dartes, arrowes, and lances,
who perceiving themselves prevented by the good care and
endeavours of them in the boat, they pursued the boat w*
armed canoas out of the river, untill by manye shot from
the ship she was rescued. And fewe dayes after, while they
lingered in hope of some good newes from there captaine,
they attempted the ship w**^ a demye armye of some hun-
dreth canoas, w°^ came in order and forme of a half moone,
w°^ to prevent brought themselves under saile and shook
them of, and departed one there journey. It seemed they
could not fetch Soccatra, or the m^ unwilling to goe to the
Reed Sea or Surat, but went to Achim, and there delt for
some fitt commodityes w**^ the Guzerats, and from thence
to Priaman to lade pepper, where the merchant made bar-
gaine to receive it at Tecoa, an iland 3 leagues distant from
Priaman, at 15, 14, 13| rialls of 8 per the bahar of pepper;
every bahar is 312 there."
'^This ship the jjrenerall plentifully supplied w*^*^ victuals,
for whose reliefe he made the longer stay. He also united
them in love on to another, who at our coming in were de-
vided, to witt, Samuell Bradshaw for his sober, discreet, and
provident cariage in the Companyes business, much envied
by there factious m*" and his adherents, whom we left in the
162 GUNGOMAR BAY IN MADAGASCAR.
same baye as seeming lovers and frends, I pray God con-
tinue it y*' in the end it prove not prejuditiall to the Com-
panye there imployers/^
" In this baye we continued 70 howres : it is for the most
parte all deep water, no ground in divers places (by divers'
reports) in 200 fathom : by us further examining of depthes
had beene in vayne ; but we found all the south shore, in
manner from the wester point to the high clif land, all flat,
rocky, whose ledges are to be seene drie at lowe water, as
in the draft I have shewed."
" At the caster end of the rockes neare the cliflfe, we an-
chored in 12 fathom, and might have rid neere the shore in
7 fathom. We came in out of the sea w''^ a strong gale at
south south west ; but coming neere unto the land the wind
dullerd, yet blew reasonable fresh in the daye, but in the
night ordinarylye calme the time we were there ; but yt
being the new moone, w''^ makes the fowlest wether in those
countryes, I cannot say of other times. One the land it
seemeth to be verye hott, especiall when the suune is to the
southwards of the equinoctiall."
" In this place are trees of divers sorts and kindes, some
so full of a fatt sapp, y*" fier being put to it as it standeth
greene of it self, it will ruun up blazing in the leaves and
branches ; the timber is soft, and the leaves and bowes
yeeldes a yellow sap. Another sort also of trees whose
timber is neare as hard as lignum vite, and of culler w* w*"^ a
small broune hart, whither anye kind of w* sanders I know
not ; yt wood, w°^ we cutt of for fire wood in y^ Pepper-
coi-ne, w''^ was the most plentifull of anye wood there, did
all hang trased w*^ cods of greene fruict, as big as a beane
cod in England, called Tameriu, it hath a verye soure tast,
and by the apothicaryes is holden good against the scurvye;
our admiral's men, who had more leisure, gathered some
(while it was greene) for there particular uses. Heere is
also plentye of an hearbe, w'^'' for his forme is scarce to be
THE ''CAEEIBAS". 163
deserned from a Semperevive, whereof the Alices Socotrina.
is made of all sortes ; but I know not whither these savage
people have ether the knowledge or use thereof/'
" The people^ by what occasion I know not, forbore to
come to us, so y* we gat no kind of refreshing, nether beif,
nor mutton, whereof others hearetofore hath beene offered
for a riall of 8 an oxe, but now it is sayd for want of gover-
ment in the Union when anye was brought downe, what the
factor did providentlye forbeare to keep downe the prise,
disordered fellows for their owne particuler gave what the
savages demaunded, so y* now they can scarce get anye for
10^ per peece."
" It seems y* an all places of this iland men must stand
on there guard, for the people are treacherous, yet by re-
port stout and valiaunt, and not ignorant in ordering there
people in battle raye, as it seemed by there order at Gun-
gomar when they assaulted the Union : there weapons are
bowes and arrowes, lances and small dartes, w"^ they carye
in bundles."
From St. Augustine's Bay, the fleet sailed on the 9th
September^ and on the 21st of that month were carried by
a current among a group of sunken reefs and small islands,
called the " Carribas'^^ (between 10 deg. and 11 deg. S. lat.),
from which they did not work clear for several dayes, and
then having fallen in with a strong current were rapidly
carried northwards till the 9th October.
These islands were surrounded by deep water ; they
were sandy^ and for the most part covered with trees, and
after dark every evening fires made by the country people
were seen burning on the shore.
In consequence of the strong spirit of opposition mani-
fested by the minister, factors, and one of the master's
' Possibly Galega Island in 10° 20' S., uhicli is inhabitable, and be-
longs to Mauritius. A gap in the middle gives it the appearance of two
islands, and it is clothed with cocoa-nut trees.
164 AT SOCOTRA.
mates of the Peppercorn against their Commander, Captain
Downton, Sir Henry Middleton specially inquired into the
cause of that state of affairs, which cause was that no
larger allowances were made to them than to the remainder
of the ship's company, and he had Thomas Herrod, one of
the master^s mates, removed to his own ship, to fill whose
place Mr. Mollineux was transferred to the Peppercorn.
The islands called the " Dos Hermanos" (the Brethren)
were sighted on the 17th October, and on the 19th the Pep-
percorn (the other vessels had previously anchored) cast
anchor opposite the town of " Gallanzee".^ There Captain
Downton learned from Sir Henry Middleton that the latter
had been told by the natives that the easterly monsoon
having set in, the fleet could not for the next nine months
proceed to Cambay.
The fleet, which had attempted to beat round to Tama-
rin,- again anchored on the 22nd October ofi" '' Gallan-
zee", where Captain Downton landed in search of water,
and in vain attempted to hold communications with the
people, who, he afterwards learned, were forbidden by the
King of Tamarin (who allowed no communications to be
held with strangers except through himself) to hold any
intercourse with the fleet. At length on the 25th October
the vessels anchored before the town of Tamarin, which
town they duly saluted with five, three and one guns
respectively.
Mr. Femmell was sent ashore, handsomely attended,
with a present (consisting of "a faire guilt cup of 10 ounces,
a sword blade, and 3 y cards of stamell broad cloth^' for the
King, who, surrounded by the principal of his countrymen,
the Arabs, received him in an orange-tawny coloured-tent
at the waterside, and having accepted the General's pre-
sents, promised to supply water free and whatever else he
could, for during two years no rain had fallen in the island.
' In Socotra. * Tamarida.
KING OF SOCOTRA. 165
The King mentioned that the Ascension and her pinnace
had both touched at the island on her way to the Red Sea,
and on their return from thence they put in to obtain water
and then sailed for Cambay ; he further added, that the
crew of his frigate, while at Bazaine^ near Damon, had
heard from the Portugals that both vessels had been lost,
but that the crews had been saved.
On the following day, Sir Henry Middleton landed and
was received by the King "in orderlye and civill sorte'',
but the latter appeared to be very unwilling to suflPer the
fleet to remain there (while the pinnace was being set up),
saying that at sight of the vessels his own frigate and other
ships, especially the Guzerats, would be afraid to enter the
bay j probably, too, as at his own charges he had brought
Arabs and others from all parts into the town to strengthen
the garrison, he found the sojourn of the fleet expensive.
Divers of the crews frequently landed and visited the King,
to " the great consumation of his victuals and drink, w'^'*
though w^^ a goodwill to shew his love and bounty to be
well spoken of by so forren a nation, yet by my conjecture
he w*''^ sheweth to be of so good an understanding and wis-
dome, so readye in all questions y"^ hath been asked him by
us, for far and neere, and y*^ by a foreseeing eye, and how
prejudicial! more liberty to his people to him may prove,
can keep them in y' extraordinary subjection, and by there
misery to serve their owne tourne, he cannot but be cen-
cible of his own profitt and estate, and to conclude, being
in no hope of benefitt by us, must needs desire our absence".
" This King of Zoccatra is called Mulle Amore Bensaide,
and now is heere but Viceroye under his father, who is
King of Fartacke^ in Arabia, not far from Aden, and comes
into the sea at Cannicam.'^
' Bassein.
' The Sheikh of Keshin. Fartak is a point on this part of the Arabian
coast.
166 PRICES AT SOCOTKA.
The King refused to give Sir Henry Middleton a letter to
the Governor of Aden saying that, as his own father was
at war with the Turks, he would not do him so much
injury.
" The people y' he (the King) useth for his hor and
strength in Zoccatra are the Arabs, the rest, y*- live in most
servile slaverye, are the ould inhabitants of the iland, w'^''
hath been banished people."
" There is pore merchandize growing uppon Zoccati'a.
Alices Zoccatrina, w'''' they make about August of an hearb
like unto Semperviva, w*^^ we have in Spaine, but noe great
quantity, not passing a tunne in the yeare ; there is a small
quantity of Sanguis Draconis, or Dragon's blood, a little
whereof our factors bought at Is. per lb.; and dates w'^'^
serve them for bread, w*^^ the King sels at 5 rialls of 8 per
C. ; cattle for men's sustinance are these, buls and cowes at
12 rials of 8 per peece, goats at one riall per peece, sheep
at half a riall per peece, and hens at half a riall per peece,
all exceeding small, according to the drie, rockye, and bar-
riness of the iland; wood is 12d. per a man's burthen, everye
particuler is a verye deere penniworth ; and what els the
iland may yeeld I am yet to be informed of, but of rockes
and stones drie and bare this iland seemeth to be contained
of."
Having sailed from Socotra on the 28th October, the
fleet next anchored off a sandy point some 19 leagues west
from Cape Gardafui, where the Peppercorn obtained a
supply of wood. The natives there, on learning that their
visitors were Christians, fled from them. Thence the
course was shaped for Aden, which city was sighted on the
evening of the seventh of November.
" Aden is cittuate under the foot of an unfruitfull moun-
taine, a place where I should scarce have locked for a
towne, but it is there sett for strength, where it is verye
defencible, and not by an enimye easily to bo approached
AT ADEN. 167
by land, being well walled, fortified, and flanckered, and
seemetli not easily to he wonn if the defendants w*^in be men
of resolution, and so y* it be formerly victualled and pro-
vided of munition, and to seawards though it be in manner
drie at lowe water, there stands a high rocke somewhat
larger than the towne of London, w''^ is not by ennimies to
be in haist assended by reason it is steep and y* but
one way by narrow steps to gett up where 4 men may
keep downe a multitude, this rocke is so walled, flankered,
and furnished w''^ ordinance, as it seemeth to me it may
commaund both towne and roade, yet who will avoyde it
may ride in 9 fathom water w'^out there commaund, or
w^^n there commaunde from 9 fathom downe wards ; also a
little distance to the noi'thward of the aforesayd rocke is
another rock being lowe almost even w'''^ the water, w*'^ is of
small compas, whereon is a fort built and well furnished w*^*^
ordinance. The shouldiours usually containing in this gari-
son I could never understand, but according as occasions
they are drawne downe from other inland townes ; the
lowe country adjoyning w^'^in it doth supply it w*^ provi-
sions, and partly w^^ there barques w'''^ passe in trade from
Aden to Barbora,^ a towne right over on the Abexen^ side,
from whence they bring cattle and much fruit, and provi-
sion w*^ mirh and insence, and what els I must conceale
till further information gotten'\
" This towne standeth in the latitude of 12*^ 35, the
variation westerly is 12-40, it floweth by estimation upright
betwixt 6 and 7 foot water, on the change day at S. E. b. E.,
or N. W. b. W. moune maketh a full sea. This mountain,
at whose foot the town standeth, is a peninsula pointing
out into the sea, as in the draft following shall appeare,^ and
towards the maine is first a narrow neck of sandy ground,
and w^'^in of the like a large marsh-like ground stretching
• Berbera. ^ Abyssinian.
3 The page left blank.
1G8 AT ADEN.
up to the raountaines, w^^ may be from the towne 16 or 20
mile."
As soon as the fleet anchored, the Governor sent an Arab
to inspect the ships^ who^ on the following day, boarded the
Admiral to inquire who and what they were ; at the same
time, " Jno. Williams and Walter the trumpetter, linguists",
with others, were sent on shore with a present to the
Governor, whom the Turks received seemingly with great
joy, but whom they did not permit to enter the town, enter-
taining them without the gate near the waterside ; nor did
the Turks make any mention of trading, but pretended
that they daily expected the arrival of some 30,000 soldiers,
a strangely large force for so barren a country to support,
which statement was plainly suggested by fear.
The General's request for a pilot to carry the fleet to
Moha^ was made known to the Governor, who returned
answer that he was only deputy to the Meer or Governor,
who was expected to return on the following day from the
country. He also sent Sir Henry Middleton a present of
" 2 Barbora sheep w*^ broad rumps and small tailes'^, some
plantains and other fruit. As no pilot, but only fair words,
was supplied, the General set sail, whereupon the Deputy-
Governor sent a message entreating him that if he himself,
with his fleet, would not remain at Aden, at least to leave
one vessel to carry on trade " w*^ glozing shewes of Indico,
Ollibanum, Mirh, and divers other things". In compliance
with this request. Sir Henry Middleton brought the fleet
to anchor athwart a bay to the southwards of the town,
the current preventing a return to their former anchorage,
and landed to make enquiries about the changes in the
current. The Deputy Governor appeared to be enraged
by this action, pretending to think that it was done to dis-
cover the strength of the place, and with no good intent,
insomuch that John Williams, who was then on shore, felt
' Mocha.
THE " PEPPERCORN^ AT ADEN. 169
grave doubts about being allowed to rejoin his ship ; but the
Meer, who was present, did not seem to be so rigorous,
using fair words, and granting a pilot, yet requesting that-
one ship might be left there, adding that the town, by for-
mer ill-government, having lost all trade, he was desirous
of re-establishing its commerce j and further, that he him-
self was subordinate to a Bashaw, who, if all the ships
should depart without trading, would blame him for driving
them away. Deceived by the partial truth of this state-
ment. Sir Henry Middleton promised, to leave the Pepper-
corn behind him at Aden.
As no pilot was supplied by the Governor, but only empty
excuses for not doing so, the General, with the Trades
Increase and Darling, sailed for Moha, having previously
instructed Captain Downton not to land any cargo from
the Peppercorn, since if the natives would not trust one of
their " raskall people" (without receiving hostages for his
return) on board to act as pilot to Moha, then not .to trust
them with any of the goods on shore, but to make them pay
for such on board ; and should they be suspicious of evil
dealings, in that case to exchange hostages of a like quality.
Should these terms prove unacceptable, the Peppercorn was
to follow the fleet to Moha.
The Peppercorn having been warped in nearer to the
town, the Governor summoned the merchants to wait on
him, and when, from Mr. Fowler, John Williams, and the
purser, he understood the purport of Sir Henry Middleton's
instructions, he became violently enraged, and detained
them on shore, under pretence that he held them in pledge
for anchorage and other dues, for which he claimed "1500
Venetians of gould, every one at 1| riall of 8^\
From the 13th November to the 16th December, the ves-
sel lay before Aden continually exposed to danger from
storms. During that time Captain Downton had all goods
yet in readiness, if it should have so happened that in the
170 CAPTAIN DOWNTON AT ADEN.
end he might have found sale for any part thereof; but with-
out landing cargo to pay the 1500 pieces of gold, he was
unable to procure the release of his merchants, which he
hoped that the General, by making interest at Moha might
secure. He himself, if he could have procured their enlarge-
mentj would gladly have proceeded to Moha, for '' by
dreames by night, and disturbing motions by day/"' he
greatly feared that all was not well with his commander :
yet having been left at Aden to seek trade, which was not
refused, but promised so soon as goods were landed, he
feared that, if without any apparent reasons he should
abandon the place, the factors would say that he was " more
fraid then hurt", and that had the goods been landed, a
profitable business might have been done.
Captain Downton every two or three days sent his boat
ashore to enquire about his factors. Those of the men who
landed were courteously dealt with, the soldiers frequenting
their company, and interfering in their behalf if any man,
Jew or Banian, attempted to impose on any of them, and
frequently strangers (who were soldiers called in from the
neighbouring towns) were pointed out to them as merchants
who had come in to see had any goods been landed. This,
no doubt, was done to create a feeling of confidence, of
which advantage might have afterwards been taken ; but
during this time none, except chosen by the Governor, were
allowed to hold any intercourse with the ship, lest too much
information might have been obtained from them. Not-
withstanding that state of affairs. Captain Downton learned
that '' This citye in times past hath beene great and popu-
lous, but at this time the houses, both great and small, are
greatly ruinated and sunke in everye part of the towne, of
shops of merchandize there is none of anye accompt, mer-
chants none to be discerned worthy of y* calling, for money
seemeth to be verye scant among them, w'''^ appeared when
our men offered to change a peece of 8 for aspers, they use
CAPTAIN DOWNTON AT ADEN. 171
to take it from hand to hand, gazing as at a Strang thing,
an ill signe in a place where a ship's lading of merchandise
is brought to sell."
As the time for the then Governor to depart drew nigh,
he was anxious that part of the Peppercorn's cargo should
have been landed, and frequently he commended the confi-
dence exhibited by Captain Sharpheigh, of the Ascension,
who had boldly landed his goods ; but this did not influence
Captain Downton, whom the detention of his men had made
suspicious, and who, in consequence, only allowed a few men
at a time on shore, '^w''^ restraint drewe on me much secret
envye and backbiting clamors amongst my uubrideled
people, w'^^, by importunities, had almost tired me'\
During a temporary absence of the Meer, the captives
fared ill, but on his return he visited them in their prison,
and had their wants supplied at his own cost, and further
informed them that, as soon as their countrymen should
begin to trade, they should have their liberty without making
payment of the 1500 Venetians, also, "the custome was 5 in
the 100^^,'' all other charges reasonable, ready gold for all
goods sold, and that they might send one of their own men
in company with a guide provided by him with letters to Sir
Henry Middleton.
Accordingly, Captain Downton wrote to Moha to the
General inquiring what sales the latter had made, the prices
of goods, what customs and other duties were payable, and
what dangers lay between the two towns ; also, informing
him of the imprisonment of the merchants, and asking
advice as to how far he himself should put faith in the Turks.
To this letter no answer was received.
Permission having been obtained from the Governor,
some of the crew were sent on shore to make cordage, and,
on the 12th December, these men were treacherously seized,
some put in the stocks, others tortured, and all of them ill
used. By this act. Captain Downton lost " 2 merchants, a
172 SEIZUEE OP ENGLISH SAILORS.
purser, and one to attend on them, a gading apotliecarye,
my chirurgion, and my Mr. Caulker (who caried my Ire to
Moha as aforesayd), my boatswayne and one of his mates,
2 quarter maisters, the cooper, carpenter, gunner's mate,
and cockswaine, and 5 more of his gang, which in all
are 20 persones, some fewe for there pleasure, the rest to
worke, save the gang who were most of them appointed to
keep the pinnace, but being out of my sight they did what
they list, and the boatswaine seemed to want there help
about his ropes^'.
Captain Downton was much grieved by this act, and
could only account for it by supposing that the old Turk
was leaving suddenly, and had adopted this course to force
immediate payment of his demands, especially as the latter
gave out that he would, if payment was not at once made,
hang the prisoners on the beach. Captain Downton then
enquired why his men had been so injuriously treated,
their respective kings being in league, and how could he
with security pay the money demanded. Thereupon it was
arranged that the long boat should lie between the ship
(but within range of her guns) and the shore, and that as
the captives were brought off to her a proportionate sum of
money should be handed over. For some unknown reason
the Turks did not keep this arrangement, and as there did
not appear to be any chance of recovering the men, as well
as being rendered uneasy about the safety of his country-
men at Moha, Captain Downton, having previously, as far
as practicable, provided for the wants of the captives, sailed
on the IGth of December for Moha, where he apchored on
the 21st of the month, not far from the Trades Increase.
On the 20th December there had been an eclipse of the
moon at four in the afternoon.
As soon as the Peppercorn was moored, Mr. Thornton,
the master of the Trades Increase, boarded her, and in-
formed Captain Downton of the events that had happened
THE "trade's increase" AT MOCHA. 173
since the vessels separated at Aden ; tliat the Trades In-
crease had, whilst in charge of a native pilot, run aground
near the town, and that most of her stores and cargo had to
be landed to float her off; that the Turks exhibited much
seeming kindness ; also, that Lawrence Femmell, of all
others, seemed most fearful, so that in a private boat he
speedily carried all his things ashore, and that after much
labour the ship was floated off. Further, " y* this part of
Arabia, from Shaher, being neare 30 lea. from Aden
eastwards, and up the Red Sea from Camerat, w'^'^ is 70
leagfues w'^^in Bab mendell, and I know not how far w*Mn
land, is called the land of Yeamon,^ and now governed by
one Jeffer Bashaw, whose residence is in the citye of Sinan,
w*=^ they acc° to be by moderate travell 15 dayes journey
by post ; I think they goe and come in this time. And the
Governours of Aden and Moha, w"'' is treble the better
place in y* it is of more resort of ships, and these Gover-
nours are yearelye placed by him, wherein he prefers not
men of vertue and good parts, but anye by whom he may
gaine most benefitt, as at present in Moha is one Regil,
Agaw by his place or office, who was his servile slave
attending on him, and he was preferred to Aden, where he
commaunded the other yeare, when Capt. Sharpeigh was
there, and for y* ho was a beneficiall knave to his Mr., he
was preferred to Moha, a better place.
The Agaw provided a house for the merchants, and urged
them to have the cargo landed, and when he saw that no
more goods would be carried ashore, he pretending great
friendship, stated that it was customary for the captains of
all ships visiting his town as a pledge of greater security to
receive the " Grand Senior's Vest", which being once
invested in, no man after durst offer any wrong, and that
unless Sir Henry Middleton would conform to this custom,
he would be obliged to look upon him with distrust. The
* Yemen.
174 TEEACHERY OF THE TURKS.
General, though he put little faith in the Agaw's honesty,
yet considering that for eight months the ships must lie
there, that the Turks had it in their power to withhold or
supply water, that the navigation of that sea was unknown
to him, and having received a message from Mr. Femmell
that his presence on shore was absolutely necessary for the
despatch of the Company's business, consented to go
through the ceremony. When the General landed he was
met by the Governor and principal men of the town, carried
to the Governor's house, where he was clad in a rich vest of
cloth of gold, and a horse richly furnished provided for
him, which the Governor held while he mounted : after this
ceremony, solemn protestations of friendship were made.
Deceived by these practices, and having regard to the long
time he would have to remain there. Sir Henry Middleton
asked permission from the Governor to set up the pinnace,
which had been brought out from England ready framed.
This request was at once granted. To carry on this work
more quickly, Sir Henry Middleton, with the carpenters,
smiths, and other workmen, lived on shore.
On the 28th November, Regib Agaw, to make the Gene-
ral feel more secure, sent word that he had received a favor-
able answer from the Bashaw, but on the evening of that
day the party on shore, consisting of Sir Heniy Middleton,
Mr. Pemberton, and others, were attacked and made pri-
soners, to the number of 59 persons, besides eight others
who were killed. That same night an attempt was made
to surprise the Darling, as that vessel lay closer in to the town
than the Trades Increase. " The Turks coming abord and
seeing no man stirring, thought themselves surelye possest
of her, murthering the trumpeter, whom they found aloft
asleep, but in the end our mercifull God turned there pre-
tended mischief towards us uppon there own pates, and
made them fall into the pitt y*' they had made for us, for in
repelling these unexpected ennimies (though to the loss of
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON SENT TO SANa' A. 175
2 more of their owne men, who were slaine in the conflict)
were slaine and drowned in the flight of the Turks 27,
whereof the Admirall of the towne, who was their leader,
was also one." The Darling then weighed, and ran closer
to the Trades Increase. From the 28th of November till
the 15th December, owing to storms, there was no commu-
nication with the shore. On the latter day, John Chambers,
a quarter-master of the Trades Increase, was sent on shore
with a flag of truce : he found the General and company
chained together in a most inhuman manner, yet at his
return brought hopeful news of the probable release of all
except Sir Henry Middleton and Mr. Femmell, who were to
be sent to Sinan to the Bashaw. On the 17th, the same
quarter-master was again sent on shore, but the news he
brought back was not good. This much did Captain Down-
ton learn from Mr. Thornton.
Captain Downton, on the 21st, sent a letter to Sir Henry
Middleton, who sent back an answer, directing him, if pos-
sible, to leave the Red Sea, and to await further intelligence
at Aden ; also adding, that he himself and six others were to
be sent off to Sinan^ on the following day. On which day
the General, with all his company (the carpenters, who in
chains were forced to work at the pinnace, and wounded
men excepted), under a strong guard, were despatched on
their journey. Notwithstanding the escort, Mr. Pemberton
during the evening effected his escape, and having found a
canoe on the beach, he put to sea, and on the following
morning was picked up, in a very exhausted condition^ by a
boat from the Trades Increase.
The Darling having previously rejoined the other vessels,
the fleet, on the 2nd January, 1610-11, sailed from Moha
with the threefold intention of relieving their ground tackle,
procuring fresh water, and of detaining any Indian ships
which should enter the Eed Sea, and thereby to compel the
Turks to release the captives. Stress of weather forced
» Sana' a.
176 NEWS FROM SIR HENRY MIDDLETON.
the Peppercorn and Trades Increase back to Moha,
whence^ when rejoined by the Darling, they again sailed,
and on the 19th of the month anchored ofif the Abexin
coast.^ The country people at that place were friendly, and
daily brought down to the seaside sheep and goats for sale.
The king's son, who visited the Trades Increase, informed
Captain Downton that the Turks had sent him word of
what they had done at Moha, and had urged him to follow
their example.
Captain Downton sailed from this anchorage on the 28th
January, but returned there on receipt of a letter from Sir
Henry Middleton announcing the safe arrival at Senan of
himself and his party, as well as of Mr. Fowler and his
company from Aden, ''how God had raised him frends
amongst the mids of his enimies, to witt, the Riha, who is
next in degree to the Bashaw, w**" divers others"; further,
as yet, not to meddle with the Indian ships, as it might
prove prejudicial, not only to him and his comjjany, but
also to those who trade in the Mediterranean ; and lastly,
that the Bashaw had cleared Eegib Agaw of the treachery
perpetrated at Moha, by stating that it was done by his
command.
To this letter Captain Downton replied by stating that, in
obedience to the General's wish, he would not detain any
vessels, although it had been his intention to do so ; that
Mr. Pemberton was in safety, and that the fleet was moored
off the Abexin coast, opposite Moha.
The Trades Increase, which had been despatched to Moha,
returned to the Koad of Assab with a letter from Sir Henry
Middleton, again requesting Captain Downton to abstain
from taking revenge ; also, that the General himself and his
company were in five days' time to start on their return
journey to Moha : and also announcing the death of John
Baker and Richard Elsmore.
At that place John Taylor, of the Peppercorn, deserted,
» Abyssinian coast.
DETENTION OF SIR HENRY MIDDLETON. 177
"but was brought back by the natives, for whicli they re-
ceived a suitable reward.
Another letter was received from Sir Henry Middleton on
the 2nd March, explaining that his journey was delayed,
partly on account of a solemn feast which was nigh at
hand, partly to have the company of the " Shawbender'^ of
Moha for safer travelling, and also that the carpenters were
to cease work on the pinnace, as the Bashaw intended to
detain her for his own use.
The Darling was despatched to Moha on the 5'^ by
Captain Downton, to seek for tidings of the General : in the
road she found a la ge ship of Dabul, called the Mahu-
mettded. As she did not return for some days, Captain
Downton got the other two ships under sail to cross to
Moha, when on the 11''^ she rejoined them, having on
board 46 of the captives who had been released, and a letter
from Sir Henry Middleton, in which he expressed a hope of
being released as soon as the Indian ships had arrived; also
stating that Richard Phillips had turned Turk j and finally,
asking advice whether he had better make his escape, or
wait till the Turks should let him go.
In accordance with a wish expressed by Sir Henry Mid-
dleton, Captain Downton, in the Peppercorn, crossed over to
Moha, where on his arrival he found only the ship of Dabul.
Immediately on his arrival, the General sent off a letter re-
questing him to put to sea again, as the Dabulmen were
alarmed at his presence, and the Agaw displeased.
In reply to this letter, Captain Downton wrote two to the
General, in one of which he pointed out that the Turks were
not worthy of belief; that they meant to detain him until
the ships had discharged their cargoes, and consequently
there would then be only the empty vessels to seize when
he would be sent on board, or held at ransom, or sent back
again to Senan,^ and thence to Stambola.^ The second letter
' Sana' a. "^ Stamboul.
178 MISUNDERSTANDINGS BETWEEN
was meant for the Agaw's inspection, if Sir Henry Middle-
ton had been pleased to show it to him ; in it, Captain
Downton declared that so long as the General was a prisoner
on shore, he had no command over the vessels, but that he.
Captain Downton, could do whatever he deemed expedient.
Sir Henry Middleton, in reply, said that he himself was
as loath to remain at Moha as Captain Downton was to leave
him behind ; but that he had agreed with the Bashaw that
his vessels should remain absent from the road of Moha till
after all the Indian ships had arrived, then, as soon as the
westerly winds had set in, he and his company were to be
libei-atod : that he was unwilling to be the first to break this
agreement, but should the Turks fail to keep it, then Cap-
tain Downton should act as he thought best : that if he. Sir
Heniy Middleton, had any idea that the Turks meditated
fresh faithlessness, he would make his escape, as he had had
and still had means of doing so, had he not been unwilling
to bring his people into danger: that he had already formed
a plan of escape, but that M'" Femmell would not be per-
suaded to join in it, being fully convinced that at the first
coming of the westerly winds they would all be sent on board :
that till those winds blew. Captain Downton was to remain in
his own quiet roadstead on the other side of the Red Sea.
In obedience to this letter, Captain Downton sailed from
Moha, and on the 21®*^ anchored under an island to the
northwards of the Bay of Asab, alias Margabra, where a few
days later he received a " verye carping and most distast-
full letter, w*^'^ shalbe needles to recite", from Sir Henry
Middleton, clearly the result of a misconstruction of his
former letter. In this letter, the General directed that the
Darling should return to Moha to re-ship the provisions,
and that the Turk, who was a prisoner, should, if it was safe
to do so, be sent over in the Darling.
To this letter. Captain Downton returned answer, that he
was much grieved at the construction Sir Henry Middleton
MIDDLETON AND DOWNTON. 179
La3 put upon Ms former letters, which were intended for his
private perusal and not for that of "anye malitious or feare-
blasted fellow to cant, construe, or cavell at": that he could
write nothing so plain but that malicious persons could
twist the meaning thereof; for the future, although he could
make all points clear, he would be sparing of writing : and,
finally, that Sir Henry Middleton might rest assured that
all his orders would be thoroughly obeyed.
Sir Henry Middleton replied with a " very kind" letter,
asking Captain Downton not to take the worst view of his
last melancholy letter : reiterating his hope of being shortly
released, but that he also had means (in case of need) for
effecting his escape: and giving directions to have the three
vessels careened. This latter direction Captain Downton
had carried out as quickly as possible.
On the 20th April, Captain Downton wrote to the General,
stating that pitch, candles, and lamp oil were much needed,
that the money was being quickly spent in the purchase of
fresh provisions, and asking that some coarse cloths should
be sent over to him, by which means money would be saved
and the natives better contented, that many of the men
were ill, and no means left to recover them, the medicine
having been carried on shore and lost at Aden,
The King of Rohela, having sent down a present of a fat
cow and a slave to Captain Downton, the latter despatched
George GeflFe as bearer of a return gift, consisting of a
damask cloth, a piece, and sword-blade, which he presented
to the King at his town of Areta.
On the 24th April, the Darling returned from Moha,
having with her the pinnace that had been seized at Aden,
the articles which Captain Downton had written for, and a
letter from Sir Henry Middleton, in which he reported the
arrival of several small vessels from Swes,^ and one great
ship richly laden, from which he hoped to have recompense
• Suez.
180 ESCAPE OP SIR HliNRY MIDDLETON.
for the loss of time and detention of the goods (the murder-
ing of the men excepted) : he again expressed a hope that
the Turks would keep their promise, but should they fail to
do so, he doubted not being able with his company {" God
strengthning them^') to cut their way to the water-side; and,
the boats being held in readiness, thus to escape : also that
the ships were not to be careened (as to do so would require
too much time), but to be trimmed and scraped as far as
possible under water.
As the westerly monsoon did not set in at the time Cap-
tain Downton expected it would, on the 9*^ May he sent the
Darling to Moha with a letter for the General, informing
him of a rumour he had heard from a Budwee lately returned
from Moha, that the Bashaw had sent to Swes for 25 gallies,
and had also directed the Agaw to make agreement with the
Indians for their ships to arm them, either to attack the
three ships, or to resist any. attempt made to liberate the
captives ; also asking for further instructions.
Sir Henry Middleton, with 15 more of his company, made
his most happy escape to the Darling on the Ih'^^ May, and
at once despatched the pinnace to let Captain Downton
know of his being at liberty, and to direct him to repair to
Moha with the Peppercorn and the Trade's Increase.
Captain Downton's reasons for having remained on board
his own ship in preference to taking command of the Trade's
Increase were, that he felt so confident of procuring the
Generars release, either at the change of the monsoons, or
the coming of the Indian ships : also that he had perfect
confidence in the master, Giles Thornton, but that had he
himself left the Peppercorn, matters would not have gone
well on board of her.
Sir Henry Middleton immediately instituted a strict
blockade, so that no boat dared to leave the ships or the
shore without having first obtained his permission, so that
" Eegib Agaw of Moha began to sing a new song'
J}
DEMANDS FOR COMPENSATION. 181
Wlien Captain Downton and the General met, the latter
related the manner of his escape ; that upon the arrival of
the Indian ships he had sent to the Agaw, from whom he
had received a harsh and careless answer, which determined
him to make his escape ; in pursuance of which determina-
tion he directed M*" Pemberton to send ashore a quantity
of wine and aquavitse. On the 11*^, the Agaw, in great
pomp, rode forth from the town to his garden house, on
which occasion he (the General) had given much strong
drink, to which by stealth they were much inclined, to his
guards, so that by the height of the day they all returned
to their houses to rest ; then he explained to such of the
company as could be trusted his plans, directing them to
walk down to the water-side, some one way, some another :
he himself, concealed in an empty butt, was carried down
to the pinnace, and succeeded in picking up from the beach
some 16 of his men before the Turks interfered : Lawrence
Femmell, Chief Merchant, "whose unweldye fatnes" hindered
his enlargement, and divers others, had to be left behind.
Upon rejoining his own ship. Sir Henry Middleton was
saluted by the other vessels, and presently waited upon by
Nahuda Mahumett, a Malabar, captain of a ship of Calicut,
and divers others from the Agaw, to capitulate peace, but
no mention was made of any compensation for the losses
incurred. The general did not demand much at first, lest
by doing so he might fail in obtaining all, his intention
being first to recover his men still on shore, and the newly
built pinnace. The Agaw answered, that he himself could
do nothing, his position being precarious, and asked for
fifteen days' respite to communicate with the Bashaw: as to
returning the pinnace, that was impossible, it and all goods
being held for the Grand Seignior.
On the 18'^ May, the General seized a gelba, and a ship
of Diu, which belonged to Shermall, Shabender of the
Baneans in Moha. The passengers and pilgrims who were
on board the latter he sent ashore.
182 DEMANDS FOR COMPENSATION.
The Agaw, on the 25*-^ May, sent word to Sir Henry
Middleton that he had received the Bashaw's answer, and
that the men and pinnace would be sent on board next day,
on which day Nahuda Mahumett, accompanied by the prin-
cipal Banean merchants, boarded the Admiral, whom the
General, the men and pinnace not having been restored,
detained, directing them to write to the Agaw to explain
the reason of their detention. This they declined to do, but
promised, if they were allowed to depart, to return in the
evening with the men, which they did, also bringing the
General a present of a rich vest from the Governor. This
present Sir Henry Middleton was at first inclined to decline,
but was persuaded into retaining.
M"" Femmell died on the 29'"^ May, seemingly of poison.
Before his release, he had been invited by the Agaw to a
feast, on which occasion he incautiously threatened to make
complaint of his wrongs at Stambola. At parting, the
Agaw, with a smiling countenance, said they would meet at
Stambola.
The pinnace having been restored, was named the Relief,
and George GefFe put into her as master.
Having recovered his men and pinnace. Sir Henry Mid-
dleton next demanded the restoi^ation of his goods, and of
M'' Pemberton's boy, who had been forced to turn Turk.
The Agaw's reply was a request for 15 days' respite to con-
sult the Bashaw. A few days later, the General received a
visit from Allee Haskye, whose mission was to learn the
sum demanded as compensation, which sum was 100,000
rialls of 8.
The Darling was despatched on the 8*^ June to Belowle,
on the Abexin coast, some 1 leagues northwards of Assab,
to procure water and provisions for the relief of the men,
" who now began to fall sick of a faint disease, the best
remidye for w'^^ as we found^ was letting of blood and
purging of the bodye ; this disease went away in boyles and
scabs, and this disease no man escaped".
EESTITUTION OF STOLEN PROPERTY. 183
On the 19*^ June, Shermall, Shabender of Molia, accom-
panied by many of the chief merchants of the town, and
AUee Haskye, and Tacacee, a Banian, in state, with divers
sorts of music, visited Sir Henry Middleton to arrange terms
for the restitution of the goods : which terms, considering
that there was no chance of getting more, and that what
would be paid would come out of the pocket of the Shaben-
der of the Benians, who had been such a good friend to the
captives, were that the lead and iron should be returned,
and that a sum of 18,000 rialls of 8 should be paid in com-
pensation for the other goods; that, as there was not so
much money in the town, part of the Diuman's cargo should
be accepted as security ; and that that vessel should then
be allowed to draw in nearer to the town to dispose of her
remaining goods : that the final payment should be made
within 14 days. In accordance v^^ith the agreement, 68
bales of indigo and 7 packs of Indian cloths were trans-
ferred to the Trade's Increase. M^ Pemberton's boy was
also sent on board.
All the lead and iron having been re-shipped, and the
final payment made on the 2^ of July, the Shabender was
allowed to remove his goods, and on his departure was
saluted with three guns, of which, one being a demi-
culverin, broke, but praised be God, did no great harm.
While Sir Henry Middleton remained a prisoner at Senan,
Jeffer Vizier Bashaw having then made a promise to re-
lease him upon the arrival of the Indian ships, he endea-
voured to induce the Bashaw to restore the goods and pin-
nace, and to obtain a promise that if any Englishmen should
thereafter visit those regions, they should have warning of
what was in store for them instead of (under colour of friend-
ship) being deluded and abused. The first request the
Bashaw refused to comply with, saying that all goods were
for the Grand Seignior's benefit, and that with regard to
the second, he would deal harder with future visitors than
184 MEDITATED REPRISALS.
he did to the first. Sir Henry Middleton considered this
answer to be a warning-^ and as he had now by force ob-
tained restitution of all his goods, he proposed terms of peace
with the Bashaw, that for three years from that date no
Englishman should hurt or damage any Turk between that
town and Cape Comorin or southermost point of Malabar,
and that the Bashaw should give a pledge under his hand
that no wrong should be offered to any Englishman at any
towns or ports under his rule. As neither the Bashaw nor
Eegib Agaw made any allusion to this proposal, the General
interpreted their silence as a confirmation of the foi'mer
answer, and therefore determined to use his best means to
prevent the same.
On July the 2'^, the General sailed from Moha for Asab,
at which place he hoped to obtain fresh provisions. While
the vessels lay at that place the King of Raheta,^ by Abdella,
his sister^s son, sent down presents, for which suitable re-
turns were made.
Sir Henry Middleton, wishing to avenge his wrongs, and
with the concurrence of his officers, having determined to
seize a Turkish galleon which, with divers gallies richly
laden, was then on the passage to Moha, on the 24'^ July
sailed from Asab for Cameran,^ an island off" the Arabian
coast, forty leagues to the northwards of Moha, where he
expected to find the galleon ; but the fleet having run in
amongst dangerous shoals, there being no pilot on board,
and the weather being very uncertain, he from prudence
abandoned the attempt and returned to his former anchor-
age. A few days later, having obtained from a jelba two
natives of Beloule, who were well acquainted with Cameran,
the General held a council, whether the attempt should be
renewed, but the unanimous opinion (the time of year, and
» Asab Bay is on the Dana'kil coast, opposite Mocha; into which the
Raheita river falls.
» Kamaran, a low island twelve miles long, thirty miles south of Lohcia.
RETURN TO SOCOTKA. 185
the fact that the vessels would have to touch at Socotra
being duly considered) was against doing so. When the
fleet, a little later, anchored before Moha, this galleon was
found there, her cargo having been discharged.
From Mellecamber, Nahuda of the Mahumedi of Dabul,
Sir Henry Middleton received a letter in case he should visit
Dabul. In return for this letter he gave a similar one
addressed to any Englishman Mellecamber Nahuda might
fall in with. To the Shabender, Sir Henry Middleton in-
trusted letters to be forwarded to London by way of "Messa
or Grand Cairo, as we call it^^ No pilots were obtained
from the Indian ships, as the men's terms were exor-
bitant.
All business at Moha having been completed, the fleet
sailed from that place on the 9*^ August, and on the
31^* of that month anchored in the Road of Delisha. Two
days previously, the Peppercorn spent her maiuyard, the
mainsail being split, thus, regard being had to the hollow
sea in which the vessel lay, dangerously shortening sail.
Three vessels lay at anchor before Delisha: one, a ship of
Diu, of 400 tons, carrying merchants, passengers, and sailors
to the number of 700 men, bound for Jedda ; the second, a
ship of Nagowe, whose Nahuda and company were chiefly
Banians, bound to India, — these two vessels, having lost the
easterly monsoon, were wintering at Socotra ; the third
vessel belonged to the king of the island.
Water and ballast having been obtained, and some 26°^'^'
o'^i'^- of allocs purchased at 25 rials of 8 per cwt., and further
letters of warning for such Englishmen as might touch there
on their way to the Red Sea, having been left with the
King, the vessels on the 4*^^ Sepf sailed from Socotra, and
on the 18*^ of that month land, being a point some ten
leagues distant from Diu, was sighted. Groping along, with
tha lead constantly going, the fleet stood on until the 23'^^,
on which day Sir Henry Middleton learned from the crew
186 BAD NEWS FROM SURAT.
of a native boat that he had overshot Surat by some leagues.
On the following day pilots wei-e obtained from another
boat ; they reported 16 armed Portugal frigates lying off
the bar of Surat. On September the 26'''^ the vessels
anchored in the road south of the bar of Suratj where three
Indian ships were lying, which, said the pilot, were intended
to be laden for Sumatra, but partly by reason of Sir Henry
Middleton's approach, partly that the Portugals would make
no reasonable terms for customs and cartas, or passes, had
given over the voyage.
Don Francisco de Soto, major, captain-major of the forces
of Damon and Chaoul, and the captain-major of Diu, with
18 Portugal frigates, kept up so close a blockade that none,
without being searched to see if they had letters or pro-
visions for the English, could approach the fleet, the crews
of which, for want of fresh victuals, were suffering from
scurvy.
The General had expected to have found merchants at
that place, from whom he might have obtained information
respecting the Company^s business and the disposition of
the natives ; instead of which, he learned from a letter con-
veyed in a cane to one of the native ships, that Nicholas
Baingham (a joiner left there by the Hector), the writer,
alone was at Surat; from whom, after many days, he re-
ceived two letters intended for him, the one from Captain
Hawkins, written at Agra, where was the residence of the
Mogul ; the other from Lahore, from William Finch, who
was then on his way homewards overland through Persia.
In these letters, the writers expressed but little hope of any
good in that country, the people, from the kmg to the slave,
being without faith or honesty. This intelligence greatly
troubled Sir Henry Middleton, as a large quantity of goods,
which would not be vendible elsewhere, had been provided
for trade at Surat. Later, Nicholas Baingham sent word
that Captain Sharpeigh, John Jourdain, and others, were
BLOCKADE OF THE PORTUGALS. 187
daily expected at Surat from Agra by way of Cambaya.
When this party had arrived, they were, by reason of the
watchfulness of the Portugals, unable to reach the vessels.
During all that time the General kept the Indian ships by
him, as by their boats, despite the Portugals searching
them, he had letters conveyed to his countrymen on shore.
Strict orders were given by Sir Henry Middleton that no
violence should be offered the Portugals, unless they were
the assailants. Emboldened by this impunity, their frigates
used to run very close to the vessels, and at night watch
had to be kept against any attempt to surprise the smaller
ships. At length the General sent, by a native boat, a
letter to the Captain-major, being a caveat against breaking
the peace between their respective princes, and giving the
reasons for his being there. To this letter no answer was
returned.
On the day following, a flag of truce was displayed by
the Trade's Increase, upon which the Captain-major sent a
letter to Sir Henry Middleton, wherein he denied no courtesy
that in him lay to afford, and ofi'ered to accompany Sir
Henry Middleton to Goa to learn the Viceroy's pleasure,
otherwise he could not allow of any business being trans-
acted. " He omitted no complement according to the Por-
tugals fashion."
On September the thirtieth Captain Downton, by the
General's order, attempted to find a passage across the bar,
but this attem]3t was frustrated partly by the Portugals,
who were ready to cut off the boats engaged in sounding if
they ventured beyond the range of the ships' guns, and
partly by the sudden shoaling of the water.
Sir Henry Middleton next requested the Captain-major,
if the latter could not allow him to trade there, to permit
Captain Sharpeigh and his companions to join the Trade's
Increase; to which the Portugal answered no, for he could
carry them to Goa, whence they should be sent home.
188 HOSTILITY OF THE PORTUGALS.
About the same time Captain Sharpeigh attempted, by-
some principal Portugal then on land at Surat^ to obtain
from the Captain-major a segure, or safe-conduct for his
passage to the English ships. The Portugal scoffingly sent
him a segure for a passage to his own vessel, without
making any mention for their departure thence, adding (to
show how basely he thought of them) that ''if they would
take there passage along w''^im to Goa, he would use hitn
and his company e w*^ as much courtesy e, as he would doe
Tui'ks, Moores, and other nations y' use these seas : and all
other nations (a fewe Persians excepted) are Jewes, Benians,
and Gentils, w"** though it were in him a most vile and un-
pleasing speach, yet I like well his plainnes in shewing them
what to trust to."
As no fresh provisions, owing to the watchfulness of the
Portugals, could be procured^ for want of which many men
fell ill. Sir Henry Middleton forwarded instructions to Cap-
tain Sharpeigh to despatch some to the fleet at all risks.
This the latter did ; but the boat was captured by the Por-
tugals, upon which " in scofFe the Captaine-major sent
presently thanks unto Captaine Sharpeigh for his care of
him in sending him victuals for his supply."
Sir Henry Middletouj on the 12''^ October_, made another
attempt to discover a place where the ships could be suffi-
ciently close to the shore to command the landing place
with their guns. For this purpose, the vessels stood in to-
wards the land ; the smaller ones, with their boats ahead,
taking soundings, being in advance, while the Portugal
frigates ever kept in shore of them. The Portugals, em-
boldened by long immunity, having attempted to cut off the
Darling's boat, the master of that vessel opened fire on
them ; upon which, the crew of one frigate, seeing the shot
falling around them, ran their boat ashore, and though the
other frigates at first seemed inclined to attempt a rescue,
she remained a prize. In her were found several Indian
COMMUNICATION OPENED WITH THE SHORE. 189
commodities of small value. Thus the peace between the
English and Portucjals was broken. On the 13*^^ the vessels
ran further in. On that da}^ the General having given
letters to certain men from the Indian ships, and having
made them presents, despatched them to Captain Sharpeigh,
promising further rewards to any man who should return
with an answer. This, though many promised, none per-
formed. On the same day, a supply of paddy was obtained
from a native boat, the owners of which went away well
contented with the price they received for it. On the 14'^ a
frigate was intercepted, on board of which were two ser-
vants of Muccrab Chaun, the Viceroy of the country, to
whom Sir Henry Middleton sent word that he had letters
and a present from the King of England for him, and also
a present and letter of more import for the Great Mogul,
adding that there was in the ships a great store of goods
for trade. By the same men, the General wrote to Captain
Sharpeigh.
On the Ih^^, John Jourdain, with one Jadaw (formerly
Captain Hawkins's broker), succeeded in reaching the fleet.
The former stated that the whole company had originally
started for the coast, but deeming escape for so many im-
possible, as the Portugals were very watchful, had returned
to Surat; that he himself, with the Banian, had, by lying
in the fields for three days, succeeded in eluding their
enemies.
On the day following, Sir Henry Middleton made an
attempt to capture two of the Portugal frigates, which, the
wind and tide proving unfavorable, was a failure : but later
on, the same day, the same two frigates, accompanied by
two more, in one of " which was the late captaine of our
little frigat, who lately hazarded his life by running away
in the deep mud", attempted to recover the prize, and
though the wind was as fair for the Portugals as adverse
to the boats from the fleet which were hastening to her aid;
190 CAPTAIN SHARPEIGH COMES ON BOARD.
yet when the former, contrary to their expectations, saw the
boats pressing on, and saw the musket-balls almost drop-
ping around them, they changed their minds, "for they all
at once exchanged their sternes for their prowes".
On the 17'^j the General having landed at the point of
South Swally, towards evening, some of the country people
visited him. These men said they would have come down
earlier had not the Portugals been in their town in the
morning, and they further reported a rumour that the
Governor, with the Englishmen, were to come down to the
ships on the morrow; instead of whom, the General, when
two days later he again landed, was met by Jadaw and a
Persian merchant (formerly the GeneraFs neighbour at
Moha), who, by their own story, were sent forward to an-
nounce the Governor's approach. Sir Henry Middleton
then returned to his ship to make ready a present ; after
which he again landed, but the governor of Surat did not
appear, sending an excuse, that if he did so, Muccrab Chan
would take it ill, and say that he had received some great
and rich present ; perceiving from this the Governor's dis-
trust, and being acquainted with the perfidious dealings of
these people, the General sent a present to the Governor
instead of visiting him.
On the same day, Thomas Watkins, one of the Ascen-
sion's crew, joined the fleet.
On the 20'^'^, a boat having been sent ashore, the crew
had a slight brush with the Portugals ; and two days later
the General, with thirty men, having landed, were attacked ;
but upon making a stand, the Portugals also halted, although
there were some three hundred of them. Upon this. Sir
Henry Middleton made his men embark, both parties ex-
changing a harmless fire.
Captain Sharpeigh, attended by a guard of a hundred
horsemen, arrived on the 25*'^ October at the water side,
and, accompanied by Jadaw, embarked. Next day. Sir
FURTHER ANNOYANCE PROM THE PORTUGALS. 191
Henry Middleton, with Captain Sharpeigli and John Jour-
dain, landed, and were received by Coia Nazan. The Gene-
ral was carried ashore in a palankin. At this conference it
was arranged that the ships should go to Gogo (on the west
side of the gulf, close to Cambaya), and native pilots were
to be provided for that purpose. At this point, in conse-
quence of a sudden (and at the time of year unusual) shower,
the meeting was adjourned to the following day, when, as
Gogaj by the pilot^s account, was unfit for the vessels to lie
at, it was settled that the fleet should stand out to sea for
six days (in hopes that the Portugals too would sail from
thence), and then return for the despatch of business.
Previous to sailing. Sir Henry Middleton wrote a letter
to Don Francisco de Soto, the Captain-major, enumerating
the discourtesies suffered at his hands, viz.: the preventing
communication with the shore and the exchange of letters ;
the detaining of provisions destined for the relief of the
sick, and converting the same to his own use ; the refusing
perraission to the company on shore to embark, who, being
once on board, the fleet would have sailed; and the attempt-
ing to cut ofi" the boats employed in taking soundings, on
which occasion one of his frigates was captured, which (there
being no further need of her) would be restored to him on
sending for her. The Indian ships, detained for convenience
of transmitting letters to Captain Sharpeigh, were allowed
to proceed to Surat.
As the Portugal frigates persistently followed the fleet. Sir
Henry Middleton (having determined to transact his busi-
ness despite of them) returned to South Swally. When
night fell, the Portugals in the river discharged many guns,
saying that they did so having heard of the approach of two
great gallies and twenty frigates, — thinking, with such lies,
to terrify the General and his companions, who were now
armed'to withstand them.
M"^ Thornton having failed to discover an anchorage
192 HOSTILITY OF THE PORTUGALS.
where the vessels might command the shore with their
guns, Sir Henry Middleton despatched M*" Pemberton, on
whom he relied greatly, in quest of such : the latter dis-
covered a place, where not only the smaller ships, but also
the Trade's Increase, if somewhat lightened, might ride.
Into this anchorage the fleet moved, and let go their
anchors in 8 fathoms ; on the bar, at high water, the depth
was three fathoms and a foot, and at low water three feet.
The Portugal frigates followed the fleet and anchored to the
northwards, somewhat beyond the range of the ships' guns.
M"" Baingham, on the S*^ November, returned to the fleet
with the provisions (limes, bread, lamp-oil, and candles) re-
quired by the diSerent vessels.
Having heard from a native that a strong force of Portu-
gals had entered the river. Sir Henry Middleton gave orders
that the pinnace and the other two ships should cross the
bar and anchor close to the Trade's Increase ; but when he
had learned that these vessels were Portugal merchantmen,
he directed the Darling and Peppercorn to return to their
anchorage. While obeying this order, the latter vessel, being
becalmed, drifted ashore on the bar; but at the next high tide
she was warped off without having suffered much injury.
The Portugals, while the vessel lay aground, made no at-
tempt to molest her.
Coia Nazan having had an interview with Sir Henry
Middleton, promised that his ships would shortly appear to
carry on trade; he also caused a market for provisions to be
held on the beach.
The country people, contrary to their usual custom, not
having approached the market on the 21^'' November, Cap-
tain Downton, from this circumstance rendered cautious,
had the ships' guns trained on the landing-place. A party
having landed, some 500 Portugals attempted to cut them
off from the boats; but the ships opening fire and "having
a little tasted of our shott both out of great and small peeces.
PROCEEDINGS AT SURAT. 193
and seeing some of there follows tumbling in tlio mud, tlioy
made as great haist back". Many of those who fell, after-
wards crawled away; but one, Antonio de Sowso, badly
wounded in the head, lay still, whom Captain Downton had
carried on board his ship, where he died within two hours.
Three days later, there came down Muccrab Chan '' with
a 100 horsemen and many more footmen, 5 elephants with
divers camels, carts, and oxen for transportation of his pro-
visions, wherein he showed his greatnes ; furthermore, ho
had divers carts to carye his leopards, wherewith, at his
pleasure he useth to hunt". Sir Henry Middleton landed
to salute him, and on their meeting salutes were fired both
on land and by the vessels. The letter of the King of Eng-
land and various presents having been presented, Muccrab
Chan accompanied Sir Henry Middleton to the Trade's In-
crease, on board of which vessel he remained that night and
part of the next day. The General often brought to Muc-
crab Chan's notice the main business of the voyage, which
the latter always postponed, considering as ''all his hooking
was both by himself and by divers instruments to find out
and buy all such fantasticall toycs y'' might fitt his tourne,
to please the toyish humor of the great King, his M""-"; but
for anything else, unless it might serve his own purpose, ho
cared not : for this purpose ho also visited the .Darling and
Trade's Increase.
Muccrab Chan purchased all the chests of sword-blades,
" whereof he seemed so groedye, as ho would not trust us
to send them after him, but would see them all sent ashore
before his departure"; but in a few days, having picked out
such as pleased him, he returned the residue " careleslye
and ill conditioned, as there accustomed manner is to doe
all things whatsoever they have bought, when by all the
view they can have they dislike the same".
Sir Henry Middleton, Captain Sharpeigh, John Jourdain,
and Captain Downton, accompanied Maccrab Chan ashore.
194- PROCEEDINGS AT SDRAT.
and again endeavoured^ though unsuccessfully, to come to
some agreement about business. Next day, Sir Henry
Middleton, upon landing, was informed that Muccrab Chan
had departed, and he was further told that the latter had
gone to the Portugals to endeavour to bring about a friendly
feeling between him and them, which statement the General
did not believe ; but suspected that Muccrab Chan, having
received from him all the presents likely to be given, had
now visited the Poi'tugals to see what he would receive from
them. On the following day, Muccrab Chan sent one of his
chief gentlemen and his broker with a letter to Sir Henry
Middleton, begging his '' perfumed jerkin, and his spaniell
dog^', and also asking for a model of a chain pump ; the
jerkin and dog were subsequently forwarded in charge of
Coia Nazan.
At this period, Bartholomew Davis, one of the carpenters,
was sent up to Surat to purchase timber for repairing the
Release, but did not succeed in procuring any, and as the
pinnace was thoroughly rotten, she was shortly afterwards
broken up.
On the 28*^ November, a flotilla of 120 Portugal frigates
bound for Goa, passed the fleet.
After much bickering, Muccrab Chan and Coia Nazan
agreed to purchase the lead and other goods, as without
doing so they could not procure the velvet, quicksilver, and
vermilion, but so soon as they had obtained possession of
these latter commodities they commenced to wrangle about
prices, and ordered the carts containing their own goods to
be driven away from the shore. When informed of these
proceedings. Sir Henry Middleton detained the Governor
of Surat and Coia Arsan Allee, who were then on board the
Trade's Increase, as security for his goods, and then having
consulted Captain Downton went ashore, and informed Coia
Nazan of what he had done, adding that, as the Governor
of Surat had, out of courtesy, visited the ships, and as no
PROCEEDINGS AT SURAT. 195
business could be transacted without liim, he would liberate
the latter in exchange for Coia Nazan. Having no choice,
he, with a grim look and sour countenance, agreed to this
arrangement and was sent on board the Peppercorn, from
which vessel he was afterwards transferred to the Trade's
Increase. For the despatch of business, it was deemed
necessary to release both the hostages, other pledges being
left in their place, for Coia Nazan, his son-in-law, Coia
Jillardine, and one of his sons, and for Coia Arsan
Allee, two Persian merchants ; while John Williams and
Henry Boothby were similarly held as hostages on
shore.
On the 27*^ December, Sir Henry Middleton received a
letter from Peter Floris, a Dutchman in the service of the
company of merchants who had founded a factory at
" Musulpatan^', informing him that three ships were then
on their passage out from England, one of which vessels
was bound for the Ked Sea. Three days later, a letter was
received fi'om Captain "Hawkins, who expressed an intention
of proceeding with his whole household to Goa, and from
thence to England. M*" Jourdain and M"* Train, who had
been dispatched to Surat to purchase Indian cloths, wrote
to the General that Muccrab Chan made a show of being
willing to allow a factory to be founded at that town, but
this proved to be a delusion.
Captain Sharpeigh and Mugh Greet, on the 2<^ January,
set out for Surat, from whence, accompanied by M'' Train,
they were to proceed to Cambay with letters to Cap-
tain Hawkins. At Surat, they found that without letters
of credit, to obtain which the money must be paid down,
they could take no funds with them to Cambaya, and to
pi'ocure such cash they were compelled to leave Nicholas
Uphlett, and Jawdow, the broker, behind as security. On
the 2 6*^ accompanied by Captain Hawkins, they returned to
the fleet. To guard against any attempt of the Portugals
196 THE ROAD OF SWALLY.
to capture the party, Sir Henry Middleton, with two hund-
red men, met them some three miles inland.
John Williams, who had been sent to Surat to obtain
permission to found a factory, returned from the town with
an absolute refusal to hold any further trade, and those
merchants who had gone up thither were ordered to take
their departure, no time even being allowed them to get in
their debts. When Sir Henry Middleton was appealed to
by his people, whether they should obey this order at
once, or not, he directed them to comply with it imme-
diately.
A fleet of nearly 500 sail of Portugal frigates passed the
fleet on the 6^'^ February, bound towards Cambaia.
On the 9'^ February, Nicholas Uphelet, who had been
left at Surat as security for money .borrowed, having re-
turned thence, the fleet w^eighed anchor and crossed the
bar.
During the time,. 138 days, that the vessels lay off Swally,
much injury was suffered from delays ; breach of faith ; the
prohibition of the country people from trading ; the little
trade done, and that, too, at unprofitable rates; the refusal
of permission to found a factory; the non-payment of debts
formerly due ; and the expulsion of the merchants from the
town, and of the ships from the port. This expulsion was
due to a letter, written at the instigation of the Jesuits,
from Dangee, a Banian, at Cambaia, to Muccrab Chan,
advising him to give no place to the English, for if he did
so, the Portugals would come with force to burn all the sea-
towns, and to seize all the ships found at sea.
'' This road of Swally, within ihe barr, heth in 20^ 55
North latitude, the variation 16^ 40 Westerlye. We found
the water highed more on the full moone spring then one the
change by 4 foot, the one being 24 foot, the other 20 ; the
night tides higher then the daye tides by 3 foot ; the nepe
tides by night 16 foot, and by day 13 foot high, and some-
AT DABUL. 197
time 9 or 10 foot^ according as the winds blow. The coast
or straund within the bar lieth nearest south and north by
the compas, which is (the variation allowed) N. b. E. | E.
and S. b. AY. h W., also W.S.W. i S. and E.N.E. i N., moone
makes a full sea/'
On the 1 L*^ the fleet set sail, bound for Dabul^ whither
the General went in hopes of disposing of part of the cargo
(''or_, as it were, shoot another arrow after divers formerly
lost''), and on the 16*^^ anchored off that place. Messengers
from the shore visited the ships^ and promised friendship
and trade in indigo^ cloth, and pepper^ which was more
than could be expected, or than they had orders to grant,
such goods being required for cargo for their own ships
bound to the Red Sea. But little trade, except for cloth
and lead in bars, was done, for the country people were for-
bidden to trade, though the Governor, with the usual double
dealing, had given the Genei-al leave to vend his goods.
Corn and provisions, when paid for in cash, were supplied
plentifully. Whether such kindness sprang from good will
towards strangers, or from having heard that Sir Henry
Middleton had the might to right hi^ own wrongs, it was
hard to say.
While the vessels lay at anchor off Dabul a great ship
and frigate were seen in the offnig. Sir Henry Middleton
despatched the Darling and also the Peppercorn, and his
own frigate, with orders to bring them in ; the frigate
attempted to escape, and in effecting her capture, a Portugal
was killed. The ship, when summoned to surrender, did
so j but the captain and chief merchants being ordered to
present themselves on board the Peppercorn, sent a soldier
to make excuse, that the captain was aged and unwieldy,
and that their boat was so cumbered with lading that she
could not be used. Upon receipt of this reply. Captain
Downton very unwillingly sent his own boat for them, first
of all having strictly commanded the coxswain to allow no
198 PLUNDER FROM THE PORTDGALS.
man to board the ship, his intention being that the General
should be the first to do so. Captain Downton next ordered
the vessel to stand in for Dabul ; but, as there was no
chance, in consequence of the ill steering of the prize, of
making the port^ and fearing that she might escape during
the night, he caused the ships to anchor, and then retired
into his cabin to examine some of the Portugals. Pretend-
ing to doubt that the ship had not let go her anchor, the
master of the Peppercorn sent a boat aboard her, the crew
of which immediately commenced to pillage. On their
return to their own ship, Captain Downton, in the presence
of the Portugals, had them searched, and the stolen goods
sent back to the ship, the purser being directed to say, that
if any other articles were missing, to report the fact, and
they should be returned. Terry, a servant of Giles Thorn-
ton, who at this time, in consequence of the death of three
of the Admiral's mates, commanded the frigate, had mean-
time, though contrary to orders, boarded the ship, and com-
menced to break open boxes, etc. ; and further, used ill
language to the Peppercorn's men. Informed of this. Cap-
tain Downton sent word to the General, who, on the frigates
entering the road, gave orders that no man should be allowed
to leave them until search had been made for all stolen
goods, and the same restored to the Portugals.
The ship, called the S* Nicolas, belonged to Cochin, and
was bound for Cliaoul. She was some 300 tons burthen.
Her cargo principally consisted of dried cocoa-nuts, black
sugar, rueka^ nuts, ten cases of China dishes, some alum, a
quantity of China roots, and some '' Cayro" or bass ropes.
As the Portugals would not produce any bills of lading,
much trouble was experienced in discovering some cloves,
cinnamon, wax, and bales of raw China silk, which were re-
moved to the General's vessels, and which were but a mite
• Areca?
DEPARTURE FROM DABUL. 199
in comparison to the loss inflicted on the venture by the
Portugals.
The frigate, of some 60 tons burthen, belonged to Chaoul,
and was bound for Ormus with a cargo of rice and tamai'inds;
some of the rice was taken from her. By this vessel. Sir
Henry Middleton sent away those Portugals who had de-
serted to him at Svvally, as well as those taken in the prizes,
giving them their money and wearing apparel. To the mer-
chant who had owned the greater part of the silk a fine
broadcloth was given, and to the captain of the frigate a
fine kersey.
Having finished all business at Dabul, Sir Henry Middle-
ton summoned a council to consider future proceedings,
his wish being to sail for Goa and there to demand from
the Viceroy compensation for the losses incurred at the
hands of the Portugals, to the intent that if this request
was refused, there might then be greater justification for
reprisals : this proposal, though approved of by several, was
deemed inexpedient, regard being had to the season of the
year and various necessary delays, and finally it was re-
solved, the wind not serving to double Cape Comorin, to
sail for the Red Sea, there to dispose of goods remaining on
hand, to recover some of the losses already sufiered from
the subjects of the Great Mogul, to cross the Turks at Moha
and Aden for mischief done by them, and to render assist-
ance to the ships sent thither by the Company in the year
following the sailing of the sixth expedition.
On the 6^^ March the fleet sailed from Dabul, accompany-
ing the Cochin ship towards Chaoul, as a protection
against the Malabars, and having run on to within five or
six leagues of that port, the course was then altered for
Socotra, which island was sighted on the 24'^ of the month.
" Prom the Coast of India to Soccatra, we this time dailye
found our ship further to the Southward than by our course
we could expect, and especially when wee were thwart of
200 EETURN TO THE BED SEA.
the gulf or entrance of Sinus Persicus, whicli I imagine to
be some currant setting tbence to the southwards/'
On the 28''^ March, 1612, the vessels anchored about a
mile and a half from Mount Felix. From the country-
people the General learned that four Indian ships had lately
passed towards the Red Sea. With these people the General
left letters for the Darling, which had been dispatched to
Socotra; and, having made a few purchases from the natives'
who supposed they were dealing with Mahometans and not
Christians (or, as they call them, Franges), set sail for Aden,
off which port the vessels arrived on the 1®* April. A
council was then assembled, at which it was determined
that Captain Downton,- in the Peppercorn, should blockade
Aden, and turn away all vessels attemptiog to enter that
port, for which purpose Sir Henry Middleton gave him a
commission, whilst the General, in the Trade's Increase,
should lie in the Straits of Bab el Mandeb to intercept the
Company's ship, and to take revenge both on the Turks and
subjects of the Great Mogul for all injuries suffered by the
expedition.
Previous to separating, Thomas Herrod, a master's mate,
and M"" Fowler, were transferred from the Peppercorn to the
Trade's Increase j while Benjamen Green, factor of the Dar-
ling, went on board the Peppercorn. The Darling also was
fallen in with, having a letter which she had brought from
Socotra for Sir Henry Middleton from John Saris, com-
mander of the Company's ships Clove, Hector, and Thomas,
acknowledging the receipt of the General's letter, and add-
ing that he himself, with his ships, would enter the Red
Sea.
Sir Henry Middleton, having read this letter, with the
Trade's Increase and Darling sailed for the Red Sea, the
Peppercorn remaining off Aden, the Governor of which
town sent off an old Arab fisherman to enquire what ship
she was, and why she lay so far out. To these questions
BLOCKADE OF ADEN. 201
Captain Downton replied that he was waiting for other
vessels, and that till their arrival he would neither meddle
with any merchandise, nor approach nigher to the town,
enquiring, in addition, would he be welcome to the town,
and were there any merchants there to buy his goods. The
answer to which queries was, as formerly, with " truthles
flatteryes". The Arab stated that three English vessels had
passed towards the Red Sea twelve days since, and that two
others (in which only he spake truth) had done so within
three days. On the following day, the Governor of the town
sent a present to Captain Downton, who, not deeming it
proper to receive from, or give presents to, the Turks, at
whose hands so much loss had been suffered, pretended that
the captain, being absent, no man on board durst receive
presents, but offered to purchase the things, which offer was
accepted. To these messengers he entrusted a letter for
Captain Saris.
On the IV^ April, the Peppercorn overhauled a ship of
Callicut, forty days out from thence. Her cargo consisted
of 3 tons of turmeric, 2,300 quintals of rice, 40 bahars of
jagra or brown sugar, 7 bahars of cardamoms, 4| quintals
of dry ginger, a ton and a half of pepper, and 31 pieces of
cotton, each piece containing 5 or 6 maunds. This vessel,
of 140 tons burthen, carried 75 persons, of whom 20 were
to bale out water and for other duties below, 8 for the helm,
4 for the top and yard, and 20 boys to act as cooks ; the
remainder were passengers and pilgrims. As this ship be-
longed to a friendly, nation. Captain Downton allowed her
to depart, but it was only by threatening to sink her if any
attempt was made to enter Aden, that he was able to drive
her away from that port. Nothing, except two tons of
water, freely parted with by the Nohuda, was taken out of
her.
To any vessels that appeared in the offing, warning was
sent from the town to beware of the Peppercorn.
202 BLOCKADE OP ADEN.
While the Peppercorn was overhauling the Malabar,
some Turks from the shore had boarded her, who, when they
had recognised their former captives, would have at once
departed, hut Captain Downton detained them till he
thought they were sufficiently punished by their fears, then,
to show the difference between Turks and Englishmen, he
let them go free, they in return promising to send provisions
to the ship.
Another vessel was taken on the 14'^, and from her (as
she belonged to Pormean, a town not far from Cutsnagome,
and tributary to the Great Mogul) were removed some
dutties, " candekins nilF', or small blue pieces of calico,
bastas, a little butter, and some lamp-oil ; the residue of
the cargo consisted of cotton-wool. This transfer Captain
Downton had executed as quickly as possible, fearing that
if another sail should appear in sight, he would have to let
one vessel or the other escape.
On the same day Maharim Agaw of Aden sent off a
present to Captain Downton, who, by the messenger, re-
turned as answer that he had been forced by the injuries he
had suffered the year before to return to make reprisals, and
that it was his intention neither to deserve nor receive any
favour from the Turks ; that he remembered the treatment
he had received when he came as a friend, and what could
he expect now ? and that he and his people would purchase
what they required.
Between the Ib^^ April and G*'^ May several vessels were
seen and overhauled, from one of which 9J lbs. of opium
were bought, and from two others a number of sheep.
On the 19'''^ April there was a Communion of 36 persons.
As the winds were variable, and as the time of year for
the Indian ships to ari'ive was almost passed, also there
being but little enough of the easterly winds to carry the
Peppercorn into the Red Sea, Captain Downton, on the
(jth May, set sail from before Aden, and on the next day
CAPTUEE OF PRIZES. 203
captured a small ship of Larree, a city of the Mogul, situate
at the mouth of the river Zinde. While preparing to rum-
mage the prize, two ships were sighted, one of 200 tons,
the other a huge sail, whose mainyard was 43 yards long :
the latter vessel was at once chased, in hopes that she
might be '' the great Rehemi, which belongs to the queene
mother, who had beene wife to Zelibdin Eccubur,^ the last
deceased Emp'' of Indestian, the father of this present Great
Mogull, which ship usually, as the report goes, brings not
lesse for her use, passengers and pilgrames to Moha or
Jedda, the poi't of Mecha, then 1500 persons, which ship
was the principall mark we aimed at, the end that thereby
the Great Mogull may sooner understand how unpatient the
subjects of the King of England (whom he, in his pride, so
much dispiseth, as Cap' Hawkins informeth us) are both of
the dishonor done to there king and wrongs to themselves:"
but upon approaching close to her, she was recognized to
be the Mahomadie of Dabul. Pursuit was then made after
the other sail, which had '^ strouk a hull" in hopes of
escaping during the darkness ; she was speedily overhauled,
and found to be a ship of Cutsnagone, a place not far from
the river Zinde, and that her cargo consisted of cotton-wool,
a few packs of Indian cloth, some butter and oil. In com-
pany with her, the Peppercorn stood in towards the Arab
coast in search for the first prize ; having fallen in with
which vessel, all the three lay at anchor off the coast for
two days, at the end of which time Captain Downton having
learned that Sir Henry Middleton was at Assab, set sail for
that place and arrived there on the 15*'^ May. He was in-
formed by Giles Thornton that the General ''had at com-
maund all the desired ships of India, as the Rehemy, of
bui'then 1500 tuns ; Masany, of 600 tuns ; Mahomady, of
150 tuns, of Surat; the Sallamitee, of 450 tuns; the Cadree,
of 200 tuns, the Assum Cany (the Shawbender of Moha, his
> Akbar.
204 AGREEMENT WITH CAPTAIN SARIS.
ship) 200 tunsj all of Diu ; besides 3 Mallabar ships ; tlie
Cadree, of Dabull ; and a great ship of Cannanow''. Giles
Thornton further added, before the Peppercorn could enter
the road, that Sir Henry Middleton, with all the pride of
his people, and Captain Saris, with his men, had gone
ashore to receive the King of Raheta, who with his nobihty
and guard had come down to visit the Generals. Further,
Sir Henry Middleton sent word (knowing Captain Down-
ton's " niggardly inclination always for powder") with how
many guns Captain Saris and the Trade's Increase should
be respectively saluted.
Captain Downton also learned that Sir Henry Middleton
was as much harassed by the pride, turbulence, and cross
dealings of Captain Saris (his countryman and also a ser-
vant of the India Company), as formerly by the treacheiy
of the Turks, whose cause Captain Saris (as an attorney-
general) even had pleaded.
Towards evening. Sir Henry Middleton and Captain
Saris, having taken leave of the King of Raheta, returned
to the Trade's Increase to supper. Then Captain Downton
learned that a compact had been made between the tv/o
commanders to the effect that of all goods procured by
trading, Sir Henry Middleton should receive two-thirds for
the benefit of the sixth voyage, and Captain Saris one-third
for the eighth voyage. No dealings with the Turks were
mentioned in this agreement, as they had injured the sixth
and not the eighth voyage. Sir Henry Middleton, too, had
from the first informed Captain Saris that he had returned
there to obtain satisfaction by force from the Turks, and
that he expected not only not to be hindered but even aided;
to all which Captain Saris assented. This Sir Henry Mid-
dleton deemed suflicient.
Captain Downton also heard that Mammy, captain of the
gallies, and divers others, had been sent by the Governor
of Moha to propose a peace, and to learn Sir Henry Middle-
DISCUSSION WITH CAPTAIN SARIS. 205
ton's demand for compensation, which was a hundred thou-
sand rials of eight. Upon hearing the sum demanded, the
envoys had requested time to send to Senan^ to learn Jefier
Bashaw's pleasure in the matter, and, having promised to
let the General know the result, they had taken their leave
of him.
Captain Downton further understood that this compact
having been made. Captain Saris, with his ship, departed
towards Moha, his business being unknown to Sir Henry
Middleton, while the latter remained to intercept the Indian
ships. Also that the former, when despatching the Thomas
to the Abexin coast in quest of fresh provisions, directed
Captain Towerson to follow his commission, as he would
have to answer it, which speech seemed obscure to Sir
Henry Middleton, who imagined that Captain Towerson
had been left with him to render assistance in the common
business.
By the time that Captain Downton had learned so much,
making more use of his ears than his teeth, supper, in a
quiet calm, grew to an end; but soon after began some gusts
of contention, as Captain Saris would in no wise allow that
Sir Henry Middleton might with reason demand satisfac-
tion from the Turks, seeming to know that none would be
ever recovered, while he was in favour of exacting such
from the Indian ships, in which case he would receive one-
third part. On the other hand. Sir Henry Middleton would
have what he demanded from the Turks, or none at all,
saying, that for the others it would be punishment enough
for them to deprive them of their usual profits by taking
their goods and giving them instead English commodities,
which they value not, at the rates such articles were worth
in India. This plan did not please Captain Saris, who then
urged the General to take certain goods in such manner
that he would have been merely acting as a broker; then
' Sana' k.
206 DEMAND FOR COMPENSATION
the former would have taken goods from the Indian ships,
whether friend or foe. Then another dispute arose, Sir
Henry Middleton having termed the Indian vessels "ships",
while Captain Saris insisted on calling them " junks'^, for so
the ships of China were styled at Bantam. With many such
frivolous contentions, the night passed until high time
urged every one to depart to his lodging or charge.
"This night's cavell for brevetie's sake might serve as a
glasse to shew how by flStts for a long while we spent in
wranglinge and discontent, which was made soe apparant
to all that we had to doe withall, to y^ shame of our nation
and to the spoile of o^ busines with the Turks."
On the following day, Sir Henry Middleton sent word to
Captain Saris, asking him to drop such idle cavilling for
the sake of the Company's business ; the latter agreed to
this proposal, and also that the sum to be demanded as
compensation should be computed by some of the principal
men of the sixth and eighth voyages.
The Darling was despatched on her voyage to Tecoa on
the 19*^ May, by Sir Henry Middleton, and was followed by
the Thomas a few days later.
On the 30*^ May, the Shabender of Moha, Mammy, cap-
tain of the galleys, and an Agaw, all deputed by the Bashaw,
waited on Sir Henry Middleton, who again demanded
100,000 rials of eight. When the envoys found that this
demand wound not be reduced, they asked permission to
hold a conference with the Nohudas and other principal
merchants of the Indian ships to see what increased customs
the latter would be willing to pay in aid of the compensa-
tion. Several of the Nohudas, mindful of former injuries,
did not attend the conference, while others declared against
any increase of the custom dues.
As the Turks showed no sign of paying the compensation,
Sir Henry Middleton and Captain Saris, on the 2^^ July,
held a meeting on board the Mahomidy of Dabul, at which
FEOM THE TURKS. 207
the former having recapitulated to the Nohudas the losses
and injuries he had suffered, informed them that^ as the
Turks still held back, he felt compelled (though he had
been compensated for the loss inflicted on him in India) to
carry their ships with him out of the E,ed Sea, and thus to
deprive the Turks of the benefit of trade. Upon hearing
this, the Indians sooner than lose the entire profits of
the voyage offered to make a composition, paying for
each ship in proportion to her value. As Sir Henry
Middleton had no means of forcing payment from the
Turks, and reserving the satisfaction due from them for a
future occasion, he accepted this oflfer, and agreed to take a
composition of 15,000 rials of eight for the Eehemy, which
vessel was nearly equal in value to the other four ships.
Captain Saris too agreed to this proposal, although he after-
wards tried to exact a much larger sum.
On the following day, at a meeting' held on board the
Clove, Sir Henry Middleton being wearied by much idle
cavilling, referred the whole matter to Captain Downton.
Thereupon, Captain Saris, not thinking it consistent with
his greatness to treat with any but the General, deputed
Captain Towerson and M Cocks, his Cape merchant, to
act for him. These latter made an estimate of the sum to
be dei..anded from each vessel, from which they would
make no abatement though Captain Downton considered
the amount excessive, more than the Indians could pay, and
too great when compared with the composition paid by the
Reheray : finally, a much smaller sum was accepted.
August 2^. The weather was stormy, with heavy sea,
which greatly strained the weak ground tackle of Sir Henry
Middleton^s ships, who had in vain (even offering payment
for the same) applied to Captain Saris for fresh tackle, of
which the latter had more than was requisite for his
vessels.
On the 6* August Captain Towerson, in the Hector,
208 AEEIVAL AT TEKOA^ IN SUMATRA.
sailed from the Eed Sea^ and was followed in a few days by
Captain Sarisj neither of them paying the usual courtesies
to Sir Henry Middleton.
Having received the composition from the Indian ships,
the General set sail on the 16*^ August for Tecoa.
" Some snakes swiming on the top of the water^ which
in boisterous weather seldom e appeare, yet an apparant
signe of being neare to the coast of India^^, were seen on
the 12*'^ September, and two days later land was sighted,
upon approaching which the water was found to be muddy
and thick, with some sudden spots of clear.
Cape Comorin was passed on the 22"^ of the month, and
Cape de Galle was in sight on the 25'^. On the ll*^"^ of
October, the ships were for some hours becalmed in a
" tumbling sea like to raise the ship spooning in before the
sea". On that day land was seen, which was supposed to
be a small island off the coast of Sumatra, which island Sir
Henry Middleton attempted to double by the northern
passage, but the wind failing he had to take the southern
one, through which the vessels were carried by the current,
and passing on the 17*^^ October by Sumatra, the highest
mountain of which bore N.N.E. 18 leagues distant, and
another not so steep N.E., about the same distance, arrived
on the 19*^ October in the Road of Tecoa, where the Dar-
ling was found lying at anchor, having been there since
July.
On this passage it was found that much of the wheat in
the bread-room of the Peppercorn and some packs of coarse
dutties had been injured by wet.
The captain of the Darling reported that three of his
merchants, vizt., John Fowler, Francis Glanfield, and Wil-
liam Speed, had died and been buried at Tecoa, that most
of his men were ill, that he had obtained but little pepper,
that only a little could be procured before the next season
(April and May), and that trade was much hindered by the
civil wars.
ON THE COAST OP SUMATRA. 209
The Thomas, too, was at Tecoa/ having gone there from
Priaman, where her success had been as poor as that of the
Darling. Her captain had hoped to have obtained the Dar-
ling's pepper^ as that vessel was leaky j but in that he was
disappointed.
Sir Henry Middleton also heard of the safe arrival home
of Captain David Middleton and his fleet ;- that of the four
ships of the ninth voyage,^ two were already at Bantam ;
that Captain Cassleton had been lately at Tecoa, and had
spoken of the arrival out of 15 sail of Hollanders, laden with
munitions ; and also of two ships from Newhaven in France,
which news cast a gloom upon the chances of this " tired_,
crost, and decayed voyage''.
Seeing but poor prospect of gain, Sir Henry Middleton
took leave of the Governor and principal men of Tecoa, ''to
whom he gave divers presents, to provoke their more
kindnes to such as he should leave there behind, w''^ they
received, yet between there uncivil blockishness and pride
together, they scarce gave him thanks"; and on the 22^ Oc-
tober sailed in the Peppercorn, having exchanged ships
with Captain Downton, for Bantam.
Captain Downton's instructions were to purchase all
pepper in the island, on the main, or at Passaman, and to
gdt the Trade's Increase's leakage caulked. This leak was
at first supposed to be forward ; not being found there,
further search for it, as requiring much time and labour,
was given over ; and then another fresh attempt was made
to discover its whereabouts, when divers suspicious places
which the worms had "ruinated" were secured; but through
want of planks, nails, and other iron work, as well as
' Tiku. See note at page 84.
" David Middleton commanded the eighth voyage, which left England
in 1609.
3 The ninth voyage, commanded by Edmund Marlowe, left England
in 1011.
210 TRADING FOR PEPPER.
tlirougli being unable to get the ship high enough to get at
the main leakage, this latter effort was not much more suc-
cessful than the former.
When the ship was being rummaged, it was found that
the packs of Indian cloths in the hold, and also those re-
ceived from the Darling were much injured by wet. This
was due to the foul weather experienced on the passage to
Tecoa.
By the first of November Captain Downton had bought
and shipped 80 tons of pepper. Trade then received a
check through Raia Bonesoo, together with all the men
of note in Tecoa, departing to the wars : for during their
absence no pepper could be purchased, as, though the
owners were anxious to sell, they were restrained by the
king's officers and chief men of the town, who hoped to re-
ceive bribes, and who also demanded a present for the King
of Achin, as well as heavy anchorage dues. As Captain
Downton did not consider the pepper worth such an in-
creased price, he stood out in hopes of more reasonable
terms.
On the 11"', M'" Pemberton, in the Darling, retui^ned to
Passaman/ to which island he had been despatched at the
beginning of the month ; he had there obtained 28 bahars
of pepper, but no further trade (as the pretence is in all
those places) could be carried on without a permit from the
King of Achin, which permit could only be obtained at a
heavy cost in presents and otherwise.
John Jourdain was sent to Tecoa to clear off some small
accounts (" to declare our honest care to doe right to all
men''), and to convey presents to the Pungalina and Raia
Bonesoo, and with a message of thanks for their kindness ;
also to speak to them of the departure of the vessels in
hopes thereby to hasten the sale of pepper, but the natives
would not believe this statement ; wherefore '' truth which
' Exactly on the Equator.
THE SHIP ON A EOCK. 211
is oldest is ever surest'^ ^ for that by which others deceived
them would not serve again.
Captain Downton was much perplexed how to act, being
unwilling to leave the small quantity of pepper, yet knowing
that if he gave way such a proceeding would be a source of
harm to future traders ; further, it was impossible to be
certain of any bargain, for the natives were wont to play
fast and loose at pleasure.
When the tents and goods had been transferred to the
ships and other preparations completed^ the country people,
being convinced that Captain Downton really intended to
sail, urged their Governor to I'equest a short delay, which
was granted. On the IG'^ and 17'''', 38 and 72 bahars of
pepper were shipped, which the Achin men now sold for
20 rials the bahar, whereas formerly they would never name
a reasonable price; on the 18*-^ there was too much wind,
and too rough a sea to do any work ; the 19*^^ and 20*-^ were
spent io shipping the remainder of the pepper, which, when
examined, showed the fraud of the natives ; in some sacks
were small bags of paddy, in some rice, in others great
stones, and even rotten and wet pepper had been put into
dry bags, but against this trickery thei^e was no redress.
" We having gotten all things in, and our men abord, we
fitted our things to haisten away, and neare midnight in
the mooneshine, the wind at N.E. of the shore, we sett saile;
we wrought not only to avoid the 2 knowne rockes 3 leagues
from the Hand of Tecoa, the one S. b. W., the other S. b. E.,
having 26 fathom betweene them ozee ground, but for our
better securitye we directed our course so neere as we could
the same way we came in ; yet as we stood of, the wind
somewhat shrunk of us, yet we lay first west then W. b. S.,
and W.S.W., and last of all S.W. b. W., and the currant
sett us somewhat southwards, our depthes proportionable
from 17 to 27 fathom, all ozie ground, the next cast 4
fathom, and the ship fast on a rock asterne, 4 fathom on the
212 CONDITION OF THE SHIP.
starbard, amid ship a quarter lesse then 3 fathom, and under
the head 3 fethom a ship's length, 5 fathom a ship's length
on the larboord bow, 6 foot in the larboard, midships 16
foot, under the larboard gallery 20 foot, and round about
w^'^in a cable's length deep water. She remained on the
rock till a little after 3, untill 5 o'clock, the mercifull Lord
so provided y* the wind grew calme, and the sea smooth,
and in our feeling the sett or motion of our shipp (the place
considered) was verye easye, yett the water did so encrease
y* both our chaine pumps w*^^ painfull labour could not in
long time free the same, but our genn^ endevor w**' most ex-
pedition possibly was to gett out a streame anchor, w'''^ was
lett fall in 26 fathom right asterne, and 2 thirds of a cable
right out, to heave her of right asterne, wherein the gi-atious
Lord so blest our endeavours, y* before we could w'''^ the
capstaine heave the cable taught, the ship as of her owne
accord sett unto deep water, w''^ no sooner done, but we had
a westerly gust w*=^ put us of some mile from the said rock,
where we anchored for our boat, w*'^ brought our cadger
after us, and it being cleare day we could not discerne
where the rock stood ; also a principall reason we anchored
was our exceeding distresse and haist for Bantam, y* un-
less necessity enforce, I wisht not to put back and wast
more time, hoping our leake would easily be over
come."
" At anchor, I past the day till 2 a clock, consulting and
advising w*^ such as w*'^ their best counsell are pointed to
assist me what best to be done our present estate con-
sidered, w°^ we find divers wayes to rest daingerous, first
in regard of the leaknes of the shipp, w*='^ continually im-
ployes many people at once to keep downe the water ;
secondly, in manner no provision of iron work for the
chaines, but what the pumps presently imploy, w''^ often
break, or for weaknes slip, to our great discomfort, for
if they should be any long time in mending, and the water
CAPTAIN DOWNTON's DIFFICULTIES. 213
SO encrease yt we cannot reatcli under the pumps to reve
the chaines, our work will soone draw neare an end ; thirdly,
the desperate carelesenes of many of our people in greatest
need, considered there faint weaknes and disabillitye to
hold out labour (by coarse diet, as they pretend) ; ffourthly,
the remembrance of what is certaine in the ship w''^ requires
care to preserve it ; ffifthly, Capt. Sharpeigh, his misfor-
tunes, and the lewde demeanor of his people in like case of
greatest need, too late to be forgotten : the daingers in pro-
ceeding diversly cast up (notw^'^standing at the first divers
of our men did urge the same by counsell reasonable), for
the safeguard of all I made choice to retourne w'^'^in the
Hand of Tecoa, there by God's help to endeavor the
stopping of such a part of our leake, as we found to be in
the fashioning peeces in the sterne/'
" At sunsett we anchored in the place w^^ for our turne
we desired, yet notw*^standing the exceeding cause I have
to rejoyce for God's most mercifull help and present deliver-
ance, yet feeble faint wretch y*- I am, cannot remove >® re-
mediles sorrow, for this further addition of the dammages
of this our troublesome journey, w*'^ deep feeling of Sir H.
Middleton's greefe in long wearisome looking for us, deem-
ing everye howre a weeke y* he is hindred in the proceeding
of his journey."
" This day (21 November), long time, we kept both our
chaine pumps going to free the water, w'^^ever encreast
when the chaines brake, w<=^ happened often, the 2 pumps
imploy at once 12 men, w^^ labour indeed is so extreame
y* it can but little while w*^out shifting of spels be con-
tinued, but the water once brought lowe and the chaines
holding, one pump at once hath ever discharged it, and
yett it tries all our people by offten shifting : in w'''^ busines
I found it required more then ordinarye meanes to appease
there discontented clamors and murmeringes : if the place
would have afforded it, I would have hired 100 men to have
21-i! STOPPING A LFAK.
eased them^ but heare is none of this country people y* wilbe
hired for any money."
'' And as the place neither afforded hens nor other flesh
enough to sustaine, or inable them to hold out there great
labour^ w''^ I earnestly coveted^ wherefor it being thought
fitt by advise of others, I also gave to everye 5 men 1^ rials
of 8 for there extraordinary expence for a week in fruits, or
whatels like them."
From the 22*^ to the 28'^ the crew were employed, one
half at the pumps, the other in landing the goods, much of
which had to be opened out and dried, and in removing the
cargo from aft to forward, as the leakage was somewhere
aft. While this work was being carried on, Captain Down-
ton sent John Jourdain and M'' Pemberton to the main to
purchase provisions and a praw by which he might send in-
telligence of his mishap to Sir Henry Middleton; "but these
people stand uppon all advantages, looking unto men^s need
w*^out courtesy or humaine feeling, they will sell and
restraine (as it were), play fast and loose, as thei'e jelious
humor leeds them, for if they sett a man a price of any
thing, and so it is agreed for, yet if they perceive he hath
great need thereof, ether he shall not have it, or els by one
trick or other they will make him pay more then was bar-
gained for it, they will put a man to make divers journeys
for what themselves desire and urge to sell'\
As the price demanded for the ''praw" was excessive,
on again sending for provisions, Captain Downtou directed
that no mention should be made of her, which resulted in
the owner offering to dispose of her for a reasonable sum.
The last of the pepper was removed from its room on
the 29*^ " under w"=^ i-owme we find a great leake passing
under w''^ more aft, right under thend of the keelswaine,
■yvcii yrQ were forst to cut of in thend of it to come downe to
the leakes betweene the hookes in the run being an open
seamo 6 inches long, and 10 inches above the keele on the
FROM SUMATRA TO JAVA. 215
larbaord side, w''^ by diveing and reveing of a dooble line
to w'^^ occum was fastined^ vv^^ they hailed in taught on the
inside w'^'^ stopt the force of tlie water, so y*^ they might
worke w^-^in boord to way a plank w**^ tar and heire, a plate
of leade and a peece of plank againe uppon, whereby
(blessed be our mercifull God) at present to our great joy
we had no more such use of the pumps.'^
The surgeon of the Darling, and John Staughton, one of
her factors, died that day, and thei'e were many men down
with an illness which besfan with aocue-fits.
The principal leak having been stopped, the ship was
trimmed to get at some smaller ones in the fashion-piece of
the stern, and then the cargo, which had been landed, was
re-shipped, as well as some freshly purchased pepper.
On the 8^^ December the Trade's Inci-ease again set sail,
and with her boats out ahead taking soundings, worked out
to sea. Her progress was much retarded by currents and
light winds until on the evening of the tenth '' it pleased
God in his mercy" to cause the wind to ^'harden at S.W."
On the 19*^, the weather in the morning was thick with rain,
and at night-fall, thei'e being a thick sky overhead and a
huge gale astern. Captain Downton deemed it prudent to
heave to for nine hours, during which time the ship drifted
five leagues. Through the clouds a high hill was seen bear-
ing E. b. S., which some of the crew took to be one of the
salt-hills, but it was a great deal short of the south end of
Sumatra, or else an island thereto adjoining. About the
position of the salt-hills there was a great difference of
opinion among the pilots of former experience, some held
they were the mountains at the southern end of Sumatra,
which then bore N.N.E., while others maintained, and
rightly too, that they were eight or nine leagues more to
the eastwards.
Relying on Thomas Herrod's knowledge of the ship's
position, on the 20'^ Captain Downton ran in towards the
216 THE DUTCH FLEET AT BANTAM.
land, and at night anchored in ten fathoms, thinking he
was entering the road of Bantam, but at daybreak the ves-
sel was found to be embayed some fourteen leagues south
of the point of Java. Taking advantage of a gust of wind
from the south, he weighed, and at night anchored off the
Point a league and a half from Pullopenjaun^ and four leagues
from Bantam.
Three great Holland ships were at anchor at the Point,
and a fourth was at Bantam, all waiting for a fair wind for
their homeward voyage. The commander of this fleet
saluted Captain Downton with three guns, who, remember-
ing the " strictnes of the Comp^ commission for spairing of
powder'^, answered with one.
Captain Downton learned from the Hollanders that Sir
Henry Middleton was at Bantam ; that the Solomon,
Thomas, and Hector were homewards bound and nearly
to sail ; and that the Peppercorn was being careened.
Next morning, Captain Downton being desirous of re-
quiting the Dutch captain^s courtesy, as also to excuse the
salute of three guns which ought to have been fired on de-
parting, sent him a present of a fine white Basta, and then
set sail for Bantam. On the passage, the Peppercorn's
pinnace was fallen in with; in her were the purser and John
Davis, master of the James, who informed Captain Downton
that Sir Henry Middleton was at Bantam, and that it was
his wish that the Trade's Increase should edge up for Pul-
lopenjauu, where the Peppercorn then lay. Shortly after-
wards the General, with Captain Marlow and M'' Pettyman
crossed over from Bantam to visit the ship. Captain Down-
ton having related his misfortunes. Sir Henry Middleton
first spoke of the grief he had endured at the other's long
absence, and then mentioned the kindness and assistance
he had met with at the hands of his companions, w°^ report
gave me (Captain Downton) no small cause of rejoycing,
' Pulo Panjang, a large island in the west part of Bautain Bay.
AERANGEMENTS FOR TRADING AT BANTAM. 217
y* once in our long journey we had mett w*^ our honest and
kind couutrymeUj whose fealing was such as did ad comfort
and not griefe to our distresse, w"*^ till now we could never
meet anye, but y*' shewed us no lesse mallice then the
Turks.'^ Captain Downton also heard of the deaths of
Thomas Glenham and several others^ and of the illness of
Hugh Fraine; and further, that two Holland ships^ in addi-
tion to those already mentioned^ bound eastwards, were in
Bantam Road.
While at Pullopenjaun the carpenters of the Trade's In-
crease, with those of the Solomon and James, as well as
divers Chinese hired from Bantam, were employed in over-
hauling the Peppercorn ; of all of whom " to my content,
not willing to detract from anye of the rest, w''^ I better
know, and love according to everye man^s meritt, but for
true labour, few needles words, and honest behaviour was
one Day, the carpenter of the James, the rest for the most
part clamorous fellows, not satisfied w'''^ treble the allowance
of the other men".
On the 23'! December the surgeon of the Trade's Increase
was sent for to bleed Hugh Fraine, whose fever had in-
creased; and later on that day Sir Henry Middleton, having
concluded his business at Bantam, returned to Pullopenjaun,
when he and Captain Downton conferred about erecting a
building there for the protection of such part of the Trade's
Increase's lading, as was not destined for the Bantam mar-
ket. Some trouble was experienced in finding a place suffi-
ciently clear of rocks for the boats to land, for the gi-ound
there was all sunken with bushes and trees growing in the
water and only a small bank of coral dry above high
water.
Though having much need of his small pinnace for his
own use, the General lent her to Captain Saris, who de-
spatched her to Marigobrough, a watering place at the
southern end of Sumatra, to detain the Hector to the end
218 WAREHOUSES BUILT AT BANTAM.
that that vessel and the Thomas might sail on their home-
ward voyage in company.
Sir Henry Middleton and Captain Downton held matiy
conferences about business matters^ but their plans were
always opposed.
On Christmas Dayj Captain Marlow^ and his merchants,
Mr Petty, Captain Hawkins, and Augustine Speelden, dined
with Captain Downton and Sir Henry Middleton, and
having spent the day in friendship, at night departed.
On the day after Christmas Day Hugh Traine sent for
the General to visit him, if ever he desii-ed to see him alive,
" w'^^ was no small grief in reguard of the business we had
to doe and the little help by the weaknes of their discre-
tions that remained there to do it ; wherefor, instantly the
Generall sent for me and M'' Adames, the preacher, to
accompanye him, and to take leave of Hugh Traine; though
wind and wether adverse, we presently departed, and being
some 7 or 8 mile over, it was neare 9 o'clock before we got
into Bantam, where, being landed, we were encountred
w* most noisome smels, w*'^ bred a conceipt in me y* it
was hard and doubtfull for anye new comers to continue
there health untill they had made it familiar unto them.
At our coming into the English house, we found Hugh
Traine in good memorye, but his extreame parts growing
could : till noone the Genn^ and he was despatching divers
businesses, w^^ being dispatched about 2 or 3 o'clock, he
gave up the ghost. We staled also till he was bui-ied the
next morning. '^
By Sir Henry Middleton's direction. Captain Downton
returned to PuUopenjaun to proceed with the erection of a
store-house for goods with a dwelling-chamber attached to
it, which house was erected by six men in five days, and
when finished was filled with the packs from the Trade's
Increase.
' Commander of the ninth voyage.
CONSULTATIONS. 219
The General remained at Bantam to plan a liouse for the
goods of the sixth voyage : it was to be erected at some
distance from the English house^ which being much used
by the factors of other voyages, contained very little spare
room.
Sir Henry Middleton at first intended that the Trade's
Incx'ease should discharge at Bantam the goods intended
for that market ; but as there was no house to receive such,
and also to avoid the danger of fire, to which all strangers
upon any discontent or broil arising among the natives were
subject, the great ship's company too being required to
assist the Peppercorn, directed that the Trade's Increase
and Darling should be hauled in as close as possible to the
Peppercorn, which order was obeyed.
Sufiicient Bantam pepper to make up, with the quantity
already on board, a cargo for the Trade's Increase having
been obtained. Sir Henry Middleton proposed to despatch
her home under the command of Captain Downton, while
he himself in the Peppercorn, and M"^ Pemberton in the
Darling, should try their fortunes at the Islands of Am-
boyna, Bauda, and Borneo : at the Moluccas there was no
hope of doing any trade, the Spaniards and Portugals
having (as it was said) seated themselves there in great
strength ; nor was there much prospect of success at
those places where the Hollanders had a footing and
where they followed their business with a large force of
shipping.
When the question was discussed which ship and which
commander should be employed on either service. Captain
Downton having regard to the foregoing and to the manage-
ment of the Company's great business at Bantam, for
which Sir Henry Middleton, by his former experience and
present authority, was best fitted, ofiered, however hazard-
ous and hopeless the task, to undertake the same, so that
whatever casualty, imputation, or disgrace, might be in-
220 LEAKY STATE OP THE SHIPS.
curred, should be assigned to him in preference to the
General. The meeting, without having arrived at any con-
clusion, broke up after this speech, which several, for private
reasons, opposed.
Captain Downton did not make this offer from any desire
to be employed upon a hopeless task, but that if of necessity
one must try the fortune of a doubtful way, then he to be
himself so employed in preference to his Commander, who
had to carry and sway the whole business.
Notwithstanding that every man's opinion was that the
Trade's Increase, which had been upon a rock, and had had
her leak stopped with much labour, should not be adven-
tured homewards until her keel had been examined and all
doubts set at rest, yet she was nominated by those who had
expressed most doubts as a very suflBcient and firm ship for
the voyage: this statement Giles Thornton, George Collen-
son, the carpenter, and others strongly confirm, to Captain
Downton's great surprise, who did not for some time under-
stand their reason for doing so, until he had learned how
urgently Giles Thornton had entreated to go as master in
the General's ship under the supposition that the Pepper-
corn would be that vessel, while the Trade's Increase (he
and his goods being out of her) was quite good enough for
Captain Downton, the merchants, and cargo.
Though Captain Downton considered this to be loose
dealing, yet, considering how desirable it was that the Com-
pany should receive some speedy return for their great ex-
penses, and that he himself would most probably be em-
ployed, he forbore to speak or show any fear, while if any
other man had been likely to have gone in her, or had Sir
Henry Middleton asked his advice, he would not have con-
cealed his opinion ; further, he never doubted but that,
before the business was finished, " God, by some occasion
or other", would put it into the General's mind to look
more closely to the safety of so many men and so much
downton's homeward voyage. 221
goods. This actually happened when the Darling, having
been careened, it was seen how dangerously she had been
eaten, which made Sir Henry Middleton doubtful about the
condition of the Trade's Increase, and of hazarding her on
the voyage without having previously had her overhauled,
and as she could not sail that year if this work was carried
out, he thought fit to sell some of the goods to save the Com-
pany from loss ; and notwithstanding that by the Solomon,
which with the Hector and Thomas had sailed, he had sent
letters to the Company, he further determined to despatch
the Peppercorn to England, which vessel was got ready
with such haste, that on the 19th January, 1612-13, she
was ready to receive her cargo, which was all shipped by
the end of the month, and her stores were embarked by the
fourth of February.
From PuUopenjaun Captain Downton sailed over to a
■watering-place at the N.N.W. part of Java to fill his casks,
which were " weak and decayed, unto which we had a
cooper sutable, being 3 parts dead before I had him and
unable to mend or repaire them, who within short time
after ended his life'\
The homeward voyage was commenced on the 8th Feb-
ruary, on which day Sir Henry Middleton^ took leave of
Captain Downton, to whom he had given his letters, and
on his departure was saluted with five guns.
A few days afterwards, Francis Finder raised a mutiny
(as it were) to force • Captain Downton to place a man,
whom the latter considered unfit for the post, in the cook-
room. At that time too many of the crew suffered from
flux and other illnesses.
On the 12''^ of the month the Peppercorn sprang a leak,
by which much goods were damaged and the crew greatly
fatigued in pumping, the water having risen twenty inches
on the lower orlop deck before the accident was known.
• Sir Henry Middleton died at Bantam.
222 SALDANHA BAY. SCURVY.
This leak was caused by two trennel holes, left open by the
carpenters who built the vessel, and completed the number
of fourteen holes similarly discovered.
On the day following this mishap, M"" Alexander Wick-
steed, the minister, died.
March the eighth, the wind so high that her courses low
set was the only canvas the ship could carry.
By the cook's negligence the galley fire eat through the
back of the furnace and set fire to the ship.
From the second of April to the first of May the Pepper-
corn experienced much heavy weather to the great injury of
her sails.
On the tenth of May the Peppercorn anchored in Salda-
nia Bay, where the Hector and Thomas, two ships of the
eighth voyage,^ were lying at anchor ; and also the Expedi-
tion under Captain Newport, of the twelfth voyage, but not
the Solomon, of which no tidings were heard.
With the aid of Captain Towerson's men, the water-casks
of the Peppercorn were refilled, and on the 15*^^ Captain
Downton, although the men were no whit refreshed, put to
sea in hopes of completing the voyage in company with the
two other vessels, but in this he was disappointed, as the
other vessels were soon lost sight of and not again seen on
the voyage.
The Expedition sailed at the same time, bound " towards
the confines of Persia, to some place where they might in
safety land S^ Robert Sherley and his Persian lady, and
S"^ Thomas Powell with his English lady, who were bound
unto Persia^\
On the 25'^ May the Peppercorn for the third time sprang
a bad leak, her orlop deck being again flooded.
By the beginning of June many of the men were ill with
scurvy. To obtain fresh provisions for them and in hopes of
meeting the Hector and Thomas, Captain Downton intended
' The voyage commanded by Captain Saris.
ARRIVAL AT WATERFORD. 223
to toucli at S*" Helena; but, on standing in towards the road,
two carracks were seen at anchor there, upon which the
captain stood out to sea, in hopes that if these vessels were
ready for sea and might imagine he had support near at
hand, they might sail during the night, but the current
carried the Peppercorn so far to leeward, that on the next
day it was impossible for her to make that port, so she con-
tinued on her course towards England.
M"* Abraham Law, who, by reason of his stomach failing
him and often having inclination to vomit but failing to do
so, imag-ined that he was poisoned, died on the 27*^^ July,
when the surgeon, in the presence of the purser and others,
opened the body to examine the intestines.
On the 11*^ August, having sighted Fayal and Pico, Cap-
tain Downton found the ship's position to be further west
than he expected.
August 26*^ ^' Cloudy wether, but drie afternoone. At 2
o'clock my giddy-headed people would needs make land and
harbor in Britany, from which we were 80 leagues distant,
they being deluded by a fog-bank y* brought our adverse
winds ; yet, nevertheles, Francis Pinder, an evill member of
our voyage, southed up our foolish people in there conceipt
of it to be land, whereby he made a generall murmering in
the ship as y* we might have harboured the ship and
would not,"
1^'' September. ''Notwithstanding the extreame weaknes
of our people, we hove up againe our maine yard,'' the crew
at that date being mostly in a very weak state.
7''^ September. " A great storme, and not one sound
nor healthy person ; the Lord be our health and de-
fence."
On the 9*^, a small sail was in sight, which took no notice
of sio-nals which were made to her.
On the following day, as the wind was adverse for making
any port on the south coast of England, Captain Downton
224 DISCOURTESY AT WATERFORD.
stood on a north-east course, in hopes of reaching Milford
Haven, and thence forwarding a letter to the Company.
Land, being a high hill between Wexford and Waterford,
was in sight on the eleventh, and on the twelfth the wind
being contrary for Milford Haven, and the extreme weak-
ness of his men allowing no delay, Captain Downton de-
termined to run in for Waterford harbour, his reasons for
doing so being to obtain the protection of the forts for his
ship and cargo, to procure supplies, and to forward with
the greatest speed a letter to the Company. On approach-
ing the coast, a thick fog compelled him to lie to until the
following morning, when the Tower of Whooke (Hook) be-
came visible. Captain Downton hired a boat, a Frenchman
bound for Wexford, which was proceeding to sea from the
river, to bear intelligence of his arrival to the Lieutenant of
the Fort of Don Canon (Duncannon), so that his vessel
might be allowed to proceed up the river without stopping,
lest by reason of the narrowness of the channel she might
be endangered j and by one o'clock on the thirteenth he
carried his ship up the river as high as the Passage, when,
by the aid of divers of his countrymen, the sails were taken
in and the anchor let go. Captain Stephen Bonner of Lime,
who was there for the fishing, being especially zealous in
rendering assistance.
Captain Bonner was despatched to Waterford by Captain
Downton to endeavour to obtain money for a bill drawn on
London on the Company of East Indian merchants, but
none could be procured. The Mayor of the town, though,
offered to supply provisions at rates named by himself, to
which Captain Downton replied that money alone was what
he required.
"After my coming into this port, I was continually
accompanied with abundance of people of divers sorts, both
Jesuits and Friers, gentlemen and other newsmongers,
which, under culler of love, came to heare Strang things.
CAPTAIN DOWNTON ARRESTED. 225
whereby my business in writing was hindred all the day-
time, and I forced to sit up in the nights/^^
M^" Bonner again visited Waterford on the 17'^, but the
people would in no way relieve Captain Downton's wants,
hoping thereby to force him to sell some part of the cargo.
On that day, M'" Edward Hinton, the Customer of Water-
ford, out of compassion, and seeing that there was no
chance of the Mayor and principal men relenting, offered
Captain Downton a loan of twenty pounds, with a pro-
mise (which, as far as possible, he kept) of more if re-
quired.
M"" Bonner was despatched to London on the following
day, as bearer of letters to the Company.
21^'' September. ^'Doctor Lancaster, Bishop of Water-
ford, very kindly visited me, bringing down with him his
good cheare, and made a sermon aboord the shipp,
and offered me the communion, but thereto being un-
prepared I refused, hartely thanking him for his good
will/^
Captain John Burrell visited Captain Downton, and offered
to supply the latter with money, provided that a messenger
accompanied him to Cork to receive the same, and accord-
ingly M^ Mollyneux was sent thither in Captain BurrelFs
company on the eleventh of October.
October 12*^ '' Anthony Stratford, Lieutenant of the
Fort of Don Canon (having hired a villenous fellow, whom,
for his misdeamenor, I had caused to be kept in prison at
Waterford, to say what might befitt his present practise to
bring us within the conipas of piracye) having obtained a
' On September 15th, Captain Downton addressed a letter from
Waterford "to the right worshipful the Indian Company in Philpot
Lane" (^Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1513, 1. 66, p. 256), com-
plaining that his decayed and wretched person leaves him but small
ability to act for the safe guard of what he has in charge. Only twenty-
six of his people alive, out of forty-six who sailed from Bantam.
226 END OF THE VOYAGE.
warrant from thearle of Ormund, came to tlie passage,
where he sent to desire me to send my boat well mand to
fetch himself and divers other gentlemen aboord to see our
shipp; but when my boat, accoi^ding to his desire, come aland,
he apprehended my men, and presently came aboord, where
he arrested me and my ship for piracye, and so committed
me to the Fort of Don Canon to prison, giving extraordi-
narye straight charge over me, yt none but whom he list
should come at me without warrant from him, and such as
by his permission came to me he would have put to their
oathes to declare what conference they had with me, my
man sworne to bring no I'res from me to anye one, nether
from anye one to me : also divers of my people this night
they examined of their oathes, omitting no meanes to draw
them to accuse me. So I continued in prison untill the
16^^ day, morning, what time the said Stratford brought
me a I've from S'" Lawrence Esmond (accompanied with
the Bishop of Waterford), comde from thearle of Or-
mond to replace me in my charge againe, which by
there great intreatye and persuasions I againe under
tooke.^'
M'' Benjamin Joseph, in a small ship of Bristol, bringing
men, money, and provisions, entered the river on the twenty-
fifth of the month, and on the sixth of November the
Peppercorn sailed from Waterford ; on the twelfth she
anchored off Dover, and on the following day in the Downs,
" neare unto the Assurance (the kinge's shipp), saluting
her with 5 peeces of ordinance, immediately came aboord of
me M'" Cockett, the m'" of her, who againe made stay of my
shipp till further order from my Lord Admirall. Uppon
this, I presently sent away j\P Mullenax to Lundon with
I'res to certify the Company heareof.^'
Next day M"" Aldersly arrived with a letter from the Com-
pany, an order to release the vessel, and a pilot to take
charge of her. On the following morning, the Peppercorn
END OF THE VOYAGE. 227
left the Downs, and in the evening anchored at Graves-
end.
On the 19'^'^ November, in the morning at six o'clock,
" we sette saile, and at 10 o'clock we anchored at Black-
wall, where in the afternoone came downe M"" Deputy and
divers of the Committyes, unto whom I delivered up my
charge, and so concluded this our tedious and our tiring
journey, Anno 1613."^
' Captain Downton died at Bantam, when on another voyage, in
command of the New Years Gift, on August 6th, 1615.
There is also a MS. in the India Office, being an extract from
Captain Best's notes reLative to the bargaining for, and purchase of,
pepper, for money or by exchange of goods at Priamah, Tecoe, and
Passaman : to the refusal of the natives at the last place to bring their
pepper to him as they had agreed to do, saying that when, according to
promise, they had brought their pepper to Sir Henry Middleton, he had
refused to purchase it ; and Captain Best's sending his merchants for
the same : and to the claim for custom dues and anchorage fees by the
Governor of Priaman, who, in consideration of a promise of presents for
himself and his subordinates reUnquished the former claim, the latter
one being agreed to by Captain Best.
JOURNAL
OP
RALPHE CROSSE,
PURSER OP THE ''hOSEANDER" IN THE TENTH VOYAGE.
A.D. 1612.
[This is a Journal of the Tenth Voyage, kept by Ralph
Crosse, the purser on board the Hofieander, which vessel
sailed from Gravesend in company with the Hector, James,
and Solomon, on the ord of February 1612, the general of
the whole fleet being Captain Best. The Journal com-
mences with the following " Articles^^ issued under Captain
Best's own hand, with orders that they were to be read
every month in the hearing of the respective crews.]
" To thend that Almightie God may have glorie, the
King honor, our merchants profitablie served, and our
vaiges^ soberlie governed, I, Thomas Best, chief captaine
and comaunder of the Dragon, James, and Sallomon, and
Hosiander, do establish and ordeyne thes lawes and ordi-
nances followinge, straitlie chargeinge and comaundinge
both captaines, merchauntes^ and mrs., with all other
officers and mariners, saillers, or other persons whatsoever
imployed in this vaige, to observe and keepe the said lawes
and ordinances so far as doth concerne him, or eyther of
them upon the penaltie herein comprised, from the dale of
the publicacion hereof."
''1. Imprimis, that everie morneinge and eveneing you
the chief comander or m^, assemble together your men, or
' Voyage,
RULES FOR THE TENTH VOYAGE. 229
cotnpaTiy to heare Devyne Service, and care be taken that
your praieres and the Word of God be read in all sobernes,
as in the presence of God, that He may have glorie and
yourselves comfortt, with increase of knowledge, and that
no man absentt himselfe from thes your publick praieres
and excersses of Religion, neyther willinglie nor neicligent-
lie, nor y*^ no man causse any disturbance nor lewdlie de-
meane himselfe in this your Devyne Service upon paine of
punishment."
"2. Item. That you, the chief comaunder or m'", suffer
nott the name of our great and glorious God to be dis-
honored amongst yow by blaspheming, sweareinge, cursse-
inge, or by any other idle takeinge of our God in vayne
upon dew punishement, videz : for the first oath sworne,
or for the first tyme cursseinge or baneinge, to receve thre
blowes from y® m*" with the bole of his wissle; for the second
tyme, either sweereinge or cursseinge, to receve six blowes,
as aforesaid ; for the third tyme, nyne blowes ; and for the
fourth tyme, to stand 24 hoares in the bilbowes without
eyther meatt or drink, and so for everie tyme hearafter."
" 3. Item. That muttuall love and Concorde be preserved
amoungst yow ; that no man offer abuse to other in word
or deed ; that therfore all drunkennes, all mallice, envie,
hatred, backbitinge, and slanderinge be avoided, upon paine
of severe punishment ; that love, kindnesse, humillittie,
and humanittie be entertyned of all and of each man to
other ; and that no man darr, or presume from wronges
rec : to revenge his owne cause, upon payne of such punish-
ment as to that partie belongeth which first comitted the
offence ; butt that everie partie so wronged shall repaire to
the captayne or m"" for justice ; with whom, if yow fynd nott
sattisfaction in justice, that then, oportunittie and tyme
servinge, that then they repaire to me, the General or Chief
Comaunder, from whom he shall have justice, according to
the qualitie of the offence.''
230 RULES FOR THE TENTH VOYAGE.
" 4. Item. That no man, of what condicon or place soever
shall darre to challenge into the field or upon the shoare
dureing the tyme of this our vaige, any of these our men,
imploied in thes our shippes ; nor any person or persons
shall dare to accept any such challenge ; nor no man to
accompanye any that goes into the field, under paine of 40
strippes upon the bareback, and to stand in the bilbowes att
the discretion of the Generall : neyther that no man feight,
nor strike any maliciouslie of thes our men upon this vaige,
imploied in shipboard or on shore, upon paine of severe
punishment."
" 5. Item. Whoesoever shall conspire to maik away his
Governor by treason, mallice, or otherwise in any of tlie
shippes, or shall be a mutineer or factious fellow to talk part
with any man against his Comaunder or Governor, or shall
have knowledge of such conspiracies or malitiouse purpose,
and do not spedily maik known and discover the same, shall
suffer death for the same.^'
*' 6. Item. Everie officer in thes shippes, both att sea and
att land, shall do ther best endevoures to reforme all thes
disorderes, and shall maik known and aprehend all malle-
facteres, that they may receve dew punishment ; and that
no man lift upp his hand with weappon violentlie to resist
any officeres, upon payne of grevouse punishment, or to
suffer death for yt if the cause so require."
" 7. Item. Whosoever shall break open or pick any chest
or trunke or cabin to taik anything there hence, or shall pick
any man's pockett or other place to steall fi'om him, shall
be for the first tyme grevouslie punished, and for the second
time suffer death.''
'' 8. Item. That no play att dice, cardes, nor table be
suffered in your shippes for money nor otherwisse, upon
payne of severe punishment."
''^ 9. Item. That no man lodge out of the shipp wherein
he is shipped, or detayne himself aboard any other shipp for
RULES FOR THE TENTH VOYAGE. 231
the wliolle night without leave of his captayne, under payne
of punishment/*
" 10. Item. That no man shoott of any peece, greatt or
small, after the setting of the watch, because yt is an alarme
to the rest of the shippes, under payne to be punished.^'
"11. Item. That greatt and especiall care be taiken for
the relief and cumfort of all sick men ; that they be kept
cleane and refreshed and comforted with all good provi-
sions ; and that the Chirurgions extend ther best endeav :
and labores towardes there care and cumfortes ; and if yt
should happen, notwithstanding, that any should die, that
then good care be taken that a trew inventorie be maid of
all the goodes, moneys, apparell, and provission belongiiig
unto the partie deceassed ; and for all apparell and provi-
ssions not fit to be keept to the end of the vaige, that yt be
sould at the maynemast ; and that therin such order be
taken as is provided in the 1 1th article of our Comission ;
and the purser to have for registring it 11 des per £1."
" 12. Item. That in all places where we shall staie to
relyve, refresh, and cumfort our men or ourselves, eyther by
fresh water or vittualles, that everie man carie himselfe
w*^ sobrietie and meeknesse towards the people of the coun-
trey ; that justlie of our partes no oflFence be geven ; and
that no man presume to wander or stragle from his company
without leave, but that he contayne himselfe within his
lymites and boundes, upon payne of punishment, for by
this indescretion and libertie taken many have lost ther lyves,
our force and strength in our shippes therby weakined, and
our mayne vaiges often indangered."
" 13. Item. For so much as the preservacon, care, and
good husbandrie of our vittualles is the conservacon of our
vaige and of all our lyves ; that therefore you the ofEceres
extend your best cares and endeavoures to y® preservation
of all our vittualles j that so all abusses may be prevented
and our vittualles prolonged for the relief of our countyuuall
232 RULES FOR THE TENTH VOYAGE.
neecessities ; that so accordinge to the larg proporcons from
the Wor^' Comp^ receved ther may be no want.''
" 14. Item. That all barteringes and bargaynes, buyinge
and sellinge betweene man and man, be registred and entered
in the purseres booke for that purpose provided, therby to
avoid all purloyneinge and steallinge; and that all such
bargaynes and barteres that shall be maid without such re-
gistringe shall be void, aud the offenders to undergoe dew
punishm''' and the purser for his service to receive 11 des
per£l."
" 15. Item. That especiall care be had by yow the boat-
son, your towe mates, to see the shipp be keept cleane
swept and washed in all corneres, as oft as occasion shall be
offered, and to see such portes left open in hot countres as
■we may convenientlie beare out for the better aireinge of our
shipp and health of our men, and that ther be no eating
and drinking under the uppermost deck, except upon neces-
sity 3'ow be constrayned therunto eyther by rayne or fowlle
wether ; and this to be performed by yow all, as yow will
answer yt."
" 16. Item. That no man presume to go downe into the
hould at any time, upon any occasion, without acquaynting
of the m'"' upon payne of severe punishment."
'' 17. Item. Whosoever shall be found absent from his
watch, eyther at sea or in any roode or herber wher we shall
come, or being at watch, bee found asleeppe, shall be severlie
punished. ''
"Item. That yow the cooke with your mate be careful!
yow have your vittualles well seasoned, both flesh and. fishe,
and that yt be provided in dewe tyme, vidz,, dynner to be
reedie at 10 of the clocke at the furthest, and supper by
five o'clock ; and likewisse that yow have a speciall care to
keep your steeppstubs sweet and cleane, together with the
furnace, kettles, pottes, and platters, or any other thinge
which shall be used, eyther about the dressiage or servinge
ARRIVAL OFF SURAT. 233
out of the companies vittualles, for yt is a prircipall thing to
be regarded for the preservacon of our healthes. Faille not
heereof, as yow will answeer yt, by sitting in the bilbowes
24 houres with bread and water."
" Lastlie. The God of all Peace so order and aruide us,
that we maie continewe in all piettie and love each towardes
the other, accordinge to place and callinge ; that the end
of this our vaige maie be with more glorie to Gode, and
better reformacon of our synfull lives then the beginninge
thereof, and that by our example other men maie be encou-
raged and stirred upe to like laudable enterprisses, in which
God is the giver of all good successe, graunt us prosperittie
in peace to go forth and in saifty to retourne to the great
glorie of God, honor to the kinge, comodittie to the Co-
monwealth, gayne to the merchants, credit and reputacon to
us the factors."
[The fleet anchored off the bar of Surat in October 1G12,
and on November 27''^ news came that a Portuguese expe-
dition had sailed from Goa to capture the English fleet.
Captain Best gave orders to prepare the vessels for action,
and next day four galleons and twenty-five frigates were
seen off the bar.]
" Twenty-ninth November in the morninge, being
Saboath, IVP Aldsworth,^ M*" Canninge^ (who had just been
' Thomas Aldsworth was the chief factor at Surat. He died there in
1616.
2 Paul Canninge, one of the Surat factors. In 16 13 he went on a
diplomatic mission to Agra, to obtain a reply from the Emperor
Jehanghir to a letter sent him from James I, and also to beg for a
firman securing to the English an anchorage free from danger of attacks
from the Portuguese. After a long and tedious journey, Canninge
reached Agra, but died there on May 27th, 1613. His kinsman,
Lancelot Canninge, a musician, died a few days after, and another of
his followers, named Richard Temple, died on his return to Surat on
June 27th, 1613. Mr. Keridge, with Edward Hunt, was sent to take
234 PREPARATIONS TO RESIST
released from captivity), and all the rest of the merchauntes
were corned to the waterside, where M'' Canninge did take
leave of M"" Aldsworth and came aboard, haveing verie im-
portunatlie perswaded Joo. Jooson to repaire abord with
others of our yong merchauntes, which refused and found
many delayes, or elles durst nott. Everie man was reedy
with great spirit and courage to encounter the enemie/'
" ]VP Canninge did first repaire abord the Dragon, where
he did relat unto the Gen^ so much as he knew was pretended
by tl)e Portingaille against us. How they meant to taike
both our shippes, money, and goodes, which, before they
came from Goa, they had vowed and receved the Sacrament
upon yt, and then yt must need be performed. How they
had in ther shippes some 200, some 150 men ; ther frigotes
50 or 60 souldieres, besides sailleres, which number, the
Lord knowes, was far unequall with us, they being about
2,000 men, we little more then 200 in both our shippes ; but
the Lord I hope will feight for us, in whom is our trust in the
dale of battaille. Ther ammerall 36 peeces, cullverin and
deme canon ; the rest 20, some more, some lesse, all brasse
ordinance ; and, further, the Portingailles did verielie think
when wee see ther forces that we would not feight, but yield
in hope of favour.'^
•' Our Gen^ came this morneiuge to see our shipp and
feightes. All things was to his content. He made a speech
unto the company, the effect wherof was this, that although
ther forces were more then cures, yet they were both basse
and cowardlie ; and that there was a sayinge not so comon
as trew, who so cowardlie as a Portingaill ; and that after
the first bravado was past they were verie cowardes, as he
in former tymes had found them by experience ; did there-
fore perswad everie man to be of good courage, and shew
ourselves trew Englishmen, famousse over all the world for
the place of Canninge at Agra. Keridge was afterwards chief factor at
Surat, and came home in 1621.
AN ATTACK OF THE POETUGALLS. 235
trew valour ; and that God, in whom we trusted^ would bee
our helpe : to trust in God and not to feare death^ allthough
for death we were ordayned, and in a better action we could
not die then in the behalfe of so worthy a countrey as we
have the Comonwealth of our land, the estate of our m''^-
For death, sayth he, is the passage to heaven : He shewed
a sayinge of David in his '16 Psalme, towards the latter
end, I will set God alwaies before me, for He is on my right
hand, therfore I shall not fall. My hart is glad, my gloria
rejoiced, my flesh allso shall rest in hope. Thou shalt shewe
me the path of liefe ; in Hiy presence is the fullnesse of joie,
and at Thy right hand there is pleasure for evermore. In
this manner haveing encouraged our men, furder tould them
that if yt should please God that any of our men in feight
were dismembred or laymed, he faithfuUie promised, upon
his credit and reputacon, in the hearinge of the company,
that he would be a meanes unto the Wor^^' whom we serve
in ther behalfe, for reasonable mayntenance to keep
them as long as yt' should please God they lyve, and him-
selfe to be the petetioner upon his knees till his request were
graunted ; but that we should not need to feare, for that we
served a religious and worthy company of m""^ that would
never see a man go to decay or want by any harme sustayned
in ther service. Haveing ended his speech he tooke a cup of
wyne and drounk to the m'" (master) and all the company,
and desired God to give us His blessinge, and so retourned
abord his owue shipp to sermon.''
" We went to prayer, M"" Canneiuge being speaker : we
all joyned with him that God would assist us against our
aproaching enemies. After prayer we went to dynner,
drunk one to another. Thinking tyme long till they were
come up, we had weid apike, and was redie when the Dragon
weyd, and kept of her wither bowe. We had the wynd of
them, which we aymed to keep, stood right with them with
flags, ancientes, and our pendants at everie yardarme. Ther
236 FIGHT WITH THE PORTUGALLS.
Vice Admirall was the headmost shipp, the Dragon steered
directlie with her, and haveing hailled her with a noise of
trumpets, gave her a sallutinge peece under her stei'ne. She
answered her agayne, then the Dragon came up with her,
and gave her a holle broadside for a welcome, which we did
see to raik her throw and throw. We heerd ther people make
a great crie, for that yt could not otherwise bee, but that they
had received great spoille and harme from the Dragon. She
shot at the Dragon, but shot over and did her no harme,
save onelie the sinkinge of her long boat, which that night she
freed and maid fit agayne. The Dragon did so plague the
Vice Admirall, that the Admirall and the rest rune away
afore the wynd. We were reedy to second the Dragon, but
could not, for that they rune away. The Dragon had a shot
in the mainemast, which ther stuck fast : another shot she
had upon the sterbord bowe, but no harme, the Lordes name
be praised. The Vice Admirall bore upp with her consortes,
the Dragon and we came to an anker halfea league of them
to windward. This night we see the Vice Admirall upon
the carrene with all the frigotes about her, thinking she had
received some shot under water.''
" This feight was in the sight of the shoare, wher both our
English and the country people did behold us, allthough this
afternoone worke were but a preparitive to that ensewed.^'
" 30 November. This daie being St. Andrewes daie we
weied earlie in the morneing, keeping the wynd of them,
bore right up with them, the Dragon being ahead, steered
with the Ammerall, and gave her such a breakfast as Nuno
de Cuno little expected, and sent him such tokens as maid
the shipes side crack where he was. All of them this
morneinge, more or lesse, hard from the Dragon. We were
not far from hir, to second hir in the best manner we could ;
we sent them tokens, to let them tast of our curtesey ; we
came so neere that we never shot, but prevailed, being
amongst them where they all did shot at us. We had a hot
FIGHT WITH THE PORTUGALLS. 237
conflict this morneinge, but no harm receved, the Lordes
name be praised. For the space of 3 or 4 houres our feight
endured. We stood of into the channell for deepe water,
and ankered in 7 fadn : water, about a league from the
enemie. They spoilled us some tacklinge, but no more
harme as yet. At afternone, with flod, we weid, and the
Dragon weid likewise, and went up with thre of them, where
she plaid hir part couragiouslie all this afternone. One being
from the rest a good distance, and as we did think aground,
we came upp close upon hir steerbord sid, within halfe a
stone's cast, and lesse of hir: with this ship we spent all
this afternone in feight ; we maid 100 great shot this day,
langrill, round, and crosse bar, besides our small shot : they
maid many shot at us, but shot many over. We lost our
boatson, Richard Barker, this day slayne by a great shot
upon the forecastle : our tackleing and sailles turne, but no
more harme this day, the Lordes name be praised. Our
boatson had one of his armes taiken away, with other towe
mortall woundes, one in his bodie, the other in the arme.
I did my best endevour to give him cumfort, but being
broken clene in sunder, and the wound in his body more
daungerous, there was but small hop of his life, so that yt
pleased God to call him within two houres he had receved his
hurtes. Our m'" and cape merchant, after the feight was
ended, went abord the Dragon to see our Generall, and to
know if all ther men were well : the Generall tould them that
all his company was well, except one man slayne right out
with a shot in his bodie, wherupon he died intstantly ; another
with the same shot lost one of his armes. This was all ye
harme the Dragon receved this dale, save his tackleing and
sailles something torne. This night, in the begineing of the
first watch, our men espied a frigot verie neere the shipp,
which had rune to and agayne dyveres tymes about our
shipp : the watch gave our ra*" notice of her, and she being
verie neai-e, our m"" caused the gunner to maik a shot at hir :
238 ON THE COAST OP KATIWAR.
the ordinance being reedy primed he maid a shot at hir,
which, to our judgment, was verie faire over hir : he maid
another, and after that the third. She presentlie put furth
tow lightes, for the other frigotes to come to hir, but we
did think she sunk before the frigotes came to hir, as after-
wards, when we came to Swally, we did certaynelie under-
stand, as the countrey people likewise did afirme, for that
they had found a great number of Christians drove upon the
shoare to the number of 30 or 40. We did think that this
frigote was by the General sent to do some mischiefe against
us, eyther by burneing of us or cutting of our cable ; but
they maid a pit for us and fell into yt themselves. They
knew they had no hoppe to taik us by feighting with us, as
they had reasonable well tried, and therfore they meant by
treacherey to betray us ; but the Lord, who was our chiefe
Captayne, both by daie and night, would not suffer ther
trecherous pretence to taike effect."
" 1 December. This day we rested and did not feight."
*' 2 December. We weid and stood more to the south-
ward to seek deep water, they keeping in sight of us.
This night we ankered in 10 fadum neere unto Daman,"
" 3 December. We weid and stood towardes Swally Road,
agayne thinking to meet with them, because that the last
night we had lost sight of them. Our companyes both was
sorie, for they had great desire to trie yt out with them.
Our Generall was fullie resolved to have fought with them
if they had followed him wher he might have bene bold to
have banged yt out with them in deep water, they being
lesser ships then wee and light withall, that they drew but
little water. The Generall, seing all the company so willing,
yt did much move him to mayntayne feight with them, ail-
though he was deswaded from yt by the chief in his ship,
and withall to leave them and put to sea, to see if we could
take any Ormus men bound for Goa, which, if the Generall
had consented unto, he never had nor could have had, any
ON THE COAST OF KATIWAR. 239
trade at Suratt. The Generally upon tlier perswasion, put
to sea and left them."
" 6 December. We had sight of Dua.^ Saboath daie we
went to sermon."^
9 December. The vessels anchored off Madefraband,
where the people readily supplied fresh provisions.
" This Madefraband^ hath bene a great huge citie, but
much ruinated and decayed, the walls overgrowne with
wood. Yt hath a good ryver for small shippes. The Mal-
labars and Portingailles, sometymes with ther frigotes, put
into this river, and then the people and the inhabitantes
therof doth Hie away upp into the countrey, for that they
have bene many tymes ransacked and robbed by them,
which is the reason that makes them so poore, but verie
harmles people to them that offereth unto them no violence."
A few days later Captain Best, having called together on
board the Dragon his own crew and the greater part of that
of the Hoseander, addressed them, asking whether they
thought better for the general welfare to return to Swally,
and if the Portugals were there to fight them, or to lie at
anchor doing nothing for the benefit of the Worshipful
Company. Both crews, with one accord, voted for a return
to Swally, which greatly pleased the General.
The combined crews then entreated Captain Best to spare
the lives of four of the crew, who a few days previously
had deserted, but had been captured and brought back by
the country people. After much entreaty, he pardoned all
four, whereupon the crews thanked him for his kindness.
" So this being done, the cooper was called to fill some
beare, and haveing drunk, we of the Hoseander repaired
abord our owne shipp."
Having changed the anchorage from Madofraband to
> Dill.
2 December 6th was Sunday in 1612. It was leap year.
' Possibly Maudwa Bunder, near Diu (?) or Mowah.
240 ON THE COAST OF KATIWAR.
"Mea, alias Mocha^^^ the General, at the latter place,
learned that the forces of the Mogul were then besieging a
castle, distant some three leagues from the anchorage,
held by a force of Malabars, but that the progress made by
the besiegers was small, their guns being incapable of
battering the walls.
Upon hearing of the arrival of the fleet, the Governor of
the Army despatched two messengers to bid Captain Best
welcome to those parts, and to treat with him for the purchase
and sale of the various articles. The General having learned
that the Governor of the Army was a friend of the Governor
of Amedevar, dismissed the messengers after kind entertain-
ment, and in their company he sent M^" Canninge and
M'' Oliver to the camp.
^'18 December. Our Generall sent his boat with a doss,
shott and Capt. Hermon to examyne a boat was heere come
into a kreek laden with meale and rice. I was spectator in
the performance of this mes. of M'" Hermon's ; which was
done with too much severitie ; for although they said they
came from Dua, yet they did afiirme yt they were Benians,
and that permission they had was for the Army ; but Capt.
Hermon, giveinge but little credit to what was spoken,
caused them to be hanged up upon a tree by ther handes,
fingeres, and heades, to make them confesse themselves to
be Port., but could not, because they were not so, nor
could not speak a word of Portingaille. His deallinge was
verie extreame, in my opinion, they being such harmles
creatures."
M'^ Canninge and M' Oliver, on their return from the
camp, where they had been very courteously entertained,
informed the General that the Governor particularly wished
to meet him. Also, on one occasion, while conversing with
the Governor, a soldier came up to him, saying that the
Malabars were ready to yield, provided the lives of the cap-
' Perhaps Miani Bunder.
AID TO THE mogul's GENERAL. 241
tain of the fort and of some of his chiefs were spared, and
for the rest that they should be slaves. To this message
the Governor sent answer, that the Malabars should fight
for their lives ; further, that the English were his friends,
and that if with his own forces he could not take the castle,
he had interest enough to hope for the assistance of the
English, who, for their pains, should have the castle and all
the goods therein. The Governor then said to M"" Canninge
and the rest, that the kingdom was theirs for trade, or for
any other purpose, and that as soon as he had taken the
castle he would present it to the General, if it would please
the latter to come up A^ith his ships to countenance him, and
that the Malabars might see he had a friend in the English,
and so be induced to yield. The Governor further added,
that whatever commodities that part of the country, or
Amedevar^ or Cambaia, might yield for trade, he would be
a means that the General should have the same at a reason-
able price with ready conveyance to the ships. He also
said that he had heard of the General's fight with the Por-
tugals, who had suffered a heavy loss. Previous to their
departure from the camp, the Governor again urged M'' Can-
ninge and the others to induce the General to anchor off the
castle, and upon their promising to do so, he provided pilots
to navigate the ships.
The General, as soon as he had heard the result of
M"^ Canninge's mission, gave orders to the master to get the
ships under weigh at flood tide to move in towards the
castle, which order was duly carried out.
21^* December. The Governor having sent off to the
ships four of his chiefs as hostages, the General, attended
by forty armed men, landed and repaired to the trenches,
where, with much courtesy, he was received by the Governor,
who said that the country was his for trade, and then ex-
pressed a wish to have four of the best guns carried ashore
• Ahmedabad.
242 THE PORTUGUESE AGAIN IN SIGHT.
from the ships to breach the walls of the castle. Captain
Best replied^ that it was contrary to his commission to land
any of his guns, but in any other way he would do his best
to please the Governor, and offered the assistance of one of
his men with his gunner to regulate the gun platforms,
which offer was thankfully accepted. From the trenches,
Captain Best proceeded to the camp, where he was royally
entertained, and from whence he returned to the Governor,
who again attempted to persuade him to land some guns,
but seeing he would not, desisted. The General, pi^evious
to returning to the ships, requested the Governor to spare
the lives of the commander of the castle and of his son and
daughter. This request the Governor promised to grant,
although absolutely refusing to give a written promise to
that effect.
Two of the smiths were left on shore to assist in making
shot, and two other men to superintend the making of a
platform for the guns.
22(1 December. The four Portuguese galleons having
been reported within sight, the General had his ships pre-
pared for action, and sent M"" Canninge ashore to bring off
his men. The Governors of the Army and of Cambaia
urged Mr Canninge to persuade the General not to fight,
pointing out the inequality between two merchants' vessels
far from their country, and men-of-war fighting at their
own doors, and thus able to obtain fresh stores. " M^ Cane-
ing retourned them this answer, ' That there was a God in
heaven would feight with us and for us. He was our Cap-
tayne, and under his banner we did feight, and those that
constantlie and faithfullie trusted in him, he would deliver
them in the day of battell.' Which speech they liked very
well, and tould M*" Canninge that if our Generall wanted
eyther powther, shot, or vittualle, or any thing else whatso-
ever, we should have yt from abord his frigates. '^ For this
offer M"" Canninge returned many thanks.
DEFEAT OP THE PORTUGUESE. 243
" 23 December. In the morneinge we weid both, and
steered right with the galleonSj they being at anker, the
Dragon with the Ammerall, and we with the Vice-AmmeralL
We did maik them such a breakfast, as I do verielie think
was neyther in the way of courtesy or unkindnesse, was
well accepted. The Dragon being ahead steered from one
to another, and gave them such banges as maid ther verie
sides crack ; for we neyther of us never shot, but were so
neere we could not misse. We still steered after the Dragon,
and when she was with one we were with another, and the
truth is, we did so teare them that some of them were glad
to cut cables and be gone. This morneinge's feight was in
the sight of all the army, who stood so thick upon the hills
beholdinge of us, that the number of them being so many
they covered the ground. We lost no tyme, nor spared
nej'ther powther nor shot, as our spectatores ashoare can
well witnesse, how this day we paid them and maid them
rune away about 2 leagues off into the sea, wither we fol-
lowed them receiving and payinge them, to the great honor
of our Generall, and the credit of our nation to have 2 mer-
chant shippes to beat 4 men of warr. We ankered in the
wynde of them. Being comed to anker, our Generall sent
Capt. Hermon abord of us to know if we were well. We
tould him all was well, saveing one or tow lightlie hurt in
the head. Capt. Hermou tould us they had one man slayne
and some lightlie hurt. This was all the harme that both
our shippes receved this dale, the Lordb's name be praised,
that did so wounderfullie preserve us, for some of our men
escaped this dale verie narowlie from a cnlverin shot that
came in under our half deeck."
" 24 December. This morneinge, verie earlie with daie,
we weid and set saille towardes the enemie, we being in the
wynd of them and not alltogether without the sight of the
army. This morneinge they weid too, and comeing upp
with them, we did so let yt flie at the Vice-Admcrall, the
244 DEFEAT OP THE PORTUGUESE
Dragon being with the Ammerall, as we maid her beare upp
helme and go from us ; and in the self same fashion we
served the Admerall, the Dragon haveinge geven hir the
first Bonjour. We gave her the Besa los manos ; but she,
tinwilHng to complement any longer with us, did Anda
jpor atras. Our men this dale did shew great vallour, everie
man in his place. One of our men threw a ball of fire into
ther Admirall, that busied them all to put yt out agayne; and
if they had not seene yt when they did, yt had fired ther
shipp. This day we tried them most cruellie ; we see swim-
ing by our shipp sides peeces of tymber, boordes, and ould
hattes and clothes : ther sailles were allmost torne from
yardes, some of them and ther tackling cut in peeces.
Mr Canninge did much encourage our men, and verie redy
himself to do what service he might. We spent thes 2
dales in feight furth of our shipp 250 great shot."
After the conclusion of this eng-acrement the Hoseander's
company petitioned the General, regard being had to the
great expenditure of ammunition, either to undertake some
exploit whereby the Portugals' shipping might be destroyed,
or else whilst any stores were left to be gone forth from
that place. Captain Best, too, had determined on this course,
and according gave orders to sail for the Koad of Svvally.
In these engagements the Hoseander expended 27 bar-
rels of powder, and 300 great shot, cross bar, langrel and
round.
The General, having boarded the Hoseander, thanked
the company for their exertions and promised to use his
interest to obtain from the Worshipful Company fitting
rewards for them. He further added that he was much
pleased with their petition, and should occasion require it,
he would not fail to make some attempt to destroy the
galleons.
Twenty-seventh December. The vessel anchored off"
Swally, when the General learned that the Firman had not
AT SUKAT. 245
arrived, though the Governor of the Army had told him it
was at Amedevar.i When Medeiopher, who offered a supply
of powder and shot, visited the General, the latter enquired
after the Firman, and received a promise of its speedy arrival.
On the thirty-first, a boat's crew, sent ashore for water
and provisions, returned empty-handed, in consequence of
Medeiopher, who was displeased with the General, having
forbidden the Macadam^ to furnish such. M"^ Canninge, on
his return from Surat, said that the cause of offence was
the General's refusal to let Medeiopher have certain cloths,
previously promised to him, without payment, but that he
had been partially appeased.
Fifth January, 1612(3). M'" Complain, the preacher, and
divers of the merchants, went up to Surat to despatch busi-
ness and to speak with the chiefs about the Firman; further,
if there was no hope of its arrival to persuade j\I'' Aldswoi'th
to return to the ships. Next day the General returned
Medeiopher his signet, as he had proved so inconstant.
The same day a letter was received from M'" Aldsworth,
saying that whether the Firman came or not, he would not
leave Surat.
Seventh January. The news of the arrival of the Firman
was received, which made M^" Aldsworth, who had refused
to leave the country, very joyful at the prospect of remain-
ing there; but the General doubted that it was the Firman,
for it had been brought down in no state or fashion, while
he had expected that Medeiopher and the chief men would
have accompanied it, and to that efiect he sent them a
message.
Eleventh January. The chiefs having come down, the
General, attended by thirty men, landed, and having met
Medeiopher, went to the Macadam's house, where " the
Cavellero that brought the Firman from the Court was, in
verie rich apparell, reedy with the Firman in his hand
* Aluaedabad. ''■ Makaddam, a chief or head uiau.
246 ARRIVAL OF THE ROYAL FIRMAN.
covered with read silke, and maid up in cloth of gould, and
did, in the presence of all the chiefs, deliver yt unto our
Generally where he demanded to know the contents, yf they
were corespondent to the Articles concluded upon with the
Governor of Amedevar or no. The chief affirmed it to be
the same, and so our Generall, in all reverence and curtesy,
received yt, our trumpetes afterwardes soundinge and a
value or towe of small shot : and for the unkindnesse be-
twixt our Generall and Medeiopher, yt was tourned to great
kindnesse and love againe, and there all discontentes was
ended betwixt them. Our Generall tould them that pre-
sentlie he would apoint a merchaunt that within 6 or 7
dales should be reedy to take his journey towardes Agra
with our kinge^s present, which before tyme they had scene,
and also our king's letter."
They then offered the General great courtesies and privi-
leges for trade throughout the country, as well in Amede-
var and Cambaia, as elsewhere, and promised to care (as for
their own people) for all such persons whom the General
should leave at Surat ; and should all such happen to die,
then they would have inventories made (as had been already
done for the Dutch) of all goods, cash, and debts, and the
same should be paid over to their successors.
"The General then yielded them many thankes, and for
awhile took leave of the chief, gave them 2 valley of shot
and threw amongst the souldiers tow handfulls of money,
and with the sound of the trumpettes repaired downe to the
waterside/^
The Portuguese ships having appeared in sight, Captain
Best hastened to make preparations for departure. M'" Can-
ninge, attended by Richard Temple and Edward Hunt, was
appointed to convey the presents and letters to Agra, and
Anthony Starkie was selected to return overland to Eng-
land with letters.
All business arrangements having been completed, the
PILLAGE OP NATIVE VESSELS. 247
General sailed from Swally on the seventeenth January, and
the day following passed close to the galleons, which, in
bravado, weighed and followed the two ships for a short
time, and then again anchored. " Thus we parted from
these valient champions, that had vowed to do such famous
actes, but yet content to give us over with great shame and
infamy redounding unto themselves, but this was the
Lordes doinges, and God graunt us to give him the
glorie.'^
Nineteenth January. Four junks were captured ; they
were from Cananoer, bound for Surat. The General, after
they had been pillaged, allowed them to continue their
voyage to Surat. " I praie God our people at Surat susteyne
not revenge at the handes of thes people for this daie^s
worke/^
Between that date and the end of the month many junks
were captured, all were pillaged, but some were released,
whilst others were destroyed.
On one occasion. Captain Best visited the Hoseander,
and addressing the crew said, that in consideration of their
courage and to reward them for their services, he had
allowed pillaging, but since they and the crew of the
Dragon could not agree about the plunder, to put an end
to the scandal caused by such quarrels, he withdrew his
permission, and should any ships be captured he would take
means to satisfy both crews. Afterwards, six of the Hose-
ander's officers went on board the Dragon to draw up an
agreement on that subject.
On board one of the prizes a letter, written at Goa, was
found, in which it was stated that Nuno da Cunho had cap-
tured two English ships at Surat.
Thirtieth January. The fleet anchored off Bringa, a little
village some 30 leagues northwards of Cape Comorin. The
General received a visit from the Ambassador of the king
of that country, who offered him great kindness and trade.
248 AREIVAL AT ACHIN.
Fourth February. The ships set sail from Bringa/ than
*' which place as yet we have not found in the Indies a place
of better refreshing'^, but owing to contrary winds^ which
forced them to anchor, did not double Cape Comorin until
the twenty-sixth, and on the following day were within
sight of the Island of Ceylon. An attempt to obtain sup-
plies from the inhabitants of that island was unsuccessful, as
the natives, who were friendly disposed towards the Por-
tugals, refused to hold any communications with the
vessels.
f While off the Island of Ceylon two vessels were sighted,
which were found to be a Fleming, and her prize. The
captain of the former, before the vessels separated, pre-
sented one black boy to the General and another to the
preacher.
Twelfth April, 1618. The vessels entered the Road of
Achin, and upon their anchoring the Shabender, accord-
ing to custom, boarded the Dragon to learn what the
vessels were. He told the General that he had authority
from the King to bid him welcome, adding that the King
was well disposed towards the English, and promised on
the day following to conduct some of the company into the
King's presence. Accordingly, next day some of the mer-
chants were sent ashore and were received by one of the
chief nobles, the King being absent on a hunting excursion,
who promised them permission to trade, and said that the
King greatly desired to have commerce with the English.
He also assigned the merchants a house.
On that day the merchants were entertained by the
Flemings at their house.
Fifteenth April. In compliance with a message from the
King, who desired to speak with him, the General, "with 50
or GO of his chiefest men to attend him, went ashore to the
' There is no port with a name resembling this on the coasts of Mala-
bar or Travancore.
INTERVIEW WITH THE KING OF ACHIN. 249
King with the Sabender and the Capt. of the Fleming.
The people of the cittee received him with all joie and
mirth that might bee^ but the king was absent ahunting of
wild ellofantes, in which sport he taikes great delight : but
by some of his chiefes the General was entertayned/''
Seventeenth April. " This day great disorderes abord
our shipp, both with our owne men and the Dragon's men :
first, by drinking drunk, and then by fighting with fistes,
in the sight of the Guzarat junkes, to all our great shames
and disgrace to our country and nation.'^
Eighteenth. " This daie our Kinge's letter was sent for
by the King of Achin with an ellofant and a chaire of state
in the form of a castle upon his back. After went the
General to the Court, where he presented the Kinge with
a rich present from our kinge ; and the King likewise did
give unto our General a vest, with M^ Moore and M'' Oliver.
He entertayned us with the fightinge of ellofantes, bufieloes,
and great rames ; and afterwardes was provided a great
banquet with many dishes and great store of arack. The
banquet was served in dishes of pure gold and silver,
brought in towe chestes of gould, which they do use to
keep ther betel in, they use to eat of verie much. Great
curtesy by the King was offered, and that the country was
at our comaund. But our General, as yet not alltogether
satisfied, for that he hopeth of furder commerce with the
King and at large to deliver his mynd unto him.''
Twenty-seventh April. " Our General went to the Em-
bassador of Siam, with whom he did converse of such
comodities as in ther countrey were vendible, and likewise
of the qualitie of such comodities as were ther to be re-
tourned for England. The Embassador did afii-me that the
quantitie of 2000 clothes would vent ther in the space of 2
monthes, with diveres other comodities highlie esteemed of.
Bials of eight to be worth ther 7s. the riall : raw silk there
is great store and cheapp, and likewise benjamyn, better
250 ENTERTAINMENT AT ACHIN.
then that of Achin : and the weight ther greater, for that
4 bahars of Achin makes but 3 at Siam ; callicoes of Surat
sell well there : black and read hattes : lookinge glasses :
birding peeces of the smallest sort being well damaskt.
All this the Embassador for certayne did afirme unto our
General, and ofiFered to affirme yt with the Kinge's sealle,
seameing verie desirous to have comerce with the English.
This day he had a child circumcized with great seremonyes
after ther fashion.'^
A few days afterwards '^the Embassador of Siam dyned
with our General, but sent his owne cookes to dresse his
vittualles, and brought his drink with him, being water in
great flagons of sillver/'
" First May. The King went to recreat himselfe, accom-
panyd with our General and the Dutch merchants, when they
went to a river about 6 or 7 milles from the towne, the
JCing riding upon an ellofant in a chaire of state upon his
back. They came to a place wher they washed themselves,
the King sitting upon a seat in the midst of the river, with
our General and the Dutch merchantes and all his nobles
about him in the water, with aboundaunce of people that
were spectators on the shoare, his nephew poureing water
upon him as he sat, with a golden buckit, for the space of
5 or 6 houres. Then afterwardes they had a great banquet,
with aboundaunce of vittuall and arack, dressed after ther
maner. Haveing ended the banquet they retourned to the
Kinge's pallace with our English trumpettes sounding be-
fore them, and women playing and singing before the
Kinge ; and thus they came to the pallace, wher at that
tyme our Generall took leave of his Majestic."
Fourteenth May. The General obtained the King^s
licence to cut wood upon one of the islands. On the same
day, too, he heard of the arrival of a Portugal junk, and
that some of the Portugals had gone to the King to inform
him of their arrival with the Embassador whom he had
TRANSACTIONS AT ACHIN. 251
sent to the King of Joar.^ Next ,day, the Hoseander, with
the Dragon's pinnace, anchored close to the junk. Pre-
viously, the Guzerats had offered for a certain sum to land
the Portugals and their goods in safety ; but all the latter,
with the exception of one man, were ashore. He, with some
goods, went on board the Guzerat, upon which the Hose-
ander's boat was sent after him, and he and the goods were
brought back to the junk. The junk had on board certain
chests and bales, which were said to be for the King.
Thomas Hounsel was placed in charge of her. Upon this
action, the King sent a messenger to Captain Best, to ask
what had the latter done, and whether he intended to act
the part of friend or foe. Captain Best satisfied the mes-
senger that his intentions were friendly; and on the follow-
ing day, in company with the King's Ambassador, he
landed, and at an interview with his Majesty, presented
him with the junk, everything on board her being intact.
The King did kindly accept the gift.
. On that day the General bought from the King 40 bahars
of benjamin at 25 tael the bahar.
Seventeenth May. An old man, who for his knowledge
of cookery and language was employed about the house,
was, through the malice of the Shabender, cruelly murdered,
the only cause being the " denial of the Kinge's work, be-
cause he was then employed by us'\
Nineteenth May. The Hoseander, to obtain a supply of
wood, crossed over to an island where " we found a great
many people with ther armes and leges cut of for offences,
which is the Kinge's lawe, haveing one chief apointed
governor over them, in regard they should not bee idle, but
be imploied in the Kinge's service for the making of brim-
ston".
" And in the tyme of our wooding we found certayne
spideres whose weebes were perfect silk, the which our
chirurgion hath one to showe.''
1 Johore.
252 TRANSACTIONS AT ACHIN.
The Hoseander, having parted her cable, was near drift-
ing ashore on this island ; but the master, who was on
shore, hastened aboard, and having got her under sail
worked her off the shore. *' But it was more Gode's
providence then our men's carefullnes'^ to which her escape
was due.
At Achin the bahar was found to weigh 395'''^-, English
weight.
Nathaniel Fenn was tried by a jury and condemned to
death for having drawn his sword on the General, who, at
the urgent request of the Ambassador of Siam, pardoned
the culprit, and made him over to that dignitary.
Twenty-sixth May. A letter was received from M'' Can-
ninge, who mentioned that on his way to Agra he had been
attacked by thieves ; that Hunt and Temple had deserted,
carrying with them much money ; and that he had heard
that Nuno da Cunho was by the Viceroy imprisoned at Goa
for returning without commission ; also that Chaoul and
other places held by the Portugals were besieged by the
forces of the Mogul.
Second June. " The Generall, with all our chiefe, went to
the court, where before the King we see an oUephant and a
tiger maik a cruell feight, his Majestic siting upon an olle-
phant beholding the sport ; which, being ended, the Gene-
rall accompanied his Majesty to his pallace, and so took
leave.''
Fifth June. The General went to Court in hopes of pro-
curing the Kinge's letter of permission to trade at Priaman,
and again on the tenth he visited the Court for that purpose,
when it was promised to him.
On that day, the tenth, " at the Court, we understood
how that about 3 or 4 dales past a nobleman, for lookinge
at one of the Kinge's concubynes, was judged by the King
to have one of his eyes puled out ; another, for wearing a
turband extraordinary, had a peece of his skull cut awaie".
TRANSACTIONS AT ACHIN. 253
Fourteenth June. The General went to Court, when he
presented "4 murdereres, 4 tergetes, 6 lances" to the King,
who in great courtesy received the gift, and told the Gene-
ral that on his return to England he would send a present
to the King.
" At our comeinge awaie from the Court, without the gait
we see a man lyinge slayne, and was to lie there till the
dogges had eaten his flesh, for comittinge adultery with
another man's wiffe."
Seventeenth June. Captain Best presented the King
with a model of an English ship, "in which ship he took
great pleasure, and did accept of yt and esteeme yt more
then a matter of greater worth. The letter was promised
within a daie or towe, and many promises of honor and
credit to our General for the fame of our nation''.
The same day news of the Globe, and of the death of
Captain Anthony Hippon^ was received.
Twentieth June. The General received the King's letter.
It was to the effect that the General might at pleasure found
a factory at Priaman or Tecoe; all his merchants and people
were to be courteously received : a bargain once made to
be irrevocable : and to have the same weight in all things
as the weight of Achin.
That day, too, the King by water proceeded to the castle,
partly for purposes of recreation, and partly to inspect a
junk of Surat, which he had confiscated (making slaves of
her crew) for having touched at Perak, with which place he
was at enmity.
Twenty-first June. The General took the King's letter
back to the Rassedor, with reference to the remission of
tributes and customs, in conformity with the Articles made
between the King's uncle and Sir James Lancaster, in
which it was agreed that the English should be privileged
» Second in command, under Captain Floris, in the seventeenth voy-
age, 1611-1615.
254 ENTERTAINMENT OF THE KING OP ACHIN.
to trade in any part or port of the island without paying
tribute or customs on goods sold. The Governor of Pria-
man and Tecoe having ignored this agreement and levied
these dues. Captain Best craved redress for these wrongs.
The King afterwards promised to grant this remission at
Priaman and Tecoe, and at the same time offered to dispose
to Captain Best of the cargo of the confiscated junk ; but,
owing to the conduct of the native officials, the latter was
unable to take advantage of that offer.
Twenty-fourth June. The General attended at Court for
despatch of business, when he sold the King 168 bahars of
iron at 5 tael the bahar.
The same day, the King's letter and present were brought
" to our house by a nobleman riding upon an ollephant,
accompanied with other towe of the Kinge's chiefe nobles,
with musick plaieing before them alongst the streetes, as
ther customes is in such affaires which concernes the Kinge.
The present was a rich creastof pure gold, set with pretious
stones, 8 camphor dishes, 4 peeces of fine stuffe, a launce
enameld with gould. At the receipt of this present and
letter for our King, our Generall did present the 3 nobles
with some fyne calico.^'
" Twenty-sixth June. Our General went to the Court
accordinge to the Kinge's desire unto him the daie before,
where we see the Kinge in most royall estait comeinge unto
his church in most rich array, accompanied with his nobles
and chief of his kingdome : from the church retourned unto
a grene before his pallace gait, wher he did sit in a rich
chaire of state of pure gold : his nobles standinge before
him was called one by one in ther degrees to take ther
places, which was done by great obeysance in bowing downe
ther bodies to the grownd and holdinge upp uf ther handes
above ther heades. In the midest of the nobles our General
was called ; and all the rest of the forraine and strange
ambassadores, as the honor of ther Kinge and countrey did
ELEPHANT AND RAM FIGHTS. 255
deserve. After all the nobles were seatted, inferioures took
ther places. The Kinge's guard was 200 great ollephantes
compassing the place where he sat, a multitude of people
expecting the fighting of ollephantes, which are the greatest
and strongest beastes in the world, haveing teeth a yard
and a half longe. The feight of the tame ollephantes were
both fierce and furious, but the wild ones did far exceed
them, for before they could be gotten together they rane
amongst the houses, and (with) vehement force of there
teeth and trounke did pull them downe, but being once
met they maid a most furious feight, and did gore and
wound one another with ther teeth most cruellie; growinge
weak, the King caused them to be parted. After them
came in great rames, which allso maid a good feight.
Ther was much sport to be seene ; but growing lait, the
Kinge did pretermit the rest. The sportes being ended, all
the nobles in ther degree rose upp and came before the
Kinge, kissed his handes, and so with low, obeysaunce
going backwardes from his presence ; the King sat still till
they all had done in forme aforesaid, and then he himself
rose upp and took ollephant and repaired to his pallace in
great pomp."
Twenty-eighth June. The General proceeded to Court,
when the King told him that on that day he could hold
no conference, as his army had returned from Joar,*
bringing back the King of that place as a prisoner, and
that many of his nobles were assembled to confer upon
matters of state. Thereupon, the General withdrew. The
victory was celebrated with great solemnity in both country
and city. The fleet consisted of 100 frigates and gal'eys,
some with ordnance, some without, and the army of 20,000
soldiers. A Flemish ship, which had been at Joar, on the
approach of the army had put to sea, but her captain, with
some twenty of the merchants and mariners, who had been
> Johore.
256 THE KING OV ACHIN IN STATE.
on shoare^ were taken prisoners, and others of her crew
were slain. Captain Best called on the Fleming to encourao-e
him, and heard from him of Sir Henry Middleton having
been at Bantam, and of the death of most of his merchants
and men; furthei-, he heard of the Salomon, that the
Hector and Thomas were bound for England, and Captain
Saris in the Clove for Japan, but no tidings could he ob-
tain of the James, which made him uneasy about that
vessels safety.
Second July. The General being sent for by the King,
" we met his Majesty in most roiall state in the waie to the
church with great solemnitie. He had for his guard, (who)
went before him, 200 great ollephantes, 2000 small shot,
2000 pikes, 200 launces, 100 bowmen, 20 naked swordes of
pure gould carried before him; 20 fencers went before him,
plaiinge with swordes and tergettes ; a horse leed before
him, covered with beaten gould, the bridle set with
stones ; at his sadle-crutch a shafte of arrowes, the quiver
of beaten gould set with pretious stones. Before him
went his towe sons, of 8. or 9 years ould, arayed with
jewelles and rich stones. His Majestie rode upon an olle-
phant, his sadle of pure gold, his slave behynd him in
rich array e, with his betel boxe, and a fan of pure gold
in his hand to keepe the flies from the Kinge. The
Kinge^s robes were so rich that I cannot well describe
them; he had a turband upon his head set with jewelles
and pretious stones invalluable ; creast and sword of pure
gold, the skaberd set with stones. Before him went ao
ollephant, with a chaire of state covered all with beaten
silver, that, if yt should chaunce to rayne, he might change
ollephantes. This ollephant had casses made of pure gold
to put upon his teeth. From the church he retourned to a
place of pleasure prepared for his entertaynement, where
his Majestie beinge seated, all his nobles, according to their
custome, was called ; and all forreyn embassadores, as the
CEUEL PUNISHMENTS AT ACHIN. 257
fame of tlier countrey did deserve, were seated amonfrsfc
the nobles. Which being done, we see the feighting of
wild and tame ollephantes, buffolos, and rames. Thes
pleasures being past, all the nobles, in great obedience,
saluted his Majestie at his rising up, and did accompany
him to his pallace, where we left him to his concubynes."
On this day, too, the Siamese Ambassador departed from
Achin, leaving behind him Fen, whose pardon he had
obtained. This Fen, shortly before the vessels sailed,
entreated the General to grant him a passage to England,
which request Captain Best promised to accede to if Fen
would agree to work the passage home. The latter promised
to do so, and then asked for money to pay his debts. The
General declined to make any such advance, but added that
if Fen could find his way on board, the conditions would
still be open for his acceptance.
Fifth July. '^ At our retourne from the Court, we see a
man executed for some offence in the warres. He was first
laid upon the ground upon his back, and both his eye3
pulled out, and after a stake was drove in at his fundement,
through all his bodie, and out at the crowne of his head,
and being dead his corpes were burned. Another souldier,
the daie before, had his eyes puld out, his bodie cloven in
tow peeces, and then burned with a doge in his bellie.
Another was boyled in oille this daie, which was as cruell a
tortuer as the other. These men had comitted some ofience
in the wars wherby some prejudice had happened."
" The Generall of the Army, for his welcome, because he
did not bring the ould King of Joar, who was an ould dc-
creped man, and had assigned his kingdome to his son,
was by the King forced to eat a platter of turdes, and after-
wardes to wash his bodie in them, to the Kinge's great in-
famie and dishonour, for so base a thing to be published
amono-st forreyners and strangers. AUthough this seeme
strange, yett yt is trew, as God is in heaven."
258 DEPARTURE FROM ACHIN.
Seventh July. The General at last received the Kinge's
letter for Priaman and Tecoe, but the King did not keep
his promise to remit the customs.
Three days later, a seaman, who had run away, was found
at " the Portingailles house", and brought back to the
Dragon,
At an interview with the King, the General offered him a
fair piece of ordnance, if he would release four of the Guze-
rats, vizt., the master and his son and the two pilots. As
the King would only do so upon payment of a large sum.
Captain Best took his leave, " haviuge found him allwaies
reedie to promise much, and, in the end, to performe litle.
But his basenes hath not onelie bene evident to his owne
subjectes, but allso unto us in not performeinge what
formerlie he had promised unto our General. He diverse
tymes shewed us his glorie, but never his loialltie, nor
fidellitie, and therefore we will leave him to that infidellitie
he doth profess."
Eleventh July. " Our General, hasteninge busines, sent
abord 4 or 5 slaves, bought here at 4 or 5 taille."
Fourteenth July. The General having finished all his
business, " we sett saille furth of the Rood of Achin,
haveinge bene here 3 mounthes and 2 dales, in which tyme
we have lost furth of both shipes 25 men. Our General
bought and entertayned here about 25, or thereabout, In-
deans for to suplie the want of our men deceased, and of
Nathaniell Fen left behind at Achin. ■'^
" The Qualitie op Money and Weight at Achin."
" Yowe have a great weight called a bahar, which doth
conteyne 385^^®- English: yowe have allso a small weight
called a cattee, which maikes 2 '^^- English.^ Yowe have
gould : ther coynes called masses, at 9d. the peece :
> A bahar at Achin is equal to 200 cattis, or 423 lbs. 8 oz.
CUSTOMS AT ACHIN. 259
and 5 goes for a peece of 8 : yowe have also lead money,
of which 1000 maikes a masse, called casse : ther also doth
harres go currant at 9ds. the peece, and 5 to a peece of 8 ;
sometimes they go at a higher rate. This money is curanb
all the Indes over, and much profit gotten by the exchange
of them/^
"This Island of Sumatra, alliis called Ophir, from whence
Sallomon had his gould, as the Scriptures in divers places
maikes mention. They do professe Mahamat^s Lawe, as
for the most part of Asia and Africa doth. They have
no church nor churchyard, but buries ther dead in the
corner of streetes. This Citie of Achin lieth within 6 de-
grees of the Equanoctiall lyne, which maikes yt so exceed-
inge hot, yet the people countynually goeth bare-headed
and bare-footed, and so doth the Kinge and all his nobles
and chief of the land. Thes people are great swimmers and
divers in generall, women as well as men : they teach ther
children thes arts in ther infancie, so they become verie
exquisite in ther perfect aige : this swimming they hould to
be a great preservacon of ther health, for which cause they
dailie exercise yt as the custome of eatinge and drinking.
This island (is) verie rich, and plentie of fruit, yet the
comon sort of people lives upon an erbe called Beetle, by
which they fynd great sustenance, so that this aforesaid
herbe and tobacco is ther ordinarie food both to men and
women. The Kinge hath one loyall wife, whose child doth
posesse the crowne : he hath also threskore concubynes ;.
for where he heres of a proper woman, eyther in citie or
countree, he sendeth for hir to the Court ; allthougho she
bee maried she must come, and if hir husband seeme un-
willinge or loath to part from hir, then he presentlie com-
aundes hir husbande's member to be cutt of, and oftentymes
worse punishments. If the Kinge have more sones then
one, when he dies they are all put to death, save the eldest,
or conveyed furth of the kingdome into some other coun-
260 AT TECOE AND PEIAMAN.
tree, because they shall not contend for the crowne after the
Kinge's death. If a subject die without heire male, his
goodes and landes falles to, the Kinge, and the wife with hir
daughters go begge. Many nations have trade for this
island, more for the comoditties yt affordes then the aflfabil-
litie of the people, for they are both inhumayne and base,
and much unworthie to inhabite so sweet a countree/'
From the twenty-fifth of July to the end of the month,
the weather was very bad, with much wind, rain, and
lightning. " Divei's of the Dragon's men and ours fell
sick by intemperat and corupted aire.^'
The master of the Hoseander shaped his course for Tecoe,
by the " directions of Capt. Keelinge and Daves, ther
jourualles^^ and anchored in the road of that island on the
Seventh of August.
The Governor of the Island sent off two officers to en-
quire whether the General had their King^s letter, which
was then shown to them. They then spake of the death of
Sir Henry Middleton at Bantam. On thp following day,
Captain Best, upon landin'g, was received by the chiefs, to
whom he presented the letter. Having read the letter, the
chiefs assured the General that he was free to trade where
he pleased at reasonable prices ; and that they would in-
form the Governor of Priaman of the letter, as it concerned
him. Captain Best thereupon offered to convey their
messengers to that island in his smaller ship. At the close
of the interview, the General was invited to visit the city,
but declined on the ground of the great heat.
At Tecoe the merchants found, upon landing, that the
price of pepper was 16 to 18 rials the bahar, but no price
fixed as a certainty.
Twelfth August. The Hoseander was despatched by the
General to Pt-iaman, where she arrived on the following day.
The Governor of that Island was '^much discontented" that
the vessels had not touched there, being the chief port
STORMY VOYAGE TO BANTAM. 261
of those parts, previous to going to Tecoe, and because the
King's letter was directed to him. When M^ Oliver,
merchant of the Hoseander, had presented the royal letter,
the Governor assured him that he was privileged to trade
there. M"" OUver having enquired if the people of Priaman
would carry their pepper to Tecoe, the Governor replied
that in former times the people of Tecoe had brought
pepper to Priaman, but that his people had never carried
any to Tecoe, and never would do so ; and if the General
wished to send a ship to Priaman, they would within two
months have their pepper, about 2000 bahars, ready either
to sell for rialls, or to truck for calico. The price of such
pepper to be the same as that purchased at Tecoe, and
the pepper to be delivered at the seaside in the place where
Captain Keeling and others had received their purchases.
This bnsmess being concluded, the Hoseander returned
to Tecoe.
Having at Tecoe received some stores from the Dragon,
and exchanged some of her lading, the Hoseander was on
the twenty-first of August despatched by the General on a
voyage to Bantam.
"Twenty-sixth August. Being in 3 degrees or theraboutes
to the southward of Priaman, in our vaige to Bantam, we
had most cruell and fearfull wether by thunderinge, light-
ninge, and raine for many dales together, but especiallie
one night and a daie. I male truelie sale that the greatest
cannon in all the world, when it was fired, did never roare
as the thunder heere did, with* lightning and raine in such
aboundance as I never in my life heard the like : and I do
furder think that in England yt never rayned so much in 6
dales as here yt did in 24 houres. It was both wonderfull
and miraculous to behold, and did justlie veri6e the sayinge
of that worthie Profit David in his 107 Psalme, where yt is
said, that they that go downe to the sea in shipes and
occupie by great waters, those men doth see the wounders
262 VOYAGE TO BANTAM.
of the Lord. And God of his mercie graunt that we all
that heard and see thes wounders and workes of the Lord
maie to his glorie maik use of the 31 verse of the same
Psalme."
Twenty-ninth August, 1613. "This daie by extremitie of
wether, we splitt our maine topesaile, and this night sunk
our skifTe at the shipp sterne."' [Here the journal concludes
abruptly.]^
' The original manuscript consists of 67J folio pages. At the Reverse
of the Journal the Wills of Robert Heal, Oliver Judson, and Robert
Portinan, are entered. Also there are entries, each of a few lines on a
page, of various debts to be paid by different members of the crew upon
the return of the vessel to England. These entries, and the Index to
them, are scattered over sixty-one pages.
A CALENDAR
OF THE
SHIPS' JOURNALS PRESERVED IN THE INDIA
OFFICE!
(written within the seventeenth centuey).
1. An abstract from the Journal of the third voyage under
Captains Keeling and Hawkins^ 1607. (See page
108.)
2. Another abstract of the third voyage. (See page 111.)
3. A third abstract of the third voyage. (See page 113.)
4. The voyage of Captain Sharpeigh, being the fourth
voyage, 1608. (See page 120.)
Another account of the fourth voyage, commanded by
Captain Sharpeigh. (See page 126.)
5. Journal of the Master of the " Peppercorn", 1610 to
1611. (See page 145.)
6. Journal of Thomas Love, a master^s mate in the
'^Trade's Inci-ease^^ Sir Henry Middleton, 1610 to
1612. (See page 147.)
7. Journal of Nicholas Downton, second in command of
the fleet under Sir Henry Middleton, 1610 to 1613.
Original manuscript comprises 214 pages. (See
page 151.)
8. Instructions to Lawrence Femell. (See page 131.)
Commission to Sir Henry Middleton. (See page 137.)
9. This manuscript is a translation of the Journal kept by
Peter Williamson Floris, a Dutchman in the service
1 The numbers are those on the backs of the volumes in the India
Office.
264 CALENDAR OP SHlPs' JOURNALS
of the East India Company, who commanded the
''Globe'' on the seventh voyage set forth by the
Company. The journal begins Jan. 5th, 1611, and
ceases abruptly on Feb. 17th, 1615. It contains an
account of the trade carried on along the Coast of
Coromandel, at Bantam, Siam, and Batavia, with a
slight sketch of the history of the kingdom of Siam,
and an account of a revolt of Javanese slaves, by
whom part of the town of Batavia was burnt while
the " Globe'' was lying in the roads. The original
manuscript contains 142J pages.
After trading at Masulipatam on the Coromandel
coast, Floris proceeded to Bantam, and thence to
Batavia, at which place his colleague Captain Hippou
died. He was succeeded by Thomas Easington.
10. This manuscript was written by Thomas Best, the
General of the tenth voyage. [The Sth^ and 9th are
missing from the India Office.] Best's Journal em-
braces a period of 2| years, 1612-13. He gives a
brief account of the events which happened at
Swally, of the treaty of commerce made with the
Governors of Surat and Ahmedabad, which was after-
wards ratified by the Mogul, of his fight with four
Portuguese ships, his reception at Achiu, his visit to
Teko and Bantam, the voyage home, and a descrip-
tion of St. Helena. The courses, winds, variations,
latitude and longitude (the latter generally from the
meridians of the Cape of Good Hope or of Bantam)
are entered for each day, and there is frequent men-
1 The eighth voyage was that commanded by Captain Saris (1611),
■who went to Japan. The manuscript, through gross carelessness, was
allowed to disappear. It was purchased some years ago from Mr. Kers-
hike, a bookseller at Bristol, and is now in the Topographical Depot oi
the ^^'ar Othce. The ninth voyage was that commanded by Edmund
Marlowe (1611).
PEESERVED IN THE INDIA OFFICE, 265
tion of soundings and currents. After leaving St.
Helena, more than half the ship^s company was
attacked by scurvy, and two died, though there was
plenty of bread, wine, beef, rice, oil, vinegar, and
sugar. The original manuscript contains 46 folio
pages.
11. This manuscript, of Q5 folio pages, contains extracts from
seven different logs, issued "by way of instructions^'.
The first and fourth extracts refer to the voyage of
the " Dragon" and " Hoseander". The second ex-
tract, taken from Captain Best's Journal, contains
directions for a voyage to Socotra and Diu. The
third is from a journal kept in Captain Reeling's
fleet in 1615. The fifth is a copy of sailing directions
for a voyage to the East Indies and Bantam. The
sixth has reference only to soundings in the English
Chaunel The seventh is taken from the journal of
Alexander Childe, Captain of the "James". It con-
tains an account of the destruction of a Portuguese
carrack off the Island of Mohila, and of Captain
Childe's voyage from Swally to Jask in Persia, and
back.
12. Journal of the tenth voyage kept by Ralphe Crosse,
the purser on board the "Hoseauder". The fleet
sailed from Gravesend on the 3rd of February 1612.
The manuscript consists of 67^ folio pages. (See
page 228.)
13. This is a Journal kept by Edward Dodsworth, merchant,
who was in the second Joint Stock Voyage (161'4-15)
under Captain Keeling. It contains an account of
the vexatious conduct of Muhrab Khan, the Gover-
nor of Surat, of Dodsworth's journey to Ahmedabad
to buy indigo, and of the return in the " Hope".
He mentions meeting Crosse and his companions,
loft at the Cape of Good Hope to explore. The
original manuscript contaius 54 folio pages.
266 CALENDAR OF SHIPS^ JOURNALS
14. Joarnal of John Monden. master's mate of the
''Hector'^ which sailed from Gravesend on the 28th
of February 1014^ in company with the " Hope'^
and the " Salomon". They anchored off Swally in
October 1614, and returned in June 1617. The
manuscript consists of 53 folio pages, and is merely
a log in tabular form.
15. An original manuscript of 15| pages, consisting of the
log of a voyage to Surat in 1614, and another of 3^
pages, being a letter written from Surat to some one
in England, dated Februaiy 27th, 1615. It describes
an attempt by the Portuguese Viceroy to destroy the
Company's vessels.
16. The Journal of Edmund Sayer, from December 7th,
1615, to October 22nd, 1616. Sayer was with Cap-
tain Adams on board the junk " Sea Adventure",
which sailed from Firando in Japan, and arrived in
Siam on January 9th, 1616. From that time until
February 26th, Sayer was engaged in negotiations
for obtaining lading for the juuk. In June 1616 he
left Bangkok on his return voyage to Japan. This
manuscript consists of 35J pages. Another of four
pages contains a list of articles given as presents in
Siam. Further entries of values of articles bought
and sold extend over five pages j and there is also
part of the log of a voyage from Cochin China in
July 1617, 2 1 pages.
17. This book contains Journals of two voyages, the one
from Batavia to Japan, the other from Firando to
Bantam, in 1616 : both are daily records of the
courses, winds, and latitude, 12^ and 13| pages.
There are also 25 pages of notes of soundings taken
when approaching Bantam, on the islands to the
west of Borneo, and of soundings between Pulo
Condor and Cambodia, with outlines in pencil of
several islands.
PRESERVED IN THE INDIA OFFICE. 267
18. The Journal of John Borden, from April 1616 to June
1617, on board the '^Clove'^, which sailed from Eng-
land in company with the " Defence", and anchored
in Bantam Eoads on December 29th, 1615, return-
ing to the Downs in June 1617. The log consists
of 29J pages. On the cover there is an indenture
of a lease, dated 8 July, 1608, of a piece of void
ground by Wapping Wall, granted to John Browne
of Limehouse (mariner), by Edward Chandler of
Wapping (shipwright).
19. This is another Journal of Edmund Sayer, a merchant
on board the '' good junk of Captain Addamses",
which sailed from Firando for Cochin China in March
1617. Adams and Sayer went to Cochin China to
learn the fate of two Englishmen, who, three years
before, had been sent with letters to the King of
Cochin China, and who, it was reported, had been
killed. They also wished to obtain liberty to trade and
to found a factory. They were told that the men,
named Peacocke and Carwarden,^ had been accident-
ally drowned. Sayer obtained silk and other lading,
and sailed for Japan on July 1st, 1617. The Journal
is comprised in 15| pages. A list of wood and hides
delivered out of the " Sea Adventure", and notes of
the receipt of copper and of cash extend over nine
pages ; and there are 3i pages of a journal kept by
Sayer at Firando, from August 1618 to January
1619, in the absence of Captain Cocks and Mr.
Nealsou at Miako.
20. Journal of Captain Eobert Adams from March 1617 to
December 1618, in the Seventh Joint Stock Voyage.
The fleet consisted of the '''James KoyaP', with
Captain Martin Pringle as chief commander of the
» See Calendar of State Papers^ Colonial (East Indies)^ 1617-21, No.
277.
268 CALhlNDAR OF SHIPS' JOUKNALS
voyage; the ''Ann RoyaF';^ the "New Year's Gift";
the " Bull", in which Adams was master ; and the
" Bee", a pinnace. They went to Swally, and the
" Bull'^ returned home in December 1618. The
manuscript consists of 29^ pages.
21. The Journal of John Rowe, in the "■ Expedition", to
which vessel he was appointed by the " Lorde
Ambassador" in 1618, to go from Surat to Jask.
He recommends Gomberoon as a better place for the
English trade than Jask. The Journal, consisting of
9| pages, gives a brief account of the voyage to
Jask, and of the return voyage to Swally.
22. The Journal of Richard Bragge, master's mate on board
the " Moon", bound for Bantam, from July to No-
vember 1618. The manuscript consists of five pages.
23. The Journal of Henry Crosby, master's mate on board
the "Charles", from 1618 to 1G24; the other vessels
of the fleet being the " Ruby", the '' Diamond", the
''Palsgrave", the "Elizabeth", and the "Hope".
Crosby served afterwards in a joint fleet of English
and Dutch to intercept the Portuguese shipping.
He gives winds, courses, latitudes, and longitudes, by
dead reckoning. The manuscript consists of 53|
pages.
24. The Journal of Archibald Jennison, on board the
"London", commanded by Captain Andrew Shillinge,
from 1620 to 1622. The fleet consisted of the
" London", the " Hart", and the " Roebuck". Jen-
nison was at Surat and Jask. His journal consists
of 2>1\ pages.
» William Baffin, the Arctic Navigator, was master's mate of the
" Ann Royal", and ou October 1st, 1619, the Company granted him a
gratuity for his pains and "good art" in drawing out certain plots of
the coast of Persia and the Red Sea. Ou his return, he joined the
" London", Captain ShilUng, as master.
PRESERVED IN THE INDIA OFFICE. 269
25. The Journal of Captain Richard Swan of the " Roe-
buck" (300 tons), from 1620 to 1622. This was one
of the ships of Captain Shilling's fleet. Captain
Swan describes his voyage to Surat, his fight with
Portuguese ships off Jask^ the attempt to reach the
Red Sea before the change of the monsoon, his
wintering at Massera/ and the homeward voyage.
It contains 68 pages. The commander of the voy-
age, Captain Shilling, was mortally wounded in the
sea-fight with the Portuguese, and was succeeded
by Captain Richard Blith of the " Hart'' (500 tons).
Captain Shilling was buried on shore at Jask.^
26. The Journal of Captain Richard Swanley, on board the
*' Exchange", from 1620 to 1624. Swanley served
under Captain Fitzherbert. The "Exchange" sailed
with the " Roebuck", " Hart", and " Eagle"; but
soon afterwards parted company with them. Swanley
records an earthquake at sea, in latitude 6° 50' S.
''Our men that were below came runninge upp alofte
crieing out, ' Lord have mercie upon us, what shall
wee doe?' I being present upon the deck, answeared,
' Braile upp the maine saile and mizen !' and hove
the leade presentlie, and had no ground." The
"Exchange" was in the combined English and
Dutch fleet, on the coast of Mozambique, and her
1 Masirah, an island thirty-four miles long, off the coast of Arabia,
from which it is distant nine miles. The island is quite barren.
2 See Calendar of State Papers (East India), 748-758. William
Baffin, the great Arctic Navigator, was in this voyage as master of the
"London". He was present at a consultation touching the outward
passage of the fleet (824) ; and at another on board the " liOndon" in
Soklania Bay, on July 20th, 1620, as to whether it would be better to
go within or without St. Lawrence or Madagascar (852). Purchas thus
describes the death of Baffin : — " In the Indies he dyed in the late
Ormus businesse, slain in fight with a shot, as he was trying his mathe-
maticall projects and conclusions."
270 CALE5IDAR OP SHIPS' JOURNALS
cruise in the east extended over four years and a
half. The writing is in parts much faded — 112
pages.
27. The Journal of John Wood. He was in the fleet con-
sisting of the "Anne" (700 tons), Walter Bennet,
chief commander ; the '^ Lesser James^^ (500 tons),
of which John Wood was master; and the "Fortune",
of 200 tons, Robert Burgess, master; with two
small vessels to be employed in making discoveries
about the Cape, the "Rose'^ (100 tons), John Jonson,
and the " Richard'^ (20 tons), Robert Dame. They
sailed on January 14th, 1621, and the Journal ends
in May of the same year. It is in tabular form, and
records the navigation from England to the Cape,
14-|- pages. He touched at Cape Verde and Sierra
Leone.
28. The Journal of Jlichard Swanley, on board the "Jonas",
which sailed in company with the " Whale", " Dol-
phin", and " Lion", in March 1621. The " Jonas"
returned home in July 1623. The Journal is merely
a tabular log, covering 91 pages.
29. This manuscript contains parts of the logs of the
"Palsgrave", "Bull", and "Anne Roya^^ from
November 1621 to September 1622. The writer
was on board the "Moon^'. These ships, in company
with four Dutch vessels, sailed from Firando to
cruise off" Manilla. The first part is comprised in
22 pages, the part of the " Bull's" Journal 5|
and the "Anne Royal's'^ IJ pages. Three frag-
ments.
30. Log of the " Elizabeth". A voyage from Batavia to
Achin in 1623. ISJ pages.
31. A Journal of John Bickley's voyage into the East Indies
in 1622, he being commander of the " Hart", set
PRESERVED IN THE INDIA OFFICE. 271
forth by William Halladaye/ Alderman and Governor
of the East India Company. The '' Hart^^ went to
Batavia, thence to the coast of Coromandel^ and back
to Batavia, returning home in October 1624. A
manuscript of 98 pages.
32. (Lost.)
33. (Lost.)
34. The Journal of Richard Monck, from the Downes to
Surat in the'ship " Great Thames", in company with
the " Jonas", " Starre''', " Eagle^', and two small
pinnaces, the " Spie" and " Scout", from 1624 to
1626. On the right-hand pages are tabular forms,
giving date, course, distance, latitude, departure,
longitude, variation, and winds ; remarks on the left
hand. A manuscript of 42 pages.
85. The Journal of Eobert Fox, from the Downes to Surat,
in the *' Royal James^^, Captain John Weddell, and
the "James", "Jonas", " Starre", " Eagle", and two
pinnaces, " Spie" and "' Scout". 1624. 49 pages.
36. Journal of William Maynor, master's mate of the
" Eagle". 1624. 86 pages.
37. Journal of John Vian, in the " Discovery", from 1616 to
1628. The fleet was composed of the " William",
" Blessing", " Discovery", and " Christopher", with
six Dutch ships in company. Vian was a master's
mate. The manuscript consists of 91 pages.
38. Journals of David Davies, John Wyne, Thomas Wehnan,
and Henry Richards, master's mates of the " Dis-
covery", and of William Slade, the purser. 110
pages.
39. Master Andrew Warden's Journal in the " William".
1626 to 1628. 105 pages.
40. A Journall or Note of Remembrances from England to
> On July 4th, 1621, Mr. Halladaye was elected to succeed Sir
Thomas Smith as Governor of the East India Company.
272 CALENDAR OF SHIPs' JOURNALS
Cape Bonsprans, by rae, Abraham Sayers, in the
good ship called the " Hopewell", outwards, and in
the " Starr", homewards. 1626. 85 pages.
41. The Journal of John Pashley in the "Hart", 1626; con-
veying the Persian Ambassador^ to Gombroon. 102
pages.
42. The Journal of Howard Austin, master's mate in the
" Hart", during the voyage to Surat from 1626 to
1629. 93 pages.
43. The Journal of Peter Andrewes, master^s mate of the
" Mary^', " HarL", and '' HopewelF', successively,
from 1627 to 1629. 74 pages.
44. The Journal of Daniel Hall, master's mate of the
"HopewelP', in 1627. 37 pages.
45. The Journal of John Grant in the " Mary Royall", from
Bantam to England in 1629. 21 pages.
46. A Journal kept by John Vian, from England to India
and Persia, and back in the " Discovery", Captain
John Biskall. 1629 to 1631. 85 pages.
47. (Lost.)
48. The Journal of Nicholas Prin to Surat, in the ''Charles",
1629. The " Charles", " Discovery", ''Reformation",
" London", and " Samuel", sailed together. 35
pages.
49. The Journal of Nicholas Sharpe, master's mate of the
"Charles", 1629 to 1630.
50. The Journal of George Marriatt, master's mate in the
" William", 1629. A mere tabulated log.
51. A Journal kept by me, Andrew Warden, from Douvar
Rode to the Easte Eniges, in the ship " Blessinge",
which God preserve. 1629.
52. A Remembrance from the Bays of Poulambia to Suratt,^
August to November 1631 ; Surat to Gombroon,
' Sir Robert Sherley and his Circassian wife. The English Envoy,
Sir Dodmore Cotton, with Thomas Herbert, was in the " Rose".
PRESERVED IN THE INDIA OFFICE. 273
January to February 1632 ; Gombroon to Surat^ and
Surat homewards.
53. Richard Forder^s Journal in the "Palsgrave'', 1632.
54. " A Journal kept by me, WiUiam Spere", 1632.
55. John Muckrell's Journal in the " Coaster" and the
"Jewell", 1633 to 1637.
56. William Bayley's Journal in the "Mary", 1635. A
very full record, but much decayed.
57. A Continuation of the China voyage by Captain Wed-
delFs fleet, 1637.
58. James Birkedell's Journal of the ship " London" to
Surat and Gombroon, 1639 to 1640.
59. " A Journall of this my second voyage in the ' Hopewell*
to the coast of Coromandell and other parts of the
East Indies and South Seas, being in all my eighth
voyage to those parts, for which the Lord let me
never forget to give thanks and praise and bless thy
holy name, 1 641." A relation of a voyage to Macao
in China, from Surat, in the ship " Hinde", William
Broadbent, 1644. The Supercargo's account, 1645.
60. Richard Mathew's Journall, begun in April from Surat
to China ; with sketches of coasts and promontories,
1644.
Zl. "In the name of God, a Journall or Day Booke kept by
mee, Antonio Fenn, master's mate of the ' Eagle',
Thomas Stevens, commander, of observations and
dayes works and keeping of the shipps way of navi-
gation from England to India, having in our com-
pany the ' Falcon' and ' Lannarett'. 1644."
62. A Journall of a Voyadge to East India in ye shipp
" Concorde", Capt^ Roger Kilvert, commander.
Ralph Hodgkines, his booke. 1659 to 1660.
63. Journal and Log from Bantam homewards, 1661.
64. A Jornall beegon and kept by me, Edward Newell,
master's mate of y^ ship " London", bound to Ban-
274 CALENDAR OF SHIPS' JOURNALS
tam, 1661, with a bill of all the men that proceed the
voyage,
65. A Journall keept by William Basse in y^ good ship
" London", belonging unto y^ Hon^'® East India
Company; in a Voyaige to India. God Allmighty
dereckte us and steare our course in the year 1672.
66. A Journall kept by me, John Stead, of an intended
voyadge from Madras towards Bantam, in y® ship
"Triplekaine", her first voyadge in 1675. Also from
Bantam to Madras, and from Madras to England in
y° '' Suratt".
67. Journall of a passadge from Bantam to China in the
" Flying Eagle'^ in 1678 ; with instructions for
sailing from Batavia to Piscadore ; also, from Bantam
to Siam and Tonquin, 1680.
68. Journal of Captain Jonathan Hide in the " President",
1679 to 1681.
69. fLost.J
70. A Journal of a voyage from England to Bantam and
back, by Captain John Bowers. This is a very
meagre log, 1681.
71. Journal in the ship " Carolina", 1682 to 1683, John
Harding, commander.
72. Voyage to Bombay and Surat, 1683 to 1684, in the
" Massingberd'^, Captain Joseph Haddock.
73. fLost.J
74. Journal in the " Sampson", Captain E, Ledger, 1684,
to Surat and Gombroon. Kept by Abraham Mar-
toll, master's mate.
75. Journel kept by William Perse, in this my ninth voy-
age to India, begun in September 1686, on board
the " Bengali Merchant".
76. (Lost.J
77. Journal of Captain W. Heath, in the ship " Defence",
on a voyage to Fort St, George and Bencoolen.
PRESERVED IN THE INDIA OFFICE. 275
78. fLost.J
79. Nathaniel Ball, his book, 1688. Our westward vo3"age
to look out for skips expected home by the Honor-
able East India Company, in the ''John and Rachell'^
Robert Cox, captain.
80. Voyage to Fort St. George and Bengal, in the ship
" Chandos'^; a journal kept by John Bonnell.
81. A fragment much damaged by rats and damp. A jour-
nal from Bengal to Fort St. George. By Captain
John Willson. 1693.
82. A Journal by Captain John Lloyd, in the ship "Nassau",
bound for Surat and Persia. 107 i< to 1695.
83. Journal of the ship '' Benjamin", from St. Jago to-
wards Surat.
84. Voyage of the ship " Bull'^, belonging to the king of
Bantam, to Malacca and Madras. 1696.
85. Journal of the voyage of the frigate " Russell" to India,
in 1695..
86. fLostJ
87. Journal of the voyage of the ship '' Chambers", Cap-
tain T. South, to India, in 1695.
88. Journel of remarkable occurrences in the ship " Charles
II", kept by John Dorrill, commander, from England
to India and back. 1695 to 1698.
89. Journel of the ship " Sidney", from the Thames to Ben-
gal, kept by WilHam Gifford, commander. 1695 to
1698.
90. Journal of the ship '' Sampson" to Madras and Bengal,
kept by William Erie, commander, from 1696 to
1698. [He speaks of " the bay which the Dutch
call Table Bay, and some Englishmen erroneously
Saldania Bay".]
91. Journal of the ship "Madras", Captain Benjamin
Prickman, kept by Zachary Toucy, second mate, on a
voyage to Madras, in 1682.
276 CALENDAR OF SHIPS' JOURNALS
92. A voyage to Madras. A badly kept log. No ship men-
tioned. 1696.
93. Another copy of Benjamin Prickman's log, in the
"Madras". 1696.
94. A carelessly kept and incomplete log, kept on board
the ship "Amity'^ on the coast of Sumatra, in 1697.
95. A meagre and incomplete log of the voyage of the
ship " Thomas"^ to India, in 1698.
96. (Lost.)
97. Journal of the ship "Josiah" to Bengal, by Captain
Stratton. 1698 to 1700.
98. Journal of the voyage of the ship ''Fleet Friggotf,
kept by John Merry, commander. She was 280
tons, 22 guns, and 57 men. The voyage was to
Batavia and Amoy, in China.
99. (Lost.)
100. Journal of the voyage of the "London'^ Captain
George Matthew, from 1689 to 1701, to the Hugly.
On February 19th, 1700, the President, Sir Edward
Littleton, put on board his despatches in the Hugly.
101. Journal of a voyage to Fort St. George in the ship
" Neptune^', 1699, by John Lesly.
102. Account of the voyage of the ship '' Hampshire^', to
Cadiz, and thence to Bombay. 1699.
103. Invoice of goods on board the ''Macclesfield'^ galley,
Captain John Kerle, bound for China or India for
account of the Hon^i® East India Company (£25,036),
Captain Kerle (£400). A Journal of the voyage by
Robert Douglas, supercargo, to Canton. 1699.
104. Journal of a voyage in the ship "Antelope'^ Henry
Hammond, commander, 1699. Much worm-eaten.
105. A Journal kept on board the ship " Belfast", Captain
John Hudson, by Robert Hudson^ on a voyage to
Surat in 1699.
106. (Lost.)
PRESERVED IN THE INDIA OFFICE.
277
107. (Lost.)
108. (Lost.)
109. Journal of a voyage to Borneo in the ship ^' Julia", by
Charles Coatsworth. 1(599.
110. The ship " Trumball'^, sailing in ye Channel to Cadiz,
Java, Batavia, Amoy, Borneo, Chusan, and home.
1699 to 1702.
111. Journal of a voyage in the " King William", Captain
Braddyk, bound to Madras. 3 699 to 1701, Kept
by W. Goodfellow.
112. A journal of a voyage in the " King William". Much
damaged by damp.
113. (Lost.)
114. A voyage in the " Trumball" galley, to Borneo, com-
mander Henry Duffield. 1699.
115. A Journal of the voyage of the ship "Anna" to Ben-
gal. 1699 to 1701.1
' This finishes the logs in the seventeenth century. The first log
with a printed form and headings is No. 130 ; the voyage of the
" Samuel and Anna", Captain Reddell, 1702 to 1703.
H.
C.
W.
Obser-
vations.
Diff.
Lat.
Dep.
Lat.
Ace.
Mer.
Dist.
Long.
Ace.
JOURNAL
THE VOYAGE OF JOHN KNIGHT
TO SBEK
THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE,^
1606.
my most gracious and mercifull God, I do acknowledge that
I most myghtly oflFended thee.
The Jouniall of John Knight after he went from the Orcades or
Orkney, on the northe parte of Scotland, the 12th of
May, 1606, to seeke out the passage by the nor-
west betweene Gronland and America.^
' The manuscript of this Journal has escaped destruction, and is pre-
served in the India Office.
^ On another piece of paper, pasted on the back : —
"East India Companie.
"1606.
" 12 May, 1606, from Orkney or Orcadea, to seeke the
North-West Passage between Gronland and
America, in the shipp.
"No. 19."
See Threshold of the Unknown Region (4th Edition), p. 132 (note).
THE JOUENAL OF THE VOYAGE OF CAPTAIN
JOHN KNIGHT 1 TO SEEK THE NORTH-
WEST PASSAGE, 1606.2
Monday, the 12th May, I set saile from St. Margaret's
Sound in Orkney being 9 aclock in the morninge our
course West and be South, and at 8 o'clock at nyght the ^2 Ma^!
hill called Hoys bore west sotherly 11 or 12 leags and the
Stack S and by Est esterly : 3 leags and ^ the winde being
at Est South est.
Tuesday the 13th beinge for the most part callme and
somtymes a freshe gale of wind our course west and be
southe I a point southerly. This day I came by 2 small
Hands, the one of them called the Cleat, and the other is
1 Purchas adds " which had been at Groenland once before 1605 :
Captain of a pinnasse of the King of Denmarke."
2 Purchas (iii, p. 827, lib. iv, cap. xvi) gives extracts from this
Journal, and thirteen lines at the beginning, which have been lost from
the manuscript, as follows : —
"1 set sayle from Gravesend in a barke of 40 tunnes, called the
Hopewell, April 18, 1606, victualled and manned at the cost of the
WorshippfuU Companies of Muscovie, and the East India merchants,
for the discoverie of the N.- W. Passage ; and arrived the 26 of the same
month in the Isle of Orkney, in a Sound called Pentlefrith. Here we
were stayed with contrary winds at W. and N.W., and with much
storme and foule weather, about a fortnight. In which mean space I
entertained two men of this country, which are both lustie fellows at
sea and land, and are well acquainted with all the harbours of these
north parts of Scotland. These men brought us into a very good har-
bour called Saint Margaret's Hope, where we had the sea open to us for
all winds that are good for us to proceed on our voyage. In this country
we find little worthie of relation. For it is poore, and hath no wood
growing upon it. Their come is barley and oates. Their fire is turffe ;
their houses are low and unseemly without, and as homely within."
282 V01AGE OF CAPTAIN JOHN KNIGHT
^iTmLT' called tlie Rum.i They are distant 4 leages asunder. The
course betweene them is S.W. and N.Est. The Sothern-
most is called the Cleat, and is the lesser of the twayne. It
is distant from the North-Est part of the Lewis called the
Blinghed^ 7 leages and the course betwixt them is north-
west and south- est. Also this Blinghed is from the Farro
hed of the Heeland of Scotland west and be north ^ a
pointe westerly and is distant 17 leages. Also the course
between Blinghed and the norwest of the Lewis is west
and be south a point westerly ; and fayre lowe land smooth
w*^^out wood. Ther is good ridinge all alongst the shore the
winde being off the lande, and in some places very good har-
bors against all winds : from 8 to 12 at nyght 6 legs west
S West.
Wednesday. — The morninge we had a fresh gale of wind
est north est, our course sou-west and be west 2 bowers 5
Wednesday, leagus from 2 to 10 SW and E by S : 20 leagues from 10
14 May.
to 12 west sou west 6 leages ; lattytud at noone 58 degs.
27 min. E.L. 30 min. ampld 55 deg. from the est to the
norwards the observation mad in the morn.
From Wednesday at noone tyll Thursday at noone for the
Thursday, most prt. rayuo and fogg. The wind at newest and be est, our
course west | a point sotherly. Our latytud at noone being
Thursday 58 deg. 23 min.
From Thursday at noone 15th tyll Friday at noone being
the 16th our way mad west sotherly aboute 20 leagus : latty-
tud at noone 58 degs. 19 min. This nyght the wind was
some tymes variable betwixt the south and be west and
south est. with fayre weather, the magneticall declination
Friday, 16. 18 deg. height of the pole 58 deg. 10 min. also in the
morning the being 10 deg. above the horison was dis-
tant from the est to the northwards of the est 22 deg.
From Fryday at noone tyll midnyght lyttle wind sotherly
^ North Rona : the other North Barra.
^ Butt of Lewis.
TO SEEK THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 283
and some tymes callme : from mydnyght tyle 12 at noone
the next day a stife gale of wind at est nortliest this 24
howers our way judged to be made a good west some thinge Saturday,
sotherly 30 leagues. Latt at noone 58 deg. 10 min. allso
the did reise 50 degs. to the norwards of the est.
From Sattu^'day at noone being the 1 7. tyll Sunday at
noone being the 18th ou'' course west and be south a stife
gale of wind esterly. 50 leas, being close wether noe obser- Monday, the
vation of the lattytued.
From Sonday at noone being the 18th tyll Monday at
noone the 19th stood away west and west and be sowth
amongst havinge a storme at est and be north : our course ^^g^g-^*
west and southerly 50 leag.
From Monday at noone being the 19th tyll mydnyght Tuesday,
corse west and southerly and from that tyll noone west and
be northe and west amongst. I judged we sayled 40 leas
this 24 howers being for the most prt. foggie : lattytud at
noone 57 deg. 50 min.
From noone 20th being Teusday to noone 21. be. Wedns-
day our course west and be north 45 leagues being foggie
wether and no observation^ here we had a current which I wedn^esday,
juge setteth to the northwards.
From Wednesday at noone to thursday at noone beinge
the 22, our course west and be north 50 leages with muche Thursday,
fogge and close wether and muche wind at no*" est and be
est.
From thursday at noone till midnyght o'" course west and
be north then the wind northed we tooke in our mayne Friday, 23.
course it blowing very much winde storme and rayne. I
spooned away with our fore sayle tyll Friday the 23rd,
the wind being at no"" no*" est I juged our course west south
west the 12 howers that I spooned, about 15 leagues and
sawe many gulls, and much rock weed.
From friday at noone tyll sattorday at noone the 24th I
juged our way to be made good southwest and by west butt
284 VOYAGE OP CAPTAIN JOHN KNIGHT
prooved west and be south rather westerly 20 leq,gues by
^the'^2i7* reason of a corrent that I juged setteth to the northwards
lattytud at noone 67 deg. 53 min. variable about a pointe to
the westwards this forenoone and all nyght the wind was at
northe a very hard gale, we spooned with our foresayle,
allso this forenoone we sawe much sea tange and rock weed.
From Sattorday the 24th at noone tyll Sunday at noone
being the 25, our course southed about 20 leagues the wind
Ssnday, 25, jjej^g northerly. This day we sawe much rockweed and
drift wood lattytud 57 degrees: varyatyon to the westwards
13 deg. thereabouts the beinge 5 deg. high in the mo'"n-
inge was 24 degrees to the northward of the est.
From Sonday at noone tyll 2 o'clock the next day in the
Monday, 26. morning being Monday the 26th of May our course west
north west our way made west and by north 20 leags
having a fresh gale at southest and be est then it fel callme
tyll 4 aclock then it blew an esy gale at west southwest we
stemminge no^'west and between that and no^" no est the
wind beinge variable, the wind freshed towards noone. This
morning we saw an owle.
From Monday at noone tyll 12 a clocke at nyght we had
by the wind westerly I judged our way made 8 leagues
Tewsday, north then it was callme tyll 4. The- next morning being
teusday the 27 then it blewe an esy gale sotherly till noone
our way I judged west and be north 5 leagues. This morning
we sawe many files and rockweed also I observed the
beinge 43 deg. 20 min. above the horison the being 42
deg. 20 min. to the southard of the west.
From tewsday at noone tyll 4 o'clock it was calme then it
^th^ls?^^' blewe a fresh gale esterly our course west and be north tyll
sonsett then I observed the ampletud and found it to
sett 29 deg. to the westward of the northe. This nyght and
all day we had very black water. We contynewed the sotherly
course tyll 2 aclock the next morninge being Wednesday
the 28th. The sea water seemed brownishe and as thik as
TO SEEK THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 285
pudle. Then the wind cam northerly our course for the
most part west and be north 24 leagues from noone to
noone our way made good, the lattytud at noone 57 deg. 57
min. va'". 14|. This day we had black water and many
overfalls stremleches and setts of currents, as it seemed to Wednesday,
the 28th.
thr northwards and som to the westward, the wind north-
erly. I judged our way to be made from noone tyll midnyght
15 leagues west and be north and from mydnyght tyll noone
beinge Wednesday, the 28.
From Wednesday at noone tyll 4 aclock the next morniner Thursday,
J J to 29.
south west and be north 10 leagues then it began to blowe
a storm at est southest our course as before tyll noone. 1 6
leagues being close and foggie wether being thursday the
29th of May I6O6.1
From thursday at noone tyll 4. in the afternoone our
coorse west and be north 10 leagues then we tooke in our
sayles and spooned with our fore course tyll mydnyght then
we made more sayle and so contynewed our course tyll
noone 30 leagues being fryday the 30th of May our latty-
tued found 58 deg. Here it seemed that we were in a tyd-
gate which I judged to sett north and southe, or itt was the
eddy corrent of which we sawe yesterdaye, allso we sawe Fryday, the
white fowles which cheped lyke sparrow haucs, also we sawe
dryvinge many dead cuttels.^
From fryday at noone tyll 2 o'clock the next morninge. Itt
was calme then it blewe an esy gale at est southest being
sattorday the 31st of May. the beinge 50 deg. above the
horyzon I found it to be 27 deg. to the estward of the Sattorday,
southe. Agayne in the afternoone the sonn being 50 deg. high
he was distant from the south to the westward. 51 deg. At
noone he was 55 deg. 6 m.: hight of the pole 58 deg. 3 min.:
varyatyon 24 deg. our waye this 24 howers not above 6 lea-
gues west, being lyttle wind for the most prt.
' All this page omitted by Purchas.
2 Purchas has " dead cows".
Si
fi
286 VOYAGE OP CAPTAIN JOHN KNIGHT
From Sattorday at noone tyll 2 aclock itt was calme then
oTiday the it began to blowe an esy gale at northe. At night I observed
June, 1606. ^-^q © setting and found it to sett 21 deg. to the westward
of the northe, the wind continuing varyable betwixt the
northe and the west no,.west tyll noone beinge the first of
Son day the June. Then I found us by observatyon to be in the lattytud
June, 1606. Qf 57 ^Qg' 35 min. our waye judged from noone to noone
west and be southe or thereabouts 13 leagues,
whyt From Sonday at noone being whittson sonday tyll 10
aclock the same evening it was calme. Then it began to blow
Monday, a stife ffalo of wind at south southest our course west tyll
the 2. o *'
noone. The next day being monday the 2nd day 23 leagues.
This day we sawe many black byrds like willocks flyinge in
fleets or companys together.^
Tewsday, From Monday at noone tyll 11 aclock the next day being
tilG o.
Tiie first Ice the 3. of June our course west and be southe. Then we met
t'siit they iPTOi'Ti- i/-\ T T
eawe. the fyrst ise, the wind being at southe. Our way made good
30 leagues. At noone I met with a mayne land of Ise that
forced me to cast aboute.^
From tewsday at noone tyll 4 aclock I stemed way.est
Liore ise. south est. Then I cast about hopinge to doble the ise to the
Southward but before 8 we fell with itt agayne. Then I
stood est till 4 the next morninge then I stood in
wednsday, agayne with porpose to coste the ise to the southwards
More Ice. hoapiug to dubel it that way by reason of the sotherly
winds and also I judged it to be Ise dreven from the sother-
land, which lyeth in b6h so I trended the ise southe and be
west about 8 leagues. Lattytud at noone 56 deg. 40 min.
being wednsday the 4th of June.
From wednsday at noone I costed the ise to the south-
Thursday, ward bctwlxt the S.S.W. and the south tyll. 4. aclock. the
the 5. _ •^
next morning. I had sayled in this course aforesayd by judg-
' Guillemots. 2 Off Cape Farewell.
3 Purchas omits much in this page, especially the meution of meeting
the first ice.
TO SEEK THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 287
ment. 16 leagues. Then the ise trended away est southest.
then I cast aboute and at six aclock ther seemed an Inlet or
openinge of the ise where into I bore which course for the
most parte tyll. 8. Then it fell awaye more northerly our
course as nere as we could norwest : latt at noon 56 deg.
The O 22| high, the varyation 30 deg. by the instrument
and 26 degs. by the scale.
From thursday noone our course amongst the ise for the
most part no'^west about 6 leagues tyll 5 in the afternoone
then it fell starke calme tyll 7. Then it blowe an easy gale
at westj so I torned to windward hopinge to get througge Ffiyday,
betwixt the land and the Ise. At noone I observed and found
us to be in the latytud of 56 deg. 6 min. being friday the
6th of June.
From fryday at noone tyll 8 at nyght I plyed to the west-
wards, in att one gapp or stray t and owt at another, the
wind being westerly, fayre weather. Then in the morninge
the wind cam esterly, then I steered away betwixt the west sattorday,
and the northe as I kold for the ise which lay very thick.
All the forenoone was very thick and foggie weather, tyll
by observation I found us to be in the latytud of 56|, our way
mad good this 24 howers as nere as I could Judge no^'west,
being satorday the 7th of June.
From sattorday at noone tyll sonday at noone, beinsf isegr^atiy
•^ , '' "^ ' iD troubled
the 8 of June, all this 24 howers we were so pestred with '^'^s™-
ise that we wer twise so inclosed about with ise that we were
fayne to take in all our sayles and sett out agayne with our
sparrs and boat hooks, and sometymes when we got a lyttle
poole we rowed and somtymes we sayled, and in the end by
Gods guydence and ower great labor gott into a place mor Sonday,
clere where we myght use sayles. Here as it seemed the ise
drove to the westwards.^
From Sonday at noone tyll monday at noone I torned ise.
' Nearly all this page, with the account of Knight's battling with
the ice, is omitted by Purchas.
288
VOYAGE OP CAPTAIN JOHN KNIGHT
Monday,
the 9.
Overfalles
and Cur-
rants.
Tewsday,
the 10.
Ise.
He trended
away nor
west.
Wednsday,
the 11.
Sonne sett
& ryse.
Thursday,
the 12.
The Ise
trended
nor est.
from one banke of ise to another to the esstwards, to the
end to stand more north erly^ hoaping by that means to gett
a free sea to oost of America.
From Monday at noone tyll 8 o'clock it was for the most
part callme. Then itt began to blowe an easy gale sotherly
and allso about 3 aclock we fell into many overfalls or cur-
rents which as neer as I cold juge did sett away sowthe west.
About 10 aclock it blew a stife gale of wind at south-south
westj our course for the most pte no^ no"" west, this nyght
we wer trobbled with much drift ise^ and about 5 in the
morninge I stered away no^ west al a longst a mayne banke
of ise tyll noone, being tewsday the 10th of June^ our latty-
tud 57 deg. allso I made accompt we had some land to the
estward of us, the wind beinge att southe southest clere
weather.
From tewsday at noone T costed the ise till 7 aclock nor
and be est 8 legs. Then it trended no'"west westerW 2 leagues
being 8 aclock from 8 to 12. I costed itt 8 legs, with a stife
gale of wind, then the ise trended away nor nor est^ and I
contynewed my course betwixt the no^'the and the norest
and be est tyll noone, beinge the 11th June ower lattytud at
noone 58, and at nyght the did sett 14 deg. to the west-
wards of the northe, and did rise 50 deg. to the estwards of
the north. ^
From wednsday at noone tyll 2 aclock our course northe
alongst the ise then the ise seemed to trend away norest, and
agayne at this place seemed somewhat thin or skatred. I made
in with the ship having a fayre gale of wind and fayre weather,
the wind being at southwest and be southe, our course for
the most prt west and be southe bearinge up for one ise and
loofing^ for another tyll thursday at noone beinge the 12th,
the beinge 30 deg. above the horison. He was to tbe
southwards of the est 22 deg. allso agayne he beinge 42
deg. he was 48.40 to the southwards of the est, so by
' All this page is omitted by Purchas. ^ Luffing.
TO SEEK THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 289
workynge the varyatyon of the compas is found to be to the '^'^® Sonne.
westward of the southe, havinge latytud 58 deg.
From thursday at noone our course amongst the ise west Theymored
tyll 6 aclock, then it blewe a hard gale of winde. The aniiaudof
ise being very thick about us we tooke in our sailes Ffryday,
and mored to a mayne iland of ise, where we remayned
tyll 4 the next morninge, being fryday the 13th of
June. Then the ise seemed to be dispersed thiner by the
wind or som other axident, then I sett saile with our 2
courses but was forced to take them in ao^ayne and raored Theymored
o '' agayne.
to another great iland aboute a myle to the westward of
the other : here setteth some small corrent to the south-
ward, for the great ise that wer somwhat deepe drove to
the south westward, and the other small ise, which wer
flotye drove with the wind which was varyable betwixt the
nor west and the northe. We were in syght of laud which
bore west. s. west from us, shewinge in 7 pts lyke ilands. The first
Our latytud at noone 57 degs. 29 min.
From fryday at noone tyll 8 aclock at nyght we remayned Momi
mored to the aforesayd Ise then it fell calme, and 1 losed aud ise-
rew^ to the westward with our oares, hoaping to gett through
tyll 12 aclock, then the ise wer thick. I mored agayne till
4 aclock the next morninge. Then we rowed and sayled and
with an esy gale of wind tyll 8 aclock the next morninge,
beinge sattorday the 14th of June. Then it began to blowe Sattorday,
a fresh gale esterlye aud we cuned the ship with our ores
tyll noone. Our lattytud was 58 deg.
From satordaye at noone tyll mydnyght we gyded our
shipp to the westward amongst the ise with our ores, hoapin
to get through, butt we wer sodaynly compassed about with ^Pvf*^f^'
many great ilands of ise, and continewed sore^ distressed The ship
greatly
with a sore storm e of winde at sonthest, being: foo-ie and cra^^i^ed
' o o betweene
thick wether, that we were so crushed betwixt myghtye Jse"'^'*°*
great Ilands that we were in danger every minet to be
' Itowed. - ruiclius has "so" histead of "soro".
290 VOYAGE OF CAPTAIN JOHN KNIGHT
crushed in peeces with force of the heaving and setting of
the sayd ise with the great sea that the wynd made, had nott
God of his mercy guyded for us, for ower^ did lyttle avayle
to o' helpe, thoughe we shewed all our industreys to the
uttermost of our powers.
From sonday at noone tyll monday the 16 th at 6 in the
morninge we remayned as before, and seeing orselves in so
great danger knew not how longe the storme wold con-
tinew. Committing our selves into the hands of God we sett
or flu sayle and forced the shipp with a sayle some ise
Monday, ^0 drovc afore us, and we run betwixt and about tenn
the 16. '
Myssery in aclock we fouud the iso skattringe somethinge thinn, then
ye Ise. .
I dii'eckted my course so nere as I could west no'' west.
Thus God of his mercy guyded for us when we looked for
nothinge butt a myserable end, to whom be all pi-ayse and
glory for ever more.^
From monday at noone tyll tewsday at noone, the
wind was variable betwixt the no'the and the est. I
Tewsday, mad my waye good soe nere as I cold to the west no west,
for the Ise was somtymes thicker than ever. At about
Tiieyrship g o'clock at nyght, bein^e verv lyttle winde, we fell
beinge on ./o.'d^'./ j
ise^they"*^ fowlo of an Hand of ise which I found very dorty and fowle
stepf and ^"^^ going upon itt to fend off o^ shipp we found the foot-
ofauinand iugs of men and chilldren and the footings of cattle as cows
eattell and ., - , . n -\ c • m t
dogs. or dere and the prints of dogs footings. This day was very
thick foggie weather.
From tewsday at noone our course as before amongst the
ise tyll 4 in the afternoone, then the ise was so thick encom-
wednsiiay, passed abouto us that we cold nether rowe nor mak any
tlie IS. ■^
110. fedam waye with or sayles and there continewed tyll noone, beinge
and whyt wednsday the 18th of Junc : beino-e fo^ie wether here the
Shell. o o
sea was so smothe, althoughe it blewe a very hard gale of
> A word omitted. Purcluis inserts "endeavours", and otherwise
alters Captain Knight's wording.
^ All this omitted by Purchas, as well as the following sentence.
TO SEEK THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. 291
windj that I cold persayve no mosion of the sea. Then
sounded and had ground at 110 fadom green ozi sand and a
kind of whit shell amongst.
From wednsday at noone tyll 4 aclock we contynewed as La^f^ of
*' *' America in
before aboute whych tvme we mad the land of America ^^- ^egres.
*' '' _ Thursday,
wh ryseth like ilands. The northernmost parte of it bore ^^■
no"" and be west abowte 15 legs, from us. I observed the
lattytud and found my sellfe to be in the lattytud of 56 deg.
48min.var 25deg.west.^ The land shewinge as here followeth
* * * *
This present tyme cam an esy gale of wind sotherly then I
sett sayle and thrust throughe the Ise.
From thursday at noone tyll fryday at noone we sayled
and rowed what we cold into the shore, the ise being some Ffryday,
' _ o the 20.
tyraes very thick and some tymes more skattringe.
From fryday at noone tyll 6 aclock we had the ise reson- '''nc^e^eThe
able clere that we cold mayntayne a resonable saile so that couui'not
at 6 aclock I gott cloase into the shore but I could nott
enter any harbor by reson of a wonderfull masse of ise Sattorday,
choked them upp : here I sounded and had 55 fadom beinge 55 fadam.
fowle ground. Then I costed the shore and Ise close
abord to the norwards and sometymes lay to with our
niayn course tyll the next day at noone beinge sattorday the
21st June^ and abte. 8 aclock at nyght I came to an anckor
in 18 fad. (Line erased.) is fadam.
This day we runn aground upon a rock which lay under sattorday,
water, butt by Gods helpe we gott off agayne w'^'^outt any Theyranon
greater hurte. Allso this nyght we gott our shallope upon der water;
. they sptt
an islande with purpose to sett her together. This day to- ti^eir shai-
wards night we had a sore winde at 55. est. but before mid- an^ijand"
nyght it was calme, allso all this coste showeth like broken
' Near Naia, on the coast of Labrador. Probably about Port Man-
vers and Newark Island. Barrow places the site of Knight's disaster
near Cape Grimington. On the 9th of the following July, Captain
Knight's old comrade, James Hall, sighted this coast in latitude 58° 30'
N., when on his second Greenland voyage.
292 VOYAGE OF CAPTAIN JOHN KNIGHT.
■^/land^ ^^^^ °^ ilands and the tyde of flood cometh from the no""-
fludfrom waras.
tva*!rd/"^ Son day the 22 th we road still with fay re wether, and the
Sonday, the .
22 of June, wind no'^therly.
1606. *'
Monday the 23rd in the morninge aboute one aclock the
wind began to blowe a freshe gale and then drove a myghty
^he 23'^' Hand of ise thwarte our halse, which we could no ways
They force sliunn butt was forsed to let slip in the halse and with fasts
ye Ship in-
to a Cove. an(j cables to warpe into a cove to save our shipp and lyves
where we rid very dageresly all this daye and nyght fol-
lowinge.-^
'^thl^2i^' Tewsday the 24th all the morninge there blewe a storme
They are northerly, and came in such a sufe. of a sea and so muche
forced to
pave their ^gg ^}^a|; our fasts broake that wer fast a shore and our
clothes, fiir-
vfcuieTsT*^ rother was dreven from our stern with the force of myghty
fuii^of ^ ^ Ilands of Ise, soe that we were forced to hall cloase into the
Tewsday, bottom of the covo to savo our clothes fornyture and vick-
tualls. We did or best, butt before we had donn our shipp
was halfe full of water : beinge nyghte and weary we tooke
a lyttle rest.
^ac^round: Wednesday the 25th we went to worke when the ship was
Leaks. ^ aground to gett the water out of the shipp and stopp so
many of our leaks as we cold com by, and to savinge of our
tiie^is^^' bread so much as we cold, and som to bilding our shallop.
Also I caused our boate to be lanched over the iland and
''^p^hT^'^ sent my mat Edward Gorrell with 3 others to soke for a
°^' better place wher to bringe' our ship a ground, if itt wer
possible, to mend her agayne, but they retorned without any
certanty by reason of the abowndance of ise which choaked
TngonttiT' ^very place. They found wood growinge on the shor.^
6 ore Thursday the 26, beinge faire wether.
' All omitted by Purchas from Friday, the 20th.
* The two last paragrajihs are given in Purchas.
DEATH OF CAPTAIN KNIGHT. 293
[POSTSCRIPT.!]
" Here Mr. Knight ended writinge in His Jornall, and
this 26 day of June 1606 the said Knight, his mate/ his
brother, and 3 others, went into their shallop, and rowed to
an Hand about 6 myle from their ship. Comeng to the iland
the said Knight, his mate, his brother and
went a shore, takinge with hym a compas and other instru-
ments, to take a plat of the land : also they toke with them
swords daggs muskets and halfe pykes to defend them from
the enernyes yf they should meete with any. They went
a shore about 10 of the clocke in the mornenge, command-
inge the other 2 whom they left in the shallop wherof the
trumpeter was one, to tarry there for them until 3 aclock in
the afternoon: whiche attendance they performed, and.
stayed untill 11 aclock at nyght as they say, for neither that
night nor at any tyme after, notwithstanding they sent a
shore agayne and used their best means untill they were
assalted by the salvages, could they either see, hear, or
understand what was become of ye said Mr. Knight or the
others that went a shore w^** hym.^^^
> In a different hand, being the same as that of the marginal notes.
=* Edward Gorrell.
' Purchas has a much longer postscript than the one attached to
Knight's MS. Journal (iii, p. 839). This statement in Purchas was
made by Oliver Brownel, one of the two boat-keepers who were left in
the shallop, when the captain and the others landed. On Saturday, the
28th, while the crew were pumping out and repairing the ship, a crowd
of natives came over a hill and seized the boat. They were but eight
men and a great dog ; but when the natives saw them marching reso-
lutely against them, the dog being foremost, they ran away. They
numbered about fifty men. They were very little people; tawny-
coloured, thin or no beards, and flat- nosed. On the 29th, the crew con-
tinued the repairs, and on the 30th they got the ship afloat, but she was
very leaky and without a rudder. On the 1st and 2nd of July they
294 DEATH OF CAPTAIN KNIGHT.
rowed up and down among the ice. They managed to construct a
temporary rudder, with pintels made out of the iron bands round the
captain's chest ; and got out of the bay. Next day they cleared the
hold, and found many leaks, and one large one abaft the forefoot, which
they could not stop from inboard. So they took their main bonnet,
basted it with oakum (thrummed it), and passed it over the leak out-
side. They were worn out with watching and hard work. They steered
for Newfoundland, and repaired the ship in the bay of Fogo ; receiving
kind aid from vessels that were fishing there. Sailing on the 22nd of
August, they arrived at Dartmouth on the 24th of September, 1606.
"The rest of the journall, from the death of Master John Knight, wag
written by Oliver Browne, one of the Company." There is a mark like
the beginning of an ^ following the e in Browne, in all the copies of
Purchas.
A LIST
OF
SHIPS OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY^
(employed during the seventeenth century).
EEFEEEyCB.
Advice (1615) . . , . C. i.
Anna (1699-1701) . . , .277
Anne Royal (1617), 900 tons. Andrew Shilling,
master. Wm. Baffin, master's mate . 268 (n.)
„ (1620), wrecked near Gravesend . . C. ii.
Antelope (1699). Captain H, Hammond . . 276
Ascension (1600), 260 tons. Captain William Brand.
Lancaster's first E.I.C. voyage . 57, 58, 126
„ (1604). Captain Roger Stiles. Middleton's
second E.I.C. voyage . . .P.
„ (1608). Captain Sharpeigh. Fourth E.I.C.
voyage. Shipwrecked . 120, 125, 128
Attendant (1614) . . . .P.
Bear (1618). The Merchant Royal's name altered to
tlie Bear, 1619, sailed . . . C. ii.
„ „ To be called the White Bear. 1620, burnt
by the Dutch . . . C. ii.
Bear's Whelp, with Bear and Benjamin. 1596, sent
to China under Captain Wood, but never
returned . . . . C. i.
> The numbers refer to pages in the present volume, where manuscript
journals in the India Office are mentioned. C. i and ii indicate that
the ship is mentioned in the first or second volume of the Calendar of
State Papers (East India), and P that it is mentioned in Purchas.
Many of those in the present volume are also given in Purchas and in
the Calendars.
296 LIST OF SHIPS OF
J?ee (1617). A pinnace, 150 tons . . 268
Bdfast CI 699). Captain John Hudson . .276
Benjamin ..... 275
Blessing (1616) . . . .271
„ (1629). Journal of Andrew Warden . 272
Bull (1616), 400 tons. Captain Robert Adams 268, 270
Carolina (1682). Captain John Harding . . 274
Chambers (1695). Captain T. South . . 275
Chandos. Journal of John Bonnell . . 275
OAarZes (1618). Journal of Henry Crosby . 268
„ (1629). Journal of Nicholas Prin . . 272
Charles II (1695). Captain John Dorrill . . 275
Christopher (1616) .... 271
Claiv (1620) . . . . C. II.
Clove {IQU). Captain Saris. Eighth E.I.C. 200, 264 (ik)
,, (1616). Journal of John Borden . . 267
Coaster (1633). John Muckrell's Journal . 27)^
Concord (1614) . . . .P.
,, (1659). Captain Roger Kilvert. Ralph
Hodgkiue^s Journal . . . 273
Consent (1607), 1 1 5 tons. In the third E.I.C. voyage 108
„ ,, Captain David Middleton . . P.
„ (1609). To be sold . . . C. i.
Darling (1610), 90 tons. In the sixth E.I.C. voyage 145,
149, 169, 174, 177, 180, 182, 200, 208, 215, 221
Defence {IQ} 4}). Journal of John Monden . 266
„ (1616) . . . .P.
„ (1686). Captain W. Heath . . 274
Diamond (UlS). Built at Deptford . . 268
Discovery (1616). Journal of John Vian . 271,272
Dolphin (1621). Journal of Richard Swanley . 270
Dragon (1600), 600 tons. Lancaster's ship. First
E.I.C. voyage . . 57, 58, 9^
Dragon (Red) (1604). Sir H. Middleton's ship.
Second E.I.C. voyage . . P.
THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. 297
Dragon (Bed J. Captain Keeling's ship. Third E.I.C.
voyage . . . 108, 111, 113
„ „ On the tenth E.I.C. voyage. 234,236,243,249,265
Eagle (1620) . . . 269, 271
„ (1644). Captain Thomas Stevens. Journal
of Antonio Fenn . . .273
Edward Bunaventure. Lancaster's ship on the first
voyage . . . 4, 13, 26
Elizabeth (1618), 978 tons . . 268, 270
Exchange (1620). Journal of Richard Swanley . 269
Expedition (1609). Captain David Middleton P., C. i.
„ (1618). Journal of John Rowe. Voyage from
Surat to Jask . . . 268
,, (1612). Captain C. Newport.. Journal of
Walter Payton . . .P.
Falcon (1644) . . . .273
Fleet Frigate {U9^). Captain John Merry . 276
Flying Eagle (1678). Voyage from Bantam to China 274
Fortune (1621). Robert Burgess, master . . 270
Gift (see New Year's Gift).
Globe (1610). Captain Hippon. Seventh E.I.C.
voyage .... 253
God Speed {\Q20). Junk, of 50 tons . . C. ii.
Great Thames {1624). Journal of Richard Monck . 271
Guest (1600). A victualler in Lancaster's fleet.
Abandoned at sea . . . 58, 61
Hampshire (1699) .... 276
Hart {1620). Captain Rd. Blith. In Shilling's fleet. 268,269
„ (1622). Journal of John Bickley . . 270
Hector (1600), 300 tons. Captain J. Middleton. First
E.I.C. voyage . . 56, 58, 99, 103
„ (1604). Second E.I.C. voyage. Captain Col-
thurst . . . .P.
J, (1606). Third E.I.C. voyage. Captain Haw-
kins . . . 103,109,111
298 LIST OF SHIPS OP
Hector (1611). Eighth E.I.C. voyage. Captain
Towerson. In Captain Saris's fleet. 200, 216, 217,
221, 222, 266
„ (1613). Second Joint-Stock voyage. Cap-
tain Downton . . .P.
„ (1614). Sunk at Bantam, careening . P.
Hinde (1644). William Broadbent. Voyage from
Surat to Macao . . ' .273
Ho2:>e (1618). Captain H. Carnaby. Journal of E.
Dodsworth . . . 265, 266, 268
Hopewell {1627). Journal of Peter Andrewes . 272
„ (1644). Journal of Wm. Broadbent . 273
„ Arctic ship (1606) of Captain Knight 281 {n.)
Hoseander (1612). Tenth EI.C. voyage. Journal
of Kalph Crosse. 220, 235, 236, 237, 243, 247,
249, 251, 260, 261, 265
Hound (1618). Wm. Gordon, master. 1619, taken
by the Dutch . . . C. ii.
James (1611). Ninth E.I.C. voyage. Captain E.
Marlowe . . . .216
James Boyal (1616). Rowland Coytmore, master . P.
„ (1624). Journal of Robert Fox . 267,271
John and Rachel (1688). Captain R. Cox. Journal
of Nathaniel Ball. Relieving homeward
bounders .... 275
Jonas (1621). Journal of Richard Swanley 270, 271
Josiah (1698-1700). Captain Stratton . . 276
/iiZm(1699). Charles Coatsworth, Voyage to Borneo 277
Kempthorne^ (1690).
King William .... 276
• Not from any of the sources hitherto quoted. But in an old pocket-
book in the British Museum, belonging to Ursula Lady Altham, daughter
of Sir Robert Markham of Sedgebrook (1691), there is an entry to the
effect that her brother Robert died on board the ship Kempfhorne, in
the Bay of Bengal, aged 22, on August 25th, 1690.
THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.
299
).
Lannarett (1614). Consort of the Falcon . » 273
Lesser James (1621). John Wood, master . 270
Lion (1614). The ship in which Sir J. Roe went out
to India
„ (1621)
London (I (j20). Captain Shilling. Journal of Archi-
bald Jemmison
„ (1639). Journal of James Birkedall
„ (1689-1701). Captain George Matthews
Macclesfield (1699). Captain John Kerle. Journal
of Robert Douglas
Madras (1682). Captain Benjamin Prickman. Jour-
nal of Zachary Toucy .
Mary (1627). Journal of Peter Andrewes
„ „ William Bayley .
Massingberd (1683). Captain Joseph Haddock
Merchant Royal. In Lancaster's first voyage (see Bear
Merchants^ Hcpe (1613). Captain Nicholas Emsworth
Moon (1618). Journal of Richard Braggo
„ (1621)
Nassau (1693). Captain John Lloyd
Neptune (1699). Journal of John Le.sly .
New Year's Gift (1614), 800 tons. Captain Downton
Returned 1616
„ (1617). In Captain Pringle's fleet .
Osiander (see Hoseander).
PaZs^raye(1618), 1083 tons. Captain Charles Clevenger
„ (1621). Sailed from Firando, to cruise off
Manilla ....
„ (1632). Richard Forder's Journal
Penelope. Captain Raymond. Lancaster's first
voyage ....
Peppercorn (1610). Captain Downton. In the sixth
E.IC. voyage. 145, 147,152, 153,166, 168 to 171,
172, 185, 201, 202, 203, 209,
216, 221, 222, 226, 227, 263
P.
270
268
273
276
276
275
272
273
273
P., C.I.
268
270
275
276
P., C. I.
268
268
270
273
4,26
300
LIST OF SHIPS OF
Peppercorn (1614). Captain Walter Peyton . P.
„ (1621). At Firando . . . C. ii.
President (1679). Captain Jonathan Hide . 274
Reformation (1629) . . . .272
Relief. Name given to Sir H. Middleton's pinnace
in the sixth voyage . . . 182
Richard (1621), 20 tons. A small vessel employed
to explore about the Cape . . 270
Roebuck (1620). Captain Richard Swan. In Captain
Shilling's fleet . . 268, 269
Rose (1626). Took out Sir Robert Sherley, Sir Dod-
more Cotton, etc., to Persia.
Rose. A small vessel employed as the Richard.
Royal James (1624). Captain John Weddell. Jour-
nal of Robert Fox
Ruby (1618) . . . .
Russell (1695). Frigate
Samaritan (1614). Consort of the Thomas
Samuel. A victualler for the sixth E.I.C. voyage.
Sampson (1619). Captain Jourdain. Taken by the
Dutch
Scout (1624). A small pinnace .
Sea Adventure (1617). Captain Adams's junk. Jour
nal of Edward Sayer
Solomon. Ship in the Pernambuco voyage 35
„ In the tenth E.I.C. voyage
Spie (1624). A small pinnace
Speedwell (1614)
Starre (1622)
„ (1624)
Sun (1617). Wrecked in 1619
Supply
Susan (1600), 240 tons. In Lancaster's first E.I.C
voyage . . .58, 84, 98
Swan (1616). Captain Nathaniel Courthorp . P.
271
268
275
P.
C. II.
271
267
37,38
228
271
P.
C. II.
271
C. II.
C. II.
THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. 301
Thomas (1611). A ship in Captain Saris's fleet. 200, 205,
209, 216, 221
„ (1614). Journal of John Milward . . . P.
„ (1698) . . . .276
Thomasine (1614). Consort of the Thomas . P.
Tiger (1604). Sir Edward Michelborne & John Davis P.
Tiger's Whelp. Consort of the Tiger.
Trade's Increase (1610), 1000 tons. Sir H. Middleton.
Sixth E.I.C. voyage. 145,147,150,172,209,211,216
,, Burnt by the Javans, after being abandoned . P.
Triplecaine {I67b). Journal of John Stead . 274
Trumhall (1699 to 1702) . . .277
Unicorn (1617). Wrecked in 1620 . . C. ii.
Union (1608). Fourth E.I.C. voyage. Captain Rd.
Rowles . . 120, 1-26, 160, 161
. C. II.
. 270
Unity (1619)
Whale (1621)
White Bear (see Bear)
William (1616)
William and Ralph. Name changed to Starre.
271
INDEX.
Abd-al-Kuri, island, 116
Abexin, coast {see Abyssinian)
Abyssinian coast, ships of the sixth
voyage anchored off, 176, 182, 184
Achin, vi ; arrival of Lancaster at, 74 ;
reception by the king, 75 ; Queen
Elizabeth's letter to the king of,
78 ; negotiation, 79 to 83 ; the
King's letter and presents to Queen
Elizabeth, 94 to 97 ; ships of the
tenth voyage at, 248 ; entertain-
ments at 250, 254 ; war with Johore,
251, 253 ; the king in state, 256 ;
punishments at, 257 ; money and
weights, 258 ; account of, 259
Adams, Captain, voyage to Cochin
China, 267
Adams, Mr., the preacher, at Mr.
Traine's death-bed at Bantam, 218
Addy, Mr. {see Audely)
Aden, Captain Keelinge sails for, 118,
121 ; Captain Sharpeigh at, 122 ;
the "Peppercorn" at, 146, 148;
ships of sixth voyage at, 166 ; de-
scription, 166 ; blockade of, 200, 201
Agoa, Baia de, 17
Agoada de San Braa, 2
Agoada de Saldanha {see Saldanha)
Ahmedabad (Amedewar?), 240, 241,
265
Aldersley, Mr., arrives at the Down to
bring the " Peppercorn" up the
Thames, 226
Aldsworth, Mr., chief factor at Surat,
233, 245
Aloe, at Socotra, 117, 163? 166
Amboyna, 219
Amedevar (see Ahmedabad)
Amity, E.I.C. ship, 276
Audrewes, Peter, journal of in E.I.C.
ship " Mary" 272
Anna, E.I.C. ship, 277
Ann Royal, E.I.C. ship, 268 ; William
Baffin a master's mate in, 268 (w),
270 ; Walter Bennett, captain of,
270
Anne, Cape, in Greenland, xvii
Antelope, E.I.C. ship, 276
Autongil, Bay of (Madagascar), 66, 67,
68, 160
Antonio, Don, pretender to the Portu-
guese throne, 7
Arctic navigators {see Davis, Baffin,
Hall, Cunningham, Knight, Lin-
denow, Waymouth)
expeditions despatched by the
East India Company, xvii ; im-
portance of, xxi
Areta, capital of the King of Rohela,
179
Arnold, surgeon in Lancaster's first
voyage, death, 8
Articles for the tenth E. I. voyage,
228 to 233
AsabBay (or Margabra), 178, 182,184,
203
Ascension Isle, 106
Ascension, E.I.C. ship, in the first
voyage, iv, v, 57, 126 ; Captain
Brand, 58 ; on the fourth voyage, x,
120 ; anchored off Mocha, 123 ; lost
her anchors at Socotra, 125
Audely, Mr. (Addy), of Poplar, in the
Pernambuco voyage, 36, 43, 53
Austin, Howard, his journal in the
" Hart", 272
Bab el Mandeb, 200
Baffin, William, xvi ; in the " Ann
Royal", 268 (w) ; his death, 269
(«) ; his calculations for longitude,
xix
I Bagley, William, his journal in the
"Mary", 273
Bahama channel, 20
Baingham, Nicholas, a joiner belonging
to the "Hector", at Surat, 186;
joins Sir H. Middleton with pro-
visions, 192
Baker, John, death at Sana, 176
Ball, Nathaniel, journal of a cruise for
homeward-bounders, 275
Ball's River in Greenland, xx
Banda, 109, 141
Bangkok, 266
Banians, 185, 189, 240 (see Shermall)
Banning, Alderman, set forth the Per-
nambuco voyage, 35
Bantam, vi ; Lancaster at, 99 ; trade,
304
INDEX.
100 ; factor left at, 101 ; " Dragon"
at, 109 ; ships at, 216, 217 ; ware-
house built at, 218 ; death of Sir H.
Middleton at, 260 ; death of Cap-
taiu Downton, 227 («■)
Barbatiere, M. de, captain of a French
ship of Caen, succoured Lancaster,
20, 29, 32, 34
Barker, Lieutenant Edmund, i, ii ;
lands on the Malacca coast, 1 1 ; sent
to keep a Portuguese prize, 13 ;
lands at St. Helena, 17 ; lands on
Mona Isle, 21 ; came home in a
Dieppe ship, 23, 31 ; vice-admiral
in the Pernambuco voyage, 37, 43 ;
death, 54
Barker, Richard, boatswain of the
"Hoseander", killed in action, 237
Basse, William, journal of in the
" London", 274
Batavia, 274
Bee, E.I.C. ship, 268
Belfast, E.I.C. ship, 276
Beloule, on the Abyssinian coast, 182,
184
Bengala, 9, 85
Bengali Merchant, E.I.C. ship, 274
Benjamin, E.I.C. ship, 275
Bennett, Walter, captain of the "Ann",
270
Bermuda, 20, 33 ; shipwreck, 32, 33
Best, Captain Thomas, commander of
the tenth E.I.C. voyage, xiv, 228 ;
his "Articles" for the voyage, 228
to 233 ; his speech on board the
" Hoseander", 234 ; action with the
Portuguese fleet, 236, 237 ; consults
his crews, 239 ; aid to the Mogul
army in Katiwar, 241 ; receives a
firman at Surat for E.I.C. trade,
246 ; speech about division of plun-
der, 247 ; interview with the King
of Achin, 249 ; conversation with
the Siamese ambassador at Achin,
249
Beyneu, Lieutenant Koolenans, of the
Dutch navy, his account of Oliver
Brunei, xxi
Bickley,' John, his journal in the
"Hart", 270
Birkedell, James, his journal in the
" London", 273
Biskainer, a prize, 38
Biskell, John, captain of the " Dis-
covery", 272
Blaokwall, ii, xii, 56
Blanco, Cape, 1, 36, 37, 38, 40
Blessing, E.I.C. ship, 271, 2/2
Blitli, Cai)tain Richard, of the " Hart",
269
Boca del Dragon, 29
Bonnell, John, journal of, 275
Bonnell, Captain Stephen, of Lime,
brings aid to Captain Downton at
Waterford, 275
Boothby, Henry, hostage at Surat, 195
Borden, John, journal on board the
" Clove", 267
Borneo, 219
Bowers, Captain John, journal of, 274
Bradshaw, Mr. Samuel, merchant in
the union, 146, 161 ; journal, xi
Braddyk, Captain, of E.I.C. ship,
" King William", 277
Bragge, Richard, journal in the
"Moon", 268
Brand, Captain W., of the " Ascen-
sion", iv, 51 ; slain, 69
Brazil coast, 2
Braua Isle, 37
Bringa, a village 30 leagues north of
Cape Comorin {?), 247
Broadbeut, William, journal in the
" Holdwell", 273
Brownell, Oliver (see Brunei)
Brunei, Oliver, xix ; history of, xx ;
finished Captain Knight's journal,
293 (n)
Bull, E.I.C. ship, 268, 270 ; ship be-
longing to the King of Bantam, 275
Burgess, Robert, master of the " For-
tune", 270
Burnil Cape, in Greenland, xix
Burre, Margaret, daughter of Sir Henry
Middleton, v
Burre, Walter, printer of Sir Henry
Middleton's voyage, v
Burrell, Captain John, visits Captain
Downton at Waterford, 225
Buona Esperanza, Cape, 2, 4, 16, 17,
25, 28, 65, 105, 264, 265, 270
Caen, a ship for, in the West Indies,
20, 29, 32, 34
Caicos passage, 23
Calicut, 26, 27, 181 ; cargo of a ship
of, 201
Cambay, 187, 196, 241 ; "Ascension"
wrecked in Gulf of, xi, 128
Camerat or Cameran, 173, 184
Canarie, Islands, 1, 25, 36, 59
Cannicam, on coast of Arabia, 165
Canning, Mr. Paul, factor at Surat,
233 ; account of 233 (n) ; his news
of the Portuguese fleet, 234 ; reads
prayers on board the " Hoseander",
235 ; at the Mogul camp in Kati-
war, 240 ; courageous speech to the
Mogul general, 244 ; his gallantry
in action with the Portuguese, 244 ;
INDEX.
305
to convey presents to Agoa, 246 ;
news from at Agi-a, 252
Cape Blanco, 1, 36, 37, 40
■ Comorin, 9, 10, 184, 199, 208,
247
Dorfu, 116
Guardefui, 166
Saint Augustine, 40, 61, 111
San Nicolas, 31
Sebastian, 65
Verde, 1, 37, 145, 147, 152
Tiberon, 20, 30
Cape of Good Hope {see Buona Espe-
ranza). Captain Downton's account
of the country at, 158
Cardu Island, 70 (one of the Maldives)
Carolina, E.I.C. ship, 274
Carribas Isles, 163
Carwarden, an Englishman drowned
in Cochin China, 267
Cavendish, Captain, report on Sierra
Leone, 113
Chagos Isles, 70
Chambers, E.I.C. ship, 275
Chambers, John, quartermaster of the
" Trade's Increase", sent on shore
with a flag of truce, 175
Charles, E.I.C. ship, 268, 278
Charles II., E.I.C. ship, 275
Chidley (or Chudleigh), John, his
voyage, 19 (w)
Childe, Alexander, journal on board
the "James", 265
China, vi, 9
Christian II. of Denmark, xx
Christian Cape, in Greenland, xviii
Christian's Fjord, xix
Christopher, E.I.C. ship, 271
Choul, 123, 186, 198, 199
Chudleigh {see Chidley)
Cirne Isle, 65
Cloudie Isles, 21
Clove, E.I.C. ship of Captain Saris,
xiii, 200 ; journal on board, 267
Coaster, E.I.C. ship, 273
Coatsworth, Captain, journal in the
"Julia", 277
Cochin, 16, 123 ; ship of, taken by Sir
Henry Middleton, 198
Cochin China, 266, 267
Cockin Sound, in Greenland, xix
Cocks, Mr., merchant in Saris' fleet,
207
Coia, Nazan of Surat, 191, 192, 194,
195
Collenson, George, carpenter sixth
voyage, opinion of the seaworthiness
of the " Trade's Increase", 220
Colthurst, Captain of the " Hector",
second voyage, v
Comorin, Cape, 9, 10, 184, 199, 208,
247
Comoro Island, Lancaster waited for
Captain Raymond at, 4, 6, 26 ; Wil-
liam Mace slain at, 6, 21 ; Sharpeigh
at, 121, 126
Company {see East India)
Complain, Mr., chaplain in the tenth
voyage, 245
Concord, E.I.C. ship, 273
Consent, ship in the Pernambuco
voyage, 35 ; in the third voyage
with David Middleton, xi, 108
Copenhagen, xviii, xix
Cork, 225
Corney, Mr. Bolton, editor of Sir
Henry Middleton's voyage, v ; his
remark on the method of abridging
adopted by Purchas, vii
Cotton, Captain, death at Pernambuco,
54
Cox, Captain Robert, cruising to re-
lieve homeward-bounders (1688), 275
Crosby, Henry, his journal on board
the "Charles", 268
Crosse, Ralph, purser in the " Hose-
ander" on the tenth voyage, journal,
xiv, 228, 265 ; met by Mr. Dods-
worth at the Cape, exploring, 265
Cumberland, Earl of, adventurer of
the East India Company, ui ; sold
his ship, " Malice Scourge", to the
Company, iv
Cunningham, Captain, commander of
Danish expeditions to Greenland,
xviii, xix
Cunningham,Mount, in Greenland, xviii
Dabul, ship of, at Mocha, 177; E.LC.
fleet at, 197, 199, 200
Daman, fleet of the tenth voyage at, 238
Dame, Robert, master of the "Richard"
(20 tons, employed exploring at the
Cape), 270
Darling, E.I.C. ship in the sixth
voyage, xii, 145, 149 ; leaves Aden
for Mocha, 169 ; attempt to surprise
her, 174 ; sent to Mocha for news,
177 ; sent to Beilol, 182 ; escape of
Sir Henry Middleton to, 180 ; sent
to Socotra, 200 ; sent to Tiku, 206,
208 ; deaths on board, 208, 215 ;
Mr. Pemberton to command, 219 ;
careened, 221
Davies, David, journal of, in the " Dis-
covery", 271
Davis, Bartholomew, carpenter of the
" Trades Increase", sent to buy
timber at Surat, 194
Davis, John, the Arctic navigator, ii ;
306
INDEX.
bills of adventure for, iii ; chief pilot
of the first E.I.C. voyage, 84 ; sail-
ing directions by, 260 ; with Sir E.
Michelboine, death, vi
Davy, John, master of the "James" in
the ninth voyage, his journal, xiv
Defence, E.I.C. ship, 267, 274
Delishi, in Socotra, 117 ; the only safe
port in the island, 119, 185
Denmark, expeditions sent to Green-
land by, xviii
Diamond, E.I.C. ship, 268
Diego Rodriguez Isle, 65
Dieppe, ship of, 22
Discovery, journal of J. Vian in, 271,
272
Diu, 121, 123, 128, 150, 185 ; ship of,
seized at Mocha by Sir Henry Middle-
ton, 181 ; sailing directions to from
Socotra, 265
Dodsworth, Edward, his journal, xv,
265 ; goes to Ahmedabad to buy
indigo, 265 ; meets Crosse at the
Cape, 265
Dolphin, E.I.C. ship, 270
Dorfu, Cape, 116
Dorril, John, captain of the " Charles
II.", 275
Downton, Cajjtain Nicholas, second in
command of the sixth E.I.C. voyage,
xii, XV, 143, 152, 153; his journal,
xii, 263 ; his account of the country
at the Cape, 158, 159 ; disputes
with his officers about provisions,
164; his proceedings at Aden, 170,
171 ; goes to Mocha, 172 ; letter to
Sir Henry Middleton, 175 ; misun-
derstanding with Sir Henry Middle-
ton, 178, 179 ; attempts to cross the
bar at Surat, 187 ; blockades Aden,
200 ; sent to buy pepper in Sumatra,
209 ; condition of his ship, 212 to
214; sails for England, 221; at j
Waterford, 223 ; in prison at Dun-
cannon, 226 ; end of his voyage,
226 ; subsequent career and death,
227 in)
Douglas, Mr., supercargo of the
"Macclesfield", his journal (1699),
276
Dragon, on the first E.I.C. voyage, iv,
V, 57 ; Lancaster's ship, 58, 99 ;
Captain Keelinge's ship in the third
voyage, viii, i.x, 108, 109, 111, 113 ;
loses her anclions, 112 ; in the tenth
voyage, 2^(4 ; action with the Por-
tuguese fleet, 236 ; speech of Cap-
tain Best on board, 239 ; second
action with Portuguese, 343 ; insub-
ordinate conduct on bonrd, 249 ; ex-
tracts from journal kept on board,
265 ; Shakespeare's plays acted on
board, ix
Drake, Sir Francis, report on Sierra
Leone, 113 ; stone set up by at
Sierra Leone, 114
Drugs, samples of at Socotra, 116
Duftield, Captain Henry, of E.I.C.
ship "Trumbull", 277
Duncannou, conduct of the captain of
fort at, to Captain Downton, 224,
226
Eagle, E.I.C. ship, 269, 271, 273
East India Company, formed, ii, 57 ;
first fleet sails, iii, 58 ; grant of
charter, iii ; Sir Thomas Smith the
first governor, iii ; the journals and
other documents of entrusted to
Hakluyt, vi ; despatch of Arctic
expeditious by, xvii, xx ; grant of
finnan to, 244, 245
Edward Bonaventure, Lancaster's ship
in his first voyage, 4, 13, 26
Elizabeth, Queen, approval of the first
East India voyage, ii ; grant of a
charter to the Company, iii ; her
letter to the King of Achiu^ 78 ;
King of Achin's letter to, 95
Elizabeth, E.I.C. ship, 2()8 ; log of,
270
Elkington, Captain, his journal, xv
Elsmore, Richard, death of, at Sana, 176
Erie, Captain William, of the " Samp-
son", 275
Eskimo, xix
Esmond, Sir Lawrence, releases Cap-
tain Downton from the fort of Dun-
cannon, 226
Evans, George, seized by an alligator,
112
Exchange, E.I.C. ship, 269
Expedition, E.I.C. ship, xiii, 268
Factors {see Femell, Canning, Starkey,
Finch), 101, 160 ; disjiutes of with
Captain Downton, 163 ; detained at
Aden, 170 ; deaths of on board the
" Darling", 208 ; at Surat, 233 ; at
Bantam, 101
Falcon, E.I.C. ship, 273
Falmouth, 34
Farewell, Cape, 256 {').)
Fartak, King of, in Arabia, Id 5
Fayal, 223
Felix, M., captain of a Dieppe ship, 22
Femell, Lawrence, factor in the sixth
voyage with Sir H. Middleton, in-
structions to, xii, 131 to 136, 263 ;
he lands at Socotra, 164 ; at Mocha,
INDEX.
307
173, 174 ; refuses to try to escape,
his unwieldy fatness, 181 ; his
death, 150, 182
Fenu, Nathaniel, condemned at Achiu
for mutiny, 252
Fenn, Antonio, his journal in the
" Eagle", 273
Fernambuck {see Pernambuco )
Fernando Noronha Isle, 113
Finch, William, journal of third
voyage, viii ; residing at Surat, 1 28 ;
letter from at Lahore, 186
Firando, xiii, 2G6, 267, 270
Firman of trade for the East India
Company not arrived at Surat, 244 ;
arrival and reception of, 245
Fitzherbert, Captain, of the " Ex-
change", 269
Fleet Frigate, E.I.C. ship, 267
Floris, Peter Williamson, a Dutchman,
journal of, xiii, 263 ; founded a
factory at Masulipatam, 195
Flying Eagle, E.I.C. ship, 274
Fogo Isle, 107
Forder, Richard, journal kept on board
the " Palsgrave", 273
Fortvme, E.I.C. ship, Robert Burgess,
master, 270
Fowler, Mr. J., sent to Sana, 147, 176 ;
at Aden, 169; joins the "Trade's
Increase", 200 ; his death, 208
Fox, Robert, his journal in the " Royal
James", 271
Fraine, Hugh (or Traine ? whom see)
French ships in the West Indies, aid
to Lancaster and his shipwi'ecked
crew, 22 to 24, 30 to 34 ; at Per-
nambuco, 45
Frost, Danish Arctic ship, xviii
Gardafui, Cape, 166
Geffe, George, sent to the King of
Rohela (Raheta ?) with presents,
179 ; in command of the pinnace
"Relief", sixth voyage, 162
GifFord, captain of the ship " Sidney",
journal, 275
Glanfield, F., merchant on board the
" Darling", his death, 208
Glascock, Mr. Phillip, sent by Caj^tain
Sharpeigh to Sana, 122, 127 ; sent
to Mocha, 123
Glenham, Thomas, death of, 217
Globe, E.I.C. .ship, xii, 253
Goa, 9, 13, 27, 233, 247
Gogo, 191
Golding, Rainold, his death, 11
Gomberoon, recommended as a place
for English trade, 268
Gomes Pulo Isle, 10
Goodfellow, W., journal in the " King
William", 277
Gordon, Mr., of the "Ascension", 150
Grant, John, journal in the "Mary
Royall", 272
Great Thomas, E.I.C. ship, 271
Green, Benjamin, factor in the " Dar-
ling", 200
Greenland, Danish expedition to, xviii
Guest, a victualler for the first E.I.C.
voyage, iv, 58 ; discharged, 61
Gujerat ships, 117, 118, 121, 127, 165,
251
Gungomar Bay, in Madagascar, 161
Haddock, Captain Joseph, his journal,
274
Hakluyt, Richard, assisting in fitting
out the first E.I.C. voyage, iii j
charge of HI.C. docimients en-
trusted to, vi ; death, vii
Hall, Captain, in Danish expeditions to
Greenland, xviii, xix ; kUled by
Eskimos, xix
Hall, Master John, death of, 4
Hall, Daniel, journal in the " Hoije-
well", 272
Halladaye, Wm., the second governor
of the E.I. Company, 271
Hamlet, play of, acted on board Cap-
tain Keelinge's ship at Sierra Leone,
ix
Hammond, Henry, captain of the
" Antelope", 276
Hampshire, E.I.C. ship, 276
Handcock, Mr., of the State Paper
Office, acknowledgment of assistance
from, xvii
Harding, Captain John, journal of,
274
Hart, E.I.C. ship in the fleet under
Captain Shilling, 268, 269, 270, 272
Hawkins, captain of the " Hector" in
the third E.I.C. voyage, viii, ix,
111, 213, 263 ; journal abridged iu
Purchas, viii ; he lands in Madagas-
car, 112 ; his name carved on a stone
at Sierra Leone, 114? said to be in
great favour at Agra, 129, 132, 139 ;
letters from for Sir Henry Middle-
ton, 186 ; letter from, 195 ; em-
barks on board the " Trade's In-
crease, 195 ; at Bantam, 218
Hearn, John, journal of the third
voyage, viii
Heath, Captain W., his journal, 274
Hector. E.I.C. ship, on the first voyage,
iv, 56 ; Sir H. Middletun's ship on
the second voyage, 58, 99, 103 ; on
the third voyage, viii, ix, 108, 109,
308
INDEX.
Ill ; in Captain Saris's fleet, xiii,
200 ; homeward bound, 216, 217,
221 ; at Saldanha Bay, 222, 266
Hermon, Captain, in the tenth voyage,
243 ; tortures some Banians, 240
Herrod, Thomas, master's mate of the
" Peppercorn", transferred to the
"Trade's Increase", 164, 200, 215
Heyward, John, captain of the " Su-
san" in the first voyage, 58
Hinde, E.I.C. ship, 273
Hinton, Mr. customer of Waterford,
offers to lend money to Captain
Downton, 225
Hippon, Captain Anthony, on seventh
voyage, xii ; news of his death, 253
Hodgkines, James, his journal in the
" Concord", 273
Holland, ships of at Pernambuco, 40,
41 ; dealing with, 44 ; merchants at
Achin, 74 ; dealing of, with Captain
Keelinge, 110 ; fleet at Saldanha
Bay, 154 ; ships at Bantam, 216 ;
no success for English where Dutch
have a footing, 219
Homfray, Mr., his account of the
" strange tree" at the Nicobars, 73
Hope, E.I.C. ship, 265, 266, 268
Hopewell, E.I.C. ship, 272, 273 ; Cap-
tain Knight's Arctic ship, xx, 281 {n)
Hoseander, E.I.C. ship, in the tenth
voyage, xiii, 228 ; Captain Best's
speech and prayers on board, 235 ;
action with Portuguese fleet, 236,
237 ; boatswain killed, 237 ; second
action with Portuguese, 243 ; Cap-
tain Best's second speech on board,
247 ; insubordinate conduct of men,
249 ; goes to an island near Achin
for wood, 251 ; goes to Tiku, 260 ;
sent to Priaman, 260 ; to Bantam,
261 ; in a storm on voyage to Ban-
tam, 261 ; extracts from journal of
voyage, 265
Hounsel, Thomas, in the tenth voyage,
in charge of a prize, 251
Hudson, John and Robert, journal in
the ship " Belfast", 276
Hull, Arctic expedition from, xix
Ice, first met by Captain Knight, 286,
287 ; trouble with drift ice, 288 ;
moored to an iceberg, 289 ; misery
in the, 290 ; footprints found on an
icefloe, 290
Jadow, Captain Hawkins's broker at
Surat, 189, 190, 195
James, E.I.C. shij), xiv ; at Bantam,
216 ; in the tenth voyage, 228 ;
journal of Alex. Childe on board,
256, 271
James Royal, ia the seventh Joint
Stock voyage, 267, 271
Japan, v, xi, xii, 7, 266
Jask, 265, 2,68
Java, 99
Jeddah, pilgrims to, 203
JefFer Bashaw, of Yemen, 173 ; nego-
tiations with, 182
Jennison, Archibald, xv, 206 ; journal
of, 268
Jewell, E.I.C. ship, 273
Johore, war with Achin, 251, 255
Jonas, E.I.C. ship, 270, 271
Jones, T., journal of voyage in the
" Ascension", x
Jonsou, John, master of the " Rose",
270, 271
Joseph, Mr. Benjamin, from Bristol,
brings money and provisions to
Waterford for Captain Downton,
226
Josiah, E.I.C. ship, 276
Jourdain, Mr. J., sent by Captain
Sharpeigh to Sana, 122, 127 ; ex-
jjected at Surat from Agra, 186 ;
reaches Sir H. Middleton's ship,
189 ; sent to Tiku, 210, 214
Julia, E.I.C. ship, 277
Junsaloam. 14 (or Junk Seylon)
Katiwar, 240
Keelinge, Captain W., Shakespeare's
plays acted in ship of, ix ; journals
of, viii, 265 ; captain of the " Susan"
in the second voyage, v ; com-
manded the third voyage, 108, 113,
263 ; notice of, 108 {n) ; visited
Banda, 109 ; dealings with Hol-
landers, 109 ; set up a stone at
Sierra Leone with names and date,
114 ; landed at Socotra, 116, 117 ;
left a letter at Socotra, 118, 125 ;
his sailing directions for the Su-
matran coast, 260
Kendal, Abraham, commander of the
"Merchant Royal" in the first
voyage, 4 ; leaves a man on St.
Helena, 17
Kerle, John, captain of the " Maccles-
field", 276
Kerslake, Mr., bookseller at Bristol,
journal of Captain Saris sold by to
the War Oifice, xiii
Keshin in Arabia, 165 (w)
Kilvert, Captain Roger, of the " Con-
cord" (1659), 273
King William, E.I.C. ship, 277
Knight, Captain, in Danish expedition
INDEX.
309
to Greenland, xviii ; journal of
voyage to seek the north-west pas-
sage, XX, 281 ; loss of, xxi, 293
Knight Islands, xix
Labrador, 291 (w)
Laguna in the West Indies, 31
Lahore, Mr. Finch at, 186
Lannaret, E.I.C. ship, 273
La Noe, captain of a French ship, 23
Lancaster, Sir James, account of, i ;
director E.I.C, iii, iv ; his manu-
scripts lost, vii ; his first voyage, 1 ;
kills an antelope, 4 ; captain of the
"Edward", 4 ; lands on the coast of
Malacca, 11 ; takes a Portuguese
prize, 11 ; lands on Mona Island, 21 ;
went on board a French ship and
came home in her, 23 ; lands at Rye,
24 ; in command of the Pernambuco
voyage, 26 ; speech of, 37 ; capture
of the port of Pernambuco, 42, 43 ;
in command of the first E.I.C.
voyage, ii, 58 ; his letter to Mr.
Skynner, 58 {n) ; interview with the
King of Achin, 75 ; negotiations at
Achin, 81, 253 ; his letter to the
directors in case of shipwreck, 104 ;
return home, 107
Lancaster, Dr., Bishop of Waterford,
his kindness to Captain Downton,
225
Lancaster Sound, name given by
Baffin, i
Law, Mr. Abraham, his death on board
the " Peppercorn", 223
Ledger, Captain E., of the " Samp-
sou", 274
Legar, John, of Bury, found on the
island of St. Helena, 17
Lesly, Captain John, journal of, in the
"Neptune", 276
Lesser, James, E.I.C. ship, 270
Lindenow, captain in the Danish ser-
vice, voyages to Greenland, xviii,
xix
Lion, E.I.C. ship, 270
Littleton, Sir E., president in Bengal,
276
Lloyd, Captain John, journal in
" Nassau", 275
London, E.I.C. ship commanded by
Captain Shilling, 268, 272 ; James
Birkedell's journal in, 273, 276
Longitude, Baffin's calculations for, xix
Love, Thomas, master's mate in the
sixth voyage, his journal, xii, 147
(ji), 263 ; transferred to the "Trade's
Increase", 153
Luckland, John, 31
Luff kin, " Honest John", murder of,
123
Luisa, a ship of Dieppe, 22
Lyon, Danish Arctic ship, xvii
Macclesfield, E.I.C. galley, invoice of
goods, 276
Mace, William, of Radcliffe, slain, 6,
26 ; his former history, xxii
Madagascar (or St. Lawrence Island),
X, 5, 26, 65, 102, 160 ; account of
the jjeople, 112 {see Antomgil)
Madras, E.I.C. ship, 275
Madefraband, Captain Best's fleet at,
239
Maio, 38, 108, 111, 113, 120
Malacca, 9, 11, 14, 27, 91
Maldiva Isles, 16
" Malice Scourge", former name of the
" Dragon", iv
Malucos, 13 (see Moluccas)
Mamale Isles, 10
Manangcabo in Sumatra, 98
Manilla, 270
Margabra (see Asab)
Marlowe, commander of the ninth
E.I.C. voyage, xiii, 209 (w), 216, 218
Marriatt, George, journal in the
" Charles" 272
Martaban, 12, 16
Marten, Nathaniel, journal of the
seventh E.I.C. voyage, xii
Martoll, Abraham, his journal. 274
Mary, E.LC. ship, 272, 273
Mary Royall, 272
Massiugberd, E.I.C. ship, 274
Masulipatam, x, 195, 264
Mathew, Richard, journal with sketches
(1644), 273
Matthew, Captain George, voyage in
the " London", 276
May, Henry, his account of Lancaster's
first voyage, i
Medeiofer, an officer atSurat, 245
Melinda, 8, 26
Mellecamber {see Nahuda)
Merchant Royal, ship in the first
voyage, 4
Merchant Hope, E.I.C. sliip, xv
Merchandise (see Trade) great stores at
Pernambuco, 83
Merry, John, captain of the " Fleet
Frigate", 276
Michelborne, Sir C, recommended to
command the first E.I.C. voyage,
ii ; his own voyage, v ; misconduct, vi
Middleton, David, voyage, xi ; with hia
brother Henry, v ; safe arrival home,
209
Middleton, John, vice-admiral in the
310
INDEX.
first E.I.C. voyage, ii, 58 ; director,
iii ; sent to the King of Achin, 74,
99 ; death, 101
Middleton, Sir Henry, knighted, v ;
manuscripts lost, vii ; meets the
Union, x, 161; in the first E.I.C. voy-
age, sent to Priamau in the " Susan",
84 ; at Bantam, 99 ; commission to
for the sixth voyage, 137 to 144,
263 ; sails, v, xi, 145, 147, 151, 153 ;
settles a question as to supply of
wine for the factors, 160 ; lands at
Socotra, 165 ; at Aden, 168 ; at Mocha,
169; proceedings at Mocha, 173; made
prisoner, 174 ; sent to Sana, 176 ;
misunderstanding with Captain
Downton, 17, 8, 179 ; his escape,
186 ; seizes a ship of Diu, 181 ; re-
ceives bad news from Surat, 186 ;
conduct of the Portuguese to, 187,
188 ; arranges to proceed to Gogo,
191 ; return to the Eed Sea, 200 ;
at Dabul, 197 ; prizes, 203 ; dis-
putes with Captain Saris, 205, 207 ;
at Tiku, 208, 209 ; dinner to other
captains at Bantam, 218; leaves
Tiku for Bantam, 209 ; intended to
go ti< Amboyna in the " Pepper-
corn", 219 ; takes leave of Captain
Duwnton, 221 ; death of, 221 {n),
260
Mocha, 122, 123, 127 ; ships at, trade,
123; account of, 124 (see Middleton,
Sir H.) ; blockaded by Middleton,
150 ; Captain Saris at, 205 {see
llegib Aga)
Mogul army in Katiwar, aid to, 240
Moluccos, 9 ; no hope of trade at, 219
Mollineux, Mr., master's mate, trans-
ferred to the "Peppercorn, 164;
sent to Coi-k for money, 225 ; sent
to London, 2vi6
Mona, Isle of, in the West Indies, 20,
21, 29, 45
Monck, Richard, his journal in the
" Great Thames", 271
Monden, John, journal in the "Hec-
tor", XV, 164, 266
Moon, E.I.C. ship, 268, 270
Moore, Mr., in the tenth E.I.C. voyage,
249
Mozambique, 5, 8, 26
Muccrab Kh.an, Viceroy of Surat, 189,
193, 194 ; as to allowing a factory^
at Surat, 195, 196 ;^vexatibus con-
duct of, 265
Muckrell, John, journal in the
" Coaster", 273
Midle Amore Bensaide, King of So-
cotra, 165
Muller, S., Dutch historian, his eluci-
dation of the career of Oliver
Brunei, xx
Nahuda Mahumett, Captain of a Cali-
cut ship at Mocha, 181, 182, 185,
201
Nahudas at Mocha, 206, 207
Nain, on the coast of Labrador, xxi,
291 (n)
Nassau, E.I.C. ship, 275
Negapatam, 13
Neptune, E.I.C ship, 276
New Years' Gift, E.I.C. ship, xv, 268
Newell, Edward, his journal in the
" London", 273
Newfoundland, xxi, 20, 23, 293
Newport, Captain Christopher, xiv
Nicols, William, journey across India, xi
Nicubar Isles, 10, 15, 27, 71 ; strange
tree found on, 72, 73 (w)
Nirapotte, 109
North-west passage, voyages to dis-
cover, xviii, XX, 281
Noyer, Captain, of Dieppe, at Pernam-
buco, 45 ; death of, 54
Nueblas Isles, 21
Nunc da Cunho, commander of the
Portuguese fleet in action with Eng-
lish fleet of the tenth E.I.C. voyage,
236 ; a vain boast of, 237
Olinda, the port of Pernambuco, 35
Oliver, Mr, merchant of the " Hose-
ander, his visit to the Mogul camp
in Katiwar, 240 ; at Achin, 249 ; at
Priaman, 261
Orkney, Captain Knight at, 281
Ormuz, 123, 199
Palsgrave, E.I.C. ship, 261, 270, 272
Paria, Gulf of, 19, 20
Pashley, John, his journal in the
" Hart", 272
Passaman, in Sumatra, 109 (n), 209,
210
Peacocke, an Englishman drowned in
Cochin China, 267
Pegu, 9, 11, 12, 14, 27 ; natives taken
home, 17
Peyton, Captain Walter, takes Sir J.
lloe to India, xv
Pemba, 116, 121, 126
JPfimberton^ Mr., seized at Mocha, 148,
174 ; his escape, 146, 149, 175 ; his
boy sent on board, 183; finds
anchorage for the fleet at Surat,
192 ; at Passaman, 210, 214
Pcneloiie, .ship in Lancaster's first
voyage, 4, 26
INDEX.
311
Pepper, 12, 84, 98, 100, 109, 209 ;
price of, 260
Peppercorn, E.I.C. ship iu the sixth
voyage, xii ; 145, 147, 152 ; left at
178 ; leak in, 153 ; obtain supplies
of wood at Cape Gardafui, 166 ; at
Aden, 168 to 171 ; proceeds to
Mocha, 172 ; carries away her main
yard. 185 ; blockades Aden, 201 ;
prizes taken by, 202, 203 ; Sir H.
Middletou goes in her to Bantam,
201 ; careened at Bantam, 216 ;
sent home iu command of
Captain Downton, 150, 221 ; at
Saldanha Bay, 222 ; sails from
Waterford, 226 ; at Gravesend, 227 ;
journal of the master of, 263
Perak, 12
Peramiew, Brazilian port, 55
Peregrine, ship commanded by Cap-
tain Venner, Pernambuco voyage, 38
Pernambuco expedition, ii, 18, 37 ;
arrival at, 40
Perse, William, journal of in the
" Bengal Merchant", 274
Pettymau, Mr., at Bantam, 216
Phillips, Richard, turned Turk, 177
Pico, 223
" Pilgrimes" of Purchas, vii
Pinder, Francis, " An evil member of
our voyage in the 'Peppercorn'",
223
Portuguese prizes, 2 ; note on succes-
sion to crown, 7 (n) ; dealings with
at Zanzibar, 8 ; fighting with at
Pernambuco, 47, 48, 49 ; send down
fire ships, 50, 51 ; attack on defences
of, 52, 53 ; wiles of at Achin, 85 to
89 ; at Sierra Leone, ix, 114 ; trade
of at Socotra, IIH; seize Captain
Sharpeigh's pinnace, 128 ; obstruct-
ive policy, 130 ; blockading Surat,
186 ; conduct to Sir H. Middleton,
187, 188 ; engagements with, 193,
236, 237, 242, 243, 269 ; great fleet
of passes Surat, 196 ; strong iu the
Moluccas, 219
Potaju, Brazilian port, 55
President, E.I.C. ship, 274
Priaman, vi ; "Susan", under H.
Middleton sent to, 84 ; Lancaster
goes to, 98 ; Keeliuge at, 109 ;
Best's desire to trade at, 252 ; per-
mission to found a factory at, 253 ;
" Hoseander" at, 260
Prickman, Benjamin, captain of " Ma-
dras", 275, 276
Prin, Nicholas, journal to Surat in the
" Charles", 272
Pring, Martin, journal of, xv
Pringle, Captain Martin, commander
of the seventh joint stock voyage,
267
Prizes, Portugal caravels captured by
Lancaster, 2, 13 ; Spanish, taken,
36 ; a Biskainer, 38 ; Portuguese
taken by Lancaster, 60, 91, 92 ;
taken by Captain Sharpeigh, 121 ;
ship " St. Nicholas", of Cochin taken
by Sir H. Middleton, 197, 198 ;
taken by the "Peppercorn", 202,
203 ; taken by Captain Best, 247
Pueblas, or Cloudie Isles, 21
Puerto Rico, 21, 29
Pulo Gomez, 10
Pulopausa, 99
Pulopenjaun, 216, 217, 218, 221
Pulo Pinaon, 10, 27
Pulo Rhun, 109 (n)
Pulo Sambilan, 12
Punta de Galle, 15, 16
Purchas, Rev. Samuel, journals of the
E.I.C. voyages entrusted to, his
" Pilgi-imes", vii ; abstracts of E.I.C.
voyages, x, xi, xiii, xiv ; list of, xvii
(?() ; his treatment of Knight's
Arctic journal, xviii ; footnote.s, 281
to 292 ; his postscript to Knight's
journal, xxi, 293
Qnintangone, 5, 26
Raheta, (Rohela ?), King of, 204
Raymond, Admu-al, in the Penelope",
4
Recife, port of Pernambuco, 40 (n), 42
Red Dragon {see Dragon)
Reformation, E.I.C. ship, 272
Regib Agaw, of Mocha, 173 ; at Aden
in Captain Sharpeigh's time, 173 ;
his treachery, 174 ; his treachery
ordered by the Pasha of Yemen,
176 ; begins to sing a new song, 180
Relief, Sir H. Middleton's pinnace, 182
Revett, Mr. W., sent to Mocha by Cap-
tain Sharpeigh, 123
Richard II., play of, acted on board
Captain Keelinge's ship at Sierra
Leone, ix
Richard, a small vessel to make disco-
veries at the Cape, 270
Richards, Henry, his journal iu the
" Discovery", 571
Roe, Sir Thomas, xvi
Roebuck, E.I.C. ship in Captain
Shilling's fleet, xvi, 268, 269
Rohela (Raheta ?), King of, 179
Roquepez Isle, 69 (??)
Rose, E.I.C. vessel, employed making
discoveries at the Cape, 270
312
INDEX.
Rowe, John, his journal in the voyage
of the •' Expedition" to Jask, 268
Rowles, Richard, captain of the
" Union", X
Royal James, E.I.C. ship, 271
Ruby, E.I.C. ship, 268
Rundall, Mr., editor of " Narratives of
Voyages towards the North-vyest",
ix ; his mention of a passage in Cap-
tain Keelinge's journal now lost, ix, x
Russell, E.I.C. frigate, journal, 275
Sailing directions of Captain Davis,
vi, 260 ; Captain Keelinge, 260 ;
from Socotra to Diu, 265 ; from
Batavia to Piscadores, and Siam to
Tonquin, 274
St. Lawrence Island (see Madagascar)
St. Augustine Cape, 40, 60, 111
St. Augustme Bay, 112, 116, 146, 147
St. Domingo, 20
St. Mary Island, 66
St. Nicolas Cape, 31
St. Nicholas, a ship of Cochin {see
Prizes)
San Juan de Puerto Rico, 21, 29
Sant Tom^, 9, l:i„27, 93
Santa Helena Isle, 17, 28, 61, 105, 223,
264 ; man left on, 17, 28
Saldanha {see Aguada), 61, 62, 62, 63,
109, 114, 120, 126, 145, 147, 154,
275 ; description of, 154 ; people of,
155 ; " Peppercorn" at, 222
Salomon {see Solomon)
Sampson, E.I.C. ship, 274, 275
Samuel, E.I.C. ship, 272
Sana, Mr. Glascock at, 122, 227 ; pasha
of, 173 ; Sir H. Middleton at, 175;
Mr. Fowler at, 177
Sanderbole, Mr., master of the " Hec-
tor", 105
Saris, Captain John, xiii, 200 ; num-
ber of guns for his salute, 204 ; dis-
pute with Sir H. Middleton, 205 to
207 ; leaves Mocha, 208 ; his
journals, xiii, 264 {71)
Sayer, Edmund, his journal, 266 ;
voyage to Cochin China, 267
Sayers, Abraham, his journal in the
" Hopewell", 272
Scout, E.I.C. pinnace, 271
Scurvy, 4, 61, 113, 222 ; cure for, 62
Sea Adventure, Captain Adams's
junk, 267
Seba.stian, Cape, 65
Sherley, Sir Robert, Peraian ambassa-
dor, on voyage out, xiv, 222
Siam, 266, 274 ; ambassador at Achin,
249
Sickness, 2, 4, 61, 62, 69, 208 {see
Scurvy )
SierraLeone,108, 111, 113, 114; Shake-
speare's plays acted at, ix ; stones
set up at, with names of Drake,
Cavendish, Keelinge, and Hawkins,
114
Siuan (see Sana)
Shaker (Arabia), 173
Shakespeare's plays acted at Sierra
Leone on board Captain Keelinge's
ship, ix
Sharpe, Nicholas, journal in the
" Charles", 272
Sharpeigh, Captain Alexander, letters
from Aden, xi ; in command of
fourth E.I.C. voyage, x, 120, 263 ;
detained at Aden, 122, 127 ; ship-
wrecked, 128 ; journey to Agra,
129; embarks on board "Trade's
Increase", 150 ; expected at Surat
from Agra, 186 ; prevented from
embarking by the Portuguese, 188 ;
succeeds in getting on board the
"Trade's Increase", 191 ; goes to
Surat to meet Captain Hawkins,
195 ; ill behaviour of his crew, 213
Shermall, Shabender of the Banians
at Mocha, ship seized by Sir H.
Middleton, 181 ; his visit to Sir H.
Middleton, 183
Shilling, Captain, fleet commanded by,
xvi, 268, 269 ; death of, 269
Sidney, E.I.C. ship, 275
Skynner, Mr., Lancaster's letter to,
58 (n.)
Slade, William, purser of the "Dis-
covery", his journal, 271
Smith, Sir Thomas, first governor of
the East India Company, iii ; en-
trusts the ships' journals to Purchas,
his death, vii
Socotra, 9 ; ships of the third voyage
arrive at, 126, 127 ; people of, 117 ;
trade of, 118 ; ships of the sixth
voyage at, 164 ; belongs to the chief
of Keshin in Arabia, 165 (n.) ; return
of Sir H. Middleton to, 185 ; re-
marks on current in voyage to, from
fndia, 199 ; the "Darling" sent to,
200 ; sailing direction from Diu to,
265
Solomon, E.I.C. ship, in the Per-
nambuco voyage, 35, 37, 38 ; death
of captain, 54 ; homeward bound,
210, 221 ; in the tenth E.I.C. voy-
age, xiv, 228 ; in Joint-Stock voy-
age, XV
Sombrero, 72, 74
Sophia, Cape, in Greenland, xix
INDEX.
313
Soto, Francisco de, blockading Surat,
186, 191
South, Captain J., of the "Chambers",
275
Southey,Mr.,his account of Lancaster's
Pernambuco voyage in his History
of Brazil, 36 ('«.)
Sowso, Antonio de, a Portuguese
killed in action, 193
Speed, William, a merchant in the
" Darling", his death at Tiku, 208
Spere, William, his journal, 273
Spie, E.I.C. pinnace, 271
Staraboul, 177
Starkey, Master William, factor of
Bantam, 101
Starkey, Anthony, to take letters home
overland. 246
Starre, E.I.C. ship, 271
Staughton, J., his death on board the
"Darling", 215
Stead, John, his journal in the " Trip-
likaine", 274
Stevens, Thomas, captain of the
" Eagle", 273
Stiles, Roger, captain of the "Ascen-
sion" in the second voyage, v
Stratford, Anthony, commander of the
fort of Duncannon, his treatment of
Captain Downton, 226
Suez, 179, 180
Sumatra, 10, 27, 71, 74, 259 (see Achin,
Priaman, Tiku)
Sunda Strait, 99
Surat, 123, 128 ; arrival of Captain
Sharpeigh and shipwrecked crew,
128 ; Mr. Finch at, 128 ; Sir H.
Middleton arrives off, 150 ; block-
ade by the Portuguese, 186 ; pro-
ceedings at, 188 to 193 ; trade at,
refused, 196 ; fleet of the tenth
voyage off the bar, 233 ; arrival of
the firman for E.I.C. trade at, 245
(see Muccrab Khan)
Susan, in the first E.I.C. voyage,
iv, v, 58 ; sent to Priaman in com-
mand of Mr. Pemberton, 84, 98
Swally road.s, 190, 191, 198, 199, 238,
239, 244, 247
Swan, Captain Richard, of the " Roe-
buck", journal, xvi, 269
Swanley, Richard, captain of the
" Exchange", his journal, 269 ; his
journal on board the "Jonas", 270
Table Bay, 275
Table Mountain, 158
Tamarida in Socoti-a, 117, 146, 164
Tanaseri (Tenuasserim), 15
Taylor, John, a deserter from the
"Peppercorn", 149, 17(i
Tecoa [see Tiku)
Temple, Richard, to go to Agra, 246 ;
deserts Mr. Canning, 252
Teneriff, 36, 37, 120
Terry, Mr. Thornton's servant, 198
Thomas, E.I.C. ship, in the fleet of
Cai)tain Saris, xiii, 200 ; sent to the
Abesian coast, 205 ; at Tiku, 209 ;
homeward bound, 216, 218, 221,
222 ; journal on board, 276
Thornton, Mr Giles, master of the
" Trade's Increase", 172 ; his report
of events at Mocha to Captain Down-
ton, 173 to 175 ; unable to find an
anchorage near Surat, 191 ; con-
fidence of Captain Downton in, 180,
203, 204; his servant Terry, 198 ; his
opinion as to the sea-wortliiness of
the " Trade's Increase", 220
Tiburon, Cape, 20, 30
Tiku (Tecoa), in Sumatra, vi, 109 («.) ;
Sir H. Middleton at, "Darling" sent
to, 206, 208 ; " Thomas" at, 209 ;
Mr. Jourdain sent to, with presents,
210 ; permission to Captain Best to
found a factory, 253 ; the " Hose-
ander" at, 26
Tilbury Hope, 108
Tonquin, sailing directions to, 274
Topographical Depot (see War Office)
Tor Bay, 59
Toucy, Zachariah, his journal on a
voyage to Madras, 275
Towerson, Captain, in voyage of Saris,
205 ; sails from Mocha, 207, 222
Trade, wares suitable for, in India, 1 4 ;
at Bantam, 100 ; at Socotra, 118,
166; at Mocha, 123, 124; in the
Red Sea, 129 ; most desirable com-
modities for sending home from In-
dia, 140 ; cargo of a ship from
Cochin, 198 ; from Calicut, 201 ;
trade of Siam, 249 ; Gomberoon re-
commended as a place for, 268 (see
Pepper ; see Femell's Instructions)
Trade's Increase, largest merchant
ship ever built, xii ; on the sixth
voyage, 145, 147, 150 ; leaves Aden
for Mocha, 169 ; gets on shore on a
rock, 211 ; condition of, 209, 212 ;
at Bantam, 216
Traine, Mr. Hugh, at Surat, 195 ; his
illness and death at Bantam, 217,
213
Trinidada Island, 18, 29
Triplicaine, E.I.C. ship, 274
Trumbull, E.I C. ship, 277
Turks at Mocha, their treachery, 174,
314
INDEX.
175 ; Sir H. Middleton's demand for
compensation from, 181, 183, 206,
207 ; intended reprisals on, 184,
201, 202 ; Richard Phillips turns
Turk, 177
Union, E.I.C ship, under Captain
Rowles, in the fourth voyage, x, 120,
126 ; journal on board, si ; in the
Bay of St. Augustine, meets Sir H.
Middleton's fleet, 146, 160, 161
Uphlett, Nicholas, left at Surat as
security, 195
Venner, captain of the " Peregrine",
38 ; serves under Lancaster in the
action at Pernambuco, 43, 49, 53,
55 56
Verde, Cape, 1, 37, 145, 147, 152
Vian, John, journal in the "Discovery",
271, 272
Virgin, a ship in the Pernambuco
voyage, 35, 37
Walter, trumpeter of the " Pepper-
corn", sent on shore at Aden, 168
War Office (Topographical Depot), in
possession of the journal of Captain
Saris, xiii
Warden, Andrew, journal in the " Wil-
liam", 271, 272
Wameford, Mr., Chaplain at Port
Blair, his account of the " strange
tree" at the Nicobars, 73
W:\terford, Captain Downton at, 224 ;
discourtesy of the Mayor, 224 ;
kindness of the Bishop, 225
Watkins, Thomas, one of the " Ascen-
sion's" crew, joins the "Trade's In-
crease", 190
Wats, Alderman John, a setter forth
of the Pernambuco voyage, 35
Wats, M., in command of the galley,
in the Pernambuco voyage, 39
Waymouth, CapUiin, sent by the E.I.C.
to discover the N.W. passage, xviii
Weddell, Captain John, of the " Royal
James", 271 ; account of his China
voyage, 273
Wehnan, Thomas, journal in the " Dis-
covery", 271
Welcome, a ship of Plymouth, 38
West, John, one of the mutinous crew
in Lancaster's first voyage, 31
Whale, E.I.C. ship, ■■^70
Wickham, Richard, factor at Firandc,
MS. letters of, in the India Office,
xiii
Wicksteed, Mr. Allen, minister on
board the " Pei^percorn", death of,
222
William, E.I.C. ship, 271
Williams, John, of the " Peppercorn",
sent on shore at Aden, 168 ; at
Surat, 195 ; sent to Surat to get
permission to found a factory, but
refused, 196
Wilson, Captain John, journal of, 275
Wilson, Ralph, his journal in the
"Solomon", xiv "
Wood, John, his journal, 270
Wood, master of the " Lesser James",
270
Wyne, John, his journal in the " Dis-
covery", 271
Yemen, extent of, 173 ; Pasha of (see
Jaffier Bashaw)
Zanzibar, 6, 8, 26 ; people and captain
of the "Union" betrayed at, 146
Zeilan, 9, 15, 27
Zinde river, 203
Zocotora [see Socotra)
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