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Full text of "Lives and voyages of Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier: including a view of the history of the buccaneers"

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Presented to the 
LIBRARY of the 

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO 

by 

KNOX COLLEGE 



LIVES AND VOYAGES 



DRAKE, CAVENDISH, AND DAMPIER 



INCLUDING A VIEW OF THE 



HISTORY OF THE BUCCANEERS. 



WITH THREE PORTRAITS ENGRAVED BY HORSBURGH. 



THIRD EDITION. 




EDINBURGH: 

OLIVER & BOYD, TWEEDDALE COURT 

AND SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, & CO., LONDON. 
MDCCCXXXVII. 







/07/i. 
"T97T 



[ENTERED IN STATIONERS' HALL.] 



Printed by Oliver & Boyd, 
Tweeddale Court, High Street, Edinburgh. 



PREFACE 
TO TxHE THIRD EDITION. 



THIS volume is devoted to the LIVES of three of the 
most eminent men whom England has at any time 
sent forth into the field of her most brilliant achieve- 
ments : and the relation of their Voyages, Discover- 
ies, and Adventures, is, to a certain extent, the his- 
tory of her naval power and reputation. If the first 
aspiring thoughts of British youth are inseparably 
connected with maritime enterprise, with the perils 
and vicissitudes, the novel and romantic incidents, 
the valour, daring, and heroic endurance, which are 
displayed in the narratives of the elder voyagers, 
this work cannot want interest. From the very 
nature of the subject, it necessarily contains much 
curious and valuable instruction drawn from many 
sources, but in every instance verified by a careful 
examination of the original authorities. 

It is believed that the personal memoirs of Drake, 
Cavendish, and Dampier, which are interwoven 
with the narrative of their exploits, are more accu- 
rate and copious than any hitherto submitted to the 
public. The career of the last-mentioned navigator 



PREFACE. 

is closely linked with the History of the Bucca- 
neers, whose wild adventures have so powerful a 
charm for the youthful mind ; and it is hoped that 
the account which is given of this remarkable asso- 
ciation will be found no incongruous episode in a 
volume designed as a popular contribution to nau- 
tical history. 

The present Work, though complete in itself, 
forms also an interesting chapter in the History of 
the Circumnavigation of the Globe, and will be 
found at once to elucidate and to receive illustra- 
tion from the work on tha.t subject which has ap- 
peared in the EDINBURGH CABINET LIBRARY. 

EDINBURGH, May 1837. 



CONTENTS 



DRAKE. 

CHAPTER I. 

LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 

Spirit of Maritime Enterprise in England Drake's Birth and Pa- 
rentage He goes to Sea Purser of a Biscay Trader Voyage 
to the Guinea Coast Sir John Hawkins Slave-trade Affair at 
San Juan de Ulloa Drake returns to England Experimental 
Voyages Expedition to Nombre de Dios Journey across the 
Isthmus Rich Booty Returns Home Fits out Frigates Irish 
Rebellion Patronage of Essex ; of Sir Christopher Hatton 
Introduced at Court, Page 13 



CHAPTER II. 

DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

The Queen approves the New Expedition Drake's Squadron 
Cape Cantin Muley Moloc Cape Blanco Mayo and Brava 



6 CONTENTS. 

The Brazilians Ostriches Natives of Seal Bay Their 
Manners and Disposition Patagonians Unfortunate Affray 
Stature of the Indians Port San Julian Trial and Execution of 
Thomas Doughty Passage of the Strait The Natives The 
Fleet separated Tierra del Fuego Fate of the Shallop's Crew 
Cape Horn The Elizabethides Capture of Spanish Prizes- 
Lamas with Treasure Capture of the Cacafuego The Hind 
proceeds in Search of a North-east Passage Indians of New 
Albion discovered Their singular Manners Drake crosses the 
Pacific The Ladrones The Moluccas Remarkable Preserva- 
tion Barateve Java The Voyage Home The Cape of Good 
Hope Arrival at Plymouth Drake's Fame The Queen visits 
his Ship, Page 29 



CHAPTER III. 

EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

Commencement of Hostilities with Spain Drake takes San Jago 
Cruelty of the Portuguese Storming of San Domingo and Car- 
thagena The Fever of the West Indies Sir Walter Raleigh's 
Colony Drake destroys the Spanish Shipping Observations on 
his Character The Spanish Armada Capture of the Galleon of 
Don Pedro Valdez Expedition to restore Don Antonio Expe- 
dition with Hawkins to the Spanish Settlements in the West 
Indies Attempt against Porto Rico Failure of Baskerville's 
Expedition across the Isthmus Death of Drake Estimate of 
his Character and public Services, 100 



CONTENTS. 7 

CAVENDISH. 

CHAPTER IV. 

VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

Policy of Queen Elizabeth Public Spirit of the English Nobility 
Ancestry of Cavendish His Voyage to Virginia Equipment 
of his Squadron for an Expedition to the South Sea Discovery 
of Port Desire Colony of Don Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa 
Natives of the Straits Indian Tributaries of Santa Maria- 
Escape of Tome Hernandez A Watering-party cut off Capture 
of Spanish Ships Use of Torture by Cavendish Payta captured 
Cacique of Puna Skirmish with the Spaniards March into 
the Woods Progress of the Squadron Capture of the Santa 
Anna Cavendish steers for the Ladrones Description of the 
Natives Treachery of a Spanish Pilot Rencounter with a 
Party of Spaniards Passes the Moluccas Anchors at Java 
Remarkable Customs of the Inhabitants The Desire passes the 
Cape of Good Hope Reaches St Helena Arrives at Ply- 
mouth, Page 125 

CHAPTER V. 

SECOND VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH TO THE SOUTH SEA. 

New Expedition to the South Sea Attack on the Portuguese Set- 
tlementsDelay of the Squadron Letter of Cavendish Rela- 
tion by Jane Sufferings in Magellan's Straits Separation of 
Davis Davis' Southern Islands Piety of the Captain Natives 
of Port Desire Nine Men lost Homeward Voyage of Davis 
Adventures of Cavendish He loses Twenty-four Men Un- 
fortunate Affair at Spirito Santo Indignation of Cavendish 
Separation of the Roebuck Discontent of the Crew Firmness 
of the Commander They miss St Helena Death of Cavendish 
His Character, 160 



O CONTENTS. 

DAMPIER. 

CHAPTER VI. 

THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

Origin of the Buccaneers Cattle-hunters of Cuba and Hayti 
Policy of France and England Cruelty to the Caribs Seizure of 
St Christopher's Buccaneer Settlement of Tortuga Customs of 
the Buccaneers Their Maxims Manner of dividing their Spoil 
Their Dress and Character Capture of Jamaica Enterprise 
of Le Grand Francois, Portuguez, and Mansvelt The Bucca- 
neer Chief L'Olonnois His CrueltiesManners of the Buccaneers 
Montbars the Exterminator First Expedition of Morgan 
Pillage of Puerto del Principe Storming of Porto Bello H eroism 
of the Spanish Governor Capture of Maracaibo and Gibraltar 
Stratagems of Morgan Projected Buccaneer Settlement Storm- 
ing of the Castle of Chagre March of the Buccaneers to Panama 
Battle with the Spaniards Cruelty of the Freebooters Return 
of the Buccaneers to Chagre Perfidy of Morgan Proclamation 

of the Governor of Jamaica Concluding History of Morgan 

The Buccaneers again increase Capture of Vera Cruz They 
direct their Attention to Peru Narrative of Dumpier, Page 182 



CHAPTER VII. 

ADVENTURES AMONG THE WOOD-CUTTERS AND 
BUCCANEERS. 

Ancestry and Education of Dampier His Voyage to Java Goes 
to Jamaica as a Planter Becomes a Logwood-cutter in Cam- 
peachy Habits of the Wood-cutters Appearance of the Coun- 
tryIts Natural Productions The Wild Pine Snakes Ants 
*> / 



CONTENTS. 9 

The Humming-bird Alligators Dampier loses himself in the 
Woods Copartnership with three Scotchmen Dreadful Hurri- 
cane in the Bay Its Consequences Beef Island Thelndians 
John d'Acosta Mode of hocksing Cattle Dampier joins the 
Buccaneers The Manatee, or Sea-cow The River Tobasco 
Indians under the Spanish Priests Their Manners and Condi- 
tion Attack of Alvarado Escape of the Buccaneers from the 
Spanish Armadilloes Munjack Dampier rejoins the Logwood- 
cutters Returns to England, Page 236 

CHAPTER VIII. 

ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 

Dampier leaves England for Jamaica Joins the Buccaneers 
Assault of Porto Bello Description of the Mosquito Indians 
Their Ingenuity in Fishing In using the Harpoon Acuteness 
of their Senses Their Customs The Buccaneers under Captain 
Sharp cross the Isthmus of Darien Sea-fight in the Road of 
Panama Differences among the Buccaneers Sharp leaves the 
South Sea Retreat of Dampier and a Party of Buccaneers across 
the Isthmus Difficulties of the Journey They reach the Sam- 
ballas Isles Cruise of Dampier with the Buccaneers Adven- 
tures of Wafer among the Indians of the Darien Carthagena 
and the Monastery there Pearl-fishery Dutch Governor 
Wreck of the French Fleet Stratagem of. a French Buccaneer- 
Pillage of Rio de la Hacha The Tropic-bird Iguanas Negro 
Doctor Dampier's farther Adventures indicated, 275 

CHAPTER IX. 

CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

Dampier's new Voyage Cape de Verd Isles Bachelor's Delight 
Falkland Isles Mosquito William Nautical Remarks of 

a 2 



10 CONTENTS. 

Dampier Junction of Cook and Eaton The Galapagos Islands 
Death of Cook Escape of the Buccaneers Descent at Ama- 
palla Spanish Indians The Buccaneers separate La Plata 
and Manta The Cygnet joins the Buccaneers Descent on Paita 
Attempt on Guayaquil Dampier's Scheme of working the 
Mines Indians of St Jago The Buccaneers watch the Plate- 
fleet Battle in the Bay of Panama Assault of Leon Dampier 
remains in the Cygnet His Sickness Crosses the Pacific 
Island of Guahan Mindanao Its Customs The Buccaneers 
desert Swan Future Cruise of the Cygnet Pulo Condore The 
Bashee Isles Character and Manners of the Islanders Cruise 
to New Holland The Country and People The Nicobar Isl- 
ands Dampier leaves the Buccaneers His Voyage to Acheen 
Voyages with Captains Bowry and Weldon Remains at 
Bencoolen Prince Jeoly Dampier's Return to England Pub- 
lication of his Voyages Page 29<> 



CHAPTER X. 

VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

Voyage of Discovery to New Holland and New Guinea Dampier 
on the Coast of New Holland Dirk Hatichs' Reede Appear- 
ance and Productions of the Country Discoveries on the North- 
ern Coasts Plants and Animals Appearance and Character of 
the Natives Voyage to New Guinea New Islands and their 
Productions Discovery of King William's Island Slinger's 
Bay Manners of the Natives Discovery of Cape St George 
and Cape Orford Natives of Port Montague Their suspicious 
and inhospitable Character Affray with the Natives Volcanic 
Island Discovery of Nova Britannia Islands in Dampier's 
Strait Return to King William's Island, and Second Voyage to 



CONTENTS. 1 1 

the Coast of New Holland Dampier's Shipwreck Ungrateful 
Reception His Voyage in the St George Bad Conduct of his 
Officers His Imprisonment by the Dutch Return to England 
Voyage in the Duke Account of the celebrated Alexander 
Selkirk Testimony borne to the Merits of Dampier Reflections 
on his Character and Fate The End, Page 384 



PORTRAITS. 



SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, To face the Title-page. 

THOMAS CAVENDISH, Page 125 

WILLIAM DAJIPIER, 182 



DRAKE. 

CHAPTER I. 

Life of Sir Francis Drake. 

Spirit of Maritime Enterprise in England Drake's Birth and Pa- 
rentage He goes to Sea Purser of a Biscay Trader Voyage 
to the Guinea Coast Sir John Hawkins Slave-trade Affair at 
San Juan de Ulloa Drake returns to England Experimental 
Voyages Expedition to Nombre de Dios Journey across the 
Isthmus Rich Booty Returns Home Fits out Frigates Irish 
Rebellion Patronage of Essex ; of Sir Christopher Hatton 
Introduced at Court. 

THE life of Sir Francis Drake belongs to a period 
of our history eminently distinguished by the ar- 
dour and success with which maritime adventure 
was prosecuted. The expedition of Magellan denies 
to this eminent man the honour of being the first to 
sail round the world ; but he was the first English- 
man and the first commander who accomplished 
that exploit, for the illustrious leader who preceded 
him lost his life before the voyage was completed."" 
His labours, while they imparted a fresh spirit to 
the hearts of his countrymen and opened a new 
path for the exercise of their energies, also extended 

* A full account of the Discovery of the South Sea, and of the 
voyages of Magellan and other precursors of Drake, has already 
appeared in the Edinburgh Cabinet Library, No. XXL, entitled 
" Historical Account of the Circumnavigation of the Globe, and of 
the Progress of Discovery in the Pacific Ocean, from the Voyage 
of Magellan to the Death of Cook." 



14 LIFE OP SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 

the limits of geographical knowledge, and gave addi- 
tional countries to the map of the globe. He dispelled 
the terrors with which superstition had invested the 
only entrance then known to the waters of the 
Pacific; he discovered the dreaded promontory of 
Cape Horn ; and added the extensive coasts of New 
Albion to the dominions of his sovereign. 

In that age, though navigation as v a science was 
very imperfect, enterprise had reached its height, 
and, in the breasts of the more celebrated voyagers, 
was ennobled by soaring and generous motives. In- 
spired by the love of adventure and the ambition 
of discovery and conquest, the leaders regarded the 
spoils, which formed the sole object of their merce- 
nary followers, chiefly as the means of rewarding 
faithful service, or of achieving new exploits. The 
same zeal, which led the Spaniards to propagate the 
faith or enlarge the empire of their monarch in the 
New World, animated the English in extending the 
glory of their native land and of Elizabeth, and in 
chastising and despoiling the e ' proud Don," then re- 
garded as her most formidable enemy. There was 
thus imparted somewhat of a lofty and romantic cha- 
racter, even to expeditions undertaken for the pro- 
motion of private interests. In the instance of Ra- 
leigh, for example, " chivalry had left the land and 
launched upon the deep ;" and Sir Philip Sidney, 
the knight who " nourished high thoughts in a heart 
of courtesy," would have accompanied Drake in his 
daring career, had not his purpose been overruled by 
the commands of his royal mistress. 

It is the proud prerogative of such men as per- 
form signal services to their country to excite curio- 
sity as to their birth and parentage ; but these, in 

7 



LIFE OP SIB FRANCIS DRAKE. 15 

the case of our hero, appear to be involved in consi- 
derable obscurity. The navigator himself informed 
Camden, that he was of mean extraction.* His 
father, Edmond Drake of Tavistock,t received the 
rudiments of a liberal education, and, embracing the 
Protestant opinions, sought safety from persecution 
by flying into Kent, where he obtained holy orders. 
In the commencement of her reign, Elizabeth was 
wont to station a fleet in the river Medway, on 
board of which he was employed as chaplain. This 
probably led to the mistake of Stowe, who calls him 
a sailor ; but his son, undoubtedly the best authority 
on this subject, affirmed distinctly on several occa- 
sions, that his father was ordained deacon, and be- 
came vicar of the church of Upnor.J Francis was 
the eldest of twelve brothers, and born in the year 
1544 in a cottage about a mile to the south-west of 
Tavistock, on the banks of the Tavy, which was in 
existence little more than thirty years ago. The boy, 
brought up from his infancy in the vicinity of the 
royal fleet, || seems to have acquired an early passion 

Caraden's Annals of Elizabeth, in Rennet's " Compleat History 
of England" (3 vols folio, London, 1706), vol. ii. p. 477. 

t Stowe's Annals (folio, London, 1615), p. 80/. 

Camden's Annals, ut supra. 

" There is something peculiarly beautiful in this spot. It is 
so sequestered that it seems shut out from all the world ; all is 
tranquil and in harmony ; there is cheerfulness in the verdure of the 
meadows; the little plot of grass is thickly set with tufts of daisies and 
with white clover. Here stood the old barn-looking cottage ( for it was 
no better) in which Drake first drew breath, with its antique win- 
dows, and all its character of past times about it, till it was pulled 
down to give place to an ox -stall, or some such common appendage, 
to the farm-house hard by. Mr Bray made a slight sketch of it, which 
was very incorrectly copied in the etching which appeared in 
Lewis's Views of the Tavy." Mrs Bray's Borders of the Tamar 
and the Tavy (3 vols 8vo, London, 1836), vol. ii. p. 168. 

|| " For the protection of the fleet," says Kent, an excellent na- 
val historian, " a fort was erected on the banks of the Medway. 



16 LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 

for a naval life ; and his father, poor, and encum- 
bered with a numerous family, was not disposed to 
thwart his inclination. " He put him," says Cam- 
den, " to the master of a bark, his neighbour, 
who held him hard to his business in the vessel, 
with which he used to coast along the shore, and 
sometimes to carry merchandise into Zealand and 
France."* 

In this manner he speedily acquired that prac- 
tical knowledge of his profession, which made him 
in his youth as experienced a seaman as he after- 
wards became an able commander. His fidelity 
and diligence gained the good-will and regard of 
his master, who, dying a bachelor, bequeathed his 
ship to young Drake ;t and thus, in the active 
and vigilant discharge of his first humble duties, 
was laid the sure foundation of future eminence 
and prosperity. At the early age of eighteen he 
became purser of a bark frequenting the ports of 
Biscay ;J he soon afterwards engaged in the slave- 
trade, which had been opened not many years be- 
fore by the enterprise of some adventurers belonging 
to the city of London, and about this time (1567) at- 
tracted the attention of his reputed relation, Captain 
John Hawkins. The inhumanity of such commerce 
was not denounced till a much later period. 

This, from the name of an adjacent village, was called Upnor Castle, 
and overlooked the road in which the ships were usually at an- 
chor." Kent's Biographia Nautica (3 vols 8vo, London, 1777), 
vol. ii. p. 145. Drake's father, as Sir Francis told Camden, was 
Vicar of Upnor ; and thus it is evident that the boyhood of the 
future navigator was spent among sailors. 

* Camden's Annals, vol. ii. p. 478. -f Ibid. 

J Biographia Britannica (2d edition), vol. v. p. 343, art. Drake. 

That Sir John Hawkins was a kinsman of Drake seems ex- 
ceedingly improbable, as Sir Francis, in mentioning his parentage 
to Camden, says nothing of any such relationship. 



LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 17 

The regular course of this traffic, the most lu- 
crative in which England had ever been engaged, 
was to repair first to the Guinea coast for the 
human cargo, obtained by fraud and violence, and 
then to the Spanish islands and the colonies on the 
Main, where the Africans were bartered for silver, 
sugar, hides, and other commodities. The history 
of the first voyage is that of every succeeding one : 
" Master John Hawkins passed to Sierra Leona, 
where he stayed some good time, and got into his 
possession, partly by the sworde, and partly by 
other meanes, to the number of 300 negros at the 
least, with which praye he sayled over the ocean 
sea unto the island of Hispaniola."* 

Few expeditions had been made from England 
to this El Dorado, when Drake, at the age of 
twenty-two, desirous of extending his professional 
knowledge and of participating in the gains of the 
trade, embarked for Guinea in the squadron of 
Hawkins ; being intrusted with the command of 
the Judith,t a bark of fifty tons, one of the smallest 
vessels in the fleet.J 

Having completed his cargo of slaves, the navi- 
gator just named took the usual course to the Ca- 
naries and Spanish America, that he might ex- 
change his freight for wares more valued at home. 
In passing he stormed the town of Rio de la 
Hacha, because the governor, in obedience to the 
commands of the king his master, refused to engage 
in trade with him. This very unjustifiable attack 

Hakluyt (3 vols folio, London, 1600), vol. iii. p. 500. 
f Miles Philips' Relation, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 470. 
Hawkins' Personal Narrative, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 524. 
Ibid. p. 522. 



18 LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 

upon a nation with which his country was then at 
peace, exasperated the Spaniards, and certainly af- 
fords some palliation of the treachery which they 
subsequently displayed towards the English. When 
off the coast of Florida, Hawkins was driven by se- 
vere gales to seek shelter in the port of San Juan 
de Ulloa. When the squadron, consisting of six ships, 
entered the harbour, the inhabitants believed them 
to be a Spanish fleet which was hourly expected ; 
and those who went on board were in some con- 
sternation on discovering their mistake. The com- 
mander, who from the first professed that he came 
in peace and friendship, to obtain refuge from stress 
of weather and procure provisions for his money and 
merchandise, treated them with civility, but thought 
it prudent to detain two persons of consequence as 
hostages till assured of the terms on which he was 
to be received. The temptation of twelve merchant- 
ships lying in the port, laden with goods estimated 
at 200,000, did not shake his integrity, though he 
was aware that they might easily be overmastered 
by his force. It is however candidly confessed by 
him, that he dreaded the displeasure of the queen.* 
A messenger was despatched to the Viceroy of Mex- 
ico ; but before any answer could be returned the 
expected squadron appeared, and the situation of 
the Englishman became uneasy and critical. The 
vessels now arrived had on board a cargo valued at 
about 1,800,000. If he prevented them from en- 
tering the bay, they ran imminent risk of destruc- 
tion j and if admitted, his own safety was put in 
jeopardy, the haven being confined, the town po- 
pulous, and the inhabitants ready, as he suspected, 
* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 523. 






LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 19 

to practise any treachery. At last the viceroy 
agreed to the terms stipulated, which were, a sup- 
ply of provisions to the strangers on fair terms; 
the peaceable repair of their ships ; the temporary 
cession of a fortified island, which lay across and 
commanded the port; andthe interchange of hostages. 
On the faith of this treaty the fleet was allowed to 
sail in ; mutual salutations were fired by the ships 
of both nations, which were followed by visits and 
civilities between the officers and the seamen. 

But for the anticipated anger of Elizabeth, Haw- 
kins would willingly have hazarded an action, not- 
withstanding his disparity of force; yet he now 
suffered himself to be lulled into temporary security, 
by relying on a truce, which the Spaniards intended 
should bind them only till they could violate it with 
impunity. Their squadron was reinforced by a 
thousand men secretly conveyed from the land. An 
unusual bustle and shifting of soldiers and weapons 
from deck to deck were noticed by the voyagers; and 
their demand for explanation was answered by an 
instant attack on all sides.* The Minion, and the 
Judith, the small vessel commanded by Drake, 
were the only English ships that escaped ; and their 
safety was accomplished solely by the valour and con- 

* Narrative by Sir John Hawkins, in Purchas' Pilgrims (5 vols 
folio, London, 1625-26), part. iv. p. 1177- We learn from an in- 
teresting account of the action, entitled Job Hortop's Relation 
(Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 490), that Hawkins was at dinner when the 
Spanish trumpets gave the signal for the attack, his false friend, 
Don Augustine de Villa Nueva, being beside him, who, having a 
dagger concealed in his sleeve, had undertaken to murder him; but 
this purpose was detected. Villa Nueva was imprisoned in the 
steward's room, and the captain, springing on deck, saw the Spaniards 
issue out of their hulk and board the Minion, which lay close to 
them, upon which he cried out with a loud voice, " God and St 
George ! upon those traitorous villains, and rescue the Minion !" 



20 LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 

duct of their captains, after a desperate though 
short conflict. The others were destroyed, and 
many of the sailors were rather butchered in cold 
blood than killed in action. The party which oc- 
cupied the insular fort, struck with alarm, fled to- 
wards the barks at the beginning of the fight, and 
in the attempt were massacred without mercy. 
Such an engagement in a narrow port, each of the 
English vessels being surrounded and attacked by 
three or four of the enemy, presented a scene of havoc 
and confusion almost unparalleled in the records of 
maritime warfare. By the obstinate courage of the 
adventurers in this unequal combat, the Spanish 
admiral's ship and several others were burnt and 
sunk.* 

Placed between the fortress and the still numerous 
fleet, and raked by an incessant fire, it was won- 
derful that even one of the English ships got away. 
Hawkins reached Britain in the Minion, after in- 
credible hardships, having left the port without pro- 
visions or water, his decks crowded with men who 
had escaped the general slaughter, many of them 
wounded. The relation of their sufferings, produced 
as they were by the treachery and inhumanity of the 
Spaniards, must have made an indelible impression 
in England, where the popular feeling was already 
strongly excited against this cruel nation. The de- 
tails given by Miles Philips of the calamities of the 
passage are too revolting to be transferred to this 
narrative, but may be imagined from the words of 
the commander : " If all the miseries and trouble- 
some affaires of this sorowfull voyage should be per- 
fectly and throughly written, there should neede a 

* Relation of Miles Philips } in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 473. 



LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 21 

painefull man with his pen, and as great a time as 
he had that wrote the Lives and Deathes of the 
Martyrs."* The Judith is said by Hawkins to 
have forsaken him in his great distress. As the ships 
parted company in the night, the separation may 
have been unintentional. It is certain, at all events, 
that Drake completed his homeward voyage with 
less hardship and difficulty than the other. 

In this expedition he lost his whole fortune ; and 
hence was laid the foundation of that hatred and 
distrust of the Spaniards, which must have palliated 
many of his subsequent actions, and reconciled his 
countrymen to conduct they might not so readily 
have pardoned in one less sinned against. A divine 
belonging to the fleet has obtained the credit of en- 
forcing the justice of making reprisals on the whole 
nation for the wrong inflicted by a few ; but this 
might well be a spontaneous feeling, in a brave young 
man burning with resentment at the perfidy by which 
his comrades had been murdered, and himself be- 
trayed and beggared. It has been quaintly said by 
Fuller, " that the case was clear in sea-divinity ."t 
The King of Spain's subjects had undone Mr Drake, 
and therefore Mr Drake was entitled to take the 
best satisfaction he could on the subjects of the King 
of Spain. 

This doctrine was very popular in England, where 
still 



" the good old rule 

,1 t P i i 



Sufficed them, the simple plan, 

That they should take who have the power, 

And they should keep who can." 

* Hawkins' Personal Narrative, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 525. The 
work of Fox, which is here alluded to, was published in the English 
language at London in 1563. 

t Holy State (folio, London, 1651), p. 124. 



22 LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 

The scheme of our navigator, for a new expedition 
against the colonies in America, was accordingly 
nosponer made public than he^fr"n.d numbers of 
volunteersjtnd] friendsrejdjMto'proniQte so_praise- 
wor^thy ajdesign as that which he waspresumed to 
entertajnjjand who, althouglTthey hajTno_personal 
quarrelof their ownpwere^ready to^jdopt his, if 
the ijssue^rom^ treasures with 

the Jamaof which all JEuroperung. But he was not 
yet prepared for the full development of his pro- 
jects, and, in all probability, it was but gradually 
that they arose in his own mind. 

The infamous transactions of San Juan de Ulloa 
took place in September 1568, and in 1570 Drake 
engaged in his first adventure with two ships, the 
Dragon and the Swan. In the following year he 
sailed with only the latter.* That the means of 
undertaking any voyage were placed in the hands 
of so young a man, is highly creditable to his cha- 
racter and good conduct. These might be called 
preparatory or experimental enterprises, in which 
he carefully reconnoitred the scene of future ex- 
ploits ; improved his acquaintance with the islands 
and coasts of South America; and amassed the 
wealth which enabled him to extend his sphere of 
discovery, and at once to enrich himself and his 
owners. 

Thus instructed, in 1572 he made his first bold 
and daring attempt at reprisal. His squadron con- 
sisted of two vessels of small burthen, the Pacha, 
of seventy tons, commanded by himself, and the 
Swan, of twenty-five tons, once more afloat, of 
which his brother John was captain. Three pin- 
* Biographia Britannica, vol. v. p. 344. 



LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 23 

naces, so constructed that they could be taken to 
pieces or joined at pleasure, were put on board, 
and his whole force consisted of seventy-three men 
and boys. It appears, however, that after reach- 
ing America he was joined, in a harbour which in 
his former voyage he had named Port Pheasant, by 
a vessel belonging to the Isle of Wight, commanded 
by Captain Rawse. 

On the 24th May he sailed from Plymouth, and 
on the 22d July, in the night, made an attack on 
Nombre de Dios.* This town was at that time what 
Porto Bello, a much more convenient station, after- 
wards became, the entrepot between the commodi- 
ties of Old Spain and the wealth of Mexico and Peru ; 
and in point of riches was imagined to be inferior 
only to Panama on the western shore. It was, how- 
ever, merely a stage in the transmission of treasure 
and merchandise ; and at particular seasons the 
town, which did not at any period exceed thirty 
houses, was almost deserted. Drake's force is esti- 
mated at about 150 men, half of which he left at a 
small fort, and with the other division advanced in 
cautious silence to the marketplace, when he or- 
dered the calivers to be discharged, and the bugle 
to be loudly sounded, the trumpet in the fort re- 
plying, and the men firing at the same time. The 
alarmed Spaniards, startled from their sleep, believed 
the place to be attacked on all sides : some scarcely 
awake fled to the mountains ; but a band of four- 
teen or fifteen rallied, and, arming themselves with 

* A relation of this adventure, written by Philip Nichols, preacher, 
and afterwards published by Sir Francis Drake, nephew, neir, and 
godson of the navigator, is both less accurate and circumstantial 
than the .narrative of Lopez Vaz, who, if not an eyewitness, was 
near the spot, and conversant with the actors and spectators. 



24 LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 

harquebusses, repaired to the scene of action.* Disco- 
vering the small number of the assailants, they took 
courage, and fired their pieces, by which they killed 
the trumpeter and wounded Drake. The men in 
the fort, no longer hearing the bugle, which had 
been the preconcerted signal, while the firing con- 
tinued more briskly than before, became alarmed, 
and fled to their pinnaces. 

When their companions, retiring on the stronghold, 
found it evacuated, they shared in the panic, has- 
tened to the shore, leaving their equipments behind, 
and by wading and swimming reached the boats. 
One Spaniard looking from a window was killed 
by a random shot.t 

Disappointed of the rich booty expected in the 
town, Drake, on information obtained from the 
Cimarrones, a savage tribe in the isthmus, resolved 
to intercept the mules employed in carrying treasure 
from Panama to Nombre de Dios. Leaving his 
small squadron moored within the Sound of Darien, 
he set out, with some of his men and a number of 
the barbarians, to attack this caravan ; but the plan, 
although well laid, was in the first instance frus- 
trated by a drunken seaman. 

It was in this expedition that he first beheld the 
Pacific, and received that vivid inspiration, which, 
according to Camden, left him no rest in his mind 
till he had accomplished his purpose of sailing an 
English ship on its waters. The account of this 
adventure, as given in one original history, is so inte- 
resting and picturesque that we transfer it without 
mutilation. After travelling certain days, it is said, 

Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt. vol. iii. pp. 525, 526. 
p. 526. 



LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 25 

" we came to the height of the desired hill (lying east 
and west like a ridge between the two seas) about ten 
of the clock ; where the chiefest of the Cimarrones 
took our captain by the hand, and prayed him to 
follow him. Here was that goodly and great high 
tree, in which they had cut and made divers steps 
to ascend near to the top, where they had made a 
convenient bower, wherein ten or twelve men might 
easily sit ; and from thence we might see the Atlan- 
tic Ocean we came from, and the South Atlantic so 
much desired. South and north of this tree they 
had felled certain trees that the prospect might be 
the clearer. 

" After our captain had ascended to this bower 
with the chief Cimarrone, and having, as it pleased 
God at this time, by reason of the breeze, a very 
fair day, had seen that sea of which he had heard 
such golden reports ; he besought Almighty God of 
his goodness to give him life and leave to sail once 
in an English ship in that sea. And then, calling up 
all the rest of our men, acquainted John Oxenham 
especially with this his petition and purpose, if it 
would please God to grant him that happiness : who, 
understanding it, presently protested, that unless 
our captain did beat him from his company, he 
would follow him by God's grace."* 

* Sir Francis Drake Revived (4to, London, 1653), p. 54, quoted 
in Burney's Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. i. pp. 293, 294. It may be 
mentioned that Oxenham was the first Englishman that spread his 
sails on the Pacific. In the year 1575, incited by rumours of the 
riches of Panama, " he determined to do that which never any 
man before enterprised." Landing- on the north side of Darien, 
he marched across the narrow neck of land, and having built a pin- 
nace, embarked on the South Sea, and took two prizes. While 
recrossing the isthmus he was taken captive, and was afterwards 
executed at Lima Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 527- Purchas, part iv. 



26 LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 

This enthusiasm of a noble ambition did not, 
however, divert the thoughts of the adventurer from 
enterprises of a more questionable description. Dis- 
appointed at Nombre de Dios, and baffled in his de- 
sign of intercepting the Spanish treasure, he now 
unexpectedly met with a string of fifty mules laden 
with gold and silver. Of the former, the greater 
part was carried off, but the latter, being too heavy 
for conveyance across the mountains, was concealed 
in the shallow bed of a river till an opportunity 
should occur for its removal. One of the seamen, 
however, having fallen into the hands of the Spa- 
niards, was put to the torture, and compelled to 
discover the place where it lay; so that a party 
which Drake subsequently despatched found very 
little of it remaining. Two days after this exploit 
he surprised Venta Cruz, a commercial station 
between Panama and Nombre de Dios, where, 
according to the Spanish account, he killed six or 
seven merchants, set fire to the place, and destroy- 
ed goods to the amount of 200,000 ducats. He 
then retired to his ships, just in time to escape 
a body of 300 Spaniards who had collected to at- 
tack him.* 

In this expedition a trait of character is recorded, 
which at once marks the generosity and enlightened 
policy of this great seaman. To the cacique of the 
friendly Cimarrones he presented his own cutlass, 
for which the chief had discovered a great long- 
ing. In return the warrior gave him four large 
wedges of gold, which Drake, declining to appro- 

* Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 526. Fuller's Holy State, 
p. 126. Prince's Worthies of Devon (4to, London, 1810), p. 31J. 



tIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 27 

priate, threw into the common stock, saying " he 
thought it but just that such as bore the charge 
of so uncertain a voyage on his credit should share 
the utmost advantage that voyage produced."* This 
was considerable, and good fortune attended him to 
the end of his enterprise; for he reached the Scilly 
Isles in twenty-three days after leaving Cape Flo- 
rida, probably the quickest passage that had yet 
been made. It was in time of public service, on 
Sunday the 9th August 1573, that he sailed into 
Plymouth; and "news of his return being car- 
ried into the church, there remained few or no 
people with the preacher ; all running out to ob- 
serve the blessing of God upon the dangerous ad- 
ventures and endeavours of the captain, who had 
wasted one year, two months, and some odd days 
in this voyage."t 

His next undertaking was of a more ambitious 
character. With the wealth acquired thus gallantly, 
and, in the opinion of most of his contemporaries, 
fairly and honourably, though the means may not be 
approved by the moral standard of a more enlightened 
age, he fitted out three stout frigates, which, with 
himself as a volunteer, he placed at the disposal of 
Walter, earl of Essex, father of the celebrated fa- 
vourite of Queen Elizabeth. : Of these he was 
naturally appointed commander, and performed good 
service in subduing the rebellion in Ireland. His 
former reputation and his late exploits had now 
acquired for him high fame and noble patronage. 
He became known to her majesty through the intro- 

* Biographia Britannica, vol. v. p. 344. 
f Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 318. 
$ Stowe's Annals, p. 80J. 



28 LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 

duction of her vice-chamberlain and privy-council- 
lor, Sir Christopher Hatton, a distinction doubly 
desirable, as it promised assistance in that great de- 
sign which lay next his heart, inciting him night 
and day to the performance of his vow.* 

Though, in the enthusiasm of the moment of in- 
spiration, Drake had betrayed his project, yet when 
the time came for its accomplishment he maintained 
an almost suspicious reserve, revolving in his mind his 
favourite enterprise without confiding it to any one. 
His character through life was that of a man who 
listens to every one's counsel, but follows his own ; 
and doubtless in the purpose he meditated there 
was no judgment so well-informed and ripe. 

* Camden's Annals, vol. ii. p. 478. 



DRAKE S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 



29 



CHAPTER II. 

Drakes Circumnavigation. 

The Queen approves the New Expedition Drake's Squadron 
Cape Cantin Muley Moloc Cape Blanco Mayo and Brava 
The Brazilians Ostriches Natives of Seal Bay Their 
Manners and Disposition Patagonians Unfortunate Affray 
Stature of the Indians Port San Julian Trial and Execution of 
Thomas Doughty Passage of the Strait The Natives The 
Fleet separated Tierra del Fuego Fate of the Shallop's Crew 
Cape Horn The Elizabethides Capture of Spanish Prizes- 
Lamas with Treasure Capture of the Cacafuego The Hind 
proceeds in Search of a North-east Passage Indians of New 
Albion discovered Their singular Manners Drake crosses the 
Pacific The Ladrones The Moluccas Remarkable Preserva- 
tion Barateve Java The Voyage Home The Cape of Good 
Hope Arrival at Plymouth Drake's Fame The Queen visits 
his Ship. 

in fhp ypar 1&77, w^ra still 



ft f t 



fhmigh tfrf* national pjnmnsify 



of agoTPssinn 



and if Elizabeth did not absolutely discountenance, 
her policy forbade an open approval of a project so 
equivocalasjhat which Drake contemplated. There 
cannotrEowever, be any doubt.that the plan of his 
integflecTVoyage was laidj^ejgrelier majesty, who, 
once"cdnvmced of its importance and_of the glory and 
advantage which might be de^iyed_tojier kingdom 
from its prosperous issue, waTeasily reconciled to the 
justice ofwhat appeared so expedient. The design 
accordingiyleems at lasftoTiave received her de- 



30 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

cided though secret approbation. In one narrative 
it is even affirmed that the commander held a 
royal commission ;* but, though this is not very 
probable, there appears no reason to discredit the 
statement, that at a parting interview the queen 
presented him with a sword, adding this emphatic 
speech, " We do account that he which striketh at 
thee, Drake, striketh at us." If this verbal warrant 
does not save him from the charge of piracy, it will 
at least divide the shame with his sovereign. 

The celebrity already enjoyed by the navigator 
may be gathered from the readiness with which 
friends and admirers intrusted to him their ships 
and the means of equipping an expedition, whereof 
the destination lay hid in his own bosom. Nor, 
though the frightful sufferings of Hawkins' crew and 
more recent disasters were still fresh in the public 
memory, did he lack able and active officers or sea- 
men, eager to follow him blindfold in his mysterious 
enterprise. To the more sordid, the hope of spoil 
might perhaps form the only incentive; but many, 
without doubt, were influenced by nobler motives. 
The fleet was ostensibly fitted out for a trading 
voyage to Alexandria ; though this pretence deceived 
no one, and least of all the watchful Spaniards. It 
consisted of five ships, the largest of which, named 
the Pelican and not exceeding 120 tons burden, 
was commanded by the captain-general. The others 
were, the Elizabeth, a bark of 80 tons, placed 
under Captain John Winter; the Swan, a fly-boat 
of 50 tons, Captain John Chester ; the Marygold, a 
bark of 30 tons, Captain John Thomas ; and the 
Christopher, a pinnace of 15 tons, Captain Thomas 

* Prince's Worthies of Devon, p. 318. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 31 

Moone. The Benedict, of 12 tons, accompanied the 
Elizabeth ; and the frames of four small vessels were 
taken out, to be set up as they were wanted. Drake, 
like Columbus and Cook, preferred at all times 
vessels of light weight to ships of large and un- 
wieldy size, as better fitted for threading narrow and 
intricate channels, and coasting unknown shores. 
The crews of his little squadron consisted of one 
hundred and sixty-four men, " gentlemen and sail- 
ers ;"* and we are informed by Princet that he did 
not omit " provision for ornament and delight, carry- 
ing with him expert musicians, rich furniture (all 
the vessels for his table, yea, many belonging to his 
cook-room, being of pure silver), with divers shows 
of all sorts of curious workmanship, whereby the 
civility and magnificence of his native country 
might, among all nations whither he should come, 
be the more admired." The anxiety displayed for 
the proper equipment of his fleet, the extent of the 
preparations, the quantity of the arms and stores, 
and the improbability that its leader, after his late 
exploits, should undertake a peaceful expedition for 
traffic, had, in part, betrayed his intentions before he 
left England ; but when, after being some days at 
sea, he appointed, in case of separation, a rendez- 
vous at an island in the Atlantic, on the coast of Bar- 
bary, no doubt could remain that his enterprise 
pointed to an object more distant and important 
than Alexandria. 

Though it is probable that the bold design of 
crossing the Pacific was not at first contemplated by 
Drake, and only suggested by the circumstances in 
which he was afterwards placed, he is not the less 

* Hakiayt,~voL~iiL p. 732. fTVorthles^Devon, p. 318. 



32 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

entitled to the praise he has often received for re- 
solving on the hazardous enterprise of penetrating 
with so small a force the channel explored by Ma- 
gellan, and of adventuring into unknown seas to 
contend with an enemy possessed of such power 
and resources. The voyage through the straits 
had so long been abandoned by the Spaniards, 
that the passage was currently reported to have 
closed up ; and among that nation a superstitious 
prejudice was conceived against all farther attempts 
in the South Sea, which, it was asserted, had proved 
fatal to every one who had engaged in the discovery 
or even in the navigation of its waters. 

On the 15th day of November the squadron set 
sail, but, encountering a violent storm, was next 
morning forced into Falmouth ; the mainmast of 
the Pelican being cut away, and the Marygold driven 
on shore and shattered. This was a disheartening 
commencement ; but, notwithstanding, the adven- 
turers, after refitting at Plymouth, took a second 
departure on the 13th December.* 

Proceeding prosperously, on Christmas-day they 
reached Cape Cantin, on the coast of Barbary, and 
on the 27th found a safe and convenient harbour 
in Mogadore, an island of moderate height and 
nearly a league in circuit, lying about a mile from 
the mainland. Having sent a boat to sound, they 
entered the port by the north approach, the southern 
access being found rocky and shallow. Here Drake 
anchored that he might put together one of the 
pinnaces for service ; and, while thus engaged, 
some Moors appeared, displaying a white flag, and 
making signals to be taken on board. Two of su- 
* Biographia Britannica, vol. v. p. 345. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 730. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 33 

perior condition were brought to the ships, a sea- 
man being left as a hostage for their safe return. The 
strangers were courteously received and hospitably 
regaled by the captain-general, who presented them 
with linen, shoes, and a javelin. When sent on shore 
the mariner was restored ; and next day, as several 
loaded camels were seen approaching, it was natur- 
ally presumed that their burdens were provisions 
and merchandise, and the English despatched a boat 
to trade. On reaching the land, a sailor, more alert 
than his comrades, leaped among the Moors, and was 
instantly snatched up and thrown across a horse, 
when the whole party set off at a round gallop. The 
crew, instead of attempting to rescue their companion, 
consulted their personal safety by an immediate re- 
treat to the ships. Indignant at this treachery, 
Drake landed in order to recover his countryman or 
inflict vengeance on the natives, but was compelled 
to return without accomplishing his object. It was 
subsequently ascertained that this violence was com- 
mitted with the view of supplying information to 
the king, the famous Muley Moloc, respecting an ar- 
mament then fitting out by the Portuguese against 
his territories, an invasion that soon afterwards 
took place, and of which the results are well known. 
Before the prisoner was dismissed from his examina- 
tion, the ships had sailed ; but he was well treated, 
and permitted to return to England by the first op- 
portunity which occurred.* 

The fleet, having taken in wood, sailed on the 
31st December, and on the 17th January 1578 
reached Cape Blanco, having on the cruise captured 
three caunters, as the Spanish fishing-boats were 

* Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 95. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 730. 



34 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

called, and two caravels, one of which was after- 
wards set at liberty. A ship, surprised with only 
two men on board, shared the same fate. At this pro- 
montory they remained four days to fish j and while 
on shore the commander exercised his crews in arms, 
thus studying both their health and the maintenance 
of good discipline.* From the stores of the fisher- 
men they selected such commodities as they wanted ; 
but fresh water was at this season so scarce that, in- 
stead of obtaining a supply, Drake, compassionating 
the condition of the natives, who came down from 
the heights offering ambergris and gums in exchange 
for it, generously filled their leathern bags without 
accepting any recompense, and otherwise treated 
them humanely and hospitably. Having here re- 
leased four of the prizes, the voyagers sailed on the 
22d, carrying with them a caunter of 40 tons burden, 
for which the owners received, as a slight indem- 
nification, the pinnace Benedict. After six days 
they came to anchor at the west side of Mayo, an 
island where, according to the information of one 
of their prisoners, abundance of dried goat's flesh 
might be had, the inhabitants preparing a store an- 
nually for the use of the passing ships. But the 
people, mostly herdsmen and husbandmen employed 
by the Portuguese of the island of San Jago, would 
have no intercourse with the English, having pro- 
bably been warned of danger.t Next day a party 
of sixty-two men landed, commanded by Captain 
Winter and Thomas Doughty. They repaired to 
what was described as the capital, by which must 
be understood only the principal aggregation of 
cabins or huts ; but the natives had fled, having pre- 
* Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 96. f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 731. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 35 

viously salted the springs. The country appeared 
fertile, especially in the valleys ; and in the depth of 
the European winter they feasted on ripe and deli- 
cious grapes. The land also produced cocoa-nuts, 
and they saw abundance of goats and wild hens ; 
though these, as well as fresh water, were unfortu- 
nately too far distant from the ships to be available. 
Salt produced by the heat of the sun formed here 
an article of commerce, and one of the prizes made 
was a caravel employed in that traffic.* 

Leaving Mayo on the 30th, they captured, on 
the south-west side of San Jago, a Portuguese vessel 
bound to Brazil, laden with wine, cloth, and general 
merchandise, and having numerous passengers on 
board. The command of this bark was given to 
Doughty, who was soon afterwards superseded by 
Thomas Drake, a brother of the commodore. This 
is the first time we hear of offences being charged 
against the former ill-fated person ; who is said to 
have appropriated to his own use certain presents, 
probably given by the Portuguese prisoners as bribes 
to obtain good usage. These captives Drake dis- 
missed at the first convenient place, giving every 
passenger his wearing- apparel, and presenting them 
with a butt of wine and other provisions, and with 
the pinnace he had set up at Mogadore.t He de- 
tained the pilot, Nuno da Silva, an expert mariner, 
who was well acquainted with the coast of Brazil, 
and afterwards published a minute and accurate 
account of the voyage. :f 

Here, in the vicinity of the place named by the 
Portuguese Isla del Fogo or the Burning Island, from 

Haklnyt, vol. iii. p. 731. f Ibid. p. 732. 

$ Ibid. p. 742. Narrative of Nuno da Silva. 



36 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

" a consuming fire, the matter whereof is said to be 
sulphur/' lies a spot, described in the early narratives 
as a terrestrial paradise, " a most pleasante iland, 
the trees whereof are alwayes greene, and sweete, 
and faire to looke upon; in respect whereof they 
call it Ilha Brava, that is, The Brave Island. From 
the bankes thereof into the sea doe run in many 
places reasonable streames of fresh water," with 
which ships may easily be supplied. There was, 
however, no convenient harbour nor anchorage to 
be found ; the volcanic tops of Del Fogo, " burn- 
ing not so high in the ayre, but the rootes of Brava 
are quenched as low in the sea."* 

The navigators now approached the equinoctial 
line, where they were sometimes becalmed, and at 
others tossed by stormy tempests and seas. In their 
progress they were chiefly indebted to the copious 
rains for a seasonable supply of water. They also 
caught dolphins, bonitos, and flying-fish, which fell 
on the decks, " wherehence they could not rise againe 
for want of moisture, for when their wings are drie 
they cannot flie."t On the 2d of February they 
had left the shore of Brava, and on the 28th of 
March the Portuguese prize, which was their wine- 
cellar and store, was separated in a tempest, but to 
their great satisfaction rejoined them next day. On 
the 5th of April they made the coast of Brazil, in 
31 30'J south ; and the natives having discovered the 
ships, lighted great fires, performed various incan- 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 732. f Ibid. 

Another account says 38 south. In determining the latitude 
or longitude, the authority of Burney is generally followed in this 
volume, as his eminent practical skill makes his observations on the 
discrepancies in the different accounts of great value. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 37 

tations, and offered sacrifices, as was imagined, to 
their demons, that they might raise storms to sink 
the strangers. To these diabolical arts the mari- 
ners doubtless attributed the violent lightning, 
thunder, and rain, which they encountered in this 
latitude.* 

Near a headland, named by them Cape Joy, the 
air was mild and salubrious, the soil rich and fertile. 
Troops of wild deer, " large and mightie," were the 
only living creatures seen on this part of the coast, 
though the foot-prints of men of large stature were 
traced on the ground. Some seals were caught 
here ; for on no occasion did the crews neglect to se- 
cure a supply of fresh provisions. On the 14th of 
April, they anchored within the entrance of the Rio 
de la Plata, the appointed rendezvous in case of 
separation after leaving the Cape de Verd Islands ; 
and here the caunter, which had separated in a 
gale on the 7th, rejoined, when the expedition sailed 
eighteen leagues farther into the river, where they 
killed "certaine sea-wolves commonly called seales."t 
Having obtained fresh water, and finding no good 
harbour, the fleet on the 27th stood out to sea, and 
steered to the southward. The Swan parted com- 
pany the first night, and the caunter, ever apt to go 
astray, was separated ten days afterwards. On the 
12th May, in 47 south, a headland was descried, 
within which was a bay that promised safe har- 
bourage ; but the entrance being rocky, Drake an- 
chored for the night at the distance of some miles 
from the shore, and on the following morning went 
off in a boat to explore the inlet. J Before he made 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 732. f Ibid. 

$ Voyage of John Winter, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 750. 



38 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

the land, a thick fog, succeeded by bad weather, 
concealed from him the sight of the fleet; upon 
which the several ships' companies became alarmed 
for their leader, in whom all their hopes of fortune, 
fame, and even of safety, were placed. The Mary- 
gold stood into the bay, picked up the captain- 
general, and came to anchor ; but in the mean time 
the other vessels, as the gale increased, were com- 
pelled to stand out to sea. Next day Drake landed 
again, and several natives came in sight, to whom 
a white flag was waved in token of amity, and as a 
signal to approach ; but, though they seemed to ac- 
knowledge the symbol of peace, they kept at a wary 
distance. 

The commander now ordered fires to be lighted 
as signals to the ships ; and they all rejoined, ex- 
cept the Swan, and the Mary, as the Portuguese 
prize was now named.* 

In a sort of storehouse here, amongst the rocks, 
above fifty dried ostriches, besides other fowls, were 
found deposited by the savages. It was suggest- 
ed by some of the English that these had been 
left as a donation ; and Drake, whether believing 
or not in so rare an instance of hospitality, ap- 
propriated them to the use of his company. It is 
a charitable conjecture of Burney, that some pre- 
sent was left in return. The manner in which the 
ostriches were snared deserves to be noticed. Plumes 
of feathers being affixed to a piece of wood so as to 
resemble the head and neck of the animal, the 
hunter concealed himself behind these decoys, and, 
moving onwards, drove his prey into some narrow 

* Barney's Chronological H istory of the Discoveries in the South 
Sea (5 vols 4to, London, 1803-1817), vol. i. p. 312. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 39 

tongue of land, across which strong nets were placed. 
The return of the birds, which run, but cannot fly,* 
being thus intercepted, they were hunted and cap- 
tured by means of dogs.t 

The choice of the place in which the fleet now lay 
had been dictated by necessity alone. On the 15th 
it was abandoned, and on the 17th anchorage was 
found in a good port, in 47 30' south. Here seals 
were so plentiful that upwards of 200 were slaughter- 
ed in an hour. J While a party was filling the water- 
casks, killing seals, and salting fowls for future pro- 
vision, Drake in the Pelican, and Captain Winter 
in the Elizabeth, set out on different courses in quest 
of the Swan and the Portuguese prize. On the 
same day the captain-general fell in with the first- 
named vessel, and, before attempting the straits, 
formed the prudent resolution of diminishing the 
cares and hazards of the voyage by reducing the 
number of his ships. The Swan was accordingly 
broken up for firewood, after all her materials and 
stores had been removed. 

When the squadron had been here several days, 
a party of the natives came to the shore, dancing, 
leaping, and making signs of invitation to a few sea- 
men, who were on a small island which at low water 
communicated with the mainland. They were a 
handsome, strong, agile race, lively and alert. 
Their only covering was the skin of an animal, 
which, worn about their middle when walking, was 

It is to be understood that in this volume objects of Natural 
History are often described according to the notions of early voy- 
agers, and not as farther observation and discovery would warrant. 

j- The World Encompassed, p. 19, quoted in Burney, vol. i. 
p. 312. 

+ Hakluyt, voL iii. pp. 733, 751. Ibid. p. 733. 



40 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

wrapped round their shoulders while they squatted 
or lay on the ground. Their bodies were painted 
after a grotesque fashion. Though fancy and inge- 
nuity were displayed in the figures, and in the 
contrast and variety of colours, it is reasonable to 
conclude that the practice had its origin in utility, 
and was adopted either as a means of exciting terror 
in war, or as a defence against cold, ornament 
being at first only a secondary consideration, though, 
as in more refined regions, it sometimes usurped the 
place of the principal object.* White moons were 
exhibited to advantage on a black ground, and black 
suns on a white one ; some had one shoulder black 
and the other white ; but these were probably per- 
sons who carried the mode to the extreme.t 

Perceiving that the signals were interpreted in 
a friendly way, Drake despatched a boat with such 
small wares as were likely to be acceptable to 
the natives. As it approached the land, two of 
the group, who had been standing on a height, 
moved swiftly down, but stopt short at a little dis- 
tance. The presents were fastened to a stake, and 
left on the shore ; and after the seamen put off they 
were removed. In return, such arms and ornaments 
as the savages wore were deposited on the beach, 
or fastened to the same pole.J Thus a friendly if 
not a very profitable traffic was established. For 
such trifles as the English bestowed, they gave in 
return the only articles they possessed to which 
value was attached. These were bows an ell in 



" Johnson's Life of Drake, Works (edit. Oxford, 1825), vol. vi. 
p. 347. 

f Burney, vol. i. p. 314. Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 733, 751. 
Burney, vol. i. p. 313. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 41 

length,* arrows made of reeds and pointed with 
flint, feathers, and carved bones. Some of them 
" had on their heads the similitude of horns,"t 
a singular ornament still used by the Californians. 
By one of the voyagers they are described as of large 
stature ; but neither the account which appears to 
have been authorized by Drake, nor the original nar- 
rative of Captain Winter, drawn up by Cliffe, cor- 
roborates this assertion. They are spoken of as peo- 
ple of a strong make, middle-sized, and extremely 
active. J They were of a gay and cheerful disposi- 
tion ; the sound of the trumpets delighted them ; 
and they danced merrily with the sailors. " One 
of the giants," says Fletcher, in his manuscript ac- 
count of the voyage, " standing with our men tak- 
ing their morning's draught, showed himself so fa- 
miliar, that he also would do as they did, and taking 
a glass in his hand (being strong Canary wine), it 
came no sooner to his lips than it took him by the 
nose, and so suddenly entered his head, that he was 
so drunk, or at least so overcome, that he fell on his 
bottom, not able to stand ; yet he held the glass fast 
in his hand, without spilling any of the wine, and 
when he came to himself, he tried again, and tast- 
ing, by degrees got to the bottom, from which time 
he took such a liking to the wine, that having learnt 
the name, he would every morning come down the 
mountains with a mighty cry of 'Wine! wine! wine!' 
continuing the same till he arrived at the tent." 
Their principal article of food was the flesh of seals, 
and sometimes that of other animals ; all which they 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 751. f Ibid. p. 733. 

+ Ibid. p. 732. 

MS. Account by Francis Fletcher, in Burney, vol. i. p. 316. 



42 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

roasted, or rather scorched for a few minutes, in 
large lumps of six pounds weight, and then devour- 
ed nearly raw, " men and women tearing it in 
pieces with their teeth like lions."* 

The fleet sailed from Seal Bay, as this place was 
named, on the 3d June, and on the ]2th came to an- 
chor in an inlet where they remained two days, dur- 
ing which they dismantled the caunter, and allowed 
her to drift ; and thus, by reducing their force, di- 
minished the danger of separation. From the 14th 
to the 17th June they cruised in search of the Mary, 
the Portuguese prize, and then came to anchor in a 
bay in 50 20' south. On the 19th the missing ves- 
sel was found, and next day the whole squadron 
moored in Port San Julian, in 49 30' south ; where, 
says one relation, " we found a gibbet standing 
upon the maine, which we supposed to be the place 
where Magellan did execution upon some of his 
disobedient and rebellious company ."t So soon as 
the ships were safely stationed, Drake and several 
of his officers went off in a boat to examine the 
capabilities of the coast, and on landing, met two of 
the natives, who appeared to give them welcome. 
A few trifles presented to them were accepted 
with pleasure, and they were apparently delighted 
by the dexterity with which the gunner used the 
English bow in a trial of skill, sending his ar- 
rows so far beyond their best range. Nothing, 
however, can be more fickle and capricious than 
the friendship of most uncivilized tribes. A savage 
of less amiable disposition than his companions ap- 

* MS. Account by Francis Fletcher, in Burney, vol. i. p. 315. 
f- Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 733. Winter's relation in Hakluyt, vol. 
iii. p. 751, states that they found the bones of their dead bodies. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 43 

preached, and with menacing gestures signified to 
the crew to be gone. Robert Winter, displeased 
with the interruption given to their pastime by this 
churlish fellow, between jest and earnest bent his 
bow, partly in intimidation, but also to show the 
superiority of our archery. The string unfortunately 
snapped ; and while he was repairing it, a sudden 
shower of arrows wounded him in the shoulder and 
the side. Oliver, the gunner, instantly levelled his 
piece ; but it missed fire, and the attempt proved the 
signal for his destruction. He was pierced through 
with a shaft, which, entering his breast, came out 
at his back, and he died instantly. At this critical 
moment Drake commanded the rest of the party to 
cover themselves with their targets, and advance 
upon the savages, whose forces were rapidly increas- 
ing. With his usual presence of mind, too, he di- 
rected his men to break every arrow aimed at them, 
as the assailants must thus soon expend their stock. 
The captain-general probably remembered at this 
juncture that, in the conflict where Magellan lost 
his life, the shafts were picked up by the people of 
Matan, and repeatedly used, as they drove the 
Spaniards into the water. At the same instant 
in which he gave the order, he seized the gunner's 
piece, and taking aim at the man who had killed 
Oliver, shot him in the belly. This turned the fate 
of the hour, and probably prevented the massacre of 
the voyagers ; for numbers of Patagonians were 
seen hastening from the woods to support their 
countrymen, when the cries of the wounded man 
struck with panic those already engaged, and the 
whole fled. It was not thought prudent to pursue 
them, nor even to tarry on shore ; Mr Winter was 



44 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

therefore borne off to the ships, where he soon after- 
wards died of his wounds. In the haste of embark- 
ation the body of the gunner was left; but next 
day it was found uninjured, save that an English 
arrow had been thrust into the left eye. The clothes 
were in part stripped off, and formed into a pillow 
or truss, which was placed under the head of the 
corpse.* 

This unfortunate affray appears to have been 
more the consequence of misunderstanding than of 
design ; and the usage of the dead body, as well as 
the subsequent conduct of the natives, evince a less 
revengeful and ferocious disposition than is commonly 
displayed even among the mildest savages when 
inflamed by recent battle. During the remainder 
of the time that the fleet lay here no farther mo- 
lestation was offered to the navigators. 

The stature of these tribes, and of the barbarians 
inhabiting the northern margin of the straits, has 
been the subject of dispute from the voyage of Ma- 
gellan to our own times. Cliffe says, " These men 
be of no such stature as the Spaniardes report, being 
but of the height of Englishmen : for I have scene 
men in England taller then I could see any of them. 
But peradventure," he continues, " the Spaniard 
did not thinke that any Englishmen would have 
come thither so soone to have disproved them in 
this and divers others of their notorious lies."t 
The author of " The World Encompassed" makes 
the height of these people seven feet and a half. It 
is not unlikely that the mists, haze, and storms, 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 751. World Encompassed, quoted in 
Burney, vol. i. pp. 317, 318. 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 751, 752. See also Edinburgh Cabinet 
Library, No. XXI. p. 199-201. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 45 

through which they were often partially seen on 
this wild coast, perched on a rock or grovelling on 
the ground, may be the origin of the pigmies and 
giants of the early navigators ; but that tribes pos- 
sessing a tall though not gigantic stature were seen 
in the South Sea Islands, and also on the western 
shores of the continent of America, near its southern 
extremity, does not admit of doubt.* 

While the fleet lay at Port San Julian an event 
occurred, which some authors have considered as the 
most questionable act in the life of its commander. 
Thomas Doughty, a man of talent, and probably 
of an ill-regulated ambition, had served in the 
squadron, and it is said enjoyed in a high degree the 
affection and confidence of the captain-general, who 
must have voluntarily selected him as one of his com- 
pany. He was at this place accused of conspiracy 
and mutiny ; of a design to massacre Drake and the 
principal officers, and thus defeat the objects of the ex- 

* The Patagonian race is still among the least known of all the 
tribes of the New World. There is no doubt, however, of its exist- 
ence, nor of the fact that it is characterized by proportions generally 
exceeding the ordinary dimensions of mankind. The Patagonian 
people are of limited numbers, and inhabit the eastern shores of the 
most southern point of the American continent, under a cold and steril 
clime. They wander about from one district to another, and are 
but imperfectly civilized. Their dispositions, however, are peace- 
able, although their great bodily strength would seem to fit them 
for warlike enterprise; but it frequently happens that gigantic forms 
are not accompanied by a corresponding increase of physical energy. 
The average height of these people' is about six feet, a stature 
which is also extremely common among the chiefs and nobles of 
the South Sea Islands. The complexion of the Patagonians is 
tawny ; their hair, of which the colour is black or brown, is lank, 
and for the most part very long. It appears that they have 
succeeded in the training of horses, an unusual accomplishment in 
a tribe otherwise so uncivilized; but this, of course, must have 
been a comparatively modern exercise of their ingenuity, as these 
animals were unknown in America prior to the period of the Spanish 
conquest. 

C 



46 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

pedition. The details of this unfortunate transaction 
are scanty, obscure, and perplexed ; and no contem- 
porary writer notices any specific ground of charge. 
Cliffe dismisses the subject in this brief sentence, 
" Mr Thomas Doughty was brought to his an- 
swere, was accused and convicted of certaine articles, 
and by Mr Drake condemned."* The account in 
tc The World Encompassed" is more elaborate, but 
though it assumes the tone of an apology for the 
commander, is not much more satisfactory. It con- 
tains strong general accusations, without any record 
of the facts, or proof of the allegations. These 
early chroniclers appear either thoroughly satisfied 
of the guilt of the culprit, or indifferent to the 
propriety of convincing others of the justice and 
necessity of his sentence. Doughty had pre- 
viously been called in question for accepting gifts 
or bribes while in the Portuguese prize; and ac- 
cording to one account the treason for which he 
suffered was of old date. Before the fleet left Ply- 
mouth, it is said, he had been hatching plots against 
his commander, who refused to believe " that a 
person whom he so dearly loved would conceive 
such evil purposes against him, till at length per- 
ceiving that the manifold practices grew daily more 
and more, and that lenity and favour did little good, 
he thought it high time to call these practices into 
question ; and therefore, setting good watch over 
him, and assembling all his captains and gentlemen 
of his company together, he propounded to them the 
good parts which were in the gentleman, the great 
good-will and inward affection, more than brotherly, 
which he had ever since his first acquaintance borne 
Hakluyt, vol. iii. p, 752. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 47 

him, not omitting the respect which was had of him 
among no mean personages in England ; and after- 
wards delivered the letters which were written to 
him (Drake), with the particulars from time to 
time, which had been observed not so much by him- 
self as by his good friends ; not only at sea, but 
even at Plymouth ; not bare words, but writings ; not 
writings alone, but actions, tending to the overthrow 
of the service in hand and making away of his per- 
son. Proofs were required and alleged, so many 
and so evident, that the gentleman himself, stricken 
with remorse of his inconsiderate and unkind deal- 
ing, acknowledged himself to have deserved death, 
yea, many deaths ; for that he conspired, not only 
the overthrow of the action, but of the principal 
actor also."* The account continues in the same 
strain, asserting that forty of the principal men 
of the squadron adjudged the culprit to death, 
and gave this sentence under their hands and 
seals, leaving the manner to the captain, who al- 
lowed the unfortunate man the choice of being 
abandoned on the coast, taken back to England to 
answer to the lords of the queen's council, or exe- 
cuted on the spot. He chose the last, " desiring 
only," it is said, " that he and the general might 
once more receive the holy communion together 
before his death, and that he might not die other 
than the death of a gentleman." Drake accordingly 
received the sacrament with the condemned man, 
and afterwards they dined together " at the same 
table, as cheerfully in sobriety as ever in their lives 
they had done ; and taking their leave, by drinking 
to each other, as if some short journey only had 
* World Encompassed, p. 32, cited by Burney, voL i. p. 320. 



48 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

been in hand." Without farther delay, all things 
being in readiness, Doughty walked forth, and hav- 
ing requested the bystanders to pray for him, sub- 
mitted his neck to the executioner.* 

Camden's version of this transaction does not dif- 
fer materially from the above. But the chaplain of 
the fleet, Francis Fletcher, left in manuscript a 
journal of the voyage, now deposited in the Bri- 
tish Museum, which contradicts many of the state- 
ments in the other relations. He asserts that the 
criminal utterly denied, upon his salvation, the truth 
of the charges against him, both at the time of com- 
municating, and at the hour and moment of his exe- 
cution. There is nothing in this narrative that can 
warrant the belief of a choice of life or death hav- 
ing been given him upon any conditions ; and it is 
evident that, in the opinion of its author, Doughty 
was an innocent man, the victim of a conspiracy not 
rigidly sifted by the commander, and in which the 
actors too probably consulted his secret wishes. The 
accuracy of Fletcher, however, in other parts of his 
narrative, appears questionable, and that portion of 
it which relates to this occurrence may not be more 
unimpeachable than the rest. 

The fleet had not long left England when the 
affair of the Portuguese prisoners, in which, though 
there might be dishonour, there was certainly no 
crime deserving the punishment of death, was 
brought against him. But in Port San Julian, the 
chaplain remarks, " more dangerous matter is laid 
to his charge, and by the same persons (John Brewer, 
Edward Bright, and others of their friends), name- 
ly, for words spoken by him to them in the general's 
* World Encompassed, p. 32. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 49 

garden at Plymouth, long before our departure, 
which had been their part or duty to have dis- 
covered them at the time, and not to have concealed 
them for a time and place not so fitting."* Besides 
the vague charges made of plots and mutinous con- 
duct, and the singular offence of being " an emu- 
lator of the glory of his commander," another cause 
is assigned for the fate of this gentleman, which, if 
it were supported by reasonable proof, would fix a 
deeper stigma on the character of Drake. In Eng- 
land, under Elizabeth, the age of dark intrigue had 
succeeded the times of ferocity and open violence ; 
but the dependents of the leading men in the state 
were still as criminally subservient to the flagitious 
designs of their patrons as when their daggers were 
freely drawn in their service. It was alleged, that 
the captain carried this unfortunate man to sea to rid 
the powerful Earl of Leicester of a dangerous prater, 
and in time and place convenient to revenge his 
quarrel.t 

It is probable that the intimacy of Doughty with 
the great navigator had commenced in Ireland, as 
both had served under Walter, first earl of Essex ; 
and it is affirmed, that the real crime of the former 
consisted in his having accused Leicester of causing 
poison to be administered to his noble rival, of which 
few men in England believed him wholly guiltless. 
On the other hand, Essex was the patron of Drake, 
who, it is plausibly argued, was thus much more likely 
to protect than punish a friend to that nobleman. It 

* Fletcher's MS. Account, quoted by Burney, vol. i. p. 321. 

J* " Multi de nece illius varie disseruere, nee deerant qui cre- 
derent Dracum in secretis raandatis a Leicestrio habuisse, ut 
Doughteium quovis raodo tolleret interficeretque, quia hssexium 
Leicestrii scelere sublatum vulgo jactaverat." Robert! Johnstoni 
Historia Rerum Britannicarura. Amstel. 1655, p. 67. 



50 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

may be farther pleaded in his behalf, that, with the 
exception of the chaplain, no man nor officer in the 
fleet has recorded any objection to the justice of the 
sentence, though the affair, after the return of the ex- 
pedition, was canvassed in England.* In his whole 
course of life Drake maintained the character of in- 
tegrity and humanity ; nor was he deficient in gene- 
rosity. He at all times discovered a strong sense of 
religion and of moral obligation, except in the case of 
the Spaniards and Portuguese, for which, however, 
"sea-divinity" and the public morals of that age were 
sufficient exculpation. That to conceal the crimes or 
execute the vengeance of Leicester he could have put 
an innocent man to death, is too monstrous for belief; 
and that, conscious of the deepest injustice, he should 
have gone through the solemn religious observances 
which preceded the execution of his brother-officer, 
presents a picture of hypocrisy and cold-blooded 
cruelty almost incredible. The case seems to resolve 
itself into the simple necessity of keeping up discipline 
in the squadron, and maintaining that personal 
authority which, in a commander, is a duty even 
more important than self-preservation. Drake's no- 
tions of this might have been somewhat overstrain- 
ed ; nor is it unlikely that he unconsciously imbibed 
slight feelings of jealousy of " this emulator of his 
glory."t Every one who mentions Doughty speaks 

* In a relation (written by himself) of the marvellous adventures 
of Peter Carder, a shipwrecked seaman, belonging to Drake's fleet, 
we find that when, after his long detention and miraculous escape 
from the savages and the " Portugals," he returned to England, on 
being examined before the queen, she questioned him "of the man- 
ner of Master Dowtie's execution." Purchas, part iv. p. 1190. 

j- It is not improbable, that to the jealousy with which Drake is 
said to have regarded the talents and enterprise of Doughty, may 
be traced the origin of a legend still current in the birthplace of 
the great navigator, where he is famous, among the common people, 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 51 

of him as a man of great endowments : Mr Fletcher 
is warm in his praise ; Camden,* even when relat- 
ing his crimes, calls him " an industrious and stout 
man/' and, it would appear, that he was of sufficient 
consequence to be imagined the cause of disquiet to 
the all-powerful Leicester. 

Immediately after the execution, Drake, who to 
his other qualities added the gift of a bold natural 
eloquence, addressed his whole company, exhort- 
ing them to " unitie, obedience, love, and regard of 
our voyage ; and for the better confirmation thereof 
willed every man the next Sunday following to 
prepare himselfe to receive the communion, as Chris- 
tian brethren and friends ought to doe ; which was 
done in very reverent sort, and so with good con- 
tentment every man went about his businesse."t 

Doubt and darkness will, however, always hang 
over this transaction, were it only for the simple 
reason that no formal record was kept of the proceed- 
ings. Doughty was interred along with Mr Winter 
and the gunner on an island in the harbour ; and 
the chaplain relates, that he erected a stone, and carv- 

as a magician of marvellous power. " The story says, that whilst 
he was once sailing in foreign seas he had on board the vessel a 
boy of uncommonly quick parts. In order to put them to the proof, 
Sir Francis questioned the youth, and bade him tell what might be 
their antipodes at that moment The boy without hesitation told 
him Barton Place (for so Buckland Abbey was then called), the 
admiral's own mansion in his native county. After the ship had 
made some further progress, Sir Francis repeated his question, and 
the answer he received was, that they were then at the anti- 
podes of London Bridge. Drake, surprised at the accuracy of the 
boy's knowledge, exclaimed, ' Hast thou, too, a devil ? If I let 
thee live, there will be one a greater man than I am in the world ;' 
and, so saying, he threw the lad overboard into the sea, where he 
perished." Mrs Bray's Borders of the Tamar and the Tavy, vol. 
uTp. 173. 

* Annals of Elizabeth, in Rennet, vol. ii. p. 478. 

t Hakluyt, voL iii. p. 733. 



52 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

edon it the names of these unfortunate Englishmen, 
and the date of their burial.* 

The ships, by the breaking up of the Portuguese 
prize, which had become leaky, were now reduced 
to three ; and being " trimmed" and supplied with 
wood and water, and such other necessaries as could 
be obtained, they sailed from this " port accursed"t 
on the 17th August. Cliffe relates, that while they 
lay here the weather, though in July and August, 
was colder than at midwinter in Britain.^ On 
the 20th they made Cape de las Virgenes, entered 
the Strait of Magellan, and on the 24th anchored 
tliirty leagues within it. Here Drake changed the 
name of his ship, calling her, in compliment to his 
friend Sir Christopher Hatton, the Golden Hind, 
which was probably a part of the armorial bearings 
of the knight. 

The eastern mouth of the channel was found about 
a league broad ; the land bare and flat. On the 
north side Indians were seen making great fires; 
but on the south no inhabitants appeared. The 
length was computed at 110 leagues. The tide was 
seen to rise (setting in from both sides) about five 
fathoms. It met about the middle, but rather nearer 
to the western entrance. The narrowest part of the 
strait was a league across ; elsewhere it was two, 
three, and four leagues in breadth. Where the ships 
came to anchor on the 24th were three small islands, 
on which they killed 3000 " of birds (penguins) 
having no wings, but short pineons, which serve 



* Fletcher's MS. Narrative, quoted in Burney's Chron. Hist. 
DISCOY., vol. i. p. 323. 



t Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 791. 
+ Winter's Narrative by Cliffe, in H 



akluyt, vol. iii. p. 752. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 53 

their turne in swimming." They were as " fat as 
an English goose."* 

' f The land on both sides," it is said, " is very huge 
and mountainous,, the lower mountains whereof, al- 
though they be monstrous and wonderfull to looke 
upon for their height, yet there are others which in 
height exceede them in a strange maner, reaching 
themselves above their fellowes so high, thatbetweene 
them did appeare three regions of cloudes. These 
mountaines are covered with snow: at both the 
southerly and easterly partes of the streight there 
are islands, among which the sea hath his indraught 
into the streights, even as it hath in the maine en- 
trance of the freat (frith or firth). This streight is 
extreme cold, with frost and snow continually ; the 
trees seeme to stoope with the burden of the weather, 
and yet are greene continually, and many good and 
sweete herbes doe very plentifully grow and increase 
under them."t 

Near the western extremity a number of narrow 
channels, with which the whole of that side abounds, 
occasioned some difficulty in the navigation; and 
Drake, with his usual caution, brought the fleet 
to anchor near an island, while he went out in his 
boat to explore these various openings into the South 
Sea. Soon after some natives of a small stature 
were seen close at hand, in a skiff constructed of 
the bark of trees, of which material the people also 
formed vessels for domestic use. The canoes were 
semicircular, being high in the prow and stern; 
and the seams were secured by a lacing of thongs 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 734. Ibid. p. 752. Relation of Nuno da 
Silva. Ibid. p. 743. 
f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 734. Purchas, part i. p. 49. 



54 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

of seal-skill, fitted so nicely that there was little 
leakage. The tools of these ingenious savages were 
formed of the shell of a very large species of 
muscle, found in the straits, and which was observed 
to contain seed-pearls. These they prepared so skil- 
fully as to cut the hardest wood, and even bone. 
One of their dwellings, which might however be but 
a fishing-hut, was seen rudely formed of poles stuck 
in the ground, over which skins were stretched.* 

Early in September the western entrance was 
reached ; and, on the 6th of the same month, Drake 
attained the long-desired happiness of sailing an 
English ship on the South Sea.t It is well known 
that Magellan had discovered and passed through 
this famous strait in 1520,J that six years after- 
wards it was again penetrated by Loyasa, and that, 
in 1558, it was accurately examined by Juan Ladril- 
Ieros, who had sailed with this view from Val- 
divia. Drake was the fourth person who performed 
the passage, and he accomplished the arduous ad^ 
venture with greater speed || and better fortune than 
had attended any of his predecessors. The tem- 
perature was also much milder than had been ex- 
perienced by former navigators ; or perhaps the Eng- 
lish seamen were more hardy than those of Spain, 
and complained less of the cold. 

One main object contemplated by Drake was the 
discovery of a North-east Passage, by following the 
bold and novel track his genius had chalked out, 

* World Encompassed, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 324. 

f Hakluyt, vol. lii. p. 734. 

$ Edinburgh Cabinet Library, No. XXI. p. 44. 

Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. i. pp. 248, 249. 

II Nuno da Silva makes the time spent in passing the straits only 
twelve days, and it could not be above seventeen, where months had 
been occupied by less fortunate or skilful navigators. 






DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 55 

and in which he might still hope to anticipate 
all other adventurers, whether their career com- 
menced from the east or the west. On clearing the 
straits he accordingly held a north-west course, 
and in two days the fleet had advanced seventy 
leagues.* Here it was overtaken by a violent gale, 
which, blowing steadily from the north-east, drove 
them into 57 south latitude, and 200 leagues to the 
west of the straits. While they were still scudding 
before the tempest under bare poles, a partial eclipse 
of the lunar orb was observed at six o'clock in the af- 
ternoon of the 15th ; but, says a narrator, " Neyther 
did the eclipticall conflict of the moone impayre our 
state, nor her clearing againe amend us a whit, but 
the accustomed eclipse of the sea continued in his 
force, wee being darkened more then the moone 
sevenfold."t 

On the 24th the weather became more moderate, 
the wind shifted, and they partly retraced their 
course, standing for seven days to the north-east. 
During this time land was seen, near which a vain 
attempt was made to anchor. But their troubles 
were not yet at an end : once more a violent gale 
sprung up, and on the 30th the Mary gold, Captain 
Thomas' ship, was separated from the Elizabeth and 
the Golden Hind. The two last succeeded in gain- 
ing the coast ; but the other was borne to sea by 
the force of the tempest, and never more heard of; 
even conjecture is silent as to her fate. On the 
evening of the 7th October, her more fortunate con- 
sorts reached a harbour near the western entrance 

* Cliffe's Account of Winter's Voyage, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. 
p. 752. 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 734. Purchas, part i. p. 50. 
j Nuno da Silva, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 744. 



56 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

of Magellan's Straits ; and in this place, which was 
afterwards named the Bay of Parting of Friends, 
they intended to await the return of fair weather.* 
But during the night the cable of the Hind being 
broken, she was driven to sea ; and Winter, in the 
Elizabeth, made no attempt to follow his commander. 
On the contrary, heartily tired of a voyage which had 
hitherto been so disastrous, he next day sailed east- 
ward into the straits, with a secret determination to 
direct his course towards home. Edward Cliffe, one 
of his company, and whose relation concludes with 
the return of the vessel to England, denies that the 
seamen had any intention to abandon Drake ; and 
even asserts that some faint efforts were made to dis- 
cover and rejoin his ship. Anchoring in a bay within 
the narrows, fires were kindled on the shore as a sig- 
nal to the admiral, should he seek them in that di- 
rection. This duty discharged, they sought more 
secure harbourage in a place which they named Port 
Health, from the rapid recovery of the crew, who 
from cold, wet, and fatigue, had lately suffered so 
much. In the large muscles and other shellfish 
which were found here they obtained pleasant and 
restorative food. Having remained till the begin- 
ning of November, the voyage was formally aban- 
doned, " -by Mr Winter's compulsion, " it is said, 
" full sore against the mariners' minds ;"t and this 
officer alleged that he now despaired of the captain- 
general's safety, or of being able to gain the shores 
of the imagined Ophir of Peru.J 

It was the llth November before he cleared the 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 734. f Ibid. p. 752. 

Cliffe's Narrative of Winter's Voyage, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. 
p. 752. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 57 

passage, a voyage that had been only once per- 
formed by Juan Ladrilleros, as already mentioned, 
at the distance of twenty years. In the month of 
June in the following season he reached England, 
with the credit of having achieved the navigation of the 
straits eastward, and the shame of deserting his com- 
mander against the wishes of his company, whose 
fidelity to their great leader was unshaken, and 
their ardour in prosecuting the enterprise unabated. 

The narrative reverts to the fortunes of the Golden 
Hind. By a continued course of stormy weather, 
Drake was once more driven back to 55 south, 
when he j udged it expedient to seek shelter among 
the islands or broken land of Tierra del Fuego, 
where, together with a supply of wholesome herbs 
and fresh water, was enjoyed a pleasant repose from 
the incessant fatigues of the last month.* But this 
interval of ease was of short duration ; for a gale 
having arisen, they were again carried out to sea, 
suffering the farther calamity of being separated 
from the shallop, in which were eight seamen with 
a very scanty supply of provisions. 

While the Hind was still impelled to the south- 
ward, the sloop was, in the first instance, so for- 
tunate as to regain the straits, where the men salted 
and stored penguins for their future wants. They 
soon lost all hope of rejoining the captain-general ; 
and, steering eastward, they succeeded in making, 
first, Port San Julian, and afterwards Rio de la 
Plata, where six of them, wandering in quest of 
food, were attacked by a party of savages. All 
were wounded with arrows ; but, while four were 
made prisoners, two escaped to join their comrades 

* World Encompassed, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 32J. 



58 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

left in charge of the boat. They were closely pur- 
sued, and, before the natives were beaten back 
and the vessel got off, every one of the party was 
more or less hurt. They rowed to a small island at 
three leagues' distance, where two of them died of 
the injuries they had received. Soon afterwards 
their little ship was dashed to pieces in a storm.* 

On the desolate place, to which the two mariners 
were thus confined, no fresh water was to be found ; 
and though they contrived to subsist upon eels, small 
crabs, and a species of fruit resembling an orange, 
their sufferings from intense thirst came to an ex- 
tremity almost too painful and revolting to be re- 
lated. At the end of two months a plank ten feet 
long, which had drifted from Rio de la Plata, was 
picked up ; and having fastened to it smaller sticks, 
and laid in a store of provisions, piously committing 
themselves to God, they embarked on this miserable 
conveyance, and after three days and two nights 
made the mainland which had so long tantalized 
their sight. " At our comming first on land," says 
Peter Carder, " we found a little river of very sweet 
and pleasant water, where William Pitcher, my 
onely comfort and companion (although I diswaded 
him to the contrary), overdranke himselfe, being 
pinched before with extreame thirst; and, to my 
unspeakable griefe and discomfort, within halfe an 
hour after dyed in my presence, whom I buried as 
well as I could in the sand."t Carder was now 
left alone ; and the history of his residence among 

* Narrative of Peter Carder, in Purchas' Pilgrims, part iv. pp. 

1187, 1188. 

+ Narrative of Peter Carder, in Purchas' Pilgrims, part iv. p. 

1 188. In the margin the quaint divine thus notices this incident : 

" Pitcher break es with drinking- fresh water." 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 59 

the savages on the coast of Brazil, and of his cap- 
tivity among the Portuguese of Bahia de Todos los 
Santos, forms an interesting chapter in the work of 
the industrious Purchas. After a nine years' ab- 
sence he succeeded in regaining his native country, 
where he had the honour of relating his adven- 
tures before Queen Elizabeth, who presented him 
with twenty- two angels, and recommended him to 
the protection of the Lord-high-admiral Howard. 

Drake was now separated from all his companions. 
His ship, driven southward farther than before, 
again ran in among the islands, and, " at length," 
to use the words of an old narrator, " fell in with 
the uttermost part of land towards the South Pole, 
which uttermost cape or headland of all these islands 
stands near in the 56th degree, without which there 
is no main nor island to be seen to the southwards, 
but the Atlantic Ocean and the South Sea meet in 
a large and free scope/'* 

On the 28th October the weather, which since 
the 6th September, when they entered the Pacific, 
had been nearly one continued hurricane, became 
moderate, and the Golden Hind anchored within 
a creek in an island of which the southern point 
has long been known as Cape Horn. In this manner 
Drake accidentally became the discoverer of that 
celebrated promontory, nearly forty years before the 
voyage of Schouten and Le Maire, who, first sailing 
round it, bestowed the appellation which it now 
bears, t 



* World Encompassed, p. 44, quoted in Burney's Chron. Hist. 
Discov. vol. i. p. 327- 

f Edinburgh Cabinet Library, No. XXI., Historical Account of 
the Circumnavigation of the Globe, pp. 120, 121. 



60 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

Sir Richard Hawkins, a son of the early friend 
of Drake, relates, that he was informed by the navi- 
gator himself, that " at the end of the storme he 
found himselfe in fiftie degrees S.,* which was suffi- 
cient testimony and proofe that he was beaten round 
about the straits, for the least height of the straits 
is in fiftie-two degrees and fiftie minutes, in which 
stand the two entrances or mouthes. And more- 
over, hee said, that standing about when the winde 
changed, hee was not well able to double the 
southermost iland, and so anchored under the lee 
of it ; and going ashoare, carried a compasse with 
him, and seeking out the southermost part of the 
iland, cast himselfe downe upon the uttermost point, 
groveling, and so reached out his bodie over it. 
Presently he imbarked, and then recounted unto his 
people, that he had beene upon the southermost 
knowne land in the world, and more further to the 
southwards upon it then any of them, yea, or any 
man as yet knowne."t Mr Fletcher, the chaplain, 
also landed, and found the spot to be three parts of 
a degree farther south than any portion of the neigh- 
bouring territory. 

To the islands which he had thus discovered, Drake 
gave the name of the Elizabethides, in honour of 
his royal mistress. They were inhabited, and the 
natives were frequently seen, though little appears 
to have been learned of their character or customs. J 
This region of the New World was by the Spanish 
navigators denominated Terra Incognita., an ap- 



* This is evidently a mistake of the amanuensis or printer, and 
should be 56. 



f- Purchas, part iv. p. 1391. 
J Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. 



vol. i. p. 328. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 61 

pellation which Drake considered himself warranted 
in changing into Terra nunc bene Cognita. 

On the 30th October, with a fair wind, he began 
to steer to the north-west; but he afterwards 
kept north, and sometimes north-east, that he might 
not lose sight of the continent.* On the 25th 
November he anchored at the island of Mocha, 
near the coast of Chili, where he prepared to land. 
Cattle and sheep were seen here, and also maize and 
potatoes. Presents were exchanged with the natives, 
and next day, in full security of their pacific dispo- 
sition, a watering-party, which Drake accompanied, 
rowed towards the shore. Two seamen, who pro- 
ceeded to fill the casks, were instantly killed, and 
the rest narrowly escaped an ambush laid for them 
in case they should hasten to the assistance of their 
countrymen. They were fiercely assailed with ar- 
rows and stones, and every one was hurt more or 
less severely. The captain himself was wounded 
under the right eye ; and so close was the assault, 
that the savages seized four of the oars. This un- 
provoked attack was imputed by the ship's com- 
pany to the hatred which the inhabitants bore to 
the Spaniards, whom, it was presumed, they had 
not yet learned to distinguish from other Europeans-^ 
In this view it was forgiven by men whose prejudices 
and animosity were equal to those of the barbarians. 

Sailing along the coast with the wind at south, 
on the 30th November the Hind anchored in a bay 
about 32 S. A boat was sent out to examine the 
shores, the crew of which captured a native found 
fishing in his canoe. He was kindly treated by the 

* Kuno da Silva, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 744. 
f Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 734, 744. 



02 DRAKE S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

captain-general ; a present of linen and a chopping- 
knife gained his affections ; and he opened a com- 
munication between the voyagers and his country- 
men, who, induced by the hope of similar gifts, 
brought to the ship's side a fat hog and some poul- 
try.* Soon afterwards, Felipe, an intelligent Ame- 
rican, repaired to the vessel. He spoke the Spanish 
language, and informed them that they had by six 
leagues oversailed Valparaiso, the port of San Jago, 
where a vessel then lay at anchor. Observing their 
regret on hearing this, and believing that they were 
Spaniards, he proposed to pilot them back, an offer 
which was eagerly accepted. On the 4th December 
they sailed from Philip's Bay, as they called this 
harbour in honour of their guide, and next morning, 
without any difficulty, captured the ship named The 
Grand Captain of the South, in which were found 
60,000 pesos of gold, besides jewels, merchandise, 
and a good store of Chili wine.t The action, ac- 
cording to our modern ideas, was nothing less than 
piratical ; but the accommodating morality of that 
age easily reconciled their consciences to the plunder, 
which was esteemed a joyful beginning : each peso 
was reckoned worth eight shillings. The people of 
the town, which contained only nine families, fled ; 
and the English revelled in the luxury of a general 
pillage of wine, bread, bacon, and other things most 
acceptable to men who had been so long at sea. 
In every new Spanish settlement, however small, a 
church rose as it were simultaneously. The small 
chapel of Valparaiso was plundered of a silver cha- 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 734, 744. 

t Nuno da Silva, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 744. Lopez Vaz, in 
Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 791. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 735, makes the sum 
in gold 25,000 pesos. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 63 

lice, two cruets, and an altar-cloth, which were pre- 
sented to Fletcher, the chaplain of the vessel.* 

The adventurers sailed on the 8th with their prize, 
taking, however, only one of the crew, a Greek named 
Juan Griego, who was capable of piloting them to 
Lima. Their guide, Felipe, was rewarded, and sent 
on shore near his own home. From the most south- 
ern point of this coasting-voyage Drake had been 
continually on the outlook for the Marygold and 
Elizabeth; and, the Hind being too unwieldy to 
sail sufficiently near the coast, he had resolved to 
build a pinnace for this duty, as well as for other 
operations which he had in view. A convenient 
place for this purpose was found at Coquimbo ; but 
he soon discovered that the European settlers had 
collected a considerable force in the neighbourhood ; 
and a watering- party of fourteen men with some 
difficulty escaped from a body of 300 horse and 200 
foot. One sailor was killed, owing, however, to 
his own braggart temerity, t 

In a quieter and safer bay the pinnace was set 
up, and Drake himself embarked in it to proceed in 
search of the missing ships ; but, after one day's sail, 
the wind becoming adverse he returned. On the 
19th January 1579 the navigators quitted this har- 
bour, invigorated by repose, and animated by the re- 
freshments and booty obtained, as well as by the hope 
of richer plunder. Their cruise along the coast was 
not diversified by any incident till, accidentally 
landing at Tarapaza, they found a Spaniard asleep 
on the shore with thirteen bars of silver lying beside 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 735. 

-f- Nuno da Silva, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 745. Lopez Vaz, ibid, 
p. 791. Also, Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 735. World Encompassed, 
quoted in Burney, vol. L p. 333. 



64 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

him. " We took the silver and left the man/'* says 
the contemporary account. Advancing a little far- 
ther, a party which was sent ashore to procure water, 
fell in with a Spaniard and a native hoy driving eight 
lamas, each of which was laden with two leathern 
bags, containing fifty pounds of silver, or eight hun- 
dred in all. The lamas, or Peruvian sheep, are de- 
scribed by the old voyagers as of the size of an ass, 
with a neck like a camel, and of great strength and 
steadiness, forming the beast of burden of those 
countries. They were in fact the mules of the New 
World ; but a much more valuable animal, as the 
wool is fine and the flesh good. The credulity of the 
age is strikingly displayed in the easy belief here 
given to the story, that if the coast of Peru was not 
literally strewed with gold, pure silver was found so 
richly mixed with the soil, that every hundred- 
weight of common earth yielded, on a moderate 
calculation, five ounces.t 

The eight lamas and their precious burden being 
brought on board, the Golden Hind next entered the 
port of Arica, where two or three small barks were 
found quite unprotected, the crews being on shore. 
In one of them were found fifty-seven wedges of silver, 
of the shape and size of a brickbat, each weighing 
twenty pounds. J Arica is described as a beautiful 
and fertile valley. The town contained about twenty 
houses, which, the Famous Voyage states, " we 
would have ransacked, if our company had bene 
better and more in number ; but our generall, con- 
tented with the spoyle of the ships, left the towne, 

* Hakluvt, vol. iii. p. 735. 

j- World Encompassed, p. 56, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 334. 
J Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 735. Nuno da Silva says thirty-seven 
bars of silver. 



BRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 65 

and put off againe to sea, and set sayle for Lima " 
in pursuit of a vessel very richly laden, of which 
he had obtained intelligence.* The ship, however, 
received notice of her danger in time to land the 
treasure with which she was freighted, 800 bars 
of sil ver, the property of the King of Spain.t Drake, 
now preparing for active measures, freed himself of 
every encumbrance by setting all the sails of his 
prizes, and turning them adrift whithersoever the 
winds might carry them.J The arrival of these 
tenantless barks on some wild coast, or lonely island, 
may yet form the theme of native tradition. 

Tidings that the English were upon the coast had 
by this time been despatched overland to the go- 
vernor at Lima ; but the difficulty of travelling in 
those uncleared and trackless regions was so great 
that Drake outstripped the messenger, and, on the 
13th September, surprised seventeen Spanish ves- 
sels lying in Callao, the port of the very city where 
the viceroy had his residence. The spoil was 
trifling when the number of ships is considered. In 
boarding one from Panama, which was just then 
entering the harbour, a seaman was killed ; though 
another account says, that he was shot while pursu- 
ing the enemy's vessel, which made an attempt to 
escape. 1 1 In a small bark a chest of rials of plate, 
and a considerable store of linens, silks, and general 
merchandise, were obtained. From the prisoners the 
captain learned, that thirteen days before, IT the Ca- 

" Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 735. 
f Nuno da Silva, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 745. 
Ibid, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 746. 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 7$5. Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. 
p. 792. 

II Nuno da Silva, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 746. 

^[ According to Lopez Vaz, no more than three days. 



66 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

cafuego, laden with gold and silver, had sailed for 
Panama, the point whence all goods were carried 
across the isthmus. This information at once de- 
termined the course of our navigator ; and as ships 
from Callao to Panama were in the habit of touching 
at intermediate places, he reckoned the treasure 
already within his grasp.* As a measure of pre- 
caution, the mainmasts of the two largest prizes 
were cut away ; the cables of the smaller ones were 
severed ; and the goods and people being previously 
removed, the whole were abandoned to the mercy 
of the winds and waves; while he himself bore 
northward in full sail, or, when the wind slackened, 
was towed on by the boats, each man straining to 
reach the coveted prize. 

When intelligence of Drake's proceedings at last 
reached Lima, it was presumed that some of the 
Spanish crews had mutinied, and that the Golden 
Hind was one of their own vessels turned pirate ; so 
little was an attack by the English on this side of the 
continent deemed possible, or any fear entertained 
that they could pass the intricate Straits of Magel- 
lan. On being apprized of the unexpected truth, 
and of the impending danger, Don Francisco de To- 
ledo, the viceroy, immediately repaired to the port 
with a force estimated by Lopez Vaz at 2000 horse 
and foot.t The adventurers still remained in sight 
of the harbour, nearly becalmed ; upon which two 
vessels, with 200 fighting-men in each, being equip- 
ped in all haste, were sent out to attack them, and 
the capture of the Hind was already confidently an- 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 735. Nuno da Silva, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. 
p. 746. Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 792. 
f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 792. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 67 

ticipated. The same night, however, a fresh gale 
sprung up, and the navigators pressed onward. The 
flight and pursuit were continued for some time, as 
it was not the policy of Drake, with his very inferior 
force, to risk an action; while by an oversight, 
most fortunate for him and his people, the Spa- 
niards, in their confidence of an easy victory, had 
neglected to take provisions on board. Famine, 
accordingly, soon compelled them to abandon the 
chase, though Don Francisco lost no time in remedy- 
ing this inadvertence. Three ships, fully equipped, 
were again despatched under the command of Pedro 
Sarmiento de Gamboa j but as he arrived too late,* 
he resolved to intercept the marauders on their re- 
turn by the Straits of Magellan. After waiting long 
in vain, he retired in despair. It is said to have 
been on his recommendation that an endeavour was 
subsequently made to fortify the channel, and to 
establish a colony, an abortive attempt, which cost 
Spain much treasure and many lives. 

Near Payta, a small bark, in which some silver 
ornaments were found, was rifled and dismissed by 
the English. On passing that town they learned, from 
the crew of a ship which they had searched, that the 
Cacafuego had the start of them by only two days. 
Every nerve was now strained in the pursuit ; but 
the hope of contingent advantage did not lead them, 
in the mean time, to despise present gain, however 
trifling. Two vessels were intercepted, from one of 
which a negro was taken, and from the other some 

* This eminent Spanish officer became afterwards the prisoner 
of Sir Walter Raleigh, who obtained from him many particulars 
regarding the condition of the Spanish possessions in America. 
See Tytler's Life of Raleigh, p. 63, .Edinburgh Cabinet Library, 
No. XI. 



DRAKE S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

silver, and eighty pounds of gold, besides a golden 
crucifix " with goodly great emerauds set in it."* 
They also found a supply of useful stores and a large 
quantity of cordage, of which the cargo chiefly con- 
sisted. The former ship was allowed to depart ; but 
the latter, after her crew had been put ashore, was 
set adrift. On the 24th February they crossed the 
line ; the Cacafuego had not yet been seen ; and 
the admiral, to animate the hopes and quicken the 
vigilance of his company, promised to the person 
who should first descry her the gold chain which 
he usually wore.t This reward was gained by 
John Drake, a seaman, who at three o'clock in the 
afternoon of the 1st March from the masthead dis- 
covered the prize, which by six the same evening 
was boarded and taken. J 

The commander, a Biscayan named Juan de An- 
ton, was so little aware of his danger, that, seeing a 
vessel coming rapidly towards him, he concluded that 
the viceroy had sent some important message, and 
struck his sails to await her approach. When, from 
closer inspection, he perceived his mistake, he tried 
to escape from the Golden Hind ; but he was al- 
ready within range of her guns, and possessed no de- 
fensive weapons of any kind. Yet, with the brave 
spirit which distinguishes the natives of Biscay, he 
refused to strike till one of his masts was shot away, 
and he himself was wounded by an arrow. || 

The capture was made off Cape Francisco ; the 
ship was found to contain twenty-six tons of silver, 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 735. f Ibid - P- 736. 

J Ibid. p. 73". 

Nuno da Silva, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 747- Lopez Vaz, in 
Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 792. 

|| Nuno da Silva, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 747. 






DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 69 

thirteen chests of rials of plate, and eighty pounds 
of gold, besides diamonds and inferior gems, the 
whole estimated at 360,000 pesos.* Among the spoils 
were two very richly-gilded bowls of silver, the 
property of the pilot. Drake demanded one of them ; 
which the indignant Spaniard surrendered, present- 
ing the other to the steward, as if he disdained to 
hold any thing by the favour of the English. The 
" Famous Voyage " records, that much merriment 
was occasioned among the captors by the singular 
name of the vessel they had just taken. t 

Drake stood out some distance to sea with his prize 
before he began to unload her ; when he had secured 
the treasure, he permitted the commander and his 
crew to pursue their voyage, giving them the follow- 
ing characteristic letter, addressed to Captain Win- 
ter, in the expectation that they might be met by the 
Elizabeth : " Master Winter, if it pleaseth God 
that you should chance to meete with this ship 
of Sant John de Anton, I pray you use him well, 
according to my word and promise given unto 
them and if you want any thing that is in this 
ship of Sant John de Anton, I pray you pay 

* Nuno da Silva savs 1300 bars of silver, 14 chests with rials 
of eight, and with gold\ Lopez Vaz makes the treasure 850,000 
pesos of silver, and 40,000 pesos of gold, which was customed or 
had paid duty. Of this, 180,000 pesos were the King of Spain's 
property ; the rest belonged to private merchants ; " but what store 
of treasure they had besides uncustomed," says Lopez Vaz, ' ' I 
knowe not, for many times they cary almost as much more as they 
pay custom for." dakluyt, vol. iii. p. 793. The uncoined silver 
alone found in the vessel may be estimated at 212,000, at five 
shillings an ounce. 

t Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 736. The pilot's boy said to our general, 
' Captain, our ship shall be called no more the Cacafuego, but the 
Cacaplata, and your shippe shall bee called the Cacafuego;' which 
pretie speach of the pilot's boy ministred matter of laughter to us 
both then and long after." 



70 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

them double the value for it, which I will satisfie 
againe, and command your men not to doe her any 
hurt ; and what composition or agreement we have 
made, at my returne into England I will by God's 
helpe perfourme, although I am in doubt that this 
letter will never come to your hands: notwith- 
standing I am the man I have promised to be: 
beseeching God, the Saviour of all the world, to have 
us in his keeping, to whom onely I give all honour, 
praise, and glory. What I have written is not only to 
you Mr Winter, but also to Mr Thomas, Mr Charles, 
Mr Caube, and Mr Anthonie, with all our other 
good friendes, whom I commit to the tuition of him 
that with his blood redeemed us, and am in good 
hope that we shal be in no more trouble, but that 
he will helpe us in adversitie ; desiring you, for the 
passion of Christ, if you fall into any danger, that 
you will not despaire of God's mercy, for hee will de- 
fend you and preserve you from all danger, and 
bring us to our desired haven ; to whom bee all 
honour, glory, and praise, for ever and ever. Amen. 
Your sorowfull Captaine, whose heart is heavy for 
you. FRANCIS DRAKE."* 

Thus richly laden, could he have assured himself 
of a safe voyage to England, it is probable that on this 
occasion he would not have encompassed the globe. 
But the unfavourable season, and the vigilance with 
which he was aware the Spaniards watched his re- 
turn forbade the attempt of repassing the Straits of 
Magellan; while the glory of discovery, and the hope 
of carrying his immense treasure to England, deter- 
mined him in the resolution of seeking a north-east 
* Nuno da Silva, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 748. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 71 

passage homeward. Though not in general commu- 
nicative, his plans were no sooner formed than he un- 
folded them to his company with that persuasive elo- 
quence which so eminently fitted him for command. 
The crew, from their recent success, were in high spi- 
rits, and full of confidence in the skill and courage 
of their leader. His counsel, which carried all the 
weight of authority, was, says an old author, " to 
seek out some convenient place to trim our ship and 
store ourselves with wood and water, and such pro- 
visions as we could get ; and thenceforward to hasten 
on our intended journey for the discovery of the said 
passage (from the South Sea to the Atlantic Ocean 
by the northern parts of America), through which 
we might with joy return to our longed homes."* 
It is not unworthy of notice, that the scheme for 
exploring a north-eastern channel from the Pacific, 
thus adopted by Drake, is the same with that re- 
commended about a century afterwards by the cele- 
brated Dampier.t 

With this resolution the navigators steered for 
Nicaragua, and on the 16th March anchored in a 
small bay of the island of Canno, where they found 
every facility for procuring water and refitting their 
vessel. J The pinnace, once more despatched on ac- 
tive duty, brought in a prize laden with honey, 
butter, sarsaparilla, and other commodities, having 
on board also certain papers, among which were let- 
ters from the King of Spain to the Governor of the 
Philippines, and sea-cards or charts, which after- 

* World Encompassed, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 339. Hak- 
luvt, vol. iii. p. 736. 

f Voyage Round the World (4th edition), p. 273. 

J Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 793. Nuno da Silva, in 
Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 747. " 



72 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

wards proved of use to the captors. While they lay 
here, a violent shock of an earthquake was felt. 

From Canno they sailed on the 24th March, it 
being a rule with Drake never to loiter in any port 
beyond the time necessary to repair the ship and 
take in water. On the 6th April they made an- 
other valuable prize. Being now well supplied with 
stores, their choice was become more nice j and, se- 
lecting only silks, linen, delicate porcelain, and a 
falcon of finely- wrought gold, in the breast of which 
a large emerald was set, the vessel was dismissed ; 
while of her crew only a negro and the pilot were de- 
tained, who steered the adventurers into the harbour 
of Guatalco.* Landing, according to their approved 
practice, to ransack the town, it is related in the 
Famous Voyage, that they surprised a council en- 
gaged in the trial of certain negroest accused of a 
plot to burn the place. To their mutual astonish- 
ment, the court and the culprits were hurried on 
board in company, and the chief judge was com- 
pelled to write to the inhabitants, advising that they 
should offer no resistance. J The only plunder found 
at this small station (which contained no more than 
seventeen Europeans) consisted in about a bushel of 
rials of plate. One of the party, Thomas Moone, ob- 
serving a Spanish gentleman betaking himself to 
flight, pursued and took from him a chain of gold 
and some jewels. All the prisoners on board the 
Golden Hind were now set at liberty. The pilot, 
Nuno da Silva, who had been brought from the 

* Nuno da Silva, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 747. Hakluyt, vol. iii. 
p. 736. 

f Probably Indians, the names Negro and Indian being used in;- 
discriminately by the early voyagers. 

J Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 736. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 73 

Cape de Verd Islands, was also dismissed, and it 
was here probably that he wrote the narrative of 
the voyage which has been so often referred to in 
the preceding pages ; it was sent to the Portuguese 
viceroy in India, and long afterwards fell into the 
hands of the English. 

Satiated with plunder on sea and shore, Drake, 
on the 26th April, entered on that bold project of dis- 
covery formerly communicated to his company, and 
by the 3d of June had sailed 1400 leagues, on dif- 
ferent courses, without seeing land.* He had now 
reached the latitude of 42 north, where the cold was 
felt very severely ; and, in advancing two or three 
degrees farther, it became so intense that meat was 
frozen the instant it was removed from the fire, and 
the ropes and tackling of the ship became so stiff as to 
be almost unmanageable.t On the 5th, being driven 
in by a gale, land was seen, and the Hind anchored in 
a small bay, too unsheltered, however, to permit of a 
long visit. The captain had not expected to find the 
coast stretching so far westward. The wind was 
now become adverse to holding a northerly course ; 
indeed the extreme cold, and the chill and un- 
wholesome fogs which surrounded the ship, made 
such a track little desirable. The shores were in 
general level ; but wherever a height appeared it was 
observed to be covered with snow, though it was near 
midsummer.J The voyagers were now coasting 
the western margin of California. On the 17th 
June they anchored in a good harbour, apparently 
that now called Port San Francisco, on the shore of 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 737. 

f- World Encompassed, p. 63, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 342. 
Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 737. 
$ Burney, vol. i. p. 343. 



74 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

an inhabited country in 38 30' north. As the Hind 
drew near, the natives approached, and an ambas- 
sador or spokesman, who came off in a canoe, de- 
livered a formal harangue, accompanied with much 
gesticulation.* When his oration was concluded, he 
made a profound obeisance and returned to the land. 
A second and a third time he presented himself in 
the same manner, bringing as a gift or tribute a 
bunch of feathers neatly stuck together, along with 
a basket made of rushes. Of these it was after- 
wards found that the natives fabricated several useful 
and even beautiful articles. The females wore pet- 
ticoats composed of a species of bulrush, stripped into 
filaments resembling hemp; they employed deer- 
skins as a covering for their shoulders ; and the men, 
though in general entirely naked, occasionally cloth- 
ed themselves in furs. It was observed that the 
women were very obedient and serviceable to their 
husbands.t It seemed remarkable that the savages 
were as sensible to the extreme severity of the wea- 
ther as the English seamen, shivering, and huddling 
together, even when wrapped up in their hairy gar- 
ments. The basket brought by the orator was filled 
with an herb which, in some of the original relations, 
is called tabah, the native name, and in others to- 
bacco.:): He was either afraid or unwilling to accept 
anything in return for this simple offering, but picked 
up a hat which was floated towards him. The kind- 
ness of Drake ultimately gained the confidence of 
these people. " Our generall," says the author of the 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 737- World Encompassed, quoted in 
Burney, vol. i. pp. 344, 345. 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 737. 

J World Encompassed, as quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 344. 
Bakluyt, vol. iii. p. 737. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 75 

Famous Voyage, " according to his naturall and ac- 
customed humanitie, courteously in treated them, and 
liberally bestowed on them necessary things to cover 
their nakednesse, whereupon they supposed us to be 
gods, and would not be perswaded to the contrary."* 
The ship had some time before sprung a leak, and 
it was here found necessary to land the goods and 
stores that she might be repaired. On the 21st this 
task was accomplished, though the natives seemed 
to view the movement with suspicion and displea- 
sure. They, however, laid aside their bows and 
arrows when requested to do so, and an exchange of 
presents farther cemented the growing amity. They 
retired apparently satisfied; but had no sooner 
reached their huts, which stood at a considerable 
distance, than a general howling and lamentation 
commenced, which lasted all night, the females espe- 
cially shrieking in a wild and doleful manner. t 
The captain, whose presence of mind never forsook 
him, and who was seldom lulled into false security 
by a show of friendship, mistrusting the state of ex- 
citement into which the barbarians were raised, took 
the precaution of fortifying the enclosure to which the 
goods and the crew had been removed while the re- 
pairs of the vessel were in progress. For two days 
following " the night of lamentation " no native was 
seen. At the end of that time a great number seem- 
ed to have joined the party first observed ; and the 
whole assembled on a height overlooking the forti- 
fied station of the ship's company, and manifest- 
ed a desire to approach. J The ceremonies were 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 737- + Burney, vol. i. p. 346. 

World Encompassed, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 346. Hak- 
luyt, vol. iii. p. 737. 

7 



76 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

opened by an orator or herald, who made a long 
speech or proclamation, accompanied by the most 
violent gesticulations, his words falling so thick, 
"one on the neck of the other, that he could hardly 
fetch his breath again."* When he concluded, the 
audience were understood to express assent, by 
bowing their bodies, and groaning in chorus, oh I 
After this friendly demonstration, for such it was 
intended to be, a deputation from the assembly 
stuck their bows into the earth, and, bearing gifts 
of feathers and rush-baskets filled with tabah, de- 
scended towards the fort. While this was passing 
below, the women, mixed with the group on the 
height, began to shriek and howl as on the " night 
of lamentation," tearing their flesh with their nails, 
and dashing themselves on the ground, till the blood 
sprung from their bodies. This is said, in the 
Famous Voyage, to have been part of the orgies of 
their idol or demon worship.t Drake, it is stated, 
struck with grief and horror, and probably not with- 
out a tincture of superstition, ordered Divine service 
to be solemnized.^ The barbarians sat silent and 
attentive, at proper pauses breathing their expressive 
" oh !" in token of assent or approbation. With the 
psalms they appeared to be affected and charmed, 
and repeatedly afterwards requested their visiters 
to sing, calling the song gnaah.\ On taking leave, 
they restored the gifts received, either from religious 
dread, or more probably from having little confidence 

* World Encompassed, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 346. 

f Hakluyt, vol. lii. p. 737. 

J At Buckland Abbey is preserved the Bible which Drake carried 
with him in this voyage, together with his sword and his ship- 
drum. There also a fine portrait of the navigator is to be seen. 
Mrs Bray's Borders of the Tavy and Tamar, vol. ii. p. 178. 

World Encompassed, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 347. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 77 

in the motives of the givers. The voyagers ascribed 
this fear or delicacy to the deep veneration of the 
natives, who might esteem " themselves sufficiently 
enriched and happy that they had found so free 
access to see us."* 

The arrival of the English having, in the mean- 
while, been made known in the interior, on the 26th 
two heralds arrived at the camp, to request an 
audience of the captain-general on the part of their 
hioh or king. One of these precursors of majesty 
delivered a harangue which occupied more than 
thirty minutes, his associate dictating to or prompt- 
ing him. He concluded by demanding tokens of 
friendship and safe conduct for the chief, which 
were cheerfully given.t 

The approach of the hioh was well arranged, and 
imposing in effect. First came the macebearer, as 
he is called (though club-carrier would be a more 
correct designation), a tall and handsome man, of 
noble presence. To his staff or sceptre, about five 
feet in length, made of a dark wood, two crowns, 
wrought artificially with feathers of divers colours, 
were suspended by chains of network curiously and 
delicately formed of innumerable links of a bony 
substance, minute, thin, and polished. J These chains 
were supposed to be insignia of rank and dignity, 
akin to the badges of civilized nations, the number 
worn denoting the consequence of the bearer, as the 
importance of a pasha is signified by the number of 
his tails. The king followed, being a person of 
goodly stature and comely aspect. He was succeeded 
by a royal guard of one hundred chosen men, tall, and 

* World Encompassed, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 348. 
t Hakluyt, vol. lii. p. 737. $ Ibid. 



78 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

of warlike appearance, clothed in skins. Some of 
them had ornamental headdresses formed of plumes, 
or of a feathery down which grew upon a certain 
plant. The hioli wore on his shoulders a robe made 
of the skins of a particular species of cony which 
will be afterwards described. Next in place in 
this national procession came the common people, 
painted after a variety of patterns, with feathers 
stuck in the knots into which their hair was drawn 
up at the crown of their heads. The women and 
children brought up the rear, carrying each, as a 
propitiatory gift, a basket, in which was either 
tabah, broiled fish, or a root that the natives ate 
both raw and baked.* 

Drake, seeing so numerous a body, drew up his 
men in order, and under arms, within their forti- 
fication. At the distance of a few paces, the proces- 
sion halted, and deep silence was observed, while 
the sceptre-bearer, prompted as before by another of- 
ficial, harangued for more than half an hour; his 
eloquent address, whatever it might import, receiv- 
ing the concurrent " oh !" of the assembly. He 
then commenced a chant, keeping time in a slow 
and solemn dance, performed with a stately air; 
the king and all the warriors joining both in the 
measure and the chorus ; the females took part only 
in the former.t As no doubt could now be enter- 
tained of their amicable feelings and peaceful inten- 
tions, they were admitted, still singing and moving 
in a choral dance, within the fort. The orations and 
chants were renewed and prolonged ; and the chief, 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 737* World Encompassed, quoted in 
Burney, vol. i. p. 349. 
f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 738. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 79 

placing one of his crowns upon the head of the cap- 
tain-general, and investing him with other imagined 
symbols of royalty, courteously tendered him his 
whole dominions, and hailed him king ! Songs of 
triumph were raised, as if in confirmation of this 
solemn cession of territory and sovereignty.* Such 
is the interpretation which the old voyagers wrested 
from a ceremony that has been more plausibly con- 
jectured to resemble such an exchange of names, as 
in the South Sea Islands seals the bonds of friend- 
ship, and probably meant nothing more than the 
words of a European host, who tells his visiter that 
he is master of the house.t The admiral, it is 
observed, " in the name and to the use of her ma- 
jestic, tooke the scepter, crowne, and dignitie of the 
said countrey into his hands, wishing that the riches 
and treasure thereof might so conveniently be trans- 
ported to the inriching of her kingdom at home, as 
it aboundeth in the same."J We are expressly in- 
formed that the natives afterwards formally wor- 
shipped their guests ; and that it was necessary to 
check their idolatrous homage. They roamed through 
the camp, admiring all they saw, and expressing 
attachment to the English in their own peculiar 
fashion. The youngest of the company were the 
chief objects of their affection ; them the barbarians 
surrounded and gazed on for a short time, and then 
began to howl and tear their flesh till the stream- 
ing blood demonstrated the liveliness and strength 
of their devotion. The same uncouth shows of re- 
gard were continued as long as the adventurers re- 
mained on the coast ; and obeisances were rendered, 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 738. f Burney, vol. i. p. 350. 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 738. Purchas, part i. p. 53. 



80 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

which, being considered as approaching to adoration 
or worship, were strenuously disclaimed. These 
people are described as an amiable race; of a free, 
tractable, kindly nature, without guile or treachery. 
Such was their esteem of the strangers, and confi- 
dence in their skill, that they applied to them for 
medicaments to heal their wounds and sores.* 

The males were so robust and powerful, that 
a burden which could hardly be borne by two sea- 
men, was carried with ease by one of them up 
and down hill for a mile. Their weapons were 
bows and arrows, but of a feeble and ineffective 
kind. Their dwellings were of a round shape, built 
of earth, and roofed with pieces of wood joined to- 
gether at a common centre, somewhat in form of a 
spire ; and being partly under ground, they were 
close and warm. The fire was placed in the middle, 
and beds of rushes were spread on the floor.t 

When the preparations for his departure were 
nearly completed, Drake made an excursion into 
the interior. Immense herds of large fat deer were 
seen ; and the land seemed one extensive warren 
of a species of cony of the size of those of Barbary, 
" their heads as the heads of ours, the feete of a want 
(mole), and the taile of a rat, being of great length. 
Under their chinne is on either side a bag, into the 
which they gather their meate when they have 
filled their bellies abroad." The natives ate the 
flesh of those animals, and greatly prized their skins, 
of which the robes of state worn by the king were 
made.ij: 

* Hakluyt, vol. in p. 738. f Burney, vol. i pp. 352, 353. 
J Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 7^8. Purchas, part i. p. 54. Captain 
Beechey informs us, that the fields in the vicinity of San Francisco 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 81 

The admiral bestowed on this fair and fertile ter- 
ritory the name of New Albion, from some fancied 
resemblance to the white cliffs of England ;* and, 
to commemorate his discovery, erected a monument, 
to which was affixed a brass plate, bearing the 
name, effigy, and arms of her majesty, asserting her 
claims to the region, and recording the date when 
possession of it was taken. The author of the Fa- 
mous Voyage, who remarks, that apparently the 
Spaniards hitherto had never been in that country, 
was not aware of the expedition of Juan Rodriguez 
Cabrillo, by birth a Portuguese, who, by command 
of the Viceroy of New Spain, had explored the same 
coast thirty-seven years before, t At this place Drake 
spent thirty-six days, a long sojourn, but necessary 
to complete the repairs of the ship. 

The captain considered that he had now accom- 
plished the main object of his voyage, and believing 
" himselfe, both in respect of his private injuries re- 
ceived from the Spaniards, as also of their contempts 
and indignities offered to our countrey and prince in 
generall, sufficiently satisfied and revenged : and 
supposing that her majestic at his returne would 
rest contented with this service, proposed to continue 
no longer upon the Spanish coasts, but began to 

are burrowed by a small rat resembling the Mus arvalis ; by a 
mountain -rat of the cncetus kind; and by another little animal re- 
sembling a squirrel, which is named ardilloy and is said to be most 
excellent eating. Voyage to the Pacific, vol. ii. p. 80. The spe- 
cies above alluded to by Drake has by some been supposed synony- 
mous with the tucan of Fernandez, and the Canada pouched rat, or 
MILS bursarius of Shaw. Burney, vol. i. p. 351. 

* After passing Punta de los Reyes, Captain Beechey awaited 
- '' he believed to be those 



which induced Sir Francis Drake to bestow on this tract of country 

the name of New Albion Voyage to the Pacific, vol. i. p. 472. 

f Burney, vol. i. pp. 221-224, 35b'. Herrera, dec. vii. libro v. 
cap. iii. iv. 



ifcJ DRAKE S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

consider and to consult of the best way for his coun- 
trey."* All hope of finding a north-east passage 
was abandoned, nor did he judge it prudent to con- 
tinue his course farther to the northward, along an 
unknown and dangerous coast, and in a climate of 
extreme rigour.t To return by the straits he deemed 
equally inexpedient ; he dreaded a recurrence of the 
violent tempests which he had experienced at their 
western entrance, and was aware that the Spaniards 
would watch for him with a force with which, as 
his strength was now reduced to one ship, he could 
not expect to cope. He therefore formed the bold 
resolution of crossing the Pacific, and sailing to 
England by India and the Cape of Good Hope. 

This plan received the unanimous approbation of 
his company; and on the 23d July he bore away 
from the port, to which he gave his own name, 
the kind-hearted natives deeply bewailing the de- 
parture of their new friends. J The regret, good-will, 
and respect, were indeed mutual. The barbarians 
entreated the English to remember them ; and, as 
a farewell offering or homage, secretly provided what 
is called a sacrifice. So long as the ship remained 
in view they kept fires burning on the heights. 

For sixty-eight days they continued to sail west. 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 736. 

* Johnston! Rerum TBritan. Hist. p. 67. " Obstitit Oceanus in 
sua secreta inquiri, et ibi procellae, nimbi, tempestates perfrigidae 
incubuere." 

There is some difference of opinion about the locality of Port 
Drake ; English navigators supposing it the Port San Francisco of 
the Spaniards, while the latter tnink it an inlet four leagues farther 
north. Captain Beechey, who, in the winter of 1826, lay here for 
six weeks, gives no opinion on the subject. Chamisso, the natural- 
ist of Kotzebue's expedition, 1815-1818, seems to adopt the hypo- 
thesis of Burney. Kotzebue's Voyage (Lond. 1821), vol. iii. p. 38. 

Burney, vol. i. pp. 354, 355. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 83 

wards without coming in sight of land.* On the 
30th September they fell in with some islands in 
lat. 8 N.t As soon as the Hind was descried by the 
natives, they came off in canoes, each of which con- 
tained from four to fourteen men, bringing cocoa- 
nuts, fish, and fruits. These skiffs, which were or- 
namented with considerable elegance, were hollowed 
out of a single tree, and so high at the stern and 
prow as to be nearly semicircular. The islanders 
were found to be of a thievish disposition ; but 
Drake (unlike Magellan, who instantly shot the de- 
predators or burned their houses) endeavoured to 
overcome their propensity to plunder by refusing to 
traffic with those who were found dishonest. This 
excited their displeasure, and a general attack of 
stones was commenced. A cannon, not shotted, fired 
over their heads, scared them away a short time ; 
but they speedily returned, and the captain was at 
last compelled to adopt more severe measures of re- 
taliation. We are told, in vague terms, that " smart 
was necessary as well as terror.":}: The natives of 
those Islands of Thieves, as they were named by 
their visiters, had the lobes of their ears cut out into 
a circle, which hung down on their cheeks. Their 
teeth were black as jet, from the use of a powder 
which they constantly employed for the purpose of 
staining them, carrying it in a hollow cane. An- 
other peculiarity observed was the length of their 
nails, which measured an inch. It has been con- 

* World Encompassed, quoted in Burney, vol. i. pp. 355, 356. 

f Such is the date in the World Encompassed, quoted by Bur- 
ney, vol. i. p. 356; but the Famous Voyage, in Hakluyt,vol. iii. p. 
738, makes it the 13th of October. 

% World Encompassed, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 356. 

Hakluyt, vol. uL p. 739. 



84 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

jectured, with great probability, that this insular 
group is identical with the cluster of Lamoliao 
Ourou, lying to the southward of the island named 
Yap or Eap, in the great range of the Carolines.* 
Modern voyagers speak of the honesty of the inha- 
bitants of this vast archipelago in terms much more 
favourable than those employed by the English 
navigator, t 

A fair wind springing up, the navigators on the 
3d October stood to the westward, and on the 16th 
made the Philippines in 7 5' north of the line.J 
They first discovered four islands, which appeared 
to be densely peopled ; and having visited these 
they afterwards anchored at Mindanao. Sailing 
from this place on the 22d, they kept a southerly 
course, and passed between two islands, about six 
or eight leagues south of it, supposed to be Sarangan 
and Candigar.|| 

On the 3d November the Moluccas were seen, 
and they steered for Tidore; but in running 
along the coast of Motir a skiff came off, from 
which they learned that the Portuguese, expelled 
from Terrenate (or Ternate) by the warlike mo- 
narch of that island, had fixed their headquarters 
at Tidore. In the boat was the Viceroy of Motir, 
which was under the sovereignty of Ternate. As 

* Frejrinet, Voyage autour du Monde, tome ii. pp. 77, 91. 

f- u Dans nos echanges reciproques," says Freycinet, " jamais 
nous n'avons remarque ni 1'astuce, m la mauvaise foi, ni la honteuse 
rapacite, si manifestos et si choquantes chez les Gaebe'ens." Op. 
cit. tome ii. p. 97- 

The Famous Voyage, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 739, says the 
18th October. 
. 8 World Encompassed, p. 84, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 357. 

if The Famous Voyage, in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 739, says they 
steered " by the islands of Tagulada, Zelon, and Zewarra, being 
friends to the Portugals." 






DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 85 

soon as he understood that Drake had no reason 
either to love or trust the Portuguese, he entreated 
him to change his destination; and the captain 
accordingly steered for the port of the island just 
named.* 

Previous to his anchoring before the town, a 
courteous offer of friendship was made by the Eng- 
lishman, through a messenger whom he sent on 
shore with a velvet cloak as a present to the king, 
and with instructions to intimate that he came 
only to trade, and to procure refreshments. The 
viceroy had previously disposed the sovereign to 
give him a favourable reception; and a gracious 
answer was returned. All that Ternate afforded 
was at the disposal of the strangers ; and his majesty 
was ready to lay himself and his whole domi- 
nions at the feet of so glorious a princess as the 
Queen of England. By some of the voyagers this 
flourish of oriental hyperbole is most literally in- 
terpreted, t The envoy was also received with 
great pomp; and, as a pledge of safe-conduct, a 
signet was transmitted to the captain-general. Be- 
fore the ship anchored, the king, whom Fuller deno- 
minates " a true gentleman Pagan/'J came to pay 
a visit of welcome and ceremony. The royal equip- 
ment consisted of four state barges, filled with the 
most distinguished persons of his kingdom. They 
wore dresses of muslin, " white lawn of cloth of 
Calicut." Over their heads was a canopy or awn- 
ing of perfumed mats, supported on a framework of 
reeds. " Divers of his lords," says the Famous 
Voyage, " being of good age and gravitie, did make 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. J39. f Ibid - 

Holy State, p. 12J. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. /39. 



86 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

an ancient and fatherly shew."* A number of 
young men, attired in a similar manner, stood next 
them ; beyond these were ranks of warriors, armed 
with sword, target, and dagger; and the whole 
were encircled by the rowers, " in certaine gal- 
leries, which being three on a side all along the 
canoas, did lie off from the side thereof three or 
foure yardes, one being orderly builded lower then 
another, in every of which galleries were the num- 
ber of fourescore rowers." They paddled in cadence 
to the clashing of cymbals, and altogether made a 
gallant show.t The monarch, who advanced in the 
last barge, was saluted with a discharge of artillery, 
and by a flourish from the band which Drake em- 
ployed on occasions of ceremonial. The canoes sailed 
roundandroundtheship,thekingappearingdelighted 
with the music, and gratified by the signs of wealth 
and magnificence exhibited by the strangers. He 
was a tall, stout, graceful man ; and celebrated as a 
warrior and conqueror. By policy and force of arms, 
he had not only expelled the Portuguese from the seat 
of government, but subdued many other islands, so 
that seventy now owned his sway. He professed the 
faith of Mohammed, which had become that of all his 
dominions ; and in the external observances of royalty 
the native princes of those insular sovereignties might 
have vied with the most polished courts of Europe. 
Queen Elizabeth, whose board was daily spread 
amidst lowly reverences, was not more punctilious in 
ceremonial and etiquette than the monarch of Ter- 
nate; for his courtiers and attendants approached 
his presence with the most profound respect, no one 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 739. t Ibid. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 87 

speaking to him save in a kneeling posture.* As 
soon as the ship was moored the king took leave, 
promising to repeat his visit on the following day. 

That same evening a present of fowls, rice, sugar, 
cloves, and/^o, was received, and a sort of " meale," 
says the Famous Voyage, " which they call sagu, 
made of the tops of certaine trees, tasting in the mouth 
like sowre curds, but melteth like sugar, whereof 
they make certaine cakes, which may be kept the 
space of ten yeeres, and yet then good to be eaten."t 
It is pleasant thus to meet with the first simple 
notice of those productions of other climes, which 
have so long contributed to the comfort or luxury of 
European communities. 

The sovereign came not on board next day, but 
sent his brother to make his excuse, and to remain 
as a hostage for the safe return of the captain-general, 
who was entreated to land. The invitation was not 
accepted, doubts being entertained of the good faith 
of the island prince. But some of the gentlemen went 
on shore ; their first acquaintance, the Viceroy of 
Motir, remaining on board along with the king's bro- 
ther. They were received with the pomp which had 
been intended to grace the entrance of Drake into the 
capital : another brother of the monarch and a party 
of the nobles conducted them to the palace, which 
stood near the dismantled fort of the expelled Portu- 
guese, and where they found an assembly of at least 
a thousand persons, sixty of whom were courtiers 
or councillors. " There were besides four grave 
persons, apparelled all in red, downe to the ground, 

* World Encompassed, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 358. 
f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 740. Purchas, part i. p. 55. 



88 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

and attired on their heads like the Turkes, and these 
were said to be Romanes, and ligiers there to keep 
continual traffike. There were also two Turkes 
ligiers in this place, and one Italian." The king 
was guarded by twelve lances, and over his head 
was borne " a rich canopie embossed with gold." 
His garb was a robe of cloth of gold hanging loose 
about his person : his legs were bare, but on his feet 
he wore slippers of Cordovan leather. From his 
neck a weighty chain of gold was suspended, and 
fillets of the same metal were wreathed round his 
headdress. On his fingers were "six very faire 
jewels." At the right side of his chair of state stood 
a page cooling him with a fan two feet in length and 
One in breadth, embroidered and adorned with sap- 
phires, and fastened to a staff three feet long, by 
which it was moved.* Drake did not afterwards 
land ; and the offers made of exclusive traffic with 
the English were, it appears, received by him with 
indifference. 

Having procured a supply of provisions and a 
considerable quantity of cloves, the Golden Hind 
left the Moluccas on the 9th November, and on 
the 14th anchored near the eastern part of Celebes, 
at a spot which was named Crab Island. As it was 
uninhabited and afforded abundance of wood, though 
no water was found, tents were erected on shore ; 
and here the adventurers resolved effectually to repair 
the ship for her homeward voyage.t This proved a 
pleasant place of sojourn. The land was one con- 
tinued forest of great trees, lofty and straight in 
the stem, not branching out till near the top ; the 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 740. f Burney, vol. i. p. 361. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 89 

leaves resembling broom.* Throughout these groves 
there flickered innumerable bats " as bigge as large 
hennes." There were also multitudes of <e fiery 
wormes flying in the ayre," no larger than the com- 
mon fly in England, which, skimming up and down 
between the woods and bushes, made " such a shew 
and light, as if every twigge or tree had bene a 
burning candle." They likewise saw great numbers 
of land-crabs, described as a sort of cray-fish, " of 
exceeding bignesse, one whereof was sufficient for 
foure hungry stomackes at a dinner, being also very 
good and restoring meat, whereof wee had experi- 
ence j and they digge themselves holes in the earth 
like conies."t 

At a small island in the neighbourhood water 
was procured ; and on the 12th December, the voy- 
agers sailed westwards ; but, being soon entangled 
among islets and shoals, they were induced to steer 
to the south to get free from such dangerous ground. 
At this time occurred the most imminent peril and 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 740. But for this resemblance of the foli- 
age, we should say the description refers to some species of palm. 

f Purchas, part i. p. 66. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 740. The islands 
of the Indian and Eastern Seas are still inhabited by several species 
of bat of large dimensions ; but it is by no means easy to ascertain, 
from the vague and brief allusions of the earlier voyagers, the pre- 
cise species which they intended to indicate. The lesser Ternute 
bat of Pennant, figured by Seba ( 1 tab. 57, figs. 1 and 2), occurs 
both in the island of Timor and in that from which it derives its 
specific name. It is the Pteropus stramineus of M. Geoffrey 
(Ann. Mus. torn, xv, p. 95), to whom we owe the best part of our 
knowledge of the cheiropterous tribes. Several flying quadrupeds 
of the genus Galeopithecus likewise inhabit the Moluccas. 

The fire-flies of Eastern countries belong chiefly to the hemip- 
terous order, especially the genus Fulpora, and are remarkable for 
the emission of a very pure and beautiful light. 

Land-crabs, properly so called, belong to the genus Gecarcimts , 
they dwell in subterranean excavations during the greater portion 
of the year, and proceed to the sea in immense bands, at particular 
seasons, to deposit their ova. Their habits are nocturnal. 



90 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

providential escape that attended this remarkable 
expedition. 

After being impeded many days, on the 9th Ja- 
nuary 1580, they flattered themselves that the shoals 
were at last cleared. But on the same evening, 
early in the first watch, while the Hind, with all her 
sails set, was running before a fair wind, she struck 
suddenly upon a rock, where she remained im- 
movable. Violent as was the shock, she had sprung 
no leak, and the boats were immediately lowered to 
sound, arid to ascertain if an anchor could be placed 
in such a situation as would enable them to draw 
her off into deep water. The rock however shelved 
so abruptly, that at the distance of only a few yards 
no bottom could be found. A night of great anxiety 
was passed ; and when the dawn permitted a second 
search, it only ended in more confirmed disappoint- 
ment.* There seemed to be no help within their 
reach ; yet in the midst of their calamity several 
fortunate circumstances intervened. No leak had 
appeared ; and though the ebb-tide left the ship in 
only six feet of water, while, so deeply was she laden 
that thirteen were required to float her, a strong 
and steady gale, blowing from the side to which she 
must have heeled as the tide gradually receded, 
prevented her from falling over.t In this dread- 
ful situation, instead of giving themselves up to 
despair or apathy, Drake and his crew behaved 
with the coolness and resolution which have ever 
in the greatest perils characterized British seamen. 
The men were first summoned to prayers; and, 
this solemn duty fulfilled, a last united effort 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 741. Burney, vol. i. p. 362. 

J- World Encompassed, quoted in Burney, vol. i. p. 363. 






DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 91 

was made for the common safety. A quantity of 
meal, eight guns, and three tons of cloves were 
thrown overboard ; but this partial lightening pro- 
duced no visible effect. In the simple language of 
the original narrative, " We stucke fast from eight 
of the clocke at night til foure of the clocke in the 
afternoone the next day, being indeede out of all hope 
to escape the danger ; but our generall, as hee had 
alwayes hitherto shewed himselfe couragious, and 
of a good confidence in the mercie and protection of 
God, so now he continued in the same ; and, lest he 
should seeme to perish wilfully, both hee and wee 
did our best indevour to save ourselves, which it 
pleased God so to blesse, that in the ende we clear- 
ed ourselves most happily of the danger."* It was, 
however, by no effort of their own that they were 
finally extricated, though nothing that skill and 
courage could suggest or accomplish was wanting. 
The wind slackened and fell with the tide, and at the 
lowest of the ebb veered to the opposite point, when 
the vessel suddenly heeled to the other side. The 
shock loosened her, and at that very time of the tide 
which appeared least favourable to their hopes, and 
when all further effort was deemed useless,t her 
keel was freed from the rocks, and she plunged into 
the deep water.J This dangerous shoal or reef is 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 741. Purchas, part i. p. 56. 

t Burney, vol. i. p. 363. 

It has been remarked by Admiral Burney (Chron. Hist. Dis- 
cov. vol. i. p. 362), that the seamen never seem to have entertained 
the idea of throwing any part of their immense treasure overboard, 
which would have materially lightened the vessel. The account of 
the escape given in " The Famous Voyage" (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 
741), differs from the above, which is, however, regarded as the 
most authentic relation of this almost miraculous preservation. It 
states, that after the Hind was lightened, " the winde (as it were 
in a moment by the speciall grace of God) changing from the starre- 



92 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

not far from the coast of Celebes, in the latitude of 
1 56' S. Their miraculous escape made them after- 
wards very wary, and it was not till some weeks had 
elapsed, that, cautiously exploring their way, they 
finally extricated themselves from this entangled 
coast. 

On the 8th February they fell in with the island 
of Barateve, a pleasant and fruitful place. It afforde4 
gold, silver, copper, and sulphur. The fruits and 
other natural productions were, ginger, long-pepper, 
lemons, cocoas, cucumbers, nutmegs, fri go, and sago.* 
Ternate excepted, it produced better and greater 
variety of refreshments for the mariner than any 
land at which our navigators had touched since they 
left Britain. The inhabitants were worthy of the 
fertile region they possessed ; they received the 
English with kindness and civility, and gladly sup- 
plied their wants.t In form and features they were 
a handsome people; in disposition and manners, 
mild and friendly ; fair in their dealings, and ob- 
liging in their behaviour. The men were naked, 
save a small turban, and a piece of cloth about 
their waists ; but the females were clothed from the 
middle to the feet, and had their arms loaded with 
bracelets, fashioned of bone, horn, and brass. All 
the males wore ornaments in their ears. 

Leaving Barateve, the navigators made sail for 
Java, which was reached on the 12th of March. 
Here they enjoyed during twelve days a course of un- 
interrupted festivity. The island was governed by 

boord to the larboord of the ship, we hoised our sailes, and the 
happy gale drove our ship off the rocke into the sea againe, to the 
no litle comfort of all our hearts ; for which we gave God such 
pravse and thanks as so great a benefite required." 
* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 741. f Ibid. 

5 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 93 

five independent chiefs or rajahs, who lived in per- 
fect amity, and vied with each other in showing 
hospitality and courtesy to their visiters. The in- 
habitants were of good size and well formed, bold 
and warlike. Their weapons and armour were 
bucklers, swords, and daggers, of their own manu- 
facture, the blades admirably tempered, and the 
handles highly ornamented. The upper part of their 
bodies was entirely naked, but from the waist down- 
wards they wore a flowing garment of a gay-coloured 
silk.* In every village there was a house of as- 
sembly or public hall, where the people met twice 
a-day to partake of a common meal, and enjoy the 
pleasures of conversation. To this festival every one 
contributed, at his pleasure or convenience, fruits, boil- 
ed rice,t roasted fowls, and sago. The viands were 
spread on a table raised three feet, and the party 
gathered round, " one rejoycing in the company of 
another." While the Hind lay here a constant in- 
terchange of civilities was maintained; the rajahs 
coming frequently on board, either singly or toge- 
ther. J 

But the delights of Java could not long banish 
the remembrance of England, to which every wish 
was now directed ; and on the 26th our countrymen 
took their departure. The first land seen was the 



* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 741. 

p The Javanese cookery of rice, as described by the narrators of 
Drake's voyage, seems not unworthy of a place in English treatises 
on ^astronomical science. An earthen vessel of a conical form, open 
at the wider end, and perforated with holes, was filled with rice, 
and plunged into a larger vessel of boiling water. The rice swell- 
ing soon stopped the holes, and the mass was steamed till it became 
firm and hard like bread, when it was eaten with oil, butter, sugar, 
or spices. 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 741. Burney, vol. i. p. 363. 

F 



94 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

Cape of Good Hope, which they passed on the 15th 
June.* The Spaniards had not more studiously 
magnified the dangers of Magellan's Straits than the 
Portuguese had exaggerated the storms which sur- 
round the southern extremity of Africa ; and the 
ship's company were surprised that in doubling this 
dreaded promontory, " a most stately thing, and 
the fairest cape we saw in the whole circumference of 
the earth," no violent tempests or awful perils were 
encountered. They unhesitatingly denounced the 
description of the " Portugals to be most false." t 
Deeming it unsafe or inexpedient to land, Drakesteer- 
ed towards a shore of which he had better knowledge, 
and on the 22d July arrived at Sierra Leone. Water 
was obtained here, together with a supply of fruits 
and oysters, one kind of which, we are told, " was 
found on trees, spawning and increasing infinitely, 
the oister suffering no budde to grow." 

The remaining portion of his course presented 
nothing interesting ; and on the 26th of September 
1580, after a voyage of two years and ten months, 
he came to anchor in the harbour of Plymouth. 
The day of the week was Monday, though, by the 
reckoning kept on board, Sunday the 25th was the 
true time, a circumstance which had likewise as- 
tonished Magellan's crew, though the seeming mys- 
tery is now familiar to every student of geography. J 

The glory of the enterprise and the immense 
wealth acquired were so highly esteemed that the 



* The Famous Voyage, in Hakluyt ( vol. iii. p. 742), makes it the 
18th. 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 742. Purchas, part i. p. 57. 
$ The Biographia Britannica and one of the old relations state 
that Drake arrived at Plymouth on the 3d November. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 95 

return of Drake was hailed throughout the kingdom 
as an event of national importance ; and such, in one 
view, it truly was, for his success gave an incalcula- 
ble impetus to the maritime spirit of the country. 
His courage, his exploits, and wonderful adven- 
tures, became the theme of every tongue, while 
courtiers patronized and poets praised him.* Yet 
there were not wanting detractors, who, with some 
plausibility, represented that as England and Spain, 
though cherishing the bitterest antipathy, were still 
nominally at peace, his enterprises were at best 
but those of a splendid and fortunate pirate.t It 
was urged that his spoliation must provoke re- 
prisal, and that of all others a trading nation like 
our own should carefully avoid offending in a way 
which would lay her open to speedy chastisement, 
and frustrate the advancement of her commer- 
cial prosperity.^ The fate of the unhappy Doughty 
likewise excited murmurs against him ; and his 
detention of Nuno da Silva did not escape cen- 

* Among the common people his fame was only the greater be- 
cause they were unable to appreciate or understand the true diffi- 
culties of his enterprise. " In his days the vulgar considered the 
world to be composed of two parallel planes, the one at a certain 
distance from the other. In reference to this space, it was com- 
monly said that Sir Francis had ' shot the gulf, meaning that his 
ship had turned over the edge of the upper plane so as to pass on to 
the waters of the under. ' There is,' said Mr Davies Gilbert, ' an 
old picture of Drake at Oxford, representing him holding a pistol 
in one hand, which, in former years, the man who acted as show- 
man to strangers was wont to say (still further improving upon the 
story) was the very pistol with which Sir Francis shot tne gulf!'" 
Mrs Bray's Borders of the Tamar and Tavy, vol. ii. p. 171. 

f " The lustre of the name of Drake," says a late writer, " is 
borrowed from his success. In itself, this part of his career was 
but a splendid piracy against a nation with which his sovereign and 
his country professed to be at peace." History of the United States, 
by George Bancroft. Boston, 1834, vol. i. p. 33. 
J Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 111. 



96 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

sure.* On the other hand, his friends and admirers 
contended, that he of all men, who had been so 
deep a sufferer from their perfidy, was entitled to 
take the punishment of the Spaniards into his own 
hands ; and that his gallant enterprise, while it in- 
spired foreign nations with a high opinion of the 
maritime power of England, would at home excite 
the noblest emulation, an effect which it had al- 
ready produced, all classes being inflamed with an 
ardour that was soon manifested in a series of ad- 
ventures emanating directly from his example. 

In the mean while he lost no time in repairing 
to court. He was graciously received though not 
openly countenanced, the queen permitting the first 
fervour both of admirers and of enemies to abate 
before she publicly declared her own sentiments. 
A show of coldness was also necessary to prevent a 
rupture with Spain. The complaints of the ambas- 
sador from that power were so violent and loud, that 
Elizabeth deemed it prudent to place under seques- 
tration the treasure which the Hind had brought 
home. At the same time she replied with becoming 
spirit to the remonstrances of the envoy, observing, 
that the king his master, by throwing insuperable 
obstacles in the way of the foreign commerce of her 
people, had brought these evils on himself. She de- 
clared that to keep down the rebels whom Philip had 
raised against her, both in England and in Ireland, 
cost her a greater sum than all the wealth which 
Drake had gained. The complaints on the intrusion 
of the English into the South Sea she scornfully dis- 

*- Johnston! Rer. Britan. Hist p. 6J. " Sed contigit illi, haud 
scio an ulli, ut surania severitas amraadversionis non modo non in. 
vidiosa, sed etiam popularis esset" 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 97 

missed : " She knew not/' was her answer, " why 
her subjects and others were prohibited the Indies, 
which she knew no reason to thinke proper to the 
Spaniards,, by vertue of the Pope's Bull (which could 
nothing oblige princes which owed him no obedi- 
ence), nor by reason that the Spaniards had arrived 
here and there, had erected cottages, and given 
names to capes and rivers."* It was her policy 
to defer the hostilities impending between the two 
countries, and, as a bribe to purchase a continuance 
of the peace, several sums were paid to a person 
named Pedro Sebura, who styled himself agent for 
the merchants whom the voyagers had plundered.t 
It was afterwards discovered that this money was 
seized by the Spanish sovereign, and employed in 
paying the troops raised by the Prince of Parma, 
and in supporting the Irish insurgents against the 
government of Elizabeth. There remained hence- 
forth no reason why she should either enforce resti- 
tution or maintain a simulated coldness towards 
Drake ; and she soon afterwards resolved openly to 
countenance the navigator, whose boldness, discre- 
tion, and brilliant success, had already gained her 
admiration. 

On the 4th of April 1581 she went in state to 
dine on board the Golden Hind, then lying at Dept- 
ford ; and the captain, who loved show and mag- 
nificence, spared no pains in furnishing a repast 
worthy of his royal guest.J In compliment to her 

Purchas, part iv. p. 1 181. f Ibid. p. 480. 

f- The particulars or this " stately visit" would unduly swell the 
narrative. Elizabeth was attended in her progress to Deptford by 
an immense concourse of people, who crowded so thickly upon the 
temporary bridge, or planks placed between the river's bank and the 
sliip, that, says Purchas, " it tell with one hundred men thereon 



98 DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 

majesty's learning, copies of Latin verses, com- 
posed by the students of Winchester School, were 
nailed to the mainmast, in which the praises of the 
ship and her commander were alternated and inter- 
mingled. After the banquet the queen conferred upon 
him the honour of knighthood, and also gave orders 
that his vessel should be preserved as a monument of 
the glory of the nation and of the illustrious voy- 
ager. It was celebrated by the poets and dra- 
matists of that age ;* and Purchas, writing in 1625, 
informs us, that " the carkasse of the shippe, or some 
bones at least of that glorious carkasse, yet remayne 
at Deptford, consecrated to Fame and Posteritie." 
A chair made from one of the planks, and presented 
to the University of Oxford, afterwards afforded a 
theme to the muse of Cowley.t 

The expedition of Sir Francis Drake thus re- 
ceived, however late, the approbation of his sove- 

of which none were hurt, as if Good Fortune had both sayled abroad 
and feasted at home in that ship/' Part iv. p. 1180. 

* From an allusion in the old play of Eastward Hoe (Anc. Brit. 
Drama, Lond. 1810, vol. ii. p. 83), the citizens of London seem to 
have been in the custom of forming parties to dine on board " the 
ship of famous Draco." The vessel is referred to in " Every Man hi 
his Humour," in a passage on which a late commentator has the fol- 
lowing remarks : " Much of the fondness with which Elizabeth is 
yet viewed by the common people is due to her happy dexterity in 
flattering the prejudices of the nation, by exalting every circum- 
stance and perpetuating every memorial that tended to its glory or 
brought to mind its success in arts or arms, an object which has 
been greatly overlooked by almost every succeeding government 
since her time, who have abandoned to individual patriotism those 
tributes to national honour which are only effective when paid by the 
state. I regret to say that Barrow found the ship in which Cook 
had twice circumnavigated the globe, at Rio de Janeiro, whither 
she was carried by the Portuguese, who had purchased her for an 
inconsiderable sum ! His feelings on the occasion are just and 
proper." Gifford's Ben Jonson, vol. i. pp. 25, 26. 

f A notice of this interesting relic will be found in the Nautical 
Magazine for August 1835, vol. iv. p. 457-459. 



DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION. 99 

reign ; and as the war, so long impending, was now 
unavoidable, his depredations were forgotten even 
by his detractors, and his fame became as universal 
as it was high. Envy itself had ever been forced 
to acknowledge, not merely his maritime skill and 
genius for command, but the humanity and bene- 
volence that marked his intercourse with the bar- 
barous tribes whom he visited, and the generosity 
with which he uniformly treated his Spanish cap- 
tives, though belonging to a nation at that period of 
all others the most hateful to Englishmen, and in 
some respects the most injurious to himself. 



100 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 



CHAPTER m- 

Expeditions to the West Indies. 

Commencement of Hostilities with Spain Drake takes San Jago 
Cruelty of the Portuguese Storming of San Domingo and Car- 
thagena The Fever of the West IndiesSir Walter Raleigh's 
Colony Drake destroys the Spanish Shipping Observations on 
his Character The Spanish Armada Capture of the Galleon of 
Don Pedro Valdez Expedition to restore Don Antonio Expe- 
dition with Hawkins to the Spanish Settlements in the West 
Indies Attempt against Porto Rico Failure of Baskerville's 
Expedition across the Isthmus Death of Drake Estimate of 
his Character and public Services. 

HOSTILITIES with Spain, so long averted by the 
policy of England, were now 41585J about to com- 
mence ; and Drake, it may be said, struck the first 
blow. War was not, indeed, formally declared ; but 

into an alliiypre wit.fr the 



United_jrovinces against the Spanish monarch ; 

English vessels and property within his domi- 
nions, she authorized sud^-pf her subjects as had 
sustained any loss to indemnify thpmsH|vps by seiz- 
ing whatever ships or merchandise belonging to 
the Spaniards they might happen toencounter. 
Availing nimself of this permisslonTDnike, ni con- 
cert with Sir Philip Sidney, planned an expedi- 
tion against their possessions in America ; it being 
arranged that the one should command the land 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 101 

and the other the maritime forces.* But Sir Philip 
was compelled to withdraw from the project by the 
express order of Elizabeth, who required his services 
in the Netherlands, where he had already been use- 
fully employed in the public cause, and where, in 
the following year, he met an early and a glorious 
death. The design seems to have comprehended 
not only the invasion of the Spanish settlements, but 
even the establishment of a colony on Tierra Firme ;t 
and although this part of the scheme was abandon- 
ed, her majesty was still desirous that Drake should 
conduct a fleet into those regions against her power- 
ful enemy. The armament, which was soon in 
readiness to sail, consisted of twenty-five vessels, 
of which two belonged to the crown. The force 
amounted to 2300 seamen and soldiers, and among 
the commanders were several leaders of high repu- 
tation. The lieutenant-general was Christopher 
Carlile, a man of long experience in war both by 
sea and land ;| the vice-admiral was the renowned 
navigator Martin Frobisher ; while Captain Francis 
Knollys and other officers of celebrity gladly joined 
an enterprise which promised to unite public ad- 
vantage with private emolument. 

On the 14th September 1585 the squadron set 
sail from Plymouth. Its course was first turned 
towards Spain, and, cruising along the shores of that 
country, Drake captured some small vessels, in one 
of which were found a quantity of plate and an im- 



* Memoirs and Letters of the Sidneys, by Collins, vol. i. p. 103. 
f- Biographia Britannica, vol. vi. p. "3885. Lite of Sidney. 
Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 534. 

Camden, Annals of Elizabeth, in Rennet, vol. ii. p. 509. Hak- 
luyt, vol. iii. p. 534. Sir Francis Drake's West Indian Voyage. 



102 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

mense silver crucifix belonging to the cathedral of 
Vigo. He next stood for the Cape de Verd Islands, 
where he landed 1000 men in the night; and plac- 
ing himself at the head of a small detachment, 
surprised and took San Jago, which the inhabitants 
had hastily abandoned. This exploit was performed 
on the 17th November, the anniversary of Eliza- 
beth's accession to the throne, and the festival was 
celebrated by a salute from the guns of the castle, 
responded to by those of the fleet. The conquest 
had proved easy, but the booty was inconsiderable, 
consisting chiefly 'of merchandise of little value, and 
of the tawdry wares employed in trading with the 
savages of America. What treasure had been in 
the place was either carried away or effectually 
concealed. Even the threats of fire and sword used 
by the English failed to force from the people the 
desired ransom : and they seemed resolved either to 
weary or to starve the invaders. On the 24th a 
village named San Domingo, twelve miles in the 
interior, was taken; but the inhabitants still kept 
aloof; and the voyagers, having affixed in the most 
public places placards in which they denounced the 
cruelty as well as the cowardice of the Portuguese, 
prepared to take their departure. At this moment 
a force appeared, which seemed to watch though at 
a distance the movements of the hostile armament ; 
but Drake, having much greater objects in view, 
set fire to the town, re-embarked his troops in good 
order, and made all sail for the West Indies.* 
In palliation of these severities, it is stated that 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 536, 538. Camden's Annals, in Kennet, 
vol. ii. p. 509. 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 103 

the Portuguese refused the terms offered to them ; 
that they perpetrated the most wanton cruelty on a 
boy who had fallen into their hands, and whose 
corpse was found disfigured, as if by a tribe of can- 
nibals ; and that, five years before, in time of truce, 
they had treacherously murdered some of the crew 
belonging to a vessel commanded by Captain Wil- 
liam Hawkins.* It will be readily admitted, that 
the fear of retributive justice must often be the only 
protection enjoyed by a small ship's company on 
a distant coast; and hence it is a sound policy 
which requires that officers in the public service 
shall show that neither kindnesses offered nor wrongs 
done to the people of their nation are unknown or 
forgotten. 

A few days after the departure of the fleet, that 
malignant fever, which proves the scourge of soldiers 
and seamen in these climates, broke out with so 
great violence, that between two and three hundred 
men were carried off.t Holding on their course, 
the voyagers touched at Dominica and St Christo- 
pher's, two of the Leeward Islands, where they 
had a friendly interview with some of the aborigines, 
and where the toys and wares of San Jago were 
exchanged for tobacco and cassava. : 

They now approached the island of San Domingo, 
the chief town of which, " a brave city," bearing 
the same name, was one of the oldest and wealthiest 
in the Spanish settlements. Drake, having deter- 
mined to attempt its reduction, examined the ground 
in person, and resolved to assail it at once from 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 538. 

f Life of Drake. Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 117. 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 539. 



104 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

the land and from the water. On New-year's-day 
1586 he disembarked his forces about ten miles 
to the westward of the town, and, having formed 
them into two divisions, made an onset at the same 
time on opposite gates. To save themselves from 
the guns of the castle, the soldiers rushed forward 
sword in hand, until they met in the market- 
place in the centre of the town ; and, having com- 
pelled the Spaniards to make a precipitate retreat, 
they hastily raised a barricade and awaited an at- 
tack. But the enemy, panic-stricken, next night 
abandoned the castle and fled in boats to the other 
side of the haven.* Thus left in possession of the 
place, the adventurers on the following day strength- 
ened their position, planting within their trenches 
the ordnance which they had taken ; and having in 
this manner secured themselves, they remained mas- 
ters of the city for a month, during which they 
employed themselves in collecting plunder as well as 
in treating with the inhabitants for a ransom. The 
sum demanded was so high that the latter declared 
they were unable to pay it ; and the negotiation ac- 
cordingly continued to be carried on amidst pillage 
and conflagration. Two hundred seamen were 
engaged in destroying the principal edifices; but 
being lofty and substantially built of stone, their 
demolition proved a work of great labour ; so that 
eventually, on payment of 25,000 ducats (about 
7000) safety was extended to the remains of the 
town. Still the booty obtained was deemed incon- 
siderable when the size and imagined riches of the 
place were taken into account. t 

" Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 539, 540. 

f Ibid. p. 540. Camden's Annals, in Rennet, vol. ii. p. 509. 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 105 

An incident which occurred during this enterprise 
affords a striking illustration of the energetic charac- 
ter of Drake. A negro boy, sent with a flag of truce, 
was met by some Spanish officers, one of whom, 
pierced him through the body with a spear. Although 
mortally wounded, the lad was able to return ; but 
while relating the savage treatment he had received, 
he fell down and expired at the feet of his master. 
The insult offered to his flag, and the barbarous 
usage of his envoy, roused the indignation of Drake. 
He ordered the provost-marshal to hang two unfor- 
tunate monks on the spot where the outrage was 
committed ; and a third prisoner was despatched to 
announce to the inhabitants that, until the guilty 
person was given up, every day two Spaniards would 
be put to death till all were '/ consumed which 
were in their hands." On the following morning 
the criminal was surrendered ; and, that his punish- 
ment might be the more ignominious and exemplary, 
his own countrymen were compelled to become his 
executioners.* 

Among other instances of the proud and vain- 
glorious temper of the Spaniards, the historians of 
the voyage describe an escutcheon suspended in the 
town-hall of the city, on which were emblazoned 
the armorial ensigns of the nation; beneath was 
painted a globe, surmounted by a horse pawing the 
air, having in his mouth a scroll, inscribed Non 
sujficit orbis. This vaunting legend wounded the 
national pride of the English ; and they assured the 
townsmen that, should the queen be pleased reso- 
lutely to prosecute the war, Philip would find it 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 540. 



106 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

difficult to retain even that portion of the world 
which he already possessed.* 

Their next enterprise was directed against Car- 
thagena, which was bravely defended and gallantly 
carried, Carlile attacking it from the land, while 
the fleet co-operated in its proper element. In this 
action some of the assailants were mortally wounded 
by Indian arrows dipt in poison, and by sharp 
spikes planted in the paths, anointed likewise with 
a deadly liquid.t The governor, Alonzo Bravo, 
was taken prisoner ; and after the place had been 
held six weeks, and many houses destroyed, a ran- 
som of 110,000 ducats (upwards of 30,000) was 
accepted for the preservation of its remains : from 
this treaty the abbey was excepted, its safety being 
purchased by a farther sum of 1000 crowns.* Se- 
verer terms would have been exacted, had not 
that deadly bilious fever, which has so often proved 
fatal to the English in the same part of the 
world, now raged in the fleet, and compelled 
the victors to lower their demands. About seven 
hundred men perished of the calentura alone, 

* Camden's Annals, in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 509. 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 542. 

Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 1 19. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 545. 

The calenture, ague, bilious or yellow fever, for by all these 
names is the malady of Carthagena known, has never been more 
truly and vividly described than in Smollett's Roderick Random, 
and' in his account of the " Expedition against Carthagena," where 
the sufferings of Drake's expedition were renewed. In the Abbe 
Raynal's History of the Indies (liv. vii. c. x.), we find the fatal 
distemper ascribed to the same causes to which it was attri- 
buted by Drake's company, namely, the pestilential night-dews of a 
climate where even the long-continued rams of the wet season never 
cool the air, and where the night is as hot as the day. The men on 
watch were found peculiarly liable to its attacks. Though there is 
some difference of opinion about the sources of the disease, the 
symptoms were the same in 1585 as in our own day. The malady, 
says Raynal, " se declare par des vomissemens accompagnes d'un 
5 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 107 

as the disease, since described by Smollett, Glover 
and others, was then named. They who struggled 
through this frightful malady, if we may fully credit 
the early accounts, were more to be pitied than 
those that sunk under it. Though they survived, 
it was with loss of strength, not soon if ever reco- 
vered ; and so many suffered decay of memory and 
impaired judgment, that when a man spoke fool- 
ishly or incoherently it was a proverbial phrase 
in the fleet that he had been sick of the calenture.* 
The mortality was so great, that the projected 
attempt on Nombre de Dios and Panama, " there 
to strike the stroke for the treasure" of which they 
had hitherto been disappointed, was necessarily aban- 
doned, and the squadron sailed for the coast of 
Florida. San Augustine and Santa Helena, two 
small Spanish settlements, were burned; and, touch- 
ing at Virginia, Drake took on board the governor 
and wretched survivors of an unfortunate colony 
sent out under the auspices of Sir Walter Raleigh 
in the preceding year.t 

delire si violent, qu'il faut Her le malade pour Pempecher de se de- 
chiver : souvent il expire au milieu de ces transports, qui durent 
rarement plus de trois ou quatre jours." He adds, that the fever 
of Carthagena, like the smallpox and some other disorders, is never 
taken but once, a point, however, on which different opinions are 
entertained. 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 542. 

f Tytler's Life of Raleigh, pp.61, 62, Edinburgh Cabinet Li- 
brary, No. XL Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 547, 548. It has been asserted 
that this colony, having learned the uses of the plant in Virginia, 
first introduced Tobacco into Britain, to the revenue of which it 
now contributes upwards of 3,000,000 yearly. But there is reason 
to suppose that the " Indian weed" was known in this country at 
an earlier date. The colony returned to England on 27th July 
1586; and in a narrative written by Thomas Hariot in February 
1587, we are told that " the use of it [tobacco] by so many, of 
late, men and women of great calling, as els, and some learned 
physicians also, is sufficient witnesse ofthe vertues thereof." (Hak- 



108 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

It was the 27th of July 1586 before the armament 
returned to England, bringing 200 brass and 40 iron 

luyt, vol. iii. p. 272.) It is not easy to believe that within seven 
months the fashion of smoking became so prevalent as is indicated 
in this passage, which is corroborated by many other authorities. 
In the Faery Queen (book iii. cant. v. st. 32), published in 1590, 
" divine tobacco" is familiarly mentioned ; and in the tragedy of " A 
Warning for Fair Women," written before 1590, " smoke out of a 
tobacco- pipe" is used as a common comparison ( Collier's Annals of 
the Stage, vol. ii. p. 439). Smoking is one of the most prominent 
objects of Jonson s ridicule in his play of " Every Man in his 
Humour," first acted, as Gifford informs us, in 1595 or 1596; and 
Paul Hentzner, who visited England in 1598, relates that the habit 
of smoking was universal in the theatres and other places of public 
resort.* " Taking tobacco on the stage" is alluded to in Davies and 
Marlowe's Epigrams published about 1595 (Epig. 28), where like- 
wise an extravagant panegyric on the leaf may be seen (Epig. 36). 
It is certain that the English under Hawkins in 1564-5 were 
made acquainted with tobacco by the natives and French settlers 
in Florida (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 518) ; it appears likewise to have 
been an article of commerce pursued in Drake's fleet before he 
took the colonists on board (see above, p. 103); and if tradition 
may be trusted, it was in use in England during the reign of 
Mary, 1553-1558 : In Herefordshire, to signify the last or 
concluding pipe that one means to smoke at a sitting, they use 
the term a Kemble Pipe, alluding to a man of the name of Kem- 
ble, who, in the cruel persecution under that merciless bigot 
Queen Mary, being condemned for heresy, in his walk of some miles 
from the prison to the stake, amidst a crowd of weeping friends, 
with the tranquillity and fortitude of a primitive martyr, smoked a 
pipe of tobacco." (Sir J. Hawkins' notes to Walton and Cotton's 
Angler, part ii. cap. ii. 2, n. 5.) These notices seem to warrant the 
inference that the nerb was imported into England from the Con- 
tinent. It was first seen by Europeans in November 1492, in the 
island of Cuba, where the natives smoked it in the shape of the 
cigar (Irving's Columbus, vol. i. p. 287). At what time it was in- 
troduced into Spain is uncertain; but there is reason to believe that 
the first traces of its use occur subsequently to the conquest of 
Mexico. From the Peninsula it passed into France in 1559 ; the 
honour of introducing it there being contested by the traveller 
Andre* Thevet, and by the secretary Jean Nicot, Seigneur de Ville- 



* "Utuntur, in hisce spectaculis sicut et alibi ubicunque locorum sint, Angli, 
herba Nicotiana, quam tobaca nuncupant (Paetum alii dicunt), hoc modo frequen- 
tissimfe. Fistula in hunc finem ex argilla factae, orificio posteriori, dictam her- 
bam, probe exsiccatam ita ut in pulverem facile redigi possit, immittunt, ;t igni 
admoto accendunt, unde fumus ab anteriori parte ore attrahitxir, qui per nares 
rursum tanquam per infurnibulum exit, et phlegma et capitis defluxiones magna 
copia secum educit. Circumferuntur insuper in hisce theatris varii fructus ve- 
nales. etiam vinum et cerevisia." 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 109 

cannon, andabout 60,000 in prize-money, of which 
20,000 were divided among the men, and the re- 
mainder allotted to the adventurers.* Though the 
private gains resulting from the expedition were not 
of great value, the dismantling of so many fortresses 
at the beginning of a war was of no inconsiderable 
importance, and but the first of many services which 
our navigator performed in its progress. 

The next exploit of Drake was achieved wholly 
with public views. The rumour of that formida- 
ble armament fitted out by Spain for the invasion 
of England, and first in fear though afterwards in 
derision called the Invincible Armada, had spread 
universal alarm. In a noble spirit of patriotism, the 
merchants of London at their own expense equipped 
twenty-six vessels of different sizes, which were 

main, in the same manner as there has been a controversy whe- 
ther Drake or Raleigh first brought it to England. The preten- 
sions of Thevet have found few supporters, while science has sanc- 
tioned the claims of Nicot, by borrowing the generic title of the 
plant from his name. As we may learn from the contemporary 
poets and dramatists, the love of our countrymen for Gallic fashions 
was in that age no less keen than in our own ; and we may safely 
conclude, that after tobacco had found its way to the gay circles of 
Paris, not many years elapsed before it was transplanted to the 
court of England. In conformity with this supposition we find that 
the species of the herb most highly esteemed were the growth 
not ot English but of Spanish settlements : Captain Bobadil re- 
commends " especially your Trinidado," a description which, in 
popular speech, seems at one time to have given its name to the 
plant (Gifford's Ben Jonson, vol. i. p. 88) ; and Dr Barclay informs 
us, that " the most fine, best, and purest tabacco, is that which is 
brought to Europe in leaves, and not rolled in puddings, as the Eng- 
lish navigators first brought home" (Nepenthes, or the Vertues 
of Tabacco. Edinburgh, 1614. 8vo). It may be plausibly urged 
also, that it' the herb had been introduced from Virginia it would 
have retained its Virginian name of Uppowoc^ instead of deriving 
the appellation of Tobacco from the Spaniards, who borrowed it 
from the speech of the natives of San Domingo (Humboldt's Es- 
say on New Spain, vol. iii. p. 40. English Translation). 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 548. Camden's Annals, in Kennet, vol. 
ii. p. 509. 



1 10 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

placed under his command.* To this squadron the 
queen added, besides two pinnaces, four ships, named 
the Bonaventure, commanded by the great seaman in 
person ; the Lion, by William Borrough; the Dread- 
nought, by Thomas Fenner; and the Rainbow, by 
Henry Bellingham.t 

With this considerable force, in the beginning of 
April 1587, Drake sailed from Plymouth Sound. 
On his passage to the coast of Spain he learned, 
from the commanders of two Dutch vessels, that a 
fleet was lying at Cadiz ready to sail for Lisbon 
with provisions and ammunition for the Armada. 
On receiving this intelligence he immediately steer- 
ed for the former port, and there, in the course of one 
day and two nights, captured and destroyed ship- 
ping to the extent of about 10,000 tons burthen, 
destined to take part in the threatened invasion or 
subservient to the purpose of its equipment.^ Hav- 
ing thus happily accomplished his public duty, he 
resolved on an enterprise which promised to reward 
the spirited individuals who had enabled him so 
essentially to serve their common country. Possess- 
ing private information that the San Philipe, a Por- 
tuguese carrack from the East Indies, was about this 
time expected to arrive at Terceira, he set sail for 
the Azores. But before he could reach the track 
of this superb ship his supplies of provisions failed, 
and there was a dearth throughout the fleet ; yet, 
partly by promises, partly by threats, he induced 
his company to persevere in the cruise, and soon 
had the satisfaction of carrying home in triumph 

* Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. pp. 125, 126. Camden's Annals, 
in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 540. f Hakluyt, vol. ii. part ii. p. 121. 

J Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 12J. 
Hakluyt, vol. ii. part ii. p. 123. 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. Ill 

the richest prize that had ever yet been made. 
The cargo, though of immense worth, was of less 
value to the English merchants than the papers 
found on board ; for from these they acquired so 
complete a knowledge of Indian traffic,, that they 
were enabled at no distant period to engage 
in this lucrative trade, and to lay the founda- 
tions of that powerful Company to which Britain 
owes her magnificent empire in the East.* Drake 
is censured for discovering undue exultation at the 
triumphant result of this expedition. He is said 
to have spoken of his actions in a boastful strain; 
but the only ground for this charge seems to be his 
expression that he had " singed the Spanish king's 
beard ;"t and surely this jocular phrase may be par- 
doned in the hero who, by destroying the armament 
at Cadiz, delayed for a year the threatened invasion, 
and ensured its final discomfiture.^ Nor were Drake's 

* Biographia Nautica, vol. iii p. 128. Monson's Naval Tracts, 
p. 156. Camden's Annals, in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 540. 

j- Lord Bacon on a War with Spain. Bacon's Works, by Mon- 
tagu, vol. v. p. 262. 

So warmly were the exploits of Drake resented by the court 
of Spain, even before this great blow against the maritime power 
and strength of that country, that when, as it was presumed, terror 
was struck into the heart of the nation by the expectation that 
the formidable armament would every day put to sea, the Spanish 
ambassador, it is said, propounded terms of peace to Elizabeth in 
certain Latin verses, thus translated by Fuller ( Holy State, p. 303 j. 

" These to you are our commands : 

Send no help to the Netherlands ; 

Of the treasure took by DRAKE 

Restitution you must make ; 

And those abbeys build anew 

Which your father overthrew ; 

If for any peace you hope, 

In all points restore the Pope." 

To this insolent demand the lion-hearted princess replied extem- 
poraneously in the same language and in the same vein : 

" Worthy king, know this your will, 

At Lattar Lammas we'll fulfil." 



112 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

services to his country limited to warlike opera- 
tions. In the brief interval of leisure which he en- 
joyed subsequently to this expedition, he confer- 
red a lasting benefit on the town of Plymouth by 
introducing into it a supply of water, of which it 
was in great need, from springs eight miles distant, 
and by a course measuring more than twenty miles.* 
This achievement is still gratefully remembered in 
Devon, where the common people ascribe its success 
less to his skill and science than to the power of his 
magical incantations. t 

In the following year his distinguished exploits 
received the reward to which they were fully en- 
titled ; he was appointed vice-admiral under Lord 
Charles Howard of Effingham, the commander-in- 
chief of the sea-forces of England. But Drake had 
hitherto been accustomed to give, not to obey orders, 
and his vivacity had nearly produced disastrous 
consequences. Certain tidings had been received 
of the sailing of the Invincible Armada ; from later 
information it was known that the fleet was soon 

* Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 129. Wescot's Survey of 
Devonshire. Stowe's Annals, p. 80o. Ridson's Survey of Devon- 
shire, vol. i. pp. 69, 70. 

f " The people of Plymouth," it is said, " were so destitute of 
water, that they were obliged to send their clothes to Plympton to 
be washed in fresh water. Drake resolved to rid them of this in- 
convenience. So he called for his horse, mounted, road to Dart- 
moor, and hunted about till he found a very fine spring. Having 
fixed on one that would suit his purpose, he gave a smart lash to 
his horse's side, pronouncing as he did so some magical words, 
when off went the animal as fast as he could gallop, and the stream 
followed his heels all the way into the town." Mrs Bray's Tavy 
and Tamar, vol. ii. pp. 171) 172. The popular belief in the potency 
of his charms is unbounded : " The people of Tavistock say, that 
notwithstanding the place is fourteen miles from the sea (at Ply- 
mouth), Drake offered to make his native town a seaport, if the 
inhabitants would but have granted to him the estate of Mile-mead." 
Ibid. pp. 173, 174. 

2 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 113 

afterwards dispersed in a violent storm; and, in 
the belief that the attempt would be abandoned 
for a time, orders were despatched to the admiral 
desiring him to send four of his best ships back to 
Chatham, as the frugal government was unwilling 
to keep them afloat an hour longer than was ne- 
cessary. Hardly had this command been received 
when Howard was made aware by Thomas Flem- 
ing, the captain of a Scottish privateer,* that the 
dreaded armament was close at hand ; and it soon 
afterwards passed Plymouth, where the English 
squadron was taking in supplies to replace those 
expended during its cruise on the Spanish coast. 
It was on the evening of the 19th July 1588 that 
these unexpected news re-awakened the watchful- 
ness of the admiral. By noon next day his ships 
were manned, warped out, and ready for the fight ;t 
and almost at the same instant the enemy's fleet 
came in sight. On the 21st, with a greatly inferior 
force, he ventured on the attack which, by the bless- 
ing of Heaven on the valour and skill of our country- 
men, was continued from day to day, till at length 
the proud Armada, shattered and disabled, was 
entirely swept from the channel.^ On the night of 

* The honour of giving this important intelligence belongs to 
Scotland, the native country of Fleming ; at the instance of Howard 
the (jueen granted him a pardon, and also a pension for the notable 
service he had performed. 

J- Camden's Annals of Elizabeth, in Rennet, vol. ii.p. 546. Tytler's 
Life of Raleigh, Edinburgh Cabinet Library, No. XI. pp. 88, 89. 

J It was during this troubled period, when the dreaded Armada 
hung on our shores, that the first newspaper was printed in Eng- 
land. It bore the title of " The English Mercurie, published by au- 
thority, imprinted at London by Christopher Barker, her Highnesse's 
printer." The earliest number now known to exist is dated July 23, 
1588. The circulation of Gazettes in MS. was commenced at Ve- 
nice about the year 1536; but Mr George Chalmers claims for our 
country the honour of producing the first printed publication of that 



114 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

the 21st Drake, who had been appointed to carry 
the lantern, so far neglected his duty as to give 
chase to several Easterling hulks.* By this impru- 
dent measure his lordship was so misled that, 
mistaking the Spanish light for his own, he un- 
suspectingly followed it until the dawn of the morn- 
ing, when he found himself in the very midst of the 
enemy. Fortunately he was able instantly to with- 
draw; while the vice-admiral amply atoned for 
his oversight by his distinguished services in ha- 
rassing, capturing, and destroying the Spanish ships. 
On the 22d he performed a memorable action. 
Among the enemy's fleet there was a large galleon, 
commanded by Don Pedro de Valdez, a man of 
illustrious family and of high office, having nearly 
fifty noblemen and gentlemen in his company. His 
ship, crippled and separated from the squadron, had 
been hastily passed by Howard, in the belief that it 
was abandoned. There was on board a crew of 450 
persons ; but, when summoned to surrender in the 
formidable name of Drake, they attempted no resist- 
ance. Kissing the hand of the victorious leader, 
Don Pedro said that he and his companions had 
resolved to die in battle had they not experienced 
the good fortune of falling into the hands of one cour- 
teous, gentle, and generous to the vanquished. That 
he might not seem unworthy of these compliments, 

nature. M. Lally-Tollendal has disputed this pretension : " Qnant 
a la publication d'un journal politique, la France peut reclamer Tan- 
teriorite de plus d'un demi siecle; car on conserve a la biblio- 
theque du Roi un bulletin de la campagne de Louis XII. en Italic 
(1509), in-8o. de 8 p., gothique, commencant ainsi: ' C'est la tres 
noble et tres excel lente victoire du roy nostre sire Loys douziesme 
de ce nom qu'il aheue moyennant I'ayde de Dieu sur les Venitiens.' 
(No. in-4o. L. 607)." Biographic Universelle, tome xiii. p. 56. 

* Camden's Annals, in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 546. Hakluyt, vol. i. 
p. 597. 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 115 

the vice-admiral treated his guests with the utmost 
kindness and politeness : they were sent ashore as 
prisoners, and two years afterwards he received 3500 
for their ransom. In their ship were found 55,000 
ducats (upwards of 15,000), which were divided 
among the crew.* The running fight between the 
fleets, often interrupted, was renewed from day to 
day and from hour to hour, until the Spaniards 
were forced to make sail to the northwards, with 
the view of regaining their country by circumna- 
vigating the British islands, an attempt which, 
ended in the almost total destruction of their mighty 
armament. Of 134 ships which left the shores of 
Spain, only 53 returned.t In the fight of the 29th, 
which was maintained with desperate valour on both 
sides, Drake's ship was pierced by forty balls, two of 
which passed through his cabin. 

In the following yearj (1589) he commanded as 

* Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 598. 

f- A more copious account of the equipment and destruction of 
the Spanish Armada, founded upon documents preserved in the 
State-paper Office, not before published, will be found in Tytler's 
Life of Raleigh, p. 75-101. According to legends still current in the 
south of England, it was by no human means that Drake overthrew 
the mighty Armada : it is told that he placed a block of wood on 
the side of his vessel, and hewed it into pieces, which no sooner 
touched the water than they sprung up stately ships of war, armed 
and equipped at all points. According to another version of the 
tradition, he was playing at kales (nine-pins or skittles) on the 
Hoe at Plymouth, when it was announced to him that the enemy's 
fleet was sailing into the harbour. " He showed no alarm, but 
persisted in playing out his game. When it was concluded he 
ordered a large block of timber and a hatchet to be brought to him. 
He then bared his arm and chopped the wood into small pieces. 
These he hurled into the sea, and at his command every block 
arose a tire-ship ; and within a short space a general destruction of 
the enemy's fleet took place." Mrs Bray's Tamar and Tavy, vol. 
ii. p. 170. 

On New Year's tide 1589 Drake presented to her majesty " a 
fanne of f ethers, white and redd, the handle of golde, inamaled with a 
halfe moone of mother of perles, within that a halie moone garnished 



116 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

admiral, the fleet sent to restore Don Antonio of Por- 
tugal, while Sir John Norris led the land-forces. 
Differences arose between them as to the best mode 
of prosecuting the enterprise. The failure of the 
scheme proposed by the general gives probability to 
the assertion that the plan of operations suggested by 
Drake would have been more successful. It is at 
least certain that the expedition miscarried; and 
that hitherto prosperity had not deserted any un- 
dertaking in which he had supreme control.* Don 
Antonio returned as he went forth ; but, in the pre- 
sence of the queen and council, the navigator so 
fully justified his own conduct, that their confidence 
in his ability and skill remained unabated.t This 
was the first check that his fortunes received ; and 
it would have been happy for him, it has been 
said, if he had now withdrawn from the game.J The 
great and fatal error of his next expedition was the 
acceptance once more, after an interval of six years, 
of a divided command. 

The war with Spain, though it languished, was 
yet distant from its termination. In conjunction 
with Sir John Hawkins, Drake offered his services 
in an enterprise to the West Indies, on a scale so 
extensive, it was thought, as must crush the Spanish 
power in that quarter; and Elizabeth and her mini- 

with sparks of dj-amonds, and a few seede perles on the one side, 
having her majestie's picture within it ; and on the back-side a de- 
vice with a crowne over it." Nichols' Progresses, vol. ii. p. 54, note, 
quoted in Drake's Shakspeare and his Times (4to, London, 181 7), 
Tol. ii. p. 99. 

* Camden's Annals, in Kennet, vol. ii. pp. 553, 554. Monson's 
Naval Tracts, p. 1J4. Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 131-146 
inclusive. 

f Biographia Britannica, by Kippis, vol. v. p. 350. Art. Drake. 

J Ibid. vol. v. p. 351, note. 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 117 

sters received the proposal with every mark of satis- 
faction.* The fleet consisted of six ships of the navy 
and twenty- one private vessels, having on board 
land and sea forces to the number of 2500.t 

It sailed from Plymouth on the 28th of August 
1595, after having been detained for some time by 
reports that another Armada was prepared to invade 
England, a rumour artfully spread abroad in order 
to delay the departure of the expedition, of which one 
object was known to be the destruction of Nombre 
de Dios and the plunder of Panama. A few days 
before their departure the adventurers received 
tidings that a galleon richly laden had been dis- 
abled and separated from the fleet which annually 
brought treasure from the Indies to Spain ; and 
the capture of this vessel was strongly pressed upon 
the commanders by the government. But they had 
hardly put to sea when discord appeared in their 
councils. Hawkins wished at once to accomplish 
the design recommended by the queen; but time was 
lost at Dominica, as also in a previous attempt to in- 
vade the Canaries, which was suggested by Drake 
and Sir Thomas Baskerville;J and these delays 
were improved by the enemy in strengthening the 
defences of their colonies. The prize now lay at 
Porto Rico ; but five frigates had already been de- 
spatched to bring it home in safety. 

On the 29th October the ships made sail from the 
coast of Dominica, where they had been careened 
and water was taken on board. On the same even- 
ing, the Francis, one of the vessels, was captured by 

* Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 141. 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii p. 583. 

Camden's Annals, in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 584. 



118 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

the enemy. This misfortune was deemed fatal to 
the enterprise, as all hopes of surprising the Span- 
iards were now at an end.* Hawkins was morti- 
fied by it beyond measure ; he fell sick almost im- 
mediately ; and on the 12th November, when the 
fleet arrived before Porto Rico, he died of combined 
disease and grief. Sir Thomas Baskerville, who sue- 
ceeded him, took command of the Garland. 

Meditating an instant attack, the English on the 
evening of Hawkins' death lay within reach of the 
guns of Porto Rico ; and while the officers were at 
supper a shot penetrated the great cabin, drove the 
stool on which Drake sat from under him, killed 
Sir Nicolas Clifford, and mortally wounded Brute 
Browne and some others.t That night an assault 
was resolved on, and attempted the next day with 
desperate valour. But the enemy were prepared at 
all points; the treasure had been carried off; the 
women and children removed to a place of safety ; 
and the fortifications thoroughly repaired. Though 
the Spaniards suffered great loss, the invaders reaped 
but a barren victory ; J and, after lying a few days 
before the city, it was j udged expedient to abandon 
this enterprise. The squadron accordingly stood for 
the Main, where Rio de la Hacha, La Rancheria, and 
some other places, were taken, and, on the failure 
of the negotiations for their ransom, were burned to 
the ground. Several villages shared a similar fate ; 
but Drake began too late to discover, that by this 
petty warfare his forces were gradually reduced with- 
out the gain of any substantial advantage. Con- 

* Hakluyt, voL iii. p. 584. Camden's Annals, in Kennet, vol. ii. 
p. 584. f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 584. 

+ Camden's Annals, in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 584. Biographia 
Nautica, vol. iii. pp. 143, 144. Ibid. pp. 144, 145. 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 119 

tinued disappointments had likewise affected his 
health ; indeed, from the moment of his first misun- 
derstanding with Hawkins his equanimity was dis- 
turbed. On the morning of the assault on Porto 
Rico he exclaimed, in taking leave of Browne, 
then at the point of death, " Ah! dear Brute, I 
could grieve for thee, but now is no time for me to 
let down my spirits."* 

The Spanish towns were rather abandoned to the 
occupation than taken by the arms of the English, 
and in this manner Santa Martha and Nombre de 
Dios fell into their hands with scarcely a show of re- 
sistance: both were given to the flames.t On the 
summit of a watchtower in the neighbourhood of 
the latter they discovered upwards of 2000 pounds 
of silver, two bars of gold, and several valuable 
articles of merchandise. On the 29th December, 
two days after the capture of Nombre de Dios, Sir 
Thomas Baskerville, with 750 soldiers, attempted to 
force his way to Panama through the difficult and 
dangerous passes of the Isthmus of Darien. But 
at every step he was assailed by a desultory fire of 
musketry from the woods ; at certain places fortifi- 
cations had been thrown up to impede his progress ; 
and by the sudden onsets to which he was exposed in 
these ambuscades he lost many men. About mid- 
way the design was abandoned, and the party be- 
gan to retrace their steps. J Harassed by the attacks 
of the Spaniards, destitute of provisions, and ex- 

Fuller's Holy State, Life of Drake, p. 129. He adds on the 
margin: " From the mouth of Hen. Drake, Esquire, there pre- 
sent, my dear and worthy parishioner, lately deceased." 

-|- Caraden's Annals, m Kennet, vol. ii. p. 585. Biographia 
Nautica, vol. iii. p. 144. 

Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 145. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 587 . 



120 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

hausted by privation and fatigue, they made their 
way to the ships, grievously depressed and disheart- 
ened. This last and most fatal of the calamities 
which had followed the expedition threw Drake 
into a lingering fever, which was speedily followed 
by other symptoms of disease. After languishing for 
three weeks, he expired near Porto Bello, at four in 
the morning of the 28th of January 1595, in the 
fifty-first year of his age. His remains were placed 
in a leaden coffin, and committed to the deep with all 
the pomp attending naval obsequies. Thus " he 
lived by the sea, died on it, and was buried in it."* 
Unsuccessful as his latter enterprises had been, his 
death was universally lamented by his country; 
the tenderness of compassion was now mingled with 
admiration of the genius and valour of one " whose 
memory will survive as long as the duration of that 
world which he surrounded."t 



bowels were buried." Hence it might be inferred that the bod}' 
had been brought home. 

f- Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 145. " Tandem, terribilis ille 
Draco, confectis feliciter tot navigationibus et dimicationibus mari- 
timis, diutino dysenteriae morbp viribus admodum attenuatis expira- 
vit. Talem vitae exitum habuit tantus imperator in navalibus pug- 
nis, totiusque belli maritimi instrumentis, et apparatu. Fama de 
interritu ejus fines orbis peragravit. Obstupuerunt Iberi, Indi ac 
ultimee Turcici imperil orae, ad magnitudinem fortunae ejus virtutis- 
que. Multitude Anglica, memor maximorum in regnum meritorum, 
cunctis humanis honoribus prosecuta est ; omnia iortia ejus laudi- 
bus celebrans. Fama rerum gestarum manet in annuls nominum, 
mansuraque in asternum, non in opinione tacita amicorum, sed ad- 
miratione magna popularium. Liberalibus disciplinis innutriti, 
ad perpetuam f'amae memoriam, carmina meditati sunt. Pauca hue 
ascribere non piguit : 

Drace perrerati quern novit terminus orbis, 

Quemque simul mundi vidit uterque polus ; 
Si taceant homines, facient te sidera notum ; 

Sol nescit comitis non memor esse sui. 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 121 

Of Drake's life, the years were few which were 
not passed in the public service of his country ; and 
of their history little is known. He sat in two par- 
liaments, for the burgh of Bossiney or Tintagel in 
Cornwall, in 1585-6, and for the town of Plymouth 
in 1592-3. Though often described as a bachelor, it 
is ascertained that he married Elizabeth, daughter 
and sole heiress of Sir George Sydenham of Coombe- 
Sydenham in Somersetshire, who survived him, and 
afterwards became the wife of William Courtenay 
of Powderham Castle in the county of Devon.* 
He left no children, but bequeathed to his nephew 
Francis Drake, who was advanced to the baronetage 

Ingens mortis eius gaudium Iberis et Indis fuit" Johnstoni Rer. 
Brit. Hist. p. 208. The concluding lines of this epigram have been 
happily rendered : 

" The stars above will make thee known, 
If man were silent here ; 

The sun himself cannot forget 

His fellow-traveller." 

Willis, Notitia Parliaraentaria, vol. ii. p. 122-295, quoted in 
Biographia Britannica, by Kippis, vol. v. p. 352. Article Drake. 
There is a romantic tradition in Devonshire, " that while the old 
warrior (as Drake is popularly named) was abroad, his lady, not 
hearing from him for seven years, considered he must be dead, 
and that she was free to marry again. Her choice was made, the 
nuptial-day fixed, and the parties had assembled in the church. 
At that very hour Sir Francis was at the antipodes of Devonshire, 
and one of his spirits, who let him know from time to time how 
things went in England, whispered in his ear in what manner he 
was about to lose his wife. He rose up in haste, charged one of his 
great guns, and discharged a ball so truly aimed that it shot through 
the globe, forced its way into the church, and fell with a loud ex- 
plosion between the lady and her intended bridegroom. ' It is a 
signal from Drake,' she exclaimed ; ' he is alive, and I am still a 
wife. There must be neither troth nor ring between thee and me.' " 
Mrs Bray's Tamar and Tavy, vol. ii. pp. 172, 173. The same 
wild legend is told in Somersetshire, with, this difference, that the 
miraculous interruption was made by a great stone, which fell from 
the heavens on the bridal train of the forgetful wife as she went to 
the church. It is added, that in no long time Drake returned, and, 
disguised as a beggar, sought alms of his spouse : a smile betrayed 
his deceit, and his lady recognised and welcomed him with tears 
of joy. 



122 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

by James the First, a considerable landed estate, 
purchased by spoils gathered in almost every region 
of the earth. 

The navigator is described as of low stature, but 
exquisitely proportioned ; his chest was broad, his 
head round and well-formed. He had a fair and 
sanguine complexion, a countenance open and cheer- 
ful ; his eyes were large and lively ; his beard full 
and comely, and his hair of a brown colour.* In 
the portrait which is prefixed to this volume, the 
traces may be easily recognised of that quick and 
resolute character which he displayed in all his ac- 
tions. He willingly listened to the counsel of others, 
though he generally acted on his own ; and what- 
ever he thus attempted he accomplished with suc- 
cess. He was a perfect seaman, skilled in every 
point of his art, and able in his own person to dis- 
charge all the duties of a ship, even those of attending 
the sick and dressing the wounded. In repairing 
and watering his vessels, as readily as in what are 
esteemed higher offices, he at all times bore an ac- 
tive part ; and to his zealous co-operation in these 
subordinate toils much of the facility and celerity 
of his movements, and no small share of his conse- 
quent success, are to be attributed. The sciences 
connected with navigation, particularly that of as- 
tronomy, so far as they were then known, he 
thoroughly understood. Among his many natural 
gifts was that of a ready and graceful eloquence. 
Courteous, affable, " infinite in promises," he was of 
easy access to all men. One who served under him 
describes him as of a prompt and lively spirit, 
constant in his friendship, but not easily reconciled 

* Stowe's Annals, p. 808. 



EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 123 

to those with whom he had ever been at variance. 
Among other deeds of enlightened benevolence was 
his establishing, in conjunction with Sir John Haw- 
kins, the CHEST at Chatham for the relief of aged or 
sick seamen, by the honourable means of their own 
early providence.* The dark shades of his character 
are not many. If he was fond of amassing wealth, 
he was generous and bountiful in its distribution. 
It must be acknowledged, that he manifested greater 
equanimity in misfortune than in prosperity ; and 
among his faults are to be numbered susceptibility 
to flattery, " aptnesse to anger, and bitternesse in 
disgracing."t He has been charged with ambition ; 
but it is well remarked, that never in any man did 
that infirmity take a happier direction for the wel- 
fare of his country. His example did more to ad- 
vance the maritime power and reputation of Eng- 
land than that of all the navigators who preceded 
him ; he indicated or led the way to new sources of 
trade ; and opened that career of commercial pro- 
sperity and national aggrandizement which his 
countrymen are still pursuing. Nor were his tran- 
scendent merits unappreciated or unacknowledged 
his praises were in the mouths of all men ; poets and 
historians celebrated his courage ; J his exploits gave 

* Camden's Britannia, p. 133. 

f- Purchas, part iv. p. 1186. 

J Besides many productions of inferior extent, which need not be 
enumerated, there appeared in 1 59H a poem by Charles Fitzgeffray, 
a native of Cornwall, entitled, " ^ir Francis Drake, his honorable 
Life's Commendation, and his tragical Deathe's Lamentation." This 
composition, which is highly extolled by contemporary writers, and 
described by a modern critic as " possessing no small portion of 
merit," is dedicated in a quaint sonnet " to the beauteous and ver- 
tuous Lady Elizabeth, late wife unto the highlie renowned Sir 
Francis Drake, deceased." Drake's Shakspeare and his Times, 
vol. i. p. 620. 



124 EXPEDITIONS TO THE WEST INDIES. 

a subject to the drama ;* and, after the lapse of more 
than two hundred years, he yet lives as the mytho- 
logical hero of the traditions of his native province. 
Hostile lands offered equal tribute to his fame; 
when tidings of his death were carried to Panama, 
two days were given to public rejoicings ; and Lope 
de Vega, the most popular poet in Spain, composed 
an epic poem to revile his deeds and calumniate his 
memory.t 



* One of the few plays acted during the usurpation of Cromwell 
was " The History of Sir Francis Drake : exprest by instrumental 
and vocal music, and by art of perspective in scenes, &c. The first 
part, represented daily at the Cockpit in Drury-Lane, at three in 
the afternoon punctually." 4to, 1659. It was written probably by 
Sir William JD'Avenant ; at least it forms the third and fourth acts 
of that assemblage of dramatic fragments which he published in 
1673 under the title of " A Play-house to be Let." 

f Southey's Naval History of England, vol. iii. p. 346-349. 
The poet stigmatizes Drake as a protestant pirate of Scotland, 
" el protestante pirate de Escocia." With equal accuracy he calls 
the English Caledonians. 



CAVENDISH. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Voyage of Cavendish round the World. 

Policy of Queen Elizabeth Public Spirit of the English Nobility 
Ancestry of Cavendish His Voyage to Virginia Equipment 
of his Squadron for an Expedition to the South Sea Discovery 
of Port Desire Colon) 7 of Don Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa 
Natives of the Straits Indian Tributaries of Santa Maria 
Escape of Tome Hernandez A Watering-party cut off Capture 
of Spanish Ships Use of Torture by Cavendish Payta captured 
Cacique of Puna Skirmish with the Spaniards March into 
the Woods Progress of the Squadron Capture of the Santa 
Anna Cavendish steers for the Ladrones Description of the 
Natives Treachery of a Spanish Pilot Rencounter with a 
Party of Spaniards Passes the Moluccas Anchors at Java 
Remarkable Customs of the Inhabitants The Desire passes the 
Cape of Good Hope Reaches St Helena Arrives at Plymouth. 

THE reign of Elizabeth is by nothing more honour- 
ably distinguished than by the manliness and dignity 
which characterized the pursuits of her courtiers, 
and, through their example, those of the entire body 
of the English gentry. That period, illustrious in 
the national annals, owes much of its glory and feli- 
city to this cause. To the queen herself belongs 
the praise of having, during a long life, zealously 
cherished the flame of public spirit, and of having in- 
spired, by her influence, the youth of the kingdom 
with that ardent thirst for renown which in so 
many ways redounded to the advantage and pros- 
perity of her dominions. Distinguished merit, 



126 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

whether displayed in the field or in the council, 
was a sure path to her regard ; and though her fa- 
vourites possessed very different degrees of moral 
worth, all were celebrated for ability or patriotism.* 
In that age it was not unusual for men of the 
higTiest rank to devote their private fortunes and 
personal servic^sjtojthe^dvancement Qfjhe_national 
interests, byjgndertaking or promoting voyages of 
discovery ; by establishing foreign colonies ; Try ex- 
ploring new sources of traffic ; orj 



state_againsjhe aggressions of its enemies. 

* The care which Elizabeth devoted to the rising marine and 
commerce of her kingdom has often been the subject of panegyric. 
Purchas has addressed her in a passage which the reader may not 
be displeased to see quoted : " Thou wast indeed the mother of 
English sea-greatnesse, and didst first (by thy generalls) not salute 
alone, but awe and terrifie the remotest East and West, stretching 
thy long and strong armes to India, to China, to America, to the 
Peruvian Seas, to the Californian coast, and New Albion's scepters : 
Thou mad'st the northern Muscovite admire thy greatnesse. Thou 
gavest name to the North-west Straits and the Southern Negros, and 
ilands of the South-unknown-continent, which knew not humanitie, 
were compelled to know thee :* Thou imbracedst the whole earthly 

globe in tny maritime armes ; thou freed'st England from Easter- 
ngs'f and Lumbards' borrowed legs ; and taught'st her not onely 
to stand and goe without helpe, but become helpe to our friends, and 
with her own sea-forces to stand against, yea to stand upon, and 
stampe under feet the proudest of her foes. Thou wast a mother 
to thy neighbours, Scots, French, Dutch ; a mirrour to the remotest 
of nations. Great Cumberland's twelve voyages are thine, and the 
fiery vigor of his martiall spirit was kindled at thy bright lamp, and 
quickened by the great spirit of Elizabeth. Drake, Candish, John 
and Richard Hawkins, Raleigh, Dudley, Sherley, Preston, Greenvile, 
Lancaster, Wood, Raimund, Levison, Monson, Winter, Frobisher, 
Davies, and other the star-worthies of England's sphere, acknow- 
ledge Eliza's orb to be their first and highest mover." Purchas, 
part iv. p. 1819. 

* This alludes to the islands of Tierra del Fuego, on which Drake be- 
stowed the title of Ettzabethides (see above, p. 60) : this bleak region was 
long believed to form a portion of the imaginary Terra Australis Incog' 
nita. 

f By Easterlings are meant the inhabitants of the Hanse Towns; and 
it may be conjectured that by " Easterlings' and Lumbards' borrowed legs" 
this quaint writer signifies that the carrying-trade of England, hitherto 
engrossed by the shipping of the Italians and the people of the United Pro- 
vinces, was now, by the policy of Elizabeth, secured to the English. 
5 






VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 12J 

Of this generous and lofty-minded class was 
Thomas Cavendish, the second of his countrymen 
who sailed round the globe. He was descended from 
an old and honourable family, the founder of which 
came to England in the train of the Conqueror. 
His father was William Cavendish, or, as the name 
was then usually written, Candish, of Trimley St 
Martin, in the county of Suffolk,* where the fu- 
ture navigator was born. The family-mansion stood 
near the seashore; and from this circumstance it 
is said he early became enamoured of a naval life. 

His father died while he was still a minor ; and 
succeeding to his patrimony at an unripe age, he is 
reported to have squandered it " in gallantry and 
following the court," and to have embraced the 
nobler pursuits to which his subsequent years were 
devoted in order to repair his shattered fortunes. t 
According to other authorities, he was impelled to 
this course by higher motives ; and the truth is, that, 
although the relations of his voyages are ample, very 
little is known of his personal history. 

It appears certain that in the year 1585 he ac- 
companied an expedition to Virginia, under Sir 
Richard Grenville, in a vessel equipped at his own 
expense. J This voyage, undertaken for the esta- 
blishment of the unfortunate colony which was 
brought home by Sir Francis Drake in 1586 (see 
p. 107), though attended with many hardships, was 

Collins' Peerage of England (8vo, Edinburgh, 1735), vol. i. 
p. 121. 

j- Lediard's Naval History of England (2 vols folio, London, 
1735), vol. i. p. 229. Biographia Britannica, by Kippis, vol. iii. 
p. 316. Article Cavendish. 

Some accounts say this was the Tiger ; but this could not have 
been, as the Tiger was the admiral's ship, from which Cavendish 
was separated in the Bay of Biscay, and which he did not rejoin till 
the fleet had reached the West Indies Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 251. 



128 VOYAGE OP CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

unproductive of gain. Cavendish, however, acquired 
from it nautical experience ; in its progress he visited 
the Spanish West India settlements; he conversed 
with those who had sailed with Drake into the South 
Sea ; and his youthful spirit was thus inflamed with 
a desire to emulate the glory of that great navigator 
in so rich a field of enterprise. 

Grenville's fleet returned to England in October, 
and, before many months expired, our hero, from 
the wreck of his fortune, equipped a small squa- 
dron for his projected voyage. While the car- 
penters were at work upon two of his vessels, 
which appear to have been entirely new,* he busied 
himself in collecting maps, charts, and the his- 
tories of such former navigations as might be useful 
to him ; and haying, through the recommendation 
of Lord Hunsdon, received license from the queen 
to cruise against her enemies, he departed from Ply- 
mouth on the 21st July 1586.t His little fleet con- 
sisted of the Desire, of 120 tons burden, in which he 
sailed as admiral; the Content, of 60 tons ; and the 
Hugh Gallant, a light bark of 40 tons. It was man- 
ned by a crew of 123 soldiers, seamen, and officers, 
and provided with every requisite for a long resi- 
dence in latitudes with which the discoveries of 
Drake had now made the public familiar.^ 

The vessels first touched at Sierra Leone, where 
their young commander committed an act of wan- 
ton barbarity. One Sunday a party went on shore, 
where they remained till nightfall, joining in the 
dance and other sports with the friendly negroes. 
Their secret object was to gain intelligence of a 

* Biographia Britannica, by Kippis, vol. iii. p, 316. 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 803. 

J Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 240. 



VOYAGE OP CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 129 

Portuguese vessel in the harbour, which their leader 
was anxious to capture. Baffled in this project, 
the adventurers next day landed to the number 
of seventy, attacked the town, burned two or three 
houses, and carried off what little spoil they found.* 
The natives fled at their approach, but no sooner 
had the invaders turned their backs than they 
were assailed by poisoned arrows discharged from 
the shelter of the woods. No reason is assigned for 
this unprovoked devastation, save " the bad deal- 
ing of negros with all Christians." The village 
is described as neatly built, and enclosed by mud 
walls; the houses and streets were kept in the cleanest 
manner ; the yards were surrounded by suitable 
fences ; and the town altogether exhibited signs of 
civilisation, of which the slave-trade subsequently 
destroyed every trace. t A few days after this outrage 
some seamen who went ashore fell into an ambush, 
and were nearly cut off. One man died from the hurt 
of a poisoned arrow, and several were wounded. 

The discoverers departed on the 6th September, 
and on the 16th December made the coast of America, 
in 47 20' S. The land was observed stretching west, 
at the distance of six leagues, and next day they an- 
chored in a harbour in 48 S., to which they gave the 
name of Port Desire, in honour of the admiral's ship. J 
Seals were seen here of enormous size, in the fore- 
part of their body resembling lions ; the flesh of 
their young afforded food, which in the estimation 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 804. f Ibid. p. 804. J Ibid. p. 805. 

In the narratives of the voyage of the Dutch navigators 
Schouten and Le Maire, who anchored in Port Desire about thirty 
years after the visit of Cavendish, these animals are described as 
sixteen feet in length ; to kill them, it was necessary to take aim 
at the belly or head, their skins not being penetrable in any other 
part Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. ii. p. 365. 



130 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

of the seamen was not inferior in delicacy to lamb 
or mutton. Birds, apparently penguins, were also 
found in great plenty; and in this excellent harbour 
the ships were careened. On the 24th December 
a man and a boy, on going ashore to wash their 
linen, were suddenly surrounded by about fifty In- 
dians, who assailed them with arrows made of canes, 
skilfully headed with flints, which occasioned very 
severe wounds.* Cavendish, with a small party, 
pursued them, but unsuccessfully. " They are as 
wilde as ever was a bucke, or any other wilde beast," 
says an old author, " as they seldome or never see any 
Christians." One of their foot-prints, it is affirmed, 
measured eighteen inches in length.f The visiters set 
sail on the 28th, halting at an island three leagues 
off, to cure and store the sea-fowls which they had 
taken ; and on the 30th, standing out to sea, they ob- 
served a rock, in 48' 30" S., which resembled that of 
Eddystone near Plymouth. Passing several capes, 
towhich nonames were given, onthe6th they entered 
Magellan's Straits, which the Spaniards had lately 
attempted to fortify. At twilight the squadron an- 
chored near the first Angostura, or Narrow; and soon 
afterwards fires were observed on the northern shore, 
which the voyagers, believing to be signals, answered 
by lights from the ships. In the morningaboat rowed 



aborigines or our own country ; the p 

considerable art, are still frequently 

By the common people they are callei 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 805. The ere 



* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 805. Similar weapons were used by the 
aborigines of our own country ; the points of flint, often cut with 
"" " ently found in tilling the ground. 

called Elf-shots. 

The crew of Schouten and Le Maire, 

having removed heaps of stones which were observed on the sum- 
mits of hills and on elevated rocks, found human skeletons, as they 
allege, ten and eleven feet in length. " The skulls," say the Dutch- 
men, " we could put on our heads in the manner of helmets." 
Historical Account of the Circumnavigation of the Globe, p. 111). 
Purchas, part ii. p. 91. 



VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 131 

towards the beach, on which three men were seen, 
making signs by waving a handkerchief. These 
were part of the survivors of an unfortunate Spanish 
garrison abandoned in this neighbourhood.* 

In the history of the first settlers in America, 
there is not perhaps a more melancholy page than 
that which records the disastrous fate of the colony 
left by Don Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa in the 
Straits of Magellan. It may be recollected that, 
after the appearance of Drake on the coast of Peru, 
that commander was despatched by the viceroy to 
intercept the daring adventurer in his return by 
this channel. t Sarmiento explored with much care 
the western shores of Patagonia, the coast of Chili, 
and the many openings and intricate channels in the 
islands of Tierra del Fuego, which, as he conjectured, 
must communicate with the wider inlet discovered by 
Magellan through one or more passages. After a 
long time thus fruitlessly consumed, he sailed into 
the straits, and, passing through them to the east- 
ward, minutely examined the coast on both sides. 
Spain was at this time alarmed by apprehensions 
that the English were about to possess themselves of 
what was then considered the only entrance to the 
South Seas, for the passage by the Cape of Good Hope 
was still exclusively retained by the Portuguese, and 
that by Cape Horn was not yet discovered. Philip 
was readily induced, by the exaggerated statements 
of Don Pedro, to listen to his proposals of colonizing 
and fortifying this important outlet; and an arma- 
ment of 23 ships, having on board 3500 men, 
with large stores of ammunition and ordnance, 
was equipped without delay. The history of this 

* Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 241. -J* Supra, p. 67. 



132 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

expedition, undertaken on so magnificent a scale, 
presents an uninterrupted succession of calamities. 
The fleet sailed on the 25th September 1581 ; but 
before they lost sight of the shores of Spain, five 
of the ships were wrecked in a violent gale, and 
800 men perished. The survivors, after returning 
to the harbour, issued forth a second time in De- 
cember with no better fortune. Their numbers 
were soon diminished by sickness and desertion ; 
the vessels, attacked by worms, became leaky, and 
a large one, containing the greater portion of their 
stores, went down at sea with 350 men and twenty 
^vomen on board. Sarmiento, who was repeatedly 
driven back to the Brazils, did not arrive in the 
strait till February 1584, when he landed the 
colonists. Nor did his reverses close here; for 
Rivera, one of his officers, either wilfully abandon- 
ing him or being forced from his anchorage by stress 
of weather,* turned his face to wards Europe, carry- 
ing away the greater part of the provisions which 
were destined to sustain the people through the 
rigour of the southern winter. The foundations 
were laid of two towns, named Nombre de Jesus 
and San Felipe, situated in favourable points of the 
straits, and at the distance of about seventy miles 
from each other. In the mean while winter set in 
with uncommon severity ; in April snow fell inces- 
santly for fifteen days. The viceroy, who after esta- 
blishing the settlement meditated a voyage to Chili 
for supplies, was driven from his anchors and forced 
to seek safety in the Brazils, leaving his country- 
men without a ship. He has been charged with 

* Viage al Estrecho, p. 239, quoted in Burney, Chron. Hist. 
Discov. vol. ii. p. 39-52. 



VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 133 

intentionally sacrificing this helpless colony;* but 
the accusation appears unjust, for he made many 
subsequent efforts for its relief, though his ill for- 
tune rendered them abortive. The governors of the 
neighbouring districts refused farther assistance to 
a project which had lost the royal favour ; and, 
in returning to Spain to solicit aid, he was 
captured by three ships belonging to Sir Walter 
Raleigh, luckily in all probability for himself, as 
the indignation of his sovereign would not have 
been easily appeased.t Of the wretched colonists, 
thus abandoned by all to whom they might have 
looked for help, many died of famine and cold during 
the first winter. The comparative mildness of the 
spring and summer allowed a short respite of misery, 
and the hope was indulged that Sarmiento would re- 
turn, or that some ship would bring them provisions 
and clothing. But the year wore away, and no vessel 
was seen. The settlers at San Felipe now began to 
despair; with difficulty they built two small barks, 
to which all the survivors fifty men and five wo- 
men committed themselves. Before, however, the 
strait was cleared, one of the vessels was wrecked, and 

* Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. ii. p. 54-56. 

j- It is said that Queen Elizabeth ordered the captive governor 
of the straits to be presented to her, that she conversed with him 
in Latin, restored him to freedom, and gave him 1000 crowns to con- 
vey him to Spain. However this may be, it was some years before 
he found his way to that country. Though singularly unfortunate, 
Sarmiento was a bold and skilful navigator. Captain King, who lately 
surveyed Tierra del Fuego and the channel of Magellan, in speak- 
ing of the unhappy Spaniard, says, " His journal has furnished us 
with the description of a coast more difficult and dangerous to ex- 

Elore than any that could readily be selected ; for it was at that 
me perfectly unknown, and is exposed to a climate of perpetual 
snows and rain ; yet the account is written with such minute care 
and correctness, that we have been enabled to detect upon our 
charts almost every place that is described." Journal of the Royal 
Geographical Society, vol. i. p. 157. 



134 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

the design was abandoned, for there was no one 
among them capable of conducting the perilous na- 
vigation. Hunger and sickness, the hostility of the 
natives and the inclemency of the weather, so thinned 
their numbers, that, of four hundred males and thirty 
females landed by Pedro, only fifteen men and three 
women survived when the English entered the 
straits. Many lay uninterred in their houses, the 
survivors not having strength to bury them : and on 
the shores, where these miserable beings wandered in 
search of shellfish or herbs, they often came upon the 
body of a deceased companion who had perished of 
famine or of the diseases caused by extreme want.* 

It was a party of those forlorn wanderers who 
endeavoured to attract the notice of Cavendish on 
the day in which he entered the straits. A passage to 
Peru was oifered them, but they at first hesitated 
to trust the heretics ; and afterwards, when they had 
determined to accept this generous aid, accident 
rendered their resolution unavailing. While they 
were preparing to embark, a fair wind sprung up 
and the admiral set sail, having taken on board 
only one Spaniard, named Tome Hernandez, who 
became the historian of this ill-fated colony. If 
our countrymen be justly blamed for abandoning 
these unfortunate beings, what shall be said of their 
own nation, which, having sent them out, left them 
to perish of famine and cold without making a 
single effort for their relief! 

The navigators, after passing both Angosturas, an- 
chored on the 8th of January 1587 at the island of 
Santa Magdalena, where in two hours they killed 
and salted as many penguins as filled six winepipes. 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 806. Burney,Chron. Hist Disc. vol. ii.p. Jl-73. 



VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 135 

They afterwards touched at San Felipe, in the de- 
serted ruins of which were seen the bodies of several 
Spaniards lying, " where they had died like dogs." 
Six pieces of ordnance which the settlers had buried 
were dug up and taken on board. A few natives 
were observed ; Hernandez represented them as a 
treacherous people, a character which the Euro- 
pean knives and swords seen in their possession 
seemed to confirm; and, when they approached, 
Cavendish ordered a discharge of musketry against 
them, by which many were killed, and the rest put 
to flight. They were said to be cannibals, and to 
have preyed upon the bodies of the colonists,* an ac- 
cusation which, however unsupported, was considered 
a sufficient justification of the utmost violence. To 
this place, which was found to be in latitude 53 50' 
S., the commander gave the designation of Port Fa- 
mine, a title which it retains not only in English 
maps, but even in those of Spain, where the site of 
the Ciudad de San Felipe is distinguished by the 
name of Puerto de Hambre.t 

For three weeks the adventurers lay in a sheltered 
port, unable to proceed on their voyage from a 
continuance of adverse winds ; but at length on the 
24th February, after a favourable though tedious 
passage, they cleared the western entrance of the 
straits.J On the south were a fair high cape and 
a point of low land, on the other side lay, about 
six leagues from the mainland, several islands with 
much broken ground around them. On the 1st of 

* " They were men-eaters, and fedde altogether upon rawe flesh, 
and other filthie fbode ; which people had preyed upon some of the 
Spaniardes before spoken of." Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 80J. 

f- Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 241. Southey's Naval Hist, of 
Eng. vol. iii. p. 255. 

Biographia Britannica, vol. iii. p. 316. 



136 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

March they were overtaken by a storm which raged 
several days ; and the Hugh Gallant, separated from 
the others, was nearly lost owing to a dangerous leak. 
The crew were completely exhausted by working 
the pumps three days and nights successively;* 
but at length on the 15th they rejoined their con- 
sorts at the isle of Mocha on the coast of Chili. At 
this place the voyagers, being mistaken for Span- 
iards, met with a hostile reception from the natives 
of the Main. But on the morrow a similar error 
led to a happier result ; for when Cavendish with 
a party of seventy men went ashore at Santa Maria, 
they were received with all kindness and humility 
by the chief people of the island ; and were even 
permitted to carry off a store of wheat, barley, and po- 
tatoes, prepared as tribute to the lieutenant of Philip. 
To this the islanders added presents of hogs, dried 
dog-fish, fowls, and maize, and received in return 
an entertainment on board the admiral's ship.t 
" These Indians," it is said, " are held in such 
slavery that they dare not eate a hen or a hogge 
themselves. But the Spaniards have made them all 
Christians. They in the ende perceiving us to bee 
no Spaniards, made signes that if wee would goe 
over unto the mayne land there was much golde, and 
we should have great store of riches." The English 
chief, doubtful of their intentions, hastened his de- 
parture, and set sail on the 18th of March .J It was 
his intention to touch at Valparaiso, but overshooting 
that port he anchored on the 30th in the bay of 
Quintero, seven leagues to the northward. A herds- 



* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 80J. 

t Biographia Nantica, vol. iii. pp. 242, 243. 

J Hakluyt, vol. iii. P . 808. 



VOYAGE OP CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 137 

man who lay asleep on the side of the hill awoke as 
the ships entered the harbour, and, catching a horse 
which was grazing beside him, set off at full speed to 
spread the alarm.* Notwithstanding this untoward 
accident the commander landed with thirty men, ac- 
companied by Hernandez, the Spaniard whom he 
had brought from the straits. This person having 
entered into conversation with three armed horse- 
men, who came apparently to reconnoitre, reported 
that they were willing to furnish as much provision 
as might be required. He was despatched on a 
second conference; when, forgetting all his vows of 
fidelity, he sprung to the saddle behind one of his 
countrymen, who instantly galloped off.t The ad- 
venturers filled some of their water-casks, but they 
attempted in vain to shoot the wild cattle, which 
were seen feeding in large herds. On the 31st, 
about sixty of them marched into the interior in 
the hope of discovering some European settlement; 
but though they penetrated to the foot of the 
mountains they returned without having seen one 
human being. The country was found to be fruit- 
ful and well watered, abounding in herds of cattle 
and horses, besides hares, rabbits, and many kinds 
of wild- fowl. J The next day the seamen employed 
in procuring water were surprised by a company of 
200 horsemen, who, by a sudden charge from the 
heights, slew or carried off twelve of their number. 
The others were rescued by the soldiers, who ran to 
support their comrades, and, it is said, killed twenty- 
four of the assailants. Notwithstanding this dis- 
aster, Cavendish, by keeping vigilant ward, was 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 880. f Ibid. 

J Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 243. 
Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 809. 



138 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

enabled to complete his supplies. It was afterwards 
learned that of the persons taken captive in this 
affray six were executed as pirates, though they 
sailed under the commission of their sovereign, who 
was then at open war with Spain. 

The navigators, leaving Quintero, came on the 
15th of April to Moron Moreno, or the Brown Moun- 
tain, where the Indians, on their landing, met them 
with loads of wood and water, which they carried on 
their backs. The natives of this part of the coast 
were a very degraded race, removed but little from 
the lowest point in the scale of civilisation. Their 
dwellings consisted of a few sticks placed across two 
poles stuck in the ground, and rudely thatched with 
boughs. Their food was fish, raw and putrid. 
Considerable ingenuity was displayed in the con- 
struction of their fishing-canoes, which were made 
of " two skinnes like unto bladders, and blowen 
full at one ende with quilles : they have two of these 
bladders blowen full, which are sewen together and 
made fast with a sinew of some wild beast ; which 
when they are in the water swell, so that they are 
as tight as may bee. They go to sea in these boates, 
and catch very much fish, and pay much of it for 
tribute unto the Spaniards : but they use it mar- 
vellous beastly." When one of them died, his bow 
and arrows, his canoe, and all that he had, were 
buried with him.* 

On the 23d a vessel laden with Spanish wine was 
captured near Arica. A small bark, the crew of 
which escaped in their boat, was taken and enrolled 
in the squadron by the name of the George. A large 
ship, seized in the road, proved but a worthless prize, 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 809. 



VOYAGE OP CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 139 

for the cargo had been previously conveyed on shore. 
A design at one time entertained of storming the 
town was abandoned, as, before the adventurers were 
ready for the assault, the enemy, aware of their 
intention, had taken measures for defending the city. 
The English squadron and the batteries having 
exchanged a few harmless shots, Cavendish, in the 
hope of recovering the seamen taken prisoners at 
Quintero, sent a flag of truce inviting the Spaniards 
to redeem their vessels; but all proposals of this 
nature were, by order of the viceroy at Lima, pe- 
remptorily rejected.* 

On the 25th, while the ships still lay before the 
town, a vessel was descried to the southward making 
for the port, and the admiral sent his pinnace to 
take her. The inhabitants endeavoured to warn 
their friends of their danger by signals, which were 
understood; the bark was accordingly run ashore 
among the rocks, and a party of horsemen advanced 
to protect the passengers, among whom were several 
monks, who made a narrow escape. Our adven- 
turers boarded the vessel, but found nothing of 
value; and, having burned their prizes, on the 
morning of the 26th they bore away from Arica to 
the northward. On the day following they captured 
a small sloop, sent from Santiago to inform the 
viceroy that an English fleet was upon the coast. 
The despatches had been cast into the sea dur- 
ing the chase, and the crew were bound by an 
oath not to disclose the object of their voyage. To 
extort their secret it was deemed necessary to 
subject them to torture.f An old Fleming, who 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 810. 

f- The instrument of torture employed by Cavendish seems to 
have resembled that which in Scotland'was called the thumbikius. 



140 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

was proof against all menaces, chose rather to die 
than to perjure himself; but at last one of the Span- 
iards betrayed the secret; and, having destroyed 
the vessel, Cavendish carried the people along with 
him as the surest means of defeating the purpose of 
their expedition. In this vessel there was found 
' ' one George, a Greeke, a reasonable pilot for all the 
coast of Chili."* 

On the 3d May the navigators landed at a small 
Spanish town, where they obtained a supply of 
bread, wine, figs, and fowls. Their cruise was con- 
tinued for a fortnight, and several prizes were made, 
whence they procured a needful addition to their 
provisions, though they got but little of that species 
of wealth which they most highly valued. On the 
20th they landed at Payta, which they took without 
difficulty; andtheinhabitants,havingfledafterabrief 
skirmish, were pursued to a place among the hills 
whither theyhad conveyed their treasure. Herewere 
found twenty-five pounds of silver, with other costly 
commodities, but the admiral, dreading an attack, 
would not allow his men to encumber themselves with 
much spoil.t The town, which was regularly built, 
and consisted of 200 houses, was burnt to the ground, 
with goods to the value of five or six thousand 
pounds. A ship in the harbour was also given to the 

He caused the prisoners " to bee tormented with their thumbes in a 
wrinch, and to continue them at severall times with extreme paine." 
Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 810. It must be recollected that torture was 
still sometimes judicially employed in England. In the Letters 
illustrative of English History, published by Mr Ellis (vol. ii. p. 
260-262), there is a copy of a warrant of the Maiden Queen, in the 
handwriting of Lord Burleigh, ordering two servants of the Duke 
of Norfolk to be threatened with the rack, and failing threats, if they 
still persisted in fidelity to their master, " to find the taste thereof. 
It is dated 15 September 1571. 
Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 810. f Ibid. p. 811. 



VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 141 

flames ; after which exploit, the fleet held a course 
to the northward, and on the 25th anchored in a 
good harbour on the island of Puna. 

Having sunk a merchantman of 250 tons burden, 
which lay in the roads, the navigators landed at the 
dwelling of the cacique or " lord of the Hand," who 
lived in a style of magnificence rarely seen among 
the native chiefs. His house stood near the town, 
by the water's edge, and contained many elegant 
apartments, with galleries commanding a fine pros- 
pect of the sea on the one side and of the land on 
the other. He had married a Spanish lady of great 
beauty, who was regarded as the queen of the 
little domain. She never set her foot upon the 
ground, holding it " too base a thing for her," but 
was carried abroad on men's shoulders in a sort of 
palanquin, sheltered from the sun and wind, and 
escorted by a retinue of women and the principal 
men of the island.* Her husband and she fled on the 
first approach of the English, carrying with them, 
as was stated by one of the captives, not less than 
100,000 crowns. Induced by this information, Ca- 
vendish made a descent on the mainland with an 
armed party, in the hope of surprising the fugitives ; 
but they once more made their escape, though in 
such haste, " that they lefte the meate both boyling 
and roasting at the fire." Their treasure, how- 
ever, was either removed or effectually concealed. 
In a neighbouring islet they had for safety depo- 
sited their most valuable furniture and goods, con- 
sisting of hangings of Cordovan leather, richly 
painted and gilded, with the tackling of ships, nails, 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 812. 



142 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

spikes, and other stores, of which the invaders took 
a large supply. 

The island of Puna was found to be about the 
same dimensions as the Isle of Wight, and to con- 
tain several towns, the principal of which, in the 
neighbourhood of the cacique's palace, consisted of 
200 houses. It possessed a large church, which our 
countrymen rather ungenerously burned and plun- 
dered of its bells.* The Indian chief had been bap- 
tized previously to his marriage ; and all his sub- 
jects were required to attend mass. Adjoining his 
residence was a fine garden laid out in the European 
style, and stored with cotton-plants, fig-trees, pome- 
granates, and many varieties of herbs and fruits. 
An orchard of lemon and orange trees ornamented 
another side of this pleasant dwelling. Cattle and 
poultry were seen in great abundance, with pigeons, 
turkeys, and ducks of unusual size. 

Though Cavendish was well aware that a force 
was to be sent against him from Guayaquil, he de- 
termined to careen his vessel at this place, using the 
precaution only of keeping vigilant watch in the 
chiefs house, where he had established his head- 
quarters.t The ship was again afloat, and the squa- 
dron about to sail, when, by a momentary neglect, 
his followers suffered a severe loss. On the morn- 
ing of the 2d of June a party straggling through 
the town in search of provisions were suddenly at- 
tacked by a hundred soldiers; seven were killed, 
three made prisoners, two were drowned, and only 
eight escaped. Forty-six Spaniards and Indians, it 
is said, fell in the skirmish. The English com- 
mander immediately landed with an armed band, 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 813. f Ibid - 



VOYAGE OP CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 143 

drove the enemy from the town, and rased it to the 
ground; burning at the same time four ships on 
the stocks, and destroying the gardens and or- 
chards. On the next day, " in despight of the Spa- 
niards," the Content was hauled on shore to be ca- 
reened, and the navigators did not sail till the 5th, 
when they steered for Rio Dolce, where they wa- 
tered. Here they sunk the Hugh Gallant, all the 
hands being now required to man the other vessels.* 
They also sent on shore their Indian prisoners, and 
taking their departure on the llth, held a northerly 
course for nearly a month without touching at any 
part of the continent. 

On the 9th July they captured on the coast of 
Mexico a new vessel of 120 tons, which, after re- 
moving her ropes and sails, they immediately burnt. 
On board of her was a Frenchman, called Michael 
Sancius, who informed them that a Manilla ship was 
about that time expected to arrive from the Philip- 
pines ;t and on the succeeding day they were so 
fortunate as to intercept a small bark sent to warn 
this galleon of her danger. On the 27th, at early 
dawn, they entered the harbour of Guatalco, and 
burnt the town, the church, and the custom-house, 
in which was found a quantity of dye-stuffs and other 
articles. Having unintentionally oversailed Aca- 
pulco, on the 24th of August they landed at Puerto 
de Navidad, where they destroyed two ships, each of 
200 tons, and intercepted a mulatto, who was 
charged with letters conveying intelligence to the 
inhabitants on the coast of New Galicia.J Still 
sailing northward, on the 8th of September they 

* Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 246. Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 
813, 814. f Ibid. p. 814. $ ibid. p. 815. 



144 VOYAGE OP CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

reached the bay of Chacalla (supposed to be Com- 
postella), about 18 leagues from Cape de los Cor- 
rientes, and entered a harbour presumed to be that 
known in modern geography as San Bias. Next 
morning an officer with forty men, guided by 
Sancius, marched two full leagues into the inte- 
rior, by " a most villanous desert path through the 
woods and wildernesse," until they arrived at a place 
where they found three Spanish families, a carpen- 
ter of the same nation, a Portuguese, and a few 
Indians. " Wee bound them all," it is said, " and 
made them to come to the seaside with us."* Ca- 
vendish, however, liberated the women ; and, on 
their bringing to the ships a supply of pine-apples, 
lemons, and oranges, allowed their husbands to de- 
part, detaining only the carpenter and the Portuguese. 

He sailed on the 10th, and on the second day 
thereafter reached the isle of St Andrew, where a 
store of wood and of dried and salted wild-fowl 
was taken on board. Seals were also found, and 
iguanos, ' f a kinde of serpents, with foure feete and 
a long sharpe tayle, strange to them which have 
not scene them, but they are very good meate."t 
The hardy voyagers of that age, indeed, were not 
fastidious in their choice of food, nor often disposed 
to merit the reproach of the old Cimarrone chief 
in the Isthmus of Darien, who on seeing Drake 
manifest an aversion to otter's flesh, exclaimed, 
" Are you a warrior and in want, and yet doubt if 
that be food which hath blood in it ?" 

On the 24th the discoverer reached the bay of 
Mazatlan, and at an island a league to the northward, 
where he arrived on the 27th, the ships were careened 
Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 815. f I bid - 



VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 145 

and the pinnace trimmed. By digging deep wells in 
the sands he found water, of which he stood so much 
in need, that but for this seasonable supply he would 
have been compelled to turn back.* 

Departing from this place on the 9th of October, 
he steered for Cape San Lucas, which was made on 
the 14th. Having resolved to lie in wait here for the 
Manilla trader, he continued cruising in the neigh- 
bourhood till the morning of the 4th of November, 
when the trumpeter from the mast-head reported 
that a sail was standing in for the cape. Chase 
was immediately given, and after some hours they 
came up with the galleon, which they found to be 
the object of their search, the Santa Anna of 700 
tons, the largest ship at that time in the South Seas, 
and then on her passage from the Philippines to New 
Spain.t Giving her a broadside and a volley of 
small shot, they prepared to board, but were re- 
pulsed, with the loss of two men killed and four or 
five wounded. " But for al this wee new-trim- 
med our sailes," says Francis Pretty, who was an 
eyewitness, " and fitted every man his furniture, 
and gave them a fresh incounter with our great or- 
dinance and also with our small shot, raking them 
through and through, to the killing and maiming of 
many of their men. Their captaine still, like a va- 
liant man, with his company, stood very stoutely 
unto his close-fights, not yeelding as yet. Our ge- 
neral, encouraging his men afresh with the whole 
noyse of trumpets, gave them the third en counter with 
our great ordinance and all our small shot, to the great 
discomforting of our enemies, raking them through in 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 816. 

j- Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 247. 



146 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

divers places, killing and spoiling many of their men. 
They being thus discomforted and spoiled, and their 
shippe being in hazard of sinking by reason of the 
great shot which were made, whereof some were 
under water, within five or six hours' fight set out 
a flagge of truce and parled for mercy, desiring our 
generall to save their lives and to take their goods, 
and that they would presently yeeld. Our generall, 
of his goodnes, promised them mercy., and willed them 
to strike their sayles, and to hoyse out their boate 
and to come aboord; which newes they were ful glad 
to heare of, and presently stroke their sailes, hoysed 
their boat out, and one of their cheife marchants came 
aboord Unto our generall, and, falling downe upon his 
knees, offered to have kissed our general's feete, and 
craved mercie. Our general most graciously par- 
doned both him and the rest, upon promise of their 
true dealing with him and his company concerning 
such riches as were in the shippe ; and sent for the 
captaine and their pilote, who, at their comming, 
used the like duetie and reverence as the former did. 
The general, of his great mercy and humanitie, pro- 
mised their lives and good usage."* 

The vessel thus gallantly captured was the pro- 
perty of the King of Spain. Besides a rich cargo 
of silks, satins, damasks, wine, preserved fruits, 
musk, and other stores, there were found 122,000 
pesos in gold (about 49,000), while the provisions 
put on board for the use of the passengers afforded 
to the English crews luxuries to which they had 
hitherto been strangers. 

The victor having carried the prize into a bay 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii/p. 816. Purchas, part ii. p. 65. 



VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 147 

within Cape San Lucas, named by the Spaniards 
Aguada Segura or the Safe Watering-place, land- 
ed the persons on board, in number 190, among 
whom were some females. He deemed it impolitic 
to allow them to proceed directly to New Spain. 
The place to which he conveyed them afforded wa- 
ter, wood, fish, fowl, and abundance of hares and 
rabbits ; and he left, with part of the ship's stores, 
some wine, and the sails of their dismantled vessel, 
from which they might construct tents for their 
protection against the weather. He gave them 
weapons for their defence, should they be attacked 
by the natives, and planks sufficient to build a bark 
to carry them to a regular settlement.* 

Among the passengers were three boys from Ma- 
nilla, and two lads, natives of Japan, who could 
read and write the language of that country, t 
These, together with a Spanish pilot, and a native 
of Portugal, who had visited China and some of 
the neighbouring islands, were detained on board 
the squadron, if 

The division of the spoils occasioned consider- 
able jealousy, particularly among the crew of the 
Content, who imagined that the admiral favoured 
his own ship's company. But their dissatisfaction 
appears to have been speedily suppressed. On the 
17th November, " the day of the happy corona- 
tion of her majestic," a few hours were devoted to 
loyal rejoicings ; a discharge of the great guns and 
a display of fireworks proclaimed to those lonely 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 817- Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 248. 

f An Indian page was at that period a mark of almost regal 
splendour. The youngest of these,a child about ten years of age, was 
on the return of the expedition presented to the Countess of Essex. 

+ Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 81J. 



148 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

shores the glory of Queen Elizabeth ; and at the close 
of the festivities the Santa Anna, with such part of 
her lading as could not be taken on board the 
captors, was set on fire/"" The Desire and Con- 
tent then bore away for Europe; but in leaving 
the bay the latter, commanded by Stephen Hare, 
dropped astern, and was never again seen by her 
consort.t The Spanish prize, to which was given the 
name of the George, had been abandoned before they 
made Cape San Lucas, and the Desire was now 
left alone to pursue her course across the Pacific. 

Cavendish at first held a south-westerly direc- 
tion ; but when the latitude of 12 or 13 was at- 
tained he steered due west.J He was favoured by 
fair winds ; and having, in forty-five days, sailed 

* The fate of the Spaniards left on this part of California affords 
a remarkable instance of the merciful kindness of an all-seeing 
Providence. The place had formerly been abandoned by a colony 
planted by Cortes, because the settlers were not able to obtain sus- 
tenance ; and the persons now left were even still more helpless. 
Though the coast was neither steril nor ungenial in climate, many 
of them must have perished before they could build a vessel large 
enough to carry nearly 200 persons to Acapulco. Their mode of 
deliverance was singular. The English left the Santa Anna burnt 
down to the water's edge ; the flames in a short time freed her from 
her anchors, and the flood-tide drifted her into the bay, where the 
Spaniards were able to extinguish the conflagration just in time to 
save so much of the hull as, with slight refitting, proved an ark 
ibr their deliverance. Burney, vol. ii. p. 89. Torquemada, vol. i. 
p. 699. 

f- No trace of this ship appears in any contemporary relation. 
It is imagined that the company, dissatisfied with Cavendish, re- 
solved to desert him and return by the straits, and that they pe- 
rished in the attempt. Another and equally probable conjecture 
is, that they had attempted to reach England by circumnavigating 
the northern shores of America. This at least, as we incidentally 
learn, seems to have been the opinion of the Spanish pilot, who was 
compelled to return to the Indies in the Desire. Hakluyt, vol. iii. 
p. 819. 

$ It will be recollected that he had on board a Spanish pilot 
accustomed to the voyage between Acapulco and the Philippines. 
Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. ii. 



VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 149 

about 1750 leagues, he canre in sight of Guahan, 
one of the Ladrones, on the 3d January 1588. 
When he was yet five or six miles distant, fifty or 
more canoes crowded with people came off, bringing 
such commodities as they were in the habit of ex- 
changing with the Spaniards, namely, fish, pota- 
toes, plantains, cocoas, and camotes, a root so similar 
in taste to the potato, that by the English it was 
mistaken for that vegetable.* These articles were 
bartered for pieces of iron with an eagerness which 
proved troublesome to the voyagers ; and the com- 
mander fired on the natives in order to drive them 
back from his ship. This cruel measure ought not 
to have been adopted until every other had failed, 
though it does not appear that any gentler method 
was tried ; but the savages dived so nimbly in order 
to evade the shot, that it could not be ascertained 
what loss was sustained by them.t They are de- 
scribed as of tawny complexion, corpulent, and 
taller in stature than most Europeans. Their hair 
was long ; but some wore it tied up in one or two 
knots on the crown of the head. Their canoes, 
which excited the admiration of the seamen, were 
formed without any " edge-toole :" they were from 
six to seven yards in length, though very narrow, 
and of the same shape at the prow and the stern. 
They had square or triangular sails made of a spe- 
cies of cloth manufactured from bulrushes, and were 
ornamented with figures carved from wood, " like 
unto the images of the devill."J 

On the 14th January the adventurers made the 
Cape del Espiritu Santo, the first point of the Phi- 

* Southey's Naval History, vol. iii. p. 271. 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 818. $ Ibid. 



150 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

lippines which was seen by them. On the same 
night they entered the strait now called San Ber- 
nardino ; and the next morning came to anchor in 
a safe harbour in the island then named Capul. 
Though but of recent origin, the Spanish settle- 
ment at Manilla had flourished so rapidly that it 
was already a place of great wealth and mercan- 
tile importance; for besides the valuable traffic with 
New Spain, it carried on a very considerable com- 
merce in precious commodities with China and the 
Indian Archipelago. The traders of these islands, 
particularly the Sanguelos, are described as " of 
marveilous capacitie in devising and making all 
maner of things, especially in all handie craftes and 
sciences : and every one is so expert, perfect, and 
skilfull in his facultie, as fewe or no Christians are 
able to goe beyond them in that which they take in 
hand. For drawing and imbrodering upon satten, 
silck, or lawne, either beaste, fowle, fish, or worme, 
for livelines and perfectnes, both in silke, silver, 
gold, and pearle, they excell."* 

As soon as the Desire anchored, one of the seven 
chiefs who ruled Capul came on board, presuming 
the ship to be Spanish ; and his people brought for 
sale camotes, green cocoas, fowls, and pigs. For a hen 
they demanded one rial of plate, for a hog eight rials, 
a yard of linen was given for four cocoas, and the same 
quantity purchased a quart of camotes. These roots 
were boiled or roasted, and were much relished by 
the crew. The cacique was tattooed, or " carved and 
cut with sundry and many strakes and devises 
all over his body." Being requested to remain on 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 818. Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 248. 



VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 151 

board, a message of invitation was sent to the other 
grandees, who immediately repaired to the ship, 
bringing hogs and hens to exchange. By this trade, 
which was carried on during all that day, the ship 
was well supplied with refreshments.* 

On the same night a fortunate discovery was made 
by the native of Portugal who was taken in the 
Santa Anna. The Spanish pilot, Thomas de Ersola, 
in whom Cavendish placed great confidence, had se- 
cretly prepared a letter to the governor at Manilla, 
informing him of the arrival of the English ship. 
If the vessel, he said, was allowed to escape with 
impunity, the settlement might in a few years be 
taken by those who had now the audacity, with so 
small a force, to approach its neighbourhood. He 
described in what manner the Desire might be cap- 
tured where she now rode, and recommended that 
she should be instantly attacked. His treachery 
being clearly proved, he was condemned and hanged 
on the following morning.t 

Some singular customs are ascribed to the natives 
of Capul. Besides practising circumcision, it is 
alleged that they " wholly worship the devill, and 
oftentimes have conference with him, which ap- 
peareth unto them in most ugly and monstrous 
shape.":}: On the 23d the admiral caused the 
chiefs of the island, " and of a hundred islands 
more," to appear before him, and to pay tribute in 
hogs, poultry, cocoas, and potatoes. He then in- 
formed them of his country, and of its hostility to 
Spain, and thereupon spread the royal standard from 
his mast-head, and sounded all the drums. Due 
homage and promises of assistance were made to 
Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 81& f Ibid - P- 81y - Ibid. 



152 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

this representative of England, who in turn gave 
money equivalent in value to all the tribute which 
he received. At parting, the Indians to amuse their 
new friends rowed round the ship with great swift- 
ness; and the latter having discharged a piece 
of ordnance, these recent allies departed from each 
other contented and well pleased.* 

The Desire made sail on the following morning, 
and ran along the coast of Manilla. On the 28th 
a frigate was descried, but as she escaped into an 
inlet, a boat was sent after her, the water being so 
shallow that the ship could not approach with safety. 
The crew were fired at by a party of soldiers from the 
shore ; and pursued by a vessel till within reach of 
the Desire's guns. They had previously taken a 
Spaniard prisoner; and the next day Cavendish 
sent a message by him to the captain of the hostile 
party, who still kept watch along the coast, re- 
questing that officer to provide a good store of gold, 
for he intended to land at Manilla in a few years. 
He added that, if his boat had been larger, he 
would have visited it at present.t 

About the middle of February the adventurers 
passed near the Moluccas, but did not touch at anyof 
these islands. Fever now attacked the ship's com- 
pany, who had hitherto been very healthy; but 
only two men died, one of whom had been so long 
sick, that his death could not be attributed to the 
excessive heat which occasioned the illness of the 
others. On the 1st of March they passed through a 
strait formed by the islands eastward of Java, and 



* Biographia Nantica, vol. iii. p. 249. 
f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 820. 



VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 153 

on the 5th anchored in a bay on the south side* of 
that valuable settlement. t 

A negro captured in the Santa Anna was able to 
converse with the natives, and through this interpre- 
ter, who spoke what the old narrator calls theMorisco 
or Arabic, but which was more probably the Malay 
language, they learned that provisions might be 
obtained. In a few days afterwards arrived several 
canoes laden with fowls, eggs, fresh fish, oranges, and 
limes ; and in order that the ship might be more 
conveniently victualled, she was steered closer to the 
town, when the king's secretary came on board with 
a present, which included, among other things, 
." wine as strong as any aquavit*, and as cleare as 
any rocke- water. "J This high officer, who promised 
that the vessel should be supplied in four days, was 
received with all the pomp and magnificence that 
the admiral could command ; the choicest wines and 
preserves of the Spanish prize were produced for his 
entertainment, and the musicians exerted their ut- 
most skill. Remaining all night, he saw the watch 
set and the guns fired off ; and in the course of his 
visit he was informed by the voyagers that they were 
natives of England, a country which traded with 
China, and that they were come there for discovery 
and traffic. || The Portuguese had already establish- 
ed afactoryon the island, where they traded in cloves, 
pepper, sugar, slaves, and other articles of oriental 

* " The eastern district or province of Java," says Burney, 
" being- named Ballamboang, was probably the part of the island at 
which Cavendish touched." Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. ii. p. yi. 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 821. 

In the margin of Hakluyt (vol. iii. p. 821) this liquor is termed 
" niper-wine." 

No excuse is offered for this pious fraud. 

|| Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 821. 



154 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

commerce; and two of the merchants afterwards 
visited the ship, eager to obtain news of their 
country and of Don Antonio their prince. They 
were informed that he was then in England, 
where he was honourably entertained by the queen ; 
and they were still farther delighted to hear of the 
havock which Cavendish had made among the Spa- 
nish shipping in the South Sea, as he told them 
that he was " warring upon them under the King 
of Portugal." The Europeans were mutually grati- 
fied by their intercourse : the adventurers feasted 
their visiters, who in return described the riches of 
Java, and the most remarkable customs of its people. 
The reigning king or rajah, who was named Bolam- 
boam, was held in great veneration. His power, they 
said, was absolute ; none of his subjects could trade 
without his license under pain of death ; and what 
he commanded, however dangerous or desperate, was 
implicitly obeyed. The aged despot, it was added, 
had a hundred wives, and his son fifty.* His people 
were ' ' the most valiant in all the south-east parts 
of the world ; for they never feared any death." 
The men, who were naked, were of a dark colour ; 
the women were partly clothed, and of a much fairer 
complexion. At the king's demise his body is burned 
and the ashes preserved ; and five days afterwards 
his queen assembles the inferior wives, when she 

* Burney writes, " The early account says, ' the king of this 
country was reported to be very near 150 years old.' " Chron. 
Hist. Discov. vol. ii. p. 90. By " the early account" seems to be 
indicated the relation of Francis Pretty, inserted in Hakluyt and 
in Purchas; but this narrative does not contain the passage 
above quoted. Its words are, " The king himselfe is a man of 

Seat yeeres, and hath an hundred wives, his sonne hath fiftie." 
akluyt, vol. iii. p. 822. Purchas, part i. p. 68. Burney ap- 
pears to have been misled by a careless observation of this sentence. 



VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 155 

throws from her hand a ball provided for the occa- 
sion. The others rush to the place where it alights, 
and turning their countenances eastward, with a 
sharp dagger or crise stab themselves to the heart, 
and, bathed in their blood, fall upon their faces and 
expire. " This thing," we are assured, " is as true 
as it seemeth to any hearer to be strange."* The 
Portuguese factors proposed to Cavendish that Don 
Antonio, their king, should instantly repair thi- 
ther in person, and found an empire, which would 
comprehend the Moluccas, Ceylon, China, and the 
Philippines, for they were assured that all the na- 
tives of those countries would declare for him. A 
kind reception was also promised to his own people 
should they ever return ; upon which, having fully 
satisfied them for the supplies they had furnished, 
he fired a parting salute of three guns, and on the 
16th March took his departure. t 

Nearly forty days were spent " in traversing that 
mightie and vaste sea between the yle of Java and 
the maine of Africa, observing the heavens, the 
Crosiers or South Pole, the other starres, the foules, 
which are marks unto the seamen of faire weather, 
foule weather, approching of lands or ylands, the 
winds, the tempests, the raines and thunders, with 
the alterations of tides and currents." J On the 10th 
of May a storm arose, which raged all that day and 
the following night. It was succeeded by a calm, 
with thick and hazy weather, during which they 
mistook Cape False for the Cape of Good Hope. 
This latter promontory they passed on the 16th, 
having run 1850 leagues in nine weeks. 

Hakluyt,vol. iii.p. 822. 

f Ibid. "Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 249. 

J Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 822. 



156 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

On the 8th June the island of St Helena was 
seen, and on the 9th the Desire anchored in the har- 
bour. The description given of this station, so im- 
portant to navigators, is nearly applicable at the 
present day, in so far as regards the external appear- 
ance and the natural productions of that delicious 
resting-place. The Portuguese had already enjoyed 
the sole possession of it for upwards of eighty years ; 
and, though they had not established a permanent 
colony, they had done much to store it with every 
thing necessary to the refreshment of seamen on a 
long voyage. It abounded in all sorts of herbs, as 
well as in delicious fruits ; while partridges, phea- 
sants, turkeys, goats, and wild hogs, were obtained 
in great plenty.* 

On the 20th, the ship having been cleaned and 
provisions obtained, the adventurers once more re- 
sumed their voyage homeward. About the end of 
August they passed the Azores, and on the 3d Sep- 
tember meeting a Flemish hulk from Lisbon, they 
were informed of the defeat of the Invincible Ar- 
mada, to their " singuler rejoycing and comfort." 
In the Channel they were overtaken by the same 
terrible tempest that proved so disastrous to the 
Spanish ships which were driven on the shores of 
Ireland and the western isles of Scotland. After 
losing most part of their sails, says the early nar- 
rator, " they recovered, by the mercifull favour of 
the Almightie, the long wished port of Plimmouth" 
on the 9th September 1588t, two years and fifty 
days from the time of their departure from the same 
harbour, a period considerably shorter than that 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 823, 824. 

f Ibid. p. 585. Purchas, part i. p. 71. 



VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 157 

occupied either by Drake or by Magellan in the same 
voyage.* 

Very copious remarks on this navigation were 
published by Thomas Fuller of Ipswich, the sailing- 
master, which were esteemed of great value at the 
time, though they are now altogether superseded by 
more modern charts.t The only geographical disco- 
very made by the expedition was that of Port Desire, 
on the eastern coast of Patagonia; but though its 
landmarks were accurately described by the indus- 
trious pilot, its precise situation has been a subject 
of dispute among later voyagers. 

The fame of his exploits, and the great wealth 
which Cavendish brought home, " enough to buy a 
fair earldom," almost rivalled the renown of Drake's 
wonderful voyage. It is said that when he entered 
the harbour of Plymouth his sails were of damask, 
that his men were clothed in silk, and his top-mast 
covered with cloth of gold. Of this idle pomp, part 
may have been affected in that spirit of thoughtless 
extravagance which is characteristic of English sea- 
men ; and part may not improbably be ascribed to 
the loss of his sails during the storm in the Channel. 
These, in the absence of less costly materials, he 
may have replaced by Indian damasks, or by the 
canvass fabricated of the silk-grass of the South Sea, 
which from its lustrous appearance might be easily 
mistaken for silk.J 



* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. fi 25. 

f They are to be found in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 825-837. 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 825. Granger's Biographical History of 
England, vol. i. p. 24o. Suarez de Figueroa, p. 211, quoted in 
Southey's Naval History, vol. iii. p. 275 " Uno demum navigio, 
auratd prord, et versicoloribus veils, Londinum navigavit." John- 
stoni, Rer. Brit. Hist p. 126. 

K 



158 VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 

Whatever blame in a more enlightened age may 
be justly imputed to him for his wanton outrages on 
the settlements and subjects of Spain, he himself 
appears to have gloried in them. Nor, in compar- 
ing his conduct with that of his great predecessor 
Drake, should it be forgotten that his enterprise was 
sanctioned by a royal commission, and was at the 
same time directed against the open enemies of his 
country. Yet nothing can palliate the reckless 
cruelty which characterized many of his actions. 

His earliest leisure was employed in writing to 
his patron, Lord Hunsdon, an account of his pros- 
perous expedition; and no better recapitulation of 
the events of the voyage can be found than what 
is contained in this recital : " It hath pleased 
the Almighty to suffer mee to circompasse the 
whole globe of the world, entring in at the Streight 
of Magellan, and returning by the Cape de Buena 
Esperan9a. In which voyage I have either discover- 
ed or brought certeine intelligence of all the rich 
places of the world that ever were knowen or dis- 
covered by any Christian. I navigated alongst the 
coast of Chili, Peru, and Nueva Espana, where I 
made great spoiles : I burnt and sunke nineteen 
sailesof ships small and great. All the villages and 
townes that ever I landed at I burnt and spoiled : 
and had I not bene discovered upon the coast, I had 
taken great quantitie of treasure. The matter of 
most profit unto me was a great ship of the king's 
which I tooke at California ; which ship came from 
the Philippinas, being one of the richest of mer- 
chandise that ever passed those seas, as the king's 
register and merchants' accounts did shew. Which 
goods (for that my ships were not able to conteine 



VOYAGE OP CAVENDISH ROUND THE WORLD. 159 

the least part of them) I was inforced to set on fire. 
From the Cape of California, being the uttermost 
part of all Nueva Espana, I navigated to the ilands 
of the Philippinas, hard upon the coast of China, of 
which countrey I have brought such intelligence as 
hath not bene heard of in these parts : The state- 
linesse and riches of which countrey I feare to make 
report of, least I should not be credited: for if I 
had not knowen sufficiently the incomparable 
wealth of that countrey, I should have bene as in- 
credulous thereof, as others will be that have not 
had the like experience. I sailed along the ilands 
of the Malucos, where among some of the heathen 
people I was well entreated, where our countreymen 
may have trade as freely as the Portugals, if they 
will themselves. From thence I passed by the Cape 
of Buena Espera^a, and found out by the way home- 
ward the iland of S. Helena, where the Portugals use 
to relieve themselves : and from that iland God hath 
suffered me to returne into England. All which 
services, with my selfe, I humbly prostrate at her 
majesties feet, desiring the Almighty long to con- 
tinue her reigne among us ; for at this day she is 
the most famous and victorious prince that liveth in 
the world."* 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 837. 



160 SECOND VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH 



CHAPTER V. 

Second Voyage of Cavendish to the South Sea. 

New Expedition to the South Sea Attack on the Portuguese Set- 
tlements Delay of the Squadron Letter of Cavendish Rela- 
tion hy Jane Sufferings in Magellan's Straits Separation of 
Davis Davis' Southern Islands Piety of the Captain Nr.- 
tives of Port Desire Nine Men lost Homeward Voyage of 
Davis Adventures of Cavendish He loses Twenty-four Men- 
Unfortunate Affair at Spirito Santo Indignation of Cavendish 
Separation of the Roebuck Discontent of the Crew Firmness 
of the Commander They miss St Helena Death of Cavendish 
His Character. 

THE second and last expedition of Cavendish to 
the South Sea was as remarkable for its ill fortune 
as his first was memorable for its almost uninter- 
rupted prosperity ; which confirming the hopes excit- 
ed by the adventures of Drake, encouraged, as is 
well known, many similar attempts. During the two 
years immediately following, several expeditions 
were fitted out with the same object, but none of 
them experienced equal success. 

Of the history of Cavendish for some years 
after his return little is known. His love of plea- 
sure and magnificence, it is said, was so great, 
that of a fortune of sixty thousand pounds, which 
he had acquired at sea, after a brief space no more 
remained than was sufficient to equip a squadron 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 161 

for a second trip to China by the Straits of Ma- 
gellan. His fleet consisted of " three tall ships" 
and two barks : the Leicester galleon, in which he 
himself sailed as admiral ; his old ship, the Desire, 
commanded by the celebrated navigator, Captain 
John Davis;* the Roebuck; the Black Pinnace; 
and a small bark named the Dainty, which belonged 
to Adrian Gilbert, a gentleman of Devonshire, one 
of the most zealous promoters of the voyages for the 
discovery of the North-west Passage.f The expe- 
dition, which was accompanied by the two Japanese 
youths captured in the former enterprise, sailed from 
Plymouth on the 26th August 1591. 

' Under the equinoctial line they were becalmed 
twenty-seven days, exposed all the while to a burn- 
ing sun and to deadly night- vapours. On the 2d 
December, when off the coast of Brazil, they cap- 
tured their first prize, a Portuguese vessel, which 
was laden with sugar, small wares, and slaves.^ On 
the 5th they pillaged Placencia, a small settlement 
belonging to the same nation ; on the 16th they sur- 
prised the town of Santos, the people being at mass 
when the party landed. Though Cavendish lost no 
opportunity of spoiling the enemy, the object of this 
attack was to obtain provisions ; but his design, by 
the negligence of the captain of the Roebuck, was 
completely frustrated. The inhabitants were per- 
mitted to carry every thing away; the prisoners were 
set at liberty or made their escape; and only four old 
men were retained as hostages for the delivery of 

* See Narrative of Discovery and Adventure in the Polar Seas and 

Regions, Edinburgh Cabinet Library, No I. p. 211-222, 4th edition. 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 842. Biograplua Nautica, vol. iii. p. 252. 



162 SECOND VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH 

the supplies. These were never furnished; and 
during the five weeks the navigators spent here, the 
stores which should have sustained them in passing 
the straits were entirely wasted.* Much of this delay, 
and the consequent distress, appear to have been oc- 
casioned by discords which originated at the time of 
the attack upon PJacencia. Anthony Knivet, one of 
the seamen, in a narrative which is preserved by Pur- 
chas, writes : ' * Here we had such disorder amongst 
ourselves, that if the Portuguese had beene of any 
courage they might have killed many of us, for our 
men would fight for their victuals as if they had 
beene no Christians but Jews ; and they that got the 
best would get them into some hole, and there they 
would remaine as long as they had meat. For mine 
owne part, there was such sharking, I could in that 
place get neither meat nor mony."t 

On the 22d January 1592 they took their depar- 
ture from Santos. On the following day they burned 
the town of St Vincent ; and the admiral having 
named Port Desire, which he had discovered on his 
former voyage, as the rendezvous, they set sail on 
the 24th for the Straits of Magellan. On the 7th 
February the fleet was overtaken by a violent gale, 
by which it was dispersed the next day ; and Davis, 
in his way to the appointed harbour, fell in with the 
Roebuck, which had suffered very severely. :f On the 
tith of March they reached Port Desire, where ten 
days afterwards they were joined by the Black Pin- 
nace. The Dainty, which had stored herself with 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 842. 

f_ Purchas' Pilgrims, part IT. p. 1202. Biographia Britannica, 
Tol. iii. p. 318. 

Cavendish's Letter to Sir Tristram Conies. Purchas, part 
iv. p. 1192. 

2 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 163 

sugar at Santos while the other ships lay idle, return- 
ed to England, leaving her captain on board the Roe- 
buck, with nothing but the apparel which he wore.* 
In this tempest, which scarcely abated till the mid- 
dle of March, the commander endured great hard- 
ships ; his officers and men had " never ceased to 
mutiny against him;" and on rejoining the other 
ships on the 18th, he quitted the Leicester galleon 
in displeasure, and went on board the Desire.t Nor 
did he at this time complain of the gentlemen of 
his own ship more bitterly than he afterwards ac- 
cused Davis of betraying and deserting him. His sub- 
sequent misfortunes seem indeed to have affected his 
temper, and even to have perverted his judgment. 
Though her crew had not recovered from the ex- 
cessive fatigue which they suffered in the late tem- 
pest, the galleon sailed with the other ships on the 
20th. They were fated to encounter fresh storms ; 
and it was not until the 8th April that they arrived 
at the eastern entrance of the straits. J 

In the collection of Purchas is inserted an account 
of this disastrous voyage, drawn up by the unfor- 
tunate Cavendish in his last illness, and addressed 
to Sir Tristram Gorges, whom he appointed his exe- 
cutor. It is assuredly one of the most affecting nar- 
ratives ever written, an acknowledgment, wrung 

* Biographia Britannica, vol. iii. p. 319. 

f* Purchas, part iv. p. 1192. Jane's Narrative, in Hakluyt, dis- 
plays a strong feeling against Cavendish, and a partiality equally 
strong towards Davis, " with whom," he says, " and for whose 
sake I went this voyage." As to the mutiny in the Leicester, 
he sa} r s, in speaking of the complaints made by Cavendish, u We 
all sorrowed to heare such hard speaches of our good friends ; but 
having spoken with the gentlemen of the galeon, we found them 
faithfull, honest, and resolute in proceeding, although it pleased our 
generall otherwise to conceive of them." Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 843. 

iiakluyt, vol. iii p. 843. Purchas, part iv. p. 1192. 



164 SECOND VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH 

in bitterness of heart from a high-spirited, proud, 
and headstrong man, who had set his all upon a cast, 
and who, besides finding himself undone, endured 
the deeper mortification of believing that he was 
the dupe of those whom he had implicitly trusted. 
Though neither the force of many of his complaints 
nor the justice of his unmeasured invective can be 
admitted, it is impossible to withhold sympathy from 
his melancholy relation. "We had beene almost foure 
moneths," he writes, " betweene the coast of Brasile 
and the Straights, being in distance not above sixe 
hundred leagues ; which is commonly run in twentie 
or thirtie dayes ; but such was the adversenesse of 
our fortunes, that in comming thither wee spent the 
summer, and found in the Straits the beginning of a 
most extreame winter, not durable for Christians. 
.... After that the moneth of May was come 
in, nothing but such flights of snow, and extremities 
of frosts, as in all the time of my life I never saw 
any to be compared with them. This extremitie 
caused the weake men (in my ship onely) to decay ; 
for in seven or eight dayes, in this extremitie there 
dyed fortie men and sickened seventie ; so that there 
were not fiftie men that were able to stand upon the 
hatches."* Another relation even deepens this pic- 
ture of distress. The squadron, contending for more 
than a week with adverse winds, having in all that 
time advanced within the straits only fifty leagues, 
lay in a sheltered cove on the south side of the pas- 
sage until the 15th May. " In the which time/' 
says Mr Jane, " wee indured extreeme stormes with 
perpetual snow, where many of our men died with 

* Purchas, part iv. p. 1193. 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 165 

cursed famine and miserable cold/" not having 
wherewith to cover their bodies, nor to fill their 
bellies, but living by muskles, water, and weeds of 
the sea, with a small reliefe of the ship's store in 
meale sometimes." A still darker feature remains 
to be noticed : " All the sicke men in the galeon 
were most uncharitably put ashore into the woods, 
in the snowe, raine, and cold, when men of good 
health could skarcely indure it, where they ended 
their lives in the highest degree of misery ."t Though 
Cavendish was at the time on board the Desire, it 
is impossible altogether to free him from the guilt of 
this inhuman act. 

A consultation was now held by the disconsolate 
adventurers, and Davis, who had had great experi- 
ence of the severity of the seasons in his north-west 

* The collection of Purchas comprehends " The admirable ad- 
ventures and strange fortunes of Master Antonie Knivet, which 
went with Master Thomas Candish in his second voyage," a 
narrative which may take its place beside the work of Sir John 
Mandeville. Knivet wandered from the ship on the coast of Brazil, 
and lived for many years among the " Cannibals." Many are the 
wonderful escapes from death which he relates. On one occasion, 
in pulling off his stockings he pulled off all his toes with them ; but he 
had better fortune than one Harris, a goldsmith, who, as he affirms, 
in blowing his nose threw it into the fire, and never recovered it 
again, although Knivet seems to have had his toes restored by the 
good offices of a surgeon whom Cavendish employed, and who work- 
ed his cure by muttering certain words. In his wanderings, Master 
Antonie saw both giants and pigmies. At Port Desire, the foot- 
marks of the former were four times the length of an Englishman's 
loot, their stature being fifteen or sixteen spans long ; and at Port 
Famine, or San Felipe, the desolate station of the Spanish colony, 
four or five thousand of the latter, from five to six spans in height, 
with mouths reaching from ear to ear, were observed at one time. 
Some of Knivet's marvels relate to the singular subject of demoniac 
possession and satanic influence among the savage tribes with 
whom he sojourned. On his return to England, he told Purchas, 
that he once heard an Indian conferring with the spirit which pos- 
sessed him, and threatening that, if it did not use him better, he 
would turn Christian: the spirit took the hint and left him.. 
Part iv. p. 1213. f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 843. 



166 SECOND VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH 

voyages, urged them to proceed, declaring that the 
weather would speedily improve; but the commander 
resolved to sail for China by the Cape of Good Hope.* 
For this voyage, however, the other officers re- 
presented that there were neither provisions nor 
equipments ; and at length he agreed to return to 
the coast of Brazil in order to procure supplies for a 
second attempt to pass the straits.t 

On the 15th May, the admiral having returned 
on board the Leicester, the fleet made sail to the east- 
ward. About midnight of the 20th, the Desire and 
the Black Pinnace parted company, and never again 
rejoined their leader, who, to the last moment of his 
life, accused Davis of wilfully deserting him. This 
unhappy separation took place in the latitude of the 
proposed rendezvous, for which the two ships were 
steering, in the hope, as they affirmed, of finding the 
galleon.J The story of that vessel will be afterwards 
told ; in the mean while the narrative accompanies 
Davis and his companions. 

He made an endeavour, it is said, to go in search 
of his superior officer, but the crews would not permit 
his departure ; they are even accused of open mu- 
tiny against him. To clear himself from all suspi- 
cion of bad faith, he drew up, on the 2d June, a re- 
lation of the voyage, of the disabled state of the two 
ships, and of the manner in which they separated. 
This document, to which all the men affixed their 
signatures, certainly goes far to exonerate him of 
the treachery with which he is charged. 

The voyagers remained at Port Desire until the 

* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 843. Purchas, part iv. p. 1193. 

f Purchas, part iv. p. 1193. 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 844. Ibid, p 845. 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 167 

6th of August, keeping watch on the hills for the 
galleon and the Roebuck. One part of the company 
went in quest of provisions, another erected a forge, 
and employed themselves making nails, bolts, and 
spikes ; while a third prepared ropes from an old ca- 
ble. It has been surmised that all these labours 
were undertaken by Davis for the purpose of ena- 
bling him to accomplish his great object of passing 
the straits, whatever might be the fate, the wishes, 
or the orders of his commander. " The circum- 
stances/' says Burney, whose opinion is entitled to 
much respect, " are certainly of a suspicious nature, 
and there is some reason for believing that Captain 
Davis considered the engagement mutual between 
Cavendish and himself to make a voyage into the 
South Sea, and that he was determined, if possible, 
not to be disappointed of an enterprise which he had 
been brought thus far to prosecute. Instances without 
number are to be met with of ships deserting their 
commander-in-chief to escape the perils of a long 
or dangerous undertaking ; but the case of Captain 
Davis is of a different character, and is one of the 
few in which the separation, if contrived, was for 
the purpose of persevering in a pursuit, after it had 
been abandoned by the chief commander as hopeless 
and impracticable/'* Whatever may have been his 
motives, having refitted his vessels, he set sail on 
the 6th August for the straits, there to await the 
coining of the admiral, " for in that place hee could 
not passe, but of force wee must see him."t 

On the 9th a violent storm arose; and on the 
14th they were driven in " among certaine isles never 

* Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. ii. pp. 101, 102. 
t Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 846. 



168 SECOND VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH 

before discovered by any knowen relation, lying fiftie 
leagues or better from the shoare, east and northerly 
from the Streights ; in which place, unlesse it had 
pleased God of his wonderfull mercie to have ceased 
the winde, wee must of necessitie have perished."* 
These were the Falkland Islands, of which Davis 
was, beyond all doubt, the original discoverer. 
They were shortly afterwards observed by Sir 
Richard Hawkins, who, ignorant of the visit paid 
by the other, gave them the name of Hawkins' 
Maiden Land, " for that it was discovered in the 
reigne of Queene Elizabeth, my sovereigne lady 
and mistris, and a mayden queene, and at my cost 
and adventure."t As this honour has been claimed 
by the navigators of other countries, a variety of 
appellations has been imposed upon them. By Bur- 
ney they are called e< Davis' Southern Islands," 
a distinction to which that officer is well entitled, 
though to change a name so long established as that 
of the Falklands, seems a hopeless attempt. { 

On the 18th the adventurers regained the eastern 
entrance of the straits, and, after being twice driven 
back, penetrated into the South Sea on the 2d Octo- 
ber. The same night they encountered a very severe 
gale, which continued with unabated violence for 
many days. On the 4th the pinnace was lost ; on 
the 5th the foresail of the Desire was rent to pieces ; 
" then," says one of the survivors of this disas- 
trous voyage, " our master tooke the mizzen, and 
brought it to the foremast to make our ship worke, 
and with our spritsaile we mended our foresayle, the 
storme continuing without all reason in fury, with 

* Hakkiyt, vol. iii. p. 846. f Purchas, part iv. p. 1384. 

J Chron. Hist. Discov. \ol. ii. p. 103. 






TO THE SOUTH SEA. 109 

haile, snowe, raine, and winde, such and so mighty, 
as that in nature it could not possibly be more ; the 
seas such and so lofty, with continuall breach, that 
many times we were doubtfull whether our ship did 
sinke or swiinme. The 10th, being by the ac- 
compt of our captaine and master very neere the 
shore, the weather darke, the storme furious, and 
most of our men having given over to travell, we 
yeelded ourselves to death without further hope of 
succour. Our captaine (Davis) sitting in the gallery 
very pensive, I came and brought him some Rosa 
Solis to comfort him ; for he was so cold that hee 
was scarce able to moove a joint. After he had 
drunke and was comforted in heart, hee began for 
the ease of his conscience to make a large repetition 
of his forepassed time, and with many grievous sighs 
he concluded in these words : ' Oh most glorious 
God, with whose power the mightiest things among 
men are matters of no moment, I most humbly be- 
seech thee, that the intolerable burthen of my sinnes 
may through the blood of Jesus Christ be taken 
from me ; and end our daies with speede, or show 
us some mercifull signe of thy love and our preser- 
vation.' Having thus ended, he desired me not to 
make knowen to any of the company his intolerable 
griefe and anguish of minde, because they should 
not thereby be dismayed. And so suddenly, before 
I went from him, the sunne shinned cleere ; so that 
he and the master both observed the true elevation 
of the Pole, whereby they knew by what course to 
recover the Streights. Wherewithall our captaine and 
master were so revived, and gave such comfortable 
speeches to the company, that every man rejoyced as 
though we had received a present deliverance."* 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 848. ~~ 



1 70 SECOND VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH 

On the next day, after a miraculous escape in 
doubling Cape Deseado, they regained the straits in 
a most pitiable condition : " the men were not able 
to move; their sinewes were stiffe, and their flesh 
dead." They found shelter and rest in a cove for a 
few days, but famine urged them on, and during 
a short interval of calm the voyage was resumed. 
Scarcely, however, had they set sail when the wea- 
ther became as tempestuous as before. " The storme, 
growing outragious, our men could scarcely stand 
by their labour ; and the Streights being full of turn- 
ing reaches, we were constrained, by discretion of 
the captaine and master in their accounts, to guide 
the ship in the hell-darke night when we could not 
see any shore, the channel being in some places 
scarse three miles broad."* In this extremity, on 
the 31st they reached Port Desire, where they ob- 
tained wood and water ; while in Penguin Island 
they found abundance of birds, eggs, and seals. 
They procured salt by placing brine in the hollows 
of rocks, exposed to the heat of the sun. They fried 
scurvy-grass and eggs in train-oil, which " herbe did 
so purge the blood, that it tooke away all kind of 
swellings, of which many died, and restored us to 
perfect health of body, so that we were in as good 

case as when we came first out of England 

Thus God did feed us even as it were with manna 
from heaven."t On the llth November, while most 
of the men were absent on a foraging expedition, a 
multitude of the natives approached the vessel, 
throwing dust upon their heads, " leaping and run- 
ning like brute beasts, having vizards on their faces 
like dogs' faces, or else their faces are dogs' faces in- 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 849 f Ibid. p. 850. 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 171 

deed. We greatly feared least they would set our 
ship on fire, for they would suddenly make fire, 
whereat we much marvelled.* They came to wind- 
ward of our ship, and set the bushes on fire, so that 
we were in a very stinking smoke ; but as soone as 
they came within reach of our shot, we shot at them, 
and striking one of them in the thigh they all pre- 
sently fled, so that we never heard nor saw more of 
them." A few days previous to this incident, a 
party of nine men went on shore, and were never 
again heard of.f It is conjectured that they were 
killed by the savages ; and when, says the old rela- 
tion, " we considered what they were that thus 
were slaine, and found that they were the principall 
men that would have murthered our captain and 
master, with the rest of their friends, we saw the 
just judgment of God." 

On the 22d December they sailed for Brazil with 
a stock of 14,000 dried penguins, but a very scanty 
supply of every thing else. In the beginning of Fe- 
bruary 1593, in an attempt to obtain provisions at 
the isle of Placenzia, on the coast of Brazil, thirteen 
of the men were killed by the Indians and Portu- 
guese. Hence, of seventy-six persons who left Eng- 

* In New Guinea Captain Cook saw a peculiar mode of " sud- 
denly making fire," probably, however, very different from this. 
" Three Indians rushed out of a wood with a hideous shout, at 
about the distance of 100 yards ; and as they ran towards us the 
foremost threw something out of his hand, which burnt exactly like 

gunpowder, but made no report What these fires 

were, or for what purpose intended, we could not imagine : those 
who discharged them had in their hands a short piece of stick, pos- 
sibly a hollow cane, which they swung sideways from them, and 
we immediately saw fire and smoke resembling those of a musket, 
and of no longer duration." Hawkesworth's Voyages (3 vols 4to, 
London, 1773), vol. iii. p. 252-254. Historical Account of the 
Circumnavigation of the Globe, p. 339. 

f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 850. 



] 72 SECOND VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH 

land in the Desire, no more than twenty-seven now 
remained.* For three weeks the unhappy survivors 
were the sport of baffling winds ; their water failed ; 
and in the hot latitudes which they had now reach- 
ed, the penguins, almost their sole article of food, suf- 
fered decay, "and there bred in them a most lothsome 
and ugly worme of an inch long. This worme did 
so mightily increase and devoure our victuals, that 
there was in reason no hope how we should avoide 
famine, but be devoured of these wicked creatures : 
there was nothing that they did not devoure, only 
yron excepted : our clothes, boots, shooes, hats, shirts, 
stockings: and for the ship, they did so eat the 
timbers, as that we greatly feared they would undoe 
us by gnawing through the ship's side. Great was 
the care and diligence of our captaine, master, and 
company, to consume these vermine ; but the more 
we laboured to kill them, the more they increased ; 
so that at the last, we could not sleepe for them, but 
they would eate our flesh and bite like mosquitos."t 
After crossing the line the men were attacked by 
strange and horrible diseases, and some became rag- 
ing mad. A supply of water, obtained from heavy 
rains, was their only solace. Eleven died between 
the coast of Brazil and the British Islands ; and of 
the sixteen who survived only five were able to work 
the ship. " In fine," says the chronicler of the voy- 
age, " our miserie and weaknesse was so great that 

we could not take in nor heave out a saile 

Thus, as lost wanderers upon the sea, the 11 of June 
1593, it pleased God that we arrived at Bear-haven 
in Ireland, and there ran the ship on shore." If 

Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 851. f Ibid - P' 852 - 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 173 

Davis treacherously deserted his admiral, he expe- 
rienced a speedy and severe retribution.* 

To this unfortunate navigator the narrative again 
reverts. He rightly conjectured, that, on losing 
sight of the Desire and the Black Pinnace, they 
would make for the port named as the rendezvous, 
and after having refreshed themselves, and recruit, 
ed their stores, would seize a favourable opportunity 
to pass the straits. In the letter which has been al- 
ready quoted, Cavendish breaks out, " And now 
to come to that villaine, that hath beene the death of 
me and the decay of this whole action, I meane 
Davis, whose onely treacherie in running from me 
hath beene an utter ruine of all : if any good returne 
by him, as ever you love mee, make such friends, as 
he, least of all others, may reape least gain.t I as- 
sure myselfe you will bee carefull in all friendship of 
my last requests. My debts which be owing be not 
much; but I (most unfortunate villaine) was match- 
ed with the most abject-minded and mutinous 
companie that ever was carried out of England by 

any man living The short of all is 

this Davis his onely intent was utterly to over- 
throw me, which he hath well performed."! 

On the dispersion of the fleet, the Leicester and 
Roebuck shaped their course for Brazil, keeping in 
sight of each other. In the latitude of 36 S. they 

* " If," says Purchas, who seems to doubt the fidelity of Davis, 
" if hee did deale treacherously, treacherie found him out." 
Part iv. p. 1191. After this period Davis made no fewer than 
five voyages to the East Indies, in the capacity of pilot : he at last 
lost his life, 2Jth December 1605, in a desperate conflict with some 
Japanese near the coast of Malacca Biog. Brit. vol. v. p. 4. 
Edinburgh Cabinet Library, No. VI., British India, vol. i. p. 189. 

f Purchas, part iv. p. 1192. Biographia Britannica, vol. iii. 
p. 320. $ Purchas, part ii. p. 1194. 

L 



174 SECOND VOYAGE OP CAVENDISH 

encountered a dreadful storm, in which they parted 
company.* The galleon came to anchor in the 
bay of St Vincent ; and while she lay there a party 
of twenty-four men and an officer, almost in open 
defiance of their commander, landed to forage for 
provisions and plunder the houses of the Portuguese 
farmers on the coast. They were wholly cut off; 
and their boat, the only one which the admiral pos- 
sessed, was lost.t 

The Roebuck about this time returned without any 
masts but her mizzen, and with the loss of her sails, 
" in the most miserable case that ever ship was in." 
From the want of the boats and pinnace he was un- 
able to enter the harbours, which in many cases were 
impeded by bars, to take vengeance on the "base dogs" 
who had killed his men. He made an attempt to 
sail up the river and raze the town ; but was com- 
pelled by his crew to desist from an enterprise which 
" was both desperate and most dangerous/'^ With 
some difficulty he got back into deep water, having 
destroyed a few farmhouses, and carried off some 
provisions. 

It was now his intention to break up the Roebuck, 
and with the Leicester alone to make for the straits ; 
but of this purpose he did not venture to inform his 
people, lest they should burst out into open muti- 
ny. So great was their horror of returning, " that all 
the best sort," he says, " had taken an oath upon a 
Bible to die rather then ever to yeeld their consents 
to goe backe that way againe." He therefore pro- 



Purehas, part iv. p. 1194. Biographia Nautica, vol. iii.p. 258. 
Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 258. 
Purchas, part iv. pp. 1195, 1196. 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 175 

posed the island of St Helena as the immediate point 
of their destination. 

In the mean while an attempt was made to seize 
three Portuguese ships in the harbour of Spirito 
Santo. But the attack was unsuccessful, and of eighty 
armed men who were sent on this ill-starred ex- 
pedition, about thirty-eight were killed and forty 
wounded. Among the former was Captain Morgan, 
an officer whom Cavendish highly esteemed, and who 
was urged upon his fate by the taunts of those whom 
he led. " Some of the harebraine sailers began to 
sweare that they never thought other but that Mor- 
gan was a coward, and now he will shew it, that 
durst not land upon a bable ditch as they tearmed 
it -," whereupon, exclaiming that he would leap on 
shore happen what would and whatever might be 
the orders of his superior, he wilfully ran upon 
inevitable destruction.* 

An incident which occurred during the assault 
strongly moved the generous indignation of the ad- 
miral. A party in the great boat, exposed to a gall- 
ing fire and eager to get beyond its reach, shouted for 
help to some of their comrades who were attempting 
to storm a fort. The call was answered by such num- 
bers that the boat was grounded, and ten men were 
obliged to leave her, who, to save themselves from 
the thick shower of Indian arrows, ran under the 
walls of the fort and discharged a volley of musketry 
against its defenders. Meanwhile the small vessel 
was got afloat, " and one that was the master of the 
Roebucke (the most cowardly villaine that ever was 
borne of a woman) caused them in the boat to rowe 
away, and so left those brave men a spoile for the 

* Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 259. 



176 SECOND VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH 

Portugals. Yet they waded up to the necks in the 
water to them : but those mercilesse villaines in the 
boate would have no pitty on them. Their excuse 
was, that the boat was so full of water, that had they 
come in she would have sunke with all them in 
her. Thus vilely were those poore men lost."* 

By this fatal adventure Cavendish was left with 
a force which was barely sufficient to raise the an- 
chor. To add to his accumulated misfortunes the 
Roebuck deserted him, her crew having now re- 
solved to return home ; and, though the wounded 
lay in his ship, they carried with them the two 
surgeons and great part of the common stores.t 

Thus overwhelmed with distress, he succeeded 
in reaching the small uninhabited island of San 
Sebastian, where he repaired his only boat, and 
procured a seasonable supply of water, of which he 
was in great want. Again he spoke of returning to 
the straits, and used all the arts of persuasion to ob- 
tain the consent of his crew. He showed them that 
they could " relieve their victuals by salting of scales 
and birds ; and further, if they got through the strait 
now (which they might easily performe, consider- 
ing they had the chiefest part of summer before 
them), they could not but make a most rich voyage ; 
and that they should be most infamous to the world, 
that being within six hundred leagues of the place 
which they so much desired, to returne home again 
so farre being most infamous and beggerly. These 
perswasions," he continues, " tooke no place with 
them ; but most boldly they all affirmed, that they 



* Purchas, part iv. p. 1197. 

t Ibid. p. 1 198. Biographia Nautica, vol. iii. p. 260. 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 177 

had sworne they would never goe again to the 
straits ; neither by no meanes would they. And 
one of the chiefest of their faction most proudly and 
stubbornely uttered these words to my face, in pre- 
sence of all the rest : which I seeing, and finding 
mine owne faction to be so weake (for there were 
not any that favoured my part but my poore cousen 
Locke and the master of the ship), I tooke this 
bold companion by the bosome, and with mine owne 
hands put a rope about his necke, meaning resolutely 
to strangle him, for weapon about me I had none. 
His companions seeing one of their chiefe champions 
in this case, and perceiving me to goe roundly to 
worke with him, they all came to the master and 
desired him to speake, affirming they would be 
ready to take any course that I should thinke good 
of. I, hearing this, stayed myselfe, and let the fel- 
low goe."* 

Having thus extorted their compliance with his 
design of returning to the straits, he landed with a 
party of soldiers and the carpenters, to rebuild the 
boat, while the sailors were employed in mending 
the rigging of the vessel. But his suspicions of their 
fidelity were still unremoved ; he was in constant 
fear lest they should desert ; and was most anxious 
to see them once more on board that the ship might 
proceed on her voyage. Before this could be accom- 
plished he was visited by another severe calamity. 
He had sent the wounded men ashore on the island, 
which lay about a mile from the main, whence the 
Portuguese watched their motions ; and before the 
supplies of wood and water were got in, an Irishman, 
"*a noble villaine," stole to the continent on a raft, 
* Purchas, part iv. p. 1199. 



178 SECOND VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH 

and betrayed his defenceless comrades to the enemy. 
By this act of treachery, not only the sick and those 
usually employed ashore, but several others who 
chanced to have joined them, were given up to in- 
discriminate butchery.* Another serious loss was 
that of one of the few remaining sails, which was 
here seized. " In this case/' says Cavendish, " was 
I forced to depart. Fortune never ceasing to lay her 
greatest adversities upon me. But now I am growne 
so weake and faint as I am scarce able to hold the 
penne in my hand : wherefore I must leave you to 
inquire of the rest of our most unhappy proceedings. 
But know this, that for the straits I could by no 
meanes get my company to give their consents to 

goe In truth I desired nothing more 

then to attempt that course, rather desiring to dye in 
going forward then basely in returning backe againe; 
but God would not suffer me to dye so happy a man."t 
An attempt was now made to reach the island 
of St Helena, for which the crew would not consent 
to steer until their leader solemnly assured them 
that to England he would never go; and that, if 
they declined to take the course which he intended, 
the " shippe and all should sinke in the seas toge- 
ther.":): This threat produced a temporary obe- 
dience to his will ; but on reaching the latitude of 
20 S. they refused to proceed farther, declaring that 
they would rather die where they were " than be 
starved in seeking an island, which that way they 
should never get." They were, however, induced 
to persevere, and, struggling with stormy seas and 

* Purchas, part iv. p. 1200. 

h Ibid. Biographia Britannica, vol. iii. p. 320. Article Caven- 
dish. ' 5 Ibid. Ibid. 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 179 

skies, they regained the latitude of 28 S., when 
they stood towards the object of their wishes ; which, 
owing to contrary winds and the unskilfulness of 
their pilot, was unhappily missed. It was in vain 
that the unfortunate commander, by alarming them 
with the scarcity of provisions, endeavoured to pre- 
vail on his mutinous people to renew the search ; 
they replied with one voice, " they would pinch to 
death rather then goe to the southward againe."* 

It is believed that Cavendish did not long sur- 
vive these events ; he died before the ship reached 
England, but whether at sea or on shore is uncer- 
tain.t His letter to Sir Tristram Gorges, which 
has been already mentioned, was not closed when 
the galleon reached 8 N. latitude. From its com- 
mencement, and it appears to have been written at 
many sittings, it is evident that he must have con- 
sidered his last hour at hand. " Most loving friend," 
thus he begins, " there is nothing in this world 
that makes a truer triall of friendship then at death 
to shew mindfulnesse of love and friendship, which 
now you shall make a perfect experience of; desiring 
you to hold my love as deare, dying poore, as if I 
had beene most infinitely rich. The successe of this 
most unfortunate action, the bitter torments thereof 
lye so heavie upon mee, as with much paine am I 
able to write these few lines, much lesse to make 
discoverie unto you of all the adverse haps that have 

* Purchas, part iv. p. 200. 

-( Biog-raphia Britannica, vol. iii. p. 320. One authority expli- 
citly states that he was drowned on the coast of Brazil. " Saevis- 
sima tempestas naves ad littus Brasilia? rejecit, et allisit ut omnes 
ferme qui in navibus erant interirent. Inter quos ipse praefectus 
Cavenditius fluctibus obrutus est. Ita vita ejus extincta est, quas 
brevis fuit ; sed non gloria, quara nulla aetas conticescet." John- 
stoni, Rer. Brit. Hist. p. 16S. 



180 SECOND VOYAGE OF CAVENDISH 

befallen me in this voyage, the least whereof is my 
death." He then adverts to the illness of " a most 
true friend, whom to name my heart bleeds/' who, 
like himself, fell a victim to the complicated dis- 
tresses of the voyage. After relating the history of 
their unsuccessful search for St Helena, he pro- 
ceeds, " And now to tell you of my greatest 
griefe, which was the sicknesse of my deare kins- 
man, John Locke, who by this time was growne in 
great weakenesse, by reason whereof hee desired 
rather quietnesse and contentednesse in our course, 
then such continuall disquietnesse, which never 
ceased mee. And now by this, what with griefe for 
him and the continuall trouble I indured among 
such hel-hounds, my spirits were cleane spent, wish- 
ing myselfe upon any desart place in the world, 
there to dye, rather then thus basely to returne 
home againe. Which course I had put in execution, 
had I found an iland which the cardes [^charts] 
make to be in eight degrees to the southward of the 
line. I sweare to you I sought it with all diligence, 
meaning (if I had found it) to have there ended my 
unfortunate life. But God suffered not such hap- 
pinesse to light upon me, for I could by no meanes 
finde it, so as I was forced to goe towards England : 
and having gotten eight degrees by north the line, 
I lost my most dearest cousin. And now consider, 
whether a heart made of flesh be able to indure so 
many misfortunes, all falling upon me without in- 
termission. I thanke my God, that in ending of me 
he hath pleased to rid me of all farther trouble and 
mishaps." The remaining portion of the letter re- 
fers to his private affairs, especially to the discharge 
of his debts. " I have now no more to say, but 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 181 

take this last farewell, that you have lost the loving- 
est friend that was lost by any. Commend mee to 
your wife. No more. But as you love God, doe 
not refuse to undertake this last request of mine. 
. . . . Beare with this scribbling ; for I protest 
I am scant able to hold a pen in my hand."* 

In his two voyages, this remarkable man expe- 
rienced the greatest extremes of fortune ; his first 
adventure being even more brilliant and successful 
than the last was disastrous and unhappy. When 
he died he was still very young ; and no officer can 
be said to have sunk more immediately and dis- 
tinctly under the disease to which so many brave men 
have fallen victims, a broken heart. On several 
occasions, it is acknowledged, his conduct displayed 
the rashness and impetuosity of youth, and the want 
of that firm and steady temper which is among the 
first qualities of a naval commander. Nor can the 
reproach of cruelty be altogether removed from his 
memory, on which it is perhaps the only blot ; and 
though it may not be palliated even by his high spirit, 
resolute courage, and invincible fortitude, yet the 
judgment of those who think of him most unfa- 
vourably, will, undoubtedly, be somewhat softened 
by calling to mind the great calamities which ob- 
scured the close of his short career. As the second 
English navigator who circumnavigated the globe, 
his name is inseparably linked with the history of 
maritime adventure.t 

* Purchas, part iv. p. 1192-1201. Bioeraphica Nautica, vol. iii. 
pp.2Hl,262. 

f- Stowe's Annals, p. 809. Biographia Britannica, vol. iii. p. 321. 
Article Cavendish. 



DAMPIETL 

CHAPTER VI. 

The Buccaneers of America. 

Origin of the Buccaneers Cattle-hunters of Cuba and Hayti 
Policy of France and England Cruelty to the Caribs Seizure of 
St Christopher's Buccaneer Settlement of Tortuga Customs of 
the Buccaneers Their Maxims Manner of dividing their Spoil 
Their Dress and Character Capture of Jamaica Enterprise 
of Le Grand Fran9ois, Portuguez, and Mansvelt The Bucca- 
neer Chief L'Olonnois His Cruelties Manners of the Buccaneers 
Montbars the Exterminator First Expedition of Morgan 
Pillage of Puerto del Principe Storming of Porto Bello Heroism 
of the Spanish Governor Capture of Maracaibo and Gibraltar 
Stratagems of Morgan Projected Buccaneer Settlement Storm- 
ing of the Castle of Chagre March of the Buccaneers to Panama 
Battle with the Spaniards Cruelty of the Freebooters Return 
of the Buccaneers to Chagre Perfidy of Morgan Proclamation 
of the Governor of Jamaica Concluding History of Morgan 
The Buccaneers again increase Capture of Vera Cruz They 
direct their Attention to PeruNarrative of Dampier. 

CAPTAIN WILLIAM DAMPIER, whose eventful life 
forms the subject of the remaining portion of this 
volume, was so intimately associated with the BUC- 
CANEERS OF AMERICA, that some account of this 
extraordinary brotherhood is an almost indispensa- 
ble introduction to the history of his adventures and 
discoveries. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 183 

They owed their origin, it is well known, to the 
grasping and selfish spirit in which Spain adminis- 
tered the affairs of her West Indian colonies. Early 
in the sixteenth century, both English and French 
ships, on trading voyages, had found their way to 
those settlements ; though it was not till after the en- 
terprises of Drake, Raleigh, and Cumberland, that 
their visits became frequent.* The jealousy of the 
Spaniards had been alarmed by their first appear- 
ance ; and the systematic interference of that people 
with the vessels of every nation that approached their 
possessions, soon gave rise to the proverb that there 
was " No peace beyond the Line." 

Though the name, 

*' Link'd to one virtue and a thousand crimes," 

by which the freebooters were best known and most 
dreaded, is of much later date than the era of Drake 
and his daring follower Oxenham,t yet is there no 
violation of truth in ascribing to them the character 

* Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 33. 

+ See above, p. 25. It is with strict propriety that this brave 
and enterprising Englishman is called the first Buccaneer. How 
closely the adventurers of his age resembled those of the succeed- 
ing century, may be seen from the following extract from a jour- 
nal of the expedition of the Earl of Cumberland in lottH: 
" Nov. 5. Our men went on shore, and fet rys [fetched rice], 
and burnt the rest of the houses in the Niger's town, and our 
boat went down to the outermost point of the river, and burnt 
a town, and brought away all the rice that was in the town. The 
6th day we served God, being Sunday." (Hartley Coleridge's 
Biographia Borealis, p. 264.) But for the last sentence this might 
be mistaken for an entry in the log-book of L'Olonnois or Mor- 
gan ; and even some of their contemporaries and companions, 
though they were as impious as they were wicked, seem occa- 
sionally to have observed the seventh day. Esquemeling has 
this entry in his journal : " January 9, lOOO. This day was the 
first Sunday that we kept by command and common consent, since 
the loss and death of our valiant commander, Captain Sawkins. 
This generous-spirited man threw the dice overboard, finding them 
in use on the said day." Buccaneers of America, part. iv. p. 121. 



184 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

which it signified, of indiscriminate plunderers by 
sea and land, in peace and in war.* 

To the rise of this association, whereto they paved 
the way, many causes contributed. The diminished 
population and decaying trade of Old Spain could 
no longer supply her vast colonies with those com- 
modities which the West Indies and South America 
still continue to receive from the workshops and 
looms of Britain, France, and the Netherlands; 
nor could the severity of her laws prevent the set- 
tlers on many parts of the coast from supplying 
themselves with luxuries brought at a cheap rate 
from those countries.t Thus, in defiance of prohi- 
bitions, the contraband trade increased and became 
a thriving nursery for maritime freebooters ; self- 
defence leading them to retaliation, wrong to re- 
prisal, and spoliation to actual piracy. 

Another branch of the fraternity sprung up at 
the same time in a different quarter. No portion 
of the New World suffered more from the injustice 
of the Spaniards than the fine islands of Cuba and 
Hayti. About the beginning of the sixteenth cen- 
tury, their plantations and mines were forsaken 
for the more fertile settlements and richer ores of 
Mexico ; and the desolated tracts, whence the native 
inhabitants had been expelled, were soon overrun by 
immense herds of cattle, which, originally introduced 
by the Europeans, had multiplied so rapidly, that it 
was become a profitable employment to kill them for 
the sake of their hides and tallow. While the Ma- 
tadores or hunters pursued this avocation, a more 
peaceful description of settlers began to station them- 
selves around them ; and to both these classes the 
*,- Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 37. t Ibid - P- 38 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 185 

stolen visits of French and English traders became 
every year more welcome. Necessitated at times to 
seek provisions on uninhabited shores, these smug- 
glers occasionally exchanged the life of the trafficker 
for that of the huntsman, and ranged every where at 
will, though still regarded by the Spanish govern- 
ment as avowed interlopers/" 

The first of these adventurers were natives of 
France. From the habits incident to their precari- 
ous calling arose the formidable name of Buccaneer, 
by which the associates, whether as pirates on the sea 
or as forayers in the wilderness, came afterwards to be 
distinguished. This term was adopted from the lan- 
guage of the Caribs, in which the word boucan sig- 
nifies flesh slowly dried and smoked on wooden 
hurdles or barbecues ; and the instrument on which 
it was prepared bore also the same appellation. t 
To this title, by which the desperadoes were known 
in England, the French preferred the epithet of 
Flibustier, which is said to be a corruption of 
our word freebooter. ; The Dutch, by a happier 
ambiguity, denominated the natives of their country 
employed in this lawless life Zee Roovers ; the ex- 
pression denoting either robbers or cruisers. Brethren 
of the Coast was another general denomination for 
the fraternity ; but all distinctions were finally lost 
in that of BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. The same 
feeling which induced men of respectable family 
to lay aside their real names on entering this so- 

* Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 34. 

\ Ibid. p. 42. The word found its way into European languages 
at an early period. In Cotgrave's " Dictionarie of the French and 
English Tongues," published in 1611, Boucan is defined as " a 
woodden gridiron, whereon the cannibals broile pieces of men and 
other flesh." 

J Burney. Chron. Hist. Discov. p. 43. 



186 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

ciety, led them to repudiate a designation too soon 
stained with every species of crime and excess ; and 
Dampier and others speak of themselvesjas__' f pri- 
vateers," while they anxiously describe theirassaults 
as falling under the head of legitimate jyarfare. 

These bold and dissolute men carried on their 
deppedati0ns','~as~smugglers j robbers, orjriratesT^in 
thne~oTpeace, and during war under commissions 
fromth^rj^pective governments, for a long series 
of years~before~They attempted toTorm any regular 
settlement. Thrqu^houXthis period~tEey~acTed as 
pioneers, clearing away for the industrious and peace- 
ful^settlers of France and England, both of which 
nations secretly encouraged while they affected to 
discountenance the marauders. From the era of 
Columbus' discoveries, each had cast a longing eye 
upon the West Indies, and by the assistance of the 
Buccaneers they at last succeeded in establishing 
colonies there. At the beginning of the 17th century, 
a prop on which to rest their levers was all that 
was required ; and agreeably to a treaty of joint oc- 
cupation and partition, colonists from both countries 
landed on the same day, in 1625, at opposite points 
of the island of St Christopher's, and took possession 
of it.* The rights of the Caribs, whom the first 
conquerors had not been able either to enslave or 
wholly to extirpate, do not appear to have obtained 
a moment's consideration from the statesmen of either 
kingdom. t Though the Spaniards had no settlement 

* Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. pp. 38. 39. 

f- The light in which the Indians were regarded by Europeans, 
even towards the close of the seventeenth century, may be gathered 
from Esquemeling, who was himself a Buccaneer. In accounting 
for the number of wild dogs which overran the islands, he states that, 
" The occasion was, that the Spaniards, having possessed themselves 
of these isles, found them much peopled with Indians. These were a 
barbarous sort of people, totally given to sensuality and a brutish 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 187 

there, they could not quietly permit the subjects of 
two ambitious nations to obtain a permanent footing 
in a territory whence they might quickly extend their 
conquests; and in 1629, accordingly, after a residence 
of more than four years, the intruders were expel- 
led by force of arms. But they waited only the depar- 
ture of the enemy to return to their old possessions ; 
though some of them, deprived of a home, rendered 
desperate by poverty, and inflamed with hatred 

custom of life, hating all manner of labour, and only inclined to run 
from place to place, killing and making war against their neighbours, 
not out of any ambition to reign, but only because they agreed not 
with themselves in some common terms of language. Hence, perceiv- 
ing the dominion of the Spaniards did lay a great restriction upon 
their lazy and brutish customs, they conceived an incredible odium 
against them, such as never was to be reconciled ; but more especially 
because they saw them take possession of their kingdoms and domi- 
nions. Hereupon they made against them all the resistance they 
were capable of, opposing every where their designs to the utmost 
of their power ; until that the Spaniards, finding themselves to be 
cruelly hated by those Indians, and nowhere secure from their 
treacheries, resolved to extirpate and ruine them every one. . . . 
Hereupon those first conquerors of the New World made use of 
dogs to range and search the intricatest thickets of woods and 
forests for those their implacable and unconquerable enemies. By 
these means they forced them to leave their ancient refuge and sub- 
mit unto the sword, seeing no milder usage would serve their turn. 
Hereupon they killed some of them, and, quartering their bodies, 
placed them in the highways, to the intent that others might take 
warning from such a punishment not to incur the like danger. But 
this severity proved to be of ill consequence ; for, instead of fright- 
ing them and reducing their mindes to a civil society, they conceived 
such horrour of the Spaniards and their proceedings, that they re- 
solved to detest and fly their sight for ever ; and hence the greatest 
part dyed in caves and subterraneous places of the woods and moun- 
tains, in which places I myself have seen many times great numbers 
of human bones." Bucaniers of America (8vo, London, 1684), 
pp. 53, 54. Of the personal history of this author little is known. 
It is uncertain whether he was of Flemish or French origin, though 
the former is the more probable ; his name is variously written 
Esquemeling, Exquemelin, and (Exmelin ; and it is doubtful whe- 
ther his Christian name was John or Alexander-Olivier. His work 
is said to have been first published in the Dutch language at Am- 
sterdam in 1678 ; it was translated into Spanish in 1682, and again 
in 1684 : two English versions appeared at London in the latter year, 
and a French one at Paris in 1686. 



188 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

of their persecutors, had in the mean while joined 
the freebooters, whose reckless bravery they are said 
to have tempered by their knowledge and the habits 
of social life.* 

It was thus that step by step the narrow policy 
of the Spaniards called into existence those predatory 
hordes, who, from so small a beginning, came at last 
to infest their commerce by sea and land, and even 
to destroy their richest settlements. 

As a convenient mart for their trade, which had 
been greatly increased by the possession of St Chris- 
topher's, the hunters of Cuba and Hayti seized on 
the island of Tortuga, surprising the small gar- 
rison which defended it. Here, having built ma- 
gazines for their hides, tallow, and boucan or dried 
flesh, they established their head-quarters, and open- 
ed a place of retreat, to which, in the course of a 
few years, adventurers flocked from almost every 
country of Europe.t French and English settle- 
ments were rapidly formed, almost at random, on 
different islands, and the new colonists were at 
once the natural allies and the best customers of the 
Buccaneers, whom they supplied with powder, shot, 
hatchets, rum, tobacco, and all things necessary to 
their wild manner of life. As these plantations 
rose into consequence, they were severally claimed 
by the mother-countries ; and the settlers were not 
unfrequently expelled to make way for new proprie- 
tors who had obtained by favour or purchase, from 
the authorities at home, the lands which had been 
cleared by the industry of the original adven- 
turers. Many of these, fired with indignation at the 
injustice of the government, which had left them 
* Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. pp. 40, 41. f Ibid. p. 42. 

2 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. J89 

unprotected in the first instance and pillaged them 
in the last, retired to other deserts, or joined the 
ranks of the outlaws.* 

The settlement of Tortuga, situated at the very 
threshold of Hayti, was on every account obnoxious 
to the Spaniards. In the year 1638 they seized an 
opportunity of destroying it while most of the men 
were absent in the chase., an occupation followed 
by them for months and even years together on 
the western shores, without once visiting the scene 
of comparative civilisation which they had created 
in the smaller island.t Of the more peaceful of the 
settlers, who had already formed plantations and 
begun with success to cultivate tobacco, many were 
massacred ; those who fled to the woods and after- 
wards surrendered themselves were hanged ; while 
only a few escaped to their brethren in the Hay- 
tian forests. Tortuga was soon abandoned by the 
assailants, who, having taken so much pains to 
destroy the nest, flattered themselves that the hor- 
nets would not again congregate. But the Buc- 
caneers returning almost immediately, soon became 
more formidable than ever,J and their numbers, 
already exceeding three hundred, were speedily 
recruited by the young and the dissolute from 
different parts of Europe. 

From this time attacks upon the Spaniards be- 
camejmore frequent, and as the diminished herds 
of cattle rendered the chase a more precarious source 
ofTIvelihood, their maritime enterprises were under- 
taken on a more extensive scale! 

Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. pp. 48, 49. 
flbid. pp 49,50. 
$ Ibid. p. 50. 

M 



190 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

The Brethren of the Coast had now been long 
known as a. distinct association, and their laws, 
manners, and customs, were every where become the 
subject of curious inquiry. Though, from that love 
of the marvellous which is natural to mankind, their 
peculiarities have been greatly exaggerated, many 
of their habits were sufficiently remarkable to de- 
serve notice. Like the conventional usages of other 
communities, the " Statutes of the Buccaneers" ori- 
ginated in the necessities of their condition. Pro- 
perty, so far as regarded the means of sustenance, 
whether obtained in the chase or by pillage, was 
held in common. As they had no domestic ties, 
neither wife nor child, brother nor sister, being 
known among them, the want of family relations 
was supplied by the alliance of two comrades, of 
whom one attended to household duties while the 
other was engaged in the chase.* It has been said 
that the survivor, whether seaman or hunter, suc- 
ceeded to the estate of his deceased companion ; but 
though this probably often happened, it was cer- 
tainly not a fixed law, for they are known to have 
frequently bequeathed property to their relatives in 
France or England.t Their chief, if not their only 
virtue, was courage, which, quickened by despair, 
was carried to an extravagant excess, perhaps never 



Burnejr, Chron. Hist. Discor. vol. iv. p. 45. 

-- " Do thou revere 

The statutes of the Bucanier ; 

Friend to the sea, and foeman sworn 

To all that on her waves are borne ; 

When falls a mate in battle broil, 

His comrade heirs his portioned spoil; 

When dies in fight a daring foe, 

He claims his wealth who struck the blow." 

Sir WALTER SCOTT Rokeby, cant. i. st. xxi. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 191 

paralleled before or since that time, except among 
the ancient vikingr. Hardihood, or the power of 
extreme endurance, may also be reckoned among 
their better qualities ; but their long seasons of 
entire privation were always followed by scenes of 
the most brutal indulgence. Their great principle, 
which was indeed necessary to their very existence, 
was fidelity to one another ; and it was scrupulously 
observed. 

As their associations were voluntary, their en- 
gagements never extended beyond the immediate 
enterprise for which they combined. Such alliances 
were indeed frequently renewed, and the bravest, 
most able, active, and fortunate of their number, was 
chosen to be commander ; but it would seem that 
every one who bore arms had a right to assist in 
their councils. The same power which elected could 
displace the leader; and such depositions accordingly 
were often made, either from caprice or expediency. 
Personal quarrels they sometimes settled by duel ; 
but offences against the fraternity were visited by 
different punishments ; in extreme cases by death, 
by abandonment on a desert island, or by expul- 
sion from the society. There seems to have been 
no obstacle to their quitting the brotherhood when 
inclination dictated such a step. In sharing their 
booty, they appear, as soon as their trade was 
reduced to a system, to have followed nearly the 
same laws as those which regulate the division of 
spoil in privateers; but the owners' shares were 
included in those of the crew, who were themselves 
the proprietors. 

When a party had agreed upon a cruise, the time 
and place of embarkation were fixed, upon which 



192 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

every man went on board with a specified quantity 
of powder and shot. Their next care was to procure 
provisions, which consisted chiefly of pork.* The 
Spaniards were wont to raise large herds of swine, 
and from their yards an abundant supply was ob- 
tained with no trouble save that of robbery, often in- 
deed followed bymurder.t Turtle slightly salted was 
another article of their stores ; while for beeves and 
wild hogs they trusted to their fire-arms. Bread 
they seldom tasted ; at sea never ; but in later periods 
they sometimes procured supplies of cassava, maize, 
and potatoes. Of this food they commonly ate twice 
a-day and without limitation, for at meals there 
was no distinction between the commander and 
the meanest seaman. J When the vessel was fully 
victualled, a council was held to determine the des- 
tination of the enterprise and the plan of operations ; 
and, at the same .time, articles were generally sub- 
scribed which regulated the division of the spoils. 
The commander, the surgeon, and the carpenter, 
were in the first place paid from the common stock. 
Wounds were next considered; the value of the right 
arm, the most useful member of the body, being 
reckoned equal to six slaves, or six hundred pieces 
of eight. It is worthy of notice that an eye and a 
finger were estimated at the same price, which was 
one slave, or a hundred pieces of eight. The re- 
mainder was shared equally, save that the cap- 
tain, in addition to the sum payable to him by 
his specific agreement, was entitled to claim five 
shares, and his mate two. Boys received half a 
share. One of their first maxims was, " No prey, no 

* Esquemeling-, Buccaneers of America, p. 85. 
f Ibid. p. 86. JIbid. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 193 

pay."* An oath was sometimes taken to prevent 
concealment of booty, or desertion before the ter- 
mination of the adventure.t 

In their cruises they often put into remote har- 
bours to careen or refit their ships ; to obtain fruits 
and fish ; to lie in wait for Spanish traders ; or to 
plunder the inhabitants, whether native or Euro- 
pean. The former they sometimes carried away, 
selling the men as slaves, while the women were 
compelled to labour for such of the freebooters as fol- 
lowed the chase. J 

The dress of these ruffians assorted well with 
their brutal and ferocious character. It has been 
described as a uniform and conventional costume ; 
but there is little doubt that the same necessity 
which leads the savage to clothe himself with skins 
prescribed to the Buccaneer his loathsome and ter- 
rific garb. It consisted of a frock or shirt dyed in 
the blood of cattle ; of trousers prepared in the same 
manner; of buskins without stockings; the cover- 
ing of the head was a cap with a small front ; and 
the waist was bound by a leathern girdle, into 
which were stuck knives, sabres, and pistols. The 
bloody garments, though attributed to design, were 
probably among the hunters the effect of chance 
and slovenliness. 

Among a small body of Frenchmen, who, by the 
injustice of the colonial government and other causes, 
had been driven to an outlaw's life, there were cherish- 
ed honourable sentiments, and even a certain sense 
of religion. We hear, for example, of one commander 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, pp. 86, 87, 88. 
t Ibid. p. 88. + Ibid. p. 89. 

Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov, vol. iv. pp. 45, 46. 



194 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

who shot a seaman for indecent behaviour daring the 
celebration of mass ; but it is nowhere recorded that 
the chalices or images of a church were spared by 
these good catholics more than by English heretics.* 
One rare instance is mentioned,, where a Buccaneer 
carried his notions of honour so far as to punish a 
breach of faith towards a Spaniard, and to repress 
with the most prompt severity symptoms of treachery 
even against the common foe. Under a humane leader, 
in short, the remorseless nature of these desperate 
men was occasionally softened ; but, altogether, more 
degraded and humiliating examples of humanity 
could not any where be found. In them was united 
the ferocity of the savage with the cunning which 
always marks an imperfect civilisation. Yet they 
have not been without some admirers. They are 
said to have been open and unsuspecting in their 
private intercourse, liberal in their dealings, and 
even animated by a strictly honourable spirit.t 
The French fondly name them " nos braves ;" the 
English boast of their " unparalleled exploits ;" and 
writers of fiction have graced their character with 
many brilliant traits of generosity and delicacy of 
feeling. Though to sober judgments there will ap- 
pear little to warrant such pictures, it will be readily 
admitted that there is a wild interest in the recital 
of their adventures, independently of the romantic 
notions associated with men placed in circumstances 
so different from those of civilized communities. 
Nor is it easy to withhold admiration from their 
fortitude and unconquerable perseverance, though 
exerted too often in the most infamous causes. All 

* BurneVj Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 46. 
-j- Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, p. 88. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 195 

forms of privation and endurance with which the 
vicissitudes of maritime life make us acquainted 
sink into insignificance when compared with the 
hardships voluntarily sustained by them from a 
mere love of license or of Spanish gold. 

The Buccaneers had not long recovered Tortuga 
when, by means of certain foreigners, it was betrayed 
into the hands of the French governor-general of the 
West Indies, who took possession of it for his sove- 
reign, and expelled the English.* From this time 
our countrymen began to frequent those islands 
which were considered to belong to their own nation ; 
and these they enriched by the lavish expendi- 
ture of their fortuitous wealth. In 1655 they lent 
powerful aid to the armament employed in the con- 
quest of Jamaica ; which henceforth was their chief 
place of resort, and where they dissipated their plun- 
der with the usual profligacy.t 

Within a few years after the capture of Jamaica 
the French freebooters on the shores of Hayti were 
Tound to have greatly increased in numbers, and it 
was by them chiefly that the most remarkable ex- 
plmtsjvprftpprforrpM af spa At first, indeed, they 
had no vessels but Indian canoes, yet in a short 
time they possessed themselves of very considerable 
squadrons. Among the earliest of their successes, and 
one which led the way to many others, was the cap- 
ture of a richly laden galleon, commanded by the 
vice-admiral of the treasure-fleet. This was achieved 
by Pierre le Grand, a native of Dieppe, who, though 
his force consisted of only a single boat and twenty- 
eight resolute followers, by one bold stroke gained 

* Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 51. 
t Ibid. p. 54. 



196 THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 

fame and fortune.* For several weeks they had 
been at sea in the hope of attaining this object, 
exposed to the burning heat of a tropical sun ; and 
they were almost exhausted by suffering and disap- 
pointment when their prize was descried separated 
from her consorts. The boat in which the ad- 
venturers were concealed had been seen from the 
galleon all day, and several of the crew even warned 
the captain of their suspicion that the skiff was 
manned by pirates. The Spaniard haughtily and 
carelessly replied, "And what then? shall I be 
afraid of so pitiful a thing ? no, though she were as 
good a ship as my own !" He probably thought no 
more of the circumstance till, in the same evening, 
when he was at cards with his friends, the Bucca- 
neers rushed into his cabin. t 

Thejr hadkep^aloof JiU_^ighibjganJo^Ml, when 
they made_joFthe vessel with all the force of^ oars. 
The alternative was an ignominious and cruel death 
or victory and riches : and they were aware thaUhev 
must either make good their attempt or perish. To 
render their courage desperate, Pierre commanded 
the surgeon to bore holes in the boat, that no other 
footing might be left to his people than the decks of 
the galleon. His orders were quickly obeyed ; and 
the men, armed with swords and pistols, silently 
climbed the sides of the ship. One party rushed 
into the great cabin, and pointed their weapons at 
the officers ; another seized the gun-room, cutting 
down all who stood in their way ; and, in short, the 
Spaniards were so completely surprised that little 
opposition was offered. The prize was carried into 



* Esquemeling 
t Ibid. p. 81. 



, Buccaneers of America, pp. 81, 82. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 197 

France ; and the captor, by a rare instance of good 
sense, abandoned the calling of a Buccaneer, in which, 
if fortunes were quickly acquired, they were as ra- 
pidly lost or squandered. He appears on this occa- 
sion to have exercised no unnecessary cruelty, and 
all the seamen with whose services he could dispense 
in the voyage to Europe were sent on shore.* 

This successful enterprise induced half the hun- 
ters and planters of Tortuga to rush tojhe^sea. In 

SFsmall canoes they lay in wait for the barks in 
which the Spaniards conveyed to Havannah and 
ports adjacent hides, tobacco, and the produce 
of the boucan. These cargoes they sold, together 
with their boats, which supplied them with the 
means of purchasing and equipping larger vessels. 
Campeachy and even the shores of New Spain were 
now within the range of their expeditions, which 
became daily more formidable ; and hence the sub- 
jects of Philip found it necessary to arm cruisers for 
the protection of the coast-trade, the galleons, and 
Flota. The Indian fleet and the treasure- ships were 
at all times the chief objects of the pirates, who found 
no species of goods so convenient as pieces of eight, 
though their allies in the islands used every exer- 
tion to relieve them of the embarrassment of more 
bulky cargoes. In truth, the merchants of Jamaica 
and Tortuga might at this time have been termed 
not unaptly the brokers of the Buccaneers.t 

Among other brilliant acts, a Frenchman named 
Pierre Frai^ois, with one boat and a handful of men, 
took the vice-admiral of the Pearl Fleet ; and no 
sooner was he possessed of this prize than he raised 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, p. 82. 
f Ibid. pp. 83, 84. 



198 THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 

his thoughts to the capture of the convoy ship of war. 
In this bold project he was disappointed, and the 
galleon retaken ; but he received honourable terms 
for himself and his company.* 

About this time another celebrated adventurer, 
Bartolomeo Portuguez, cruising from Jamaica in a 
boat carrying four small pieces and manned by thirty 
men, captured a large ship carrying twenty great guns 
with a crew exceeding eighty in number. This prize 
was also recovered in a few days by three Spanish 
vessels ; and the pirate, after being carried into the 
harbour of Cam peachy, was for greater security kept 
on board till a gibbet should be erected. But on the 
night previous to the day fixed for his execution, he 
effected his liberation, by killing the sentinel, leap- 
ing into the water, and swimming ashore. After suf- 
fering incredible hardship, he came to a bay about 
forty leagues from the city, and finding there certain 
freebooters, he induced them to join in an attempt 
to surprise the vessel from which he had just escaped. 
The undertaking was successful, though, in passing 
the Isle of Pines, the bark struck on a rock and was 
totally wrecked, Portuguez with difficulty saving 
himself in a canoe. t 

The Spanish coasters, taught by experience, now 
ventured cautiously to sea ; the number of Bucca- 
neers at the same time increased ; and they were ac- 
cordingly compelled to undertake expeditions by land, 
sacking villages, towns, and even cities. The first 
pirate of this description was Lewis Scot, who storm- 
ed and plundered Campeachy, and obtained a large 



* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, pp. 94, 95. 
t Ibid. p. 95-102, inclusive. 



THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 199 

sum for its ransom.* In this new career he was 
followed with success by Mansvelt, and by John 
Davis, a renowned chieftain born in Jamaica. It 
was in these attempts that the former conceived the 
design of creating an independent establishment^ 
which, while it acknowledged the authority of no 
European state, should furnish a place of safe retreat 
to the adventurers of all nations. The result of this 
scheme will be seen hereafter. 

In the annals of the Sea-rovers no characters are 
found more terrible than those of L'Olonnois and 
Montbars, natives of France, and distinguished even 
among that ruthless fraternity by their pre-eminence 
in crime. The former, whose real name appears to 
have beenNau, derived his nom de guerre of L'Olon- 
nois from Sables-d'Olonne, his birthplace. Little 
is known of his family ; but it appears, that when 
a youth he was either kidnapped or left home under 
a form of engagement, then not uncommon in seve- 
ral countries of Europe, by which the adventurer 
agreed to serve a certain number of years in the 
colonies. This practice, which was termed indent- 
ing., continued until a very recent period, and was 
liable to great abuses. J Escaping from servitude 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, p. 110. 

f- Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 56. 

J Even so lately as the middle of the last century, several towns 
in Scotland were disgraced by this system of deceitful indenting^ 
or open and forcible kidnapping. " The extent, the misery, and 
the horrors, of this ignominious trade," says the author of an account 
of Aberdeen, " and the reckless manner" in which it was pursued, 
might surpass belief, were they not too clearly established by tes- 
timony which it is impossible to doubt. Copartneries were openly 
formed for carrying it on ; and ships yearly left this port loaded with 
crowds of unhappy beings, of whom hardly one ever returned to 
his native land. To entrap the victims, every art of deceit and se- 
duction was employed ; agents, drummers, pipers, and recruiting- 
sergeants, were dispersed throughout the town and shire to assail 



200 THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 

L'Olonnois joined the Buccaneers. His address and 
courage soon rendered him so conspicuous, that in a 
few years he was the owner of two canoes, and com- 
manded twenty-two men. With this small force he 
captured a Spanish frigate on the coast of Cuba, and 
the atrocities which are ascribed to him are almost 
incredible.* It is said that he frequently threw 
overboard the crews of the ships which he took. He 
is reported to have struck off with his own arm the 
heads of ninety prisoners, refreshing himself by suck- 
ing the blood of the victims as it trickled down his 
cutlass. It is even related that, in transports of 
frantic cruelty, he has been known to pluck out the 
tongues of his captives, and to devour the hearts of 
those who fell by his hand. By such acts of detest- 
able inhumanity this monster not only gratified his 



the unwary with bribes, alluring 1 promises, intoxication, and still 
more disgraceful temptations. Jrarties of men patrolled the streets 
of the burgh like press-gangs, and, by open violence seized on such 
boys as seemed fit for their purpose. In all parts of the country 
emissaries were abroad ; in the dead of night children were taken 
by force from the beds wherein they slept ; and the remote valleys 
of the Highlands, fifty miles distant from the city, were infested by 

ruffians, who hunted their prey as beasts of the chase 

One of twrj vessels which sailed from the harbour in IJ43, contain- 
ed no fewer than sixty -nine persons ; and when it is considered that 
the trade was carried on to an equal extent for nearly six years, it 
is impossible to estimate the number of unhappy beings carried off 
at less than six hundred. Their condition in the land to which 
they were conveyed was truly miserable. They were sold to plan- 
ters for a term of years varying from five to seven. During this 
period of slavery, they were treated with harshness and cruelty; 
they were whipped at the pleasure of their masters ; if they deserted 
for thirty days, twelve months were added to the slavery. In a 
word, such was their wretchedness, says one who was an eyewit- 
ness to their sufferings, ' that they were often forced to desperate 
measures, and to make away with themselves. 1 " The Book of 
Bon-Accord, p. 8l!-90. Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen, vol. i. p. 
294-296. Life and Various Vicissitudes of Fortune of Peter Wil- 
liamson. Glasgow, 1758. Edinburgh, 178J. 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, pp. 5, 6. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 201 

savage nature, but increased his evil powers, for he 
considered the terror inspired by his name among 
the best means of promoting his success.* 

The fruits of rapine enabled him to extend the 
range of his depredations, and he at last joined his 
forces with those of another notorious brother of the 
order, Michael de Basco. With eight ships and 
660 men they stormed and plundered the towns of 
Gibraltar and Maracaibo ; the former was almost 
consumed before a sufficient ransom could be col- 
lected ; and the latter was pillaged after terms were 
agreed upon. This expedition, in which many 
French hunters joined, was the most lucrative that 
had yet been undertaken, for besides the plunder 
and ransom of the towns, many ships were captured.t 
The booty to be divided among the band, at the 
island to which they retired for this purpose, amount- 
ed to more than 400,000 pieces of eight in money, 
pi ate, merchandise, household furniture, and clothes. 
The name of L'Olonnois, already so formidable, 
now became a word of deeper horror. 

After the division of the plunder, the next step 
imTTjuccaneering voyage was to repair to some 
triendly jsjand, Tortuga or Jamaica, where they 
might dispose of their more bulky spoils, and find 
" an opportunity for the indulgence of the gross licen- 
tiousness injwhich they squandered their gains.j: 
These were speedily dissipated in gaming, to which 
they were strongly addicted, in the most brutal de- 
baucheries, or in those freaks of profligate extrava- 
gance which usually characterize uneducated seamen. 
" Some of them," says their comrade and historian 

* Esquemeliner, Buccaneers of America, part ii. pp. 6, 
f Ibid. p. 19-31. J Ibid. pp. 32, 33. 



202 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

Esquemeling, " will spend two or three thousand 
pieces of eight in one night, not leaving themselves, 
perad venture, a good shirt to wear on their backs in 
the morning."* He tells of one who placed a pipe 
of wine in the streets of Jamaica, and, pointing his 
pistols at their breast, forced all who passed to drink 
with him. " At other times he would do the same 
with barrels of ale and beer ; and very often with 
both his hands he would throw these liquors about 
the streets, and wet the clothes of such as walked 
by, without regarding whether he spoiled their ap- 
parel or not, were they men or women."t Of Roche 
Braziliano, who, with a milder disposition than 
many of his associates, possessed great courage and 
capacity in command, the same author remarks, 
" howbeit in his domestic and private affairs he had 
no good behaviour nor government over himself ; 
for in these he would oftentimes show himself either 
brutish or foolish. Many times, being in drink, he 
would run up and down the streets, beating or 
wounding whom he met, no person daring to op- 
pose him or make any resistance.":}: Such was the 
Buccaneer in his moments of relaxation and enjoy- 
ment, and such were the delights which, in a few 
weeks, left the companions of L'Olonnois penniless 
and eager for a new expedition, in which he, at least, 
found a death worthy of his enormous crimes. 

The reputation which he had gained by his last 
enterprise brought many new adventurers to swell 
his armament. Cruising along the coast of Cuba, 
he made frequent and sudden descents on Indian 
villages or Spanish settlements ; but at length he ex- 

* Buccaneers of America, part ii. p. 10(i. 

f Ibid. p. 107. Ibid. p. 103. 



THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 203 

perienced a reverse, and when he proposed to sail 
towards Guatimala many of his principal followers 
left him in order to prosecute schemes of their own. 
After a train of disasters, he fell into the hands of 
certain Indians of the Darien, a fierce and cruel 
tribe, who were not unacquainted with the atroci- 
ties of the pirates. By them, while he was yet 
alive, he was torn limb from limb ; and his body 
having been consumed by fire, the ashes were scat- 
tered to the winds with " the intent," says his his- 
torian, " that no trace nor memory might remain 
of such an infamous inhuman creature."* His me- 
rited fate was shared by many of his companions. 

The character of Montbars is scarcely less degrad- 
ing to humanity ; for he appears to have been one of 
those unhappy beings with whom cruelty is a pas- 
sion and an appetite. Born in Languedoc of a good 
family, he is said, from reading in his youth of the 
horrible atrocities practised by the Spaniards upon 
the Mexicans and Caribs, to have imbibed a hatred 
of the whole nation, which possessed him like a 
phrensy, and urged him to the commission of worse 
cruelties than those which he reprobated.t For ex- 
ample, it is related, that while at college, playing in 
a dramatic piece the part of a Frenchman who quarrels 
with a Spaniard, he assaulted the youth who person- 
ated the latter with such fury that he had well nigh 
strangled him. His excited imagination, saysRaynal, 
was perpetually haunted by the shades of numerous 
persons butchered in the colonies, who called upon 
him to avenge them upon their murderers. While 
on his passage to league himself with the Brethren of 

* Esqueraeling, Buccaneers of America, part ii. pp. 56, 5J. 
j- Barney, vol. iv. p. 55. 



204 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

the Coast, . the bark in which he sailed captured a 
Spanish vessel. No sooner had the crew surrendered, 
than Montbars, with his sabre drawn, rushed twice 
along the decks, hewing down all who came within 
his reach ; and while his comrades were dividing the 
booty acquired by his prowess, he gloated over the 
mangled limbs of the detested people against whom 
he had sworn everlasting hatred. From this and 
similar actions he acquired the name of the Exter- 
minator.* 

At this era the Buccaneers, besides being very 
numerous and powerful, had been so successful in 
their depredations upon the strongest places, as well 
on the main as in the islands, that several settle- 
ments were compelled to purchase their forbearance 
by contributions similar in principle to the black- 
mail formerly levied by banditti in Scotland. This, 
however, while it increased their gains, only par- 
tially changed the scene of their spoliations j and 
hence, their attacks were carried farther into the 
interior and extended to a greater distance along 
the coasts of the continent. 

It was about this time that Mansvelt formed the de- 
sign,, before alluded to,t of establishing among them 
an independent commonwealth, a project which 
was reluctantly abandoned by those of the fraternity 

* Burney, vol. iv. p. 55. Raynal, Histoire Philosophique des 
deux Indes, liv. x. c. x. Charlevoix represents the character of 
M ontbars as not without some favourable points : " Mais on lui 
rend cette justice, qu'il n'a jamais tue un homrae desarme, et on 
nelui a point reproche, queje sache, ces brigandages ni ces dissolu- 
tions qui ont rendu un si grand norabre d'aventuriers abominables 
devant Dieu et devant les hommes." The exploits of the Exter- 
minator have furnished the subject of a romance by M. Picquenard, 
and of a melo-drama produced at one of the pc tits theatres of Paris. 
Biographic Universelle, tome xxix. p. 466. 

f See above, p. 199. 

5 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 205 

who were endowed with more foresight or greater 
ambition than their associates. The proposed seat of 
this anomalous government, which might easily have 
been extended on all sides, was the island of Santa 
Katalina, now known by the name of Old Provi- 
dence;"" and for this place accordingly Mansvelt 
sailed in 1664, stormed the fort which the Spaniards 
had erected, and garrisoned it with his own men. 
But the Governor of Jamaica, who had watched all 
these proceedings, considering the marauders more 
profitable as customers than desirable as indepen- 
dent allies, discountenanced the project of a set- 
tlement so far beyond his control. He therefore 
strictly prohibited recruiting in furtherance of the 
design, and Mansvelt died suddenly before it could 
be otherwise effected, t 

He was succeeded by the most renowned of the 
English Buccaneers, Captain, afterwards Sir Henry 
Morgan. This new leader, though not less brave 
and daring than his predecessor, was of a more sordid 
temper; and his selfishness and cunning were un- 
redeemed by any spark of that reckless generosity 
which was not unfrequently found in the character 
of the freebooters. He was a native of Wales, and 
the son of a respectable yeoman. J Early inclination 
led him to the sea ; and embarking for Barbadoes, he 
soon found himself, by a fate at that time not uncom- 
mon in the case of unprotected adventurers, sold to 
a hard taskmaster for a term of years. Having 
effected his escape or emancipation, he joined the asso- 
ciation of pirates, and in a short time acquired such a 

* Burney, vol. iv. pp. 56, 5J. "t Ibid. p. 57- 

J Esquenieling, Buccaneers of America, part ii. p. UO. 
Ibid. p. 61. 



206 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

sum of money as enabled him, in concert with a few 
comrades, to equip a bark, of which he was chosen the 
commander. He made a fortunate cruise in the Bay 
of Campeachy ; after which he joined Mansvelt in 
the assault on Santa Katalina, and on the death of 
that leader succeeded, as has just been noticed, to 
the chief authority. But notwithstanding his efforts 
to retain the island, as the Governor of Jamaica 
still discountenanced the scheme and the merchants 
of Virginia declined sending supplies, it once more 
fell into the hands of the Spaniards, by whom the 
adventurers were compelled to seek a new retreat. 
The Cat/os, or islets near the southern coast of Cuba, 
had for some time been their usual place of resort. 
At these Keys, as they were corruptly termed by 
our countrymen, they mustered from all quarters as 
often as a joint expedition was contemplated ; and 
here they watered, refitted, held their councils, or 
waited in security until their fleets were victualled, 
whether by spoil or by purchase.* 

To this station, the rendezvous appointed by 
Morgan, about twelve sail, ships and boats, now 
repaired, having on board more than seven hundred 
fighting-men, French and English. t A difference 
of opinion arose on the disposal of this force ; some 
wished to attack Havannah, while others, deeming 
that enterprise too formidable for their numbers, 
declared for Puerto del Principe, which, accord- 
ingly, after a desperate assault, was taken and 
plundered.^ The adventurers, as soon as they 
became masters of the city, shut up the inhabit- 
ants in the churches, that the work of pillage might 

* Esqnemeling, Buccaneers of America, part ii. pp. 78, 79. 
f Ibid. p. 79. $ Ibid. pp. 82, 83. 



THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 207 

be pursued without interruption. Many of these 
unfortunate persons died of hunger; others were 
put to the torture to compel them to discover con- 
cealed treasures, which probably had no existence 
except in the rapacious desires and extravagant fan- 
cies of the fierce Buccaneers. The wealth obtained 
by these means was, however, considerable. Five 
hundred bullocks formed part of the ransom, which 
the insolent freebooters compelled the Spaniards to 
kill and salt for them.* A quarrel which occurred 
at this time crippled the strength of Morgan. An 
Englishman having seized on some marrow-bones 
which one of his French companions had prepared 
for his own repast, a duel ensued, in which the 
latter was unfairly or treacherously stabbed. His 
countrymen embraced his cause, and although the 
captain caused the murderer to be executed at Ja- 
maica^ yet when the pillage of Puerto del Prin- 
cipe was divided, his foreign allies, indignant at the 
late crime, and dissatisfied with their share of the 
booty, withdrew from the adventure.^: 

The enterprises of Morgan, who was at once 
ambitious and greedy, display capacity, coolness, 
and daring ; and his next attempt combined all 
these qualities in a remarkable degree. With nine 
vessels, and four hundred and sixty men, he re- 
solved to assault Porto Bello, though he did not 
venture at first to disclose so bold a design. When 
it was at length necessary to reveal it, he replied to 
those who objected that their forces were inadequate 
to the attack, " That though their numbers were 
small, their hearts were great ; and the fewer they 

* Esquenieling, Buccaneers of America, part. ii. p. 8f. 
t Ibid. p. 87. Ibid. p. fflL 



208 THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 

were the more union and better shares they should 
have in the spoil." His arguments prevailed ; and 
this strongly-fortified city was carried by a handful 
of resolute assailants, who refrained from no cruelty 
necessary to the accomplishment of their object. The 
first fort or castle was blown up ; fire being delibe- 
rately set to the magazine, after many miserable 
prisoners, whose mangled limbs soon darkened the 
air, had been huddled into one room. Resistance 
was nevertheless maintained by the Spaniards ; and 
the besiegers were the more exasperated, because it 
was into those strengths which still held out that the 
wealthy inhabitants had retired with their treasure. 
One strong redoubt it was necessary to carry with- 
out delay ; and scaling-ladders having been con- 
structed, Morgan compelled his captives to fix them 
to the walls. Many of those employed in this office 
were monks and nuns, dragged from their sanctu- 
aries, it being imagined that their countrymen 
would spare them ; while, under the protection thus 
secured, his men, he hoped, would be able to ad- 
vance without being exposed to the fire of the castle.* 
In these trying circumstances, regarding neither 
the claims of birth nor of sacred character, the 
Spanish governor consulted only his official duty ; 
and while the unhappy individuals implored his 
mercy, he continued to pour vollies of shot upon all 
who approached the walls, declaring, in reply to 
their entreaties, that he would never surrender 
alive.t Many of the friars and nuns were killed 
before the scaling-ladders could be fixed; but that 
being accomplished, the Buccaneers, carrying fire- 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part ii. p. 90-98. 
f IbH. p. 97. 



THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 209 

balls and pots filled with gunpowder, boldly mount- 
ed the walls, hurled their combustibles into the 
place, and speedily effected an entrance. Quarter 
was asked by the inhabitants and garrison, except 
the governor, who fell fighting, in presence of his 
wife and daughter, choosing rather, as he expressed 
it, to die like a brave soldier than to be hanged 
like a coward. The next act in this horrible drama 
quickly followed, pillage, cruelty, and license. 
And such was the course of riot and debauchery to 
which they abandoned themselves, that fifty reso- 
lute men might have regained the town ; but the 
panic-struck Spaniards were unable to form any 
rational plan of action, or even to muster a force.* 
During fifteen days of brutal revelry, interrupted only 
to torture individuals for the concealment of trea- 
sures which they did not possess, many of the pirates 
died from the effects of their excesses, and at length 
Morgan deemed it expedient to withdraw them. 
Tidings of these proceedings had by this time reach- 
ed the chief magistrate of Panama ; who, though far 
distant from the miserable inhabitants of Porto 
Bello, was shortly expected to come to their aid. The 
leader of the freebooters, therefore, carried off some 
of the guns, spiked the rest, and having fully sup- 
plied his ships with every necessary store, insolently 
demanded an exorbitant ransom for his prisoners, 
as well as for the preservation of the poor remains of 
the plundered city. These terms he sent also to the 
Governor of Panama, who had attempted to approach 
the place, but being intercepted by the adventurers 
in a narrow pass, was compelled to retreat. The 
inhabitants collected among themselves a hundred 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part. ii. pp. 98, 99. 



210 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

thousand pieces of eight, which Morgan having gra- 
ciously accepted, retired to his ships, and prepared 
to depart from the coast.* 

The astonishment of the Governor of Panama that 
so small a body of men should carry the town and 
forts, and hold them so long, induced him, it is said, 
to send a message to the Buccaneer leader, request- 
ing a specimen of the arms which he used. The 
latter received the envoy with civility, gave him a 
pistol and a few bullets, which he desired his master 
to accept as a slender pattern of the weapons where- 
with he had taken the fortified city, and to keep them 
for a twelvemonth, when he would come to Pana- 
ma and receive them again. The governor returned 
the loan accompanied with a gold ring, requesting 
that the Englishman would spare himself the trou- 
ble of so long a journey, and certifying him that he 
should not fare so well as at Porto Bello.t 

When the spoils were divided at the Keys of 
Cuba, it was found that the booty amounted to 
250,000 pieces of eight, besides goods of all kinds, 
including silks, linen, cloth, and many things which 
would meet a ready market in Jamaica: And for that 
island accordingly the pirates next sailed, to fit them- 
selves for a fresh expedition by the prodigal expendi- 
ture of these fruits of their many toils and crimes.;): 

This brilliant exploit, in which a few men, with 
no other arms than pistols and sabres, had taken a 
strong city, greatly increased the reputation of Mor- 
gan ; and his invitation to the Brethren of the Coast 
to meet him at the Isla de la Vaca, or Cow Island, 
to prepare for another cruise, was so eagerly ac- 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part ii. pp. 100, 101. 
f Ibid. p. 102. J Ibid. p. 103. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 211 

cepted that he found himself at the head of a con- 
siderable force."" A large French vessel, which re- 
fused to join the expedition, he resolved to obtain 
by fraud; and having asked the commander and 
several of his ablest officers to dine with him, under 
some frivolous pretext he made them prisoners. 
But from this act of treachery he did not reap much 
advantage. While the men whom he had placed on 
board were engaged in a carouse, the ship suddenly 
blew up, and the prisoners, with three hundred 
and fifty of his own followers perished together ;t 
a calamity which was attributed to the revengeful 
spirit of the Frenchmen who were confined in the 
hold. The sordid character of the Buccaneer was 
never more strongly displayed than by an expedient 
which he adopted in consequence of this mischance. 
When eight days had elapsed, he caused the dead 
bodies to be fished up, and having stripped them of 
clothes, linen, and such valuables as were found on 
them, he ordered them to be again cast into the sea 
to feed the sharks.^ 

Of the fleet of fifteen ships, which he now pos- 
sessed, he was indebted for some to the selfish kindness 
of the Governor of Jamaica, who is supposed to have 
encouraged such adventures. His crews amounted 
to nearly 1000 fighting-men ; several of his vessels 
were armed, and his own carried fourteen guns. 
With this force, which, however, discontent dimi- 
nished by one- half before the voyage was com- 
pleted, he shaped his course for Gibraltar and 
Maracaibo. These devoted cities, formerly visited 
by L'Olonnois, were now once more taken and 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part ii. p. 104. 

f Ibid. p. 10/. Ibid. p. 108. Ibid. p. 109. 



212 THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 

plundered. At the former place the cruelties of the 
English buccaneer exceeded, if such were possible, 
the enormities of the French pirate ; but it would be 
painful and revolting to dwell upon the dismal re- 
cord of his atrocities.* 

So much time had been consumed at Gibraltar, 
that when he was about to leave it he found himself 
entangled in a snare, to escape from which required 
all his talent and presence of mind. Coolness and 
readiness were, however, the familiar qualities of 
men whose lives were such a succession of perils and 
escapes that their natural element was danger ; and 
they never were more admirably displayed than on 
this occasion. 

The interval spent by his people in pillage 
and debauchery had been improved by the Spa- 
niards in repairing the fort which protected the pas- 
sage of the Lake of Maracaibo, and in stationing 
three men of war at the entrance, from whose vi- 
gilance it was conceived impossible the pirates could 
escape. Of these vessels, one carried twenty-four, 
another thirty, and the third forty guns.t In this 
embarrassing situation, Morgan, with that spontane- 
ous audacity which was often the chief instrument 
of his success, sent an envoy to the Spanish admiral, 
demanding a ransom as the only condition on which 
the city could be preserved. To this insolent message 
the other answered, that though the Buccaneers had 
taken the castle from a garrison of cowards, it was 
now in a good state of defence ; and that not only 
would he dispute their egress from the lagoon, but 
would pursue them whithersoever they sailed. If, 

* Esquemeling-, Buccaneers of America, part ii. pp. 115, 116. 
f Ibid. p. 129. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 213 

however, they chose to give up the prisoners and the 
treasure which they had taken, he would permit 
them to pass forth unmolested.* This reply, ac- 
cording to their custom, was submitted to a full 
council of the freebooters, and at this assembly it 
was that one of their number suggested the strata- 
gem by which they destroyed the men-of-war. One 
of their barks, prepared as a fire-ship, was artfully 
disguised under the appearance of being ready for 
action. On the decks were placed rows of logs, 
dressed in clothes, hats, and Montero caps, and armed 
with swords and muskets. The plate, jewels, female 
captives, and whatever was of most value, were 
then removed to their large boats, each of which 
carried twelve armed men. An oath was exacted 
from every individual that he would resist to the 
last, and refuse all quarter, while ample rewards 
were promised for valour and firmness.t On the 
30th April 1 669 the fleet sailed, the fire-ship taking 
the lead, followed by the boats ; and about dusk they 
approached the Spaniards, moored in the middle 
of the lagoon. The Buccaneers also anchored, re- 
solving here to await the result of their stratagem. 
No attack was made by them that night ; they lay 
quiet till dawn, when they weighed, and steered 
directly towards the enemy, who advanced to meet 
them.J The fire-ship, still keeping ahead, soon 
came up, and grappled with the largest of their 
vessels. The deception was now discovered, but 
too late, for the Spaniard had caught fire in tackling 
and timbers, and the forepart of her hull soon went 
down. The second ran under the guns of the castle, 

* Esquemelin-, Buccaneers of America, part ii pp 131, 132. 
f Ibid. pp. 133, 134 ; 135. J ibid. pp. 135, 136. 



214 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

but was sunk by her own company, that she might 
not fall into the hands of the pirates; and the third was 
captured. The crew of the burning ship endeavoured 
to escape to the shore, but perished in the sea> re- 
fusing to accept quarter. The victors, who instantly 
gave chase, landed with the resolution of attempting 
the castle ; but as their arms were insufficient for the 
assault of a place so well fortified, they desisted 
from the enterprise, and returned to their ships, 
with a loss of thirty men killed and an equal num- 
ber wounded.* 

Though the Spanish vessels were destroyed the 
freebooters had still to pass the fortress, in complet- 
ing the defences of which the garrison had laboured 
all night. Morgan again had recourse to stratagem. 
All day long he affected to send boats filled with 
men to a point of the shore which was concealed 
by trees from view of the rampart ; but they imme- 
diately returned, lying flat in the bottom, so that the 
rowers only were visible, and mounted the ship at 
the side which was hidden from the enemy. This 
manoeuvre seduced them into the belief that an at- 
tack was meditated upon the castle from the land ;t 
and their conjecture became the more probable, 
when the freebooter, who had hoisted his flag in 
the captured vessel, again sent to demand a ransom 
for Maracaibo as the condition of his departure. To 
meet the threatened assault, therefore, the guns of 
the fort were removed from the former position, 
which commanded the lagoon, and pointed along 
shore. J No sooner was this arrangement completed 
than the Buccaneer raised his anchors by moonlight, 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part ii. pp. 137, 138. 
f Ibid. p. 14 + Ibid. 



THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 215 

and, assisted by the ebb-tide and a favourable wind, 
swept past the castle; the mortified Spaniards in 
vain endeavouring to bring their pieces to bear upon 
him. When beyond danger he gave them a parting 
salute from his great guns, so lately their own, and 
bore away for Jamaica. His exultation in his good 
fortune was enhanced by the tidings which he re- 
ceived of the ill-success of those who forsook him in 
the early part of the cruise.* " The accounts being 
cast up," says Esquemeling, <c they found to the 
value of 250,000 pieces of eight in money and jewels, 
besides the huge quantity of merchandise and slaves, 
all which purchase was divided unto every ship or 
boat, according to their share."t 

These riches were speedily squandered by the 
dissolute crews in the taverns of Port Royal ; and 
they then concerted another expedition, which should 
surpass all former achievements of the Sea-rovers. 
Nor was there time for delay in its execution, for a 
pending treaty between Great Britain and Spain 
threatened to put an end to what their admiring 
countrymen called the " unparalleled exploits of the 
Buccaneers/'^ Letters were therefore despatched 
by the commander to every freebooter of note, the 
south side of Tortuga being named as the rendez- 
vous; and early in October 1670 he found himself 
surrounded by adventurers, English, French, and 
Dutch, who, from land and sea, the plantation and 
the wilderness, flocked to his standard. The first 
object, that of victualling the ships, was accomplished 
by the pillage of hog-yards and maize-plantations, 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part ii. pp. 149, J51. 
f Ibid. p. 147. Burney, vol. iy. pp. ftt, 4. 

Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. pp. 2, 3. 



216 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 



as well as by copious supplies of boucan procured 
in the way of trade.'* Thus fully provisioned, the 
squadron, consisting of thirty-seven vessels, with 
more than 2000 fighting-men, sailed for Cape Tibu- 
ron, on the western coast of Hayti. At a general 
council, three places of attack were deliberated upon, 
Vera Cruz, Carthagena, and Panama. The last, 
though the most difficult, was chosen, recommended 
as it was by the extravagant rumours circulated in 
Europe and the West Indies of its amazing wealth, 
and of the great riches of Peru.t 

Morgan had never abandoned the design ori- 
ginated by Mansvelt, of establishing a Buccaneer 
settlement on Old Providence; and this island was 
accordingly captured on the voyage after a show of 
resistance which could scarcely be called serious. 
From this point the leader of the pirates detached 
400 men to attack the castle of Chagre, the posses- 
sion of which he deemed necessary to the success of 
his intended operations against Panama ; and it was 
eventually carried chiefly owing to the destruction 
of part of the defences by the fortuitous explosion of 
a magazine. :f While the besieged were occupied in 
checking the progress of the conflagration caused by 
this accident, the assailants laboured to increase 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. pp. 4, 7 

+ Ibid pp. 7, 8, 10. 

J The manner in which the fire was imagined to be communicated 
is singular. A Buccaneer pierced by an arrow drew it from his body, 
wound a little cotton round it, and shot it from his musket against 
the castle. The cotton kindled by the powder set fire to the palm- 
leaf roofs of some sheds within the fort, and the flame caught some 
gunpowder, which produced the breach in the walls. At the same 
instant the besiegers set fire to the palisadoes ; and the Span- 
iards, though unwavering in courage and undaunted in resolution, 
were distracted by the pressure of so many dangers Esquemeling, 
Buccaneers of America, part iii. p. 24. 



THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 217 

their confusion by setting fire to the palisadoes in 
several places. At last they effected an entrance in 
defiance of liquid combustibles which the enemy 
poured down among them, and thereby considerably 
thinned their numbers. But the resistance was still 
continued; and throughout the night the pirates 
directed an incessant fire towards the breaches, which 
the garrison resolutely defended.* 

About noon, the next day, they carried a passage 
which was maintained by the governor in person at 
the head of twenty-five men, who fought with des- 
perate valour. Nothing could now withstand their 
impetuosity ; they forced their way through the most 
formidable obstacles, and many of the unfortunate 
Spaniards who survived, choosing rather to die than 
to submit to these infuriated ruffians, threw them- 
selves into the sea. The commandant retired into 
the corps du garde, before which he planted two 
pieces of cannon, and bravely maintained the hope- 
less and unequal conflict till he fell by a musket- 
shot, which pierced his brain. Of a garrison of 314 
men only thirty remained alive, and of these twenty 
were wounded : not a single officer escaped.t 

From the survivors the pirates learned that the 
Governor of Panama was apprized of their design 
against that place ; that ambuscades were laid all 
along the course of the Chagre; and that a force 
of 3600 men awaited their arrival. J But these 
tidings did not deter Morgan ; on the contrary he 
instantly proceeded to Chagre, carrying with him 
all the provisions that could be obtained in Santa 



Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. pp. ?.*, 2(J. 
Ibid. pp. 26, 27. Ibid. pp. 28, 21). 



218 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

Katalina, to which island he intended to return after 
the capture of Panama.* 

The standard of England floating over the walls 
of the castle was a sight of joy to the main body of 
his followers ; and he himself was admitted within 
the fort with all the honours due to a triumphant 
general. Before his arrival, the wounded, the wi- 
dows of the soldiers killed in the siege, and the 
other women of the place, had been shut up in the 
church, where they were subjected to the most cruel 
treatment. Though wholly indifferent to their suf- 
ferings, he lost no time in releasing the prisoners, 
and setting them to work in repairing the defences 
and forming new palisadoes. At the same time he 
seized all the craft in the river, many of which car- 
ried from two to four small pieces.t 

When these arrangements were concluded, Mor- 
gan, leaving 500 men in the castle of Chagre and 
150 in the ships, on the 18th January 1671, com- 
menced his march towards Panama, at the head of 
1 200 resolute warriors.^ His artillery was conveyed 
in five large boats, and part of his forces were trans- 
ported in thirty-two canoes. In his eager anxiety 
to advance he fell into a great error ; for, relying on 
the usual resource of plunder, he carried with him 
so small a store of provisions that even on the first 
day the supply failed. On the second the adven- 
turers were compelled for a time to quit their canoes ; 
the lowness of the river rendering this mode of 
travelling tedious and nearly impracticable. Hence 
their progress, by land and water alternately, was 
attended with great suffering, the extremity of famine 

* F.squemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. p. 21). 
t Ibid. p. 30. Ibid. p. 31. Ibid. p. 32-34. 



THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 219 

entering into the number of their hardships ; and 
their best hopes were now placed in encountering one 
of the threatened ambuscades, where they might at 
least find a temporary supply of food. Such indeed 
was the degree of hunger which they sustained, that 
they made a delicious meal on the leathern bags 
found at a deserted station. Nor was this sorry 
substitute for meat divided without quarrels; and 
some, it is said, openly regretted that no Spaniards 
were met with to satisfy their ravening appetites.* 

Throughout the whole track to Panama, care had 
been taken to leave not the smallest quantity of 
provisions ; and there is no doubt that any soldiers 
other than the Buccaneers, whose powers of endur- 
ance were become almost superhuman, must have 
perished long before a distant view was obtained of 
the city. At night-fall, when they reached their 
halting-place, " happy was he that had reserved 
since noon any small piece of leather whereof to 
make his supper, drinking after it a good draught 
of water for his greatest comfort."t The manner 
in which they prepared this tough meal is not un- 
worthy of notice. The skins were first sliced, then 
alternately dipped in water and beaten between two 
stones; lastly, the hair was scraped off, and the 
morsel having been broiled, and cut into small bits, 
was chewed, with frequent mouthfuls of water to 
moisten the repast. J 

On the fifth day, at another deserted ambuscade, 
a little maize was found, together with some wheat, 
wine, and plantains. Scanty as this supply was, it 
proved very seasonable to those who were drooping 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. p. 4. 
f Ibid. p. 55. Ibid. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

from want, among whom it was thriftily dealt out. 
Next day a barn full of similar grain was discovered, 
and beating down the doors the famished adventurers 
rushed in and devoured it without any preparation. 
No hardships could turn them aside from their object, 
though symptoms of discontent began to appear 
in their ranks.* As they approached a village called 
Cruz, they perceived from a distance a great smoke, 
and joyfully promised themselves rest and refresh- 
ments; but on reaching the place they found it 
altogether deserted, and that every house was either 
burnt down or in flames, so determined were the 
colonists to oppose their march. The dogs and cats, 
the only living creatures which remained, were 
greedily devoured. t Morgan had some difficulty 
in preserving discipline among his followers, and 
in preventing them, when straggling in search of 
food, from falling into the hands of the Spaniards 
or Indians. In this way, however, he lost but one 
man.J 

He was now within twenty-four miles of Pa- 
nama; and the nearer he approached, the more 
vigilant was he against an attack from the threat- 
ened ambuscades of the enemy, who, he conjec- 
tured, might have retired in order to draw toge- 
ther their forces. On the eighth day, his people 
were surprised by a shower of arrows suddenly 
poured upon them from some unseen quarter ; but 
advancing into the woods, they encountered a party 
of Indians, many of whom were slain, after a brave 
resistance. Eight of his men were killed in this 
skirmish, and ten wounded. On this occasion, they 

* Esquemeling-, Buccaneers of America, part iii. pp. 36, 37- 
t Ibid. p. 40. $ Ibid. p. 41. 

6 



THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 221 

endeavoured to make some prisoners for the purpose 
of procuring intelligence ; but the natives escaped by 
speed of foot.* 

The hours which succeeded were marked by an 
extremity of suffering which none but Buccaneers 
or Indians could have sustained. At length, on the 
morning of the ninth day, from the peak of a 
high mountain, the South Sea was descried by 
them with ships and boats sailing on its majestic 
bosom ; while herds of cattle, horses, and asses, 
feeding in the valley beneath them, formed a sight 
not less welcome to their eyes. They instantly 
rushed down, and, cutting up the animals, devoured 
their flesh half-raw, " more resembling cannibals 
than Europeans at this banquet, the blood many 
times running down from their beards unto the 
middle of their bodies."t This savage meal being 
ended the journey was resumed, Morgan still fruit- 
lessly endeavouring to gain information; for during 
his whole march he had not obtained speech either of 
Spaniard or of native. 

In the same evening one of the steeples of Pana- 
ma was beheld at a distance ; and, forgetting at this 
sight all the toils and privations which they had 
endured, they surrendered themselves to the most 
joyful raptures ; they tossed their caps into the air, 
they leaped, they shouted, they beat their drums 
and sounded their trumpets, as if their victory were 
already consummated. J Encamping near the city, 
they resolved to make the assault early next morn- 
ing. The same night, a party of fifty horsemen, 
apparently sent out to reconnoitre, advanced within 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. pp. 42. 43. 
t Ibid. pp. 45, 46. $ lUd. p. 56. 



222 THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 

musket-shot of the invaders, and having scornfully 
challenged them to come on, retired, with the ex- 
ception of six or eight, who remained to watch their 
motions. Upon this the great guns of the town 
began to play on the camp, but they were too dis- 
tant or ill directed to do any harm ; and the ad- 
venturers, having placed sentinels around their en- 
trenchments, made another voracious meal, threw 
themselves upon the grass, and slept soundly till 
the dawn.* 

They were astir betimes, and their ranks being 
mustered and arrayed, with drums and trumpets 
sounding they marched towards the city. Quitting 
the frequented route, which the Spaniards were pre- 
pared to defend, on the advice of an Indian guide 
they struck through a wood, by a tangled" and diffi- 
cult path, where, however, no immediate obstruction 
was to be apprehended ; and before the enemy could 
counteract this unexpected movement they had ad- 
vanced some way.f The Governor of Panama, who 
led the forces, had under his command 400 cavalry 
and four regiments of infantry; and his Indian auxi- 
liaries conducted a numerous herd of wild bulls, 
which they intended to drive among the ranks of the 
freebooters, and thereby to throw them into dis- 
order. This device was viewed with indifference by 
the hunters of Cuba and Hayti ; though they re- 
garded with some apprehension the formidable line 
of troops drawn up to oppose them.J But as it was 
too late to retreat, they divided themselves into three 
detachments; and placing two hundred dexterous 
marksmen in the van, they began to quit their po- 

* Esquemeliner, Buccaneers of America, part iii. pp. 47, 48. 
f Ibid. pp. 48, 49. $ Ibid. p. 49. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 223 

sition, which was on the top of a little eminence, 
whence the opposing army, the city, and the cham- 
paign country around, were distinctly seen. As they 
moved downward, the Spanish cavalry, shouting 
Viva el Rey, immediately advanced to meet them ; 
but the nature of the ground, which was soft and 
marshy, greatly obstructed the manreuvres of these 
horsemen. The foremost ranks of the Buccaneers 
knelt down and received them with a volley of 
musketry ; upon which the conflict became close 
and bloody. Throwing themselves between the horse 
and foot, they succeeded in separating them from 
each other ; and the wild cattle, frightened by the 
tumult and the noise of the guns, galloped off, or 
were shot before they could effect any mischief.* 

At length, after a contest of two hours, the ca- 
valry began to give way; many were slain, and 
the rest speedily took to flight, a movement which 
was no sooner observed by the foot-soldiers, than 
they threw down their arms, and joined in the 
rout. Some of them sought refuge in the adjoin- 
ing thickets ; and though the victors did not con- 
tinue the pursuit, they killed without mercy all 
who fell into their hands.t Nor were even the reli- 
gious orders spared, for several priests and friars 
taken prisoners were pistolled by the orders of Mor- 
gan. From a Spanish officer who was made captive 
the pirates received accurate intelligence as to the 
amount of the enemy's force and plan of defence ; 
but although they were thus enabled to approach 
the town from the safest point, the advance was 
attended with no small difficulty.:): 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. p. 50. 
f Ibid. p. 51. % Ibid. pp. 51, 52. 



224 THB BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 

After the success which crowned their first effort, 
the freebooters rested a little space ; and during 
this pause they pledged themselves, by solemn oaths 
One to another, that they would never yield while 
a single man remained alive. Then, carrying their 
prisoners along with them, they moved towards the 
great guns planted in the streets. In this renewed 
assault they suffered severely before they could 
come to close quarters, in which they ever main- 
tained a decided superiority ; but, notwithstand- 
ing, they resolutely advanced under an incessant 
fire, and after a desperate conflict of three hours 
carried the town at all points.* 

In the storm they neither gave nor accepted quar- 
ter, and the carnage on both sides was very great. 
Six hundred Spaniards were slain ; and the number 
of their assailants who perished was not much less. 
The city was no sooner gained than Morgan, dread- 
ing the vindictive spirit of the inhabitants, pru- 
dently prohibited his followers from tasting wine ; 
and, with the view of enforcing this order, he assured 
them he had received private intelligence that all 
the liquor was poisoned.t Though this device failed 
to secure rigid abstinence, it restrained them at least 
till indulgence became less perilous. 

Scarcely was possession taken and guards placed, 
than fires broke out simultaneously in different 
quarters. These were attributed by the Spaniards to 
the pirates, and by them to the inhabitants ; though 
both assisted in endeavouring to extinguish the con- 
flagration, which raged with great fury. The build- 
ings being constructed of cedar, were consumed in a 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. p. 52. 
f Ibid. p. 53. 



THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 225 

Very short time; but the people had previously 
removed or concealed the most valuable part of 
their goods and furniture.* 

The city of Panama contained about 7000 houses, 
of which many were large and magnificent. It pos- 
sessed also eight monasteries, with two fine churches, 
all richly furnished; and the concealment of the 
plate belonging to these sacred edifices drew upon 
the ecclesiastics the peculiar vengeance of the con- 
querors. t The conflagration which they could not 
arrest they seemed at last to take a savage delight 
in spreading ; and hence a slave- factory belonging to 
some Genoese was burnt to the ground, together with 
several warehouses full of meal. Many of the miser- 
able Africans, whom these Italians had brought for 
sale to Peru, perished in the flames, which raged or 
smouldered nearly four weeks.J 

Dreading that they might be surprised and over- 
powered by the Spaniards, who were still ten times 
more numerous, they remained for some time in 
their encampment without the town. Their force 
had also been weakened by the absence of 150 men, 
who were despatched to Chagre with news of the 
victory. Yet by this handful of men were the 
frightened inhabitants held in subjection, while 
the infuriated pirates raged like maniacs through 
the burning houses, or prowled among the ruins 
in search of gold and precious stones. In a short 
time they discovered the greater part of the property 
which had been concealed in deep wells and cisterns ; 
whereupon the most active of their body were sent 
to the woods and heights to bring back the miserable 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. pp. 54, 55. 
t Ibid. p. 55-57. Ibid. p. 5ti. Ibid. 



226 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

people, who had fled from the city with their effects. 
In two days the party returned with about two hun- 
dred unhappy fugitives, among whom were many 
females, who experienced a fate as merciless as their 
wildest fears had led them to anticipate.* 

While plundering the land Morgan did not neglect 
the sea. Many of the principal inhabitants had fled 
by water; and a boat being immediately despatch- 
ed in pursuit of them, soon brought in three prizes. 
A galleon, in which were embarked all the plate 
and jewels belonging to the Spanish monarch, and 
the wealth of the only nunnery in the town, escaped 
through the negligence of the pirates, who indulged 
in their usual revelling till the ship was beyond their 
reach. The fruitless chase was continued four days, 
when, however, they returned to Panama with another 
prize, in which, besides a great quantity of valuable 
merchandise, were found 20,000 pieces of eight in 
ready money. t In the mean time the companies 
left at Chagre continued their depredations on the 
opposite coast of the isthmus, where they captured 
a large vessel, the crew of which, ignorant of late 
events, had sought protection under the guns of the 
castle. J 

While the rovers were thus employed on the 
ocean, parties from Panama continued to infest the 
neighbouring territory, foraying for booty or search- 

* The Spanish colonists of South America had a twofold reason 
for detesting the Buccaneers. They were English heretics as well 
as lawless miscreants, capahle of the foulest crimes ; and it is not 
easy to say, whether in the idea of the indolent, uninstructed, and 
superstitious inhabitants of Panama, Porto Bello, and Carthagena, 
they were not as hateful and alarming in the former as in the latter 
character. 

H- Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. p. 60. 

Ibid. p. 61. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 227 

ing for prisoners, on whom they exercised the most 
atrocious cruelties, sparing neither age, sex, nor con- 
dition.* Religious persons were the objects of their 
most refined barbarity, as they were believed to have 
counselled the other inhabitants, both in their first 
resistance and in the subsequent concealment of their 
property. During the perpetration of these outrages, 
Morgan became enamoured of one of his prisoners, 
a Spanish lady of great charms, and the wife of one 
of the principal merchants. She rejected his in- 
famous addresses with a firm and heroic spirit; on 
which account the ruffian commander treated her 
with a severity that disgusted even those of his 
own gang who had not thrown aside every feeling 
of manhood. In order to palliate his brutal con- 
duct, he accused his beautiful captive of treachery, 
in corresponding with her countrymen, and of 
endeavouring to effect her escape.t 

Meanwhile a party of his followers, without con- 
sulting him, resolved to seize one of the vessels in 
the port, in which they were to cruise upon the South 
Sea till they should be satiated with spoil, when 
they designed to establish themselves on some island, 
or to return to Europe by the East Indies. But he 
could spare neither equipments nor men for this pro- 
ject ; and having received private information of it, he 
immediately ordered the mainmast of the ship to be 
cut down and burnt, together with every other bark 
in the harbour. J The arms, ammunition, and stores, 
which had been secretly collected for this bold en- 
terprise, were forthwith applied to other purposes. 

When at length, after a sojourn of four weeks, 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. pp. 62, 63. 
f Ibid. pp. 67, 68. J Ibid. PP . 69, 70. 



228 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

the work of pillage was completed, Morgan prepared 
to take his departure from Panama. Beasts of bur- 
den, for the conveyance of his plunder, were brought 
from every quarter; all the cannon were spiked, 
and scouts were sent out to learn what measures had 
been taken to obstruct his return to Chagre. It 
was found that the Spaniards were so utterly dis- 
heartened, that they had not made any preparation 
either to annoy or cut off his retreat ; and on the 
24th February the Buccaneers left the ruins of Pa- 
nama with 175 mules laden with riches, and car- 
rying with them more than 600 prisoners, including 
women, children, and slaves.* The misery of the 
wretched captives, thus dragged in the train of the 
lawless pirates, surpasses description. It was their 
belief that they would be carried to Jamaica, Eng- 
land, or to some wild and distant country, to be 
sold for slaves ; and with a cruel cunning the fierce 
seaman heightened these fears, that he might the 
more readily extort the ransom which he demanded 
for their freedom. It was in vain that the women, 
throwing themselves at his feet, supplicated per- 
mission to remain amidst the ruins of their former 
homes, or to seek shelter in the woods with their 
husbands and children. His only answer was, " that 
he came not thither to listen to lamentations and 
cries, but to get money, which unless he obtained, 
he would assuredly transport them all unto such 
places, whither they cared not to go."t Three days 
were granted to them for considering the conditions 
of the ransom ; and some were so fortunate as to be 



Esquemeline:, Buccaneers of America, part iii. pp. 70, 71- 
f Ibid. p. 71. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 229 

able to redeem themselves, while others were rescued 
by contributions made by their neighbours. With the 
remaining captives the pirates pursued their march 
onward, making new prisoners and gathering fresh 
spoils on their route. 

The conduct of Morgan at this period may serve 
to refute many extravagant notions entertained as 
to the high honour of the freebooters in their trans- 
actions with one another. Having halted at a con- 
venient place, in the midst of the wilderness, about 
half-way to Chagre, he assembled his followers, and 
exacted their consent to a proposal, not only that all 
plunder should be surrendered to the common stock, 
but also that each man should be searched. He him- 
self was the first to submit to this degrading scrutiny, 
though it was suspected that his motive for enforcing 
the ordeal was a desire to conceal his fraudulent 
dealing with his associates. The French who ac- 
companied the expedition were indignant at treat- 
ment so much at variance with the usages of the 
Gentlemen Rovers ; but they were the weaker party, 
and resistance would have been vain.* 

The remainder of the journey was performed by 
water. When they arrived at Chagre, the com- 
mander, not knowing how to dispose of his unre- 
deemed prisoners, despatched them by sea to Porto 
Bello, making them bear to the governor of that city 
a demand for money, in name of ransom for the 
castle of Chagre. To this message the other replied, 
that he might make of the fortress what he pleased, 
for not a ducat should be given to procure its safety 
or surrender.t 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. pp. 74, 75. 
f Ibid. p. 75. 



230 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

As there was no immediate hope of farther 
plunder in this quarter, nothing remained but to 
divide the spoils already acquired. The shares fell 
so far short of the expectations of the crews, that 
they broke out into loud murmurs, and even ac- 
cused their chief of secreting the richest of the jewels 
for his own use. Two hundred pieces of eight as- 
signed by him to each man was considered a very 
trifling proportion of the plunder of so wealthy a 
city, and a miserable recompense for the toils and 
dangers undergone in assaulting it. The discontent 
at last assumed so serious an aspect, that Morgan, 
who well knew the temper of his fraternity, deemed 
it advisable to depart in secret. He immediately 
caused the walls of Chagre to be destroyed, con- 
veyed the guns on board his own ship, and, followed 
by one or two vessels which were commanded by 
persons in his confidence, sailed for Jamaica, leaving 
his enraged associates destitute of every necessary. 
Those who accompanied him were Englishmen, who, 
as the French firmly believed, connived at his frauds 
and shared in his gains. They would instantly have 
pursued him to sea, and the Spaniards might have 
seen the Buccaneers divided and fighting one against 
another, had the force of the deserted party not been 
so small as to render an encounter with the other 
altogether hopeless. Here the former separated to 
seek their fortunes in different quarters, none of them 
much enriched by the misery and devastation they 
had inflicted on Panama.* 

On his arrival at Jamaica, laden with plunder 
and elated by his recent success, Morgan endeavour- 
ed once more to levy forces for the establishment of 

* Esquemeling, Buccaneers of America, part iii. p. 76. 



THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 231 

the independent state which he was still desirous to 
found at Santa Katalina, and of which, as he was 
already generalissimo of the Buccaneers, he himself 
might hope to be the prince. But circumstances 
were still unfavourable to this project. Lord John 
Vaughan, the newly-appointed governor of Jamaica, 
had received orders for the strict enforcement of the 
treaty concluded with Spain in the previous year. 
He was directed also to proclaim pardon and to 
offer a grant of lands to such of the pirates as might 
choose to cultivate them in quiet; while depre- 
dations on the settlements of that nation were at 
the same time forbidden under severe penalties. 
But no edict, however rigorous, could at once tame 
down the adventurous seaman into apeaceful planter, 
or confine to thirty-five acres of ground him who had 
for years freely roamed over sea and land, reaping 
his harvest with the sword wherever men of greater 
industry had sown it. Rather than sink into the 
tranquil life of the agriculturist many of the Eng- 
lish freebooters chose to join the Flibustiers at Tor- 
tuga, or to become logwood-cutters in the Bay of 
Campeachy. In the course of the next year a war 
broke out between Great Britain and Holland, which 
enabled some of them to resume their former calling ; 
and both classes of rovers cruised for a short time 
against the Dutch, with as much zeal as they were 
wont to pursue their old enemies the Spaniards.* 

Before quitting this part of the subject, it may not 
be improper to notice the termination of Morgan's 
career. In the period which elapsed between the 
plunder of Panama and the year 1680, by ad- 
dress and interest, or, more probably, by means of 
* Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. pp. 70, 72, 73. 



232 THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

his ill-gotten wealth, he obtained from Charles II. 
the honour of knighthood, and was afterwards ap- 
pointed Deputy-governor of Jamaica. Though it 
was believed that he still secretly shared in the 
plunder acquired by the pirates, he treated many 
of his old comrades with great severity. Under 
his administration several were hanged, and others 
were delivered up to the authorities at Cartha- 
gena, as was reported, for the price of blood, a sus- 
picion which his selfish character renders not im- 
probable.* But the strictness with which he exer- 
cised justice on his old friends and countrymen could 
not induce the Spaniards to place confidence in him ; 
they suspected him of secretly favouring the Buc- 
caneers, whose numbers had again increased ; and 
after the accession of James II. they succeeded in 
having him removed from his office and committed to 
prison in England, where he lay several years.t 

The same unwise restrictions and troublesome 
interference which encouraged the system of bucca- 
neering in its commencement, now fostered it once 
more. France took an active part in this mistaken 
policy. The regulations adopted by its government 
for the management of the West India trade, and 
the partial and oppressive administration of colonial 
affairs, more than any other circumstance tended 
to recruit the ranks of the freebooters ; for men dis- 
turbed in their peaceful industry by vexatious pro- 
hibitions and monopolies readily placed themselves 
beyond the law, which they regarded more as an 
annoyance than a protection. 

In 1683 the adventurers, led by three noted chiefs, 

* Burney, Chron. Hist Discov. vol. iv. p. 126. f Ibid. 



THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 233 

Van Horn, Granmont, and Laurent de Graaf, took 
by stratagem the city of Vera Cruz in the Gulf of 
Mexico. This was considered the most brilliant ex- 
ploit that had yet been achieved by the Flibustiers. 
Their fleet consisted of twelve ships, having on board 
more than 1000 men, among whom were many 
English, though none of them held a high command. 
They had received information that two Spanish 
vessels of great tonnage were expected at Vera Cruz 
from the Caraccas. In consequence of these tidings 
a number of the most daring embarked in two of 
their largest ships ; on coming in sight of the city 
they hoisted Spanish colours, and, with all their 
canvass set, steered directly for the port, as if 
chased by the other vessels of their own fleet, 
which in the mean while appeared at a distance 
crowding all sail after them. The inhabitants, 
believing that the foremost ships were those the 
arrival of which they had expected, allowed them to 
anchor within the harbour ; and in the middle of 
the night the freebooters having surprised the fort, in 
a short time made themselves masters of the town. 
The people were shut up in the churches, at the 
doors of which barrels of gunpowder were placed, 
with sentinels beside them, holding lighted matches 
ready to produce an explosion on the slightest symp- 
tom of revolt. The city was thus pillaged without 
molestation from the inhabitants; and the famished 
prisoners were afterwards glad to purchase their 
freedom on any terms which their conquerors chose 
to dictate. Ten millions of livres were demanded, 
but when the half of that sum had been paid, the 
sudden appearance of a body of troops, and of a fleet 
of seventeen sail, caused the invaders to make a 
7 



234 THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 

precipitate retreat. Carrying with them 1500 
slaves, and laden with booty, they boldly sailed 
through the hostile squadron, which did not ven- 
ture to fire a single gun. They might even have 
attacked the Spaniards, had they not been more 
anxious to preserve their plunder than desirous of 
a barren victory over ships carrying no cargoes.* 

Fortunately for the freedom and repose of the 
Spanish colonists, no Buccaneer corps could long 
act in harmony. Their lawless confederations were 
dissolved as rapidly as they were formed; and 
those between the French and English seldom en- 
dured to the conclusion of an expedition. On 
the present occasion they, speedily separated in 
anger ; the former, on pretext of a quarrel which 
they had artfully fomented, withholding the due 
share of pillage from their allies. The more recent 
cruises of these robbers indeed were seldom distin- 
guished by the honour and fidelity which are said to 
have marked their first exploits. The Flibustier 
sought but a shallow excuse to plunder the Bucca- 
neer, who, on the other side,, lost no opportunity of 
retaliation.t 

The tardy though now earnest efforts of France 
and Britain to crush the Brethren of the Coast ; the 
increasing military and maritime strength of the 
Spanish colonists ; and the magnificent ideas enter- 
tained of the wealth of Peru, were powerful mo- 
tives in urging the Sea Rovers, whether French or 
English, to abandon for a wider region a field which 
was too narrow for their augmented numbers.^ 
Their estimate of the riches of the western shores 

* Burney, vol. iv. pp. 127, 128. Raynal, vol. iii. pp. 409, 410. 
f Burney, vol. iv. pp. 12b, 129. J Ibid. p. 132. 



THE BUCCANEERS OP AMERICA. 235 

was founded on the circumstance that in the 
course of a few years a new city of Panama had 
arisen, which in splendour and wealth eclipsed 
the desolated town. The Peruvian coast and the 
South Sea presented a scene which neither France 
nor England could reach ; and as to any opposi- 
tion at the hands of the indolent and effeminate 
inhabitants, the expedition of Morgan had taught 
them how little it was to be dreaded. In the new 
design of crossing the continent, and searching for 
untried regions of victory and spoliation, they were 
urged rather by rapacity, and by the desire of escap- 
ing from the selfish severity of the chief officers in 
the West India islands, than by any enlightened or 
comprehensive plan of operations. The ideas of con- 
quest entertained by them were limited to the plun- 
der of a city or a ship, to plate, silks, and pieces of 
eight ; nor were their enjoyments and pleasures of a 
more liberal or elevated nature. 

We here close this outline of the history and pro- 
ceedings of the Buccaneers. All that is interesting 
in their subsequent career, from the plundering of 
Vera Cruz till their decay and suppression, is closely 
interwoven with the personal adventures of Dampier, 
which we are now about to trace. In the narrative 
of this remarkable navigator, instead of monotonous 
details of fraud, violence, and cruelty, on which it 
has been painful to linger, the reader is gratified 
with researches in natural science, and with pictures 
of life and manners which have never yet, among 
the multitude of succeeding voyagers, fallen under 
the notice of a more acute observer, or of a delinea- 
tor more faithful, and occasionally more glowing 
and poetical. 



236 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 



CHAPTER VII. 

Adventures among the Wood-cutters and Buccaneers. 

Ancestry and Education of Dampier His Voyage to Java Goes 
to Jamaica as a Planter Becomes a Logwood-cutter in Cam- 
peachy Habits of the Wood-cutters Appearance of the Coun- 
tryIts Natural Productions The Wild Pine Snakes Ants 
The Humming-bird Alligators Dampier loses himself in the 
Woods Copartnership with three Scotchmen Dreadful Hurri- 
cane in the Bay Its Consequences Beef Island Thelndians 
John d'Acosta Mode of hocksing Cattle Dampier joins the 
Buccaneers The Manatee, or Sea-cow The River Tobasco 
Indians under the Spanish Priests Their Manners and Condi- 
tion Attack of Alvarado Escape of the Buccaneers from the 
Spanish Armadilloes Munjack Dampier rejoins the Logwood- 
cutters Returns to England. 

To Dampier himself the world is indebted for the 
only authentic record of his early history. He was 
born about the year 1652 at East Coker, near Yeovil, 
a considerable market-town in Somersetshire.* His 
father was probably a farmer ; as we learn inci- 
dentally that his wife who survived him held the 
lease of a small piece of ground from Colonel Hel- 
lier, the lord of the manor. The farms in this pa- 
rish it appears were held for life, and varied in rent 
from 20 to 50. By a singular, but at that time 

* Dampier's Voyages and Descriptions (2 vols 8vo, London, 
1699), vol. ii. part ii. p. 4. The author states, that on the conclu- 
sion of the second Dutch war, which was in January 1674, he was 
22 years of age. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 237 

probably not an uncommon arrangement, each occu- 
pier had a slip of land of all the kinds of soil, black- 
loam, clayey, or sandy, in the parish, varying in 
rent from forty shillings an acre to ten groats. On 
these scattered patches every yeoman raised wheat, 
oats, barley, beans, rye,* hemp, and flax, for the 
consumption of his own family. While he was very 
young, Dampier was initiated in the elements of 
classical learning preparatory to his being bound to 
some trade, as his friends did not then, he tells us,t 
design him for the sea. But on the death of his 
parents, he was removed from the Latin school, and 
sent to acquire writing and arithmetic, in order to 
qualify him for some humbler employment than 
that to which he was originally destined ; and in a 
short time afterwards he was placed with a shipmas- 
ter of Weymouth.J Slender as were the advantages 
of education which he enjoyed, he profited largely 
by them, adding one to the many proofs elsewhere 
supplied, that the best part of man's knowledge is 
that which he acquires by his own exertions. 

His first voyage was to France; in his se- 
cond, which took place in 1670, he sailed to New- 
foundland, where he suffered so severely from the 
climate, that he resolved never to revisit that unge- 
nial region. On his return he spent some time 
among his friends, and then repaired to London. 
He was now a youth of eighteen, animated by rest- 



* Dampier, in the early edition of his work, which lies before us, 
says rice ; but this is probably a slip of the pen of one who was 
now more familiar with this foreign grain than with the rye of his 
childhood. The system of agricultural cultivation described in the 
text somewhat resembles that which in Scotland was termed riiit- 
ridge. 

j- Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p 2. Ibid. p. 3. 



238 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

less activity, curiosity, love of change, of adventure, 
and peril. Associating with mariners and mer- 
chants, the bent of his disposition was speedily gra- 
tified by " the offer of a warm voyage and a long 
one, which," he says, " soon carried me to sea 
again."* He entered as a private sailor on board 
the John and Martha East Indiaman, commanded 
by Captain Earning. This vessel sailed direct from 
London to Bantam, in Java ; and having remained 
there two months, returned to England, after an ab- 
sence of little more than a year, and probably about 
the beginning of January 1672.t From his child- 
hood Dampier had been a keen observer. On his 
former voyages he had gained some nautical expe- 
rience, which he enlarged during the present by a 
diligent study of the practical part of his profession. 
He had not yet however commenced a journal, the 
compiling of which came afterwards to be the solace 
of his wandering life, and the means of great men- 
tal improvement. J 

The summer after his return from India he 
spent in Somersetshire with his brother, whose 
house seems to have been his home while on shore. 
His next service was on board the Royal Prince. 
Great Britain was then (1673) at war with Hol- 
land ; and in this ship he was present at two engage- 
ments ; but of a third, in which his commander, Sir 
Edward Spragge, was killed, he was not a witness, 
having been obliged by sickness to quit the service. 
He was sent to Harwich Hospital, where he lan- 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 3. 

j- He says they returned about two months before Sir Robert 
Holmes went out to fall on the Dutch Smyrna fleet, which was in 
the beginning 1 of March 1672. Vo} T ages, vol. ii part ii. p. 3. 

J Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 3. Ibid. 






WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 239 

guished a Jong time before he again repaired to 
his brother's house.* 

His recovery was slow ; but with renewed health 
the love of the sea returned. In the mean while 
however he accepted an offer made to him by Colo- 
nel Hellier, and went to Jamaica as under-manager 
of a plantation belonging to that gentleman. He 
formed a special agreement with the captain of the 
ship in which he sailed, " to work as a seaman for 
his passage, having it under his hand that he should 
be cleared on his first arrival." The object of this 
precaution was to protect himself from being tre- 
panned and sold on landing at Jamaica.t The vessel 
went "merrily along/' steering for Barbadoes, which 
was the first of the islands he beheld. 

St Lucia was next seen, and afterwards Tobago 
an St Vincent's. The condition of the Caribs, 
the aboriginal inhabitants of these insular groups, 
forcibly arrested the attention of the young voyager ; 
and the manner in which he relates an incident 
that occurred at this part of the voyage, affords a 
pleasing testimony of the correctness of his moral 
feelings, while it places the Indian character in a 
very favourable light. 

In passing St Lucia, the captain, seeing a smoke 
on the shore, sent a boat's crew to purchase fruit; and 
meantime three natives came to the ship in a canoe 
laden with sugar-canes, plantains, pine-apples, and 
other tropical productions. They seemed much 
agitated, often repeating the name of " Captain 
Warner," who it was discovered was the son by an 
Indian woman of a governor of Antigua. Though 
bred in his father's family, he had acquired from 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 4 -f- Ibid. 



240 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

his mother the language of her tribe; and when 
he grew up, finding himself ill-treated by his 
English relatives, he fled to St Lucia, and adopt- 
ing the manners of his savage kinsmen, became 
one of their chiefs, roving with them from island 
to island, making inroads upon the planters, and 
not sparing even his native place. To avenge 
these injuries a legitimate son of the governor 
was sent at the head of a party to encounter the 
marauders. Having accidentally met with his Carib 
brother, the young man affected great joy, and in- 
vited him and his warriors to a feast, at which, on a 
preconcerted signal being given, he and all his fol- 
lowers were treacherously murdered. " Such per- 
fidious doings as these," says our voyager, " besides 
the baseness of them, are great hinderances to our 
gaining an interest with the Indians."* 

As a planter Dampier was " clearly out of his 
element ;" and after some time passed in this occu- 
pation, he engaged with different traders of Port- 
Royal, who coasted round Jamaica, carrying goods 
from the plantations to that port. In these trips he 
became thoroughly acquainted with all the harbours 
and bays of the island, as well as with the land 
and sea winds and currents. t Neglecting no op- 
portunity of acquiring knowledge, this singular man 
appears through life to have become wearied of every 
scene the moment he had exhausted the information 
it afforded. In August 16/5 he sailed to the island of 
Trist, in the Bay of Campeachy, for a cargo of log- 
wood ; and though in his former voyages he had taken 
no note of passing occurrences, he now began to keep a 

* Voyages, vol. ii. partii. pp. 5, 6. -f- Ibid. p. 8. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 241 

regular journal. He was no common observer, and 
his remarks on the appearances and bearings of the 
coasts, the headlands, bays, and islands visited by 
him on this occasion are distinguished by the clear- 
ness and perspicuity which mark all his subsequent 
relations. 

The free life of the logwood-cutters had many 
charms for the young adventurer ; and he was so 
struck with their jovial manners, frank hospitality, 
and the lucrative nature of their occupation, that he 
resolved to join their ranks so soon as his present 
engagement should terminate. 

This employment had now, in many instances, 
superseded that of hunting wild cattle, which were 
become scarce. Some, indeed, pursued both voca- 
tions ; others confined themselves to the hewing of 
wood; and a third class occasionally added to the 
quieter duties of this calling the excitement and 
profits of a privateering cruise. The settlers in the 
Bay of Campeachy, at this time upwards of 250 in 
number, were mostly natives of England, though 
there were some Scots and Irish among them. By 
Spain they were regarded as interlopers, and their 
trade prohibited as contraband. To make up a cargo, 
they generally formed themselves into joint-stock 
companies, the partnership lasting only till the con- 
tract was completed. The traders who bought the 
dye-wood supplied them with rum, sugar, tobacco, 
and other necessaries. The commencement of these 
sales was usually celebrated by a drinking-match 
on board the ships, where healths were pledged, 
and salvoes fired in honour of each toast, with all 
the customary demonstrations of Buccaneer ban- 
queting. The purchaser who was the most liberal 



242 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

on such occasions might assure himself of the best 
bargain ; for the cutters prided themselves in cheat- 
ing those whom they considered niggardly of their 
liquor and good cheer.* 

While taking in the cargo Dampier was often on 
shore, and he frequently visited the cabins of the 
woodmen, who hospitably entertained him with the 
rough substantial fare that abounded among them, 
pork and pease, or beef, for which they hunted 
in the savannahs, with dough-boys, a kind of thick 
unleavened cake, kneaded with their own hands. 
Of their drink, so long as it lasted, they were equally 
profuse.t 

The returning voyage to Jamaica was singularly 
disastrous. The passage from Trist to Port-Royal 
occupied thirteen weeks, and of its adventures and 
perils he has left a very lively account. A passen- 
ger named Wooders, by his knowledge of the coast, 
was the means of saving them from being cap- 
tured by two Spanish vessels, which gave chase to 
their bark.J Though the crew had added to their 
stores both by fishing and hunting, they were greatly 
in want of provisions; and on coming to anchor 
after so many hardships, they lost no time in send- 
ing ashore for a supply. While they were com- 
mencing their festivities, Captain Rawlins, the com- 
mander of a New England trader, accompanied by 
a friend, came on board and was invited to share 
in the carouse. What follows is an amusing trait 
of the nautical manners of the place and time : 
" Mr Hooker being drank to by Captain Rawlins, 
who pledged Captain Hudswell, and havingthe bowl, 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 18. 

f Ibid. p. 18. $ Ibid. p. 20. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 243 

I think there might be six quarts in it, in his hand, 
said that he was under an oath to drink but three 
draughts of strong liquor a-day, and putting the 
bowl to his head turned it off at one draught, and 
so making himself drunk, disappointed us of our 
expectations till we made another bowl.""" 

Dampier, as soon as he was discharged, returned 
to the Bay of Campeachy to try his fortunes among 
the logwood-cutters. He had provided himself with 
hatchets, knives, axes, saws, wedges, a sleeping- 
pavilion necessary for defence against the insects of' 
the climate, and a gun, with a supply of powder and 
shot. A power of attorney, lodged with a merchant 
who acted as factor for the settlers, completed his 
arrangements : the party whom he joined had sta- 
tioned themselves on the West Lagoon of Trist 
Island.t 

The first wood-cutters adopted this occupation 
when buccaneering became nearly profitless from 
the multitude of competitors, and dangerous from 
prohibitory edicts. They settled near the forests of 
Cape Catoche ; and when these were exhausted they 
removed to the Isle of Trist ; the first intimation 
which the Spaniards received of their arrival being 
from the strokes of their axes on the trees, or the 
report of their guns in the woods and savannahs. 
They were divided into parties of from three to ten 
or twelve. The company which consented to accept 
the young seaman as a helper, ignorant as he still 
was of their employment, consisted of six indivi- 
duals, who had a cargo of a hundred tons of logwood 
felled and ready to be carried to the creek, where 
it was to be shipped for New England. His wages, 
* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 39. f Ibid - P- 41. 



244 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

according to agreement, were to be the price of one 
ton of wood per month.* 

The cutters had built their cabins on the mar- 
gins of the inlets at the East and West Lagoons of 
Trist, that they might enjoy the refreshing sea- 
breezes, and be near the dye-wood groves. When 
the nearest trees were cut down, they frequently 
found themselves so unwilling to abandon a fa- 
vourite habitation, that they repaired to the scene of 
their labours by water. To each company belonged 
a canoe, pirogue, or large boat, which was necessary 
at once for conveying their lading to the traders, and 
for the uses of the chase ; it being their practice to 
hunt by water as well as land, driving the cattle into 
narrow creeks. Their cabins were of frail construc- 
tion, but well thatched with palm-leaves, to shelter 
the inmates from the violent rains during the wet 
season. t Above the floor a wooden frame was raised 
to the height of three or four feet ; this barbecue, 
with the pavilion or mosquito-curtains stretched over 
it, formed the sleeping-place; another scaffold of 
equal altitude, covered with earth, constituted a 
kitchen; and a third served for a sitting room.J 

The first adventurers in the bay, after the value 
of the dye-wood on its shores was accidentally dis- 
covered, were actual Buccaneers, " who, though 
they could work well enough if they pleased, yet 
thought it a dry business to toil at cutting wood." 
Being good marksmen, they took great delight in 
hunting, though piracy was still their favourite pur- 
suit ; and besides plundering on the seas, they often 
sallied out against the nearest Indian villages, which 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 82. + Ibid. pp. 79, 80. 

* Ibid. p. 79-81. ibid. p. 53. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 245 

they pillaged without remorse, carrying off the wo- 
men to serve in the most laborious offices, while 
their husbands were sold to the logwood merchants 
who visited the coast. On such occasions, scenes of 
riot and dissipation continued to disgrace both the 
trader and the woodsman. But though such may 
have been the prevailing character of the cutters 
at the time of Dampier's visit, the small company 
to which he was attached appear to have been of 
more prudent habits. Two or three of them were 
natives of Scotland, who, we may believe, if not 
actuated by higher motives, were restrained from 
joining in the extravagance and riot of their compa- 
nions by the desire of accumulating money sufficient 
to enable them to enter upon a better way of life. 

The logwood-groves were near the sea, for this plant 
thrives best in low wet ground, and among timber 
of inferior height. The trees, which were from two 
to six feet in circumference, resembled except in 
size the white thorn of England. The heart of the 
trunk, which is red and heavy, is alone used as a 
dye, the spongy outer part being chipped away. 
The wood burns well ; and for this reason the hunt- 
ers and Buccaneers, in all instances where it could 
be obtained, preferred it for hardening the steel of 
their fire-arms.* Blood wood, another dye-stuff 
much esteemed, was found in the Gulf of Nicara- 
gua, and brought double the price of logwood, 
the one selling at l5t per ton, the other at 30.{ 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 57- 

f- Valuable as this wood was, the French Buccaneers who cap- 
tured Campeachy on one occasion displayed their enthusiastic loy- 
alty by burning 42,000 worth in celebrating the birthday of their 
king, or the festival of St Louis Raynal, liv. x. c. x. 

J Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 58. 



246 



ADVENTURES AMONG THE 



Five days each week these rude settlers indus- 
triously plied their labours in the groves ; but on 
Saturday they hunted in the savannahs, as well for 
the purpose of recreation as to store their larders.* 
When a bullock was shot, it was cut up where it 
fell, and having been divided into quarters, and the 
larger bones taken out, each man placed a portion 
on his shoulders, and turned his steps homewards.t 
If his load became too heavy, part was cut off and 
flung to the beasts and birds of prey which were ever 
prowling and hovering near the hunter. If more 
than four were engaged in the slaughter, while two 
or three were employed in dressing the meat the 
others went in search of more game, a carcass being 
the weekly allowance of four persons. 

In this part of the Bay of Campeachy, the dry 
season commences in September and continues till 
April or May, when the wet weather sets in with 
fierce tornadoes, and from June to the end of 
August rain falls almost incessantly. By this time 
the rivers have overflowed the savannahs and all 
the low grounds ; the former appearing like inland 
lakes, till December or January, when the floods 
subside. About the beginning of April the pools 
are dried up, and the whole country is so parched, 

* Darapier (vol. ii. part ii. p. 81) says that Saturday was employ, 
ed by his party for hunting; out his predecessors had not been so 
scrupulous in their observance of the Sabbath. Raynal (liv. x. c. 
viii.) tells us that a Buccaneer, when one of his helpers (flqroftc, 
or indented men) expostulated with him for compelling him to 
work on Sunday, saying 1 , God had forbidden this practice when 
He gave the commandment, "' Six days shalt thou labour, and on 
the seventh day shalt thou rest," " And I," replied the ruffian, 
" say to thee, Six days thou shalt kill bulls and strip them of their 
skins, and on the seventh day thou shalt carry their hides to the 
seashore." 

f Voyages, vol ii. part ii. p. 81. Ibid. pp. 55, 56. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 247 

that, but for a beautiful provision of Nature, which 
furnishes a supply in the wild pine, the human 
beings, the birds and beasts, so lately surrounded 
with water, must perish of thirst. 

During the consuming heats of summer, the wood- 
cutters betook themselves to the forests in search of 
that tree, which is thus described by Dampier : 
" The wild pine is a plant so called because it some- 
what resembles the bush that bears the pine; they 
are commonly supported, or grow from some bunch, 
knot, or excrescence of the tree, where they take 
root and grow upright. The root is short and thick, 
from whence the leaves rise up in folds one within 
another, spreading off at the top. They are of a good 
thick substance, and about ten or twelve inches 
long. The outside-leaves are so compact as to con- 
tain the rain-water as it falls. They will hold a pint 
and a half or a quart ; and this water refreshes the 
leaves and nourishes the root. When we find 
these pines we stick our knives into the leaves just 
above the root, and that lets out the water, which 
we catch in our hats, as I have done many times 
to my great relief."* His account of the other na- 
tural productions of the country is equally interest- 
ing. The wild animals were the squash, the waree, 
and pecaree, a species of wild hog, the opossum, 
tiger-cat, monkey, ant-bear, armadillo,t porcupine, 
land-turtle, and the sloth, besides lizards, snakes, 
and iguanas of many varieties. 



* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 56. 

-|- The armadilloes, of which many species are now ascertained, be- 
long to the genus Dasypus of naturalists. They are entirely confined 
to the New World, of which they inhabit chiefly the warmer por- 
tions. They are animals of omnivorous habits, dwelling in woods, 
and preying on insects, eggs, small birds, and the roots of plants. 



248 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

The land near the sea is described as " mangrovy" 
and always wet; at a little distance the soil, which 
is fast and firm, and never overflowed except in 
the rainy season,* is a strong yellow clay, having a 
thin surface of black mould ; and here flourishes the 
logwood with low-growing timber of various other 
kinds. Still farther from the shore the land rises, 
and trees of taller growth are seen, till the forests ter- 
minate in large savannahs. These flats or natural 
meadows are generally three miles in width, and 
often of much larger dimensions. The soil is black, 
deep, and rich, and the grass luxuriant in growth, 
but of a coarse kind. As an easy mode of hus- 
bandry, the hunters at the close of the dry season 
set fire to the grass, which, immediately after the 
return of moisture, was replaced by a new and deli- 
cate herbage. These plains are bounded by high 
ridges and declivities of the richest land, covered 
with stately trees; and these alternate elevations and 
flats, fine woodlands and grassy valleys, stretch from 
ten to twenty miles into the interior, beyond which 
distance Dam pier's knowledge did not extend. 

In the woods monkeys abound, ranging in bands 
of from twenty to thirty. "When I have been 
alone," says he, " I have been afraid to shoot them, 
especially the first time I met them. They were a 
great company, dancing from tree to tree over my 
head, chattering and making a terrible noise and a 
great many grim faces, and shewing antick gestures. 
Some broke down dry sticks and threw at me ; 
others scattered their dung about my ears. At last, 
one bigger than the rest came to a small limb just 
over my head, and leaping directly at me, made me 
* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 56. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 249 

start back; but the monkey caught hold of the 
bough with the tip of his tail, and there continued 
swinging to and fro, and making mouths at me. At 
last I past on, they still keeping me company, with 
the like menacing postures, till I came to our huts." 
Though these animals were easily shot, it was dif- 
ficult to take them, as, after being struck, they per- 
tinaciously clung to the high branches by their tails 
or claws so long as life remained. " I have pitied 
the poor creature, to see it look on and handle 
the wounded limb, and turn it about from side to 
side."* The sloth is described as "a four-footed, 
hairy, sad-coloured animal, with a round head, 
small eyes, short nose, and extraordinary long sharp 
claws." It feeds on leaves, and is very destruc- 
tive to trees, never forsaking one on which it has 
settled till the foliage is entirely devoured. It re- 
quires eight or nine minutes to move one of its feet 
three inches forward, and it can neither be provoked 
nor frightened to move faster. Its extraordinary 
sluggishness resists even the cravings of hunger, so 
that having eaten all the leaves on one tree, it takes 
five or six days to move itself to the next, even 
when quite hard by ; and thus, although plump and 
fat at the commencement of the descent, it is nothing 
but a bag of bones before it has made preparations 
to begin a fresh banquet.t 

Of some species of snakes he remarks that they 
lurk in woods, " and are so mighty in strength as 
to hold a bullock fast by one of his horns," if the 
latter come so near as to enable it to coil itself 
round a horn and the limb of a tree. The Buc- 
caneers sometimes ate the flesh of this reptile; though 

Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 51), 60. f Ibid, p, 61. 



250 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

our navigator has not given a favourable report of 
the food.* An anecdote which he relates may per- 
haps afford a rational explanation of some of the 
wonderful stories which attribute a power of fasci- 
nation to this creature. The green snake,, which is 
from four to five feet long and no thicker than a 
man's thumb, lurks for its prey among leaves, 
from which it can hardly be distinguished. One 
day he was about to take hold of a bird, which, 
to his astonishment, though it fluttered and cried, 
did not attempt to fly away, when he discovered 
that one of these animals was wreathed round the 
upper part of its body.t 

Spiders J of prodigious size were seen ; and some 
of them are described to be almost as big as a man's 
hand, with long small legs like those of the species 
familiar to Europe. ' ' They have two teeth, or rather 
horns, an inch and a half or two inches long, and 
of a proportionable bigness, which are black as jet, 
smooth as glass, and their small end sharp as a thorn." 
These the Buccaneers and wood-cutters used as 
pickers for their tobacco-pipes, and as tooth-picks, as 
they were said to cure toothach. There was abun- 
dance of ants of different kinds. The great black 
one, says Dampier, " stings or bites almost as bad as 
a scorpion, and next to this the small yellow ant's bite 
is most painful, for their sting is like a spark of fire, 
and they are so thick among the boughs in some 
places, that one shall be covered with them before he 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 63. -J- Ibid. 

J The Epeira curvicauda, described by M. Vautier (Annales 
des Sciences Nattirelles, tome i. p. 261 ), is remarkable for the pos- 
terior enlargement of its abdomen, which is terminated by a couple 
of arched and elongated spines. See plate 50 of the new edition of 
the Encyclopaedia Britannica. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 251 

is aware. These creatures have nests on great trees, 
placed on the body between the limbs. Some of their 
nests are as big as a hogshead ; this is their winter 
habitation, for in the wet season they all repair to these 
theircities. Here theypreserve theireggs. * * * In the 
dry season, when they leave their nests, they swarm 
over all the woodland, for they never trouble the 
savannahs. You may then see great paths made by 
them in the woods, of three or four inches broad, 
beaten as plain as the roads in England. They go 
out light, but bring home heavy loads on their backs, 
all of the same substance, and equal in bigness ; yet 
they would march stoutly, and so many still pressing 
after, that it was a very pretty sight, for the path 
looked perfectly green with them."* By building 
their nests on trees the ants provide against the con- 
sequences of the rainy season, when their hillocks, 
if on the ground, would be overflowed or swept away. 
One species was observed to march in troops, always 
in haste, as if in search of something, steadily fol- 
lowing their leaders wherever they went. Occa- 
sionally a band would march through the cabins, 
over the beds or chests of the wood-cutters, who 
allowed them to proceed without molestation, though 
some hours might be occupied in the passage. 

Frequently as the humming-bird has been de- 
scribed since the days of Dampier, his account of 
this, the most delicate of all the winged species, still 
retains its freshness and its interest. " It is," he 
writes, ' f a pretty little feathered creature, no bigger 
than a great overgrown wasp ; with a black bill no 
bigger than a small needle, and legs and feet in pro- 
portion to his body. This creature does not wave 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 64, 65. 



252 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

its wings like other birds when it flies, but keeps 
them in a continued quick motion, like bees or other 
insects ; and like them makes a continued humming 
noise as it flies. It is very quick in motion, and 
haunts about flowers and fruit like a bee gathering 
honey; making many near addresses to its delight- 
ful objects, by visiting them on all sides, and yet 
still keeps in motion, sometimes on one side, some- 
times on the other, as often rebounding a foot or two 
back on a sudden, and as quickly returns again, 
keeping thus about one flower five or six minutes or 
more."* 

The adventurers by their sylvan life became fa- 
miliar with all the living creatures of those prolific 
regions, and gave them English names significant 
of their habits. Adopting the superstition of the 
Spaniards, they refrained from killing the carrion- 
crow, which was found of great use in clearing the 
country of the putrid carcasses of animals.t Trains 
of these birds gathered from all quarters around 
the hunters, and following them into the savannahs 
shared in the prey. A bird named the Subtle Jack, 
about the size of a pigeon, suspended its nest from 
the boughs of lofty trees, especially those the trunks 
of which, up to a considerable height, were witn- 
out limbs. The branches most frequently selected 
were such as spread widest; and the nests were 
placed at the very extremity of these, hanging 
down two or three feet from the twigs to which they 
were fastened, and resembling " cabbage-nets stuffed 
with hay."J The thread by which it was sustained, 
like the nest itself, was made of long grass ingeni- 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 65, 66. f Ibid. p. 68. 

Ibid. p. 69. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 253 

ously twisted, small at the upper end, but gradually 
thickening. On trees that grew apart the birds 
built all round ; but where the wood was close they 
made choice of such as bordered upon a savannah, a 
pool, or creek, and more particularly the branches 
that stretched over the water or rank grass. The 
nest was entered by a hole at the side. " Tis very 
pretty," says Dampier, " to see twenty or thirty of 
them hanging round a tree."* 

In these primeval forests there was an endless 
variety of birds and insects ;t while the rivers and 
lagoons, as well as the open sea, were equally prolific 
of fishes unknown in English waters. J Nor did any 
place more abound in alligators. The Buccaneers, 
whose stomachs rejected scarcely any sort of food, 
could not, except in cases of great necessity, overcome 
their disgust at the strong musky flavour which dis- 
tinguishes the flesh of this hideous creature. It 
was generally harmless when unmolested ; but ac- 
cidents sometimes occurred, of which one seems not 
unworthy of notice. In the height of the dry season, 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 69. It is sometimes by no means 
easy to connect the observations of the sailor abroad with the lucu- 
brations of the man of science at home ; and each perhaps regards 
the designations of the other as barbarous. There is, however, 
frequently more meaning in the names bestowed by the practical 
observer than in those of the closet-naturalist. The chief objection 
to popular names is, that they too often proceed upon mere analo- 
gies in habits, rather than on identity of specific forms. Thus, the 
carrion-crow, frequently mentioned by Dampier and other voyag- 
ers along the American shores, is not a crow but a species of vul- 
ture. In regard to the Subtle Jack, there are several species of 
birds which construct their nests in the ingenious and elaborate 
manner above mentioned. Of these one of the most noted is the 
Hang-nest-oriole (Oriolus nidipendnlus of Latham), described 
by Sir Hans Sloane in his History of Jamaica. It builds in woods, 
and forms its nest of the internal fibres of a parasitic plant popu- 
larly known in the West Indies by the title of old mail's beard. 
The nest is suspended from the extreme twigs of the tree. 

f Ibid. pp. fcU, 70, 71- Ibid. pp. 71, 72, 73. Ibid. p. 75. 

Q 



254 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

a party of wood-cutters,, English and Irish, went to 
hunt in the neighbourhood of a lake called Pies Pond 
in Beef Island, a place to which the wild cattle re- 
paired in herds to drink. The chase had been pro- 
secuted with great success for a week, when one of 
the hunters going into the water during the night, 
came into contact with an alligator, which seized him 
by the knee. His cries alarmed his companions, 
who, in the belief that the Spaniards, to whom the 
island belonged, were making an attack, precipitately 
fled from their huts. Being thus left without help, 
he quietly waited, with happy presence of mind, till 
the animal should relax its jaws to take a new and 
surer hold, when, withdrawing his leg, he interposed 
the butt-end of his gun, which it grasped so eager- 
ly as to jerk it from his hand. Crawling up a neigh- 
bouring tree, he again shouted after his comrades, who 
now found courage to return. His musket, which was 
recovered next day, had been dragged ten or twelve 
yards from the spot where it was seized by the 
ferocious beast.* 

At the same place Dampier himself had a re- 
markable escape. Passing with some of his friends 
through a small savannah, where the water was two 
or three feet in depth, he perceived a strong scent 
of an alligator, and presently stumbled over one, by 
which he was thrown down. He cried aloud for 
help, but his associates, anxious for their own safety, 
ran towards the woods. No sooner had he regained 
his feet, than in the agitation of the moment he fell a 
second and even a third time, momentarily expecting 
instant death. He however escaped unhurt ; but, as 
he candidly says, " I was so frighted, that J never 

Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 77 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 255 

cared to go through the water again as long as I 
was in the Bay."* 

On the first Saturday after he joined the wood- 
cutters he was occupied in the humble duties of 
rousing the cattle and driving them from the sa- 
vannahs into the woods, where the hunters lay in 
wait.t The following week he resolved to have a 
more active share in the sport; and accordingly, after 
proceeding four miles by water and three by land 
towards the hunting-ground, he dropped behind the 
rest and rambled so far that he speedily lost his 
way. The conclusion of the adventure cannot be 
better narrated than in his own words. " This was 
some time in May (the dry season), and it was be- 
tween ten o'clock and one when I began to find that 
I was, as we call it, marooned, or lost, and quite out 
of the hearing of my comrades' guns. I was some- 
what surprised at this; but, however, I knew I 
should find my way out as soon as the sun was 
a little lower. So I sat down to rest myself, re- 
solving however to run no farther out of my way, 
for the sun being so near the zenith I could not 
distinguish how to direct my course. Being weary 
and almost faint for want of water, I was forced to 
have recourse to the wild pines, and was by them 
supplied, or else I must have perished with thirst. 
About three o'clock I went due north, as near as 
I could judge, for the savannah lay east and west, 
and I was on the south side of it. 

" At sunset I got out into the clear open savan- 
nah, being about two leagues wide in most places, 
but how long I know not. It is well stored with 
bullocks, but by frequent hunting they grow shy, 
Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 1UU. flbidr^pTsS. 



256 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

and remove farther up into the country. There I 
found myself four or five miles to the west of the 
place where I straggled from my companions. I 
made homewards with all the speed I could ; but 
being overtaken by the night I lay down on the 
grass a good distance from the woods, for the bene- 
fit of the wind to keep the mosquitoes from me ; but 
in vain, for in less than an hour's time I was so 
persecuted, that though I endeavoured to keep them 
off by fanning myself with boughs, and shifting 
my quarters three or four times, yet still they 
haunted me so that I could get no sleep. At day- 
break I got up and directed my course to the creek 
where we landed, from which I was then about 
two leagues. I did not see one beast of any sort 
whatever in all the way, though the day before I 
saw several young calves that could not follow their 
dams ; but even these were now gone away, to my 
great vexation and disappointment, for I was very 
hungry. But, about a mile farther, I espied ten or 
twelve quams* perching on the boughs of a cotton- 
tree. These were not shy: therefore I got well enough 
under them, and, having single bullets but no shot 
about me, fired at one of them but missed it, though 
I had before often killed them so. Then I came up 
with and fired at five or six turkeys with no better 
success, so that I was forced to march forward, still in 
the savannah, toward the creek ; and when I came 
to the path that led to it through the woods, I found 
to my great joy a hat stuck upon a pole, and when I 

The quam, quan, or guan, is a species of the genus Penelope. 
It is frequently domesticated in Brazil for the sake of the flesh, 
which is excellent eating. Another species of the genus (Pene- 
fopepipile of Temminck) is known under the name of the Yacou 
Turkey. 



WOOB-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 257 

came to the creek I found another. These were set up 
by my consorts, who were gone home in the even- 
ing, as signals that they would come and fetch me. 
Therefore I sat down and waited for them ; for al- 
though I had then not above three leagues home by 
water, yet it would have been very difficult if not 
impossible for me to have got thither overland, by 
reason of those vast impassable thickets, abounding 
every where along the creek's side, wherein I have 
known some puzzled for two or three days, and 
have not advanced half a mile, though they la- 
boured extremely every day.* Neither was I dis- 
appointed of my hopes, for within half an hour after 
my arrival at the creek my consorts came, bringing 
every man his bottle of water and his gun, both to 
hunt for game and to give me notice by firing, that 
I might hear them; for I have known several men lost 
in the like manner, and never heard of afterwards." t 

He had the more reason to congratulate him- 
self on the issue of this adventure, when he con- 
sidered the fate of seven mariners belonging to a 
Boston ship who wandered into the woods not long 
previously. The captain was found in a thicket 
reduced to a state of extreme exhaustion ; his men 
having dropped one by one, from excessive thirst in 
the parched savannahs. J 

When his first month's service was ended, he 
received as his stipulated wages the price of a 
ton of wood, with which, after supplying himself 
with a stock of provisions, he was able to form a 
new engagement, on the footing of comradeship, 
with other partners. Of his former companions 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 04, 85. 
f Ibid. p. 85. J Ibid. pp. 86, 87- 



258 



ADVENTURES AMONG THE 



some went to Beef Island to hunt bullocks for their 
skins. They prepared the hides of these animals 
for sale by fastening them firmly on the ground, 
exposing to the sun first the fleshy and then the 
hairy side, till both were thoroughly dried. They 
afterwards suspended them on a pole, and beat them 
from time to time in order to drive away the worms 
which were apt to breed in their grosser parts. 
Lastly, they were soaked in salt water with a view 
to the destruction of any vermin that might still 
remain; and being once more thoroughly dried, 
they were packed for exportation.* 

To this occupation Dampier preferred that of 
wood-cutting. His associates were three Scotsmen, 
Price Morrice, Duncan Campbell, and a third, 
who is only known by his Christian name of George. 
The two latter had been educated for mercantile 
pursuits, and liking neither the employment nor 
the society into which they had fallen, they only 
waited for a good opportunity to quit it. A vessel 
having arrived from Boston, they freighted her with 
forty tons of dyewood ; it being agreed that Camp- 
bell should accompany the cargo to New England, 
and, having sold it there, bring back flour and other 
things suited to the market of the Bay, while George 
should remain in order to prepare another lading 
of wood before the return of the ship.t And here 
the navigator records an observation which deserves 
to be noticed as the result of much experience on 
human life and manners. " This," he says, " re- 
tarded our business, for I did not find Price Mor- 
rice very intent at work ; for 'tis like he thought he 
had logwood enough. And I have particularly ob- 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 87, 88. -f- Ibid. pp. 88, 89~ 



WOOD-CUTTERS ANI> BUCCANEERS. 259 

served there and in other places, that such as had 
been well bred were generally most careful to im- 
prove their time, and would be very industrious and 
frugal, when there was any probability of consider- 
able gain. But, on the contrary, such as had been 
inured to hard labour, and got their living by the 
sweat of their brows, when they came to have plenty, 
would extravagantly squander away their time and 
money in drinking and making a bluster."* 

To compensate for the indolence of their comrade 
he and George applied the more assiduously to work 
until Dampier was attacked by a singular disease. An 
irritable swelling or boil arose on his right leg, which 
he was directed to foment with a poultice of the 
roasted roots of the white lily. In this treatment he 
persisted some days, " when two white specks ap- 
peared in the centre of the boil, and on squeezing it 
two small white worms spurted out, about the thick- 
ness of a hen's quill and three-fourths of an inch 
long."t They were quite different from the Guinea- 
worm, common in some of the West India Islands, 
and in the time of Dampier very often observed in 
Curaoa, and from which he afterwards suffered 
severely.^ 

Shortly after his recovery from this attack, in June 
1676, the Bay was visited by one of those tremen- 
dous hurricanes known only in tropical countries, 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 89. 

f Ibid. The worms above mentioned, distinguished by their 
comparative shortness and thickness from the more slender Guinea- 
worm, were probably the larvae of a species of gadfly, which has 
been named (Estrus hominis, on account of its occasionally deposit- 
ing its eggs on the skin of the human race. See an account of 
a similar species in the Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, 
vol. xxii. p. 284-288. 

+ Voyages, vol. ii. part ii pp. 90, 91. 



260 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

which raged without intermission for more than 
twenty-four hours. Two days before the storm arose 
the wind "whiffled" about to the south and back 
again to the east, but blew faintly, while the wea- 
ther continued very fair, though the men-of- war- 
birds came trooping towards the shore in vast 
flocks, and hovered over the land. The hunters 
and logwood-cutters, among their numerous super- 
stitions, augured the arrival of ships from the ap- 
pearance of these birds, believing that the number 
of fowls indicated that of the expected vessels.* 

It was observed, that for two days the tide con- 
tinued to retire until the creek on which the wood- 
men's huts were situated was left nearly dry. At 
the usual ebb there were seven or eight feet of 
water, but now there were scarcely three even in 
the deepest places. At four o'clock in the after- 
noon of the second day on which this phenomenon 
was witnessed the sky looked very black, the wind 
sprung up at S.E. with a violence which in less 
than two hours blew down all the cabins save 
one, which they propped with posts, and secured 
by ropes thrown over the roof, and made fast on both 
sides to trunks of trees. In this frail shed were 
they all huddled together while the hurricane raged 
abroad. The rain descended in torrents during 
nearly the whole period of the tempest ; and in two 
hours after its commencement the waters flowed so 
fast into the creek that they soon reached the level 
of the banks. Though the wind shifted, and blew 
offshore, the tide continued to rush in ; and, as the 
rain did not abate, by ten o'clock next morning the 
shores of the inlet were overflowed. The situation 
* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 91 ; part iii. pp. 66, 67. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 261 

of the woodmen now became perilous. They brought 
their canoe to the side of the hut, and fastened it to 
the stump of a tree ; it was their only hope of 
safety, as beyond the banks of the creek the land 
fell, and there " was no walking through the woods 
because of the water. Besides, the trees were torn 
up by the roots, and tumbled down so strangely 
across each other that it was almost impossible to 
pass through them." 

In consequence of this violent tempest many fish 
were cast alive upon the shore or found dead floating 
in the lagoons. Of four ships riding at anchor near 
One-Bush-Key, three were driven from their moor- 
ings, and one of them was carried up into the woods 
of Beef Island. The settlers suffered in many ways, 
for the whole country being laid under water to the 
depth of three feet, they could not for some time re- 
sume their labours. A large portion of their pro- 
visions was destroyed, and they had no way of 
cooking what remained except in their canoes.* It 
is remarkable that the hurricane, as they afterwards 
ascertained, did not extend to the windward more 
than ninety miles.t 

As soon as the storm abated they embarked in 
their skiff and made for One-Bush-Key, about four 
leagues distant, in the hope of procuring assistance 
from the ships there. Three of these, as has been 
noticed, had been driven from their anchors ; and 
the kindness of the crew of the remaining one had 
been severely taxed by the wood- cutters who flocked 
hither from different points. Dampier and his com- 
panions could get " neither bread nor punch, nor so 
much as a dram of rum, though they offered to pay 
* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 91. t -f Ibid, part iii. pp. 66, 67, 6 . 



262 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

for it."* Thus disappointed they rowed towards Beef 
Island, their landmark being the flag of a ship float- 
ing above the woods. The vessel herself was found 
at the distance of two hundred yards from the sea, 
whence she had been forced by the storm, which 
levelled the trees on each side, and cleared a path 
through the forest. In this passage the stumps had 
gone through her bottom, so that there was no way 
of saving her ; but meanwhile, as she still held to- 
gether, the forlorn woodmen were well entertained 
with victuals and punch, and even invited to remain 
during the night. Hearing, however, signal-guns 
fired from a distant lagoon, and concluding that one 
of the ships had been driven in there, they forth- 
with proceeded to her assistance.t With a Captain 
Chandler, whom they found here greatly in want 
of their services, Dampier and his partners laboured 
two days, after which they returned to Beef Island 
to hunt cattle. This settlement is about seven 
leagues long, and from three to four in breadth : 
the east end is " low drowned land ;" the middle 
is one large savannah, bordered with trees ; but 
the south side, between the central plain and the 
swampy ground, appeared very rich.J 

Its social condition, however, at that time was 
much more an object of interest than its natural pro- 
ductions. It had been lately taken possession of by 
a colony of savages : " It is no new thing," the sea- 
man remarks, " for the Indians in these woody parts 
of America to fly away, whole towns at once, and 
settle themselves in the unfrequented woods to enjoy 
their freedom ; and if they are accidentally disco- 
vered they will remove again; which they can easily 
'Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 92^ f Ibid. p. W. J Ibid. p. 94. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 263 

do, their household-goods being little else but their 
cotton hammocks and their calabashes. They build 
every man his own house, and tie up their hammocks 
between two trees, wherein they sleep till their 
houses are made. The woods afford them some sub- 
sistence, as pecaree and waree ; but they that are thus 
strolling (or marooning as the Spaniards call it) 
have plantain- walks that no man knows but them- 
selves, and from thence they have their food till they 
have raised plantation-provision near their new- 
built town. They clear no more ground than what 
they actually employ for their subsistence. They 
make no paths ; but when they go far from home 
they break now and then a bough, letting it hang 
down, which serves as a mark to guide them in their 
return. If they happen to be discovered by other 
Indians inhabiting among the Spaniards, or do but 
mistrust it, they immediately shift their quarters to 
another place, this large country affording them 
good fat land enough, and very woody, and there- 
fore a proper sanctuary for them." 

"It was some of these fugitive Indians that came 
to settle at Beef Island, where, besides gaining their 
freedom from the Spaniards, they might see their 
friends and acquaintances, that had been taken some 
time before by the privateers and sold to the log- 
wood-cutters, with whom some of the women lived 
still, though others had been conducted by them 
to their own habitations. It was these women, 
after their return, that made known the kind 
entertainment they met with from the English, 
and persuaded their friends to leave their dwellings 
near the Spaniards and settle on this island. They 
had been here almost a year before they were dis- 



264 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

covered by the English, and even then were acci- 
dentally found out by the hunters as they followed 
their game : They were not very shy all the time I 
lived there," continues Dampier ; " but I know that 
upon the least disgust they would have been gone."* 
This avoidance of their " kind entertainers" seems 
to show that they were not desirous of cultivating a 
more intimate acquaintance. The poor savages were 
doubtless equally anxious to conceal themselves and 
their plantations from the Spaniards, from whom 
they fled, and the English, whom they shunned. 

John d'Acosta, of the town of Campeachy, who 
held a grant of the island, had more success than any 
of his countrymen in securing his property from the 
depredations of the Buccaneers. In the dry season 
he usually spent a couple of months on it with his 
servants, "hocksing" cattle for their hides and tallow. 
The flesh was to him of small value ; and happening 
to encounter the logwood-men hunting in his savan- 
nahs, he requested them to desist, because firing made 
the cattle wild, and added, that if they wanted beef 
he would supply them with as much as they pleased. 
They accepted the offer, and acted honourably to- 
wards him. He soon became very popular among 
them, but their friendship was fatal to his character 
in the eyes of his countrymen. He was thrown 
into prison upon suspicion of conniving at the ma- 
rauders, and his right to the island being forfeited, 
it was abandoned to the freebooters.t 

The manner of hunting wild cattle, termed hock- 

sing or houghing, was peculiar to the Spaniards, 

who, in the course of many years' practice, became 

singularly dexterous in their art. They were mounted 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 95. f Ibid ' P- yt >. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 265 

on good horses, early trained to the sport, and knew 
well when to advance or to retreat with advantage. 
They were armed with a hocksing-iron, about seven 
inches in length, shaped like a crescent, having a very 
sharp edge, and fastened to a pole about fourteen feet 
in length. With this instrument the hunter strikes, 
and seldom fails to hamstring his prey, his horse in- 
stantly wheeling to the left to avoid the attack of 
the wounded animal. If the blow has not severed 
all the sinews, they are soon broken by the attempts 
of the beast to leap forward ; and when he is some- 
what exhausted by this exertion, the hunter again 
attacks him in front, aiming now at the knee of 
one of his fore-legs. On this the bullock usually 
falls, when the horseman dismounts, and plunges his 
sharp-pointed knife into the neck a little behind the 
horns so dexterously, that at one stroke the head 
drops as if separated from the trunk. Dampier ob- 
served that " the right ear of the hocksing-horse, by 
the weight of the pole laid constantly over it when 
on duty, hangs down always, by which you may 
know it from other horses."* 

The English had so thinned the wild cattle on 
Beef Island that it was now dangerous for a single 
man to give them chase, or even to venture through 
the savannahs, so desperate had they become. An 
old bull, once fired at, never failed to remember the 
attack or to offer battle ; and a whole herd sometimes 
drew up in array to defend themselves. The account 
given of the tactics of these animals almost borders 
upon the marvellous, though the narrator is one of 
the most veracious and unpretending of travellers, 
diminishing rather than exaggerating the dangers 
* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 97? 98. 



266 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

which he passed, and the wonders that he saw. 
In the rear of the old bulls who led the van were 
ranged the cows, and behind these the young cattle 
were drawn up. Wherever there was an attempt to 
break the line, the leaders opposed their embattled 
front, wheeling round in every direction to face the 
enemy. The hunters therefore chose to encounter 
a single one detached from the herd rather than to 
make a general or open attack. If the animal was 
desperately wounded, in its rage it rushed against 
the assailant ; but if its hurts were slight, it scam- 
pered off. These adventures, however, were some- 
times attended with fatal accidents.* 

By the hurricane Dam pier was deprived of his 
slender stock of provisions, and having neither mo- 
ney nor credit to obtain a fresh supply, he was forced, 
for immediate subsistence, to join a company of "pri- 
vateers." With these he continued nearly a year, 
rambling about the Bay of Campeachy, visiting its 
numerous creeks, islands, and rivers, and making 
frequent descents upon native villages and Spanish 
settlements. At these places they obtained plenty 
of Indian corn, which, with the flesh of the cattle 
they hunted, joined to turtle and manatee, formed 
their principal food.t 

The manatee or sea-cow which he saw in this 
bay, in the River Darien, at Mindanao, and on the 
coast of New Holland, is described by him as being 
about the height of a horse, and ten or twelve feet in 
length. The mouth is like that of a cow ; the lips 
are very thick, the eyes no bigger than peas, and the 
ears two small holes. It frequents creeks, inlets, 
and mouths of rivers, never leaving the water 
* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 99. -f- Ibid. p. 128. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 267 

very long, and feeding on a sort of grass which 
grows abundantly in the sea. The flesh is white, 
sweet, and wholesome ; and the tail of a young one 
was esteemed a delicate morsel by the Buccaneers, 
as was the sucking-calf, which they usually cooked 
by roasting. The tough thick skin of the manatee* 
was applied by them to various uses.t 

The Mosquito Indians were so peculiarly dexte- 
rous in fishing, in striking the sea-cow and catching 
turtle, that the privateers were at all times desirous 
to have one or two of this tribe attached to their 
company as purveyors.^ 

Abundance of the former was found in the river of 
Tobasco, especially near its mouth, where there was 

* The manatee (Manatus Americanus) is a cetaceous animal 
belonging 1 to the herbivorous division of that order. They live in 
troops ; the male is said to be remarkable for his attachment to the 
female, and the latter is characterized by the strength of her affec- 
tion for her young, which she supports by means ot her swimming- 
paws for some days after tJieir birth. The genus inhabits the 
mouths of the great rivers of the western shores of Africa, as well 
as those of the eastern coast of the New World. The species 
alluded to in the text has now become much more rare in places 
of frequent resort than it appears to have been in former times. 
The females of one or other of the species, in common with the In- 
dian dugong, are supposed, from the peculiarity of their appearance 
in the water, to have given rise to the stories of mermaids, syrens, 
and other imaginary monsters. 

The mountain-cow of Dampier and the earlier voyagers, which, 
from being occasionally seen in the water, they sometimes con- 
founded with the manatee, is a species of tapir ( Tapirus Ameri- 
canus), and has no alliance with the hippopotamus, which never 
occurs in the New World. From a supposed resemblance, how- 
ever, to that animal in form or habit, it was named Hippopotamus 
terrestris by LinnEeus. It inhabits the eastern shores of South 
America, from the Isthmus of Darien to the Straits of Magellan ; 
and although it breeds in dry places on the sides of hills, it also fre- 
quents moist and marshy stations, and is an excellent swimmer. 
When hunted it takes to the water, and descends for safety to the 
bottom. Its food consists of wild fruits, and the delicate sprigs 
and branches of various shrubs. It also searches eagerly after a 
kind of nitrous earth called barrero. 

t Voyages, vol. i. p. 33-37- Ibid. p. 2. 



268 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

good feeding for them. In one creek, which ran 
into the land two or three hundred paces, they 
were seen in great numbers, though the water was 
so shallow that their backs were distinctly visible to 
the spectator on shore ; but on the least noise they 
dashed into the deep. A fresh-water species was 
also met with resembling that peculiar to the sea, 
but of inferior size.* The banks of the inlet which 
they frequented were swampy and overgrown with 
trees, and afforded great plenty of land-turtle, the 
largest Dampier ever saw except those at the Gala- 
pagos Islands in the Pacific. On the borders of 
the Tobasco lie ridges of dry rich land, covered 
with lofty ' ' cabbage and cotton trees, which make 
a pleasant landscape," and in some places guava- 
trees, bearing plump and finely-flavoured fruit, co- 
coa-plums, and grapes. The savannahs, on which 
herds of deer and bullocks were seen feeding, espe- 
cially in the mornings and evenings, were fenced 
with natural groves of the guava ; and altogether 
the navigator appears to have been delighted with the 
aspect of this " delicious place." He records a me- 
lancholy accident which befel a hunting party ; one 
of whom, while skinning an animal, was shot dead 
by a comrade, who in the twilight mistook him for 
a deer.t 

To the extent of more than twenty miles up the 
river there was no settlement ; but a little beyond 
there was a small fort, garrisoned by a Spaniard and 
eight or ten Indians, whose business was rather to 
spread an alarm into the interior than to resist 
the attacks of the Buccaneers. Their precautions 
were, however, useless when opposed to the address 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 109. f Ibid. pp. 107, 108. 
5 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 269 

and activity of the pirates who had frequently pil- 
laged the towns and villages on this river, though 
of late they had been occasionally repulsed with 
loss. In some of these places there were merchants 
and planters, cocoa-walks being frequent on both 
sides of the stream. Certain parts too were thickly 
studded with Indian hamlets, each having a padre, 
and a cacique or governor.* The natives were free 
labourers in the employment of the Spanish settlers, 
but a few of them had fields of maize, plantain- 
walks, and even small cocoa-grounds. Some were 
bee-hunters, searching in the woods for hives, and 
selling the wax and honey. They were so ingenious 
as to supply the wild beest with trees artificially hol- 
lowed, and thus to increase the profits of their traffic. J 
" The Indians inhabiting these villages live like 
gentlemen," says Dampier, " in comparison of many 
near any great towns, such as Campeachy or Merida ; 
for there even the poorer and rascally sort of people, 
that are not able to hire one of these poor creatures, 
will by violence drag them to do their drudgery for 
nothing, after they have worked all day for their 
masters." 

They subsisted chiefly on maize, which they baked 
into cakes; they procured from it also a sort of 
liquor, which, when allowed to sour, afforded a 



* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 109, 110, 112. 

-f- All the bees native to the New World at the period of its dis- 
covery by the Spaniards were found to be distinct from those of 
Europe. The honey-bee (Ar>is me/li/ica) is now common in Ame- 
rica, but it was imported thither for its economical uses. Many 
swarms have cast in the woods ; and the European bee (itself of 
Asiatic origin) may now be found wild at great distances from any 
human habitation. We cannot name with certainty the precise 
species alluded to by Dampier. 

J Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 1 12. Ibid. p. 113. 



270 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

pleasant and refreshing draught. On great occasions 
a little honey was mixed with it; but a much 
stronger potion was made of parched corn and 
anotta, which was drunk without straining. They 
also reared abundance of turkeys, ducks, and fowls, 
the padre exacting his tithe so rigorously, that it 
was necessary to procure his license before they dared 
to kill one. They likewise raised cotton, and manu- 
factured their own clothing, which for both sexes 
was decent and becoming.* 

All marriages were contracted under the sanc- 
tion of the village-priest, the men entering into 
wedlock at the age of fourteen, the women at 
twelve; and if at these years they had made no choice, 
the padre selected for them. These early unions 
were one means of securing the power and increasing 
the gains of the clergyman ; while the young couples 
were contented, happy, and affectionate. They in- 
habited good houses, lived in comfort by the sweat 
of their brows, and kept the holidays of the church in 
gayety under the direction of their spiritual guides, 
who not only permitted them the recreation of pipe, 
tabor, hautboy and drum, but even lent them vi- 
zards, peruques, and ornaments for the mummings 
and other amusements which they practised. The 
churches were lofty when compared with the ordi- 
nary dwelling-houses ; and were ornamented with 
coarse pictures of tawny or bronze-coloured saints 
and madonnas, recommended to the Indians by the 
tint of the native complexion. To their good padres 
the villagers were submissive and devoted. t 

We cannot here follow the minute account which 

Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 114 f Hd- pp. 114, 1 15. 






WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 271 

Dampier has given of all the rivers of Campeachy 
during his cruise of eleven months.* The most 
westerly point that he visited was Alvarado, to 
which the Buccaneers with whom he sailed went in 
two barks, having thirty men in each. The river 
flows through a fertile country, diversified with Spa- 
nish towns and Indian villages. At its mouth is a 
small fort, on a sandy declivity, mounting six guns ; 
the banks on each side being about 200 feet high.t 

This place, which the freebooters attacked, held 
out stoutly five hours, so that the neighbourhood 
was alarmed, and the inhabitants of the adjoining 
town escaped in their boats, with all their money 
and the greater part of their other goods. The 
pirates had ten men killed or desperately wounded ; 
and when they landed next morning to pillage, for 
it was dark before the fort yielded, little spoil was 
found, except twenty or thirty bullocks, which they 
killed, salted, and sent on board, together with some 
fish, Indian corn, and abundance of poultry. They 
also brought away many tame parrots of a very 
beautiful species, distinguished by having yellow and 
scarlet hues curiously blended together, being the 
largest birds of their kind which he at any time saw 
in the West Indies. " They would prate," says he, 
lt very prettily." J 

Though the booty obtained was not of much value, 
yet the ships were crowded with provisions, chests, 
hen-coops, and parrots' cages. While they were in 
this incommoded state, seven armadilloes, detached 
from Vera Cruz in pursuit of them, were descried 
making all sail into the river. Not a moment was 

* Voyages, voL ii. part ii. chap. vi. p. 117-127. 
t Ibid. p. 123. $ Ibid. pp. 128, 129. 



272 ADVENTURES AMONG THE 

to be lost : clearing their decks of lumber by throw- 
ing all overboard, they got under weigh, and passed 
the bar before the enemy, who could with difficulty 
stem the current, had reached the mouth of the es- 
tuary.* The Spanish vessels were to windward, and 
a few shots were of necessity exchanged. The Toro, 
the admiral's bark, of itself more than a match 
for the freebooters, carried 10 pieces and 100 men ; 
while their whole force was diminished to 50 men 
and two ships, one of which carried six, the other only 
a couple of guns. Another of the hostile squadron car- 
ried four guns, with 80 men, and the remaining five, 
though they were not mounted with cannon, had 
each 60 or 70 men armed with muskets. f( As soon," 
says Dampier, " as we were over the bar, we got 
our larboard tacks aboard, and stood to the eastward 
as nigh the wind as we could lie. The Spaniards 
came away quartering on us, and our ship being the 
headmost, the Toro came directly towards us, de- 
signing to board us. We kept firing at her, in hopes 
to have lamed either mast or yard ; but failing, 
just as she was sheering aboard we gave her a good 
volley, and presently clapped the helm a- weather, 
wore our ship, and got our starboard tacks aboard, 
and stood to the westward, and so left the Toro ; 
but were saluted by all the small craft as we passed 
them, who stood to the eastward after the Toro, that 
was now in pursuit and close to our consort. We 
stood to the westward till we were against the river's 
mouth, then we tacked, and by the help of the cur- 
rent that came out of the river we were near a mile 
to windward of them all. Then we made sail to 

* Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. p. 129. 



WOOD-CUTTERS AND BUCCANEERS. 273 

assist our consort, who was hard put to it; but on 
our approach the Toro edged away toward the shore, 
as did all the rest, and stood away for Alvarado; 
and we, glad of the deliverance, went away to the 
eastward, and visited all the rivers in our return 
again to Trist."* 

Such visits produced little advantage. They were 
more successful in their search for munjack, " a sort 
of pitch or bitumen which we find in a lump washed 
up by the sea, and left dry on all the sandy bays of 
the coast." This substance they tempered with tal- 
low or oil, and employed as pitch for repairing their 
ships and canoes.t 

On the return of Dam pier to the island of Trist, 
the effects of the dismal hurricane of the former 
year had disappeared, and he resumed his labours 
among the woodmen. This employment was pro- 
bably more lucrative than his buccaneering cruise, 
as in the course of the following season he was able 
to visit England, intending to return to the Bay 
when he had seen his friends. He sailed for Jamaica 
in April 1678, and in the beginning of August 
reached London. 

Cutting dye-wood was still a profitable though a 
laborious pursuit j and he shrewdly remarks, that 
though it was not his business to determine how 
far the English had a right to engage in it, he was 
sure the Spaniards never received less damage 
from the persons who usually followed that occu- 
pation than when they had exchanged the musket 
for the axe, and the deck of the privateer for the 
logwood-grove. J 

Voyages, vol. ii. part ii. pp. 129, 130. 

f Ibid. p. 130. * Ibid. p. 131. 



274 ADVENTURES, &c. 

During his short residence in England at this 
time he must have married ; for we learn long 
afterwards, while he lay off the Bashee or Five 
Islands, that he had left a wife at home, as, in 
compliment to the Duke of Grafton, he named the 
northernmost of that group Grafton's Isle, " hav- 
ing," as he says, " married my wife out of his 
duchess' family, and leaving her at Arlington 
House at my going abroad."* 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 422. 



ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 275 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Adventures with the Buccaneers. 

Dam pier leaves England for Jamaica Joins the Buccaneers 
Assault of Porto Bello Description of the Mosquito Indians 
Their Ingenuity in Fishing In using the Harpoon Acuteness 
of their Senses Their Customs The Buccaneers under Captain 
Sharp cross the Isthmus of Darien Sea-fight in the Road of 
Panama Differences among the Buccaneers Sharp leaves the 
South Sea Retreat of Dampier and a Party of Buccaneers across 
the Isthmus Difficulties of the Journey They reach the Sam- 
ballas Isles Cruise of Dampier with the Buccaneers Adven- 
tures of Wafer among the Indians of the Darien Carthagena 
and the Monastery there Pearl-fishery Dutch Governor 
Wreck of the French Fleet Stratagem of a French Buccaneer 
Pillage of Rio de la Hacha The Tropic-bird Iguanas Negro 
Doctor Dampier's farther Adventures indicated. 

AFTER spending five or six months with his wife 
and friends, Dampier, in the beginning of 1679, 
sailed as a passenger for the West Indies, intending 
immediately to return to his old trade and com- 
panions in the Bay of Cain peachy. He took out goods, 
which he meant to exchange at Jamaica for the 
commodities most in request among the wood-cut- 
ters.* Instead, however, of prosecuting this design, 
he remained in the island all that year, and by some 
means was enabled to purchase a small property in 
Dorsetshire. This new possession he was about to 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. i. Introduction. 



276 ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 

visit, when induced to engage in a trading voyage 
to the Mosquito Shore ; by means of which, as it 
was likely to be profitable, he was anxious to realize 
a little more money before returning to England to 
settle for life. He accordingly embarked, having 
previously sent home the title-deeds of his estate. 

Soon after leaving * Port- Royal, his captain came 
to anchor in a bay at the west end of the island, 
where were found Cox on, Sawkins, Sharp, and 
" other privateers," as he gently terms these the most 
noted piratical commanders of that period. The 
whole crew deserted the merchantman to join the 
Buccaneers; and the Mosquito voyage being thus 
frustrated, Dampier " was the more easily per- 
suaded to go with them too."* 

Their first attempt was on Porto Bello, of which 
assault he gives no account, and it is probable he 
was not present at the capture. Two hundred men 
were landed ; and the better to prevent alarm, this 
was accomplished at such a distance from the town 
that it took them three days to reach it. A negro 
at length gave notice, but not before they were so close 
upon his heels that the inhabitants were completely 
taken by surprise, and fled in every direction. The 
freebooters continued their plunder two days and 
nights, though in momentary expectation of the 
country rising upon them; but, stimulated by avarice 
and rapacity, they were unable to tear themselves 
away from this scene of devastation. 

To the shame of the Spaniards they got clear off, 
and found their individual shares amount to 160 
pieces of eight. Elated by this success, they re- 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. iii. Introduction. 



ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 277 

solved immediately to march across the Isthmus. 
They conceived that such strokes of good fortune as 
they had now enjoyed could not again be expected 
on the eastern shores of America, and, besides, their 
imaginations had been for some time running upon 
the boundless wealth of the South Seas. They re- 
mained about a fortnight at the Samballas, and dur- 
ing this time, preparatory to their grand attempt, 
endeavoured to conciliate the Indians of the Darien 
by trifling gifts and many fair promises.* They 
also persuaded some of the Mosquito-men to join 
them, who were not only active auxiliaries in all 
marauding expeditions, but, on account of their ex- 
pertness in fishing and striking turtle and manatee, 
were useful either in peace or war. Of this tribe, 
so long the friends, and, as they named themselves, 
the subjects of Britain, Dampier has given an ex- 
ceedingly interesting account. In his time the clan 
or sept properly so distinguished must have been 
very small, as the fighting-men did not amount to 
a hundred. They inhabited a tract on the coast near 
Cape Gracias a Dios, stretching between Cape Hon- 
duras and Nicaragua. " They are," says he, " very 
ingenious at throwing the lance, fisgig, harpoon, or 
any manner of dart, being bred to it from their in- 
fancy; for the children, imitating their parents, 
never go abroad without a lance in their hands, 
which they throw at any object till use hath made 
them masters of the art.t Then they learn to put 
by a lance, arrow, or dart ; the manner is thus : 
Two boys stand at a small distance, and dart a 
blunt stick at one another, each of them holding 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. iii. Introduction. -f- Ibid. pp. 7> 8. 



278 ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 

a small stick in his right hand, with which he 
strikes away that which is darted at him. As 
they grow in years they become more dexterous and 
courageous ; and then they will stand a fair mark 
to any one that will shoot arrows at them, which 
they will put by with a very small stick no bigger 
than the rod of a fowling-piece ; and when they are 
grown to be men they will guard themselves from 
arrows though they come very thick at them, pro- 
vided two do not happen to come at once. They 
have extraordinary good eyes, and will descry a sail 
at sea farther and see any thing better than we. 
Their chiefest employment in their own country is 
to strike fish, turtle, or manatee. For this they are 
esteemed and coveted by all privateers, for one or 
two of them in a ship will maintain 100 men ; so 
that when we careen our ships we choose commonly 
such places where there is plenty of turtle or ma- 
natee for these Mosquito-men to strike, and it is 
very rare to find a privateer destitute of one or more 
of them, when the commander and most of the men 
are English ; but they do not love the French, and 
the Spaniards they hate mortally."* 

" They are tall, well made, raw-boned, lusty, 
strong, and nimble of foot, long-visaged, lank black 
hair, look stern, hard-favoured, and of a dark 
copper-colour complexion. When they come among 
privateers they get the use of guns, and prove very 
good marksmen. They behave themselves very bold 
in fight, and never seem to flinch nor hang back ; 
for they think that the white men with whom they 
are know better than they do when it is best to 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 8. 



ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 279 

fight; and let the disadvantage of their party be 
never so great, they will never yield nor give back 
while any of their party stand. I could never 
perceive/' he continues, " any religion nor any ce- 
remonies or superstitious observations among them, 
being ready to imitate us in whatsoever they saw us 
do at any time. Only they seem to fear the devil, 
whom they call Willesaw ; and they say he often 
appears to some among them, whom our men com- 
monly call their priests, when they desire to speak 
with him on urgent business. They all say they 
must not anger him, for then he will beat them ; 
and he sometimes carries away these their priests.* 
They marry but one wife, with whom they live till 
death separates them. At their first coming together 
the man makes a very small plantation ; and they 
delight to settle near the sea, or by some river, 
for the sake of striking fish, their beloved em- 
ployment. After the man hath cleared a spot of 
land, and hath planted it, he seldom minds it after- 
terward, but leaves the managing of it to his wife, 
and he goes out a-striking. Sometimes he seeks 
only for fish, at other times for turtle or manatee, 
and whatever he gets he brings home to his wife 
and never stirs out to seek for more till it is eaten. 
When hunger begins to bite, he either takes his 
canoe and seeks for more game at sea, or walks 
out into the woods and hunts forpecaree and waree, 
each a sort of wild-hogs, or deer, and seldom re- 
turns empty-handed, nor seeks any more so long as 
any of it lasts. Their plantations have not above 
twenty or thirty plan tain- trees, a bed of yams and po- 

* Voyages, vo!. i. p. 9. 



280 ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 

tatoes, a bush of Indian pepper, and a small spot of 
pine-apples, from which they make a sort of drink, to 
which they invite each other to be merry. Whoever 
of them makes of this liquor treats his neighbours, 
providing fish and flesh also."* 

At their drinking-matches they often quarrelled, 
but the women prevented mischief by hiding their 
weapons. They were kind and civil to the English, 
who endeavoured to retain the regard of such use- 
ful friends; but for this purpose it was necessary to let 
them have their own way in every thing, and to 
return home the moment they desired it. If con- 
tradicted there was an end of their services ; and 
though turtle and fish abounded, they would ma- 
nage to kill nothing. They called themselves, as 
has been stated, subjects of the King of England, 
and not unfrequently visited Jamaica, esteeming 
the governor of that island to be one of the greatest 
princes in the world. t In subsequent periods, how- 
ever, the fidelity and regard of this brave and in- 
genious tribe were ungratefully requited by their 
powerful allies. 

The Buccaneers commenced their march across 
the Isthmus on the 5th April 1680, about 330 
strong, each armed with a hanger, fusil, and pistol, 
and provided with several cakes of the bread which 
they called dough- boys. Their generalissimo was 
Captain Sharp ; and the men, marshalled in divi- 
sions, proceeded in something like military order, 
with flags and ensigns. They were accompanied by 
those Indians of Darien who were the hereditary 
enemies of the Spaniards, whom they had subsi- 

Voyages, vol. i. pp. 9, 10. f Ibid. pp. 10, 11. 



ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 281 

dized with the hatchets, knives, beads, and toys, 
which they obtained at Porto Bello. These auxi- 
liaries furnished them with plantains, venison, and 
fruit, in exchange for European commodities. The 
march was easily performed, and in nine days they 
reached Santa Maria, which was taken without op- 
position, though this did not prevent the exercise of 
much cruelty ; the Indians deliberately butchering 
many of the inhabitants. The plunder falling far 
short of the expectations of the freebooters, made 
them the more desirous to push forward. They ac- 
cordingly embarked in canoes and pirogues, on a 
river of the same name, which falls into the Gulf of 
San Miguel, having previously, in their summary 
way, deposed Sharp, and chosen Captain Coxon for 
commander.* 

They had no sooner reached the Bay than they 
captured a small vessel, on board of which a party 
established themselves, happy, after being so long 
cramped and confined in the canoes, to tread again 
the deck of a ship. At this time they divided into 
small parties, first appointing a rendezvous at the 
island of Chepillo, situated in the mouth of the river 
Cheapo. Dampier was with Sharp, who went to 
the Pearl Islands in search of provisions. 

In a few days the whole body mustered for the 
attack of Panama ; and on the 23d April engaged 
three Spanish ships in the road, of which two were 
taken by boarding, while the third got off. The 
onset was fierce and sanguinary; the assailants hav- 
ing eighteen killed and twenty-two wounded. Nor 
was the resistance less vigorous and brave ; for the 

* Ringrose's Account of the Voyage of Captain Sharp, &c. ia 
Buccaneers of America, part iv. p. 4-12. 



282 ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 

Spanish commander with many of his people fell 
before the action terminated. Even after this vic- 
tory the Buccaneers did not consider themselves 
strong enough to attack Panama, but they con- 
tinued to cruise in the Bay, making valuable prizes. 
In the late fight Captain Sawkins had greatly dis- 
tinguished himself by courage and conduct ; and a 
quarrel breaking out while Coxon was absent, he was 
chosen to fill his place. He had not many days 
enjoyed this office, when, in an attack on Puebla 
Nueva, he was killed leading on his men to the as. 
sault of a breastwork ; and on his death, Sharp, the 
second in command, showing faint heart, they all 
retreated. New discontents arose, and the party 
once more divided, not being able to agree in the 
choice of a leader ; at length those who remained in 
the South Sea, among whom was Dampier, decided 
in favour of Sharp. For some months he cruised 
on the coast of Peru, occasionally landing to pillage 
small towns and villages j and on Christmas-day* 
anchored in a harbour at the island of Juan Fer- 
nandez to rest and refit. Here they obtained abund- 
ance of cray-fish, lobsters, and wild-goats, which 
were numerous ; and now Sharp, who had always 
l>een unpopular, was once more formally deposed, 
and Captain Watling elected in his stead.t 

Having enjoyed themselves till the 12th January, 
they were greatly alarmed by the appearance of 
three Spanish ships of war, which they concluded to 
be in pursuit of them. They accordingly proceeded to 

* At any season of the year, when the Buccaneers, after a period 
of watching and toil, had" obtained booty, provisions, and liquor, 
they often retired to some of their nearest haunting-places, " to 
keep a Christmas," as they chose to term their revel. 

f Voyages, vol. i. p. v. Introduction. 
6 



ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 283 

sea in all haste, leaving in their trepidation one of 
the Mosquito Indians named William upon the 
desert island. 

They again cruised along the coast, and their at- 
tacks on the Spanish settlements were resumed. 
But in attempting to capture Arica, Watling was 
killed, and his men completely repulsed, having had 
a narrow escape from being all made prisoners. 
For want of a more competent leader, Sharp was 
again raised to the command ; and the Pacific having 
so greatly disappointed their hopes, many of them 
were now disposed to re- cross the Isthmus. But 
they were far from being unanimous, for one party 
would not continue under their chief, while another 
wished to try their fortunes still further on the 
western coast. It was therefore resolved that the 
majority should retain the ship, and that the others 
should have the long-boat and canoes.* Sharp's 
party proving the more numerous, they cruised in 
the South Sea, on the coast of Patagonia and Chili, 
for the remainder of the season, and early in 1682 
returned to the West Indies by doubling Cape Horn. 
The captain soon afterwards going home, was tried 
in England with several of his men for piracy, but 
escaped conviction. 

In the minority which withdrew from him was 
Dampier, who appears at this time to have been little 
distinguished among his companions. The party 
consisted of forty- four Europeans, a Spanish Indian, 
and two Mosquito-men, all bearing arms.t Their 
object was to recross the Isthmus, an undertaking 
of no small difficulty, as well from the nature of 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. v. Introduction. -f- Ibid. p. 1. 



284 ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 

the country as from the hostility of the Spaniards. 
Before they left the ship they entered into a mutual 
engagement, that if any of them should be unable 
to complete the journey he should be shot by his 
comrades, as one man falling into the hands of the 
enemy must betray the others to certain destruc- 
tion.* At the end of a fortnight they landed 
at the mouth of a river in the Bay of San Mi- 
guel, where taking out all their provisions, arms, 
and clothing, they sunk their boat.t During the 
few hours they spent in preparing for the march, the 
Mosquito-men caught some fish, which afforded one 
plentiful meal to the whole party ; after which they 
commenced their journey in the afternoon of the 
1st of May 1681. At night they constructed huts, 
in which they slept, and in the morning, striking 
into an Indian path, they came to a village, where 
they obtained refreshments. They heard, however, 
with some uneasiness, that they were at no great dis- 
tance from the Spaniards, who had placed ships at 
the mouths of the rivers to look out for them and in- 
tercept their return. Next day they proceeded with 
a hired guide, and reached the dwelling of a native, 
who received them with sullen churlishness, which 
in ordinary times they would ill have brooked; 
" though this was neither a time nor place to be 
angry with the Indians, all our lives lying at their 
hands."J The offer of dollars, hatchets, and long 
knives, had no effect on this intractable savage, 
till one of the seamen, taking a sky-coloured pet- 
ticoat from his bag, threw it over the lady of the 

* Wafer's New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of Ame- 
rica (I vol. 8vo, London, 1699), p. 7- 

f Dampier's Voyages, vol. i. p. 7- Ibid. p. 13. 



ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 285 

house, who was so much delighted with the gift, 
that she soon put her husband into better humour ; 
and he now not only gave them information, but 
found them a guide.* During both days rain fell 
in torrents, but they were still too near hostile gar- 
risons and guard-ships to mind the weather. The 
country was difficult and fatiguing, without any 
trace of a path, as the Indians trusted to the direc- 
tion of the rivers, which they were sometimes com- 
pelled to cross twenty or thirty times in a day. 
Rain, hardship, and hunger, soon expelled all fear 
of the Spaniards, who were, besides, not likely to 
follow them into these intricate solitudes.t 

On the fifth day they reached the dwelling of a 
young native, a civilized person, who had lived 
with the Bishop of Panama, and spoke the Spa- 
nish language fluently. He received them kindly, 
and though unable to provide for the wants of so 
many men, freely gave what he had. This included 
plenty of eggs, yams, and potatoes, but no flesh, ex- 
cept two fat monkeys, which they had shot and 
given to those among their company who were weak 
and sickly.^ At this place they rested to dry their 
clothes and ammunition, and to clean their fire-arms. 
While thus employed Mr Wafer, their surgeon, 
had his knee so much scorched by an accidental ex- 
plosion of gunpowder, that, after dragging himself 
forward during another day, he was forced to re- 
main behind his companions, together with one or 
two more who had been exhausted by the march. 
He dwelt among the Indians of the Darien three 

* " She immediately began to chatter to her husband, and soon 
brought him into better humour." Voyages, vol. i. p. 13. 
f Ibid, p. 14. Ibid. 



ZOO ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 

months, and has left an account which is considered 
the best we yet possess of those tribes.* 

The march was continued in very bad weather, 
this being the commencement of the rainy season, 
when thunder and lightning are most violent. As 
the bottoms of the valleys and the rivers' banks 
were now overflowed, instead of constructing huts 
every night for their repose, they were often obliged 
to seek a resting-place and to sleep under trees. To 
add to their hardships their slaves deserted, carrying 
off whatever they could lay their hands upon.t 

Before leaving the ship, foreseeing the difficulties 
of the journey, and the necessity of perpetually ford- 
ing the rivers, Dampier had taken the precaution to 
deposite his journal in a bamboo-cane, closed at both 
ends with wax ; an expedient by which his papers 
were secured.^ In crossing one where the current 
ran exceedingly strong, a man, who carried his 
whole fortune of three hundred dollars on his back, 
was swept away and drowned ; and so completely 
exhausted were his comrades, that, fond as they were 
of gold, they would not at this time take the trouble 
to recover the lost treasure. 

It was on the twenty-third day that the adven- 
turers reached the river Conception, where they ob- 
tained canoes, in which they proceeded to La Sound's 
Key, one of the Samballas Islands, which were much 
frequented by men of their order. Here they enter- 
ed on board a French privateer commanded by Cap- 
tain Tristian ; and, with better faith than freebooters 
usually displayed, generously rewarded their Indian 
guides with money, toys, and hatchets, before they 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 15. Wafer's Voyage. -f- Ibid. p. 16. 

J Ibid. Ibid. p. 17. 



ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 287 

dismissed them.* The Buccaneers of this time were 
somewhat less ferocious in manners than those under 
Morgan and L'Olonnois, though it never entered 
into their thoughts that there could be any wrong 
in robbing the Spaniards. Sawkins and Watling 
maintained stricter discipline than had been custom- 
ary in former periods, approximating in this respect 
to the regulations of a ship of war. They even made 
the Sabbath be observed with outward signs of re- 
spect. The former, on one occasion when his men, 
who like all other pirates were inveterate gamblers, 
played on that day, flung the dice overboard. 

Two days after they had gone on board Tristian's 
vessel, he left La Sound's for Springer's Key, another 
of the Samballas, where eight vessels then lay, the 
crews of which had unanimously formed the de- 
sign of crossing to Panama.t From this expedition 
they were, however, diverted by the dismal report 
given by their new friends; and the assault of 
other places was accordingly taken into consideration. 
They had now an intimate knowledge of every 
town upon the coast from Trinidad to Vera Cruz, 
and for twenty leagues into the interior ; including 
an acquaintance with the strength and wealth of each, 
as well as with the number and quality of the in- 
habitants. The preliminary consultations lasted a 
week, as the French and English could not agree ; 
but at last they sailed for Carpenter's River, going 
first towards the Isle of San Andreas.^ In a gale 
the ships were separated ; and Dampier being left 
with foreigners, conceived such a deep dislike to them, 



* Voyages, vol. i. p. 22. f Ibid. vol. i. p 26. 

$ Ibid. pp. 29, 30. 



288 ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 

that he and some others who had crossed the Isth- 
mus induced Captain Wright, a countryman of 
their own, to fit up a small vessel, with which they 
cruised along the coast in search of provisions. The 
Mosquito- men caught turtle, while they themselves 
hunted in the woods for pecaree, rvaree, deer, 
quaums, parrots, pigeons, and Curassow birds,* and 
also monkeys, which in times of hardship were es- 
teemed a delicate morsel. At one place several of the 
men were suddenly taken ill after eating land-crabs 
which had fed upon the fruit of the manchineel-tree ; 
all animals that use this vegetable being avoided as 
unwholesome, if not poisonous. In selecting wild- 
fruits they were guided by the birds, freely eating 
whatever kind had been pecked; and no bird, it 
was observed, ever touched the manchineel.t 

On returning to La Sound's Key they were joined 
by Mr Wafer. He had been all the while generously 

* Of the Curassow birds (genus CY<r), so named, we presume, 
from Curassow in Guiana, several species are known to naturalists. 
They belong to the gallinaceous order, and are of large size, easily 
domesticated, and much esteemed for the flavour of their flesh. 
They feed on fruits and seeds, and build as well as pereh on trees. 
Many of them are distinguished by a singular contoi tion in the 
trachea or windpipe, of which an account was published by Dr 
Latham in the fourth volume of theZ,mre. Trans. The crested 
Curassow (Crnx a lector) is a beautiful bird, nearly three feet in 
length. It inhabits Guiana, Mexico, Brazil, and Paraguay. A 
curious variety, or hybrid, is described by Temminck as having 
sprung from the intermixture of this species with the Crax rubra. 
This latter species has likewise a fine crest, and is nearly as large 
as a Turkey. The globe-bearing Curassow (Crax ylobifera.) is 
characterized by a remarkable tubercle at the base of the beak. 
The whole of the plumage is of a fine black, with a tinge of green ; 
the abdomen, under tail-coverts, and tips of the tail-feathers, are 
white. It inhabits Guiana. A new species, called the carunculated 
Curassow (Crax carunculata), was discovered and described by 
M. Temminck. The upper parts of the plumage are black, with 
green reflections ; the abdomen is of a chestnut colour. It mea- 
sures about three feet in length, and inhabits Brazil. 

f Voyages, voL i. pp. 38, 39. 



ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 289 

entertained by an Indian chief, who offered him his 
daughter in marriage, and grudged him nothing 
save the liberty of departing. From this kind in- 
dividual he escaped under pretence of going in search 
of dogs to be employed in hunting, the other being 
a ware of the superiority which these animals gave to 
the Spaniards in the chase. The surgeon had been 
painted by the women, and his own clothes being 
worn out, he was now dressed, or rather undressed, 
like the natives ; whom, under this disguise, he re- 
sembled so much, that it was some time before 
Dampier recognised his old acquaintance. Wafer's 
own account of the recognition is humorous and 
graphic: " The four Englishmen with me were 
presently known and caressed by the ship's crew ; 
but I sat a while cringing upon my hams among 
the Indians after their fashion, painted as they were, 
and all naked but only about the waist, and with my 
nose-piece hanging over my mouth. I was willing 
to try if they would know me in this disguise, and 
'twas the better part of an hour before one of the 
crew, looking more narrowly upon me, cried out, 
' Here's our doctor !' "* 

From the Samballas they cruised towards Cartha- 
gena, which they passed, having a fair view of the 
city, and casting longing eyes upon the rich monas- 
tery built on the steep hill behind it. This edifice, 
dedicated to the Virgin, is, says the nautical journa- 
list, " a place of incredible wealth, by reason of the 
offerings made here continually ; and for this reason 
often in danger of being visited by the privateers, 
did not the neighbourhood of Carthagena keep them 

Wafer's Voyage, p. 42. 



290 ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 

in awe. 'Tis, in short, the very Loretto of the West 
Indies, and hath innumerable miracles related of it. 
Any misfortune that befalls the privateers is attri- 
buted to this Lady's doing; and the Spaniards re- 
port that she was abroad that night the Oxford 
man-of-war was blown up at the Isle of Vacca, and 
that she came home all wet j as belike she often re- 
turns with her clothes dirty and torn with passing 
through woods and bad ways when she has been out 
upon any expedition, deserving doubtless a new suit 
for such eminent pieces of service/'* 

The party of Captain Wright pillaged several 
small places about Rio de la Hacha and the Ran- 
cheries, which were the head-quarters of a Spa- 
nish pearl-fishery. The pearl-banks lay about four 
or five leagues from the shore. In prosecuting this 
branch of industry, the Indians dived and brought 
up full the baskets previously let down ; and when 
their boats were filled, they went ashore, and the 
oysters were opened by the old men, women, and 
children, under the inspection of an overseer.t 

A short time afterwards the adventurers cap- 
tured an armed ship of twelve guns and forty men, 
"laden with sugar, tobacco, and marmalade, bound 
to Carthagena from St Jago in Cuba. By the mode 
of selling this cargo some insight is afforded into 
the mysteries of buccaneering. It was offered first 
to the Dutch governor of Curacoa, who having, as 
he said, a great trade with the Spaniards, could not 
openly admit the freebooters to his island, though 
he directed them to go to St Thomas's, which be- 
longed to the Danes, whither he would send a sloop 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 42. f Ibid. p. 43. 



ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 291 

with such commodities as they required, and take 
the sugar off their hands. The rovers, however, de- 
clined the terms suggested by this cautious ruler, and 
sailed to another Dutch colony, where they found 
a better merchant. From hence they departed for 
the Isle of Aves, which, as its name imports, abound- 
ed in fowls, especially boobies and men-of-war-birds. 
The latter was about the size of a kite, black, with 
a red throat. It lives on fish, yet never lights in the 
water ; but, soaring aloft like the kite, ' ' when it 
sees its prey, it flies down head foremost to the 
water's edge, very swiftly takes its prey out of the 
sea with its bill, and immediately mounts again as 
swiftly/'* 

On a coral reef near the south side of this island 
the Count d'Estrees had shortly before, in a dark 
night, lost the French fleet. Firing guns to warn 
those that followed him to avoid the danger, they 
imagined that he was engaged with the enemy, and 
crowding all sail, ran upon destruction. The ships 
held together till next day, when part of the crews 
got on shore, though many perished. Dampier relates 
that the ordinary seamen who landed died of fatigue 
and famine, while such of them as had been Buc- 
caneers, " being used to such accidents, lived mer- 
rily j and if they had gone to Jamaica with 30 
a-man in their pockets, could not have enjoyed 
themselves more ; for they kept in a gang by them- 
selves, and watched when the ships broke, to get 
the goods that came from them ; and though much 
was staved against the rocks, yet abundance of wine 
and brandy floated over the reef, where they waited 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 45, 46, 4J. 



292 ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 

to take it up." The following anecdote of the 
wrecked crew presents a dreadful picture : " There 
were about forty French men onboard one of theships, 
where there was good store of liquor, till the after- 
part of her broke away, and floated over the reef, and 
was carried away to sea, with all the men drinking 
and singing, who being in drink, did not mind the 
danger, but were never heard of afterwards."* 

After a brief space, this island was the scene of 
a clever trick, which Dampier relates with some 
glee. Those numerous wrecks had left the coast 
a perfect arsenal of masts, yards, and other tim- 
bers, and thither the Buccaneers repaired to careen 
and refit their ships, and among others Captain 
Pain, a native of France. A Dutch vessel of twenty 
guns, despatched from Cura9oa to bring off the 
cannon lost on the reef, descried the privateer, 
which she resolved to capture before engaging in 
the business of her voyage. Pain abandoned his 
brig, which he saw no chance of preserving, but 
brought ashore some of his guns, and resolved to 
defend himself as long as possible. While his men 
were thus employed, he perceived at a distance a 
Dutch sloop entering the road, and in the evening 
found her anchored at the west end of the island. 
During the night, with two canoes, he boarded and 
took her, found considerable booty, and made off, 
leaving his empty vessel as a prize to the man-of- 
war.t 

At this island the English party remained some 
time, careened the largest ship, scrubbed a sugar- 
prize formerly taken, and recovered two guns from 

Voyages, vol. i. pp. 47, 50, 51. f Ibid - PP- 51 > 52 - 






ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 293 

the wreck of D'Estrees' fleet. They afterwards 
went to the Isles of Rocas, where they fell in with 
a French frigate of thirty-six guns ; and the captain, 
who was a Knight of Malta, bought ten tons of their 
sugar. To Dampier he and his lieutenant were 
particularly attentive, and offered him every en- 
couragement to enter their navy, a temptation 
which he resisted from feelings of patriotism.* 

Here he saw, besides men-of-war- birds, boobies, 
and noddies, numbers of the tropic-bird. t It was 
as big as a pigeon, round and plump like a partridge, 
and all white, save two or three light- gray feathers 
in the wing. One long feather or quill, about seven 
inches in length, growing out of the rump, is all the 
tail these birds have. They are never seen far with- 
out the tropics, but are met with at a great dis- 
tance from land. J After taking in what water could 
be obtained, they left Rocas and went to Salt Tor- 
tuga, so called to distinguish it from Dry Tortuga 
near Cape Florida, and from the Tortuga of the first 
Buccaneers, near Hispaniola, which place was now 
better known as Petit Guaves. They expected to 
sell the remainder of their sugar to the English ves- 
sels which came there for salt ; but not succeeding, 
they sailed for Blanco, an island north of Margar- 
ita, and thirty leagues from the Main. It was 
uninhabited, flat and low, being mostly savannah, 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 52. 

f- There are several species of tropic-bird ; but the one alluded 
to above is the Phaet-m ethereu* of naturalists, remarkable for its 
restriction to the regions from which it derives its English name. 
It feeds on fish, and is characterized by a singular degree of ease 
and gracefulness in its mode of flight. It inhabits the Atlantic 
Ocean and the South J*ea, and its pure and pearly plumage is dis- 
tinguished by a lustre like that of satin. 

Voyages, vol. i. p. 53. 



294 ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 

with a few wooded spots, in which flourished the 
lignum mice. Iguanas, or guanoes, as they were 
commonly called in the West Indies, abounded here. 
They resembled the lizard species, but were bigger, 
about the size of the small of a man's leg. From the 
hind-quarter the tail tapered to the point; and if 
seized by it near the extremity, it broke off at a 
joint, and the animal escaped. They are amphi- 
bious creatures ; but both their eggs 'and flesh were 
highly esteemed by the Buccaneers, who made soup 
of the latter for their sick. There were many spe- 
cies found at Blanco, living on land or water, in the 
swamps, among bushes, or on trees. Green turtle 
also frequented this island.* The pirates returned 
to Salt Tortuga, and went from thence, after four 
days, to the coast of the Caraccas. 

. While cruising on that shore, they landed in some 
of the bays, and took seven or eight tons of cocoa, 
and afterwards three barks, one laden with hides, 
another with brandy and earthenware, and a third 
with European goods. With these prizes they re- 
turned to the Rocas to divide the spoil ; after which 
Dampier and nineteen others, out of a company of 
sixty, took one of the vessels, and with their share 
of the plunder held their course direct for Virginia, 
which was reached in July 1682.t 

Of the thirteen months which he spent in Vir- 
ginia he has left no distinct record ; but from another 
portion of his memoirs it may be gathered that 
he suffered from sickness during most of the time. 
His disease was not more singular than was the 
mode of cure practised by a negro Esculapius, whose 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 56, 57. "\ Ibid. pp. 64, 65. 



ADVENTURES WITH THE BUCCANEERS. 295 

appropriate fee was a white cock. The disease was 
what is called the Guinea-worm. " These worms," 
says he, " are no bigger than a large brown thread, 
but (as I have heard) five or six yards long, and 
if it breaks in drawing out, that part which re- 
mains in the flesh will putrefy, and be very pain- 
ful, and endanger the patient's life. I was in 
great torment before it came out. My leg and 
ankle swelled, and looked very red and angry, 
and I kept a plaster to it to bring it to a head. At 
last, drawing off my plaster, out came about three 
inches of the worm, and my pain abated presently. 
Till then I was ignorant of my malady, and the 
gentlewoman at whose house I was took it (the 
worm) for a nerve, but I knew well enough what 
it was, and presently rolled it up on a small stick. 
After that I opened it every morning and evening, 
and strained it out gently, about two inches at a 
time, not without pain." The negro doctor first 
stroked the place affected, then applied some rough 
powder to it, like tobacco-leaves crumbled, next 
muttered a spell, blew upon the part three times, 
waved his hands as often, and said that in three 
days it would be well. It proved so, and the sti- 
pulated fee of the white cock was gladly paid.* 

The next adventure of Dampier was the circum- 
navigation of the globe, a voyage extending to 
about eight years, which, in point of interest and 
variety, has seldom been surpassed. 

* Voyages, vol. ii. pp. 90, 91. 



296 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Circumnavigation of the Globe. 

Dampier's new VoyageCape de Verd Isles Bachelor's Delight 
Falkland Isles Mosquito WiJliara Nautical Remarks of 
Dam pier Junction of Cook and Eaton The Galapagos Islands 
Death of Cook Escape of the Buccaneers Descent at Ama- 
palla Spanish Indians The Buccaneers separate La Plata 
and Manta The Cygnet joins the Buccaneers Descent on Paita 
Attempt on Guayaquil Darapier's Scheme of working the 
Mines Indians of St Jago The Buccaneers watch the Plate- 
fleet Battle in the Bay of Panama Assault of Leon Dam pier 
remains in the Cygnet His Sickness Crosses the Pacific 
Island of Guahan Mindanao Its Customs The Buccaneers 
desert Swan Future Cruise of the Cygnet Pulo Condore The 
Bashee Isles Character and Manners of the Islanders Cruise 
to New Holland The Country and People The Nicobar Isl- 
ands Dampier leaves the Buccaneers His Voyage to Acheen 
Voyages with Captains Bowry and Weldon Remains at 
Bencoolen Prince Jeoly Dampier's Return to England Pub- 
lication of his Voyages. 

AMONG the companions of Dampier in his journey 
across the Isthmus, and in his subsequent cruise, was 
Mr John Cook, a Creole, born in St Christopher's, 
and a man of good capacity. He had acted as 
quarter- master, or second in command, under Cap- 
tain Yanky, a French Flibustier, who at this time 
held a commission as a privateer. By the ordi- 
nary laws of that fraternity, when a prize fit for 
their service was taken, the second in command 
was promoted to it, and, in virtue of this title, Cook 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 297 

obtained at Isle a la Vache an excellent Spanish 
ship. At this, however, the Frenchmen were secretly 
discontented, and on the first opportunity they 
seized the vessel, plundered the sailors, who were 
English, of their arms and goods, and turned them 
ashore. Tristian, the captain already named, either 
took compassion on some of the number, or hoped 
to find them serviceable, for he carried eight or ten 
with him to Petit Guaves, among whom were Cook 
and Davis.* But they had not lain long there when 
he and part of his men being one day on shore, 
the English party, in revenge of the late spolia- 
tion, overmastered the rest of the crew, and took the 
ship. Having sent the men ashore, they sai led for the 
island mentioned above, where they picked up their 
comrades, and before they could be overtaken, pro- 
ceeded to Virginia, where Dampier now was, taking 
two prizes by the way, one of which laden with wine 
belonged to France.t Having thus committed open 
piracy on the commerce of that nation, the West 
Indies was no longer a safe latitude for these rovers. J 
The wines were therefore sold, together with two 
of the ships; and the largest prize, which car- 
ried eighteen guns, was named the Revenge, and 
equipped for a long voyage. A mong her crew of se- 
venty men were most of the adventurers who lately 
crossed the Isthmus, including Dampier, Lionel 
Wafer, Ambrose Cowley, and the commander, John 
Cook. Before embarking on this expedition, they 
all subscribed certain rules for maintaining disci- 
pline and due subordination, and for the observance 
of sobriety. 

* Vovages, vol. i. p. 68. f Ibid. p. 69. 

J Ibid? Ibid. F 



298 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

They sailed from Achamack in Virginia on the 
23d August 1683,, captured a Dutch vessel, in which 
they found six casks of wine and a quantity of pro- 
visions, and near the Cape de Verd Islands en- 
countered a storm which raged for a week, " drench- 
ing them all like so many drowned rats."* After 
this gale they had the winds and weather both fa- 
vourable, and anchored at the Isle of Sal, one of the 
Cape de Verd group, so named from its numerous 
salt-ponds. 

A Portuguese at this place, by affecting the mys- 
tery which gives so much zest to clandestine bar- 
gains, prevailed with one of the crew to purchase 
from him a lump of what he called ambergris, 
which appears to have been spurious. Of the genuine 
substance Dampier relates that he was once shown 
a piece separated from a mass weighing upwards of 
]00 Ibs. found in the sandy creek of an island in 



* In this storm, it is related in Dampier's Voyages (vol. ii. part iii. 
p. 64), that the ship was saved by an odd but very simple expe- 
dient : The ship was scudding- before wind and sea, under bare 
poles, when, by the inadvertence of the master, she was broached 
to, and lay in the trough of the sea; the waves at that time run- 
ning tremendously high, and threatening to overwhelm her, so that 
if one had struck on the deck, she must have foundered. The 
person who had committed this nearly fatal mistake, was in a state 
of distraction, and shouted for any one to cut away the mizzen-mast, 
to give the ship a chance of righting. All was confusion and dis- 
may ; the captain and the officer second in command objecting to 
this certainly hazardous, and probably useless attempt to save 
themselves. The whole crew had given themselves up for lost, 
when a seaman called to Dampier to ascend the fore-shrouds with 
him ; this the man alleged might make the ship wear, as he had 
seen the plan succeed before now. As he spoke he mounted, and 
Dampier followed him ; they went half-shrouds up, spread out the 
Haps of their coats, and in three minutes the ship wore, though such 
had been the violence of the tempest, that the main-sail having got 
loose, as many men as could lie on it, assisted by all on deck, were 
not able to furl it, though the main-yard was nearly level with the 
deck. 



CIRCUBINAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 299 

the Bay of Honduras. It was discovered by a per- 
son of credit, Mr Barker of London, lying dry 
above high-water-mark, and in it a multitude of 
beetles.* It was, he adds, of a dusky black colour, 
the consistence of mellow cheese, and of a very 
fragrant scent.t 

At the Isle of Sal he first saw the flamingo. It 
was in shape like the heron, but larger, and of a 
red colour. These creatures kept together in large 
flocks, and, standing side by side near the ponds at 
which they fed, looked at a distance like a new 
brick wall. Their flesh was lean and black, but 
not unsavoury, and the fat at the root of their 
tongue makes a dish fit for a prince's table.J 

From this island they went to St Nicholas, where 
the governor and his attendants, though not quite 
so tattered in their apparel as the dignitaries of the 
same rank in the Isle of Sal, were not very splen- 
didly equipped. Here they dug wells, watered the 
ship, scrubbed its bottom, and went to Mayo to ob- 
tain provisions, but were not suffered to land, as, 
about a week before, Captain Bond, a pirate of Bris- 
tol, had entrapped some of the people, and carried 
them away. 

From the Cape de Verd Isles the adventurers in- 
tended to hold a direct course to the Straits of Ma- 
gellan ; but by adverse weather were compelled to 
steer for the Guinea coast, which was made in 

* The substance called ambergris, at one time regarded by che- 
mists as a kind of petroleum or mineral oil, is now ascertained to be 
an animal production, which has its origin in the intestinal canal of 
certain species of the whale-tribe. The beetles alluded to in the 
text were no doubt accidental ; and their occurrence in the amber- 
gris is accounted for by its position above high- water-mark. 

f Voyages, vol. i. pp. 73, ;4. % Ibid. p. 71. Ibid. p. 75. 



300 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

November, near Sierra Leone. They anchored in 
the mouth of the river Sherborough, near a large 
Danish ship, which they afterwards took by strata- 
gem. While in sight of the Dane, who felt no 
alarm at the appearance Of the stranger, most of 
the men remained below, no more appearing on deck 
than were necessary to manage the sails. As their 
design was to make the capture without discovering 
their intention, they advanced closely, still wearing 
the semblance of a weakly-manned merchant-ves- 
sel. When quite close, Captain Cook in a loud 
voice commanded the helm to be put one way, 
while by a preconcerted plan the steersman shifted 
it into the quite opposite direction, and the Re- 
venge, as if by accident, suddenly fell on board the 
other, which by this dexterous manoeuvre was se- 
cured with the loss of only five men. She carried 
thirty-six guns, and was at the same time victualled 
for a long voyage.* 

This fine vessel was, by the exulting conquerors, 
named the Bachelor's Delight; and immediately 
burning their own, that she " might tell no tales," 
they sent their prisoners on shore, and steered for 
Magellan's Straits.t 

On the voyage thither, they encountered several 
alarming tornadoes, accompanied by thunder, light- 
ning, and rain. Many of them were seized with 
fever, and one died.J Having little fresh food of 



* Cowley's Manuscript Journal, quoted by Burney, Chron. Hist. 
Discov. vol. iv. p. 136. 

f- It is proper to notice, that we owe these particulars to the 
narrative of Cowley. Dampier does not mention this stratagem, 
which he must on reflection have thought little to the credit ot the 
contrivers. 

J Voyages, vol. i. p. 79. 

5 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 301 

any kind, they caught sharks during the calms, 
which they prepared by first boiling and afterwards 
stewing them with pepper and vinegar. About the 
middle of January they lost one of the surgeons, 
who was greatly lamented ; and on the 28th they 
made the Falkland Isles, then, however, more ge- 
nerally known under the name of Sibald de Weert.'" 
These islands are described as rocky and barren, 
without trees, and having only some bushes upon 
them. Shoals of small lobsters, which coloured the 
sea with red spots for a mile round, were seen 
here. They were not larger than the tip of a man's 
little finger, yet perfect in shape, and having the 
colour that other lobsters assume after they are 
boiled.t 

In the course of their voyage, Dampier, who pos- 
sessed more geographical and nautical knowledge 
than his companions, endeavoured to persuade Cap- 
tain Cook to stop here to procure water, and after- 
wards to proceed to Juan Fernandez by doubling 
Cape Horn, avoiding the Straits altogether, which, 
he judiciously says, " I knew would prove very 
dangerous to us, the rather because our jpen being 
privateers, and so more wilful and less under com- 
mand, would not be so ready to give a watchful 
attendance in a passage so little known. For al- 
though these men were more under command than 
I had ever seen any privateers, yet I could not 
expect to find them at a minute's call, in coming 
to an anchor or weighing anchor.":}: 

But his advice was not taken ; and as westerly 

Voyages, vol. i. p. 80. f Ibid. p. 81. 

Ibid. 



302 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

winds prevented them from making the entrance 
of the Straits, on the 6th February they arrived at 
the passage of Le Maire. They had only advanced 
about four miles, when a strong tide setting north- 
ward, " made a short cockling sea/' which ran 
every way, as if in a place where two opposing tides 
meet ; sometimes breaking over the poop, sometimes 
over the waist and the bow, and tossing the ship 
"like an egg-shell."* 

In the same evening, having a breeze from west- 
north-west, they bore away eastward, and the wind 
being fresh all night, they passed the east end of 
Staten Island next day. Our navigator, on the 7th 
at noon, found the latitude to be 54 52' S. ; and 
the same night the crew, losing sight of Tierra del 
Fuego,saw no other land till they reached the Pacific. 
In doubling Cape Horn they were so fortunate as 
to collect twenty-three barrels of rain-water, besides 
an abundant supply for present consumption.t 

On the 3d March they entered the South Sea 
with a fresh breeze, which from the south had 
shifted to the eastward. On the 9th they were in 
latitude 47 10', and on the 17th in latitude 36, 
still standing for Juan Fernandez. On the 19th a 
strange sail was seen towards the south, bearing full 
upon them, which was mistaken for a Spaniard, 
but proved to be the Nicholas of London, command- 
ed by Captain Eaton, fitted out as a trader, though 
in reality a pirate. This officer came on board, related 
his adventures, and, like a true brother, gave the 
company water, while they spared him a supply of 
bread and beef. Together they now steered for 

* Voyages, \ol. i. p. 82. f Ibid. p. 83. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 303 

the island just mentioned, and on the 23d anchored 
in a bay at its southern extremity, in twenty-five 
fathoms water.* From their new friend they learned 
that there was in the South Sea another London 
vessel, the Cygnet, commanded by Captain Swan, 
which was really a merchantman, and held a li- 
cense from the High Admiral of England. This 
ship and the Nicholas, which had proceeded some 
time in company, were separated in a gale.t 

It may be remembered that when Captain Wat- 
ling and his crew escaped from Juan Fernandez 
three years before, they had left a Mosquito-man 
on the island. This individual, named William, 
was the true Robinson Crusoe, the original hermit 
of this romantic solitude. Immediately on ap- 
proaching it, Dampier and a few others, together 
with an Indian named Robin, put off for the shore, 
where they soon perceived William standing ready to 
give them welcome. From the heights he had seen 
the ships on the preceding day, and knowing them 
to be English vessels by the way they were worked, 
he had killed three goats, and dressed them with 
fruit of the cabbage-tree, to have a feast ready on 
their arrival. How great was his delight, as the 
boat neared the beach, to see Robin leap ashore, 
and running up to him, fall flat at his feet ! He 
raised up his countryman, embraced him, and in 
turn prostrated himself at his feet, who again lifted 
him up, when they renewed their embraces. " We 
stood with pleasure," says Dampier, " to behold the 
surprise, and tenderness, and solemnity of this in- 
terview, which was exceedingly affecting on both 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 83, 84. t Ibid. ' 



304 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

sides ; and when their ceremonies of civility were 
over, we also that stood gazing at them drew near, 
each of us embracing him we had found here, who 
was overjoyed to see so many of his old friends, 
come hither, as he thought, purposely to fetch 
him."* 

At the time William was abandoned, he had 
with him in the woods his gun and knife, and a 
small quantity of powder and shot. As soon as his 
ammunition was expended, by notching his knife 
into a saw he cut up the barrel of his musket into 
pieces, which he converted into harpoons and lances. 
To accomplish this he struck fire with his flint 
and a little bar of iron, which he hardened in a way 
he had seen practised by the Buccaneers. In this 
fire he heated his metal, hammered it out with 
stones, sawed it with his jagged knife, grinding his 
implements to an edge, and tempering them; "which 
was no more than these Mosquito-men were accus- 
tomed to in their own country, where they make 
their own fishing and striking instruments without 
either forge or anvil, though they spend a great deal 
of time about them."t Thus furnished, he supplied 
himself with goats' flesh and fish, though previously 
he had been compelled to eat seal. He built his 
house about half a mile from the shore, and lined it 
snugly with goat-skins, with which he also spread 
his couch or barbecue, raised two feet from the floor. 
As his clothes wore out he supplied this want also 
with goat-skins, and, when first seen, he wore no- 
thing save one of these about his waist. Though the 
Spaniards, who had learned that a Mosquito-man 

Voyages, vol. i. p. 84. f Ibid. p. 85. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 305 

was left there, had looked for him several times, he 
had always, by retiring to a secret place, contrived 
to elude their search.* 

The island of Juan Fernandez is hilly, but in- 
tersected by several pleasant valleys ; the mountains 
are partly savannah and partly woodland; the 
grass of the flat places being delicate and kindly, of 
a short thick growth, unlike the coarse sedgy produce 
of the marshy plains in the West Indies. The cab- 
bage-tree was found there, and well-grown timber of 
different kinds, though none that was fit for masts. 
There were at the east end of the island two 
bays, where ships might anchor, and into each of 
them flowed a rivulet of good water, which was also 
to be obtained in every valley. Goats, that accord- 
ing to Dampier had been originally conveyed thither 
by the discoverer, were now found in large flocks, and 
seals swarmed about the coast " as if they had no 
other place in the world to live in, every bay and 
rock being full of them." Sea-lionst were also nu- 
merous, and different kinds of fish were found. The 
seals were of different colours, black, gray, and 
dun, with a fine thick short fur. Millions of them 
were seen sitting in the bays, leaving or entering 
the sea, or, as they lay at the top of the waves, sport- 
ing and sunning themselves, covering the water fora 
mile or two from the shore. When they come out 
of the sea " they bleat like sheep for their young ; 
and though they pass through hundreds of others' 
young, yet they will not suffer any of them to suck." 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 84, 86. 

f The leonine seal, so frequently mentioned in this volume as 
the sea-lion seen by Cavendish and others. 
J Voyages, vol. i. p. 87-89. 



306 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

The sea-lion is shaped like a seal, but is six times as 
big, with "great goggle eyes," and teeth three inches 
long, of which the sailors sometimes made dice."* 

The Buccaneers remained sixteen days at this 
island, as well to procure provisions as for the recovery 
of the sick and those affected with scurvy, who were 
sent ashore and fed with vegetables and fresh goats' 
flesh, a regimen that was found beneficial. On the 
8th April they sailed for the American coast, which 
they approached in 24 S. ; but stood off at the distance 
of fourteen or fifteen leagues, that they might not be 
observed from the high grounds by the Spaniards.t 

The observations of Dam pier in this tract of the 
Pacific are important. The land from the 14th to 
the 10th degree south is of prodigious height. " It 
lies generally in ridges parallel to the shore, and 
three or four ridges, one within another, each sur- 
passing the other in height ; those that are farthest 
within land being much higher than the others. 
They always appear blue when seen at sea." To 
the great elevation of the mountain-ridges he im- 
putes the want of rivers in this region. 

On the 3d of May they captured a Spanish ship 
bound to Lima, laden with timber from Guayaquil ; 
from the crew of which they learned that the fact 
of pirates being on the coast was known in the 
settlements.^ 

On the 9th they anchored with their prize at the 
Isle of Lobos de la Mar, which is properly a cluster 
of small islets divided by narrow channels. They 
are sandy and barren, destitute of water, and fre- 
quented by sea-fowl, penguins, and a small black 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 90. t I bid. p. 93. J Ibid. p. 96. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 307 

bird that our navigator never saw except here and 
at Juan Fernandez, which made holes in the sand 
for a night-habitation.* At this place the ships 
were scrubbed, and the prisoners rigidly examined, 
that from their information the voyagers might guide 
their future proceedings. Truxillo was the town at 
last fixed upon for making a descent. As Eaton 
and Cook had now agreed to unite their forces, the 
companies of both ships, amounting to 108, were 
mustered, and the arms were proved. But before 
they sailed three vessels were seen steering north- 
ward. Cook stood after one of them, which made 
for the land, and Eaton pursued the others to sea, 
and captured them the same day. They contained 
cargoes of flour sent from Lima for the city of Pa- 
nama, whither they were charged with intelligence 
from the governor respecting the robbers who now 
threatened the coast. On board of one were eight 
tons of quince-marmalade. But, amidst their suc- 
cess, the Buccaneers were deeply mortified to learn 
that they had missed a prize containing 800,000 
pieces of eight ; the treasure being landed at an in- 
termediate port, in consequence of the rumour that 
English ships were cruising in the neighbourhood^ 
The design against Truxillo was now abandoned, 
as they learned that it had been lately fortified, and 
strengthened by a Spanish garrison. On the even- 
ing of the 19th accordingly they sailed with their 
prizes for the Galapagos, which they descried on the 
31st, " some appearing on the lee-bow, some on the 
weather-bow, and others right ahead." These 

* This is described by Woodes Rogers as a kind of teal. Voy- 
age round the World (8vo, London, 1712), p. 148. 
-j- Voyages, vol. i. pp. 98, 99. 



308 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

islands were very little known at the time the free- 
booters made this visit. They lie under the equator,, 
are numerous, and were uninhabited, abounding 
only in iguanas and large land-turtle; otherwise 
they are rocky and barren, and destitute of water, 
except in a few places.* Several of the isles are seven 
or eight leagues long, and from three to four broad, 
and partially wooded. Land-turtle were found here 
in such multitudes, that Dampier says "500 or 600 
men might subsist on them for several months with- 
out any other sort of provision. "t Some of them 
weighed from 150 to 200 pounds, and were two feet 
or two feet six inches over the callipee, and sweet as 
a young pullet. There was also abundance of sea- 
turtle, the creeks and shallows being filled with 
the grass on which they feed. Of these there were 
four kinds: the green-turtle, the loggerhead, the 
trunk-turtle, and the hawksbill ; on the back of this 
last species is found the shell so much valued in 
commerce, of which the largest afforded about three 
pounds and a half.f 

At the Galapagos the Buccaneers remained twelve 
days, and deposited a portion of their flour against 
future necessity. Good salt was found here, pigeons 
abounded, the sea teemed with fish, and the leaves 



* The Buccaneers at their first visit could not discover how the 
small birds, and especially the turtle-doves, which were here nume- 
rous and so tame that they would light upon the men's shoulders, 
obtained water. On another voyage some seamen, lying- under a 
prickly pear-tree, observed an old bird supplying the young ones 
with drink, by squeezing a liquid from a small berry into their bills. 
This liquid was found to be slightly acid, and not unpleasant in 
taste. For drink at these islands, when water could not be obtained, 
the seamen chewed leaves that they gathered, which they describe 
as of a thick pulpy consistence. 

j- Voyages, vol. i. pp. 101, 102. + Ibid. pp. 102, 103. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 309 

of the mammee-tree* furnished them with vege- 
tables ; so that these isles were in all respects well 
adapted for a maritime station. 

By the advice of an Indian, one of their prisoners, 
they were induced to visit Ria Lexa, his native place, 
where he promised them a rich harvest of plunder.t 
At Juan Fernandez, Captain Cook had been taken 
ill ; he now died somewhat suddenly as they stood 
off Cape Blanco, and, as a mark of respect, was 
buried on shore. While his men were digging the 
grave they were seen by three Indians, who, stand- 
ing at a distance, asked them many questions ; " and 
our men," says Dampier, " did not stick to sooth 
them up with as many falsehoods, purposely to 
draw them into their clutches ; and at length drilled 
them by discourse so near, that they laid hold on 
all three at once."J One, however, escaped be- 
fore the funeral was over, and the two others were 
taken on board. When examined, notwithstand- 
ing their pretended simplicity, they confessed that 
they had been sent out as spies by the Governor 
of Panama, who had received intelligence of this 
squadron. 

The voyagers were informed by these prisoners 



* Mamraea Americana, Linn., of the Linnaean class and order 
Polyandria, Monogyma, and of the natural family Gnttiferce. it 
is a handsome tree, sixty or seventy feet high, with an elegant 
branching head. The flowers are white, and sweet-scented ; the 
fruit roundish, five or six inches in diameter, enclosing a rich yellow 
pulp within a leathery rind. It is called Abricot-sauvage by the 
French, and, according to Jacquin, is eaten either in a raw state, 
or cut into slices with wine and sugar, or preserved in syrup. The 
skin and seeds are bitter, with a strong resinous flavour. In Mar- 
tinique, the flowers are distilled with spirits, and made into a liquor 
called Eau Creole. May not the mammee-tree mentioned in the 
text as furnishing edible leaves be a different plant ? 
f Voyages, vol. L p. 110. J Ibid. pp. 113, 1 14. Ibid. p. 114. 



310 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

that large herds of cattle were reared in this neigh- 
bourhood,, which was welcome news to seamen who 
had seen no fresh meat since their run from the Ga- 
lapagos. Two boats were immediately sent with an 
Indian guide to obtain a supply ; but the enterprise 
appearing dangerous, Dampier with twelve men re- 
turned on board. Those who were more fool-hardy, 
and who even slept on shore, found next morning 
that their boat was burnt, and themselves watched 
by forty or fifty armed Spaniards. The enemy, afraid 
to come forward, still lurked in their ambush; and 
the seamen, when landing, having observed an insul- 
ated rock which just appeared above water, resolved 
to seek refuge on this fortress, and, accordingly, 
holding fast by each other, and wading to the neck, 
they accomplished their purpose, under a shower of 
balls. In this perilous condition they had remained 
seven hours ; but the tide, which was at the ebb when 
they reached the rock, now rose around them, and 
gained so rapidly, that, had not help come from the 
ships, they would soon have been swept away. The 
Spaniards, who relished bush-fighting better than 
the open field, meanwhile lay in wait for the catas- 
trophe ; and even when the English boat bore off the 
men, they offered no resistance.* 

The quarter-master, Edward Davis, was now 
elected commander in the room of Cook ; and after 
taking in water, and cutting lancewood for handles 
to their oars, they bore away for Ria Lexa, and on 
the 23d July were opposite the harbour. The situa- 
tion of the town is known by a high-peaked vol- 
canic mountain, which rises within three leagues of 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 115-11J. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 311 

the port, and may be seen at the distance of sixty 
miles. A small flat island, about a mile long and 
a quarter of a mile broad, forms the harbour, in 
which 200 sail can ride.* 

The Spaniards had here also got the start of their 
enemy. They had thrown up a breastwork in a 
strong position, and stationed sentinels to give instant 
alarm ; and the Buccaneers, who wished to surprise 
and plunder, and not to fight against great odds, 
deemed it prudent to steer for the Gulf of Amapalla, 
an arm of the sea running inland eight or ten 
leagues, and known by two remarkable headlands 
at the entrance, namely, Point Casivina on the south 
side, in latitude 12 40" N., and on the north-west 
Mount St Michael. t 

At a previous consultation, it had been agreed that 
the captain should advance first, with two canoes, 
and endeavour to seize some Indians to assist in 
careening the ships, and also a prisoner of better 
condition, from whom intelligence might be obtain- 
ed. On the island of Mangera the padre of a village, 
from which all the other inhabitants had fled, was 
caught while endeavouring to escape, and with him 
two native boys.J With these Davis proceeded to 
Amapalla, where, having previously gained over or 
frightened the priest, he told the people that he and 
his company were Biscayners, sent by the King of 
Spain to clear the seas of pirates, and that his busi- 
ness in the island was only to repair his ships. On 
this assurance he and his men were well received, and 
they all marched together, strangers and natives, to 
church, which was the usual place of public assem- 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 118. f Ibid, pp, 120, 121. Ibid. pp. 121, 125. 



312 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

bly, whether for business or amusement. The images 
in the churches here, like those in the Bay of 
Campeachy, were painted of the Indian complexion; 
and the people, under the sway of their padres, lived 
in much the same condition as the tribes described 
on the banks of the Tobasco, cultivating maize, 
rearing poultry, and duly paying tithe.* Here, 
too, they were indulged in masques and other pas- 
times, with abundance of music, on saints' eves and 
holidays. "Their mirth," says Dam pier, " consists in 
singing, dancing, and using as many antick gestures. 
If the moon shine they use but few torches ; if not, 
the church is full of light. They meet at these times 
all sorts of both sexes. All the Indians that I have 
been acquainted with who are under the Spaniards, 
seem to be more melancholy than other Indians that 
are free ; and at these public meetings, when they 
are in the greatest of their jollity, their mirth seems 
to be rather forced than real. Their songs are very 
melancholy and doleful ; so is their music." Upon 
this he makes a fine reflection, strongly charac- 
teristic of the contemplative turn of mind which 
must have elevated him so far above the fierce and 
brutal associates with whom this portion of his life 
was passed. " Whether," says he, " it be natural 
to the Indians to be thus melancholy, or the effect 
of their slavery, I am not certain. But I have al- 
ways been prone to believe, that they are then only 
condoling their misfortunes, the loss of their coun- 
try and liberties, which, although these that are 
living do not know, nor remember what it was to 
be free, yet there seems to be a deep impression in 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 124. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 313 

their thoughts of the slavery which the Spaniards 
have brought them under, increased probably by 
some traditions of their ancient freedom."* 

In attending them to the church under the guise 
of friendship, Davis intended to ensnare these un- 
suspecting people and make them all his prisoners, 
at least till he should have dictated his own terms 
of ransom ; the padre having, probably from com- 
pulsion, promised his aid in entrapping his flock. 
This detestable project was frustrated by one of the 
Buccaneers rudely pushing a man into the church 
before him. The alarm was given, the Indian fled, 
and his countrymen " sprung out of the church like 
deer;" upon which the captain and his men fired, 
and killed one of their leaders.t 

The pirates were, however, afterwards assisted by 
several of the natives in storing the ships with cattle 
plundered from an island belonging to a nunnery ; 
and from some feelings of remorse, on leaving this 
quarter the commander presented the inhabitants of 
Amapalla with one of his prizes, and a considerable 
part of the flour which it contained. The ships here 
separated; the crews having quarrelled about the 
division of the spoil. Eaton left the Gulf on the 2d 
of September, and Davis, with -whom our journalist 
continued, departed on the day following, having 
previously set the padre on shore. J 

The latter party stood for the coast of Peru, having 
constant tornadoes, accompanied with thunder and 
lightning, weather of this kind generally prevail- 
ing in these latitudes from June to November. When 
these gusts were over the wind generally shifted to 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 12J. f I bid - P- 128 Ibid. pp. 129, 130. 



314 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

the west. Near Cape San Francisco they again fell 
in with Eaton, who had also encountered some ter- 
rible storms ; " such as he and his men had never 
before met with, the air smelling very much of 
sulphur, and they fancying themselves in great dan- 
ger of being burnt by the lightning/'"" This officer 
had touched at Cocos Island, where. he laid up a 
store of flour, and took in water and cocoa-nuts. 
It is described by him as being nearly surrounded 
with rocks ; but at the north-east end there is one 
small and secure harbour, a brook of fresh water 
flowing into it. The middle is considerably ele- 
vated, and, though destitute of trees, looks verdant 
from the abundance of an herb which the Spaniards 
called gramadael, growing upon the high grounds ; 
and near the shore all round were groves of cocoas.t 
At the island of La Plata, so named, it is said, 
from Sir Francis Drake having divided upon it the 
plunder of the Cacafuego, the Buccaneers found only 
a scanty supply of water, but plenty of small sea- 
turtle.J Eaton's company would again have joined 
their former consorts ; but Dampier relates that his 
comrades were still so unreasonable as not to con- 
sent to new-comers having an equal share of what 
they pillaged ; so the Nicholas held southward, while 
the Bachelor's Delight steered for Point Santa Elena 
in 2 15' S. This was pretty high but flat land, 
naked of trees and overgrown with thistles ; and as 
there was no fresh water, the inhabitants brought it 
from the river Golan che, at the distance of four leagues. 
Water-melons, large and very sweet, were the only 
things cultivated at this place; and pitch was the 

Voyages, vol. i. p. 131. f Ibid. p. 111. J Ibid. p. 132. 
Algatrane, a bituminous earth. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 315 

principal mercantile commodity. It boiled out of a 
hole in the earth, at five paces above high- water- 
mark, and was found plentifully at flood-tide ; when 
first obtained it was like thin tar, but was easily 
boiled down to a proper consistence.* 

Davis' men landed at Manta, a village on the 
mainland, about three leagues to the eastward of 
Cape San Lorenzo, where they made two old women 
prisoners, from whom they learned that many 
Buccaneers had lately crossed the Isthmus from the 
West Indies, and were cruising on the coast in ca- 
noes and pirogues.t The viceroy had taken every 
precaution against this new incursion. On all the 
uninhabited islands the goats had been destroyed; 
ships were burnt to save them from the freebooters ; 
and no provisions were allowed to remain at any 
place on the coast, but such as might be required for 
the immediate supply of the inhabitants. Davis re- 
turned to La Plata, at a loss what course to take ; 
when, on the 2d October, he was joined by the 
Cygnet of London, commanded by Captain Swan, 
who, ill-treated by the Spaniards, and disappointed 
of peaceful traffic, for which he had come prepared 
with an expensive cargo, had been compelled by his 
crew to receive on board a number of rovers, and in 
self-defence to become pirate. Before he had adopted 
this course some of his men had been kllied at Bal- 
divia, where he had attempted to open a trade. 
With the small party now mentioned, which had 
come by the Darien, plundering all the way, he fell 
in near the Gulf of Nicoya. It was led by Peter 
Harris, the nephew of a commander of the same 

' Voyages, vol. i. pp. 133, 134. f Ibid. p. 136. 

6 



316 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

name, who had fallen in the battle with the Spanish 
ships in the Bay of Panama three years before. 
Harris served under Swan,, in a small bark wholly 
manned by adventurers.* 

This was a joyful meeting of old associates ; and 
the departure of Eaton was now deeply regretted, 
as their united force might have ensured success in 
more important undertakings than any they had 
yet dared to contemplate. While the ships were 
refitting at La Plata, a small bark, which Davis had 
taken after the Spaniards had set it on fire, was sent 
out to cruise, and soon brought in a prize of 400 tons 
burthen, laden with timber, from which intelli- 
gence was obtained that the viceroy was fitting out 
a fleet of ten frigates to sweep them from the South 
Seas. Again the loss of Eaton was felt, and the 
same little vessel being despatched to search for him 
on the coast of Lima, proceeded as far as the Isle of 
Lobos.t Meantime Swan's ship, which was still 
full of English goods, was put in better fighting- 
trim, and made fit to accommodate her additional 
crew. The supercargo sold on credit to every Buc- 
caneer who would purchase, taking his chance of 
payment, while the bulky commodities which re- 
mained, such as silks, muslins, and finer goods, 
w r ere thrown overboard ; iron bars, which were kept 
for ballast, being alone retained. To compensate for 
these sacrifices, the men on board the Cygnet agreed 
that ten shares of all kinds of booty should be set 
aside for the owners. J 

The men-of-war w r ere now scrubbed and cleaned ; 
a sloop was equipped as a fire-ship ; and though 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 137. f Ibid. p. 138. J Ibid. p. 137. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 317 

the vessel which was sent in search of Eaton had 
not returned, the squadron sailed on the 20th 
October. On the 3d November they landed a party 
at Paita, which was found nearly abandoned, and 
left without f e money, goods, or so much as a meal of 
victuals." They anchored, however, before the place, 
and demanded ransom, ordering in the mean while 
300 pecks of flour, 3000 pounds of sugar, twenty- 
five jars of wine, and 1000 of water, to be sent 
to the ships; but, after wasting six days, they 
obtained nothing, and in revenge burnt the town.* 
The road of Paita was one of the best in Peru, 
roomy, and sheltered from the south-west by a 
point of land. The town had no water except 
what was carried thither from Golan, a distance of 
six miles, from whence it was also supplied with 
fruits, hogs, plantains, and maize. Dampier says 
that on this coast, from about " Cape Blanco to 
30 S., no rain ever falls that he ever observed or 
heard of." He calls this range " the dry country." 
Wafer states that heavy nightly dews fertilize the 
valleys, though the district around was mountainous 
and extremely steril.t 

From information obtained here, it was gathered 
that Captain Eaton had paid a visit before them, 
and after burning a large merchantman in the road, 
had landed all his prisoners. They also learned 
that a small bark, which they concluded to be their 
own, had approached the harbour, and made some 
fishermen bring out water. { 

Harris' ship being found a heavy sailer, was burnt 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 139, 144, 145. + Ibid, pp. 140, 144. 

$ Ibid. p. 146'. 



318 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

before leaving Paita, from which place the squa- 
dron steered for Lobos de Tierra. On the 14th they 
anchored near the east end of the island, and took 
in a supply of seals, penguins, and boobies, of 
which they ate " very heartily, not having tasted 
flesh in a great while before." To reconcile his men 
to what had been the best fare of the crews of Drake, 
Cavendish, and the earlier navigators, Captain Swan 
commended this food as of extraordinary delicacy, 
comparing, in a jocular manner, the seals to roast- 
ing-pigs, the boobies to pullets, and the penguins to 
ducks. On the ]9th the fleet reached Lobos de la 
Mar, where a letter was found, left according to 
agreement by the party who had been despatched 
after Eaton. It was now feared he had sailed for 
the East Indies, which turned out to be the fact.* 

Here the Mosquito-men supplied the companies 
of both ships with turtle ; while the crews laboured 
to clean, repair, and provide them with fire-wood, 
preparatory to an attempt upon Guayaquil, for which 
town they sailed on the morning of the 29th. Ac- 
cording to Dampier, this was at that time one of 
the chief ports of the South Seas. The commodities 
it exported were hides, tallow, cocoa, sarsaparilla, 
and a woollen fabric named Quito cloth, generally 
used by the common people in Peru. The Bucca- 
neers having anchored off Cape Blanco, left the 
ships and entered the bay with their canoes and a 
bark. They captured a small sloop, the master of 
which informed them of a look-out being kept at 
Puna, which lay in their way, and that three ves- 
sels with negro slaves were then about to sail from 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 146. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 319 

Guayaquil. One of these they took shortly after- 
wards, cut down her main-mast, and left her at 
anchor, and next morning surprised the two others, 
from which only a few blacks were selected.* 

Owing to a disagreement between the command- 
ers and the men in the two ships, the expedition 
against Guayaquil entirely failed. It was imagined 
that the town was alarmed and prepared to oppose 
them ; and accordingly after having landed, remain- 
ed in the woods all night, and made their way with 
considerable difficulty, they abandoned the design 
before one shot was fired, and while the place lay 
full in view of them at a mile's distance without 
manifesting any appearance of resistance-^ 

Dampier, whose ideas took a wider range than 
those of his companions, deeply lamented their ill 
conduct upon this occasion, which would probably 
have poured wealth into their pockets at less than the 
ordinary expense of crime. " Never/' he says, " was 
there put into the hands of men a greater oppor- 
tunity to enrich themselves." His plan was, with 
the 1000 negroes found in the three ships, to go to 
Santa Maria and work the gold-mines there. The 
Indians he considered as friends, because they mor- 
tally hated the Spaniards ; for present sustenance 
they had 200 tons of flour laid up at the Galapagos ; 
the North Sea was open to them j thousands of 
adventurers would have joined them from all parts 
of the West Indies ; and thus united they might 
have been a match for all the force Peru could 
raise, besides being masters of the richest mines on 
the w r estern coast of America.^ Whether he un- 

Voyages, vol. i. pp. 153, 158. f Ibi d- PP- 156, 15J. 

$ Ibid. pp. 158, iff. 



320 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

folded this " golden dream" at the time does not 
distinctly appear. The freebooters, at all events, 
sailed to La Plata, where they found their bark ; 
and having divided the cloth of Quito equally be- 
tween the companies of Swan and Davis, they con- 
verted the vessel in which it had been taken into a 
tender for the Cygnet.* 

This ship ever since joining had depended almost 
wholly upon the Bachelor's Delight for provisions, as 
it had neither Mosquito-purveyors nor a store of 
flour ; and the original crew of Davis now murmur- 
ed loudly at feeding the cowards who, they alleged, 
had baulked the attempt on Guayaquil. But neither 
could afford to part from the other; and they ac- 
cordingly sailed together on the 23d December to 
attack LaVelia in the Bay of Panama. t During this 
cruise, they supplied, from the charts found in their 
prizes, the ignorance and deficiencies of the native 
pilots whom they had on board. Their object, in 
the first place, was to search for canoes, in rivers 
where the Spaniards had neither trade nor settle- 
ments of any kind, as concealment was most import- 
ant to the success of their operations. After being 
five days at sea, they made a sudden descent upon 
the village of Tomaco, where they captured a vessel 
laden with timber, in which was a Spanish knight, 
named Don Diego de Pinas, with a crew of eight 
Europeans, and also took what they valued much 
more, a canoe with twelve jars of good old wine.f 
A party rowed six leagues farther up the river, which 
Dampier names St Jago, and came to a house be- 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 159, 160. f id. p. 162. 

$ IbidTpp. 163, I/O: 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 321 

longing to a lady, whose servants at this remote 
station traded with the natives for gold. They fled ; 
but the invaders found several ounces of the pre- 
cious metal left in their calabashes. The land on 
the banks of this river was a rich black mould, pro- 
ducing fine timber. Cotton and cabbage trees also 
flourished here ; and at some distance in the interior 
Indian settlements were seen, with plantations of 
maize, plan tain- walks, hogs, and poultry. At To- 
maco a canoe with three natives visited the strangers, 
whom they did not distinguish from Spaniards. 
They were of middling stature, straight and well- 
limbed, " long-visaged, thin-faced, with black hair, 
ill-looked men of a very dark copper complexion."* 
The plunderers presented them with wine, which 
they drank freely. 

On the 1st of January 1685 the Cygnet and 
Bachelor's Delight sailed for the island of Gallo, car- 
rying with them the knight and two canoes. On 
the way they captured the packet-boat from Lima, 
and fished up the letters which the crew when pur- 
sued had thrown overboard attached to a line and 
buoy. From these despatches they learned the im- 
portant fact that the governor had hastened the 
sailing of the triennial Plate-fleet from Callao to 
Panama, previous to the treasure being conveyed 
across the Isthmus to Porto Bello. Could this fleet 
be intercepted every man among them would be 
enriched at once ; and to this single object therefore 
every faculty was now bent.t As a fit place to careen 
their ships, and at the same time to lie in wait for 
their prey, they fixed upon the Pearl Islands, for 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 170. f Ibid. p. 1J1. 



322 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

which they sailed on the morning of the 7th ; two 
ships, three sloops, a fire-ship, and two small tenders.* 

On the 8th they opportunely captured a bark with 
flour, and then " jogged on with a gentle gale" to 
Gorgona, an uninhabited island well wooded, and 
watered with rivulets issuing from the high grounds. 
Pearl-oysters abounded here at no greater depth 
than four or six fathoms. The pearls were lodged 
near the head of the animal, between the shell and 
the meat, and the inside of the former was " more 
glorious than the pearl itself."t 

Landing most of their prisoners at Gorgona, the 
squadron, now consisting of six sail, steered for the 
Bay of Panama, and anchored at Galera, a barren, 
uninhabited islet, from whence they proceeded on 
the 25th to one of the southern Pearl Islands, as a 
place more suitable for repairs. While this was in 
progress, the barks brought in a prize laden with 
beef, Indian corn, and fowls, which were all highly 
acceptable. Having supplied themselves with water 
and fire- wood, they set out to watch the Plate-fleet, 
and cruised before Panama ; where, says Dampier, 
" it was very pleasant sailing, having theMain on one 
side, which appears in divers forms. It is beautified 
with many small hills, clothed with woods of divers 
sorts of trees, which are always green and flourishing. 
There are some few small high islands within a 
league of the Main, scattered here and there one, part- 
ly woody partly bare, and they as well as the Main 
appear very pleasant.";}: Most of the Pearl Islands 
were wooded and fertile; and from them were drawn 
the rice, plantains, and other vegetables, which 

Voyages, vol. i. p. 171. f Ibid - P- !7 3 - * Ibid - PP- } 77, 1/8. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 323 

supplied New Panama, " a very fair city standing 
close by the sea, about four miles from the ruins of 
the old town," encompassed behind with a fine 
country of hill and valley, beautified with groves 
and spots of trees, appearing like islands in the sa- 
vannahs. It had been walled since the visit paid to 
it by Sawkins, Coxon, and Sharp, and guns were 
now mounted pointing seaward.* 

As Davis lay nearly opposite the city, its sup- 
plies from the islands were completely cut off; while 
his people every day fished, hunted, or pillaged 
among them. At this time he negotiated for an 
exchange of prisoners, giving up forty, of whom he 
was very glad to be rid, in return for one of Harris' 
band, and a man who had been surprised when shoot- 
ing ashore. Attention to the safety of the meanest 
individual in their crews was at all times one of the 
fundamental principles of the Buccaneers ; and it is 
stated on good authority that, when they pursued the 
occupation of huntsmen in the wilds of Hispaniola, 
if at nightfall one comrade was missing, all business 
was suspended till he was either found or his ab- 
sence satisfactorily accounted for.t 

As the Lima-fleet did not make its appearance, 
they proceeded to sea, and came to anchor near 
Taboga, an island abounding in cocoa and mammee, 
and having brooks of pure water gliding through 
groves of fruit-trees. About this time they were 
nearly ensnared by the stratagem of a Spaniard, 
who, under pretence of clandestine traffic, sent a 
fire-ship among them at midnight ; but the treach- 
ery was suspected in time, and avoided. This ves- 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 1J8, 1J9. t Ibid - P- 18 7- 



324 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

sel had been fitted up by the same Captain Bond 
of whom they had heard at the Cape de Verd Islands. 
He was an English pirate who had deserted to the 
enemy.* 

The squadron, which was scattered by the alarm 
just mentioned, had scarcely returned to its station, 
when they were thrown into fresh consternation 
by seeing more than twenty canoes full of armed 
men steering directly towards them. They also bore 
up ; but the strangers proved to be a party of Buc- 
caneers, French and English, 280 in number, who 
had just crossed the Isthmus on an expedition to 
the South Sea. The latter, amounting to eighty, 
entered with Swan and Davis ; and the flour-prize 
was given to the others, who took possession of it 
under the command of M. Groigniet, their country- 
man. They announced, at the same time, another 
party of 180, under Captain Townley, all British, 
who were at this time constructing canoes to bring 
them down the rivers into the South Sea ; and on 
the 30th of March they joined the fleet in two ships 
which they had taken as soon as they entered the 
Bay, laden with flour, wine, brandy, and sugar. 
The squadron was farther increased by the arrival 
of a vessel commanded by William Knight; and 
the Indians of Santa Martha brought intelligence 
that yet another strong body, belonging to the same 
nations, were on the way. These also came, to the 
number of 264 men, with three commanders ; one 
of whom, Le Picard, was a veteran who had served 
under L'Olonnois and Morgan at Porto Bello.t 

Their force now amounted to about 1000 men, 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 188-190. f "<* PP- 191, *92. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 325 

whose greatest want was coppers to cook their pro- 
visions.* From intercepted letters it was ascertained 
that the Lima-fleet was now at sea ; and the design 
upon the city was suspended till the flotilla should 
be secured, though, as it happened, in counting on 
their easy capture, the adventurers had fallen into 
a miscalculation. 

It was now the latter end of May, and for six 
months they had concentrated their attention on 
this single enterprise. Their squadron consisted of 
ten sail ; but, except the Bachelor's Delight, which 
carried thirty-six guns, and the Cygnet, which was 
armed, none were of much force, though all were 
fully manned. The Spanish fleet, it was afterwards 
learned, amounted to fourteen of various classes; two 
of forty guns, one of thirty-six, another of eighteen, 
one of eight, and two fire-ships, all supplied with 
numerous crews. 

Before the Buccaneers had finally resolved on 
their plan of operations, their antagonists advanced 
in order of battle. And, " being to windward of 
the enemy, we had it not," says Dampier, " in 
our choice whether to fight or not. It was three 
o'clock in the afternoon when we weighed, and be- 
ing all under sail, we bore down right afore the 
wind on our enemies, who kept close on a wind to 
come to us ; but night came on without any thing 
beside the exchanging of a few shot on each side.t 
When it grew dark the Spanish admiral put out a 
light as a signal for his fleet to come to an anchor. 
We saw the light in the admiral's top for about 
half an hour, and then it was taken down. In a 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 199, 200. f Ibid. p. 208. 



326 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

short time after we saw the light again, and being 
to windward, we kept under sail, supposing the light 
had been in the admiral's top; but, as it proved, this 
was only a stratagem of theirs, for this light was put 
out the second time at one of the barks' topmast- 
head, and then she was sent to leeward, which 
deceived us, for we thought still the light was in 
the admiral's top, and by that means thought our- 
selves to windward of them." At daybreak, they 
found that by this stratagem their opponents had 
the weather-gage of them, and were bearing down 
full sail, which compelled them to retreat ; and a 
running-fight was maintained, till, having made a 
turn almost round the Bay, they anchored at night 
near the very spot whence they had set out in the 
morning. Thus terminated their hopes of the trea- 
sure-ships, though it was afterwards learned that the 
plate had been previously landed.* The French 
captain, Groigniet, had kept out of the action, for 
which he and his crew were afterwards cashiered by 
their associates. The common accusation, indeed, 
which the English brought against their allies was 
reluctance to fight ; while the latter blamed them 
for their indecent contempt of the Catholic religion, 
displayed as often as they entered a church by hack- 
ing and mutilating every thing with their cutlasses, 
and firing their pistols at the images of the saints. 
Next morning the enemy's fleet was seen at an- 
chor three leagues to leeward, and, as the breeze 
sprung up, it stood away for Panama, contented 
with safety and the small advantage obtained on 
the former day. The freebooters were equally well 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 208, 209. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 327 

satisfied to escape a renewed engagement ; and, 
after due conference, they bore away for the Keys 
of Quibo to seek Harris, who had been separated 
from them in the battle or flight. They met him at 
this appointed rendezvous, and after a fresh consulta- 
tion they resolved to assault Leon, first securing the 
port of Ria Lexa.* 

The capture of these places offers nothing of in- 
terest or novelty ; they were carried by the united 
force of the pirates, amounting to 640 men, with 
eight vessels, three of which were tenders, and one 
a fire-ship. During this expedition Dampier was 
left with fifty-nine men to guard the canoes in which 
the party had landed. At Leon they lost a veteran 
whom he thus eulogizes : " He was a stout old gray- 
headed man, aged about eighty-four, who had served 
under Oliver (Cromwell) in the Irish rebellion; after 
which he was at Jamaica, and had followed priva- 
teering ever since. He would not accept the offer 
our men made him to tarry on board, but said he 
would venture as far as the best of them ; and when 
surrounded by the Spaniards, he refused to take 
quarter, but discharged his gun amongst them, keep- 
ing a pistol still charged ; so they shot him dead 
at a distance. His name was Swan. He was a 
very merry, hearty old man, and always used to de- 
clare he would never take quarter."t A merchant 
or supercargo named Smith, who had sailed from 
London to trade in the South Sea, was made prisoner 
on the march. 

Leon, situated near the Lake of Nicaragua, is 
described as one of the most healthy and pleasant 

Voyages, vol. i. p. 209-215. f Ibid - PP- 219, 220. 



328 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

cities in all America. No sooner were the Bucca- 
neers masters of it than they demanded a ransom 
of 300,000 dollars, which was promised but never 
paid ; and becoming suspicious that the enemy 
were dallying with them merely to gain time, they 
set the town on fire, and returned to the coast, 
after supplying themselves with beef, flour, pitch, 
tar, and cordage. One gentleman, who had been 
released on engaging to send 150 head of cattle, 
redeemed his parole with scrupulous honour ; and 
Mr Smith was exchanged for a female prisoner.* 

The squadron now separating, broke into several 
small detachments, Dampier choosing to follow Cap- 
tain Swan, who intended first to cruise along the 
shores of Mexico, the country of the mines, and then, 
after sailing as high as the south-western point of 
California, to cross the Pacific, and return to Eng- 
land by India.t This plan presented many temp- 
tations to our hero, whose curiosity and thirst of 
knowledge were insatiable ; and he may also have 
shared in the hopes of his comrades, who promised 
themselves a rich booty in the neighbourhood of the 
mines before they turned their faces westward. Cap- 
tain Townley had kept by Swan when they separated 
from Eaton, and each ship had now a tender belong- 
ing to it. Putting to sea on the 3d September, they 
encountered frequent and fierce tornadoes till near 
the end of the month. Early in October they 
approached the excellent harbour of Guatalco, the 
mouth of which may be known by a great hollow 
rock, from an aperture in which every surge makes 
the water spout up to a considerable height, like the 
blowing of a whale. { From the sea the neighbour- 
* Voyages, vol. i. p. 223. f Ibid. p. 224. $ Ibid. p. 232. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 329 

ing country looked beautiful; and finding some 
provisions, they landed their sick for a few days. 

The Cygnet and her consort advanced slowly along 
the coast. When near Acapulco they sent a party 
ashore, who plundered a carrier conducting sixty 
laden mules, and killed eighteen beeves. They next 
passed on to Colima, stimulated by the desire to ob- 
tain that splendid prize which for generations had 
quickened the avarice of maritime adventurers, 
the Manilla ship, and for her they kept watch at 
Cape Corrientes.* After quitting Ria Lexa, many 
of the men had been seized with a malignant fever ; 
and as the same disease broke out in Davis' squa- 
dron, it was with some probability imputed to infec- 
tion caught at that place, where many of the inha- 
bitants had been carried off by a disorder of the 
same kind some months before the English visited 
the town.t 

To victual the ship for the long voyage in view 
was the main reason why Captain Swan continued 
to cruise on this coast ; but the attempts made for 
that purpose were often baffled ; and so much time 
had now elapsed, that it was suspected the galleon 
had eluded their vigilance. About the beginning of 
January 1686, Townley left them in the Bay of 
Valderas, and returned towards Panama, carrying 
home a few Indians of the Darien who had accom- 
panied the Cygnet thus far. The Mosquito-men 
still remained on board.J 

To obtain provisions, Swan captured the town of 
Santa Pecaque, on the coast of New Galicia, where 
large stores were kept for supplying the slaves who 

. 243, 244, 250. f Ibid. p. 224. 



330 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

worked in the neighbouring mines. On the first day 
lie brought off a considerable quantity of maize ; and 
as long as he held possession of the town, these 
visits were repeated. At length the Spaniards col- 
lected a force, of which the captain gave his men 
due warning, exhorting them to keep together in a 
compact body. But choosing to follow their own 
course, they straggled singly as they returned to 
their ship ;* and accordingly falling into the am- 
bush prepared for them, they were surprised, and 
mercilessly butchered to the number of sixty- three. 
The conquerors, seizing their arms and loaded horses, 
carried them away before Swan, who heard the 
distant firing, could come to the assistance of his 
party. Fifty-four Englishmen and nine blacks fell 
in this affair, which was the most severe loss the 
Buccaneers had suffered in the South Sea. Ring- 
rose, an ingenious man, who wrote that portion of 
their history which relates to Captain Sharp, was 
killed in this skirmish. He was then supercargo on 
board the Cygnet, and had no mind to the voyage, 
but was necessitated to engage in it or starve.t It 
is in perfect consonance with the spirit of the age to 
find Dampier relating that Swan had been warned 
of this disaster by an astrologer. J Many of the men 
had also, he states in his manuscript journal, fore- 
boded this misfortune, and in the previous night, 
while lying in the church of Santa Pecaque, " had 
been disturbed by grievous groanings, which kept 
them from sleeping." 

This disheartening affair determined the captain 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 268, 271. f Ibid. p. S72. 

J It was then customary before undertaking a voyage to consult 
an astrologer. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 331 

and his diminished company to quit the coast ; and 
they accordingly steered for Cape San Lucas, the 
southern point of California, to careen, as well as to 
refresh themselves before crossing the Pacific : but 
adverse winds compelled them to put into a bay at 
the east end of the middle island of the Tres Marias, 
where they found iguanas, racoons, rabbits, pigeons, 
and deer, fish of various kinds, turtle and seals. 
There they repaired the ship, divided the provisions 
between it and the tender, and went over to the 
mainland for water, having previously landed the 
prisoners and pilots, who were now of no use. The 
abandoning of these unhappy persons on an unin- 
habited island is said to have been perpetrated in 
revenge of the fatal affair at Santa Pecaque.* 

While they lay here our navigator, who had 
escaped the contagious fever, languished under a 
dropsical complaint, of which several of the men died. 
The method of cure was singular, but the patient 
believed it successful. " I was," he says, "laid and 
covered all but my head in the hot sand : I endured 
it near half an hour, and then was taken out, and 
laid to sweat in a tent: > did sweat exceedingly 
while I was in the sand, and I do believe it did me 
much good, for I grew well soon after." t 

While careening the ship, Swan had more fully 
laid before his company his plan of going to the East 
Indies, holding out to them hopes of plunder in a 
cruise among the Philippines. Dampier describes 
many of them as so ignorant that they imagined it 
impossible to reach India from California; while 
others entertained more reasonable fears that their 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 275, '27<>. f Ibid. p. 2J6. 



332 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

provisions would fail before they could reach the 
Ladrones.* Maize, and the fish which the Mosquito, 
men caught, some of which were salted, now con- 
stituted the whole store laid up for more than 150 
men, and of this but a short allowance could be 
afforded, calculating on a run of at least sixty days.t 
On the 31st March, having all agreed to attempt 
the voyage, and consented to the restricted allow- 
ance, the Cygnet, accompanied by her tender, sailed 
from the American coast, steering south-west till 
she arrived at 13 N., in which parallel she held 
due west for the Ladrones. The men received but 
one meal a-day, and there was no occasion, it is re- 
marked, to call them to their victuals, which were 
served out by the quarter-master with the exactness 
of gold. Two dogs and two cats which were on board 
soon learned to attend daily for their respective 
shares.^ 

* The discussion about the homeward -voyage at this time led 
Dampier into speculations upon a north-west passage, which shows 
him to have been as a navigator far in advance of his age. " All our 
countrymen," he says, " that have gone to discover the north-west 
passage, have endeavoured to pass to the westward. Were I to at- 
tempt a north-west passage, I would go first into the South Seas, 
bend my course from thence along by California, and that way seek a 
passage into the western seas. If I succeeded in my attempt, I should 
then be without that dread which others must have had of passing 
from a known to an unknown region ; and which, it is not impro- 



agai 

winter about Japan, Corea, or the north-east part of China; and, 
taking the spring and summer before me, make my first trial on the 
coast'of Tartarv, wherein if I succeeded, I should come into some 
known parts, and have a great deal of time before me."* 

-(-Ibid. p. 276. "Some thought, such was their ignorance, 
that he would carrv them out of the world." See also p. 279. 

$ Ibid. pp. 280," 281. 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 273, 274. 
6 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 333 

The Cygnet enjoyed a fair wind, and went on 
briskly, which was some consolation for scanty fare; 
but at the end of twenty days they had made so 
much progress that the men began to murmur at be- 
ing still kept upon such short allowance. " Captain 
Swan/' says the historian of the voyage, " with 
much reluctance gave way to a small enlargement 
of our commons, for now we had not above ten 
spoonfuls of boiled maize a-man once a-day, whereas 
before we had eight. I do believe," he continues, 
" this short allowance did me a great deal of good, 
though others were weakened by it, for I found 
that my strength increased and my dropsy wore off. 
Yet I drank three times every twenty-four hours, 
but many of the men did not drink in nine or ten 
days, and some not in twelve days : one of the men 
did not drink in seventeen days time, and said 
he was not adry when he did drink."* By the 
time they reached Guahan they were almost in 
open mutiny, and had, it was said, resolved to kill 
and eat their captain in the first place, and after- 
wards, in regular order, all who had promoted this 
voyage ! On hearing this, Swan said to his friend, 
" Ah, Dampier ! you would have made but a poor 
meal (for I was as lean as he was lusty and 
fleshy)."t In the long run of 5000 miles they had 
seen no living thing, whether bird, fish, or insect, 
save, in longitude 18, a flock of boobies, presumed 
to be the denizens of some cliffs or islands, though 
none were discovered. On the 21st of May, near 
midnight, they had the happiness of coming to an- 
chor on the western side of Guahan, about a mile 

* Voyages, vol. L p. 282. f Ibid, p, 284. 

X 



334 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

from the shore, after a run which was calculated 
at 7302 miles.* At this island the Spaniards had 
a small fort and a garrison of thirty men. Presum- 
ing that the Cygnet was one of their own vessels 
from Acapulco, a priest came off, and was detained 
as a hostage till terms were arranged for obtaining 
provisions ; and, as these were dictated by fair prin- 
ciples of exchange, no difficulty was experienced, 
the inhabitants gladly bringing their goods to a safe 
and profitable market.t 

The natives were at this time in open insurrec- 
tion against the European governor. Captain Eaton, 
who had touched at Guahan on his way to India, 
had been instigated by him to plunder and practise 
every cruelty upon the inhabitants. " He gave us 
leave," says Cowley's manuscript narrative of the 
voyage, " to kill and take whatever we could find 
in one-half of the island where the rebels lived. 
We then made wars with these infidels, and went 
on shore every day, fetching provisions and firing 
among them wherever we saw them ; so that the 
greater part of them left the island. The Indians 
sent two of their captains to treat with us, but we 
would not treat with them. The whole land is a 
garden."J 

Dampier reckons that at this time there were not 
above 100 Indians remaining, as most of those who 
had escaped slaughter destroyed their plantations, 
and went elsewhere, remote from the Spaniards and 
their new allies the Buccaneers. While a friendly 
trade was going on between the Cygnet and the 
people ashore, the Acapulco vessel came in sight, 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 28?. f Ib 'd- PP- 290, 301. 

+ Cowley's Voyage. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 335 

but, receiving a signal from the governor, changed 
her course, without having been descried by the free- 
booters. In the eagerness of flight, however, she ran 
upon a shoal, where her rudder being struck off, 
she was detained three days. As soon as the na- 
tives informed the rovers of this prize, they " were 
in a great heat to be after her;" but Swan, who 
disliked his present vocation, and still hoped to 
open an honest traffic at Manilla, persuaded or 
frightened his wild crew out of this humour by re- 
presenting the dangers of the chase.* 

Suitable presents were exchanged between the 
governor, the priest, and the English captain, and 
preparations made to depart. The last gift of his 
excellency comprehended the substantial commo- 
dities of " some hogs, a jar of pickled mangoes, a 
jar of excellent pickled fish, a jar of fine rusks baked 
like biscuit, and six or seven packs of rice." With 
this came a polite hint to be gone, in the shape of 
information, " that the west monsoon was at hand, 
and it behoved them to be jogging." To this Swan 
returned his best thanks, and set the priest, w r hom 
they had hitherto detained as a hostage, on shore, 
giving him a brass clock, an astrolabe, and a large 
telescope ; for which the grateful friar sent on board 
six hogs, four bushels of potatoes, a roasting pig, and 
some tobacco, t AtGuahan the journalist firstsawthe 
bread-fruit, the staff of life to so many of the insu- 
lated tribes of Polynesia. Of the flying-proas, or 
sailing-canoes of these islands, so often described, he 
expresses the highest admiration. " I believe they 
sail the best of any boats in the world ;" one that he 



* Voyages, vol. i. p. 303. f Ibid. pp. 303, 304. 

6 



326 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

tried would, he thinks, have run twenty-four miles 
an hour ; and another had been known to go from 
Guahan to Manilla, a distance of more than 400 
leagues, in four days.* 

It took the Cygnet nineteen days to reach the coast 
of Mindanao, for which she sailed on the 2d June; 
and after beating about through several channels 
and islands she came to anchor on the J8th July 
opposite the river's mouth, and at no distance from 
the city. They hoisted English colours, and fired 
a salute of seven or eight guns, which was returned 
from the shore by three.t This island was divided 
into small states, governed by hostile or at least 
rival sultans. The town stood on the banks of the 
river, about two miles from the sea. It was nearly 
a mile in length, but narrow, and following in the 
plan of its building the curvature of the stream. 
The houses were raised on posts, from fourteen to 
twenty feet high ; and as this was the rainy season, 
they looked as if standing in a lake, the inhabit- 
ants plying from door to door in canoes.f They 
were of one storey, divided into several rooms, and 
entered by a ladder or stair placed outside ; the roofs 
being covered with palm or palmetto leaves. There 
was a piazza, generally lying in a state of great filth, 
under each house, some of them serving for poultry- 
yards and cellars. " But at the time of the land- 
floods all is washed very clean." The floors were of 
bamboo wicker- work. 

Captain Swan had many reasons for desiring to 
cultivate the friendship of the ruling powers at Min- 
danao. Immediately after he brought his ship to 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 299, 300. f Ibid. pp. 309, 349. 

$ Ibid/pp. 328, 32y. Ibid. pp. 329, 330. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 337 

anchor, Rajah Laut, the brother and prime minister 
of the sultan, and the second man in the state, came 
off in a canoe, rowed with ten oars, to demand 
whence they came. He was accompanied by one of 
his nephews, who spoke the Spanish language. 
When informed that the strangers were English, 
they were welcomed, though the rajah appeared 
disappointed that they were not come to establish a 
factory, for which proposals had already been made 
to him by the East India Company.* The conver- 
sation was carried on by Mr Smith, the late pri- 
soner at Ria Lexa, and the sultan's son, who with 
his uncle remained all the while in the canoe. They 
promised to assist in procuring provisions, and im- 
mediately returned to the shore. 

Dampier regrets that the permission to form an 
establishment here was not accepted, " by which," 
he says, ff we might better have consulted our own 
profit and satisfaction than by the other loose roving 
way of life ; so it might probably have proved of 
public benefit to our nation, and been a means of 
introducing an English settlement and trade, not 
only here, but through several of the Spice Islands, 
which lie in its neigh bourhood."t In a short time, 
however, they received another invitation to settle 
in a different island, the sultan of which sent his 
nephew to Mindanao to negotiate secretly with Cap- 
tain Swan.J In his reflections upon this project of a 
settlement in the Spice Islands, the journalist inci- 
dentally describes, in a passage well worthy of notice, 
the character and talents of a buccaneering crew. 
" As to the capacity we were then in of settling 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 349. f Ibid. pp. 349, 350. 

* Ibid. p. 350. 



338 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

ourselves at Mindanao, although we were not sent 
out for any such design, yet we were as well pro- 
vided, or better, than if we had. For there was 
scarce any useful trade but some one or other of us 
understood it, we had sawyers, carpenters, joiners, 
brickmakers, bricklayers, shoemakers, and tailors. 
We only wanted a good smith for great work, which 
we might have had at Mindanao. We were very 
well provided with iron, lead, and all sorts of tools, 
as saws, axes, and hammers. We had powder and 
shot enough, and very good small-arms. If we had 
designed to build a fort we could have spared eight 
or ten guns out of our ship, and men enough to have 
managed it, and any affair of trade beside. We 
had also a great advantage above raw men that are 
sent out of England into these places, who proceed 
usually too cautiously, coldly, and formally, to com- 
pass any considerable design, which experience better 
teaches than any rules whatsoever ; besides the dan- 
ger of their lives in so great and sudden a change of 
air : whereas we were all inured to hot climates, 
hardened by many fatigues, and in general daring 
men, and such as would not be easily baffled. To 
add one thing more, our men were almost tired, and 
began to desire a quietus est, and therefore they 
would gladly have seated themselves any where."* 
The Cygnet's company knew not the dignity of 
their first visiters till after they were gone. This 
information was given to them by a government, 
officer, who, according to the custom of China and 
other parts in the East, came on board to measure 
the ship, a practice of which Dampier could not 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 352, 353. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 339 

conceive the reason, unless the natives wished to im- 
prove their knowledge of ship-building.* 

The same afternoon, Captain Swan sent Mr More, 
one of the supercargoes, to the city with a present 
for the sultan, consisting of three yards of scarlet 
cloth, three yards of broad gold-lace, a Turkish 
scimitar, and a pair of pistols ; and to his brother, 
the rajah, three yards of the same cloth with silver 
lace. After some preliminary ceremonies, the envoy 
was admitted to an audience, to which he was con- 
ducted by armed men, accompanied by servants bear- 
ing torches, t The chief ruler, with ten privy-coun- 
cillors all seated on carpets, awaited his arrival. The 
present was graciously accepted, and a conference 
took place in Spanish, after which Mr More and his 
attendants, being first treated with supper, returned 
on board. Next day the captain was invited on 
shore, whither he went, preceded by two trumpeters. 
He was also honoured with a hearing, and entertain- 
ed with betel and tobacco. Two letters were shown 
him, sent by East India merchants to the sultan, 
requesting liberty to build a factory and fort, and 
specifying the terms of traffic, rates of exchange, as 
also of weights and measures. One of the epistles 
was beautifully written, and between each line there 
was drawn a line of gold. Another note, left by a 
Captain Goodlud who had lately visited Mindanao, 
and directed generally to any Englishman who might 
touch there, concluded, " Trust none of them, for 
they are all thieves; but face is Latin for a candle!";}: 

After the interview with the sultan, Swan visited 
Rajah Laut, who, being rather in disgrace with his 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 354. f I bid - lbid - PP- 355 > 356 > 



340 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

brother at this time, had not been present at the 
audience. He entertained the captain with boiled 
fowls and rice, and strongly urged him to bring the 
ship into the river, as stormy weather was to be 
expected at that season. He also advised him to warn 
his men against offending the natives by infringing 
their customs, and altogether appeared very familiar 
and friendly. To impress his visiter with an idea 
of his justice, he ordered a man who had formerly 
robbed Captain Goodlud to be now punished ; and 
the miserable wretch was accordingly bound to a 
post, and stripped naked with his face opposite the 
scorching sun, to which he was shifted round and 
studiously kept in torture, following its course all 
day, stung by the gnats and mosquitoes.* At night- 
fall it was announced that his life was left at the 
mercy of the stranger, who informed the prime mi- 
nister that he had no right to take cognizance of any 
crime which had not been committed by his own 
men or on board his own ship. 

The letters from the Company's agents, by con- 
vincing Swan that there was a serious intention 
of establishing a factory at this place, gave him 
confidence to enter the river, trusting also to the 
friendly professions of the rajah. The Cygnet ac- 
cordingly, being lightened of part of her cargo, was, 
with the help of sixty native fishermen, warped 
across the bar at the first spring-tide, and moored 
in a place of safety. t The Buccaneers remained so 
long upon a familiar footing with the inhabitants of 
Mindanao, that Dampier has been enabled to give 
a very full and minute account of them. A singular 

Voyages, vol. i. pp. 356, 357. t Ibid. p. 358. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 341 

custom of the country, besides, facilitated easy in- 
tercourse with the natives, though seamen, having 
their pockets stored with gold and their ships with 
desirable commodities, have rarely found the half- 
civilized tribes of the Indies difficult of access. 

The custom alluded to, and which is common in 
the South Sea islands, is that of exchanging names 
and forming a comradeship with a native, whose 
house is thenceforward considered the home of the 
stranger. This ceremony as practised in Mindanao 
extended to the other sex, and " an innocent pla- 
tonic female friend, named a pagally" was also 
offered to each of the Englishmen.* These intima- 
cies were, however, not so perfectly disinterested 
as not to require the cement of presents on the one 
side and flatteries on the other. In this island, as 
in more refined parts of the world, those who were 
best dressed and furnished with the largest portion 
of gold obtained most readily both companions and 
pagallies. Under the sanction of this singular cus- 
tom, the wives of the greatest men might choose 
friends among the strangers, or be selected as such, 
and were allowed to converse in public with the per- 
sons who had distinguished them by their preference.t 

On their first arrival for owing to their reck- 
less and dissolute manners they soon declined in 
favour the seamen could not pass along the 
streets without being compelled to enter the houses, 
where they were presented with betel and tobacco. 
To express the vivacity of their affection, the natives 
would place the forefingers of both hands close toge- 
ther, saying the English and themselves were like 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 328. -|- Ibid. 



342 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

this ; the Dutch were signified by holding the same 
fingers six inches apart, and the Spaniards at double 
that distance.* Captain Swan, who still had a large 
quantity of iron and lead, as well as other goods be- 
longing to his owners, traded meanwhile with Rajah 
Laut, at whose house he dined every day till he 
established himself at a dwelling which he hired 
in the town. Such of the men as had money also 
took houses on shore ; lived a jovial life among 
their comrades and pagallies ; and hired female ser- 
vants from their masters as temporary housekeepers.t 
The most important division of this island, the 
largest save Luconia of the Philippine group, was, 
as has been mentioned, under the sway of the Sul- 
tan of Mindanao, who was often at war with the 
tribes that occupied the interior and the opposite 
coasts, and were less civilized than his subjects. 
The soil in general was deep and black, producing 
great varieties of timber; and among others the 
tree named by the natives libby, from the pith of 
which sago is manufactured. J Rice was raised in 
some places, and on the hilly land potatoes, yams, 
and pumpkins. The principal fruits were plantains, 
guavas, bananas, musk and water melons, betel and 
cocoa nuts, jacas, durians, cloves, nutmegs, and 
oranges. Of the ripe plantains the sailors made an 
excellent pudding, taking six or seven, mashing 
them into a lump, boiling them in a bag, and call- 
ing the dish a buff-jacket. || From the fibres with 
which it is enveloped the common people manufac- 
tured the only cloth they wore, making webs seven 



* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 358, 359. + Ibid. pp. 359, 365. 

+ Ibid. p. 310. Ibid. p. 311. || Ibid. p. 314. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 343 

or eight yards long.* The betel-nut, which is so 
much esteemed in most parts of India, grows here 
on a plant like the cabbage-tree, but smaller. At 
the top the nuts hang on a tough stem, as thick as a 
man's, finger, in clusters of forty or fifty. It re- 
sembles the nutmeg, except that it is rather larger 
and rounder. When used for chewing, it was cut 
into bits, one of which was wrapped up in an areca- 
leaf, spread with a soft paste made of lime. Every 
native carried his lime-box by his side, into which 
he dipped his finger, spread his betel-leaf, wrapped 
up his nut, and proceeded to masticate. The fruit is 
most liked when young, and while it is yet green 
and juicy.t It tastes rough in the mouth, dyes the 
lips red and the teeth black, but at the same time 
preserves them.J 

The prevailing religion was that of the Moham- 
medan creed ; and the children were taught to read 
and write, though business was generally transacted 
by Chinese, the people of the island being indif- 
ferent accountants. Besides what was supposed 
their native tongue, they spoke a dialect of the 
Malay, which among them was the language of 
commerce. Many of them also understood Spanish ; 
as the colonists of that nation had only been ex- 
pelled during the reign of the present sultan's father. 
The rajah both spoke and wrote the language ; and 
had, from reading and conversation, acquired a con- 
siderable knowledge of European countries. The 
natives were of middle size, with slender limbs, 
particularly the females. They had straight bodies, 

* Voyages, vol. i. p 315. f Ibid. pp. 318, 319. 

The preservation of the teeth is with as mucli probability attri- 
buted to the lime. Voyages, vol. i. pp. 330, 331, 337. 



344 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

with small heads ; their faces being oval, though 
those of the women were more round. Their fore- 
heads were low, with small black eyes, short low 
noses, their lips thin and red, their skins tawny, 
but inclining to a brighter yellow than some of the 
other Indians.* Young ladies of rank were often 
much fairer than the other women, and their noses 
rose to a more aristocratic prominence than those 
of the meaner sort. In female children the nose 
was sometimes scarcely perceptible. The natives 
all walked with a stately air, and the women, 
though unaccustomed to shoes, had very small feet. 
The nail of the left thumb was allowed to grow 
very long.t The men wore a small turban, the 
laced ends hanging down, with trousers and a 
frock, but neither stockings nor shoes. The women 
tied up their hair in a knot, which hung down 
on the crown of the head. Their clothing was a 
petticoat, and a frock that reached below the waist, 
with very long sleeves, which, pushed up, sat in 
puckered folds, and were a source of great pride 
to the wearers. They were also adorned with ear- 
rings and bracelets, which the pagally would some- 
times beg from her English friend. f The dresses 
of the higher class were made of long cloth, but the 
lower universally wore the saggen, or that manu- 
factured from the plantain-tree. They used no 
chairs, choosing to sit cross-legged, either on the floor 
or on mats. The food of the common people was 
sago or rice, with occasionally a fish or two ; but the 
better classes had often fowls and buffaloes' flesh. || 
Like all oriental tribes they bathed frequently 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 325, 326. f !bid. pp. 325, 342. 

% Ibid. pp. 326, 327. Ibid. p. 329. || Ibid. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THB GLOBE. 345 

and took great delight in swimming, to which 
exercise both sexes are accustomed from infancy.* 
The trades practised here were those of goldsmiths, 
blacksmiths, and carpenters, every man being more 
or less a joiner, and handling with dexterity their 
scanty tools, which consisted of the axe and the 
adze alone, saws and planes being altogether un- 
known. t Yet the ships and barks they built were 
stout and serviceable, used by them when they made 
war, or traded to Manilla, and sometimes to Borneo 
and other distant places, exchanging the gold and 
bees-wax found in the interior of the island for 
calicoes, silks, and muslins. They had also a traffic 
with the Dutch in tobacco, which in Mindanao 
was of excellent quality, and sold so low as twelve 
pounds for about sixpence sterling.^ The inhabit- 
ants were resolute in fight, though they avoided the 
open field, preferring rather to erect forts and small 
works, on which they mounted guns. These they 
would defend or besiege for months together, some- 
times making sallies. Their weapons were lances, 
swords, and what Dampier calls hand-cressets, re- 
sembling a bayonet, which they wore at all times, 
whether in war, at work, or pastime. When likely 
to be overcome, they sold their lives dearly, and 
seldom either gave or took quarter; the conqueror 
hewing down his antagonist without mercy. || 

The people at large were liable to a leprous disease, 
the skin becoming blotched and scurfy, and rising 
in white scales from the continual rubbing induced 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 330. f Ibid. p. 332. J Ibid. p. 333. 

Dampier's hand-cressets are the kreeses of the Malay tribes, 
the favourite weapon throughout all the islands and coasts into 
which this warlike race have forced their way. 

8 Voyages, vol. i. pp. 337, 338. 



346 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

by intolerable itchiness. Some had white spots on 
the skin, all over their body, but quite smooth : and 
these, it was conjectured, were individuals who had 
been cured.* Poly gamy was common. Thesultanhad 
one queen and twenty-nine inferior wives, of whom 
one was called the war-queen, as she always attend- 
ed her lord to battle. The daughter of the sultan 
by this lady was kept in strict seclusion ; but troops 
of his other children roamed about the streets, often 
begging things which they fancied from the English 
seamen. It was said that the young princess had 
never seen any man except her father and Rajah 
Laut; though all other women were occasionally 
allowed to appear abroad in pageants, or at public 
festivals.t 

The sultan was an absolute prince, who, in ori- 
ental fashion, encouraged the industry and commer- 
cial enterprise of his subjects by borrowing sums, 
however small, which he discovered they had accu- 
mulated by trade. By way of varying this system 
of arbitrary exaction, he would at other times first 
compel them to purchase goods belonging to himself, 
which had probably been confiscated, and afterwards 
find some political reason why he should reclaim 
them for the public service. J He was a little man, 
between fifty and sixty, and altogether inferior to 
his brother the vizier, who, though only equal in 
trickery, was superior to all his compeers in capa- 
city and intelligence. It was he who led the forces, 
managed the foreign policy, and regulated all inter- 
nal affairs. Without his license no one could either 
buy or sell ; nor could a fisherman leave the port 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 334- f lbid - PP- 335 > 341 - 

+ Ibid. p. 335. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 347 

without his permission. He was, in short, the hero 
of the island, the women, on all great occasions, 
singing his praises and celebrating his exploits.* 

When the Cygnet came to anchor in the river, 
besides being the wet season, it was the fast of Ra- 
madan, and consequently amusement and pleasure 
were nearly suspended in Mindanao ; but as soon as 
this solemn period was passed, the prime minister 
entertained Captain Swan every night with the per- 
formances of dancing- women, common over India. 
All the females were fond of dancing, which they 
practised in a ring of forty or fifty, joining hand- in- 
hand, singing in chorus, and keeping time;^and 
though they never moved from the same spot, they 
made various gestures, throwing forward one leg, 
shouting aloud, and clapping their hands at the 
close of each verse.t The rajah was in return 
entertained by Swan's men, who performed English 
dances to the music of violins, in a ball-room or- 
namented with gold and silver lace, and illu- 
minated by a profusion of wax-candles. Dampier 
relates with great humour the very natural mistake 
into which the vizier fell regarding one of these 
quarter-deck performers: "Among the rest of our 
men," says he, " that did use to dance thus before 
the general, there was one John Thacker, who was 
a seaman bred, and could neither write nor read, 
but had formerly learnt to dance in the music- 
houses about Wapping. This man came into the 
South Seas with Captain Harris, and getting with 
him a good quantity of gold, and being a pretty 
good husband of his share, had still some left, be- 



* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 336, 337. t Ibid - PP- 



348 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

sides what he laid out in a very good suit of clothes. 
The general supposed by his garb and his dancing 
that he had been of noble extraction; and to be 
satisfied of his quality asked one of our men if he 
did not guess aright of him. The man of whom 
he asked this question told him he was much in 
the right, and that most of our ship's company were 
of the like extraction, especially all those that had 
fine clothes, and that they came abroad only to see 
the world, having money enough to bear their ex- 
penses wherever they came ; but that for the rest, 
those that had but mean clothes, they were only 
common seamen. After this the general showed a 
great deal of respect to all that had good clothes, 
but especially to John Thacker, till Captain Swan 
came to know the business and marred all, unde- 
ceiving the general, and drubbing the nobleman."* 
By this time the captain was deeply chagrined 
at the result of his voyage. Most of his crew were 
turbulent and lawless ; those who had money revel- 
ling on shore, and continually involving themselves 
in quarrels with the natives, while those who were 
poor growled on board at the privations they suf- 
fered, and the time wasted in inaction. t In the 
number of the penniless was Dampier, who had no 
means of recreation and no source of enjoyment ex- 
cept the faculty of a powerful and quick observa- 
tion, and the delight of entering his remarks in his 
journal. The single object of the rest of the crew 
was gold, the plunder of the Manilla ship ; nor 
durst the commander reveal his dislike to their pro- 
ject. He said privately to his literary shipmate, 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 361, 362. f Ibid, pp 370, 3J1. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 349 

that " he never did intend to cruise about Manilla ; 
that what he had already done of that kind he was 
forced to ; but now being at liberty he would never 
more engage in any such design; for," said he, 
" there is no prince on earth able to wipe off the 
stain of such actions."* About the time that his 
men grew violently discontented, he became himself 
suspicious of the good faith of his friend the prime 
minister, who for the iron and lead which he had 
purchased continued to pay with fair promises.t 

Beef was one of the articles which he had engaged 
to procure for the English, and a party went a- hunt- 
ing with him, but found no prey. Dampier, a prac- 
tised sportsman, was always on these excursions, 
and used the opportunities they afforded to extend 
his knowledge of the country. In the more distant 
expeditions the rajah carried his wives, children, 
and servants along with him in large proas, which 
were fitted up with rooms. They settled at some 
village in the neighbourhood of the hunting-ground ; 
the chief and his family occupying one end of the 
house and the seamen the other. While he and 
his men, who always pursued their sport from 
dawn till late in the afternoon, were abroad, the 
strangers were frequently left with the women and 
children. Though these ladies never quitted their 
own apartment while their lord remained at home, 
he was no sooner gone than they flocked to the visiters' 
room, asking a thousand questions about the condi- 
tion of the females, and the fashions and observances 
of England.^ These were the subject of long and 
earnest argument among themselves, some condemn- 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 364. f Ibid - PP- ^9, 370. 

$ Ibid. pp. 364, 3ft, 367. 



350 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

ing and others applauding the custom, which all 
allowed to be singular, of even the king and chiefs 
having but one wife. Among the proselytes to mo- 
nogamy was the war-queen ; and her reasons, if they 
did not convince, at least silenced her opponents.* 

During this excursion Dampier considerably in- 
creased his acquaintance with the character and 
manners of the people. They bathed daily, and 
washed after every meal ; and if rendered unclean 
by accidentally touching any forbidden thing, they 
underwent a scrupulous purification. Wild-hogs 
abounded, but the flesh of that animal was held in 
the utmost abhorrence by them. Though they in- 
vited the seamen to destroy such as came into the 
city during night to feed on garbage, they were or- 
dered to take them on board ; and those who had 
touched these creatures were ever afterwards avoided 
by the natives, and forbidden to enter their houses.t 
This superstitious dislike was carried to so great a 
length, that Rajah Laut returned in a rage a pair of 
shoes made in the English fashion, of leather he 
himself had furnished, as soon as he was informed 
that the thread with which they were sewed had 
been pointed with hog's bristles. The shoemaker got 
fresh materials and made another pair, with which 
the chief was fully satisfied. { 

At this village, in the evenings, the women danced 
in the presence of the rajah ; and before the party 
broke up to return to Mindanao, he entertained the 
strangers with a jar of " rice-drink," a fermented 
liquor, on which he and his attendants got very 
merry. He drank first himself, and then his men ; 

Voyages, vol. L p. 368, f Ibid. pp. 343, 344. 

Ibid. p. 344. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 351 

" and they took turns," says Dampier, " till they 
were all as drunk as swine before they suffered us 
to drink ; after they had enough then we drank, 
and they drank no more, for they will not drink 
after us."* 

That balance in human affairs which pervades all 
conditions was now turning in favour of the less 
fortunate portion of the Cygnet's crew. The natives, 
though hospitable, were, when offended, very deadly 
in their resentments; and, as the conduct of the 
seamen who lived ashore had given them just cause 
of complaint, sixteen of their number were in a 
short time taken off by poison, to which more after- 
wards fell victims. The islanders were skilled in 
the use of deleterious draughts, which had not their 
full operation till a long while after they were ad- 
ministered. Some of the men, though perfectl/ 
aware of having swallowed a mortal infusion, lin- 
gered on for months. When they died, their lirers 
were found black, dry, and shrivelled " like co;k."t 

The ship had not lain long in the river before it 
was discovered that her bottom was perforated by 
worms, an insect which bred in such numbers that 
shortly before, a Dutch vessel had been, destroyed 
by them in less than two months. Kajah Laut 
became heir to her great guns ; and i/ began to be 
suspected that he entertained the iope of being 
equally fortunate in a similar legacy from the Cyg- 
net, as he had given no intimat/on of a danger 
which the islanders always avoided by placing their 
barks and boats in a dry-dock the moment they 
came into port, even when only returned from fish- 

Voyages, vol. i. p. 369. f Ibid - PP< 3 7 4 > 398. 



352 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

ing.* When he saw that the sheathing of the ves- 
sel had prevented serious damage, he shook his head 
and seemed displeased ; gravely remarking, " that 
he never did see a ship with two bottoms before." 
Dampier had observed myriads of the same kind of 
creatures in the bays of Campeachy and Panama, 
and even in Virginia, though in smaller numbers. 
They are never seen far at sea.t 

This damage was repaired in time, and, along 
with other circumstances, strengthened the suspi- 
cions of Swan, and excited the discontent of his 
men by increasing their alarm. The rajah also, 
if he did not absolutely refuse, still delayed to fur- 
nish the beef and rice necessary to their subsistence, 
and which were to be the price of the commodities 
with which the captain had so largely furnished 
Mm. The same officer had also lent him twenty 
ouices of gold to defray the expense of a solemn 
festival, when his son was circumcised. This splen- 
did Ceremony, at which the English were present, 
had b*en celebrated with music, the singular war- 
dance of the country, banquets, pageants, and pro- 
cessions ^y torchlight.^ But the vizier, in a man- 
ner not uncommon in eastern countries, not only 
declined to refund the gold ; he even insisted that 
it had been i present, and finally demanded pay- 
ment for all the victuals which Swan and his men 
had consumed it his table. 

While he thts refused to discharge his debts, 
the pirate crew became openly mutinous, and a 
party among them resolved to carry off the ship.|| 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 382, 363. t I bid - PP- 3t52 > 363. 

J Ibid. p. 339-341. 8 Ibid. pp. 369, 370. 

|| Ibid. p. 372, 373. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 353 

Neither Dampier, who happened to be on board, 
nor the surgeon's mate, approved of this treacherous 
design, but they were reluctantly compelled to go 
with the rest, leaving the captain and thirty-six men 
at Mindanao. The others sailed on the 14th Janu- 
ary 1687, intending to cruise off Manilla, under the 
direction of a Buccaneer of Jamaica, named Read, 
who was chosen commander; and the first intimation 
Swan had of his abandonment was the gun which 
was fired as his vessel got under weigh.* To his 
own irresolution, bad temper, and want of firmness, 
is imputed this signal misfortune. If, when apprized 
of the design of the mutineers, he had gone on board 
and behaved with prudence and courage, he might 
have brought back the greater part of the men to 
their duty, and taken his own measures with the 
ringleaders, to some of whom he had certainly given 
just cause of discontent.t 

After leaving this port, the Cygnet, with a crew 
now reduced by various causes to eighty men, coast- 
ed to the westward. They fell in with a great many 
Keys, or small low islets, between which and Min- 
danao there was a good channel. To the eastward of 
these spots they anchored and obtained green tur- 
tle, and at different places cut ratans such as were 
used in England for walking-canes. They saw 
large bats, " seven or eight foot from tip to tip" 
of the extended wings, which regularly at dusk took 
their flight from the smaller islands in swarms like 
bees, and returned like a cloud before sunrise.J 
On the 23d they reached Luconia, having captured 
two Spanish vessels bound for Manilla, in which 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 372, 374, 380, 402. f Ibid. p. 374. 

* Ibid. pp. 378, 380, 381. 



354 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

they found a considerable quantity of rice and cot- 
ton cloth. The master of one of them had been 
boatswain of the Acapulco ship which escaped them 
at Guahan, and which now lay safe in port.* 
Nothing, therefore, of consequence could be hoped 
for this season, and, to beguile the time and wait 
a more favourable opportunity, they resolved to 
sail for Pulo Condore, or " Isles of Calabashes/' 
a group situated on the coast of Cambodia. They 
anchored at Condore on the 14th March. Two of 
the cluster are pretty high, tolerably well wooded, 
and on the larger of them was found a tree from 
which the inhabitants extracted a viscid juice that 
they made into good tar, and which, if boiled long 
enough, became pitch.t The mangoes whereof the 
Indian pickle is manufactured were likewise found. { 
They were now ripe, and attracted the attention of the 
seamen by their delicious fragrance. The grape-tree 
was also seen, with the wild or spurious nutmeg, and 
many sorts of beautiful birds, such as parrots, paro- 
quets, and doves. The inhabitants of Pulo Condore 
resembled the natives of Mindanao, but were darker 
in complexion. Their chief business was to make 
tar of the pith of the tree mentioned above, which 
they exported to Coch in-China, from whence these 
islanders were originally a colony. The oil of the 
turtle was another article of their commerce with 
the mother-country. They were idolaters, and in a 
temple Dampier saw the image of an elephant as 
well as that of a horse, which they were supposed to 
worship 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 384. 

f Probably the danutr, the most important of the gums found 
in the Indian islands, and extensively used for ships and boats. 
$ Voyages, vol. i. p. 389-391. Ibid. pp. 391, b92, 395, 396. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 355 

At this place the Buccaneers remained a month ; 
after which they cruised in the Gulf of Siam and in 
several parts of the Chinese Sea, taking all vessels 
that fell in their way, whether belonging to Spa- 
niards, Portuguese, or natives.* The surgeon and 
Dampier, who, against their inclination, had ac- 
companied " this mad crew, and were sufficiently 
weary of them," would have escaped here, and taken 
their chance of getting to Sumatra or any other 
English factory ; but they were constrained to re- 
main on board.t 

The adventurers next proceeded to the Ponghoo 
or Piscadore Islands, which in no respect answered 
their purpose of quiet and security. At the place 
where they anchored there was a large town occu- 
pied by a Tartar garrison. 

In the charts they possessed, there were laid down 
a number of islands situated between Luconia and 
Formosa ; and these they hoped to find either unin- 
habited or only peopled by tribes whom they might 
plunder with impunity. They steered for them, and 
upon the 6th August reached the interesting group 
now known as the Bashee Islands.^ They ap- 
proached the largest, on which they rejoiced to see 
goats browsing ; but safe anchorage was not obtained 
till next day at the eastern side of the most northerly 
of them. The sails were scarcely furled when a 
hundred small boats swarmed round the ship, each 
carrying from three to six men, with whom the 
deck was soon crowded. The pirates, alarmed by 
the number of these visiters, got their fire-arms in 
readiness ; but iron was the only thing that capti- 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 400-401. t Ibid. p. 402. 

J Ibid. p. 421. Ibid. p. 434. 



356 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

vated the Basheeans, who quickly picked up all the 
little pieces they could find, though they were other- 
wise perfectly quiet and orderly. Waxing bolder by 
indulgence, one of them tried to wrench out a linch- 
pin from the carriage of a gun. He was seized, and 
his cries made all his countrymen leap overboard in 
a fright.* The man was, however, kindly treated, 
and, being first made sensible of his error in at- 
tempting to steal, was presented with a piece of 
the metal, with which he swam to his comrades. 
Thus reassured, the islanders returned, and a brisk 
trade was opened, which was renewed daily. A 
hog was got for two or three pounds of iron, a fat goat 
for an old hoop, and the liquor of the islands, the 
Bashee-drmk, from the name of which the pirates 
gave the whole group their general appellation, for 
nails, spikes, or bullets.t 

These five islands were more particularly named : 
1. Orange Island, so called by the Dutchmen 
among the crew, in honour of their native prince. 
It is the largest and most westerly of the group, and 
was uninhabited. 2. Grafton Island was so named 
by Dampier in compliment to the noble family in 
whose household he had, as has been mentioned, 
left his wife. 3. Monmouth Island was designated 
by the seamen in memory of the unfortunate duke 
the son of Charles II. The other two received 
the appellations of Goat and Bashee, from the num- 
bers of that animal seen on the one, and from the 
abundance of the beverage made on the other. 
The latter are small, and lie to the southward in 
the channel which divides Orange Island from those 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 435. f Ibid. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 357 

called Grafton and Monmouth.* The last-mention- 
ed one is high, and so fenced with steep rocks and 
precipitous cliffs that the Buccaneers did not land 
upon it as they did upon all the others. It, as well 
as Grafton, was thickly inhabited, though on Ba- 
shee there was only one village. The natives, says 
Dam pier, were "short squat people, generally round- 
visaged, with low foreheads and thick eyebrows; 
their eyes of a hazel colour and small, yet bigger than 
those of the Chinese ; short low noses, their lips and 
mouths middle-proportioned ; their teeth white, 
their hair black, thick, and lank, which they wore 
cut short; it will just cover their ears, and so is cut 
round very even," and to this fashion they seemed 
to attach great importance.t Their skins are of a 
very dark copper-colour. They wear neither hat, 
cap, turban, nor any thing to protect them from the 
heat of the sun. The men had a cloth about their 
middle, and some wore jackets of plan tain- leaves, 
" as rough as any bear's skin." The women were 
dressed in a short cotton petticoat which fell be- 
low the knees, consisting of " a thick stubborn" 
cloth of home manufacture. Both men and women 
wore large ear-rings of a yellow glistering metal, 
found in the mines in their own mountains, re- 
sembling gold, but paler in colour. These ornaments 
completely baffled the science of the pirates, who 
had rather an instinctive love of the precious metal 
than much knowledge of its natural properties.}: 
When first polished the rings looked peculiarly bril- 
liant, but they soon faded and became quite dim, 
when it was necessary to throw them into the fire, 

Voyages, vol. i. pp. 421, 422. f Ibid. pp. 426> 42J. 

$ Ibid. p. 427. 



358 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 



first casing them in a soft paste made of a red earth. 
After being heated red hot they were cooled in 
water, and the paste rubbed off, when the glistering 
lustre was found renewed. Our navigator was un- 
fortunately too poor to be able to purchase any of 
this metal,* or rather too honest to appropriate to 
himself any part of the iron belonging to Captain 
Swan's owners, though his companions appear to 
have been less scrupulous. t The language of the 
people of these islands was quite strange to the 
pirates, though they were now tolerably well ac- 
quainted with the Malay tongue and the Chinese. J 
No foreign commodities were seen among the 
Basheeans, nor any thing that could have been 
introduced by sea, except a few bits of iron and 
pieces of buffalo-hides. In all points they appeared 
an unmixed race, and in their dispositions singularly 
mild, amiable, and peaceful. Their lands produced 
plantains, bananas, pumpkins, and yams, which 
constituted the principal part of their food. They 
had no grain of any kind, and consequently but few 
fowls, which, according to Dampier, never abounded 
where there was not either maize, rice, or grain of 
some sort. Some cotton-plants were seen, as well as 
sugar-canes, from the boiled juice of which the na- 
tives made the liquor so agreeable to their visiters. 
This extract, with which a small black berry was 
mixed, was allowed to ferment three 1 or four days, 
and when it had settled, was poured off from the 

* The Bashee Islands have since been known to afford a consider- 
able quantity of gold-dust, washed down from the mountains by the 
torrents. The Spaniards in 1JH3 formed a settlement on Grafton 
Island to collect the gold, and left a garrison of about 100 men. 

+ Voyages, vol. i. p. 42J. Ibid. p. 431. 

Ibid. p. 426. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 359 

lees, in a state fit to be drunk.* It was much like 
English beer, both in taste and colour, and, as our 
navigator believed, a perfectly wholesome beverage ; 
none of the men, many of whom drank it copiously, 
being ever sick in consequence of their excess. The 
natives sold it cheaply, and when the seamen visited 
at their houses freely gave it to them, and would 
sometimes buy a jar from a neighbour to entertain 
their guests.t These purchases were made with 
small crumbs of the glistering metal above described, 
which, wrapped in plantain-leaves, served as a sub- 
stitute for coin. Though cleanly in their persons 
and habitations, the inhabitants were in some re- 
spects very filthy in their eating. They were not 
seen at this time to kill any animals for their own 
use; but of the goats purchased by the Buccaneers 
they begged the skin and garbage, and when the 
surly sailors threw them into the sea, they would 
take them out. With the hogs they never meddled. 
The goat-skin they broiled and gnawed ; and of 
the paunch made what to them appeared a delicious 
dish.J The whole crude contents of the stomach 
were emptied into a pot, stewed and eaten with 
raw fish, which they took what Dampier thought 
very superfluous trouble in cleaning and mincing, 
considering the nature of the substances with which 
they were mixed. This mess was eaten as the 
natives of the Philippines eat their rice j he being 
reckoned the best bred among the inhabitants of 
Mindanao who could most dexterously roll up 
and swallow the largest ball. The people of these 
islands had another singular dish made of locusts, 

Voyages, vol. i. p. 431. f Ibid. J Ibid. pp. 429, 430. 



360 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

which at this season attacked the potato-leaves 
in multitudes, and in their ravages spared no green 
thing. They were about an inch and a half in 
length, and as thick as the tip of a man's little 
finger, with large thin wings and long small legs. 
The owners of the crops caught them in nets, a 
quart frequently at one sweep. When enough were 
obtained for a dish, they were parched in an earthen 
pot over the fire, till the legs and wings dropped off, 
when from brown they became red. The bodies 
were rather succulent, though the heads crackled 
under the teeth of the eater.* 

The dwellings of the islanders, and the places 
upon which they had perched them, were among 
the most singular features of their social condition. 
In describing them we adopt the words of the Diary : 
" These people make but small low houses. The 
sides, which are made of small posts, wattled with 
boughs, are not above four foot and an half high : 
the ridge-pole is about seven or eight foot high. 
They have a fireplace at one end of their houses, 
and boards placed on the ground to lie on. They 
inhabit together in small villages built on the sides 
and tops of rocky hills, three or four rows of houses 
one above another, and on such steep precipices that 
they go up to the first row with a wooden ladder, 
and so with a ladder still from every storey up to 
that above it, there being no way to ascend. The 
plain on the first precipice may be so wide as to 
have room both for a row of houses, that stand all 
along on the edge or brink of it, and a very narrow 
street running along before their doors, between 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 430. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 361 

the row of houses and the foot of the next precipice, 
the plain of which is in a manner level to the tops 
of the houses below, and so for the rest. The com. 
mon ladder to each row or street comes up at a nar- 
row passage, left purposely about the middle of it, and 
the street being bounded with a precipice also at each 
end, 'tis but drawing up the ladder if they be assault- 
ed, and then there is no coming at them from be- 
low but by climbing up as against a perpendicular 
wall. And that they may not be assaulted from 
above they take care to build on the side of such 
a hill whose back hangs over the sea, or is some 
high, steep, perpendicular precipice, altogether inac- 
cessible." These terraces, however regular, appeared 
quite natural.* Grafton and Monmouth Islands 
abound in such rocky fortresses, in which the na- 
tives felt themselves secure from pirates, and from 
other enemies whether foreign or domestic. 

The boats of the islanders were ingeniously con- 
structed, somewhat like Deal yawls, and some of 
them so large that they could carry forty or fifty men. 
They were propelled by twelve or fourteen oars on 
each side.t Though scantily provided with iron, 
the Basheeans could work this metal, employing the 
same sort of bellows, remarkable for rude ingenuity, 
which Dampier had seen at Mindanao. This primi- 
tive implement was formed of two hollow cylinders, 
made of the trunks of trees, like our wooden water- 
pipes. They were about three feet long, and placed 
upright in the ground, close to the blacksmith's 
fire, which was made on the floor. Near the bottom 
of each, on the side next the forge, a hole was bored, 



Voyages, voL i. pp. 428, 429. f U>id. P- 

I 



362 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

into which a tube was exactly fitted. These tubes 
met in a common centre or mouth opposite the fire. 
The bellows being thus prepared, a man stood be- 
tween the hollowed trunks with a brush of feathers 
in each hand, which he worked alternately in the 
cylinders, like the piston of a pump, thus impelling 
the air through the small pipes below, and by this 
means keeping up a continued blast.* 

While the Cygnet anchored at the Five Islands, 
the men were generally employed in fishing, leaving 
the plantations to the care of the women. Their 
weapons were wooden lances, of which only a few 
were headed with iron ; their armour a buffalo's 
hide, as thick as a board, covering them to the knees, 
and having holes for the head and arm's.t No form 
of worship was observed among this tribe, nor did 
any one seem to have more authority than another. 
" Yet 'tis probable/' says the navigator, " that they 
have some law or custom by which they are governed ; 
for while we lay here we saw a young man buried 
alive in the earth, and 'twas for theft as far as we 
could understand from them. There was a great 
deep hole dug, and abundance of people came to the 
place to take their last farewell of him. Among the 
rest there was one woman who made great lamenta- 
tion, and took off the condemned person's ear-rings. 
We supposed her to be his mother."J Every man 
had one wife, with whom he appeared to live hap- 
pily, the children respecting and honouring their 
parents. The boys went out to fish with their fa- 
thers, while the girls attended to domestic duties. 
Each family had a small plantation in the valleys ; 

Voyages, vol. i. p. 332. f Ibid. PP- 429, 432. 

Ibid. J. 432. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 363 

and thither the young women descended every day 
from their rocky abodes to dig yams and potatoes, 
which they carried home on their heads for the use 
of the household.* 

In no part of the world had Dampier seen people 
so perfectly quiet and civil as these islanders. " They 
dealt justly and with great sincerity," he says, 
" and made us very welcome to their houses with 
Bashee-drink."t 

Meanwhile the cruise off Manilla was not forgot- 
ten. Eighty hogs were salted, and yams and pota- 
toes laid up for sea-store. J The crew had taken in 
water, and now only waited the settling of the east- 
ern monsoon to take their departure. On the 24th 
September the wind shifted to that quarter, and by 
midnight blew so fiercely that they were driven to 
sea, leaving six of their men on the island. It 
was the 1st October before they were again able to 
come to anchor, and the natives immediately con- 
veyed the sailors on board, whom they had treated 
with great kindness during the temporary absence 
of the ship. They only stipulated that the strangers 
should cut their hair in the Bashee fashion ; and on 
this condition offered each of them a wife, and, as a 
dowry, a plantation and implements of labour. 

The late storm, and their long and profitless cruise, 
now extending with some of them to several years' 
duration, combined to depress the spirits of the crew; 
and once more every man heartily wished himself 
at home, " as they had done a hundred times be- 
fore." || They were, however, persuaded by the cap- 
tain and master to try one chance more, arid agreed 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 432. f Ibid. p. 433. + Ibid. p. 43?. 
Ibid. pp. 438, 439. 11 Ibid. p. 439. 



364 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

to steer for Cape Comorin, for ever renouncing the 
long-indulged dream of capturing the Manilla ship. 
Dampier believed that the ultimate object of the 
commanders was to cruise in the Red Sea, and 
by one desperate effort to make or for ever mar 
their fortunes.* Of all the company none was 
more heartily tired than he himself, who had been 
betrayed into this voyage, and whose thoughts, since 
leaving Mindanao, had run continually on mak- 
ing his escape to some of our own settlements. To 
avoid the danger of meeting English or Dutch ships, 
they agreed, instead of steering for the Straits of Ma- 
lacca, to go round the east side of the Philippines, and, 
keeping southward to the Spice Islands, pass these, 
and enter the Indian Ocean about Timor. To him 
all routes were alike. " I was well enough satisfied," 
he says, " knowing that the farther we went the 
more knowledge and experience I should get, which 
was the main thing that I regarded, and should also 
have the more variety of places to attempt an escape 
from them."t 

On the 3d October they sailed from the Bashee 
Isles, leaving for the first time a somewhat favour- 
able impression of their characters, and bearing 
away grateful and affectionate remembrances of this 
amiable tribe. They steered south-south-west, with 
the wind at west and fair weather ; and passed cer- 
tain islands which lie near the north end of Lu- 
conia. Leaving this coast, and with it " all their 
golden projects," they steered southward, keeping 
to the east of the Philippines, and on the 15th 
anchored between the two small islands named 



Voyages, vol. I p. 439. f Ibid. p. 440. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 365 

Candigar and Sarangan, near the south-eastern ex- 
tremity of Mindanao ; and next day found a proper 
place to careen and refit the ship.* While they lay 
here the nephew of the sultan, who, in name of his 
uncle, had formerly treated with Captain Swan to 
garrison his island and take in a cargo of spice, came 
on board and requested a passage home, as they were 
understood to be going southward. From him they 
obtained intelligence of their late commander and 
comrades, who had been fighting under Rajah Laut 
with a hostile tribe in the interior. The English- 
men had conducted themselves so bravely that they 
were in high favour with the chief; though, it was 
feared, they had been found too useful as allies 
to be permitted to leave their new service. Swan 
had for some time been unsuccessfully attempting to 
hire a vessel to convey him to Fort St George, t 

Dam pier now took an opportunity of persuad- 
ing the men to return to their duty, to carry the 
ship back to the river of Mindanao, and give her 
up to the captain to whom she had been originally 
intrusted ; but before this could be effected, an in- 
dividual, who seemed most zealously to embrace 
the proposal, gave information, upon which Read 
deemed it prudent to weigh anchor with all expedi- 
tion. Without waiting the arrival of the prince, to 
whom a passage had been promised, he held a south- 
west course, and once more disappointed the hopes 
of the journalist, who believed that, by carrying 
home the youth, they might have obtained leave 
to establish a factory and a lawful traffic.^ 

The ultimate fate of Swan, of whom we are now 

* Voyages, \ol. i. pp. 442, 443. f Ibid. p. 444. 

$ Ibid. pp. 445, 446. 



366 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

to lose sight, was not a little painful. Two super- 
cargoes of the ship, Harthope and Smith, died at 
Mindanao ; and when the commander, after a series 
of disappointments, was going out to a Dutch vessel 
which lay in the river, hoping at length to get away, 
the boat was run down by the emissaries of the 
rajah, and he and the surgeon were both killed in 
the water. The property of the captain was im- 
mediately seized by the same perfidious chief, who 
justified his conduct by imputing as crimes to the 
unfortunate navigator some idle threats wrung from 
him by irritation and grief.* 

The Cygnet continued her voyage among the 
channels of the Philippines as far as to the Spice 
Isles, and anchored off Celebes, where the seamen 
obtained a supply of turtle. Among other shell-fish 
they are said to have also found cockles of so mon- 
strous a size that the meat of one of them was suf- 
ficient to make a meal for seven or eight persons. 
It was palatable and wholesome. Here they also 
discovered a species of vine, of which the leaves, 
pounded and boiled with lard, were converted into 
an infallible salve. One of the company had for- 
merly learnt its uses from the Indians of the Darien ; 
and most of his comrades now laid up a store, such 
of them as had ulcers finding great benefit from its 
healing properties. t On the 29th November they 
left this place ; and after encountering the dangers 
of the shoals which surround Celebes, and expe- 
riencing fierce tornadoes, they, on the 5th Decem- 
ber, approached the north-west end of the island of 
Bouton.J 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 445, 446. f Ibid. p. 449. 

$ Ibid. p. 45J . 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 367 

An Indian who spoke the Malay tongue came on 
board with some of the turtle-strikers, and informed 
them of a good harbour on the eastern side of the 
island, for which they sailed. They came to an- 
chor within a league of Callasusung, a clean and 
handsome town, situated upon a hill in the middle 
of a fertile plain, surrounded with cocoa-trees.* The 
people resembled the inhabitants of Mindanao, and 
their houses were built in the same style ; but they 
appeared in all respects much more " neat and tight." 
They were Mohammedans, and used the Malay 
language. The same description seems to fit every 
sultan whom the voyagers saw, " a little man 
about forty or fifty, with a great many wives and 
children."t Unaware of the exact character of his 
visiters, the chief of Bouton was pleased to hear 
that they were English, and made them a visit in 
a handsomely-ornamented proa, with a white silk 
flag displayed at the mast-head, edged with red and 
having in the centre, neatly painted, his national or 
family arms, a green griffin trampling upon a dra- 
gon or winged- serpent. J 

The adventurers had no object in remaining here, 
and from a feeling of curiosity resolved to steer for 
New Holland " to see what that country would af- 
ford them." Upon leaving the land they got among 
shoals, and it was about three weeks before they 
passed Timor and escaped all the dangers of this 
chain. On the 4th January J688 they fell in 
with the north-west coast of what may be esteemed 
the Australian continent, in 16 50', due south from 
a shoal, the longitude of which is now ascertained 

Voyages, vol. i. p. 464. f I bid - PP- M*> 45 ^ 

$ Ibid. p. 455. 



368 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

to be 122 15' east. They ran close in, but found 
no safe anchoring- ground, as the land lay open to 
the north-west. They steered about twelve leagues 
north-east by east, keeping close in by the shore, 
and reached a point, three leagues to the eastward 
of which they found a deep bay with many islets, 
and finally anchored nearly a mile from the beach. 
Seeing people walking about, a canoe was sent off, 
but they ran away and hid themselves ; and though 
traces of fires were seen, no habitation could be dis- 
covered. Toys and trinkets were left at such places 
as the natives were most likely to find them.* 

The coast here was low and level, with sand-banks; 
and, though no water could be obtained, old wells 
were seen dry at several places on the margin of the 
bay. Having failed in their object on the mainland, 
as neither provisions nor water could be found, some 
of the boats visited the contiguous islands, and sur- 
prised a party of the natives. The men at first 
threatened the intruders, and showed their lances 
and swords; but the noise of a single gun frightened 
them, and the women more especially seemed in 
very great alarm. Screaming aloud, they ran away 
with their children, while their husbands stood to 
parley. Those who, from sickness or old age, were 
unable to follow, lay still by their fires uttering 
doleful lamentations ; but when it was seen that no 
harm was intended them, they became tranquil, and 
many of the fugitives returned.t 

The Buccaneers had formed against these wretch- 
ed people no design more flagitious than to make 
them assist in carrying the water-casks to the boats. 

* Voyages, p. 459-467. f Ibid. pp. 463, 467. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

To this they tried to bribe them with ragged shirts 
and old breeches, a species of clothing which would 
have charmed the inhabitants of the South Sea 
islands, though it was totally disregarded by the 
inert natives of New Holland, whose first associa- 
tions with European manufactures were connected 
with compulsory labour. " We put them on them," 
says Dampier, speaking of the tattered rags supplied 
by the crew, " thinking that this finery would have 
brought them to work heartily for us; and our 
water being filled in small long barrels, about six 
gallons in each, we brought these our new servants 
to the wells, and put a barrel on each of their 
shoulders for them to carry to the canoe. But all 
the signs we could make were to no purpose ; for 
they stood like statues, without motion, but grinned 
like so many monkeys, staring one upon another." 
It was found that they had not strength sufficient 
even for this easy task ; and it was believed that an 
English ship-boy of ten years old would have been 
able to bear heavier burdens than these feeble savages. 
" So we were forced," he resumes, " to carry our 
water ourselves ; and they very fairly put the 
clothes off again, and laid them down, as if clothes 
were only to work in. I did not perceive that they 
had any great liking to them at first ; neither did 
they seem to admire any thing that we had."* In. 
his estimation, they were lower in the scale of hu- 
manity than any tribe of which he had ever heard, 
the Hottentots not excepted. " The Hodmadods 
of Monomatapa, though a nasty people, are gen- 
tlemen to these. Setting aside their human shape, 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 467, 468. 



370 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

they differ but little from brutes. They are tall, 
straight-bodied, and thin, with small long limbs. 
They have great heads, round foreheads, and great 
brows. Their eyelids are always half closed, to 
keep the flies out of their eyes, so that they never 
open their eyes as other people; and therefore 
they cannot see far, unless they hold up their heads 
as if they were looking at somewhat over them. 
They have great bottle- noses, pretty full lips, and 
wide mouths. The two fore-teeth of their upper 
jaw are wanting in all of them, men and women, 
old and young. Whether they draw them out I 
know not; neither have they any beards. They 
are long-visaged, and of a very unpleasing aspect, 
having no one graceful feature in their faces. Their 
hair is black, short, and curled, like that of negroes ; 
and the colour of their skins coal-black, like that 
of the negroes of Guinea. They have no sort of 
clothes, but a piece of the rind of a tree tied like a 
girdle about their waists, and a handful of long 
grass, or three or four small green boughs full of 
leaves thrust under it. They have no houses, but 
lie in the open air without any covering, the earth 
being their bed, and the heaven their canopy." They 
lived in groups or families of from twenty to thirty, 
men, women, and children ; their only food being a 
small kind of fish which they caught at flood-tide 
in a sort of weirs.* Yet even these miserable people 
were possessed of some good qualities. Whatever 
they caught was fairly divided. Were it little or 
much, every one had a share of the bounty that 
Providence had sent, " the old and feeble who were 

Voyages, vol. i. pp. 464, 465. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 371 

unable to go abroad, as well as the strong and lusty." 
This disinterestedness, with their bold defence of 
the women and children on the first appearance of 
the Europeans, is, however, all that can be said in 
praise of apparently the most abject and wretched 
tribe of the human race. When they had consumed 
what was caught, they lay down till next low- water, 
and then all who were able went to examine the 
weirs. No iron was seen among them ; but they 
had wooden swords, and a kind of lance like a long 
pole, sharpened at the upper end, and hardened by 
heat.* 

No sort of land-animal was observed ; yet there 
were a few birds, and plenty of manatee and turtle, 
though the natives had never learned to strike 
them. They had neither boats, canoes, nor rafts, 
and therefore, when they had occasion to pass to the 
several islands in the bay, they had recourse to 
swimming. No form of worship was observed; and 
though they greedily devoured rice, or whatever 
was given them, their minds never once appeared 
to awaken to any feeling of curiosity. Four men 
who were taken on board were utterly insensible 
to every thing but the food which they devoured 
and the delight of getting away. The wonders 
around them, the ship and her strange company, 
which would have charmed many of the tribes of 
Polynesia to an ecstacy of surprise, were unnoticed 
by the savages of this part of New Holland.t 

The Mosquito-men were busily employed during 
the time that the vessel was cleaned and the sails 
repaired ; nor did Dampier miss this opportunity of 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 465, 465*. f Ibid. pp. 468, 469. 



372 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

again endeavouring to persuade his messmates to go 
to some English factory and give her up. But the 
threat of being left on this barren and melancholy 
coast compelled him to consult his prudence rather 
than his duty, and to wait a fairer chance of escape.* 
The destination of the Cygnet was still Cape Co- 
morin ; and on the 4th of May they made the Nicobar 
Islands, the chief commodities of which were am- 
bergris and fruits, which the inhabitants sold to any 
class of traders who happened to visit them.t Our 
navigator now openly expressed his intention of 
leaving the ship ; and the captain believing that he 
could not more effectually punish his refractory dis- 
position than by granting his wish, at once gave 
him leave to depart. Lest the commander should 
change his mind, he immediately lowered his bed- 
ding and chest, and induced one of the men to row 
him to the land.J He had not been long on shore, 
however, when a party were sent to bring him back, 
and he went with them, aware that if he secreted 
himself, the pirate-chief would not hesitate to make 
a descent on the coast and kill some of the natives, 
who would naturally revenge themselves on him. 
On returning to the ship, he found that his example 
had been followed by several of the crew, three of 
whom, including the surgeon, now entertained the 
same views. The captain refused on any terms to let 
the medical officer depart ; but after some altercation 
Dampier and his two companions, on a clear moon- 
light night, were landed and left in a sandy bay of 
this unknown island. A seaman who conducted 
the party ashore stole an axe and gave it to them, as 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 469. f Ibid - P- 4 ? 6 ' 

$ Ibid. pp. 481, 482. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 373 

the means of propitiating the natives or of buying 
provisions. They were speedily joined by four 
Acheenese previously captured in a proa, whom 
Captain Read released before setting sail, as also by 
a native of Portugal, who had likewise been made 
prisoner ; and now they fancied themselves strong 
enough to row to Sumatra.* Accordingly, having 
exchanged their axe for a canoe, they placed their 
goods in it, and embarked for Acheen. This frail 
vessel, however, upset almost as soon as it was put 
in motion, and though no life was lost, Dampier's 
journal and drafts suffered considerable damage.t 
Three days were spent in converting their little ves- 
sel into a sailing-boat, which was expertly done by 
the Acheenese, who fitted her with a mast, out- rig- 
gers, and a suit of mat-sails. With the natives, who 
watched all their movements, though more from cu- 
riosity than suspicion, they bartered rags and strips J 
of cloth for mellory a variety of the bread-fruit, 
shaped like a pear, with a tough, smooth, light-green 
rind, which was thought to be confined to these 
islands. They also obtained cocoa-nuts, and might 
have had hogs, but that they did not choose to dis- 
gust their Malayan friends, who were Mohammed- 
ans. Once more they embarked, their only guides 
being a pocket-compass, with which Dampier had 
provided himself, and a sketch of the Indian Seas, 



* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 483, 484, 486. f Ibid. 486, 487. 

$ A strip of cloth which those islanders wear attached to their 
slight covering led Linnaeus into the ludicrous mistake of asserting, 
on the authority of an ignorant Swedish sailor, that here existed 
a race of men with tails. 

The mellnry of the Nicobars, called by the natives larum, 
is a speciea of bread-fruit, said to be superior even to that of Ota- 
heite. 



374 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

which, contemplating escape, he had previously co- 
pied from a chart in the ship into his pocket-book.* 
They had been only three days at sea when the 
weather became tempestuous. To describe what 
followed we shall employ his own striking language, 
which, while it reveals so much of his true character 
and feelings, affords a good specimen of his more 
elevated style : " The wind continued increasing 
all the afternoon, and the sea still swelled higher 
and often broke, but did us no damage; for the 
ends of the vessel being very narrow, he that steer- 
ed received and broke the sea on his back, and so 
kept it from coming in so much as to endanger the 
vessel, though much water would come in, which 
we were forced to keep heaving out continually. By 
this time we saw it was well that we had altered 
our course ; every wave would else have filled and 
sunk us, taking the side of the vessel ; and though 
our outlayers were well lashed down to the canoe's 
bottom with rattans, yet they must probably have 
yielded to such a sea as this, when even before, they 
were plunged under water and bent like twigs. The 
evening of this 18th day was very dismal. The sky 
looked very black, being covered with dark clouds. 
The wind blew hard, and the seas ran high. The 
sea was already roaring in a white foam about us ; 
a dark night coming on, no land in sight to shelter 
us, and our little ark in danger to be swallowed by 
every wave ; and, what was worst of all, none of us 
thought ourselves prepared for another world. The 
reader may better guess than I can express, the con- 
fusion that we were all in. I had been in many 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 487, 493. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 375 

imminent dangers before now, but the worst of them 
all was but a play-game in comparison with this. I 
must confess that I was in great conflicts of mind at 
this time. Other dangers came not upon me with 
such a leisurely and dreadful solemnity a sudden 
skirmish or engagement or so was nothing when 
one's blood was up, and pushed forward with eager 
expectations ; but here I had a lingering view of ap- 
proaching death, and little or no hopes of escaping 
it, and I must confess that my courage, which I had 
hitherto kept up, failed me here ; and I made very 
sad reflections on my former life and looked back 
with horror and detestation on actions which be- 
fore I disliked, but now I trembled at the remem- 
brance of. I had long before this repented me of 
that roving course of life, but never with such con- 
cern as now. I did also call to mind the many mi- 
raculous acts of God's providence towards me in the 
whole course of my life, of which kind I believe few 
men have met with the like. For all these I returned 
thanks in a peculiar manner, and this once more 
desired God's assistance, and composed my mind as 
well as I could in the hopes of it, and as the event 
showed I was not disappointed of my hopes. Sub- 
mitting ourselves therefore to God's good providence, 
and taking all the care we could to preserve our lives, 
Mr Hall and I took turns to steer, and the rest took 
turns to heave out the water ; and thus we provided 
to spend the most doleful night I ever was in."* 

The pious trust of Dampier and his companions did 
not fail them. After enduring great hardship, they 
came in sight of a small fishing- village on the island 

" Voyages, vol. i. pp. 496, 497. 



376 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OP THE GLOBE. 

of Sumatra, with which their Malay companions 
were previously acquainted. But they were now 
so much exhausted as to be unable to row their 
boat ashore, another example of the sudden pros- 
tration of strength to which persons who have been in 
imminent jeopardy are liable as soon as the danger 
appears to be past. The people of the place assisted 
them to land, and a chief who came to see them, un- 
derstanding that they were prisoners escaped from 
pirates, treated them with great kindness. A house 
being provided for their reception, provisions were 
sent to it in much larger quantities than they could 
use, as they were all sick from excessive fatigue and 
the alternations of cold and heat to which they had 
been exposed.* After resting ten days, though not 
yet restored to health, they entreated to be allowed 
to proceed to Acheen to their countrymen; and, being 
supplied with a large proa, they were permitted to 
depart. On their arrival at that settlement, they 
were strictly examined by the native magistrate, and 
then given up to the care of an Irish gentleman con- 
nected with the factory. The Portuguese died, and 
Ambrose, one of the Englishmen who left the 
Cygnet, did not long survive him ; while Dampier, 
whose constitution, originally robust, was now by 
his hardy mode of life rendered almost invincible, 
recovered but slowly.t 

When his health was somewhat re-established, 
he embarked on a voyage to Nicobar with a captain 
named Bowry, who traded to different parts of 
India; but after two days they were driven back 
and the enterprise was abandoned.^ His next trip 

* Voyages, vol. i. pp. 499. 500. f Ibid. pp. 502, 503. 
$ Ibid. p. 504. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 377 

was to Tonquin under Captain Welden, with whom 
he afterwards went to Malacca, and thence to Fort 
St George, where he remained five months, and then 
returned to Bencoolen, to a factory lately established 
by the English on what was then called the West 
Coast. Here he also officiated several months as 
gunner of the fort.* 

Some time afterwards he met at Acheen his former 
shipmate, Mr Morgan, from whom he learned the 
fortunes of his brethren on board the Cygnet. After 
he had left them at Nicobar, they steered for Ceylon, 
in the course of which voyage they were compelled 
by stress of weather to seek refreshments upon the 
coast of Coromandel. Half the crew at this time 
left the ship, part of whom subsequently found 
their way to Agra, and entered the service of the 
Mogul as guards ; but upon the offer of a pardon 
made to them by the governor at Fort St George, 
most of them repaired to that garrison. The re- 
mainder reached Madagascar, where they enlisted 
into the army of one of the petty princes, who was 
then at war with a neighbouring chief, t 

We may here take a farewell glance of the Buc- 
caneers, and especially of those left by Dampier in 
the South Sea. In pursuing their old vocation they 
captured many vessels, and revelled in the plunder 
of several towns ; sometimes cruising together, but 
as often in detached bands. Townley was so fortu- 
nate as to obtain at Lavelia the treasure landed 
from the Lima ship the former year, for which Swan 
had watched so long in vain; and with his whole force 
he had hazarded a sanguinary engagement in the 

Voyages, vol. I p. 505. f Ibid. p. 50/-509. 



378 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

Bay of Panama. But he afterwards died of wounds 
received in another adventure. The French party 
stormed Granada ; and Groigniet, having also fallen 
by the sword, was succeeded by Le Picard. Harris 
followed Swan across the Pacific; and Knight, 
satiated with plunder, returned by Cape Horn to 
the West Indies, those of his party who had gam- 
bled away their share of the pillage remaining in 
the Bachelor's Delight. The narrative written by 
Lionel Wafer, who remained with Davis, possesses 
considerable interest, as descriptive of his proceed- 
ings on the coasts of Peru and New Spain. This 
captain, who generally kept apart from the French 
freebooters, joined them in an attack on Guayaquil, 
where they amicably divided a rich booty. The 
latter, among whom, however, there were many 
Englishmen, afterwards with great difficulty made 
their way overland, from the Bay of Amapalla to 
the head of a river which falls into the Caribbean 
Sea. Each man, on this occasion, carried his silver 
and gold on his back ; the more fortunate hiring as 
porters such of their comrades as they had previously 
stripped at the gaming-table. 

Davis, who during his long cruise had frequently 
remained for weeks at Cocos Island and the Gala- 
pagos group, now repaired thither from Guayaquil 
to careen and victual his ship previous to leaving 
the South Sea by Cape Horn.* These islest were 

* Wafer's Voyages, pp. 191, 192, 195. 

f Captain Colnet, who made a voyage in the Pacific in 1794, 
one hundred and ten years after the retreat of the Buccaneers from 
the South Sea, relates that he found the remains of their seats, 
made of turf and stones, empty jars like those in which the Peru- 
vian wine is kept, and nails, daggers, and other articles left by them. 
Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 202. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 379 

become to the Buccaneers in the Pacific what Tor- 
tuga had been to their predecessors in the West 
Indies. In his run south from the Galapagos, he 
discovered an island which afterwards received the 
name of Easter, and by which it is now generally 
known.* At this time he left five of his men with 
as many negro slaves on Juan Fernandez. They 
had lost at the gaming-table every farthing which 
they possessed, and were unwilling to leave the re- 
gion of treasure as poor as they entered it.t The 
Bachelor's Delight successfully doubled Cape Horn, 
and the captain, who stood high among the Buc- 
caneers both for capacity and worth, reached the 
West Indies just in time to avail himself of the 
pardon offered by royal proclamation. f 

Though the French Flibustiers, countenanced by 
their government, continued to flourish during the 
war which followed the accession of William III. to 
the throne of Great Britain, and did brave service to 
their country in the West Indies, buccaneering, al- 
ready severely checked, ceased among the English 
from that period. For more than twenty years, 
however, a few desperate characters, pretending 
to be the true successors of the old Rovers, con- 
tinued to infest the commerce of every nation, 
and haunted every sea from Cape Wrath to the 
islands of the Indian Ocean, wherever robbery could 
be practised with impunity, whether on land or wa- 
ter. The better to forward or conceal their designs, 

* The claim of Davis to this discovery has undergone consider- 
able discussion ; but there seems no reason to deprive him of the 
merit. See Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 207. Beeche}*, 
Voyage to the Pacific, vol. i. p. 39. Historical Account of the 
Circumnavigation of the Globe, p. Ititi. 

f Water's Voyages, p. 2lti. + Ibid. p. 223. 



380 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

these lawless ruffians often allied themselves with 
native princes, as the new commander of the Cyg- 
net had done at Madagascar. Among the last of 
these degenerate descendants of the American free- 
booters, may be mentioned the crew of a pirate- ship 
named the Revenge, captured among the Orkney 
Isles, who suffered by the sentence of the Court of 
Admiralty so late as the year 1724.* 

While Dampier was at Fort St George an English 
vessel arrived from Mindanao laden with clove-bark, 
having on board an Indian prince he had formerly 
seen a slave at that place, and whom Mr Moody, 
the supercargo of the ship, had purchased from his 
owner.t He was from the islands named Meangis, 
which he said abounded in gold and cloves ; and it 
had been a favourite speculation with our hero to 
form a mercantile concern there, which might have 
been managed from Mindanao. This scheme was 
however abandoned; and Prince Jeoly, whom, while 
he was at that island, he had proposed to buy from 
his master to be his guide, was now on the way to 
England to be exhibited. Mr Moody meanwhile was 
appointed to the factory of Indrapoor, then just esta- 
blished on the western coast of Sumatra; and to 
induce Dampier to accompany him and take charge 
of the guns, he promised that a vessel should be 
procured in which he might proceed to Meangis with 
Jeoly, and realize his commercial scheme. :f But 
being unable to fulfil this promise, Moody not only 
released his friend from the engagement, but pre- 
sented him with a half-share of the " painted 

* We need scarcely remind the reader that Sir Walter Scott's 
romance of The Pirate is founded upon this incident. 

f Voyages, vol. i. p. 51 J. $ Ibid. p. 51'2. Ibid. p. 519. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 381 

prince," whom he left in the mean time under his 
charge. As this was the first tattooed man ever 
seen in Europe, the account given of him is still 
curious. The islands from which he came lay about 
twenty leagues to the south-east of Mindanao; being 
three in number, small but fertile, and abounding, 
according to his report, in gold and cloves. His 
father was rajah of the island on which they lived, 
where there were about thirty men and a hundred 
women, of whom five were his wives. By one of 
these he had been tattooed down the breast, between 
the shoulders, and on the thighs ; and also round 
the arms and legs in the form of broad rings and 
bracelets. The figures, it is said, bore no resem- 
blance to the outline of animals or plants, but were 
full of ingenious flourishes, and showed a variety of 
lines and chequered work in intricate figures. Upon 
the shoulder-blades the patterns were peculiarly 
elegant; and most of the men and women of his 
little territory were thus " painted." They wore 
gold bracelets and anklets, had canoes, and lived 
upon potatoes, yams, fruits, and fish. They had 
also plenty of fowls. Their native language was 
quite different from the Malayan, which the youth 
had acquired during his slavery. In passing with 
some of his relations from one island to another, 
they had been driven by a violent tempest towards 
the coast of Mindanao, where they were all made 
prisoners by the fishermen, who stripped them of 
their golden ornaments, and sold them for slaves.* 

With his situation at the fort of Bencoolen Dam- 
pier found reason to be dissatisfied, the character 

* Voyages, vol. i. p. 513-515. 



382 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 

of the governor being by no means gracious. But 
besides his disgust with this official, from whose 
treatment of others he drew no favourable augury 
for himself, he began strongly to experience the 
stirrings of that longing after his native country 
to which every wanderer is subject. Though his 
pecuniary affairs were in greater disorder than on 
the day he embarked with the Buccaneers, and 
he had been glad to earn two dollars, his sole 
treasure, by teaching plain sailing to the lads of 
Welden's ship, he nevertheless promised himself a 
fortune from exhibiting the prince in England ; 
hoping that he would be able to obtain a ship to 
carry him back to his native island, where, thus in- 
troduced, he could not fail to establish a lucrative 
trade.* Mr Moody had meanwhile disposed of the 
share which he retained of the unfortunate captive 
to the mate of an Indiaman, on board which vessel 
Dampier wished to go home ; but the capricious and 
tyrannical governor, who had at first consented to 
his departure, revoked the permission when the 
ship was about to sail, nor would he yield to any 
entreaties, though the captain and others importuned 
him to let the navigator return to his native land.t 
The night before she weighed anchor, he crept in 
the dark through an embrasure of the fort, abandon- 
ing all his property except his journal and manu- 
scripts for the chance of freedom. The mate, by 
previous agreement, waited for him with a boat, and 
kept him concealed on board till the vessel put to sea, 
which took place on the 25th January 1691.J 
The voyage, owing to the illness of the crew, 

Voyage?, vol. i. pp. 518, 519. f Ibid. p. 520. 



CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. 383 

proved tedious, and the same bad fortune which 
had attended Dampier at so many turns of life de- 
prived him of all advantage from bringing home 
Jeoly. Arriving in the Thames in utter poverty, 
he was compelled by necessity to sell his share of the 
tattooed savage ; thus for ever renouncing the ro- 
mantic project of carrying him back to Meangis, 
which the poor captive was destined never to revisit. 
After being seen by many " eminent persons," he 
caught the small-pox at Oxford, and died.* 

Of the navigator himself at this time we hear no 
more. The narrative of his eight years' ramble 
round the globe breaks off abruptly by saying, " we 
luffed in for the Downs, where we anchored Sep- 
tember the 16th, 1691." 

All that can now be learned is, that in the follow- 
ing year he published his " New Voyage round the 
World," and afterwards a Supplement, which he 
entitled " Voyages and Descriptions." This work 
was dedicated to Charles Montague, President of 
the Royal Society and a Commissioner of the Trea- 
sury, with whom it appears he had no previous ac- 
quaintance. Its intrinsic merits, and the charm of 
the narrative, soon brought the author into notice ; 
his book ran rapidly through several editions ; and 
was at length translated into French and Dutch. 

Voyages, vol. i. pp. 549, 550. 



384 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 



CHAPTER X. 

Voyage to New Holland. 

Voyage of Discovery to New Holland and New Guinea Dampier 
on the Coast of New Holland Dirk Hatichs' Reede Appear- 
ance and Productions of the Country Discoveries on the North- 
ern Coasts Plants and Animals Appearance and Character of 
the Natives Voyage to New Guinea New Islands and their 
Productions Discovery of King William's Island Slinger's 
Bay Manners of the Natives Discovery of Cape St George 
and Cape Orford Natives of Port Montague Their suspicious 
and inhospitable Character Affray with the Natives Volcanic 
Island Discovery of Nova Britannia Islands in Dampier's 
Strait Return to King William's Island, and Second Voyage to 
the Coast of New Holland Dampier's Shipwreck Ungrateful 
Reception His Voj T age in the St George Bad Conduct of his 
Officers His Imprisonment by the Dutch Return to England 
Voyage in the Duke Account of the celebrated Alexander 
Selkirk Testimony borne to the Merits of Dampier Reflections 
on his Character and Fate The End. 

IN the year 1699, the country being in a state of 
profound peace, an expedition for the discovery of 
unknown lands was projected by William III., the 
conduct of which was committed by the Earl of 
Pembroke, then at the head of the Admiralty, to 
Dampier, who was recommended solely by his qua- 
lifications as a seaman, his great experience, and ac- 
knowledged capacity. The countries which he was 
more particularly desired to examine in this voyage 
were New Holland and New Guinea. 

The vessel in which he sailed was a king's ship 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 385 

named the Roebuck, old and crazy before she left the 
port.* She carried 12 guns, and a crew of 50 men 
and boys, with provisions for twenty months, t be- 
sides the equipments necessary to the accomplish- 
ment of a voyage undertaken for the future promo- 
tion of traffic, though the immediate object was dis- 
covery. The commander, who had always been fond 
of natural history, carried on this occasion a drafts- 
man with him. He left the Downs on the 14th 
January 1699, and proceeded prosperously to the 
Cape de Verd Islands, and afterwards to the coast of 
Brazil, where bethought it necessary to put into some 
port, as he intended, after obtaining suitable refresh- 
ments, to steer direct for New Holland. On the 
25th March he accordingly anchored at Bahia de 
todos los Santos, where thirty large European vessels 
then lay, besides other ships, and a multitude of 
small craft. The governor was named Don Juan 
de Lancastrio, and, claiming to be of high English 
extraction, was exceedingly courteous to the British 
navigator.J 

He again sailed on the 23d April, and on the fol- 
lowing days the crew caught several small sharks, 
which they cooked in the Buccaneer fashion. On their 
way to the Cape of Good Hope they observed nothing 
more remarkable than the carcass of a whale, about 
which hovered " millions" of sea- fowl, darkening the 
air to a great distance. They also saw the stormy- 
petrel, a bird resembling a swallow, but smaller. 
Sailors call them foul- weather birds, and at all times 
dislike their appearance. " In a storm they will hover 

* Dedication to the Voyage to Terra Australia. 

f Voj'age to Terra Australis, p. 1. J Ibid. pp. 33, 36. 

Had. pp. 62, 67. 



386 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

close under the ship's stern, in the wake or smooth- 
ness which the ship's passing has made on the sea ; 
and there as they fly gently, they pat the water al- 
ternately with their feet, as if they walked upon it, 
though still upon the wing. Hence the seamen 
give them the name of petrels, in allusion to St 
Peter's walking upon the Lake of Gennesareth."* 

The voyage proceeded favourably. On the 4th of 
July they made frequent soundings ; at ninety 
leagues from New Holland, saw many whales ; and 
when at the distance of thirty leagues they observed 
bones of the scuttle-fish floating, and also sea- weed. 
Being now close upon the western coast, they kept 
the lead constantly going, and on the night of the 
1st of August found bottom on the northern part 
of the Abrolhos shoal, about the latitude of 27 40' 
S. In the morning they descried the mainland at 
the distance of six leagues, but were unable to find 
a safe harbour, and owing to foul weather were com- 
pelled to stand off till the 5th, when they again 
approached.t Next morning they ran into an open- 
ing, keeping a boat sounding before the ship, and 
moored two miles from the shore in the harbour 
named Dirk Hatichs' Reede, so denominated from 
the first discoverer, who in 1616 had cast anchor 
there. To this place our navigator gave the name 
of Shark's Bay, and he lays down the mouth of the 
inlet in latitude 25 S.J 

The land here is of moderate height, and from the 
sea appears level, though it is found to be gently 
undulating. On the open coast the shore is bluff; 
but ia the bay the country is low, and the soil sandy, 



Voyage to Terra A 
$ Ibid. pp. 83, 84. 



ustralis, p. 6J. f Ibid. pp. J8, 79, 81. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 387 

producing a species of samphire. " Farther in," says 
the captain, " the mould is reddish, a sort of sand, 
producing some grass, plants, and shrubs. Of trees 
or shrubs here are divers sorts, but none above ten 
feet high.* Some of the trees were sweet-scented, 
and reddish within the bark like sassafras, but red- 
der. The blossoms of the different sorts of trees 
were of several colours, but mostly blue, and smelt 
very sweet and fragrant. There were also beautiful 
and fragrant flowers growing on the ground, unlike 
any I had ever seen elsewhere." There were eagles, 
but no other large birds ; though of the small winged 
songsters there was great variety. Besides the or- 
dinary sea- fowl there were many strange kinds, quite 
new to the voyager. Among the animals which he 
observed was " a sort of racoon, different from that 
of the West Indies, chiefly as to the legs, for these 
have very short fore-legs; but go jumping upon 
them [the hind legs ?] as the others do, and like 
them are very good meat." " This," it is remarked 
by the unfortunate Flinders, " appears to be a de- 
scription of the small kangaroo since found upon 
the islands which form the road ; and if so, this 
account is probably the first ever made of that sin- 
gular animal. "t Of the iguanas of this country 
Dampier gives a striking description. They were 
inferior as food to those with which he had been 
familiar in the Atlantic and South Sea, and when 
opened their smell was very offensive. Nothing 

* Voyage to Terra Australis, p. 84. 

f Voyage to Terra Australis (Lond. 1814), vol. i. p. Ixiii. The 
large kangaroo seems to have remained unknown until the days of 
Cook. See Hawkesworth's Collection, vol. iii. pp. 157, 165, 173, 
174. Historical Account of the Circumnavigation of the Globe, 
p. 336. Edinburgh Cabinet Library, No. XXI. 



388 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

can be more loathsome and disgusting than the 
picture he gives of this large species of lizard, which 
is the Scincus troplcurus of naturalists.* In this 
bay, besides abundance of sharks, large green-turtle 
were found, which furnished welcome refreshment 
to the seamen. The fish were skate, rays, and other 
flat kinds, with muscles, oysters, and smaller varie- 
ties. " The shore was lined with strange and beau- 
tiful shells."t 

They had anchored at three different places to 
search for water; and on the llth, to accomplish 
this purpose as well as to prosecute discovery, they 
stood farther into the bay, but, after several abortive 
attempts, again bore out to sea, having previously 
scrubbed the ship. Sea-snakes were seen of different 
kinds, one sort yellow with brown spots, about four 
feet in length and of the thickness of a man's wrist, 
with a flat tail ; another kind smaller, shorter, and 
round, spotted black and yellow.J 

On the 14th of August they sailed out of this bay 
or bight, and plied off and on towards the north, 
keeping about six or seven leagues from the shore, 
and frequently sounding. On the 15th they were in 
latitude 24 41' S. ; on the 16th in 23 22', " jogging 
on northward," seeing in their progress many small 
dolphins and whales, with abundance of scuttle-fish- 
shells and water-serpents. On the afternoon of the 
18th, off a shoal in 22 22', of which they kept 
clear, numerous whales were seen on all sides of the 
ship. " The noise which they made by blowing and 
dashing of the sea with their tails, making it all of a 



* Voyage to Terra Australia, p. 86. f Ibid. p. 87. 

* Ibid. pp. 89, 90. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 389 

breach and foam, was very dreadful to us, like the 
breach of the waves in very shoal water."* 

On the 18th they were carried out of sight of 
land, which was recovered on the 21st, visible only 
from the mast-head bearing south-east by east, and 
appearing at the distance of nine leagues like a bluff 
promontory. Around this place was an archipelago 
of islands, of considerable height, which Dampier be- 
lieved to be a range stretching from east north-east to 
west south-west for about twenty leagues, or probably 
as far as Shark's Bay.t Next day he ran in among 
them, having a boat sounding ahead. The water 
was of very unequal depth, and the arid appearance 
of the shores and rusty colour of the rocks made him 
despair of finding water, though still hoping that 
he might either discover a new channel leading 
through to the mainland of New Holland or find 
some sort of rich mineral or ambergris, for which 
this was a favourable latitude, he was unwilling 
to turn back. J The island near which he anchored 
he named Rosemary, as a plant similar to it, 
though destitute of smell, grew here in abundance. 
Two kinds of beans were found ; the one growing 
on bushes, the other on a shrub that ran along the 
ground. Cormorants and gulls were also seen, and 
a kind of white parrot, which flew in large flocks. || 

They left this place on the 23d, and for some 
time coasted along with the land-breeze, having had, 

* Voyage to Terra Australia, p. 91. f Ibid. p. 92-94. 

$ Ibid. pp. 94, 93. 

The genus called Dampiera, containing thirteen species of 
sbfubby or perennial herbaceous plants, all natives of New Hol- 
land, was named in honour of the celebrated navigator by Mr Ro- 
bert Brown, in his Prodromus Flora? Novae ilolumdia?. 

|| Voyages to Terra Australia, p. 96. 



390 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

since leaving Shark's Bay, fine weather, which still 
continued. Water- snakes, whales, noddies, and 
boobies were seen. On the 27th they lost sight of 
land, which was recovered on the 30th in latitude 
18 21' S., smoke being observed at several places on 
the shore. At night there was a well-marked eclipse 
of the moon.* 

Early next day an armed party landed in search 
of water, carrying with them pickaxes and shovels. 
Three tall natives were seen on the beach, but 
they speedily retreated. The boat lying at anchor 
a little way from the shore was, in order to prevent 
seizure, left in the care of two sailors, while the rest 
followed the savages, who were soon joined by eight 
or nine more. They stood on an eminence, from 
which however they again fled on the approach of 
the English.t 

From this height the party descried a savannah 
studded with what they at first thought were huts, 
but discovered to be only rocks scattered up and 
down. They returned to the place at which they 
had landed and began to dig, but were menaced by 
another body of the inhabitants, who vociferated with 
angry gestures, as if ordering the strangers to be gone. J 
One of them at length venturing to approach, the 
rest followed at a cautious distance ; and Dampier 
went forward to meet them, making signs of peace 
and friendship. The leader, however, fled,,, while 
the others kept aloof ; but as the want of water made 
it absolutely necessary to establish a communication 
with these people, an attempt was made to catch 
some of them, and a nimble young man who was 

to Teira Aus trails, pp. 98, 99. f l bid - P- 10 - 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 391 

with the commander tried to run them down.* As 
soon as he overtook them they faced about and at- 
tacked him ; and Dampier, who was himself assail- 
ed, was compelled to fire his musket in defence of 
the seaman, who, though armed with a cutlass, was 
unable to beat back so many lances. The first shot, 
intended only to scare them, was, after a momentary 
alarm, treated with indifference or contempt. They 
tossed up their arms, exclaiming Pooh, pooh, pooh ! 
and pressing closer upon the sailor, the captain could 
no longer withhold his fire. One native fell, his 
friends paused in alarm, and the Englishman 
escaped. " I returned back," says the voyager, 
" with my men, designing to attempt the natives no 
farther, being very sorry for what had happened. "t 
The seaman was wounded in the cheek by a lance. 
Among the savages there was one who, from his 
appearance and dignity of demeanour, was ima- 
gined to be a chief, an impression produced by 
something distinct from either height of stature or 
personal beauty ; for, it is remarked, he was neither 
so tall nor well-made as some of the others, but " a 
brisk young man," active and courageous. He was 
the only one of the group that was painted. A circle 
drawn with some sort of white pigment surrounded 
each of his eyes, and a white streak reached from 
the forehead to the tip of the nose. His breast and 
part of his arms were also stained, " not for beauty 
or ornament, but that he seemed thereby to design 
the looking more terrible, this his painting adding 
very much to his natural deformity."} Dampier 
imagined this party to belong to the same nation 

Voyage to Terra Australis, p. 101. f lMd- PP- 1M> 1C2. 



J Ibid. p. 102. 



392 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

with those he had seen when the Cygnet touched 
on this coast. " They were the same blinking crea- 
tures with the most unpleasant looks and worst 
features of any people I had ever seen."* He did 
not get near enough to discover if this tribe like the 
former also wanted the two fore-teeth. Near the 
fire-places quantities of shells were found of the 
kinds on which the other island-tribe lived, and 
their lances were similar in shape. The general 
features of the country were the same as those al- 
ready described, low, with chains of sand-hills, the 
land round the shore extremely dry, though bearing 
many shrubs with beautiful blossoms of various 
colours and of delicate fragrance, t Farther on, 
there was mixed woodland and savannah. The 
plains are described as studded with detached rocks 
resembling haycocks, some red and others white, 
and appearing at a distance like the hovels of the 
Hottentots near the Cape of Good Hope.J Some 
animals resembling wolves, and lean as skeletons, 
were also observed. 

Water was at last obtained, which, being brack- 
ish, was employed to boil the oatmeal, in order to 
save what remained in the casks ; and on the 5th 
September our navigator left this steril coast. On 
the 7th, in latitude 16 9' S., when already beyond 
sight of land, he stood out to sea, and on the 8th, in 
15 37', shaped his course for Timor. On the 22d 

Voyage to Terra Australia, p. 102. f Ibid. pp. 103, 105. 

J It is remarked by Flinders that " Dampier could not have 
examined these rocks closely ; for there can be little doubt that 
they were the ant-hills described by Pelsert as being 'so large that 
they might have been taken tor tl 
to Terra Australis, vol. i. p. Ixv. 

Ibid. p. 106. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 393 

he came to anchor in Copang Bay, near the Dutch 
fort Concordia, but afterwards went to Laphao, a 
Portuguese settlement on the opposite side of the 
island.* 

After resting and refitting at Timor, he sailed on 
the 20th of December for New Guinea ; and on the 
1st January 1700 descried the western coast of this 
country, high level land covered with large trees.* 
Near the shore the navigators were assailed by torna- 
does ; and black clouds hovered over it, while at sea 
the weather was clear and settled. On the 7th they 
landed, caught at one haul more than 300 mackerel, 
and next day anchored in the mouth of a river, where 
they took in water. Fruits of unknown kinds were 
brought on board by the pinnace, and one of the 
men shot a stately land-fowl about the size of the 
dunghill-cock, sky-coloured, but with a white spot 
surrounded by others of a reddish hue on the 
wings, and a long bunch of feathers on the crown. 
From this bay, to which they gave the name of 
Freshwater, they sailed out by White Island, which 
lies in lat. 3 4' S., and is distinguished by white 
cliffs. J They now beat up to the northward against 
currents and adverse winds, passing many dangerous 
shoals, and occasionally anchoring to obtain wood and 
water. At an island named by the natives Sabuda, 
in lat. 2 43' S., Dampier found a tawny tribe closely 
resembling his old friends at Mindanao. Negroes 
were also seen here, having the same curly hair 
which had originally obtained for this country the 

* Voyage to Terra Australis, pp. 1 04, 1 07. Also Continuation 
of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 126, 135, 136, 147. 

f Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp 179, 182, 183. 
J Ibid. p. 183-185. ibid. pp. 187, 188. 



394 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

name of New Guinea ; and some of them appeared 
to be slaves to the yellow or Malay race. The 
weapons were the same as in Mindanao, the lances 
being pointed with bone. These islanders had a very 
ingenious way of making the fish rise. A block of 
wood carved and painted like a dolphin was let 
down into the water by a line, to which a weight 
was attached, in order to sink it. When they had 
waited the effect of this stratagem, the decoy was 
rapidly raised, the fish followed it, and the strikers 
stood ready prepared.* 

Still plying northward, on the 4th February they 
reached the north-west cape of New Guinea, called 
by the Dutch Mabo. A small woody island lies off 
this promontory, and to the north and north-east 
are numerous smaller ones. The land is generally 
high, and covered with tall healthy timber. Near 
one of these islands, to which, from the enormous 
size of the shellfish found on it, he gave the name of 
Cockle, Dampier touched upon a shoal, but got off, 
and, coming to anchor, sent the boats ashore for 
provisions. Pigeons were procured, and the cockles 
weighed ten pounds, whereas the shell alone of one 
formerly seen amounted to seventy-eight pounds ; 
but being high water they could not reach the spot 
where the larger sort were gathered. Bats of great 
size were seen here.t 

Standing onward four or five leagues towards the 
east, they found at a small woody islet cockles in pro- 
digious abundance, and numerous flocks of pigeons. 
On the 7th they anchored at an island bearing tall 
" straight trees fit for any use/' which the captain 

* Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, p. 188. 
t Ibid. p. 189-191. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 395 

with due loyalty named after King William.* " The 
trees/' says the scientific navigator, " were of divers 
sorts, mostly unknown to us, but all very green 
and flourishing ; many of them had flowers, some 
white, some purple, others yellow, all which smelt 
very fragrantly. I saw one of a clean body with- 
out knot or limb, sixty or seventy feet high by esti- 
mation. It was three of my fathoms about, and 
kept its bigness without any sensible decrease even 
to the top."t From the time of passing Cape Mabo 
till the 12th, owing to adverse winds and currents, 
they had not advanced above thirty leagues to the 
eastward. When they got to lat. 2 S. the easterly 
gales increased, which, as they approached the 
equator, blew more directly from that point. At 
the distance of six leagues from the shore they de- 
scried two headlands about twenty miles apart, one 
to the east, the other to the west ; the last of which 
they named the Cape of Good Hope.J On the 
morning of the 15th they were in danger of run- 
ning upon an island not laid down in their charts, 
which Dampier named Providence, in commemora- 
tion of the escape. Large trees, which they con- 
jectured had come out of some of the rivers of New 
Guinea, were this day seen floating on the surface 
of the sea. || On the 16th they crossed the line. 

* Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 191, 192. 

t Ibid. pp. 192, 193. Ibid. p. 194. 

A recent French navigator is of opinion that the island or 
islands on which Dampier bestowed the appellation of Providence, 
are the same with those which Captain Carteret in 176J denomi- 
nated Stephen's. See H istorical Account of the Circumnavigation 
of the Globe, p. 241. H awkesworth's Coll. vol. i. p. 38J. Me- 
moire sur les Operations Geographiques faites dans la Campagne de 
la Corvette de S. M. la Coquille. Par 31. L. J. Duperrey (Addi- 
tions a la Connaissance des Terns, 1830, p. 199). 

|| Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, p. 19;). 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

The captain steered for an island seen on the 25th 
at the distance of fifteen leagues, supposed to be that 
called Vischer's by the Dutch ; but as it was to him 
unknown land he named it Matthias, it being dis- 
covered on the day dedicated to that apostle. It 
was about ten leagues long,, hilly and wooded, but 
intersected by savannahs and spots of ground which 
seemed to have been artificially cleared. Another 
insular spot, low and level, seven or eight leagues 
to the eastward of this, was named Squally Island, 
as they here encountered tornadoes so violent that 
they durst not venture to approach the coast.* 

They afterwards stood for the mainland, the wea- 
ther still continuing stormy, and steered for a part of 
the coast whence smoke was seen arising in many 
places. The group they had first passed are those now 
distinguished by the name of the Admiralty Islands.t 

The land now approached was mountainous and 
well wooded, with large plantations and cleared 
patches on the hill-sides. As the discoverer wished 
to have some intercourse with the natives here, he 
was glad to see boats and proas come off in great 
numbers. They advanced near enough to make 
signs and to be heard, but their language was totally 
unknown to all the crew. Nor could they be in- 
duced to come alongside even by the allurement of 
beads, knives, and glasses, though when some of 
these toys were floated to them in a bottle, they 
seemed greatly pleased. They often struck their 
left breast with the right hand, and held a black 
truncheon over their heads, as if in token of friend- 
ship. But it was impossible, from the state of the 

Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 190, 19J. 
j- Buruey, Cliron. Hist Discov. vol. iv. p. 410. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 397 

current, to get the ship into the bay to which they 
pointed; and when she wore off they appeared 
angry, though they still followed in their proas, now 
increased to a formidable fleet. The shores were also 
lined with men. The crew got ready their small- 
arms, and when the Roebuck fairly stood out, the 
natives launched showers of stones after her from 
their slings. One gun was fired, and some of the 
natives, it was conjectured, were either killed or 
wounded. In reference to such untoward events, 
Dampier named this place Slinger's Bay.* 

On the 2d of March they passed an island on 
which smoke was seen in various places. Some of 
the inhabitants were also observed paddling in three 
canoes, but they were unable to overtake the ship. 
Next day another island was discovered, the Gerrit 
Denijs or Gerard Dynas of the Dutch.t It is high, 
mountainous, and woody. The hill-sides were co- 
vered with plantations, and in the sheltered bays 
were cocoa-nut trees. It seemed very populous ; 
the natives were black, with crisped hair, which 
they shaved in different figures, and dyed of va- 
rious hues. They were strong and well-limbed, 
with great heads, broad round faces, and large 
bottle noses, yet the expression of their coun- 
tenance, making allowance for its being disfigured 
by their singular taste, was not unpleasant. Besides 
being painted, they wore some kind of ornament, 
about four inches long and as thick as a man's 
thumb, through their noses, while their ears, perfor- 
ated with large holes, were filled with similar decora- 
tions. Their weapons appeared to be swords, lances, 

" Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 199, 200. 

f Ibid. p. 201. Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 41<> 

2B 



398 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

slings, with bows and arrows. The proas were inge- 
niously built, and beautified with carved and paint- 
ed figures, though they had neither sail nor an- 
chor ; and the natives were expert and fearless in 
managing them. Their language was clear and 
distinct. The black truncheon, used as at Slinger's 
Bay, or a leafy bough, was their symbol of friend- 
ship. These they placed upon their heads, to which 
they often lifted their hands.* 

Next day the voyagers reached Anthony Kaan's 
Island, which in its external features and social 
condition closely resembled the neighbouring group. 
It lies in lat. 3 25' S. As the Roebuck sailed along 
the coast, some of the savages approached, three of 
whom ventured on board, to whom the captain 
gave a knife, a looking-glass, and some beads ; show- 
ing them at the same time pumpkins and cocoa-nut 
shells, and by signs requesting them to bring simi- 
lar articles to the ship.t They understood his hint, 
and brought from one of the canoes three cocoa-nuts, 
which they presented to him. When nutmegs and 
gold-dust were laid before them, they appeared to 
intimate that such things were to be obtained on 
their island. Like the people already observed, they 
were black, tall, strong, and well-made, with crisp 
hair ; their noses and ears were also ornamented in 
the fashion which prevailed at Gerard Dynas.J 

Dampier's next stage was St John's, an island 
about ten leagues in circumference, abounding in 
plantations and cocoa-nut-trees, with fine groves of 
palms along the shore. All these places appeared so 

* Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 202, 203. 

f Ibid. p. 203-205. Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 413. 

Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, p. 205. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

populous that he was afraid to send a party on shore 
for wood or water, as he could not find an anchor- 
age where the ship might be so moored as to pro- 
tect them ; and he therefore stood for the main- 
land of New Guinea to supply his wants.* On the 
8th he approached so near that smoke could be 
clearly perceived, and the coast was observed to be 
high and woody, with here and there a savannah 
interspersed. Several canoes with people exactly 
resembling those they had last visited came off to 
the ship. A headland lay to the south in latitude 
5 2' S., from which point, as nothing was seen 
beyond it, he concluded that the shore must trend 
to the westward. This promontory he called Cape 
St George, the meridian distance of which from 
that of Mabo is 1290 miles. To an island near it 
he also gave the name of St George, and an inlet be- 
tween it and the west point he farther distinguished 
as St George's Bay.t Great quantities of smoke 
arose in sight, and next day a volcano was discovered. 
The south-western extremity of the bay, in compli- 
ment to his noble patron, he named Orford.J It is 
a bluff point, of moderate height, and flat at the 
top. In advancing on the 14th, a cluster of islands 
were seen in a bight where he hoped to find anchor- 
age. With this view he ran in, and, having doubled 
the point, observed houses, plantations, and cocoa- 
nut-trees. Approaching within a few miles of the 

* Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, p. 206. 

f In 1767, Captain Carteret discovered that St George's Bay 
was but the mouth of a channel which separated Nova Britannia 
from a country on which he bestowed the title of New Ireland, 
while he transferred to the strait the name of the supposed harbour 
of Dampier. Historical Account of the Circumnavigation of the 
Globe, p. 239-241. Hawkesworth's Coll. vol. i. p. 3/5-3H2. 

J Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 208, 20t). 



400 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

shore, several proas, with about forty natives, came 
out to view the Roebuck, which lay becalmed, but 
they would not venture on board.* As other canoes 
full of men were advancing from different points, 
one being of large size, the commander became un- 
easy, and beckoned to the first party to return to the 
shore ; but they either could not understand or 
would not obey him. He therefore " whistled a 
shot over their heads," which made them pull off 
with all speed. Two boats starting from opposite 
sides, seemingly intended to effect a junction and 
attack the ship ; one of which was very long, with 
a high head and stern, painted and fully manned. 
At this formidable bark he fired another shot; but 
though at first the savages were frightened, they 
soon recovered, and exerted themselves more vigor- 
ously to join the other boat, which was still advanc- 
ing. To prevent this, the gunner was directed to 
fire a shot between them as they approached each 
other, which he did with so true an aim, that they 
instantly separated and made for the shore with 
great expedition.t A favourable breeze springing 
up, he bore after them into the bay ; and when he 
reached the point, a great many men were seen 
lurking among the rocks. Another shot was fired 
as a measure of intimidation, and the ball lodged 
very near the concealed party. : Still they con- 
tinued to sit in considerable numbers under the 
cocoa-trees, and Dampier knowing them to be in- 
hospitable and treacherous (a character which the 
Oceanic negroes had obtained from all previous 
navigators), deemed it necessary to disperse them ; 

* Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 209, 210. 
f Ibid. pp. 210, 211. J Ibid. p. 211. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 401 

a third gun was therefore fired over their heads in- 
to the wood before the boat was sent out to sound.* 
The ship following discovered good anchorage at a 
quarter of a mile from the shore, opposite to the 
mouth of a small river, where the crew hoped to 
find fresh water, the only object of all this apparent 
harshness. A group of natives stationed on a small 
point near the bank of the stream were scattered 
by similar means, though none of the shots were 
meant to do them any harm. The seamen then 
rowed for the shore, but before they could land, the 
Indians rushed into the water, and placed cocoa- 
nuts in their boat as a present or propitiatory of- 
fering.t 

Water was obtained, one boat's crew keeping 
watch while the other filled the casks, and an at- 
tempt was made to commence a trade by exchang- 
ing axes and hatchets for yams, potatoes, and other 
commodities. The inhabitants were not insensible to 
the value of these goods ; but they would part with 
nothing save cocoa-nuts, which they climbed the 
trees to gather, at the same time making signs to 
the strangers to quit their island. 

Having obtained a considerable quantity both of 
wood and water, the captain consulted with his 
officers whether they should put to sea or remain 
some time longer for the purpose of fishing, and 
endeavour to obtain hogs, goats, yams, and what- 
ever other refreshments the place might afford. It 
having been agreed to prolong their stay, the men 
were sent to cut wood ; and while they were thus 
employed a party of about forty natives, of both sexes, 

Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, p. 211. f Ibid. 



402 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

passed near them. They at first appeared fright- 
ened ; but being somewhat reassured by the signs 
of friendship made by the sailors, they marched 
quietly on. The men were finely bedecked with 
feathers of gay colours stuck in their hair, and car- 
ried lances; while the women trudged behind totally 
naked, except a few green boughs stuck into the 
string tied round their waists. On their heads 
they carried large baskets full of yams. (f And 
this," says Dampier, tf l have observed amongst all 
the wild natives I have known, that they make 
their women carry the burdens, while the men 
walk before without any other load than their arms 
and ornaments."* Next time the boats went ashore, 
some of the seamen entered the dwellings of the 
inhabitants, who, instead of becoming familiar on 
farther acquaintance, grew more shy and distrustful. 
They had now gathered all the cocoa-nuts, and 
driven their hogs to a place at the bottom of the bay. 
The commander himself, therefore, landed, carrying 
with him articles proper for presents and trade ; but 
even he was unable to inspire them with any degree 
of confidence. Few of them approached him, and 
those with reluctance. He visited three different 
villages, and uniformly found the huts abandon- 
ed, and tlve furniture and live-stock carried off. 
On his return to the ship, finding both officers and 
men most importunate to obtain his permission to 
visit the place to which the hogs had been driven, 
he reluctantly gave his consent, and they departed 
furnished with commodities for traffic, being strictly 
enjoined to deal fairly with the people, and for 

Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 212, 213. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 403 

their own security to act with caution. The bay 
was two miles distant, and the captain, who had 
great misgivings as to the consequences of this en- 
terprise, prepared to assist them with the ship's guns, 
as the Indians were now seen in large groups on 
the shore, prepared to resist the landing, shaking 
their weapons and using threatening gestures.* The 
party displayed their tempting wares, and made 
signs which were disregarded by the savages, some 
of whom plunged into the sea with their lances and 
targets to commence the attack. But the seamen 
were resolved to obtain provisions at all hazards ; 
and since fair means were rejected, they made no 
scruple at having recourse to severity. At the first 
discharge of musketry the greater part of the warriors 
fled, though a few seemed still resolved to oppose the 
invaders. The boldest having at last dropt his tar- 
get, it was conjectured that he was hit in the arm, 
and the whole took to flight. Dampier acknowledges 
that " some felt the smart of our bullets, but none 
were killed ; our design being rather to fright than 
to kill them." The sailors shot nine hogs, besides 
wounding many that escaped, and in the evening 
made a second trip and brought off eight more. As 
a sort of compensation for the injury done the cap- 
tain sent to the shore a canoe which had been taken, 
and deposited in it two axes, two hatchets, six knives, 
six looking-glasses, four bottles, and a quantity of 
beads, t 

This bay, in lat. 6 10' S., and 151 miles west of 
Cape St George, he named Port Montague, in ho- 
nour of the President of the Royal Society. Of the 

* Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 214, 215. 
J- Ibid. 



404 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

appearance and nature of the country he makes a 
very favourable report ; observing that " it is moun- 
tainous and woody, with rich valleys and pleasant 
fresh- water brooks." The rivers abounded in fish ; 
cocoa-nut-trees grew on every island, and many 
fruits of unknown kinds were seen. Ginger also 
was among the spontaneous productions.* 

The adventurers were now well supplied with 
wood and water, and the hogs had been salted as 
soon as brought on board. On the 22d March they 
left Port Montague, and on the evening of the 24th 
saw high land bearing north-west half- west. Steer- 
ing west- north- west, under easy sail, they observed 
during the night a pillar of fire, which at daylight 
was found to proceed from a burning island, for 
which they directed their course, being at a meri- 
dian distance 332 miles from Cape St George. 
They passed through a channel about five leagues 
broad, between the Burning Island and the main- 
land. All the night of the 25th, being still in this 
strait, they saw the volcano, " which vomited fire 
and smoke very amazingly ;" every belch being ac- 
companied with a dreadful noise like thunder.t 

On the night of the 26th they sailed to the west- 
ward of the Burning Island, whence the fire could 
no longer be seen, as the crater lay on its southern 
side. Dampier had now attained an important stage 
in his voyage of discovery. " The easternmost part 
of New Guinea," he writes, " lies forty miles to the 
westward of this tract of land, and by hydrographers 
they are made joining together/'^ He detected this 
mistake, having passed through a channel, in which 

* Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 216, 21 /. 
t Ibid. pp. 217, 218. $ Ibid. p. 219. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 405 

were many islands. Before entering the strait he 
named the promontory on the north-east of this 
coast King William's Cape.* It is high and moun- 
tainous ; and smoke was seen rising from it. Leav- 
ing it upon the larboard-side, they bore away close 
upon the east land, which ends with two remark- 
able capes, distant from each other about six leagues, 
with two very high mountains rising from the sea 
within these headlands. The country appeared 
partly wooded and partly savannah, the latter being 
as smooth and verdant as an English meadow.t 
Smoke was again observed; but the commander, 
who wished to repair his pinnace at some uninha- 
bited place, stood over to the islands in search of a 
spot fit for the purpose. Seeing no land to the north, 
he became assured that he had passed through a 
strait, and named the island which he had now 
nearly circumnavigated Nova Britannia, the north- 
west point of the strait Cape Gloucester, and the 
south-west Cape Anne. To the mountain farthest 
to the north-west he gave the appellation of Mount 
Gloucester.^ The passage thus discovered is now 
known as Dampier's Strait ; and Nova Britannia, 
in productions and inhabitants, was found to resem- 
ble New Guinea. 1 1 

Advancing in his course he fell in with several 
islands, one of which, about eleven leagues in length, 
he named after Sir George Rooke. On the 31st he 
shot in between two others : to one of these, in refer- 
ence to its dimensions, he gave the appellation of Long 
Island, while the second, from the appearance of its 

* Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, p. 219. 

t Ibid. J Ibid. pp. 219, 220. Burney, vol. iv. p. 421. 

|| Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, p. 220. 



406 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

eminences, was denominated Crown Island. Both 
were pleasant, and seemed fertile, savannah and 
woodland interspersed, the trees green and flourish- 
ing, and many of them covered with white blossoms. 
Cocoa-nuts were abundant in the bays of Crown 
Island. It was believed to be but thinly inhabited. 
A boat was seen, which just peeped forth from the 
shore, and drew back ; but neither plantations nor 
smoke were observed.* In the afternoon of the 
31st another island was seen bearing north-west 
by west ; and next morning, the ship having held 
a course to the northward of it, lay about mid- 
way between it and Crown and Long Islands, 
from which position the mainland of New Guinea, 
lying to the southward, was seen rising very high.t 
From this new island, named by the navigator after 
Sir Robert Rich, four canoes came off, which from 
a distance reconnoitred the ship. One advanced 
within call, but when invited the men would not 
approach closer.J The Roebuck bore onward and 
discovered four more islands, as well as land to the 
southward, which, it is remarked, might either be 
another island or part of New Guinea. These isles 
were generally high, full of trees, mixed with clear 
spots ; and all of them, including even the Burning 
Island, were fertile. On the 2d April they passed 
by its north side, and saw that the land near the 
sea was rich and good two- thirds up the sides of the 
mountains. Among this group three small vessels 
having sails were seen, though with the use of these 
the inhabitants of Nova Britannia appeared to be 
quite unacquainted. Another island was descried 

* Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 221, 222. 

Ibid. p. 223. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 407 

that sent forth smoke,, which however soon dispersed. 
This is presumed to have been the Brandende Berg 
of Schouten.* Several observations made at this 
time showed a variation in the ship's reckoning, for 
which the navigators were at a loss to account. On 
the 17th April they observed a volcano on the 
main, which had been passed unnoticed when they 
sailed round King William's Island. This island, 
which they had discovered about two months before, 
was again seen, and they exerted themselves to reach 
it before dark; but the wind having fallen, they 
were becalmed within two miles of the shore. The 
moon was bright, and a delightful fragrance was 
wafted from the land.t Next morning, when about 
two leagues to the westward of this place, they met 
such whirling tides that the ship refused to obey the 
helm, and frequently turned round in the eddies; 
though, profiting by a gale which fortunately sprung 
up, she was at length carried out in safety. J 

The voyage was prosecuted to the island of Ceram, 
which they reached on the 26th April. Having 
obtained a supply of rice from a Dutch vessel, they 
next went to Timor, from whence the captain in- 
tended once more to approach the coast of New Hol- 
land in about lat. 20 S. Here he obtained sound- 
ings at 40 fathoms, but did not see the land, and 
steered westward to search for the Trial Rocks, || 
which were supposed to lie in this parallel. But he 
soon fell sick, and as his officers were inefficient or 
careless, this important point was not ascertained ; 

* Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 422. 
j- Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, p. 225. 
$ Ibid. p. -226. Ibid. p. 230. 

|| So named from an English ship called the Trial, which was 
wrecked upon them in the year 1622. 



408 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

nor could more be attempted at this time for the pur- 
poses of discovery, as many of the crew were affected 
with scurvy, and the ship greatly in want of repairs.* 
He accordingly sailed for Java, and on the 3d July 
anchored in the road of Batavia, where he sup- 
ported the dignity of his mission by making the only 
English vessel in the harbour strike her pendant.t 
On the 17th October he sailed for Europe, and, 
having touched at the Cape of Good Hope and St 
Helena, approached the island of Ascension on the 
21st February, where the crew now reckoned them- 
selves almost at home. J On the evening of the 22d 
the ship, old and damaged before the voyage had 
commenced, sprung a leak, and it was with great 
difficulty that the pumps kept her afloat till day- 
light, when they anchored in the bay. Every 
exertion was made to free her from water ; but the 
carpenters showed great want of judgment if not of 
skill in their business, and in spite of all the inge- 
nious contrivances resorted to by Dampier, their ef- 
forts proved entirely abortive. He himself remained 
on board till the very last, and, besides a collection 
of curious shells gathered at New Holland, he had 
to regret the loss of many valuable books and 
papers. 1 1 The plants he contrived to save. 

The situation of his crew was less distressing than 
that which generally falls to the lot of shipwrecked 
seamen. They were happy in discovering a spring, 
though eight miles distant from their tents and 
across a very high mountain, and he thankfully 
relates, that " they were now by God's providence 

* Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, pp. 238, 240. 

f Ibid. p. 246. J Ibid. p. 249. Ibid. pp. 250, 251. 

I 1 , Ibid. p. 2o2. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 409 

in a condition to subsist for some time, having plenty 
of very good turtle by their tents, and water for the 
fetching." Here he and his company remained 
about five weeks, and during this time had the 
mortification of seeing many vessels pass without ob- 
serving their signals. At length, on the 2d of April, 
an Indiaman and three English ships of war came 
into the bay, when he went on board one of them 
with thirty-five of his men, the remainder being 
accommodated in the others.* 

Though the main purpose of his voyage had 
been accomplished, and during its progress many 
important additions were made to geographical 
knowledge, the loss of his ship and papers depress- 
ed his spirits, as it would but too probably lessen 
his merit in the eyes of those who rarely judge of 
any undertaking except by its apparent success. 
He was now to suffer for the ignorance or mistaken 
economy of the official persons, who, projecting a 
distant and perilous expedition, imagined that it 
might be accomplished in a crazy vessel, unfit for 
what was considered better service.t 

Neither reward nor the promise of future em- 
ployment awaited the return of this able naviga- 
tor. His original patron, or at least the person who 
appointed him to the Roebuck, no longer presided 
at the Admiralty. To this nobleman, however, the 
Earl of Pembroke, he inscribed his relation of the 
VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND.^ 

About his own private affairs and personal feel- 

* Continuation of Voyage to New Holland, p. 253. 

f- Dedication to the Earl of Pembroke, prefixed to the Voyage 
to Terra Austral is. 

* A Voyage to New Holland in the year 1G99. 



410 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

ings Dampier is at all times modest and reserved, 
and we can only conjecture that he suffered disap- 
pointment from an incidental remark into which he 
is betrayed in the dedication of his narrative. " The 
world/' he says, " is apt to judge of every thing by 
the success ; and whoever has ill-fortune will hardly 
be allowed a good name. This was my unhappi- 
ness in my late expedition in the Roebuck, which 
foundered through perfect age, though I comfort 
myself with the thoughts that no neglect can be 
charged against me."* So far from being chargeable 
with inattention, he was entitled by his judicious 
conduct in this voyage, independently of his other 
merits, to honourable employment ; but we hear no 
more of him in the public service. The history 
of this expedition, with the exception of a small 
paper which he gave to the world in 1707? is the 
last of his published writings ; and what we gather 
from other sources relative to the remainder of his 
eventful life is at once scanty and afflicting. 

Captain Dampier had not been long at home when 
the death of William III. took place, and was fol- 
lowed by the War of the Spanish Succession. Among 
the incidents attending this memorable struggle 
may be mentioned a very active system of pri- 
vateering; and he obtained the command of the 
St George and Cinque Ports, two vessels equipped 
by a company of merchants, for the purpose of 
cruising against the Spaniards in the South Seas. 
The former of these, which carried twenty-six guns 
and 120 men, left the Downs in April 1703, with 
the captain on board ;t but it was September before 

* Dedication of the above Work to the Earl of Pern broke. 

f In the Gazette for 18th April 1703 it is stated that Captain 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 411 

both vessels left Kinsale.* The basis of this adven- 
ture was the old Buccaneer maxim, No prey, no 
pay, a principle extremely ill-adapted to the main- 
tenance of discipline. In this voyage he had in 
view three special objects, namely, the capture of 
the flotilla which sailed from Buenos Ayres ; and, 
failing that, to double Cape Horn, and lie in wait 
for the ship that carried gold from Baldivia to Lima ; 
or, finally, to secure if possible the seizure of the 
Manilla galleon.t 

The character of Dampier has been subjected to 
many unfounded imputations, drawn from histories 
of this enterprise published without his knowledge 
or sanction. The principal one, written by Funnel, 
who had sailed as his steward, is full of mis- 
statements regarding the navigation as well as the 
private transactions of the ship.J So far as these 
misrepresentations respected professional matters the 
captain afterwards corrected them, though he took 
no notice of the allegations against himself farther 
than in one or two instances to point out their 
glaring falsehood. Hardly was the voyage begun 
when quarrels broke out among the inferior officers, 
some of whom withdrew altogether, while the com- 
mander, without being invested with power to re- 
strain them, was left to bear the blame of their mis- 
conduct. 

The ships rounded Cape Horn, and reached Juan 
Fernandez without any remarkable adventure. 
While lying at the latter place a strange sail was 

Dampier, presented by his Royal Highness the Lord High Admiral, 
had the honour of kissing her Majesty's (Queen Anne's) hand, be- 
fore departing on a new voyage to the West Indies. 

Funnel's Voyage round the World (12mo, London, 1729), p. 2. 

f Ibid. p. 2. J Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 432. 
t> 



412 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

seen, to which they both gave chase. She proved 
to be a French cruiser employed in those seas, and 
so strongly did the old Buccaneer associations influ- 
ence the mind of the commodore, that he acknow- 
ledges it was not without reluctance he attacked a 
European vessel of whatever nation. He however 
engaged, and after a fight of seven hours, in which 
both sides suffered considerably, they parted.* 

Before the proper latitude was reached, the Bal- 
divia treasure-ships had sailed. Though Dampier 
was the nominal commander, Stradling, in the 
Cinque Ports, acted independently ; and as they dif- 
fered about their future operations they resolved to 
separate. A design to surprise Santa Maria in the 
Bay of Panama failed ; and though the St George 
captured a few small vessels, no prize of any value 
was obtained.t 

While lying in the Gulf of Nicoya, Dampier 
and his chief mate, John Clipperton, quarrelled, 
and the latter, with twenty-one of the crew, seized 
the tender, in which were most of the ammunition 
and stores, and put to sea. It is alleged that, on 
this occasion, the petty officer stole his captain's com- 
mission ;t and certainly no one ever sailed with a 
more turbulent set of men than it now fell to the lot 
of our navigator to command. They had all the bad 
qualities of Buccaneers, without their bravery, ex- 
perience, and hardihood. 

The St George bore northward, and on the 6th 
December, when only a short way beyond Port de 
Navidad, descried a sail, which proved to be the 

* Funnel's Voyage, pp. 9, 10. Burney, vol. iv. p. 434. 

f Burney, vol. iv. p. 437. 

Funnel's Voyage, pp. 45, 46. Burney, vol. iv. p. 439. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 413 

Manilla galleon. The crew of this vessel, having no 
suspicion of any enemy being on the coast, received 
several broadsides from the St George before they 
could clear for action. But, though taken thus at 
disadvantage, they no sooner brought their guns to 
bear than they drove in the rotten planks of the pri- 
vateer, and obliged her to sheer off. The galleon 
also proceeded on her voyage, though the number 
of men on board was supposed to be four times as 
great as that of the English ; and, while her guns 
carried shot of eighteen and twenty-four pounds 
weight, those of her antagonist were five-pounders 
only.* 

This proved a bitter disappointment to the crew, 
and they became more and more impatient to ter- 
minate an adventure at once so profitless and fa- 
tiguing. In the hope of better success, they were, 
however, induced to continue the cruise a few weeks 
longer on the coast of New Spain ; but as this in- 
terval produced nothing, it was at length agreed to 
dissolve their association. One party, instigated by 
Funnel, the mendacious historian of the voyage, 
resolved to sail for India, and thence to return home. 
A brigantine of seventy tons which had been cap- 
tured was given up to him and thirty-four men who 
chose to follow his counsels ; and the stores, small- 
arms, ammunition, and even the great guns were 
divided.t Dampier, whose company was thus re- 
duced to twenty-nine, upon refitting his crazy ship 
returned to the coast of Peru, where he plundered 
the town of Puna. After this exploit he pursued his 
fortune till the St George was no longer in a con- 

* Funnel's Voyage, pp. 56, 57- Burney, vol. iv. pp. 441, 442. 
{ Funnel's Voyage, pp. 57? 58. 

2c 



414 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

dition to keep the sea, and accordingly abandoning 
her near Lobos de la Mar, he embarked in a brigan- 
tine which had been taken from the Spaniards, and 
forthwith crossed the Pacific.* 

Of this voyage and the subsequent misfortunes 
which befell him in India there remain no certain 
accounts, though it is known that, as he had not 
a commission to show, he was thrown into prison by 
the Dutch. Before he obtained his freedom and 
got back to England, Funnel, his unworthy subal- 
tern, had returned ; and a London bookseller, the 
publisher of Dampier's former voyages, had been in- 
duced by their popularity to print this person's nar- 
rative of the expedition in the St George, under the 
false title of the fourth volume of the works of the 
celebrated navigator. On coming home, he put 
forth a few pages of explanation, entitled, " Cap- 
tain Dampier's Vindication of his Voyage in the 
Ship St George, with some small Observations on 
Mr Funnel's chimerical Relation." The latter ac- 
count, however, as no other was ever given to the 
world, keeps its place as the history of that adven- 
ture; though its palpable misrepresentations, and 
the malevolent spirit in which it is written, have 
drawn upon the writer the reprobation of every lover 
of justice and impartial inquirer after truth. t 

The fortunes of the distinguished seaman must 
have been at a very low ebb when, after this dis- 
astrous cruise, he reached his native country ; and it 
is with pain that we find him, in 1708, obliged to 
act as a pilot under very inferior commanders. This, 
his last voyage, extended also round the world, and 

* Burney, vol. iv. p. 443. f Ibid - vo1 iv ' PP' 448 > 449 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 415 

was undertaken in the Duke and Duchess, two pri- 
vateers fitted out by some Bristol merchants.* 

Copious narratives of this exploit were written by 
the chief officers, Woodes Rogers and Cook, but it 
is only incidentally that we learn any thing from 
them concerning their renowned pilot. 

At Juan Fernandez they brought off the cele- 
brated Alexander Selkirk, who had been left or rather 
abandoned here by Captain Stradling,four years pre- 
viously. The description of this singular man, as it is 
given by Rogers, is graphic and interesting : " Our 
pinnace," says he, " returned from the shore, and 
brought abundance of craw-fish, with a man clothed 
in goat-skins, who looked wilder than the first own- 
ers of them. He had been on the island four years 
and four months, being left there by Captain Strad- 
ling in the Cinque Ports ; his name was Alexander 
Selkirk, a Scotchman, who had been master of the 
Cinque Ports, a ship that came here last with Cap- 
tain Dampier, who told me that this was the best 
man in her. During his stay here, he saw several 
ships pass by, but only two came in to anchor. As 
he went to view them, he found them to be Spa- 
niards, and retired from them; upon which they 
shot at him. Had they been French, he would 
have submitted ; but chose to risk his dying alone 
on the island, rather than fall into the hands of the 
Spaniards in these parts, because he apprehended 
they would murder him, or make a slave of him in 
the mines; for he feared they would spare no stranger 
that might be capable of discovering the South Sea. 
The Spaniards had landed before he knew what 

Woodes Rogers' Voyage round the World (8vo, London, 
1712), p. 26. Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov. vol. iv. p. 458. 



416 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

they were, and they came so near him that he had 
much ado to escape ; for they not only shot at him, 
but pursued him into the woods, where he climbed 
to the top of a tree, at the foot of which they made 
water, and killed several goats just by, but went off 
again without discovering him. He told us that he 
was born at Largo, in the county of Fife, in Scot- 
land, and was bred a sailor from his youth. The 
reason of his being left here was a difference betwixt 
him and his captain; which, together with the ship 
being leaky, made him willing rather to stay here 
than go along with him at first ; and when he was 
at last willing, the captain would not receive him. 
He had been in the island before to wood and water, 
when two of the ship's company were left upon it for 
six months till the ship returned, being chased thence 
by two French South Sea ships. 

" He had with him his clothes and bedding, with 
a firelock, some powder, bullets, and tobacco, a 
hatchet, a knife, a kettle, a Bible, some practical 
pieces, and his mathematical instruments and books. 
He diverted and provided for himself as well as he 
could ; but for the first eight months had much ado to 
bear up against melancholy, and the terror of being 
left alone in such a desolate place. He built two huts 
with pimento-trees, covered them with long grass, 
and lined them with the skins of goats, which he 
killed with his gun as he wanted, so long as his 
powder lasted, which was but a pound; and that 
being near spent, he got fire by rubbing two sticks 
of pimento wood together upon his knee. In the 
lesser hut, at some distance from the other, he dressed 
his victuals, and in the larger he slept, and employed 
himself in reading, singing psalms, and praying; 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 417 

so that he said he was a better Christian while in 
this solitude than ever he was before, or than, he 
was afraid, he should ever be again. At first he 
never ate any thing till hunger constrained him, 
partly for grief, and partly for want of bread and 
salt ; nor did he go to bed till he could watch no 
longer : the pimento wood, which burnt very clear, 
served him both for firing and candle, and refreshed 
him with its fragrant smell. 

" He might have had fish enough, but could not 
eat them for want of salt, because they occasioned a 
looseness, except crawfish, which are there as large 
as our lobsters, and very good. These he sometimes 
boiled, and at other times broiled, as he did his 
goat's flesh, of which he made very good broth, for 
they are not so rank as ours : he kept an account of 
500 that he killed while there, and caught as many 
more, which he marked on the ear and let go. When 
his powder failed, he took them by speed of foot ; for 
his way of living and continual exercise of walk- 
ing and running, cleared him of all gross humours ; 
so that he ran with wonderful swiftness through the 
woods and up the rocks and hills, as we perceived 
when we employed him to catch goats for us. We 
had a bull-dog, which we sent with several of our 
nimblest runners, to help him in catching goats; 
but he distanced and tired both the dog and the men, 
catched the goats, and brought them to us on his 
back. He told us that his agility in pursuing a goat 
had once like to have cost him his life ; he pursued 
it with so much eagerness that he catched hold of it 
on the brink of a precipice, of which he was not 
aware, the bushes having hid it from him ; so that he 
fell with the goat down the said precipice a great 



418 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

heigh t, and was so stunned and bruised with the fall, 
that he narrowly escaped with his life, and when he 
came to his senses, found the goat dead under him. 
He lay there about twenty-four hours, and was 
scarce able to crawl to his hut, which was about a 
mile distant, or to stir abroad again in ten days. 

" He came at last to relish his meat well enough 
without salt or bread, and in the season had plenty 
of good turnips, which had been sowed there by 
Captain Dampier's men, and have now overspread 
some acres of ground. He had enough of good cab- 
bage from the cabbage-trees, and seasoned his meat 
with the fruit of the pimento- trees, which is the same 
as the Jamaica pepper, and smells deliciously. He 
found there also a black pepper called malagita, 
which was very good to expel wind, and against 
griping of the guts. 

" He soon wore out all his shoes and clothes by 
running through the woods ; and at last being forced 
to shift without them, his feet became so hard, that 
he ran every where without annoyance ; and it was 
some time before he could wear shoes after we found 
him; for not being used to any so long, his feet 
swelled when he came first to wear them again. 

" After he had conquered his melancholy, he di- 
verted himself sometimes by cutting his name on 
the trees, and the time of his being left, and con- 
tinuance there. He was at first much pestered with 
cats and rats, that had bred in great numbers from 
some of each species which had got ashore from ships 
that put in there to wood and water. The rats 
gnawed his feet and clothes while asleep, which 
obliged him to cherish the cats with his goats' flesh ; 
by which many of them became so tame, that they 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 419 

would lie about him in hundreds, and soon delivered 
him from the rats. He likewise tamed some kids, 
and to divert himself would now and then sing and 
dance with them and his cats : so that by the care 
of Providence and vigour of his youth, being now 
but about thirty years old, he came at last to con- 
quer all the inconveniences of his solitude, and to be 
very easy. When his clothes wore out, he made 
himself a coat and cap of goat-skins, which he stitch- 
ed together with little thongs of the same, that he 
cut with his knife. He had no other needle but a 
nail ; and when his knife was worn to the back, he 
made others as well as he could of some iron hoops 
that were left ashore, which he beat thin and ground 
upon stones. Having some linen cloth by him, he 
sewed himself shirts with a nail, and stitched them 
with the worsted of his old stockings, which he 
pulled out on purpose. He had his last shirt on 
when we found him on the island. 

" At his first coming on board us, he had so much 
forgot his language for want of use, that we could 
scarce understand him, for he seemed to speak his 
words by halves. We offered him a dram, but he 
would not touch it, having drank nothing but water 
since his being there ; and it was some time before 
he could relish our victuals." On the recommen- 
dation of Dampier, Selkirk was made second mate 
of the Drake. 

The cruise of the privateers was successful. At 
Guayaquil, where their famed pilot commanded the 
artillery, they obtained plunder to the value of 
2000, and 27,000 dollars as ransom of the town.* 

" Woodes Rogers' Voyage round the World, pp. 1J4, 1J5, 183. 



420 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

Afterwards, off Cape San Lucas, they captured a 
Manilla ship deeply laden with merchandise, and 
12,000 in gold and silver.* Having brought 
their prize into Puerto Segura, they waited for the 
richer and larger galleon. At length they encoun- 
tered her, but, after a severe engagement, were 
beaten off;t and in this fight the Duchess alone had 
twenty-five men killed and wounded. The natives 
of Puerto Segura were blacker than any other people 
seen in the South Sea by Woodes Rogers,, being be- 
sides of a disagreeable aspect, and having a very 
harsh guttural language. They carried bows seven 
feet long, strung with the silk-grass ; and their ar- 
rows were of cane, tipped with bone.J 

The privateers now turned their thoughts home- 
ward, and, keeping in the usual track of the galleons, 
reached Guahan on the 10th March, after a run of 
exactly two months, and anchored under Spanish 
colours. Apart from this venial deception, em- 
ployed to facilitate the purchase of supplies, their con- 
duct was altogether unexceptionable. They rested 
here ten days, and made the north of Gilolo in 
about a month afterwards. At Bouton they stopped 
to take in provisions and water, and next sailed for 
Batavia, where they experienced those noxious ef- 
fects of climate from which hardly any ship's com- 
pany escapes at that most unhealthy station. || 

Leaving Java in the end of October, they waited 
long at the Cape for a homeward-bound fleet, in com- 
pany with which, being in all five-and-twenty sail, 
Dutch and English, they anchored in the Texel in 

* Woodes Rogers, pp. 293, 296. f Ibid. p. 303. 

ilbid. p. 314. Ibid. p. 361. 

|| Ibid. pp. 377, 379, 397. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 421 

July of the following year. Receiving instructions 
from their owners to remain some time in Holland, 
it was not till the 14th October 1711 that they 
came to the Thames, with booty, in money and mer- 
chandise, valued at 150,000.* From this date 
we hear no more of Dampier, whose name appears 
less frequently in the narrative of Rogers than from 
his eminent nautical abilities might have been ex- 
pected ; and more especially as it appears that in all 
difficulties he was constantly applied to, and his for- 
mer knowledge and experience were taken as guides. 
At Bouton, where he had been in the Cygnet, he 
was intrusted to carry a present to the sultan ; and, 
from respect to his judgment and integrity, he was 
also chosen umpire in the very delicate affair of 
deciding what part of the plunder ought to be held 
as a perquisite of the crew, and in allotting to each 
their respective shares. 

Dampier was not only a navigator of distinguished 
eminence, but a man of strong natural genius ; and 
it implies something of a reproach upon England, 
that talents which have gained their possessor a 
European reputation, should have been less appre- 
ciated in his own country than by foreign nations. 
By French and Dutch discoverers, as well as learned 
men, he has been uniformly regarded with the 
warmest admiration. They delight to style him 
the " eminent," the ( < skilful," the " exact," the " in- 
comparable." Humboldt has borne testimony to 
his merits, placing this Buccaneer seaman above 

* From an incidental source we learn that this prize-money was 
not divided so late as 1J19, so that it is probable that even from 
this tardy piece of good fortune Captain JJampier obtained no ad- 
vantage. 



422 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

those men of science who afterwards went over the 
same ground ; Malte-Brun terms him " the learned 
Dampier;" and the author of the Voyages to Australia 
inquires, "Mais oit trouve-t-on des Navigateurs 
comparables ti Dampier ?" The acuteness, accuracy, 
and clearness of his nautical delineations, as well as 
of his descriptions and general remarks, have made 
his voyages be followed by foreign navigators as the 
safest guides ; and his rapidity and power of observa- 
tion are fully as remarkable as his accuracy. For ex- 
ample, his hasty glance at the places where he touched 
on New Holland has left to subsequent voyagers 
little else but the labour of verifying his descriptions. 
In no instance has his veracity been questioned, even 
by those the most disposed to cavil at facts, which, 
being remote from their own limited experience, 
appear extraordinary or impossible. Other writers, 
combining into one the relations of many different 
travellers, have no doubt added to his descriptions ; 
but there is no detached account of the countries he 
visited more full of interest and exact information 
than the volumes of this experienced seaman. 

The succession of brilliant discoveries which illus- 
trated the early part of the reign of George III., 
cast, for a time, the adventures of Dampier, and 
of every previous navigator, into the shade, but they 
are again rising into popularity. Compared with 
the more systematic voyages of our own days, his 
long solitary rambles are like the enterprises of 
the single knightly combatant, which, though they 
bear no proportion to the magnitude and splendour 
of a regular engagement, yet, from their individual- 
ity, often command a more intense and powerful 
interest. 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 423 

The cloud which rested on the personal character 
of Dampier, arising either from the misrepresenta- 
tions of envious contemporaries, or from the careless- 
ness of subsequent compilers, is fast clearing away. 
By Pinkerton he is termed " the Cook of a for- 
mer age;" and Admiral Burney has taken a ge- 
nerous pleasure in doing justice to his high pro- 
fessional merits, and in rebuking the thoughtless 
repetition of unfounded calumnies. " It is," he says, 
" matter of regret, and not less of dissatisfaction, 
to see that some late writers have been so little 
conscious of the merits of Dampier, as to allow 
themselves to speak of him with small respect, for 
no other cause than that it appears he had dis- 
agreements with some of his shipmates, the par- 
ticular circumstances of which are not known, far- 
ther than that he had to deal with a quarrelsome 
and mutinous crew. Such petty considerations 
should never have been lifted up against the me- 
mory of such a man as Dampier. It is not easy 
to name another voyager or traveller who has given 
more useful information to the world, or to whom 
the merchant and mariner are so much indebted."* 
To these Burney might have added the philosopher 
and the naturalist, who have rarely been so much 
indebted to any adventurer whose pursuits were so 

* Burney's History of Discovery in the South Sea, vol. iv. p. 
48fi The comparatively recent " Survey of the Coasts of Austra- 
lia," by Captain P. P. King, also does Dampier great justice, and 
connects his name with the geography of the north-west coast of 
New Holland in a manner that must gratify every admirer of pro- 
fessional eminence. Captain King has not merely adopted the 
distinctions conferred on his celebrated predecessor by the com- 
manders of the French expeditions, but extended their meaning, 
and added to their number. 



424 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

entirely remote from the objects of their research. 
This testimony, alike honourable to the author and 
to the great seaman whose merits it commemorates, 
will remain to future ages, when the vague state- 
ments and unsifted calumnies, which other authors 
have allowed themselves to repeat, will be for ever 
forgotten. 

Though the life of this navigator was spent in 
incessant action, his natural genius appears to have 
been rather speculative than enterprising. He loved 
to reason and to scheme, and often lost sight of present 
advantages in brilliant plans for the future, which 
his evil fortune forbade him to realize. He may, 
indeed, be pointed out as an example of what the 
world calls an unlucky man, one to whom every 
event proves adverse, who seems singled out for 
misfortune. His capital error was unquestionably 
the choice of the wild life upon which he originally 
entered ; yet from this unhappy connexion he came 
forth less polluted than might have been feared ; and 
it is certain that while those lawless pursuits en- 
riched many of his contemporaries, they kept him 
in poverty, and left him a beggar. Nor, in relating 
its incidents, has he once attempted to justify or 
even to palliate the occupation in which he spent so 
many years. Amidst the temptations to which it 
exposed him, his excellent understanding, and the 
principles he had imbibed in the virtuous household 
of a Somersetshire yeoman, preserved him, if not 
from all evil, at least from that deadness of moral 
feeling which is amongst the worst consequences 
of vicious companionship. He was humane, just, 
candid, charitable, and rare virtues in a Buc- 



VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 425 

caneer orderly and temperate, detesting the riotous 
excess of his less thoughtful associates. Such was the 
respect his shipmates entertained for his abilities that 
in the South Sea, and afterwards in the Cygnet, 
he might have obtained command ; but the love of 
adventure was his strongest passion, and his sole 
ambition was the acquisition of knowledge. 

Towards the close of his career he appears to have 
deeply felt the disgrace and galling servitude in 
which his earlier days were passed ; and serious re- 
flection as well as remorseful feeling pressed heavily 
upon his mind long before he was able to get away 
from his loose associates in the Cygnet. 

By the time that he returned to England with 
Woodes Rogers he was far advanced in life ; having 
during forty years devoted himself to the most as- 
siduous professional exertions. It is therefore proba- 
ble that he did not embark in any subsequent voy- 
age ; and as the remaining part of his existence is in- 
volved in complete obscurity, there is but too much 
reason to believe that it was allowed to pass in ne- 
glect, if not in poverty. Of this eminent seaman and 
traveller it may be remarked, that though little more 
than a century can have elapsed since his death, no 
one is now able to tell how the evening of his days 
was spent, when he died, or where he was buried. 
Had he expired in some remote island of the Pacific, 
or perished in the element on which so great a por- 
tion of his life was passed, some imperfect record 
might have remained to satisfy our natural desire 
to know the incidents which marked the last hours 
of the veteran navigator. But it was his fate to 
sink unheeded amidst the conflicting waves and 



426 VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND. 

tides of society ; and no memorial or tradition re- 
mains of his death, in whose remarkable life the ad- 
ventures of Selkirk, Wafer, and the Buccaneer com- 
manders of the South Sea, appear but as episodes. 
So much for human fame. 



INDEX. 



A. 

Ac a E E N, a seaport of Sumatra, page 
373. 

Alvarado, a town of Mexico, taken 
by the Buccaneers, 271. 

Amapalla, a seaport of Mexico, 311. 
Stratagem of the Buccaneers at, 
ib. Spanish Indians of, 312, 313. 

Arica, a seaport of Peru, 64, 138. 
Attack of the Buccaneers upon, 
repulsed, 283. 

Ascension, island of, 408. 

Aves, an island in the Caribbean Sea, 
291. Wreck of the French fleet 
under the Count d'Estrees on a 
coral rock near, ib. A place of 
resort to the Buccaneers, 292. 

B. 

Baldivia, or Valdivia, a seaport of 

Chili, 315. 
Barateve, one of the Spice Islands, 

Bashee Islands, 355-363. Descrip- 
tion of, 356. Character and man- 
ners of the islanders, 356-363. 

Baskerville, Sir Thomas, failure of 
the expedition against Panama 
under, 119. 

Beef Island, in the Bay of Cam- 
peachy, 26& 

Blanco, island of, in the Caribbean 
Sea, 293. Abounds with iguanas 
or guanoes, 294. 

Bouton, one of the Molucca Islands, 
366, 420. 

Buccaneers of America, origin of, 

183. Hunters of Cuba and Hayti, 

184. The Flibustiers of the French 
and Zee Hoovers of the Dutch, 

185. Seize on the island of Tor- 
tuga, 188. Their customs and 
maxims, 190-192. Manner of di- 
viding their spoil, 192. Dress and 
character, 193-195. Extend the 
range of their depredations, 197. 
Their expeditions by land, 198. 
Cruelties of L'Olonnois, 199. De- 
sign of establishing an independ- 
ent state, 199, 204. Their profli- 



gate habits, 201. Character of 
Montbars, the Exterminator, 203. 
History and adventures of Mor- 
gan, 205-232. Capture Vera Cruz, 
233. Quarrel among themselves, 
234 Direct their attention to 
Peru and the South Sea, ib. 
Narrative of their adventures and 
enterprises, from the plundering 
of Vera Cruz till their suppression, 
236-379. See DAMPIER. 

C. 

California, 73. Natives of, 74. 
Their singular manners, 75. The 
name of New Albion given to it 
by Sir Francis Drake, 81. 

Callao, the port of Lima, 65. 

Campeachy, bay of, 241. Habits of 
the wood-cutters, 241-245. Log- 
wood-groves, 245. Appearance 
of the country, 246. Its natural 
productions, 247. The wild pine, 
ib. Snakes, 249. Ants, 250. The 
humming-bird, &c., 251-253. Al- 
ligators, 253. Dreadful hurricane 
in the bay, 259-261. Indians, 262. 
Manner of hunting wild cattle, 
264-266. 

Cape de Verd Islands, 102. 

Capul, island of, one of the Philip- 
pines, 150. Singular customs of 
the natives of, 151. 

Carder, Peter, his shipwreck on the 
coast of Brazil, 50 note, 58. Re- 
lates his adventures before Queen 
Elizabeth, 59. 

Carthagena, 106, 289. Stormed by 
Drake and Carlile, 106. Calenture, 
or fever of, great mortality from, 
ib. 

Catoche, a cape of Mexico, 243. 

Cavendish, Thomas, voyage of, 
round the world, 125-159. The 
second English circumnavigator, 
127. His ancestry, ib. Voyage to 
Virginia, ib. Expedition to the 
South Sea, 128. Coast of South 
America, 129. Enters Magellan's 
Straits, 130. Reaches the coast of 

2 



428 



INDEX. 



Chili, 136. A party of his seamen 
cut off, 137. Captures several Spa- 
nish vessels, 138,139. Takes Paita, 

140. Lands on the island of Puna, 

141. Skirmish with the Spaniards, 

142. Arrives on the coast of 
Mexico, 143. Steers for Cape San 
Lucas, 145. Capture of the Santa 
Anna galleon, 145, 146. Sails for 
the Ladrones, 149. Arrives at the 
Philippines, ib. Passes the Mo- 
luccas, 152. Anchors at Java, 153. 
Passes the Cape of Good Hope, 
155. Reaches St Helena, 156. 
Arrives at Plymouth, ib. Fame 
of his exploits, 157. His letter to 
Lord Hunsdon, 158, 159. His se- 
cond voyage to the South Sea, 
160-181. Attacks various Portu- 
guese settlements in Brazil, 161. 
Sufferings in Magellan's Straits, 
163. Separation of Davis, 166. 
Steers for Brazil, where he loses 
twenty-four men, 174. Unsuccess- 
ful attack on Spirito Santo, 175. 
Separation of the Roebuck, 176. 
Discontent of the crew, 176-179. 
Letter to Sir Tristram Gorges, 
163, 164, 173, 176, 178, 180. His 
death and character, 179-181. 

Cayos Islets, near Cuba, the resort 
of the Buccaneers, 206. 

Celebes, island of, 88, 366. 

Ceram, island of, 407. 

Chagre, castle of, on the Isthmus of 
Panama, captured by the Bucca- 
neers, 216, 217. 

Chili, 61. Adventures of English 
navigators with the natives of, 61, 
136-138. 

Cimarrones, a savage tribe of the 
Isthmus of Darien, 24, 26, 144. 

Cocos Island, in the Pacific, 314, 
378. 

Cook, Captain John, 296, 301. Junc- 
tion of Eaton with, 302. His death, 
309. 

Coquirabo, a seaport of Chili, 63. 

Corrientes, a cape of Mexico, 144. 

Cuba, island of, 184. 

Curacoa, an island in the Carribean 
Sea, 292. 

Curassow birds, 288, note. 

D. 

DAMPIER, William, Adventures of, 
among the Wood-cutters and Buc- 
caneers, 236-295. His ancestry 
and education, 236. Voyage to 
Java, 238. Goes to Jamaica as 
manager to a planter, 239. Be- 
comes a logwood- cutter in Cam- 
peachy, 240. Loses himself in the 
woods, 255-257. Copartnership 



with three Scotsmen, 258. Joins 
the Buccaneers, 266. Escape 
from the Spanish armadilloes, 
271-273. Rejoins the logwood- 
cutters, 273. Returns to England, 
ib. Embarks for Jamaica, 275. 
Again joins the Buccaneers, 276. 
Assault of Porto Bello, ib. March 
across the Isthmus of Darien, 
280. Seafight in the road of Pa- 
nama, 281. Retreat across the 
Isthmus, 283, 284. Difficulties of 
the journey, 285, 286. Arrival at 
the Samballas Islands, 286. Cruise 
along the coast of the Main, 288- 
294. Arrival in Virginia, 294. 
DAMPIER'S Circumnavigation of the 
Globe, 296-383. Sails from Acha- 
mack in Virginia, 298. Cape de 
Verd Islands, ib. He encounters 
a dreadful storm, 298 and note, ib. 
Capture of a Danish ship on the 
coast of Guinea, 300. Falkland 
Islands, 301. Cape Horn, 302. 
Arrival at Juan 1-ernandez, 303. 
Capture of Spanish ships, 306, 307. 
Galapagos Islands, 307. Edward 
Davis elected commander, 310. 
Descent on Amapalla, 311. Voyage 
along the coast of Peru, 313. Paita, 
317. Failure of the attempt on 
Guayaquil, 319. Scheme for work- 
ing the mines, ib. Adventures 
during the cruise to the bay of 
Panama, 320-322. Accession to 
the force of the Buccaneers, 324. 
Skirmish with the Spanish fleet, 
325-327. Capture of Ria Lexa and 
Leon, 327. Cruise along the 
shores of Mexico, 328. Passage 
across the Pacific, 332. The La- 
drones, 333. Arrival at the 
island of Mindanao, 336. Pro- 
ceedings of the Buccaneers there, 
339-353 ; they desert Swan, and 
leave Mindanao, 353. Luconia 
or Luzon, ib. Pulo Condore, 354. 
Piscadore or Ponghoo Islands, 
355. Bashee Islands, 355-364. 
Spice Islands, 366. Voyage to 
New Holland, 367-372. Leaves 
the Buccaneers, 372. Sails for 
Acheen, 373. Encounters a vio- 
lent storm, 374. His voyages 
with Captains Bowry andWelden, 
376, 377. Return to England, 383. 
Publication of his voyages, ib. 
DAMPIER'S Voyage of Discovery to 
Xew Holland and New Guinea, 
384-426. His arrival at Shark's 
Bay, New Holland, 386. Dis- 
coveries on the northern coasts, 
388. Appearance and character 
of the natives, 390-392. Island of 



INDEX. 



429 



Timor, 393. Voyage to New 
Guinea, ib. New islands and 
their productions, 394-399. Dis- 
covery of New Britain, and islands 
in the straits called by his name, 
405.407. Second voyage to New 
Holland, 407. He arrives at Ba 
tavia, 408. Sails for Europe, ib. 
Shipwreck, ib. Arrival and un- 
grateful reception in England, 
409. His voyage to the South 
Seas in command of the St George 
and Cinque Ports, 410. Bad con- 
duct of his officers, 412. He crosses 
the Pacific, 414. Is imprisoned 
by the Dutch, ib. Returns to 
England, ib. His last voyage, as 
pilot in the Duke, ib. Arrival at 
Batavia, 420. Return to England, 
421. Testimony borne to his me- 
rits, 421-423. Reflections on his 
character and fate, 424, 425. 

Davis, Captain Edward, 310, 311, 
313, 378, 379. 

Davis, John, Captain of the Desire 
in Cavendish's second voyage, 161, 
163, note. His separation from the 
commander, 166. He discovers 
the Falkland Islands, 168. His 
Passage and return through Ma- 
gellan's Straits, ib. Disastrous 
homeward voyage, 171-173. His 
death, 173, note. 

Doughty, Thomas, 35. Accused of 
conspiracy against Drake, 45. His 
trial and execution, 47-50. 

DRAKE, SIR FRANCIS, Life of, pre- 
vious to his Circumnavigation, 
13-28. The first Englishman who 
sailed round the globe, 13. His 
birth and parentage, 15. Early 
passion for a naval life, ib. He 
sails for Guinea in the squadron 
of Captain John Hawkins, 17. His 
arrival offthecoast of Florida, 18. 
Is attacked by the Spaniards, 19. 
His escape and return, 20, 21. 
Loss of his fortune ; his hatred 
of the Spaniards, 21. New expe- 
ditions to America, 22. Ha attacks 
the town of Nombre de Dios, 23. 
His first view of the Pacific, 24. 
Intercepts Spanish treasure, 26. 
Surprises Venta Cruz, ib. Arrives 
at Plymouth, 27. Is employed 
during the Irish Rebellion, ib. Is 
introduced to Queen Elizabeth.ib. 

DRAKE, his Circumnavigation, 29- 
99. He equips an expedition of 
five ships, 30. Reaches Cape Can- 
tin, 32. Adventure at Mogadore, 
ib. Coast of Brazil, 36. Arrives at 
Port San Julian, 42. Atf'ray with 
the Patagonians, 43. Trial and 



execution of ThomasDoughty, 45, 
51. Passes through the Straits 
of Magellan, 52-54. Enters the 
South Sea, 54. His fleet separ- 
ated in a storm, 55. Fate of 
his shallop's crew, ib. He dis- 
covers Cape Horn, 59. Lands on 
the coast of Chili, 61. Captures 
several Spanish vessels, 62, 64, 65 ; 
lamas with treasure, 64. Takes 
the Cacafuego Spanish plate-ship, 
68. Proceeds in search of a north- 
east passage, 70. Steers for Ni- 
caragua, 71. Sails along the coast 
of California, 73. Ad ventures with 
the natives, 75-80. He crosses the 
Pacific, 82. Reaches theLadrones, 
84 ; and the Moluccas, 85. Re- 
markable preservation from ship- 
wreck, 90. He sails for Java, 92. 
His voyage home, 93. Arrival at 
Plymouth, 94. Receives the ap- 
probation of Queen Elizabeth, 98. 
DKAKE, his Expeditions to the West 
Indies, 100-124. He is appointed 
commander of a fleet against 
Spanish America, 101. Takes 
San Jago in the Cape de Verd 
Islands, 102. Storms San Do- 
mingo, 103 ; and Carthagena, 106. 
Many of his men carried off by 
fever.ib. Returns to England,108. 
Commands a squadron against the 
Spanish Armada, 109. Destroys 
the shipping at Cadiz, 110. Takes 
the San Philipe carrack, ib. Is 
appointed vice-admiral to Lord 
Charles Howard, 112. Captures 
the galleon of Don Pedro de Val- 
dez, 114. His expedition to re- 
store Don Antonio, 116. Voyage 
with Hawkins to the Spanish West 
Indies, ib. Attempt against Porto 
Rico, 1 1 8. Capture of Santa Mar- 
tha and Nombre de Dios, 119. 
His death near Porto Bello, 120. 
Estimate of his character and 
public services, 121-124. 



Easter Island, discovered by Ed- 
ward Davis, 379. 

Eaton, Captain, 302, 314. 

Elizabeth, Queen, secretly approves 
Sir Francis Drake's expedition in 
1577, 29. Her reception of the 
navigator on his return, 96. Visits 
his ship at Deptford, 97. Her zeal 
for the promotion of maritime en- 
terprise, 125, 126, note. 

Ersola, aSpanish pilot, treachery of, 
to Cavendish, 151. 

Esquemeling, author of the " Buc- 
caniers of America," 1H7, note. 
2D 



430 



INDEX. 



F. 

Falkland Islands, discovery of, by 
Captain John Davis, 168, 301. 

Fletcher, Francis, chaplain of 
Drake's fleet, 48, 60. 

Flibustiers, the name given by the 
French to the Buccaneers, 185. 

Fogo, a volcanic island, one of the 
Cape de Verd group, 35. 

France, mistaken policy of, 232. 

Francois, Pierre, captures a rich 
galleon, 197. 

Frobisher, Martin, appointed vice- 
admiral of the expedition against 
Spanish America, 101. 

G. 

Galapagos Islands, in the Pacific, 
268. Abound in land and sea 

1 turtle, 307. Frequented by the 
Buccaneers, 378. 

Gallo, an island on the coast of 
Colombia, 321. 

Good Hope, Cape of, 94. 

Gorgona, an island on the coast of 
Colombia, 322. 

Grenville, Sir Richard, his expedi- 
tion to Virginia, 127. 

Guahan Island, one of theLadrones, 
333-336, 420. Description of the 
natives of, 149. 

Guatalco, a Mexican seaport, 72, 328. 

Guayaquil, 318. Failure of an at- 
tempt upon, 319. Taken by the 
Buccaneers, 378. 

H. 

Hawkins, John, captain of a slave- 
ship, 16. Trades between Guinea 
and Spanish America, 17. His 
squadron enters the port of San 
Juan de Ulloa, 18. Treachery of 
the Spaniards, 19. His escape and 
subsequent hardships, 20. Expe- 
dition, with Drake, to the Spanish 
West Indies, 116. His death at 
Porto Rico, 118. 

Hawkins, Sir Richard, 60, 168. 

Hayti, or St Domingo, island of, 184. 

Horn, Cape, discovery of, by Sir 
Francis Drake, 14, 59. 

Howard, Lord Charles, of Effing- 
ham, 112. Defeats the Spanish 
Armada, 113-115. 

I. 

Indenting, a system of kidnapping, 
practice of, 199, note. 

Indians, or Caribs, cruelty of the 
Spaniards to, 186, note. Incident 
regarding, at St Lucia, 239. 

J. 
Jamaica, capture of, by the Eng- 



lish, 195. Resorted to by the 
Buccaneers, 201. Proclamation 
of the governor of, 231. 

Java, island of, 92, 153. Customs of 
the inhabitants, 153, 154. 

Jeoly, an Indian prince, 380. His 
arrival in England, 383. Death, ib. 

Juan Fernandez, an island in the 
Pacific, 282, 305, 379. Residence 
of Mosquito William, 303-305. Of 
Alexander Selkirk, 415-419. 



Ladrone Islands, 83, 149. Descrip- 
tion of the natives, 149. 

La Plata, an island on the coast of 
Colombia, 314, 316, 320. 

Le Grand, Pierre, captures a Spa- 
nish galleon, 195. 

Leon, a city of Guatimala, taken by 
the Buccaneers, 327. 

Lima, capital of Peru, 66. 

Lobos de la Mar, an island on the 
coast of Peru, 306,318. 

Lobos de Tierra, an island on the 
coast of Peru, 318. 

L'Olonnois, a French Buccaneer 
chief, 199. Captures a Spanish 
frigate, 200. His cruelties, ib. 
Manner of his death, 203. 

Luconia, or Luzon, the principal of 
the Philippine Islands, 342, 353. 

M. 

Magellan, 13 and note. 

Magellan, Straits of, 52-54. Fate 
of the Spanish colony in, 131. 
Natives of, 53, 134-136. 

Manatee, or sea-cow, 266, 267, note. 

Manilla, settlement at, 150, 152. 

Mansvelt, a Buccaneer, forms the 
design of establishing an indepen- 
dent state, 199, 204. Storms the 
Spanish fort in Old Providence 
Island, 205. 

Mayo, one of the Cape de Verd 
Islands, 34. 

Meangis Islands, south-east of the 
Philippines, 380, 381. 

Mindanao, island of, 336-353. Pro- 
ceedings of the Buccaneers at, 
339-353. Customs of the natives 
of, 341, 343. Their character and 
manners, 350. 

Mogadore, a seaport of Morocco, 
adventure at, 32. 

Molucca or Spice Islands, 84. 

Montbars, a French Buccaneer, cha- 
racter of, 203, 204, note. 

Morgan, Henry, the most renowned 
of the English Buccaneers, 205. 
His first expeditions, 206. Pillage 
of Puerto del Principe, ib. Storm- 
ing of Porto Bcllo, '207. Cruelties 



INDEX. 



431 



practised, 208,209. Captures Mara- 
caibo and Gibraltar, 121. Strata- 
gem against theSpaniards,122-215. 
Projected attack of Panama, 216. 
Capture of OldProvidence Island, 
and of the castle of Chagre, 216, 
218. Hardships on the march to 
Panama, 218-221. Battle with 
the Spaniards, 222. Storming and 
conflagration of Panama, 224. 
Cruelties exercised, 226. Returns 
to Chagre, 229. Sails for Jamaica, 
230; is knighted by Charles II., 
and made deputy-governor of that 
island, 232. Concluding history of, 
ib. 

Mosquito Indians, Dampier's ac- 
count of, 277-280. 

Mosquito William, 283. His resi- 
dence on the island of Juan Fer- 
nandez, 303-305. 

Muley Moloc, ruler of Morocco, 
33. 

N. 

New Britain, island of, its discovery 
by Dampier, 405-407. 

New Guinea and contiguous islands, 
393-407. Natural productions, 
and manners of the people, 394- 
399. Suspicious and inhospitable 
character of the natives, 403-403. 

New Holland, Dampier's Voyages 
of discovery to, 367-372, 386-392, 
407. Appearance and productions 
of the country, 367-371, 386-388. 
Character of the natives, 390-392. 

Nicobar Islands, in the Bay of Ben- 
gal, 372. 

Nombre de Dios, a seaport on the 
Isthmus of Darien, attack of, 23. 
Taken by Drake, 119. 

North-west Passage, speculations 
by Dampier upon, 332, note. 

Nuno da Silva, a Portuguese pilot, 
author of a narrative of Sir Fran- 
cis Drake's Voyage, 35, 69 note, 
72. 

O. 

Old Providence, or Santa Katali- 
na, an island in the Caribbean 
Sea, 205, 216, 231. 

Ostriches, manner of snaring, in 
Brazil, 38. 

Oxenham, John, the first English- 
man that sailed on the Pacific, 
25, note, and the firstEnglish Buc- 
caneer, 183, note. 

P. 

Paita, a seaport of Peru, plundered 
by the Buccaneers, 140 ; burntby 
them, 317. 



Panama, governor of, his message 
to Morgan, the Buccaneer chief, 
210. Stormed by the Buccaneers, 
224-228. 

Patagonia, 39. Natives of Seal Bay ; 
their manners and dispositions, ib. 
Port San Julian, 42. Stature of 
the Patagonians, 44, 45, note. 

Pearl Islands, in the Bay of Pana- 
ma, 322. 

Philippine Islands, 84, 149. 

Piscadore or Ponghoo Islands, in 
the Chinese Sea, 355. 

Plymouth, supplied with water by 
Drake, 112 and note. 

Port Desire, in Patagonia, natives 
of, 170. 

Porto Bello, stormed by the Buc- 
caneers, 207 ; plundered, 276. 

Porto Rico, attempted assault of, 
by Drake, 118. 

Portuguese, cruelty of, 103. 

Portuguez, Bartolomeo, bold enter- 
prise of, 198. 

Pulo Condore, in the Chinese Sea, 
354 

Puna, island of, in the gulf of Guay- 
aquil, 141, 142. The town taken 
by Dampier, 413. 



Raleigh, Sir Walter, colony of, 

107, 127. 
Revenge, pirate ship, captured 

among the Orkney Isles, 380. 
Ria Lexa, or Realejo, a seaport of 

Guatimala, 310. Taken by the 

Buccaneers, 327. 

Rio de la Hacha, a seaport of Co- 
lombia, taken by Drake, 17 ; and 

again, 118. 
Rocas, islands in the Caribbean 

Sea, 293. 
Rogers, Woodes, voyage of, round 

the world, 415. 

S. 

St Andrew, an island on the coast 
of Mexico, 144. 

St Christopher, island of, colonized 
by the English and French, 186. 

St Domingo, city of, stormed by 
Drake, 103. Island of, 184. 

St Helena, island of, 156. 

Sal, one of the CapedeVerd Islands, 
298, 299. 

Samballas, islands on the northern 
coast of the Isthmus of Darien, 
277. Frequented by the Bucca- 
neers, 286. 

San Felipe, a town on Magellan's 
Straits, 132, 135. 

San Francisco, a seaport of Califor- 
nia, 73. Natives of, 74. 



432 



INDEX. 



San Jago, one of the Cape de Verd 

Islands, descent on by Drake. 102. 
San Juan de Ulloa, a seaport of 

Mexico, treachery of the Spa-* 

niards at, 18-20. 
San Lucas, a cape of California, 145, 

331. 

Santa Katalina. See Old Provi- 
dence. 
Santa Maria, a seaport in the bay 

of Panama, taken by the Bucca- 
neers, 281 . Failure of Dampier's 

design to surprise, 412. 
SantaPecaque, a seaport in Mexico, 

329. Disaster of the Buccaneers 

at, 330. 

Santos, a seaport of Brazil, 161. 
Sarmiento de Gamboa, 67, 131, 133 

and note. Lands colonists in the 

Straits of Magellan, 131. Their 

disastrous fate, 133, 134 
Sawkins, Cap tain, killed in an attack 

on Puebla Nueva, 282. 
Scot, Lewis, a Buccaneer, stormed 

and plundered Campeachy, 198. 
Selkirk, Alexander, account of his 

residence in Juan Fernandez, 41 5- 

419. 
Sharp, captain of the Buccaneers, 

280. He is deposed, 282. Again 

raised to the command, 283. 

Cruises in the South Sea, ib. 

Returns to the West Indies, and 

thence to England, ib. 
Sidney, Sir Philip, 14, 100. 
Sierra Leone, slave-trade to, 17. 

Attacked by Cavendish, 128. 
Spain, hostilities with, 100. 
Spaniards destroy the Buccaneer 

settlement of Tortuga, 189. 
Spanish Armada, 100, 112. Defeat 

and destruction of, 113-115. Fleet 

at Cadiz destroyed by Drake, 110. 

Pearl-fishery, 290. 
Spirito Santo, a seaport of Brazil, 

175. 
Staten Island, 302. 



Sumatra, island of, 376. 

Swan, captain, 315, 318, 329. Sails 

for the East Indies, 331. His 

death, 365. 

T. 

Taboga, island of, in the bay of 
Panama, 323. 

Ternate,one of the Molucca Islands, 
85-88. 

Tierra del Fuego, island of, 57, 131, 
302. 

Tobacco, account of its introduc- 
tion into Britain, 107, note. 

Tobasco, river of, abounds with the 
manatee or sea-cow, 267. Man- 
ners nd condition of the Indians 
of, 268-270. 

Tortuga, an island on the northern 
coast of Hayti, taken by the Buc- 
caneers, 188. The settlement 
destroyed by the Spaniards, 189. 
Taken possession ofbytheFrench, 
195. The rendezvous of the Buc- 
caneers, 201. 

Trist, an island in the Bay of Cam- 
peachy, 240. 

Tropic-bird, 293 and note. 



Vera Cruz, pillaged by the Bucca- 
neers, 233. 



Wafer, Lionel, surgeon, his resi- 
dence among the Indians of the 
Darien, 285, 289, 378. 

Winter, John, captain of the Eliza- 
beth, in Drake's voyage round 
the world, 30. His navigation of 
the Straits of Magellan, 5G. Re- 
turn to England, 57. 

Z. 

Zee Roovers, the name given by the 
Dutch to the Buccaneers, l"85. 



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Lives and voyages of 
Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier