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Full text of "The voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to Bantam and the Maluco Islands; being the second voyage set forth by the governor and company of merchants of London trading into the East-Indies"


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Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburgh, &e., Ac, Peesibent. 

[■ Vice- 





Rear-Admiral Sir FRANCIS BEAUFORT, K.C.B., F.B.S. 






Sir henry ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S. 


R. W. GREY, Esq., M.P. 


His Excellency the COUNT de LAVRADTO. 

P. LEVESQUE, Esq., F.S.A. 

The earl SOMERS. 


W. STIRLING, Esq., of Keir. 

The Rev. W. WHEWELL, D.D. 

R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A., Honorary Secretary. 




The last ]'L\st-Indiak Voyage. (With notes from llakluyt, rui-clias,ctc.) 
Letteks to James I. i-i;om the kings of Teknate, Tidokk, and 1'antam. 
Ari'ENDix OF Documents. 

No. I. A commission of James I. authorising captain Henry Micldletou to 
use martial law. — From the Chapel of the Eolls : an authen- 
ticated copy. 

II. A commission of James I. Jiuthorising the I'last-India Company to 
export i,'12,000 in foreign coin.- — From theCliapel of the Rolls : 
an authenticated copy. 

111. A commission of the East-India Company to captain Henry 
Middleton and others. — From the India-House Mss. : Court 
tnisccllaneous-hook, 1000-18. Folio iO, recto. 

I\. A letter from James I. to the king of Bantam, sent hy captain 
Henry Middleton. — From the India-House Mss. : Court mU- 
cellaneous hook. Folio 17, cert^o. 

\. A letter from James I. to the king of *♦*, sent hy captain Henry 
Middleton. — From the India-House Mss. : Court miscellaneous- 
hook. Folio 7. recto. 

YI. A letter from sir Thomas Smith, govei'iior of the East-India 
Company, to captain William Keeling. — From the India-House 
Mss. : Court miscellaneous-book. Folio 35, recto. 

Yl 1. \ rememhrance by captain Henry Middleton, for the factors left at 
Bantam. — From the India House Mss.: Court miscellanevus- 
hook. Folio o-"). recto. 


VIU. A luUer from James 1. in reply to the king of Tcrnali'. — From the 
India-House Mss. : Court miscellaneous-book. Folio 43, recto. 

IX. A letter from James I. iu reply to the king of Tidorc. — From the 
India-House Mss. : Court miscellaneousbook. Folio 42, recto. 

X. A letter from James I. iu reply to the king of Bantam. — From the 
India- House Mss. : Court miscellaneoushook. FoMo 42, verw. 

XI. A letter from James i. to the sabandar of Nera. — From the India- 
House Mss. : Court miscellaneous-hook. Folio 42, recto. 

XII. A letter from James I. to the sabandar of Lantore. — From the 
India-House Mss. : Cotirt miscellaneous-book. Folio 42, verso. 

XIII. A letter from Gabriel Towcrsou, chief factor at Bantam, to his 
brother. — From the State-paper Office : East India xnqyers. 

XI\'. \ grant of license to sir Edward Michelbornc to trade with 
Cathaia, China, etc. — Fi-om the Chapel of tlie Bolls: an authen- 
ticated copy. 

X^■. A proclamation of James I. prohibiting tlie importation of pei)per, 
except by the East-India Company. — From the State-paper 
Office : a printed copy. 

XVI. Extracts from Ludovico de Vartheraa and others on the Maluco 
Islands ; with translations. 

List of auxhoeities cited in the notes. 
Index oi- teksons, places, and sibjects. 


Of the numerous examples of maritime enterprise 
which claim a notice in the history of the nation, 
none were more productive of exciting events, or of 
important results, than the early voyages which were 
set forth by the Governor and comj^any of merchants 
of London trading into the East-Indies — who were in- 
corporated by royal charter on the last day of the 
year 1600. 

Nevertheless, in consequence of various adverse 
circumstances, the narratives of those voyages have 
remained in comparative obscurity ; and as no suffi- 
cient statement of the case has come before me, in 
despite of much earnest research, I shall report it in 
conformity with my own inquiries and impressions. 

The venerable Hakluyt liad completed his far- 
famed volumes, entitled The principal navigations, voi- 
ages, trafficpves and discoueries of the English nation, just 
before the associated merchants were favoured with 
their charter, and no augmented edition of the work 
was ever produced, nor any continuation of it on the 
same judicious and definite plan. 



Now, the spirit of enterprise »ather increased at 
the close of the sixteenth century. The voyages to 
Virginia and other parts of America, and into the 
north-western seas, were soon afterwards of frequent 
occurrence, and various relations of those voyages 
came out in the fugitive shape of pamphlets. The 
other hemisphere also attracted much attention ; and 
the energetic proceedings of the governor and com- 
mittee of the East-India Company, acting in behalf 
of more than two hundred members, promised an 
ample and novel accession to the mass of nautical 
journals. The Principal navigations, in process of 
time, would therefore require a very considerable 

It had been foreseen by Hakluyt that the profes- 
sion of divinitie, and other occasions, might divert him 
from his geographical pursuits, and he was induced 
to nominate, as his editorial successor, master John 
Pory, late a student at Cambridge, who gave proof of 
his qualifications by a translation of Leo Africanus, 
which he undertook at the persuasion of Hakluyt, 
and dedicated to sir Robert Cecil, as the frst fruits of 
his labours, in 1601. So far the prospect was cheer- 
ing : I must now describe the adverse circumstances. 

The first fruits of the labours of Pory proved to be 
the entire gathering ! A new scene of life presented 
itself, and its charms prevailed over his studious 
habits. He visited France, Italy, and Holland, and 
made two voyages to Virginia, where he held office 
as secretary to the colony, as a member of the coun- 
cil, and afterwards as a commissioner of inquiry. 


He was also noted, as master George Sandys reports, 
for his " painful discoveries to the southward". He 
returned to England in 1624, and died before 1635. 

I must now advert to the career of Ilakluyt after 
the completion of his Principal navigations in 1600. 
The merit of those volumes must have been soon felt. 
He was appointed chaplain to sir Robert Cecil in 
1601 ; received a prebend in the collegiate church of 
Westminster in 1602 ; and was made archdeacon of 
AVestminster in 1603. With such preferments he 
could not have much spare time, but his geographical 
zeal was unabated. He edited two valuable works, 
and procured the publication of two others. Another 
service remains to be stated. He undertook the 
custody of the manuscript journals of the voyages and 
travels to which it was held unadvisable to give im- 
mediate publicity; comprising voyages to Virginia and 
to the north-western seas, and all the East-India voy- 
ages from 1601 almost to the date of Ids decease in 1616. 

About the year 1620, under circumstances which 
arc nowhere distinctly stated, the collections formed 
by Hakluyt came into the hands of the reverend 
Samuel Purchas, whose Pilgrimage or relations of the 
tvorld^ an unfinished work which was first published 
in 1613, had then reached its third edition. Now 
Purchas, instead of framing a continuation of the 
Princiiml navigations^ as edited by Hakluyt, aspired 
to supersede those volumes by a new compilation, 
which should include the Hakluyt papers and his 
own collections. In consequence of this injudicious 
resolution he was compelled, as he admits, to contract 


and ejiitomise his vast materials. After much labori- 
ous application, made irksome by bodily infirmity, he 
published the results in 1625, in four folio volumes, 
with the quaint title of llakluytus posthumus, or Pur- 
chas Ids pilgrimes. 

It is in those rare and costly volumes, and under 
such unfavourable circumstances, that the early East- 
India voyages made their first and only appearance. 
The exceptions are, a brief Discourse of the voyage 
of sir James Lancaster in 1601, which is entirely 
omitted ; and the Voyage of sir Henry Middleton in 
1604, which is misplaced and mutilated. The Report 
of Robert Coverte is no exception to this statement : it 
is an account of land-travels and personal adventures. 

Had due measures been adopted for the preserva- 
tion of the unmutilated journals, no objection could 
have been made to epitomisation. I believe, however, 
they were left to the chance of destruction, and that 
most of them have perished ! By whose authority 
were they successively entrusted to Hakluyt and Pur- 
clias "? Why were they not claimed on the death of 
Purchas 1 It is my conviction that they were so en- 
trusted by sir Thomas Smith, who was treasurer for 
Virginia, a patron of the north-western attempts, and 
governor of the East-India Company ; and as to the 
second question, I must observe that sir Thomas 
Smith died on the 4th of September, 1625 — in which 
year Purchas completed his Pilgrimes — and that Pur- 
chas himself died in the following year. Whatever 
be the feelings of individuals, they cannot transmit 
them to their heirs or official successors. 


An estimate of the amount of mutilation com- 
mitted by Purchas in the course of his editorial pro- 
ceedings would be useless, if it were possible ; but 
it seems incumbent on me to report how far the cen- 
sure applies to the voyage in question. I believe the 
particulars will be read with surprise, if not with 
indignation. His treatment of Clayborne is stated in 
the notes, and shall not be repeated. With regard 
to the journal which forms the text of this volume, 
exclusive of the three royal letters, he compressed 
it into less than one-twentieth part of its real extent ! 

The sole unmutilated specimen of the early East- 
India voyages — with the slight exception before cited 
• — and the sole record of the accomplishment of an 
object which was the principal stimulus to the forma- 
tion of the East-India Company, must interest a wide 
circle of readers, and can only require to be made 
more accessible. The former edition is not in many 
hands — witness the declaration of the late Mr. Thomas 
Grenville : " It is so rare that I have not been able 
to trace any mention of it ; nor have I ever seen 
another copy of it." 

A narrative which occupies so limited a space, and 
is far from devoid of notes, cannot require many pre- 
vious remarks, but some short memoranda may be 

The fleet was composed of the Ued Dragon, the 
Hector, the Ascension, and the Susan — old ships 
which had been repaired for the voyage. The Susan, 
which was lost on her return from Bantam, was a 
rotten ship when purchased. The burden of the four 


ships amounted to sixteen hundred tons. The num- 
ber of men may be estimated at five hundred or more. 

The principal officers, at the time of departure, 
were Henry Middleton, commander-in-chief, and cap- 
tains David Middleton, Christopher Colthurst, Roger 
Stiles, and William Keeling. Henry Middleton, a 
native of Chester, went out with Lancaster in 1601. 
At Acheen he was appointed to the command of the 
Susan, and sent to Priaman, whence he carried home 
a cargo of pepper. His return was minuted the 21st 
of June 1603 — which was near two months before the 
arrival of Lancaster. David Middleton, also a native 
of Chester, was his brother. Stiles died at Bantam. 
The Middletons, Colthurst, and Keeling, returned in 

The establishment of peace between England and 
Spain, the capture of the Portuguese fort at Amboina 
by the Dutch, and their success at Tidore, were the 
only historical events which have much connexion 
with the voyage. The triumph at Tidore was of 
short duration, but Amboina was retained and much 
prized. Captain Fitz-herbert, writing in 1621, thus 
described the island : " Amhoyna sittcth as queen be- 
tween the isles of Banda and the 3Ioli(ccas. She is 
beautified with the fruits of several factories, and 
dearly beloved of the Dutch.''' 

If the establishment of peace removed the appre- 
hensions of one casualty, it left the difficulties arising 
out of mercantile competition, which were somewhat 
formidable. The maritime efforts of the Portuguese, 
with regard to Lidia, were on an immense scale. 


From the voyage of Vasco da Gama in 1497 to the 
death of Emanuel I. in 1521, they despatched from 
Lisbon alone, as the vicomte de Santarem assures us, 
thirty-three fleets, composed of two hundred and 
twenty ships of war ; and a fleet Avas despatched in 
every subsequent year till the date of this voyage. 
The fleet of 1604, which sailed on the 29th of April, 
carried out Martin Affonso de Castro, the viceroy, 
and consisted of five ships. Two carvels also sailed 
in the same year. 

The Dutch, as mercantile rivals, were even more 
formidable than the Portuguese. The first fleet, of 
four ships, was despatched in 1595 ; the second, of 
eight ships, in 1598 ; etc. The union of certain Com- 
panies gave a fresh impulse to their proceedings. In 
1602 they despatched fourteen ships and a yacht ; 
and in December 1603, twelve ships. The latter fleet, 
commanded by admiral van der Hagcn, or detach- 
ments of it, are frequently noticed in the journal. 

The French, in point of time, claim precedence of 
the Dutch, Jean Parmentier of Dieppe having reached 
Sumatra in 1529 — but the Compagnie Frangaise pour 
le commerce des Indes Orientales was not established till 

The services of Middleton in this voyage were 
promptly recognized : he was knighted at Greenwich 
on the 25th of May 1606. The Company, no doubt, 
were more than satisfied, as he had accomplished Avhat 
they had not ventured to propose. Their views now 
became expanded, and they made application for 
letters in their favour, in the name of his Majesty, to 


the powers at Aden, Surat, and Calicut. Tlie after 
career of sir Henry Middleton, I must not even touch 
on : it would require a volume to describe his adven- 
tures. I shall only observe that sir Dudley Digges 
styles him the " thrice-worthy general^ ivho laid the true 
foundation of our long-desired Camhaya traded This 
eulogy was written in 1615. 

The authenticity of the journal admits of no doubt. 
I have often tested its chronology, and have always 
found it correct. Its agreement with the Dutch jour- 
nals, both as to dates and circumstances, is also in its 
favour. Moreover, as sir Henry Middleton left a 
daughter named Margaret Burre, it is probable that 
the publisher was his son-in-law, and that the per- 
mission to publish it was the consequence of that 
relationship. In editing the text^ I have modernised 
the orthography and punctuation, and have restored 
the proper names to uniformity. In the notes ^ while 
adhering to the period in question, I have explained 
whatever seemed to require it. The appendix, I ven- 
ture to hope, will interest many by the substantial 
information which it affords. 

If I should undertake to edit another volume for 
the Hakluyt Society, it would be the voyage of Jean 
de Bethencourt to the Canary Islands in 1402, trans- 
lated from the French, in its ancient guise, of Pierre 
Bontier and Jean le Verrier. 

I am sensible, however, that more interest would 
be felt in any attempts to illustrate the progress of 
geographical discovery, and the state of political and 
commercial intercourse, with regard to India, the 


Malaian archipelago, and those vast territories which 
we may now fairly call the ne^v world — Australia and 
its islands. In this remark there may be a slight 
deviation from my proper course, to which I shall 
now return. 

The historians of British India have been very im- 
perfectly acquainted with the events which preceded 
the establishment of the continental factories, and it 
is a curious circumstance that Grant and Bruce, in 
adverting to those early voyages, should have relied 
on Anderson as much as if the volumes of Purchas 
were inaccessible, or had never been in existence. 

I could not, after the evidence above stated, advise 
a reprint of those voyages as they appear in Purchas, 
but venture to suggest to aspirants in historical and 
geographical literature, as promising subjects, 1. A 
life of sir Thomas Smith, the first governor of the 
East-India Company ; 2. An annotated edition of the 
voyage of sir James Lancaster in 1601 ; and 3. A 
compilation from Purchas, and other sources, of all 
the voyages and occurrences of note from 1606 to 
1625. By the accomplishment of those objects the 
public would possess a mass of important and novel 
facts, and the future historian of India would be en- 
abled to treat the defective portion of an interesting 
phase in its history with much more intelligence and 

The India-House, the State- paper Office, the Cha- 
pel of the Holls, the British Museum, and many other 
public repositories, would furnish various manu- 
script materials in illustration of those objects, and 



the list of authorities appended to this volume may 
serve to point out some of tlie books which should 
also be consulted. I shall now give the titles of 
three works which I had no occasion to quote, but 
cannot omit to recommend. 

1, " Bibliotheque Asiatique et Africaine on catalogue des 
ouvrages relatifs a I'Asie et a I'Afriquc qui ont paru depuis 
la decouverte de I'imprimerie jusqu'en 1700 ; par H. Ter- 
naux-Compans. Paris, 1841." 8vo. pp. 6-|-348. 

.^. " Histoire du commerce entre le Levant et TEurope de- 
puis les croisades jusqu'a la fondation des colonies d'Ame- 
rique, par G. B. Depping, raembre de la Societe royale des 
antiquaires de France, etc. Paris, a I'imprimerie royale. 
1830." 8vo. 2 vols. 

3. " Memoire geographique, historique et scientifique sur 
I'Inde anterieurement au milieu du xie siecle de I'ere chre- 
tienne, d'apres les ecrivains Arabes, Persans et Cliinois, par 
M. E-einaud, membre de I'lnstitut de France, etc. Paris, 
Imprimerie nationale, 1849." 4to. pp. 8H-400. Avec une 
carte cVunepartie de VAsie, redigee par 31. d^Avezac. 

The first of the above works is an excellent speci- 
men of bibliography ; the second describes the modes 
in which the produce of India was formerly trans- 
ported to Europe ; and the third forms a learned and 
curious supplement to the standard works of Robert- 
son and Vincent. 

It shames me to observe the date at which the first 
sheets of this slim volume were consigned to the 
press, but as I can make no sufficient apology for 
omitting to resume the operations of editorship after 
some unavoidable suspensions, I must be content 
with the mental relief which it gives me to discharge 


the debt of honour so often vividly felt as due to the 
council of the Hakluyt Society. 

I must now gratefully express my obligations to 
the right honourable sir George Grey, the Secretary 
of State for the home department, for the favour of 
permission to search for documents in the State-paper 
Office, and to the honourable the Court of Directors 
of the East-India Company, on the recommendation 
of the late sir Charles Malcolm, for the same favour 
with regard to the archives of the India-House ; also 
to Mr. Rundall, of that establishment, for assisting 
me in my researches; and to Mr. Major, the able and 
active secretary of our society, for his prompt replies 
to my inquiries on all occasions. 

Bolton Corney. 

TJie Terrace, Barnes. 
28th March 1856. 


Plate 1. (To face the title,) Chart of the Maluco Islands. — The outline 
from Gr. F. von Derfelden van Hiuderstein, 1842. 

Plate 2. (To face p. 1.) Wood-cut of the Red Dragon, captain Lancaster, 
in the Strait of Malacca, anno 1G02. — From the Dutch collection 
of East-India voyages, 1645-6. 

Plate 3. (To face p. 16.) Pictorial plan of Bantam, anno 1596. A. The 
tower ; B. The water-gate; C. The river; D. The inland gate ; E. 
The royal palace ; F. The residence of the sabandar ; G. The place 
of audien,ce ; H. The hill-gate ; I. The mosque ; K. The residence 
oi Andemoin; L. The residence of the admiral ; M. The residence 
of Chenopate ; N. The residence of Panjansiba ; 0. The residence of 
Satie Moluc ; P. The residence of the captain of Bantam ; Q. The 
barrier-gate ; R. The Dutch factory ; S. The Chinese dwellings. — 
From the Premier livre de Vhistoire de la navigation avx hides Ori- 
entates far les Hollandois, etc. Amsterdam, 1609. 

Plate 4. (To face p. 30.) The Dutch factory at Nera, one of the Banda 
Islands, anno 1599, The mode of weighing nutmegs and mace. 
— From Le second livre, iovrnal ov comptoir, etc. Amsterdam, 1609. 

Plate 5. (To face p. 36.) Gammelamme, the chief town in Ternate, one 
of the Maluco Islands, anno 1599. A. The mosque ; B. The house in 
which the king permitted the Dutch to reside; C. The royal palace, 
built of stone ; D. Offices of the palace ; E. The market place ; F. 
The cloister of S. Paul, built by the Portuguese ; G. The residence 
of the royal interpreter ; H. A house built of stone by the Portu- 
guese ; I. A tower mounted with one cannon ; K. A stake with the 
head of a captive ; L. A gondola ; M. A war caracoa ; N. The ap- 
proach to the town. — From Le second livre, etc. Amsterdam, 1609. 

Plate 6. (To face p. 34.) Caracoas and fishing-boats. A caracoa of the 
king of Ternate, carrying seven guns, javelins, etc. — rowed by slaves 
seated in oat-rifjgers made of bamboo, and steered by paddles. Be- 
neath is a small caracoa or galley, and various fishing boats. — From 
Le second livre, etc. Amsterdam, ] 609. 


Laft Eaft-Iiidian 



varietie of the State of the feuerall 

kingclomes where they haue traded : 

ivith the Letters of three feuerall Kings 

to the Kings Maiestie of England^ 

begun by one of the Voyage : fince continued 

out of the faithful! obferuations of 

them that are come home. 



Printed by T. P. for Walter Burre. 




The beyimier of this rekition following would no doubt, if 
he had lived, have himself set it out to thy good liking; but this 
I assure thee, that both his S^parf^, and this continuatioa of it, 
is set forth ivith as much faithfulness as could be gathered out 
of the best observations of them that are come home. If I find 
it to thy liking, look shortly for an exact and large discourse 
written by master Scott," chief factor at Bantam, ever since the 
jirst voyage — containing lohatsoever hath happened since their 
first arrival there to trade in those parts. Read this ; look 
for the other ; and so farewell. 


1 " An exact discorr^e of the sabtiUics, fashions, pollicies, religion, and 
ceremonies of tlie East Indians, Qii:. Written in Edmund Scutt. IGUG." 
4lo. A. to N. in t'oius. 


Plate 2. 

The Ecd Pragon, Captain Lancaster, in the f^tralt of Malacca, 
Anno 1602. 



MARCH THE 23RD, 1604.1 

[Sovereigns of maritime states, 1(504. — England, Scotland, etc., .James I. 
king ; France, Henry IV. king ; Spain and Portugal, Philip III. king — 
viceroy of India, Martin AfFonso de Castro ; Holland, jVIaurice de Nassau, 
prince of Orange, stadtholdur.] 

Being provided of all things necessary for so long a voyage, 
with leave taken of the governor,^ and others of the commit- 
tees,^ we dejjarted from Gravesend the twenty-fifth of March, 

1 The fleet consisted of the four ships which had made the former 
voyage, namely : the Red Dragon, 600 tons, captain Henry Middleton, 
generttl or commodore, and captain David Middleton; the Hector, .500 
tons, captain Christopher Colthurst, lieutenant-general ; the Ascension, 
260 tons, captain Roger Stiles ; and the Susan, 240 tons, captain William 
Keeling. Captain Colthurst, captain Stiles, captain Keeling, master 
Robert Brown, and master Edward Highlord, formed the council of mer- 
chants. The complement of seamen is not stated. — India-House Mss. 

2 Sir Thomas Smith, knight — the first governor of the East- India com- 
pany. He was also governor of the Muscovia company, and of other 
similar associations. In 1604 he went on an embassy to Russia. He died 
in 1625. Sir Thomas enclosed an invoice of the cash and merchandise on 
board the four ships in a farewell letter to his hiding friend captain 
Keeling, dated In Gravesend, the IMh of March 1604. — Stow ; Registrum 
Roffense ; India-House Mss. ; etc. 

3 The committee, as appointed by the first charter, consisted of the 
governor, a deputy-governor, and twenty-four other members. Eacli 
member of it was also styled a coinmittee. — Charters e. i. c. 



being Sunday at night/ and the Tuesday following came to 
the DoAvns, Avlicre the general, before we came to an anchor, 
gave order to the pvu'ser to call the company, and take their 
names — which being done, there was found forty men lack- 
ing of the copehnent [complement] of our ship, so that we 
Mere forced thereby to come to anchor to tarry for them. 
The general gave order presently^ the pinnace should be 
manned, and sent the master, with his brother and the pui'ser, 
for better despatch, to Sandwich ; where they escaped very 
near drowning. The Ascension's pinnace likewise put off 
to set their pilot a-land, and so was cast away ; wdiich, Avhen 
the general heard of, he w^as exceeding angry with captain 
Stiles, that he would offer to go a-land at such a time Avithout 
his order. The last of March, the master, captain Middleton, 
and the master's mate, came aboard. 

The first of April we w^eighed anchor in the Downs, and, 
thwart Dover, *" we found our men in ketches ready to come 
aboard : we took them all into our ship, being twenty-eight 
men, which was far short of that number we expected. But, 
howsoever, the general was determined to proceed, although 
he lacked forty men, rather than lose the benefit of so fair a 
wind. So the same day, off Beachy [Beachy-Head], the 
general gave order to the boatswain to take new muster of 
our men ; and he found we had twenty more than our copel- 
ment aboard the admiral ; and, tarrying to speak with the 
rest of the ships, we hailed them one after another, and found 

4 The departure on Sii.nclnn may have been a piece of contrivance. 
Seamen were rather superstitious, and commonly held it "good to begin 
the voyage on Sundaies." — Sir H. Manwayriug. 

5 Here, and elsewhere in the text, 'presently appears to be used in the 
sense oi forthwith — as in Shakspere ; 

" These likelihoods confirm her flight from hence : 
Therefore, I pray you, stand not to discourse, 
But mount you presently''' 

6 The former edition has " twarth Dover". It must be an error of the 
press. I conclude the author wrote thwart— abreast of Dover. 


they had every ship more than their copelment — the cause of 
which error could not be imagined, without foul weather 
caused them to hide themselves at such time of general 
muster ; or else, that some of them, misdoubting they should 
be set on land, played least in sight : but, howsoever, this 
overplus of men was as grievous to the general as the lack 
he had afore. To see how he had been deluded to come to 
anchor Avith a fair wind for lack of men, and now of force 
must put into some place to set them again a-laud ! So the 
general gave order to the master he should have a care he 
did not pass Plymouth that night, for that he Avas minded 
to put in there to discharge those men. So the next day 
morning at day-break we were ready, with tacks aboard,** to 
stand into the sound of Plymouth, and stood in a good while 
till such time as it began to be gvisty weather, and the wind 
to souther upon us, so that w^e were enforced against the 
general's liking to proceed on our voyage, steering alongst 
the land with much wind^ — and in the afternoon we lost 
sight of England ; and so continuing our course with a fair 
wind, upon Thursday, being the sixth day of April, we were 
thwart Cape Finisterre, and the seventh day off the Rock 
[Cape Roca] ; and upon Easter-day, being the eighth day, 
off Cape Saint Vincent, with the wind large,^*^ and fair wea- 
ther ; and continuing our course till the fifteenth, we came 
to the Canaries — where, in the calms, trial was made to take 
in the Hector's boat, but she could not stow her by reason 
she was both too long and too broad, which if she could have 

7 Minded, as an adjective, is commonly interpreted by disposed. Here, 
and in various instances, it has the force of resolved. 

8 When a ship has her sails trimmed very obliquely to the wind, she is 
said to be close-hauled, or to have her tacks aboard. — W, Falconer. 

9 I shall now commence with the Discourse of Thomas Clayborne, as 
we have it in the briefe extract made by Purchas : The Ascension. " The 
second da,y of April 1604, being Monday, about twelve of the clock, we 
had sight of the Lizard." — T. Clayborne. 

^^ When a ship has the wind very favourable, or somewhat abaft the 
beam, she is said to have the wind large. — W. Falconer. 


done the general was minded not to toueh in any plaee till 
he doubled the Cape [of Good Hope]. So that was the prin- 
cipal eause he went to the Islands of Cape Verde : so the 
same night we departed from the Canaries, and directed our 
course for Maio, one of the foresaid islands.'^ 

The twenty-second day Ave had sight of Boa- Vista. '^ The 
twenty-fourth day we anchored at Maio, upon the south-west 
side, where the general with the rest of the captains and 
merchants went a-land to seek fresh water ; but there Mas 
none to be found but a small well, which would yield scarce 
a hogshead a day. Presently after our landing there came 
to our general a Portingal^^ that had wounded one of his 
fellows, desiring to save his life, and upon that condition he 
would give him all the wealth he had, which was some five 
hundred dried goats. The general would give no ear to him, 
nor his request, for that he would give no occasion of offence 
to them of the island ; yet by entreaty of the vice-admiral, 
and the other captains, he was contented to take his goats 
and him aboard — which presently was effected. Also the 
same afternoon there came two Portingals more of the island 
to our general, who came very kindly luito him and bade 
him welcome. So after some discourse the general desired 
them that for his money he might buy some live goats of 
them for the refreshing of his men. They presently made 

^^ The Cape Verde Islands, from the peculiarity of their position, have 
been visited by the most eminent early navigators. Maio, one of the 
group, was noted for its salt. In the event of a separation of the fleet by 
foul weather, it was the appointed place of rendezvous. — Capt, Davis ; 
Instnictions, § 4. 

^^ The Ascension. "The three-and-tweutieth day [of April], west- 
south-west to the westward, tvvo-and-twcnty leagues, latitude fifteen 
degrees and five minutes ; and this day we fell with the wcstermost i)art 
of S. lago, being west-by-north six leagues, and at five of the clock we 
stood to the eastward for Maio, the wind at north." — T. Clayborne. 

" Portingal, in lieu of Portugal, occurs only once ; in lieu of Portu- 
guese, veri/ frequently. In the former edition it is variously spelt : 1. 
Portingal ; 2. Portingale; 3. Portingall. I have adopted the first mode. 


answer again they would sell none^ but tliat we might kill as 
many as we Avould, and nobody w^oiild be offended thereat ; 
and so presently they went with the general and show ed him 
how we should enclose them, and so set our dogs upon them ; 
§,nd having killed half-a-dozen of goats they took then* leave 
in friendly manner for that night, promising in the morning 
to return and bring their dogs with them, and to help us to 
so many goats as we w^ould desire.'"* So the general, with 
all the rest, came presently aboard.'^ 

The next day the general woiild not go a-land, but sent 
captain Stiles, captain Keeling, and captain Middleton, Avith 
express order to keep theii* people from straggling ; and w hen 
all their company were landed, captain Stiles called them all 
together, giving them warning to keep company together, 
and not range one from the other ; which speech was reiter- 
ated again by master Durham, saying that whosoever was 
found straggling should be severely punished, and therefore 
willed them all to take good heed. And so, after this warning 
given, they marched up into the country to kill some goats, 
where they met with two Portugals,^^ which did assist them 
in all the [their] might. In the meanwhile they were at their 
sport a-land, the general with the rest were busy in stowing 
the Hector^s long boat, for that he was minded to go to sea 
so soon as they had done ; but they could not stow her with- 

^^ Dried goats, etc. — I can only give the folloM'ing explanation : when 
sir Francis Drake was at the Cape Verde Islands, a Portuguese pilot 
informed him " that vpon one of those islands, called Maj^o, there was 
great store of dryed cahritas [she-kids], which a few inhabitants there 
dwelling did yeerely make ready for such of the kings ships as did there 
touch, beeing bound for his countrey of Brasile or elsewhere." — Hakluyt. 

^^ The Ascension. " The four-and-twentieth day [of April] we fell with 
Maio, and stood to the southward of the island, and came to anchor at 
fifteen fathoms, one point north-west-and-by-north, and the other east- 
south-east." — T. Clayborne. 

1® Portugal, in lieu of Portuguese, occurs frequently — chiefly as a sub- 
stantive. It is variously spelt ; and, to dispense with notes on orthogra- 
phical matters, I shall give a table of proper names. 


out cutting ott' her stem and part of her bows, wliich, seeing 
no other way, was presently effected. And so, drawing 
towards night, our hmd-men repaired aboard with some few 
goats they had killed ; and after supper, the wind coming off 
the land, the general gave order to the master to weigh 
[anchor], and that a warning-piece might be shot off — and 
so presently the cable was brought to capstan, and our ship 
was presently loose ; but before Ave had up our anchor, cap- 
tain Stiles sent word one of their merchants was missing : 
so that we came presently to anchor again, and did ride till 
day. He that lost himself was the party [master Durham] 
which was so careful to give other men warning, which took 
none himself. Day no sooner appearing but the general 
sent captain Stiles, with at least one hundred and fifty men, 
to seek for him •^' and if it were possible to speak with some 
of the Portugals, but all that day was spent in vain, and no 
news of him ; so the general would spend no longer time 
there, but left him to learn the language I"^ So the sixteenth 
of May we passed the liue,'^ where many of our men fell sick 
of the scurvy, calenture, bloody flux, and the w orms ; being 
left to the mercy of God, and a small quantity of lemon-juice-° 
every morning : our physician, shipped for that purpose, 

'^' The Ascension. " The five-and-twentieth day [of April] we landed, 
and lost one of our merchants, who was taken by the people of the island. 
The six-and~twentieth day, in the morning, we landed an hundred men 
to see if we could get our merchant again, but could not come near any 
of the people of the island; so we left him behind us, and this night, 
about nine of the clock, we set sail, the wind at north." — T. Clayborne. 

^^ An allusion, I conceive, to the letter of queen Elizabeth to the mighty 
king of Acheen, in which she requests his majesty to permit captain 
Lancaster to leave certain factors there, to learn the language. — Purchas. 

^'^ The Ascension. " The sixteenth day of May, latitude fifteen min- 
utes, and this day we passed the equinoctial." — T. Clayborne. 

^ The deficiency of lemon-Juice yfSiS an unfortunate oversight. Captain 
Lancaster had proved its importance. ■ " The reason why the generals men 
stood better iu health then the men of other shijis, was this : he brought 
to sea with him certaine buttles of the iuice of limons — by this meanes the 
geuerall cured many of his men, and preserued the rest." — Purchas. 


being as unwilling as ignorant in anything that might help 
them — a great oversight in the company, and no doubt will 
be better looked to hereafter. 

And to our proceeding voyage : the thirteenth day of July, 
being Friday, we had sight of Cape Boa Esperan^a^^ [the 
Cape of Good Hope]. The wind at south-west, a gentle gale, 
the general commanded the tacks aboard, intending to go 
about the Cape, but our sick men cried out most lamentably, 
for at that present there were sick of the scurvy at the least 
eighty men in our ship, not one able to help the other, who 
made a petition to the general, most humbly entreating him 
for God's sake to save their lives, and to put in for Saldania,^'^ 
otherways they were but dead men. The general perusing 
their pitiful complaint, and looking out of his cabin door, 
where did attend a swarm of lame and weak diseased cripples, 
who beholding this lamentable sight extended his compassion 
towards them, and granted their requests. ^"^ That night the 
Av ind came up at the south, and continued till the seventeenth 
day before we could get into the road.^* The next morning, 
being Wednesday, the general went on land, with provision 
to set up tents ; and a little way from oiu* landing-place, the 
negroes had their houses — which were no other than a few 

^^ The Ascension. " The thirteenth of July, in the forenoon, we had 
sight of Cape Boa Esperanca, being off us fifteen leagues." — T. Clayborne. 

^^ S<ddania. Agoada de Saldanha, or Saldanha watering-place, was so 
named by Antonio de Saldanha, who went to India in 1503. The Saldanha 
Bay of modern geographers is a misnomer. The Saldanha Bay of De 
Barros, and of the early English and Butch navigators, is our Table Bay. 
Captain Raymond put in here in 1591 ; captain Houtman in 1598 ; 
captain Lancaster in 1601 ; and sir Edward Michelborne in 1605. — De 
Barros ; Hakluyt ; Purchas ; etc. 

^^ The general was authorised to refresh at St. Lawrence, now called 
Madagascar, but " not at Saldania in anywise." The probable reason 
for this injunction appears in a subsequent note. — Instructions, § 6. 

^ The Ascension. " The seventeenth day we came to anchor in the 
road of Saldanha, having sixty men sick of the scurvy ; but, God be 
praised, they all recovered health before we went from hence." — T. Clay- 


crooked sticks set in the ground, and mats cast over them — 
and tliey had great store of cattle, botli beeves and sheep, 
grazing fair by them.^ Onr general and the captains went 
to barter with them for small pieces of ii'on, and bought some 
twelve sheep, and more would have sold us till that they saw 
us begin to set up our tents, which as it seemed was to their 
disliking, for that, incontinent, they pulled down their houses 
and made them fast \\\)0\\ tlieii' beasts' backs, and did drive 
awaj' ; yet all means possible was sought to draw them to sell 
us more, but in no case they would abide any longer with us, 
but drove away with all the speed they might. It lay in the 
general's power to have taken them all from them, as some 
counselled him to do, but he in no case would give ear there- 
unto, but let them depart, not doubting but that they would 
return again, seeing we offered them no wrong when it was 
in our powers to dispossess them of all their cattle.-'^ 

The nineteenth day we got our sick men on land, and the 
twentieth our boats were sent to the island, where we found 
such infinite number of seals that it was admirable to behold ! 
all the sea-shore lies over-spread with them, some sleeping, 
some travelling into the island, and some to the seaward ; 
besides all the rocks which lie a pretty distance off, so full 
as they can hold — thousands at a time going and as many 
coming out : there be many of them as big as any bear, and 
as terrible to behold. And up towards the middle of the 
island there be infinite numbers of fowls called penguins, 
pelicans, and cormorants. The penguins be as big as our 
greatest capons we have in England ; they have no wings, 

'^ Fair by must mean conveniently near. The expression occurs about 
ten times, and seems always to have the same import. 

'^ The instructions given to the general respecting intercourse with 
the natives of the places at which the fleet might touch for refreshment, 
are sensible and humane. lie was to keep warlike guard on shore ; to 
prohibit straggling ; to exhort to moderation of diet ; to appoint certain 
persons as purveyors ; and to admonish his men to lichave towards the 
naXiv QS jieaceubly and civilly. — Indructions, § 5. 


nor cannot fly, but you may drive tliem by thousands in a 
flock wliitlier you will. They be exceeding fat, but tlieir 
flesh is very rank, for that they live upon fish : there be so 
many of them upon this small island, which is not above five 
miles about, to lade a ship of fifty tons withal.^^ 

Upon Sunday, the twenty-third, the first man that died 
out of our ship. Upon Monday morning the general went 
into the country to buy fresh victuals, but the people of the 
country, seeing so many in company, fled. But the general 
caused all the company to make a stand, and then sent four 
to them with a bottle of wine and victuals, with a tabor and 
a pipe. They seeing no more in company came to them, 
and did eat, drink, and dance with them ; so they, seeing with 
what kindness they were used, took heart unto them, and 
came along with our general to our tents ; where they had 
many toys bestowed upon them, as pins, points, beads, and 
branches^^ — and so they returned all very well pleased, 
making signs to return the next day with cattle ; but foul 
weather prevented them for three days. The fourth day after, 
being the twenty-sixth, they brought us forty-four sheep, and 
the next day twenty-three sheep and two kine, and the next 
day fifteen sheep and one bullock, and the thirtieth day we 
bought one-hundred-and-twenty sheep and six beeves, the 
next day nine sheep and three beeves, and the second of 
August three sheep. ^^ 

The third of August the general went in his pinnace, and 
other boats with him, to kill whales, for all the bay is full of 

^7 This island lies seven miles north-north-west of Cape Town. It was 
afterwards called Penguin Island, but now appears in our charts as 
Rohben Island — from the Dutch word roh^& seal. — Lieut. Vidal ; etc. 

28 Points and hranches. Points, frequently noticed by our early dra- 
matic writers, were taggedlaces. Branches may be a misprint for hrooches, 
or it may mean artificial flowers. — Nares ; etc. 

29 The current prices are not reported. When captain Raymond was 
here in 1591, as before noticed, the price of an ox was two knives, and of 
a sheep, one knife. We read, in the margin of the narrative, " Oxen and 
sheepe dog-cheape ! " — Hakluyt. 



them. They struek divers with harpiiig-irons/"' and especially 
they in the Susan's pinnace, struck their harping-irou into 
one of them very sure, and veered their boat a good scope 
from her. She, feeling herself wounded, towed the boat for 
the space of half-an-hour up and down the hay with such 
swiftness, that the men were fain to go all of them and sit 
in the stern, and let the whale tow them, which was with 
such swiftness that she seemed to fly ; but in the end they 
were enforced to cut their rope, to keep their boat from sink- 
ing, they were carried so SAviftly through the sea. The next 
tliat struck one was in the general's pinnace, and there were 
two of them together, and their fortune was to strike a 3'oung 
one which played like 7'eakes^^ as the first did, and continued 
for a good time ; and then they hauled up the boat somcAvhat 
near, and wounded her in divers places with javelins. The 
great whale, all this time, would not depart from the little 
one, although it had received many wounds, but stood to the 
last to fight it out against all our boats — sometimes giving 
one boat a blow, and sometimes another, and would come 
under our boats, and lift them almost out of the water ! She 
bestowed one bang on the general's pinnace that split all the 
timbers and boards, so that he was fain to take another boat 
to save himself, for she was presently full of water — yet, Avith 
much ado, they saved the pinnace, and brought her on land, 
where it cost all our carpenters three days' work to repair 
her. And when the young whale began to be weary, the old 
one would take the young upon his back, and carry him; 
but the old one seeing that would not prevail against us, 

s** The term harjjing-iron was formerly vised instead of liarpoon. The 
poet Waller may be cited in proof. In his picturesi^ue account of a 
whale-fight at the Burmudas, we read : 

" The boat which on the first assault did go, 
Strvick with a harping-iron the younger foe." 

31 Played like reakes ^ played the same tricks. The word reakes 
occurs in the French Dictionarie of Randle Cotgrave, London, 1611. v. 
Degonihr. — J. 0. Ilalliwell. 


uoiild leave his carriage/'' and betake biuisclf to his fight, 
which was to cast his tail out of the watei', and to strike so 
valiantly, that if he had taken any of our boats with one of 
these blows he would have split it all to pieces. It was very 
good sport to stand and look on, but very dangerous to them 
in the boats. To conclude of this mattex-, the young whale 
could not be killed till the sun-set ; the old one never for- 
saking her whilst it had any life.'^'^ So after it was dead we 
towed it to our landing-place, and at high water hauled it so 
high as we could. The occasion why we killed this whale was 
for lack of oil for our lamps, for in all the ships we had great 
lack. The oil was put in very bad caske/'^ and leaked out ; 
but Avhereas, we hoped to have had oil enough out of this 
wliale to have served all our tm-ns, it did scarce yield four 
gallons, it was so young and lean. 

The eighth day the general sent a dozen of our men to 
buy fresh victuals, for that we had not any left ; so they 
were out all day, and brought home but two sheep. At their 
retiirn, which Avas late, the general demanded of the purser 
of the Hector, which was chief purveyor, what was the occa- 
sion they staid out so long, and that they brought no more 
cattle : he answered, that the people had sold them good 
store of cattle, which he had paid for, but being so few of 
our men in company, and they weaponless, they would abuse 
them in snatching their iron from them, and not to suffer 
them to drive the cattle away they paid for. The general, 

32 Carriage is evidently used as the synonym of burden. It is now 
obsolete in that sense. It occurs, however, in Spenser and in Shakspere. 

33 The adventure so graphically narrated in this paragraph, may be 
the origin of our southern whale-fishery. It is certain, at least, that 
the accounts of previous voyages, whether by the English or Dutch, give 
no other hint on this subject ; but, about six years afterwards, the bay 
had become noted for a small sort of whales, and it was visited by two 
Dutch ships for the purpose of making train oil of seals. — Purchas. 

31 Casl-e for casks. I shall justify this apparent erratum by a quotation : 
" Some man might ask me how we came to have so many empty caslce in 
less than two months." — Sii" R. Hawkins. 


seeing liow they used him, thought by policy to go beyond 
them ;''-^ and this it was : he himself, with one-hundred-and- 
twenty men in his company, Avould go by night and lie in 
ambush in a wood near the place where our men did barter 
with them, and when it was fair day the purveyor and his 
crew should come, as [at] other times, and bargain with them 
for so many as they would sell ; and when they had sufficient, 
to make a sign, and then the general and his company should 
come out of their lodgings, and drive them away. This 
matter was put in practice this night, and the general, three 
hours before day, departed from the tents, and had imbosked 
himself^'' and all his followers to their own contents ; only 
three fellows of captain Stiles his company, to taste of a 
bottle of wine they carried for then' captain, and in the mean 
while they were drinking, they had lost sight of their general 
and all his company, and took a contrary way, never staying 
till they came to the houses of the negroes. They, seeing 
three men armed to come to their houses, began to suspect 
some false measures : these fellows, seeing they had mistaken 
themselves, retired back to the woods, and, in sight of the 
Indians, hid themselves in the bushes. At that time, the 
sun being up, half-an-hour after these fellows had hid them- 
selves, came our weaponless merchants from the tents, and 
began to barter with them for two or three sheep, which of 
purpose they had sent down to our people to keep them busy 
while they w^ere getting their herds of cattle to run aAvay; 
which our merchants perceiving, they presently, unarmed as 
they were, went amongst them, and sent word by one of them 

35 The policy was questionable. Captain Lancaster, in similar circum- 
stances, acted more advisedly. He appointed half-a-dozen persons to barter 
with the natives, and had some thirty men within sight, armed with muskets 
and pikes, in constant readiness — wluit occasion soever should befall. " I 
take this to be the cause," says the anonymous journalist of the voyage, 
" why we lived in so great friendship and amity with them." — Purchas. 

■"*•' To imbosk, in an active sense, is of rare occurrence ; but the author 
needs no apology. The word is very appositely introduced. 


to tlie general to come away with all his people, for that he 
and all his company Avere discovered. So that the general was 
enforced to break out of his ambnshment to rescue his men, 
which were amongst them Avithout weapons ; but before he 
could come to their rescue, they had wounded one of our men 
with four darts sticking in his body, which being done they 
betook them to their heels, and all the cattle before them, as 
fast as they could drive to the mountains.'" Our men, as then 
having the reins in their own hands, pursued after them in 
such scattering manner, that if the people of the country had 
been men of any resolution they might have cut oif most of 
them. The general caused a trumpet to sound a retreat, but 
could not cause them to leave their chace ; and whilst that 
he was taking order '^ to send the hurt man to the tents, he 
was half-a-mile from the nearest of our men, and not past 
five men in his company : so he, and those men in his com- 
pany, were fain to run to overtake some of them which Avere 
before — that in the end they Avere a dozen in his company. 
Yet the general took it grievous to see his men scattered over 
all the plain, and scarce three of them together in a company, 
which if the people of the country had joined together, and 
set upon them being so scattered, they had cut most of them 
off, Avhich thing the general greatly doubted .^^ Yet, God be 
thanked, it sorted better; for some of our men overtook 
some of the negroes at the foot of the mountain, and drave 

37 This was a fortunate escape. Houtman, only six j-ears before, had 
mournful proof of the treachery of the natives. The event is thus described 
by an eye-witness, captain John Davis: "there came great troops of them 
to us, bringing very much cattle with them, and in the time of bartering, 
suddenly taking their advantage, they set upon us, and slew thirteen of 
our people with hand darts [assegais], which at four pikes length could 
not ofteud." — Purchas. 

38 To take order, which thrice occurs, means to take measures — as in 
this extract : " I [the admii-al] took order for victuals for the soldiers on 
land to be brought to Puntall." — Viscount Wimbledon. 

39 To douU is here used in the sense of to fear; and it seems to bear 
that sense ou every other occasion in the course of this narrative. 


thc'in away from some of their cattle, and made a stand by 
tlicm till more of their company came up, and so retm-ned 
homewards ^vith a hundred kine and calves, which was wel- 
come to our sick men. 

But in our absence from our tents, captain Colthurst, with 
the master [Sander Cole] and such as were left, being very 
doubtful all was not well with us, thought it best to send our 
pinnace to the bottom of the bay to help us if we stood in 
need ; but master Cole, being over-bold in his pinnace to go 
ashore, both he and the boat were cast away, and two more, 
that presumed of their swimming, were drowned. ^'^ The 
rest escaped very hardly ; came running naked along the 
sands to us-wards ; and there certified the general of all that 
happened, Avhich was but sorroAvful news to him. The next 
day the general sent sufficient store of men to march by land 
to the place where the boat was cast away, and found her 
dry upon the strand, split and full of sand ; but with much 
trouble she was freed, and sent aboard. Also we found 
master Cole upon the strand, and brought him to our tents 
and buried him.''^ 

This night, aud the next after, our sentinels had spied the 
country people lurking about our tents, so that alarum^- was 
given, and they fled. Upon the fourteenth of August we 
departed all aboard our ships, where we rode till the nine- 
teenth, the wind not serving to carry us out, which then 
served our turns ;*^ we put to sea, and stood to the Mest- 

■'•^ TJie Ascension. " Saldauha is iu latitude thirty-three degrees, fifty- 
six minutes, or thirty-four degrees. Here master Cole was drowned, 
being master of the Hector, our vice-admiral ; aud here we staid five 
weeks wanting a day " — T. Clayborne. 

*! Sander Cole was master of the Hector in the foraier voyage. He is 
described, in the printed account of that voyage, as an honest and a good 
onan — so I record the words as the best of epitaphs. — Pui'chas. 

^^ The former edition has alarome. The word was thus defined : 
" Akirum. An out^cry signifying, To your arms." — English Expositor. 

*3 The Ascension. " The twentieth day of August, being IMonday, we 
weighed and set sail out of the road of Saldauha, the wind southerly, and 
we stood to the westward." — T. Clayborne. 


ward, and the twenty-fifth day we doubled the Cape of Good 
Hope, with very favorable winds till the fifth of September, 
and after that time we met with the Avind scarce, and now 
and then calms ; and here began the scurvy to grow amongst 
our men, and every day did the disease increase.^^ Here 
might somewhat be said of the ignorance and uncharitable- 
ness of him that was shipped for our physician, as a caveat 
to them that shall go hereafter to be better provided ; but for 
two respects I forbear — the one in regard of his other calling, 
but chiefly for that he is since dead in the voyage, where, for 
my part, I wish his faults may be buried with him.^ 

The nineteenth of December we had sight of Engano, an 
island lying near Sumatra ;'*'' the twentieth we had sight of 
Sumatra; the twenty-first we anchored within the islands, 
where we were put to great trouble to have up our yards 
and get up our anchors. Our men were exceeding weak ; 
we were fain to send men out of our ship to help the rest, 
and so with much ado we came to Bantam road. The occa- 
sion why we first anchored was, because the Ascension shot 
off a piece of ordnance within night, which was contrary to 
our articles ;^^ we, doubting she was in some great distress, 
came suddenly to an anchor to tarry to know what was the 
matter, which proved to be nothing but that their gunner 
Avas dead and thrown overboard, and had that piece for a 

11 The scurvy is clearly indicated iu the Roteiro of the voyage of Vasco 
da Gama in 1497 ; and it is the earUest notice of it which I can call to 
memory. At the period now in question, it prevailed to a frightful ex- 
tent. — Roteiro; Jean Mocquet ; Su* R. Hawkins; etc. 

45 After refreshing, the general was to shape his course direct for 
Bantam ; and as he had put into Saklanha Bay contrary to express order, 
and staid there five weeks, he crossed the Indian Ocean without touching 
at Madagascar. — Instructions, § 7. 

16 Ships bound foi the Suuda Strait in the north-west monsoon, which 
prevails from October to March, endeavour to make the Island of Engano 
— so the general had an excellent land-fall. — J. Horsburgh. 

i'^ Articles. A code of instructions issued by a naval commander, and 
divided into articles ; whence the name. — Viscount Wimbledon. 


farewell ; which folly of theirs put us to great trouble, causing 
us to anchor in the sea in twenty-five fathoms, then winds 
all westerly, which brought in a great Seagate,**^ that the next 
day morning we had much ado to get up our anchor ; and 
as for the other ships, they were not able to weigh without 
our helps, which we sent them ; and so, with very much 
trouble, we got us all under sail, steering away east-and-by- 
north and east-north-east till we came to anchor between the 
island and the main, at the entrance of Bantam Bay, in seven 
fathoms, sandy ground. "^^ 

This night [the twenty-second] at seven a-clock, came a 
Hollands boat aboard us from Bautam, sent by a general 
of twelve ships'^" which came there two days before us ; in 
which boat came the vice-admiral of the fleet, with refreshing 
from shore, presenting it to our general, with offer of any 
kindness they could do us, which afterwards they effected 
towards us in sending their boats to fetch us water — many 
other courtesies besides, we of ourselves not able to do the 
same, our weakness being so great.^^ This fleet had passed 
along the coa§t from Mozambique to Ceylon, and had taken 

*8 Seagate means the sv:ell of the sea. Example : " -The best ground 
[for ships] to ride in, is — where they may ride land-locked, so as that 
the sea-gate can have no power against them." — Sir H. Manwayring. 

*^ Bantam, situated at the north-west extremity of Java, was a prin- 
cipal mart for pepper ; and frequented, as such, by Arabs, Guzerats, 
Chinese, etc. A plan of the town, as it existed in 1596, is added to this 
edition of the voyage. The Dutch reached Bantam in that year. The 
English factory was established by captain Lancaster in December 1602. 
— Edmund Scott ; etc. 

50 This fleet doubled the Cape on the first of June 1604, n.s. — The com- 
mander-in-chief was Etienne van der Ilagen ; the vice-admiral, Corneille 
Sebastiaanz. The ships were armed, and well manned ; and the total 
burden was 55.50 tons. The proceedings of this fleet, as stated in the 
Recueil des Voiages edited by C. de Rcnnevillc, shall be noticed in surii- 
maries or extracts — headed The Dutch fleet, and signed C. de Renneville. 

51 The Dutch fleet. " Le 31 [de Decembre 1604. n.s ] la flotte mouilla 
I'ancre a la rade de Bantam. — Le 2 de Janvier 1605, quatre vaisseaux 
Anglais, fort faibles d'equipages, mouillerent aussi a la rade de Bantam, 
commandes par I'amiral Middelton. — C. de Renneville. 


divers ships and burned a carack, and afterwards came hither 
with all their men in good health.'''^ An hour after their 
coming aboard of the Hollanders^ came a prau/^ or a canoe, 
fi'om Bantam, with master Scott and others of our men left 
there the last voyage, by whom the general knew the estate 
of their business.'^* 

The twenty-third at two a-clock we came to anchor in 
Bantam road,'^^ and saluted the town and Hollanders with 
most of our ordnance, and were answered again with the 
like from all the Hollanders. The twenty-fourth day our 
vice-admiral was sent unto the king to excuse the general's 
not coming a-land, for that he Avas not well. This day, 
being the twenty-fourth, came in two sail of Hollands fleet, 
a ship and a pinnace ; the same day one of the thieves that 
had set our house on fire was stabbed to death,'^^ according to 
the order of the country. The twenty-sixth day the general 
gave new articles to all the ships, wherein every man was 
absolutely forbidden to buy any spice,^^ and divers other 
articles for the good demeanour of his men, which here I omit 
to write. The twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, and the twenty- 

^- The Dutch fleet. Our author, in one particular, was misinformed. 
The fleet sailed direct from jMo^ambique to Goa ; thence to Cananor, 
Calicut, Cochin, Colombo, etc. — C. de Renneville. 

53 The former edition has prawe. Some -viritQ proa ; others, jura/; w. 
It is a Malay word, and I therefore give it as above. — W. Marsdcn. 

5* Bantam. " The two-and-twentieth day of December, towards even- 
ing, we descried our ships coming into the road, to all our extraordinary 
great joy ; but when we came aboard of our admiral, and saw their weak- 
ness, also hearing of the weakness of the other three ships, it grieved us 
much." — E. Scott. 

55 The Ascensio7t. "The three-and-twentieth of December, being Sun- 
day, we came to anchor in Bantam road, where we found six Holland 
ships, and three or foiu- pinnaces." — T. Clayborne. 

5<5 The former edition has stopped to death. It is a misprint. The 
offender was one Uniete, a Chinese ; and the krisy or poniard, was the 
usual instrument of execution. — E. Scott. 

^"^ The prohibition to buy spice extended to persons of all ranks and 
ratings ; but it may not have been inserted in the articles till the arrival 
of the fleet at Bantam. — Instructions, § 13. 



ninth, nothing happened worth writing. The thirtieth day 
the general of the Hollanders and most part of the principal 
of his fleet dined aboard with onr general. The thirty -first 
our general went on land, with a letter from our king's 
majesty, and a present to the king of Bantam,®* which he 
delivered him, and were very acceptably received — the king 
but thirteen years of age and governed by a protector. 

The third day [of January 1605] we had order to rummage®^ 
our hold to take pro^dsion of water and merchants' goods, 
for that we were appointed, and the Ascension, to go for the 
Malucos, and the other ships to take in their lading of pepper, 
and to go home f^ likewise this day we took in divers fardels 
of merchandise,^^ and so continued taking in water and mer- 
chandise till the eighth day, and then onr general came 
aboard, and appointed such men as should go along with 
him to the Malucos, amongst which number master Taverner m 
was removed from the Susan to the Ascension ; we continued 
busy in taking in of merchandise and victuals of the Hector 
and the Susan, till the fifteenth day we made an end of taking 

58 This royal letter is printed in the Appendix. The presents were, 
" one fair basin and ewer, two fair standing cups, all parcel-gilt, one gilt 
spoon, and six muskets with their furniture." — E. Scott, 

59 To rummage, as a sea-term, seems to have meant giving room by 
improved stowage. It is capriciously spelt — as, ruming, romeging, 
roomeging, romaging, etc. — Capt. Smith ; etc. 

f'O Various circumstances here require explanation. The general had 
directions to send home two ships from Bantam, and to proceed to Banda 
with the others — the choice of the ships for the latter service being left 
to himself and the principal factors. A council was therefore held, and 
it was resolved that the Red Dragon and the Ascension were the fittest 
for the voyage to Banda, and that the Hector and the Susan should 
return to England. In consequence of this decision, captain Colthurst 
was removed to the Ascension ; captain Keeling promoted to the Hector, 
on the decease of captain Stiles ; and master Edward Highlord appointed 
to the Susan, vice 'KQeYmg.— Instructions, § 12, 26 ; E. Scott. 

<5i The factory must have been crowded with merchandise, about a 
thousand fardels of calicos and pintados, and many other articles, hav- 
ing been taken in a Portuguese carack by captain Lancaster, in the 
Strait of Malacca, in October 1G02. — Purchas ; 0. de Reuncville. 


in of merchandise. This day our purser William GrifFeu and 
master Foster died^ both of the flux.''^ 

The sixteenth day our general departed from Bantam, 
and came aboard to proceed on his voyage to the Malucos ; 
this night died Henry Dewbrey of the flux ; also the same 
day master Surfflict was appointed to go home in the Hector, 
to the great contenting of all in our ship :^^ likewise one of 
our master^s mates, master Smith, was appointed for master's 
mate in the Hector. The seventeenth day died of the flux 
William Lewed, John Jenkens, and Samuel Porter. The 
eighteenth day the general having despatched his letters, 
Avent aboard the Hector and the Susan, and took leave of 
them;*"* and after dinner weighed, and stood to the sea- ward 
till night, and then anchored in eight fathoms of water. The 
nineteenth in the morning we weighed again, and proceeded 
with a fair wind till six a-clock at night, and then came to 
anchor in fourteen fathoms, oozy ground, fair by a small 
island. The twentieth, by break of day, we weighed, and steal- 
ing along^'' the land with a fair wind ; this day died Henry 
Stiles our master carpenter, and James Varnam, and John 
Iberson, all of the flux. The twenty-first and twenty-second 

62 The former edition has Jiixe, and so the word is spelt in the 
AlvearieoiS. Barret, London, 1580. It is the prevailing complaint in 
Java, for which reason the natives, as an antidote, eat much bumbu or 
curry-stuff. — E. Scott ; W. Marsden. 

^'^ Master Surfflict left England on board the Red Dragon, as doctor of 
l^liysic and preacher. lie is the person on whose incompetence, in the 
former capacity, the author of this narrative has before twice animad- 
verted. He died on his way home. — E. Scott. 

^* The Ascension. "The eighteenth day of January [1GU5], we set 
sail out of Bantam road, with the L>ragon and the Ascension ; but they 
parted at Amboina. The general went with the Dragon to the Malucos, 
and the Ascension, whereof M. Colthurst was captain, for Banda ; and 
the Hector and the Susan laded pepper at Bantam, and set sail from 
thence about the middle of February." — T. Clayborne alias S. Purchas. 

•55 Stealing along. The context requires stole along. It means that the 
ships made more progress than might be expected. How she steals along ! 
is a phrase which I have heard on the Thames. 


days wc held ou our course^ with blusting rainy weather ; the 
twenty-second day died of the flux James Hope ; the twenty- 
fourth day in the morning we fell with^*" the shoals which 
lie ofi" the east-north-east part of Java;^^ this day died John 
Leay and Robert Whitthers of the flux. January the twenty- 
fifth wc held on our course with very much wind and rain ; 
at night one of our men leaped over-board, ha^dng the calen- 
ture, and three more died of the flux — theii* names were 
William Bellidine, William Footer, Gideon Marten, and 
Robert Venues. 

The twenty-sixth day steering our course with a fair wind, 
suspecting no danger, upon a sudden we saw the ground 
under the ship; heaving over the lead, we had but four 
fathoms water : this night died of the flux George Jolmes, 
and Francis Buckman, and Gilbert Mesterson. The twenty- 
seventh day in the morning we steered away east-and-by- 
south ; we came into shoal-water which lieth to the south- 
ward of Ru'mata,^^ so that Ave were fain to stand south-and-by- 
west and south to get clear of the shoals, till noon, and then 
we came into deep water ; and so bearing up^^ we steered east- 
and-by-south, and by and by we were in five fathoms, so that 
we stood to the southward some three leagues, and then held 
on our former course. This day died of the flux Ilobert 

^6 Pell with is equivalent to fell in with — as in this extract : " We 
passed in sight of" the Burlings, and the Rock, and so onwards for the 
Canaries, and fell with Fuerte-ventura," etc. — Sir W. Ralegh. 

C7 As the ships were close in with Java or Madura on the twentieth, 
it seems probable that the shoals here obscurely described are those 
Avhich lie northward of Kangelang Island. 

68 Ruinata. There is no island now so called ; but in a chart said to 
be " examined with the most expert cardes of the Portingalos pilots," 
A.D. 1598, appears lianata — an island of considerable size. Its bejiring 
and distance from the south-western extremity of Celebes load me to 
consider it as Zalinaf and the group of isles which lie north of it. If so, 
the shoal-water was on the Laar Bank. — Linschoten ; J. Horsburgh. 

69 And so hearing up. The impropriety of this phrase has bee 
admitted. It is the liehn which is home up; the &liip,'\a. consequence, 
hears aioay — or runs before the wind. — W. Falconer. 


Smitli and Thomas Dawson. The twenty-eighth day we fell 
with Celebes, being high land, and at four a-clock in the 
evening we came to an anchor in twenty-six fathoms, sandy 
ground, four leagues from land. The twenty-ninth in the 
morning we weighed, steering east along the land ; and the 
general went in our pinnace alongst the land to seek for fresh 
water, for that he greatly doubted it was the Bantam water^^ 
that killed our men, but he lost his labour, and returned 
without any, for there was none to be found : at night we 
anchored in thirty fathoms water ; this morning died William 
Paret of the flux. The thirtieth day we passed the Straits 
of Celebes,^' and shaped our course for the Isles of Bouton. 
The thirty -first in the morning we were fair by the land of 
Bouton, and all the night lay by the lee.^^ 

The first of February we held on our course with a fair 
wind ;^^ the second died of the flux Henry Lambert ; the 
third day died of the flux Edward Smith ; the fourth in the 
morning we had sight of Amblaw and Bouro, being two 
islands ; this day died Henry James, the fifth day Richard 
Miller died of the flux. The sixth day we were fair by the 
land Amblaw, and our general Avent in the pinnace to seek 
for fresh water, and went with the people of the country, 
and they brought him to a fine sandy bay, where there was 

70 The Bantam water should have been avoided : it must have been 
too impure for use. The Dutch made this unwelcome discovery soon 
after their first arrival there : " Les Hollandais qui s'amusoient a en boire 
s'en trouvereut tres-mal, et perdirent meme des gens par les maladies 
qu'elle leur causa." — C. de Renueville. 

71 By the Straits of Celebes we are to understand what is now called 
Salayer Strait. This appears by the chart of the Moluques by Jean C. de 
Moye, circa a.d. 1614. — C. de Renneville. 

72 To lie by the lee, an obsolete phrase, is the same as lie-to. It is per- 
formed, under shortened canvass, by keeping one sail full, while another 
is laid aback. The ship, therefore, makes no head-way. — W. Falconer. 

73 It seems the ships ran to the eastward of Bouton, for when captain 
David Middleton passed through the narrow strait to the westward of it, 
on his return from the Malucos in 1C08, the raja declared that he had 
never seen any Englishmen. — Purchas. 


very good water ; and there they took in tlircc haricos/^ and 
brought aboard, and wonld spend no longer time there 
because it was towards night, and Amboina so near at hand. 
The seventh day we had sight of Amboina, and of a ship 
which played off and on the land, but Avould not come and 
speak with us. This afternoon we were fair by Amboina, 
and the wind very variable, but it fell calm, so that we could 
not get in.^^ The eighth day at ten a-clock came up a gale of 
wind, which brought us to Amboina shore, where we coasted 
with our ship very near, but could not have any ground to 
anchor in, for that all the islands have very deep water hard 
aboard the shore f^ we came to a bay, where we found sixty 
fathoms water, and there we anchored, and the Indians brought 
us some fruits to sell. This afternoon we saw two Hollanders' 
pinnaces under the shore of Veranula,^'^ Avhich came out from 
under the land to sliow themselves to us, but did return 
back. The people of Veranula be great enemies to the 
Portugals, and had sent to Bantam to the Hollanders, desir- 
ing their aid to expel the Portugals out of these islands ; 
which if they performed, they would become subject to them, 
and sell none of their cloves to any other nation but them. 
This I knew to be true, for that the parties Avho were sent to 

71 Baricos. From the Spanish harrica^^ small barrel. The word 
was in common use : " The cooper is to looke to the caske, hoopes and 
twigs, to staue or repaire the buckets, baricos, cans," etc. — Gapt. Smith. 

75 The author must mean qet in with the land — not get into the Bay of 
Amboina. They were certainly on the north shore of the island, and 
steering towards its north-eastern extremity. 

76 Aboard the shore. A curious nautical phrase, which I shall explain 
by an example : " I myself coasted in my barge close aboard the shore, and 
landed in every cove, the better to know the island [Trinidad], while the 
ships kept the channel." — Sir W. Ralegh. 

77 In accordance with the text, Veranula would seem to be some part 
of the opposite shore of Ceram. Master Scott, however, leads us to 
infer that it was some part of Amboina. Argensola, on the other hand, 
describes it as a large island adjacent to Amboina ; with a city of the 
same name, which was plundered and burnt by Andre Furtado de Men- 
do(,'a in 1G02. I cannot solve this problem. — E Scott ; L. de Argensola. 


Bantam, I have often spoken witlial,^^ Tliis day died of the 
flux our master his mate, Thomas Michell. The ninth day 
we watered, but could not come to the speecV^ of any of the 
country people : this afternoon died Thomas Eldred of the flux. 
The tenth day we weighed anchor, and stood to the eastern 
end of Amboina, and came to an anchor in an hundi'ed 
fathoms water, fair by the shore, fair by a town called 
Mamalla.^" Before we came to an anchor there came an Indian 
aboard of us which spake good Portuguese ; also there came 
a letter to our general from the captain of Amboina,^^ but it 
was directed to the general of the Hollanders, or any other 
captain of his fleet, supposing us to be Hollanders. The 
effect of his letter was, to desire them to certify them of 
some news of Portingal, and to send an answer by any of 
his people of his letter, who should be very welcome, and 
should both safely come and go. The general Avent this day 
a-land, and delivered a present to one they called their king, 
and other great men, and did desire to know whether we 
might have trade or no ; they made answer, that they could 
not trade with us without license of the fort. This night 
died of the flux Mark Taylor. 

The eleventh day our general sent a letter, by John Rogers, 
to the captain of the fort, and divers of the principal of the 
town of Miimalla accompanied him thither to have license to 

78 Three youths, sons of three chiefs, arrived at Bantam from Amboina 
on the fifteenth of July 1604, to solicit aid against "certaine Portingales 
which had a siralle forte there, and did sore anoy them." They were 
often entertained at our factory. — E. Scott. 

79 Come to the speech. An admissible phrase, witness a masterly 
writer before quoted : " We abode there [Punto de Gallo] four or five 
days, and in all that time we came not to the s])eech of any Indian or 
Spaniard." — Sir W. Ralegh. 

80 Mamalla, or Mamala as we have it in Argensola, lies towards the 
north-east extremity of the island. It appears in the Plan of the Island 
of Amboina, published by Dalrymple in 1782. 

81 The commander at Amboina was Gaspar de Melo, who soon after- 
wards lost his command and his life, — Manoel de Faria y Sousa. 


trade with us, which they had granted them by the captain. 
The effect of our general's letter was to certify him of the 
death of our queen, and peace between England and Spain/^ 
with other news of Christendom ; and for better confirmation 
of truth, he sent the captain of the fort our king's majesty 
and the prince's pictures, with divers of his majesty's new 
coin ; and in conclusion, as there was peace with our princes 
and their subjects in Christendom, he desired that the like 
might be between us, for that our coming was to seek trade 
with them and the Amboinians, which he hoped he would 
not deny him.^^ The party which carried our general's letter 
was very kindly entertained by the captain and soldiers, but 
that night permitted not him to come within the fort, but 
lay in a good lodging without the walls, where he was \'isited 
by the principal of them. This evening five sail of Hol- 
landers®* were entered into the mouth of the harbour, and 
turning up for the fort. 

The twelfth, the forenamed Hollanders came to an anchor 
within musket shot of the fort,®^ tlie Portugals not offering to 
shoot at them. This afternoon John Rogers returned with 
an answer of the letter, and there came in his company a 

82 The treaty of peace between James I. and Philip III. was concluded 
at London on the eighteenth of August 1604. The news was carried to 
Bantam by admiral van der Hagen. — Articles of peace ; E. Scott. 

83 The general was recommended to touch at Amboina, or at any 
island on the way where cloves might be had, in order that he might the 
less depend on the result of his mercantile proceedings at Banda — the 
place of his destination. — Instructions, § 26. 

8i The Dutch fleet. The Dutch fleet sailed from Bantam on the seven- 
teeth of January 1605, N.s. It consisted of " nine tall ships, besides 
pinnaces and sloops", viz. : Les Provinces-unies, 700 tons, admiral van der 
Hagen ; the Dordrecht, 700 tons, vice-admiral Sebastiaanz ; the Amster- 
dam, 700 tons ; the Iloorn, 700 tons ; the Gueldres, 500 tons ; etc. A 
yacht and two sloops had been sent to cruise soon after their departure 
from Bantam : the remainder of this formidal)le fleet seems to have arrived 
in company at Amboina. — E. Scott ; C. de Renneville. 

85 The fort is on the south-east side of the Bay, and not much less 
than twenty miles from Mamalla. It was afterwards called Fort Victoria. 


Portugal soldier, which brought a warrant from the captain 
to the governor of Mamalla**' to trade with us, and likewise 
to give John Rogers for his pains a bahar^' of cloves, which 
was presently delivered him. 

Before the coming away of John Rogers, the Portugals, 
with a flag of truce, went aboard the Dutch admiral to know 
wherefore they came thither ; if in friendship, they should 
be welcome — if otherwise, to give them a direct answer.**^ 
The Dutch general made answer that his coming thither was 
to have that castle from them, and willed them to deliver 
him the keys, and they should be kindly dealt "s\dthal ; which, 
if they refused to do, he willed them to provide for them- 
selves to defend it, for that he was minded to have it before 
he departed, and that his staying was but for the rest of his 
fleet, which as then were in sight — therefore willed them 
by fair means to yield. The Portugals made answer, the 
castle was theu' king's, and of suflicient strength, and there- 
fore willed them to depart thence ; and as he came as a 
messenger, in way of truce, they desired they might have 
free liberty to depart, which was granted them, with an 

^^ The former edition has Manillia, and so it stands in two other 
instances. It should be Mamalla, as before. See note 80. 

^'' BaJiar — a Malay word, from the Arabic. It is a weight equal to 
about 5601b. — but varying in diiferent places. — W. Marsden. 

^^ The importance of Amboina as a colonial possession, and the defects 
of the above narrative of its capture, induce me to give the Dutch account 
of that event entire : — 

The Dutch fleet. " Le 21 [de Fevrier 1605, n.s.] sur le soil-, la flotte 
mouilla I'ancre dans la bale d'Amboine, du c6te du nord. Le lendemain, 
on mit ^ terre des gens qui marcherent droit vers le fort des Portugals. 
Mais avant qu'ils eussent pris poste, le gouverneur du fort envoya deux 
Portugais dans un canot, avec une lettre, a bord de I'amiral. Cette 
lettre etait pour demander ce que la flotte venait chercher en ce lieu, et 
ce qu'on pretendait faire contre un fort qui lui avait 6te confie par le 
roi d'Espagne. L'amiral fit reponse, sur-le champ, qu'il etait venu la 
par ordre du prince Mam-ice, pour se rendre maitre du fort d'Amboine. 
Cette reponse ayant beaucoup alarme les deux Portugais, ils prirent 
conge, et promirent de revenir dire quelle resolution le gouverneur aurait 



answer in Avriting to tlic captain, willing him to surrender 
up this fort unto hun, in the prince of Orange his name, by 
two a-clock that day, or look for the extremity of war ; what 
after passed betwixt them I know not. The answer of our 
general's letter from the captain of the fort was, that he and 
all the Portugals in the place were exceeding glad of the 
good news we brought them of that long and wished for peace 
between oiu' nations, and that there was not anything in 
their power in that island wherein they might pleasure us 
but we should command it ; and as touching the cloves of 
Mamalla, he had sent special order to the governor to make 
sale of all they might make at a reasonable price ; and like- 
wise he had good store of cloves in his castle, which should 
be all ours, if pleased the general to come with what speed 
he could thither, whereby he hoped to come to some good 
composition with the Hollanders. This day died of the flux, 
Daniel Aske. The thirteenth we weighed our anchors to 
come ride nearer the shore of Mamalla; but oiu- general 
made the Portingal soldier believe he weighed to go to the 
fort, which was no part of his meaning, for that there was 
not any hope of good to be done for us, the Hollanders being 
there before us ; but before we came to an anchor we heard 

Cependant les vaisseaux s'etant approches du fort, autantqu'il fut pos- 
sible, laisserent tomber I'ancre sur les dix heures du matin, et le canoner- 
ent. Le gouverneur voyant les forces des Hollandais, et la maniere dont 
ils rattaquaient, n'osa s'exposer a I'assaut qu'on lui preparait, et oflVit de 

Aprus plusieurs conferences entre ses deputes et I'amiral, il fut conclu, 
que tons les Portugais point maries se retireraient ; qu'il serait libre il ceux 
qui etaient maries, de demeurer, en pretant le serment de fidelite au nom 
des Etats Generaux et du prince IMaurice ; que chacun pourrait emporter 
un fusil, ou un mousquet, et que tout le canon, toutcs les munitions, et 
les armes du roi, demeureraient dans le fort. 

En execution de la capitulation, I'amiral se rendit au fort avec cin- 
quante hommes, et y fit arborer un etendard. Les vaisseaux ceiebrerent 
cette conquete par des decharges d'artillerie et de mousqueterie. La 
place etait fort bien pourvue de canon, et d'autres munitions. I! y avait 
environ trente pieces de fonte. Le nombre des Portugais qui furent 


ordnance go off, so that we made account the fight was begun 
between them, for that the Portmgal soldier told om- general 
they would never yield up their fort, but fight it out to the 
last man, with many other brags of their strength and reso- 
lution, which afterwards proved to be nothing but words. 
This day our general went a-land with some merchandise to 
barter with them, but nothing was done that day, but put off 
till the next day. 

The fourteenth our merchants went ashore with commo- 
dities, and the chief of the town came and ^jriced our wares, 
which they liked very well, but offered very little for them ; 
and for such cloves as they had they would not sell under 
one hundred reals-of-eight®" the bahar, which made show they 
had no will to deal with us. The Portingal soldier went 
a-land with our general, with a letter to his captain, and 
four yards of green cloth, given him for a reward ; but when 
they came to talk with the people to know what news at 
the fort, some said it was taken, others said they were in 
fight, but in these doubts there came a messenger from the 
fort, which brought us certain news it was yielded to the 
Hollanders by composition, but upon what conditions I 
knew not. The Portingal soldier hearing tliis certain news 
durst not return, for fear the people would cut his throat by 

cbasses du fort et de I'ile, etait de pres de six cents, a qui les Hollandais 
dounerent deux vaisseaux qu'ils avaient auparavant pris, et les envoyer- 
eat. II demeura encore dans I'ile quarante six families Portugaises, 
qui preterent le serment de fidelite. 

Cette victoire fut considerable, non-seulement parce qu'elle couta peu, 
n'ayant point coute de sang, mais parce que cette place et cette ile 
etaient d'une grande importance. — C. de Reuneville. 

This bloodless conquest was attended by one tragic circumstance. Gas- 
par de Melo, the governor of the fort, was apprehensive of being dis- 
graced, and his wife, to save his honour, took away his life by poison ! — 
Manoel de Faria y Sousa. 

**" Reals-of-eight — a semi-translation of the Spanish term reales de a, 
ocho. Reals-of-eight, of the same value as the Spanish, were coined at 
our mint for the convenience of the East-India company ; also halves, 
ijuarters, and half-quarters. — Rogers Ruding. 


the way, but desired the general he might tarry with him, 
wliich he granted ;** and after the governor of the to^vn had 
heard that the Hollanders had the castle, he then told ovir 
general he would sell us no cloves without licence of the 
Hollanders, so that all hope of trade in this place was gone. 
The fifteenth day we took in water and made partition of the 
merchandise to the Ascension, for she had taken none in at 
Bantam, but all was put into our ship, by reason they were 
so exceeding weak they were not able to stow them. 

Here our general was almost in despair for the attaining 
of his lading, and especially for cloves, nutmegs, and mace. 
We heard they had good store at Banda, but the Hollanders 
were there before us with great store of such commodities as 
we had, which they had taken in a ship bound to the ]\lalucos, 
laden with the same commodities ; yet there was hope of the 
Banda commodities, which is nuts and mace, by reason of 
the great quantity we heard say they had : likewise this day 
the general called a council of the captains, masters, and 
merchants,"^ and there told them that there was no way left 
us to attain to our lading bvit to part company, and the 
Ascension to go for the isles of Banda to seek her lading of 
nutmegs and mace ; and that he was minded, with the 
Dragon, to go to the Malucos, or else at leastwise to do his 
best to get thither.^^ 

^° This anecdote seems to prove that the Portuguese had made them- 
selves hateful to the natives, and it is certain that Manoel de Faria con- 
demns the conduct of his countrymen in very pointed terms. — Manoel de 
Faria y Sousa. 

"^ This was a special council — not provided for in the instructions. 
The advice of the masters was of more importance on such an occasion 
than that of the merchants. — Instructions, § 2. 

®^ In three previous instances the term Malucos has been used to com- 
prise all the spice islands, as Amboina, Banda, etc. See note 60. It is 
here used, with more propriety, to denote the cloi'e islands which lie west 
of Gilolo, The credit of attempting to reach those islands is entirely due 
to captain Henry Middlcton. It was more than those who framed th'C 
instructions ventured to propose. — Instructioiis, § 26. 


This speech of his was disliked of all, for that in both our 
ships at that present were not so many serviceable men as 
would sail the Ascension, and therefore we should hazard 
both the ships to part company, having so weak a company; 
and likewise to attempt the voyage to the Malucos, it was 
against reason, for that we had both the wind and current 
against us,°^ and to ply it to windward with so weak a comjjany 
it would be lost labour. This was the opinion of all, saving 
the general, who still had a good hope we should attain it. At 
this time nothing was concluded, but left to be considered 
upon till the next morning. 

The sixteenth day, very early in the morning, before day, 
master Grove^* came to the general's bed-side, telling him he 
could take no rest all the night for thinking of the motion 
made by him and our going to the Malucos : although it was 
a thing never attempted by any, yet he saw no other way 
[than] to put it in practice, otherwise we must make account 
to return back to Bantam without lading. 

The general was glad to hear him of that mind, and at the 
coming aboard of captain Colthurst and his master, it was 
absolutely determined upon to part company, although greatly 
to the dislike of them both, for they thought never to see us 
again, our weakness in both ships being so exceeding weak : 
the seventeenth day we weighed and plied to windward all 
the day and all the night, to get to sea the way we came in. 
The eighteenth day we got to sea clear of Amboina, and 

®^ The author alludes to the monsoons, or periodical winds which pre- 
vail in the Java, Banda, Maluco and other seas. In the Maluco passage, 
what is elsewhere called the south-east monsoon blows nearly south from 
April to October, and what is called the north-west monsoon blows nearly 
north from November till the end of March. Now the course from the 
Bouro Strait to the Maluco islands is due north: they had therefore to 
contend with an adverse wind and surface-current. — D'Apres de Manne- 
villette; J. Horsburgh. 

^'^ Master Grove was master of the Dragon, as the circumstances above- 
stated prove. When named in a subsequent paragraph, he is called 
Grave. It may be an error of the press. 


stood to sea till tlie afternoon, and tlicn we parted company 
with the Ascension, [she] bearing np for Banda afore the 
wind, not having passing a day-and-a-half sail.'° 

From the eighteenth to the onc-and-twenticth we plied it 
and got very little to wmdward ; this day it fell calm, and 
we were carried between two islands — they be called Manipa 
and Amhovzef/Iioe — "^ with a great current, and lostmore in the 
cahn in one night than we had got in two days. The general 
sent his brother to jNIanipa to buy fresh victuals ; but every- 
thmg was so dear, they came without, saving a cou2:)le of 
goats the king sent our general for a present. 

The king of this isle used our men very kindly and feasted 
them, being very glad to hear of the health of our queen. 
He asked for sir Francis Drake : this king was at Ternate 
when sir Francis Drake was there.'"" The two-and-twentieth 
day we anchored under Manipa, on the south-west side, in 
fifty fathoms: this day died Thomas Harman, of the flux. 
The thrce-and-twentieth we weighed with very much ado, for 
our anchor was foul of a rock ; we broke one of the flooks 
thereof before we could weigh it. The twenty-fourth day 
most part calm, in which calms we were carried very near 

®^ The Ascension. " The twentieth day of February the Ascension 
arrived at Banda, and anchored in four-fathoms-and-a-half by Nera, 
which is the chiefest place in those islands. From the south part of 
Araboina to Banda, the course is east-by-south, to the southward thirty 
leagues [sic]. The latitude of Banda is four degrees forty minutes 
[4^ 31' S. Horsburgh.], and the going-in is to the westward. There is a 
very high hill that burneth continually, and that hill you must leave on 
the larboard side, and the other great island on your starboard side. The 
going-in is very narrow, and you cannot see it till you come within half- 
a-mile, but fear not to stand with the island that the high hill is on, 
[Ganong-a2}i~\ while you come within two cables' length of it, for so you 
must do, and then you shall have about twenty fathoms ; and then stand 
along still by that island about a cable's length from it, if the wind will 
give you leave, and then you shall find shallower water, eight, seven, six 
fathoms, and in the very narrow of all, you shall have five fathoms, and so 
that depth until you come into the road. By God's help, a man may go in 
without any danger, keeping near unto the aforenamed island [Ganong- 


Manipa shore, all sails standing, and upon a sudden came 
a gust which had like to have put us upon a ledge of 
rocks which we had no way to avoid but, all sails standing, 
came to an anchor : we anchored within a quoit's cast of the 
rocks, and so escaped that danger. The twenty-fifth day 
died Thomas Beynes. The twenty-seventh day, much rain, 
the wind westerly. 

March the first, the winds all northerly : this day died of 
the flux, Thomas AV^heeler. The second day the wind at the 
north-west for the most part : this day died of the flux, 
Richard Hedges and William Flud. 

The third day we came fair by an island not specified in 
our cards .-"^ it licth west-south-west from the southernmost 
island of Bachian, some fourteen leagues. This isle off' 
Bachian, we gave to name Haul-bowline, for that in seven 
days' sailing we got not a mile. The fourth and fifth days 
we j)licd all we might, but could do no good, and those few 
sound men we had were tired with continual labour ; we at 
this j)rescnt lacking both wood and water, came to an anchor 
under Haul-bowline in sixty fathoms : [at] this time the 
master and boatswain Avere both very sick of the flux, inso- 

api\. It is somewhat shallow on the starboard side, in the narrow of the 
going-in, but that will show itself. There are two small islands, one called 
Pulo-xoaij, and the other Pulo-rin, and they lie about three leagues to 
the westward of the going-in. There is no danger about them but may 
be very well perceived. You may leave those islands on which side you 
please, either at your going in, or coming out." — T. Clayborne. 

^^ Manipa, in the Boiu-o Strait, has preserved its euphonic name. For 
Amhovzeylioe, I am inclined to read Amblaw -island. 

^"^ Sir Francis Drake reached Ternatfe, in the course of his famous cir- 
cumnavigation, in ] 579. He was received with much pomp and cour- 
tesy. The king was said to be " Lord of an hundred islands." — The 
world encomjMssed. 

^^ Cards. Johnson imperfectly defines the word card. I shall prove 
its signification by his own example : 

" Upon his cards and compass firms his eye, 
The masters of his long experiment." Spenser. 

Now, the cards and compass were distinct articles. The cards were charts. 


much that the general was in great doubt of their recovery. 
The sixth day very much wind at north-Avest ; our general 
went a-land to seek for fresh water, but could find none, but 
digging a well in the sand we found very good water ; as for 
wood Ave needed not to seek for that, the island yielded 
nothing but wood to the sea-side, that one was scarce able to 
pass, the trees and brakes were so thick : here our Portingal 
soldier was very sick of the flux, and the general was very 
careful of him, for that he hoped by his means to have trade 
with the Portingals of Tidore for cloves. The seventh, 
eighth, and ninth days, we spent in wooding and watering, 
which we got all aboard. The ninth day the winds con- 
tinuing northerly, with much rain : this day died of the 
flux, William Elmesmore. The tenth day we weighed, but 
had much ado to get up a small anchor ; our weakness was so 
great that we could not start it without tackles : this day 
died David Flud. The eleventh day rainy weather, the wind 
at north-west we stood to the north-east-ward : this day died 
one of our merchants, called master George Ware, of the 
flux. The twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth days we spent 
in turning to windward, sometimes upon one tack, sometimes 
of the other : the thirteenth day died Edward Ambrose, of 
the flux. The fifteenth and sixteenth days, the winds 
easterly, we made some nineteen leagues north-west.^" 

The seventeenth day we were in ten minutes of south 

"^ The' conclusion of the extract which follows is somewhat in advance 
of the text, but as it chiefly relates to the monsoons, and does not admit 
of division, it is inserted here : 

The Ascension — at Banda. " About the middle of IVIarch here, we 
found the wind to be variable, and so continued till the middle of April ; 
and then it continued and stood between the east and south-east, four 
months to our knowledge. But it doth use to continue five months, as 
the people of the country say, and likewise five months between the west 
and north-west, and the other two months varia))le. Here in the dark 
moons it is given much to gusty weather, and much rain. Here we staid 
one-and-twenty weeks and six days, in the which time we had eleven 
men died, and most of the flux." — T. Claybornc. 


latitude, the winds all westerly, and we ran some ten leagues 
north : this day we had sight of all the clove islands,^*' that 
is to say, Maquian, Motir, Tidore, and Ternate, all of them 
picked hills in form of a sugar-loaf. The eighteenth and 
nineteenth days we were fair under the land of Maquian, 
between that and Gilolo, where the people of Maquian came 
aboard of us with fresh victuals, but sold very dear. They 
said they had good store of cloves in the island, but they 
could not sell us any without leave of the king of Ternate. 
The twentieth and twenty-first we spent plying to windward, 
with little wind, between Maquian and Motir : this island 
of Motii' is uninhabited, but hath great store of cloves upon 
it. This island standeth between Tidore and Maquian, but 
nearer to Maquian by one-third of the way than it is to 
Tidore : the people of this island have been slain most part 
In the wars between Ternate and Tidore — for sometime it was 
subject to one king, and sometime to another. 

The twenty-second day we got under the land of Tidore, 
and bearing up between a small island called Pulo Cacallie ^^^ 
and Tidore, there came rowing two of theu' galleys from 
Ternate, making all the sjjeed possible they could toward us ; 
the headmost of the two waving with a white flag unto us to 
strike sail, and to tarry for them. At the same tune came 
seven Tidore galleys, rowing betwixt us and the shore, to 
chase the Ternatan galleys — we not knowing their pretence. 

100 ■\ye now witness, with regard to caj^tain Henry Middleton, the 
achievement of that object which was the principal motive to early 
maritime enterprise. As Fletcher, the dramatist, says — 
" We are arriv'd among the blessed islands 
Where every wind that rises blows perfumes, 
And every breath of air is like an incense." — Island princess, i. 3. 
Five islands are enumerated by most geographers, viz. Ternate, Tidorfe, 
Motir, Maquian, and Bachian. The writer omits the latter. The Bachian 
of Schouten and others, I take to be the Denchan of Derfelden van Hin- 
derstein. A copy of part of his chart accompanies this volume. 

^°^ Pulo Cavallie, in the chart published by Horsburgh, is called Pot- 
bakers-island. Pulo, a Malay word, means island. — W. Marsden. 



They in the Ternate galleys did all they might to overtake 
our ship, waving with two or three flags at once to tarry for 
them, wliich oui* general seeing, caused the top-sails to be 
struck, and lay by the lee to know what Avas the matter ; so 
that the foremost of these galleys or caracoas^"^ recovered 
our ship, wherein was the king of Ternate, and divers of his 
noblemen, and three Dutch merchants. ^'^^ ^Vlien they had 
fast hold of the ship, the Dutch merchants showed themselves 
to us, looking pale, and desired our general for God's sake to 
rescue the caracoa that came after us, wherein Avere divers 
Dutchmen which were like to fall into the enemies' hands, 
where there was no hope of mercy, but present death — 
whereupon our general caused oiu" gunner to shoot at the 
Tidore galleys, yet that would not cause them to leave their 
chase, but within shot of our ordnance discharged all their 
shot at the Ternate galley, and presently boarded them, and 
put all to the sword, saving three men which saved their lives 
by swimming, and were taken up by our men in our boat : 
there were no Dutchmen in her as they reported, but all 
Ternatans. If we had not tarried as we did, the king of 
Ternate, and those with him, had fallen into his enemies' 
hand, where no hope of mercy was to be expected. The 
Dutch merchants coming aboard, told our general they 
thought we had been Hollanders, and bound for Ternate, 
and that was the cause they had put themselves in such 
danger, and likewise to know whither we were bound : our 
general told him that he w^as going then for Tidorb, to seek 
trade with the Portugals, with whom we were in amity. 
They dissuaded the general not to attempt any such thing, 

'f*'- Caracoa. A rowing boat used in the eastern seas. The word occurs 
near twenty times, and is variously spelt. I have given it the Spanish 
form. The Malay term is hora-kora. — W. Marsden. 

103 ipjjg Dutch fleet had not yet arrived from Amboina, and the 'mer- 
chants who had so narrow an escape must therefore have been some of 
those who were left in charge of the factory which had been established 
here on a former occasion. — C. do Renueville. 


for there was no other thing to be expected at their hands 
but treachery : the general answered he knew them well 
enough, but minded to work so warily with them, that he 
doubted not of any harm they could do him. 

The Dutchmen seeing our general minded to go to the 
Portugal town of Tidore, desired him that he would not let 
the king of Ternate and them fall into their enemies' hand, 
whom so lately he had delivered them from ; and as for 
cloves, there was good store to be had at Ternate and Maquian, 
and for their parts, they would not be our hindrance, for that 
they had neither wares nor money left. So the general caused 
them to entreat the king to come into the ship, who came in 
trembling, which the general seeing, thought he was a-cold, 
and caused his man to fetch him a black damask goAvn, laid 
with gold lace, and lined with unshorn velvet, wliich the king 
jjut upon his back, but never had the manners to surrender 
it again, but kept it as his own. The king being in the 
general's cabin, desired him to go with him to Ternate, where 
he minded to have a factory; but himself and his ship would 
make no stay there, but go to Tidore, to see what usage he 
should find of the Portugals. 

The king did what he cou.ld to persuade him to the con- 
trary, but could not j)revail.^°^ Here the general delivered a 
letter from the king's majesty of England, ^^'•'^ with a fair stand- 
ing cup, and a cover double-gilt, with divers of the choicest 
jiintados, which he kindly accepted of, and presently had the 
letter read, and interpreted unto him, wherewith he made 
show to be greatly contented. 

1°"* The early history of the Maluco islands is that of a perpetual 
contest between the kings of Ternate and Tidore. Hence their mutual 
jealousies and criminations. It was just so when sir Francis Drake 
visited the islands twenty-five years before this date. — L. de Argensola ; 
The world encompassed. 

i°3 This royal letter is printed in the Ai^pendix. Pintados, adopted 
from the Spanish word 7;ii;i,te(/o=:painted, denote the coloured scarves 
wherewith the natives " gird their loins." — E. Scott. 


We trimmed our sails by a Avind, and plied to windward 
for Ternatc ; the king's caracoa not daring to put from the 
ship. Abovit four of the clock in the afternoon came the king 
of Ternate's eldest son aboard in a light frigate/-"^ which 
rowed well : he greatly doubted the welfare of his father, and 
the king stood in doubt of his son. At his coming to his 
father aboard our ship, in the general's cabin, he kissed his 
father's right foot, and he kissed his head. The general had 
given warning to all his company, that they should tell no 
news of the Hollands fleet, but before night it was told the 
king and all the rest, but by whom could never be learned. 
From the twenty-second to the twenty-fourth, the king and 
all his crew tarried aboard of us. The four-and-twentieth day 
we came by the chief town of Ternate,^°~ and saluted them 
with seven pieces of ordnance ; the same afternoon we came 
to an anchor in the road, which is in the southest [south- 
east] part of the island, in fourteen fathoms, sandy ground : 
the road is from the to^^Ti two leagues and a half. The 
twenty-fifth day the king sent for his plate and victuals from 
the town, and feasted the general in liis own cabin. There 
sat none of his nobles with him at table ; none sat but his son 
and the general : the rest sat upon the floor of the cabin 
cross-legged, like tailors. After dinner the general desired 
liim that he would take some order he might have a house 
to establish a factory, for that he was minded to go to the 
Portugals to see what he could do with them. The king 
persuaded liim earnestly not to meddle with them, for he 
was sure there was nothing but villany and treachery with 

^"^ A light frigate. The tarm frigate was not in use till the sixteenth 
century. It meant a small open vessel, furnished with oars and sails. 
Le seigneur de Villamont says, " Entrans done en la fregate, nous remon- 
tasmes en nostre naue." — A. Jal ; S. de Villamont. 

^"'^ The chief town of Ternat^, at that date, was Gammelamme. It 
was near the south-west extremity of the island. A view of the town 
as it appeared in ]599, when admiral van Warwyck established the 
Dutch factory, is added to this edition of the voyage. — C. de Reuneville. 


a ' '^ j:,^-W^f^M h i i%^y: I 111 Ji> 1 r I '(/; K^^^ At, ' i 

,'/ ■ ""^Ci 

ill' ./., .1 ■/ 1,11 }i,p^oj 

1" -^ji, I i .-3 

Pit :^^?:-; 

^fi)'i '^ 


■'-ill ■•; ■■' '. ,1 V/i>w, ' 4r ■' 



them. The general said it was a folly to dissuade him from 
it, and therefore prayed him that he might have a house 
according to his promise. The king, seeing in what earnest- 
ness the general did speak unto him, said he would presently 
depart to the town, and cause a house to be provided in 
a readiness for his merchants. 

The twenty-sixth, before day, our general was in a readi- 
ness, with such merchants and merchandises as he minded 
to leave at Ternate, [and] went to the town, and an hour 
before day came thither. The king, hearing a noise of 
trumpets, knew that our general was come, and sent a small 
prau to our pinnace to will our general to come unto him. 
He was aboard the admiral of the caracoas. He came into 
our pinnace, and sat some half-an-hour there taking tobacco, 
and then came the sabandar ^*^'=' with light, and brought the 
general to his house, and the king to his caracoa. Our gen- 
eral, presently after his landing, caused his men to land all 
our goods, and carry them to the house, which Avas performed 
before daylight. Then the Dutch merchants invited the 
general and master BroAvn^°'' to dine with them, with whom 
they presently went to the Dutch house, where they showed 
them what every sort of commodities were worth in that place, 
with proffers of any kindness they could do him. As for the 
prices of our wares the general had made inquiry of the 
Guzerats which came aboard, which did agree with the Dutch- 
men in rating of every sort of them, whereby he knew that 
they did not dissemble. 

Before it was dinner time, there came a messenger from 

^"^ Sabandar. The former edition has sabandor, with remarkable 
uniformity. Sahandar, however, is the customary orthography. Sha- 
bandara, a Malay word from the Persian, denotes the officer of state who 
superintends the affairs of the i^ort and customs. — W. Marsden. 

^"^ Master Brown^ one of the principal merchants, and a member of 
the council, was left at Bantam next in rank to his more famous asso- 
ciate master Gabriel Towerson, and appointed to succeed him in the 
event of his death. — Aj^j^endix. 


tlie king to "will the Dutcli merchants to come and speak 
with him, and the general came home to our house, "svhcre he 
had not staid half-an-hour, but one of the Dutch merchants 
came for him to come speak with the king. So the general 
taking master Brown, and John Addeyes, one that had the 
language,^^'' and myself with him, went presently with them 
that were present, where we found the king in a large room, 
sitting in a chair, and all his chief councillors about him 
sitting upon mats on the ground; before him, the Dutch 
merchants, sitting among them. AVlien the general came, 
the king willed him to sit down. After he was set [seated], 
the king caused the letter brought by our general from the 
king's majesty of England to be openly read — which being 
done, the king acknowledged himself beholding unto his 
majesty for so kind a letter, and a present, which he would 
endeavoiu' to requite ; and for confirmation thereof he gave 
his subjects free leave to trade with us for cloves, and like- 
wise as one wishing us all the good he could, he desired our 
general for his own good, that he would not have anything 
to do with his enemies, the king of Tidore and the Portugals, 
with whom he should find nothing but treason and treachery. 
The general, by his interpreter, gave him great thanks for 
his kindness in giving so free liberty to trade with his people, 
and likewise for his good counsel to shun the treachery of 
the Portugals, but for his part he doubted aio treachery at all 
should harm Mm, for that he did mind to stand upon such a 
guard as all the strength they had should not offend him ; 
and therefore desired his highness to pardon him he did not 
follow his counsel, for that he piirposed with all speed to go 

^^^ It is doubtful whether John Addeyes, or some person not named, 
is the " one that had the language". Augustine Spalding was the inter- 
preter at Bantam. He went out with captain Lancaster in 1601, 
remained near twelve years in the eastern islands, and in 1614 dedicated 
to sir Thomas Smith a small volume entitled Bialogves in the English 
and Malaiane languages, from the Latin of Arthusius — a publication 
which was suggested by llakluyt. — E. Scott ; Dialogves, etc. 


thither, and to offer them peaceable trade, which if they 
refused, he had the thing he desired — then had he just cause 
to be at war with them, and if they woukl not accept of 
peaceable trade, he minded to join with the Hollanders against 
them, when God should send them thither. 

This speech of the general contented the king and all there 
present, so that they had no more to say, but entreat him 
that he did not furnish them with any of our great ordnance, 
and to take great care of their treachery : and so the council 
broke up, the general taking liis leave of the king and all 
his nobles, for jJi'esently after dinner he minded to depart 
aboard; also the king promised, if the Portingals would not 
trade with us, he would write his letter to the governor of 
Maquian to deal with us, for all the cloves in that isle. And 
so the general and master Brown went to the Dutch house 
to dinner ; which being done, he came home with the Dutch 
merchants in his company. And so, taking leave of them 
and of us, departed aboard. 

The twenty-seventh day in the morning came aboard two 
men, sent by the king of Ternate, with a letter to the governor 
of JNIaquian to trade with us. They were sent by the king to 
go along AA'ith us thither, for oiu' better usage. So about 
eight a-clock in the morning we weighed, and plied it all 
day for the road of Tidore ; and about sun-setting we came 
to an anchor, in thirty-two fathoms sandy ground, on the 
western side of the isle, fair off, by the shore. ^^^ Coming to 
an anchor, there came a caracoa with two swift canoes to take 
view of our ship. Our general commanded one to wave them 
"v\dth a white flag ; and presently one of the small praus 
came fair by us, demanding whence we were. Our general 
caused our Portingal soldier to will them to come aboard, 

^^1 The text may be correct, but there is room for suspicion. The 
anchorage at Tidore is " on the east side of the island, near the town, in 
thirty fathoms, sandy bottom." The town so situated bears the same 
name as the island. — J. Horsburgh. 


for wc were Englishmen and their friends. And so there 
came aboard us three Portingals, which entered into the gal- 
Icry,^^- and Avent into the general's cabin, where the general 
told them, his coming thither was to seek trade with them as 
friends, for that the wars between our nations was done, and 
a peace concluded — the queen of England being dead, and 
the king of Scots king of England. They made answer, 
that they knew that the queen was dead, by way of the 
Philippines ; and to hear of the long-desired peace they were 
very glad, and for trade with us they said they could say 
nothing till that they had made the caj)tain acquainted there- 
with : and because it was night, they were desirous to be 
gone, promising the next day morning to return. So the 
general let them depart, and our Portingal soldier with 
them, with a letter to the captain of the fort, wherein he did 
certify him of the news of Christendom, and the cause of oiu' 
coming thither ; and so they departed. 

The twenty-eighth day, about six a-clock, we weighed, 
having very little wind, and at eight aclock came a caracoa, 
and two praus from the Portingals' town, and in them five 
Portingals, and our above-named soldier. The general stood 
in the Avaist,^^^ and entertained them ; our soldier telling the 
general, the principal of them was called Thome de Torres, ^^^ 
captain of a galeon, and the rest married men of the town. 
Captain de Torres delivered our general a letter from the 
captain of the fort ; the effect was, that he was welcome with 
all his company to him and all the rest of the Portingals 

^^2 Tlte gallery. The principal entering-ladder of a ship was made of 
wood, and placed amidships. 'JDiQ gallery-ladder was made of rope, and 
chiefly used in foul weather. — Capt. Smith. 

^1* The toaist. Why the visitors were not received on the quarter-deck 
is unexplained. The waist was " that part of the ship betwixt the main- 
mast and the forecastle." — Capt. Smith. 

^^■* The former edition has Thome Detoris, and in other instances 
Torris. I conceive we should read de Torres. Captain de Torres acts a 
conspicuous part in the narrative of occurrences at Tidore. 


inhabiting in that place ; and whereas the king of Ternate 
and the Hollanders their enemies had given bad reports of 
them, saying there was nothing but villany and treason to be 
had at their hands, he hoped our general did conceive better 
of them, and that their reports were of malice and not of 
truth, and no credit to be given to the report of their enemies, 
but experience should prove them liars, and themselves no 
such bad-minded people ; and therefore he willed the general 
to have no doubt of good usage at their hands, and for trade 
which he desired with them, he would resolve him thereof 
the next day — ^for as yet they had not called a council con- 
cerning that matter, without which council he could not do 
it, but Avilled him to have no doubt thereof. So the general 
took them down to his cabin to breakfast, and the caracoa 
and the boats towed the ship to the town-wards, being verv 
little wind. About eleven a-clock we came to an anchor, a 
little to the northwards of the fort, and saluted the fort and 
town^^'' with seven pieces of ordnance, and from the fort [were] 
answered with three pieces; and presently upon the same, in a 
boat came the captain of the fort, called Pedro Alvaro 
de Abreu, and the captain of the other galeon, called Fer- 
nando Pereira de Sande:^^^ these galeons that these captains 
did belong to, did ride within a league of rocks, very near 
the shore, with their broadsides to seaward, with ordnance 
placed therein to shoot at their enemies, which come rowing 
by them sundry times. The general brought the captain of 
the fort and the other captain down with the rest to brcak- 

1'^ The town of Tidore, ?«ncl the Portuguese fort, were thus described 
iu the journal of Matelief, in 1607 : " La villc de Tidore est situee sur 
la cote orientale de cette isle, et est tellement euvirounee de bois, que 
lorsc|u'on en est seulement k une portee de mousquet, on n'en pent pres- 
que pas voir quatre ou cinq maisous. — Le vieux fort des Portugais est 
couvert de broussailles." — C. de Renneville. 

^^^ The former edition has Petro Alleneris Dehhroo and Ferclinando 
Perrera de Sandy — for which names I have ventured to substitute those 
above- printed. 


42 Tin: i.vsr east-indiax voyaok. 

fast, the captain ot" the fort making great haste to he gone. 
After many compliments passed between our general and 
them, they took their leave and departed, promising the next 
day to come look ujion our commodities, and to agree upon 
price for them. About three a-clock our general sent his 
brother ashore with presents to the three captains, which 
they very kindly accepted ; the captain of the fort returning 
the general a fat beef.'^^ 

The twenty-ninth day came captain de Torres and other 
Portingals aboard, and the general caused our merchants to 
bring a note of all such commodities as were in our ship 
into his cabin, where he showed every sort unto them, setting 
a price upon them. Captain de Torres and the rest of the 
Portingals said they were too dear at such rates^ saying and 
protesting they sold better cheap ^^^ suchlike commodities one 
to the other, and therefore desired the general to be more 
reasonable, and then he should have all the cloves in the 
island. The general withdrew himself apart, and in writing 
set down his lowest prices, how he would sell, willing them to 
go a-land and consider of it, and return with an answer, if they 
could, that night ; so they took their leave and went ashore. 

The thirtieth day captain de Torres came aboard, and 
would have abatement of each sort of coirjmodities, which 
the general would not yield unto ; telling him, if he Would 
not give such prices, he would be gone for Maquian, and 
upon the same presented the two Ternatans which the king 
sent to him for the same purpose. So he seeing nothing 
would be abated of that price, agreed with the general, and 
appointed his own dwelling-house for our factory, with many 
kind proffers, which he faithfully performed. 

^^'' This is no vulgarism — but a remarkable instance of the mutability 
of language. For " returning the general a fat heej,^'' wc should now say 
" returning the admiral a fat o.r." 

^'^ Better cheap. Chepe may bo equivalent to raarket — but surely 
good cheap and better cheap are gallicisms. They correspond with the 
phrases — d Ion marche, a meilleur marche. — Narcs. 


The thirty-first, being Easter day, captain cle Torres with 
divers of the princij^al men of the town dined aboard with 
our generaL 

April the first, in the morning, the general sent his brother 
and master Woodnoth^^'' with merchandise a-land to captain 
de Torres' house, and within an hour after, the general went 
a-land himself, where he was visited by the king, the captain 
of the fort, and all the principal men of the town, who en- 
tertained him most kindly. They staid some small time 
with him, and departed all of them. They being gone, the 
general began to set his merchants a-work, to buy cloves 
of the Portingals ; and having set them in a ready way how 
to deal with them, he went with captain de Torres to din- 
ner, where there was no lack of good cheer. After dinner 
came the high priest to Avelcome our general, willing him 
to have no doubt of any bad dealing in that place: upon his 
soul he would undertake, that there were not any in the 
town that wished him or any of his company any harm, 
Avith many other com^ilinaents, and so departed. Captain de 
Torres made offer to the general to be his chief factor, and 
to help his brother and master Woodnoth in their business, 
each having more to do than they could well turn them to : 
and to say the truth, he was so careful in their business, as 
if it had been his own. This day died of the flux, master 
Mitten our cook ; and of the flux, Thomas Halls. The Tido- 
reans came not aboard to sell us any thing ; the general 
doubted it was long of ^-'^ the Portingals, who had put them 
in some needless fear. 

The sixth day the general sent his brother to the king of 

^^" Master George Woodnoth, a merchant, was left at Bantam next in 
rank to master Brown, and was to succeed to the command of the factory 
if Towerson and Brown should die. — Appendix. 

^^° It was long of the Portingals. Long of is synonymous with oiving 
to, as in Shakspere : " You, mistress, all this coil is long of you." 
M. N. D., Act o, sc. 2. I know not why long is printed as an abbrevi- 
ated word by the cditovt^ of our dramatist. 


Tidore with a present, and to divers of his principal men, 
desiring his highness he woidd give his subjects leave to 
repair aboard with cloves, and fresh victuals, and that there 
was no cause of fear why they should abstain from so doing. 
The king said, they should have leave to bring us refresh- 
ing aboard ; but for the cloves his people had, [they] should 
be brought to the English house, otherwise the quantity "sve 
should buy would not be known, whereby the king of 
Portingal might lose his custom ; and presently upon the 
same the king made a proclamation, willing all his people to 
repair to the English factory with such cloves as they had. 
The captain of the fort proclaiming the like in his town, 
there came a flying report the Hollanders Avere in sight, and 
upon the same the king sent out a caracoa to sea, but saw no 

The ninth day the general sent his brother ashore again 
unto the king, with a present, to desire his highness to give 
his subjects leave to repair aboard with their cloves, for that 
the Portingals would not permit them to repair to his house, 
but would be served themselves with the best wares, and let 
his people have but their leavings. Whereupon the king pro- 
mised they should come aboard ; which they afterwards did. 

The twelfth day came news the Hollanders were in sight, 
and out went the bloody colours^^' at the fort. The fourteenth 
day, being Sunday, captain de Torres, the king's factor, and 
divers other of the principal of the Portingals, dined with the 
general. This day the captain of the fort sent our general 

^-' The Moody colours. The irhite fag was a sign of amity, or sub- 
missiou ; the red flag, of defiance. Witness the extract wliich follows : 
" Les enncmis [savoir, les Portugais] connaissant bien (^ue nous n'etions 
pas gens a les abandouner, arborurent un petit pavilion blanc. Lc com- 
mis s'en etant apergu, en avertit le maitre, qui fit 6ter le pavilion rouge, 
et cesser de tirer. Mais le pavilion blanc des cnnemis fut incontinent oto ; 
car, ainsi que nous rapprimcs dcpuis, il y avaient des contestations eutre 
eux. Enfin — otant lc pavilion royal, ils y rcmircnt le pavilion blanc, pour 
marque qu'ils demandaient a parlemcnler.' — C. de Renncville. 


word, that the Hollanders were off and on Bacliian,^— willing 
the general to cause his factors to get in his debts that were 
owing before their coining. 

The fifteenth day the general sent his brother ashore to 
gather in such debts as were owing, and likewise to buy 
cloves if any came to the house to be sold, which he per- 
formed, buying some small quantity, for that most in the 
island were in our hands, without it were some eighty bahars 
which the king's factor had, which he could not sell, because 
they did belong unto the merchants of Malacca. ^-'^ The cap- 
tain of the fort gave commandment to all men to make 
present payment, which they honestly performed. The gene- 
ral sent to captain de Torres to know the cause : he sent 
him word we had bought all they had, without it were those 
which were in the factor's hands, which could not be sold. 

The nineteenth day we prepared for our departure from 
hence, to go to Maquian. The twentieth day came a Portingal 
aboard with a letter to our general from the captain of the 
fort, the effect thereof I could not learn. The king of Ter- 
nate's two men, which all this time of our being in this place 
had tarried aboard, were very earnest with the general for 
their departure to the isle of Maquian, where they made no 
doubt but to lade our ship with cloves. They began to be 
merry to see us in such readiness to be gone, for they lived 
in no small fear of some treason to be attempted against us 

1-^ Bachian. I take this to be the smull island then so called. In the 
Rutter of master John Davis, of Limehouse, it is said to be in 30' N. 
Capt. Humfrey Fitz-herbcrt, describing the large island now called 
Bachan, says "There is another near adjoining called old Bachan." This 
seems to decide the question. See note 100. — Purchas. 

^'^^ Malacca was one of the most important cities in possession of the 
Portuguese, being considered as the key to the China seas and the east- 
ern archipelago. It was unsuccessfully besieged by the Dutch, assisted 
by the king of Johor, in 1606 ; and was afterwards the scene of a despe- 
rate sea-fight between the Dutch and Portuguese. The loss sustained by 
the latter was believed to have hastened the death of the viceroy Martin 
Alfonso de Castro. — Mauocl dc Faria y Sousa ; C. dc Rcuneville. 


by the Portingals and Tidorcans, in so much that all the time 
of our being here they were the best Avatchmen in our ship. 
The general sent his brother to the king, desiring his high- 
ness he would write his letter to the governor of TafFasoa 
to sell him such cloves as they had there, which he presently 
did. This town of Taffasoa is upon Maquian and holds for 
the king of Tidore ; all the rest of the island is the king's of 
Tern ate. 

The twenty-first day, being Sunday, came the same Portin- 
gal that brought our general the letter the day before, with 
commendations from his captain to the general, and to cer- 
tify him the Hollanders' ships were in sight. The Portiugal 
taking his leave, about eleven a-clock we weighed with a small 
favorable gale of wind, to go for Maquian. As we passed 
by the fort we saluted them with five pieces, they answer- 
ing us with three. Likewise, coming thwart the king's 
town we gave them five pieces, and were answered with 
six from the galeons. At this present we had sight of the 
Hollanders. ^-^ Captain de Torres, our general's great friend, 
coming aboard presented him with hens, which be both 
scarce and dear, and so took his leave. AVe keeping on our 
course AA'ith little wind for Maquian, passing between Motir 
and Pulo Cavallie, the Hollanders seeing us come room^^^ 
upon them, were in good hope we had been a Portingal 

'-'' The Dutch fleet. " Apres cette expedition [a Amboine], il fut arrete 
que cinq vaisseaux, savoir le Vice-amiral [le Dordrecht], Ouest-Frisc, 
Amsterdam, Gueldres, et Medenblick, iraieut a Tidor ; que I'amiral j^ren- 
drait la route de Banda ; et que le Hoorn demeurerait a Amboine pour 
y prendre sa charge. La chose ayant ete executee, ces cinq premiers 
vaisseaux se rendirent le 1 de Mai 1605 [N. S.] sur la cote de I'isle Poulo 
Cavely, oil ils apprirent d'un amiral Anglais [Middleton], qu'il avait 
charge une petite partie de clou de girofie a Tidor, et qu'il avait dessein 
d'aller a IMacian, pour tachcr d'y prendre le reste de sa cargaison." — 
C. de Renneville. 

^^ To come room seems to denote an alteration of the course from 
sdiliiig hy the wind to sailinf/ large — as in this extract : " And the admiral 
weathering us, came room upon us," etc. — Sii- R. Hawkins. 


that for fear was flying away. Night being at hand, they 
spread themselves that we could not pass them but one or 
other must needs see us. About midnight we came amongst 
them, sounding our trumpets,^-^ whereby they did know we 
were not Portingals. The admiral sent his skipper ^-^ in his 
pinnace aboard to know what news, which was certified 
them at full. He departing, they saluted us with three 
pieces of ordnance : we answered them with the like. They 
told our general that they had taken Amboina castle, and 
left a garrison therein. 

The twenty-second day we came to an anchor about seven 
a-clock at night, a little to the eastward of the chief town 
of Maquian : the town is c alled Mofficia, in which town 
the viceroy for the king of Ternate is resident. This after- 
noon came a caracoa aboard before we came to an anchor, 
and told our general they would go about the isle, and to all 
the towns, to give them warning to repair to our ship with 
their cloves before night. They had compassed the island, 
and came aboard us again. 

The twenty-third day the general sent his brother, with 
the two Ternatans and the king's letters, and a present to the 
governor. The present he received, and caused the letter 
to be publicly read ; but for the cloves of that island, he 
said they were not ripe, but those few that were to be had, 
the general should have them the next day. This day died 
of the flux, our baker Griflith Powell. 

The twenty-fourth day the general went ashore himself 
to the governor, to know why the people came not with 
cloves according to promise. He made answer, he thought 

126 J'^n')-ii2)ets. There was always a trumpeter in an armed ship. His 
station was, the poop. He sounded on occasions of ceremony ; in time of 
action; and as a mode of hailing. We meet with the phrases, hail with 
whistles, hail ivith trumpets. — Capt. Smith ; etc. 

^^'' Skipper. The former edition has shiper. It is the Dutch word 
schipper. The skipper of a merchant vessel was the commander. In an 
armed ship, his duties were those of the master. — W. Welwod. 


there were not any ripe in the ishuid, hut he had sent to all 
tlie towns to warn them to bring in cloves ; which they 
Avould not fail on the morrow. ^-"^ The general seeing their 
delays, began to suspect the king of Ternate's letter was to 
command them to sell us none : therefore, if they came not 
the next day, he would go to Taffasoa. Much quarrel and 
war is between those of this place and they of the island ; 
and if there be any taken of either part, the most favour 
they show them is to cut off their heads. 

The twenty-fifth day came most of the chief men of the 
island aboard to our general, and told him they had small 
store of ripe cloves in the island, which they were willing 
he should have. But they were sent for by the king of 
Ternate, to repair with their forces to assist him in his 
wars against the king of Tidore and the Portiugals ; and 
therefore desired him not to be offended with them, for that 
they could not sell him cloves till the wars were done. This 
day they of Taffasoa had taken ten men of this town, and 
cut off their heads. 

The twenty-sixth Ave weighed, with very little wind, and 
plied it for Taffasoa, which standeth on the west-north- 
west part of the island. 

The twenty-seventh day the general sent his brother in 
his pinnace to the town of Taffasoa with the king of Tidore 's 
letter, which, he delivered. The governor having read it 
made answer, that all the cloves they could make the general 
should have ; for that the king had sent him w^ord in another 
letter, which he received the day before, that he should cause 

^^^ We have seen that Bantam was the priucipal mart for popper, and 
that Banda was noted for producing the best nutmegs. We now see that 
tdovcs were the coveted article at the Maluco Islands. On another valu- 
ahle article, also produced there, the writer is silent — it is sago. Piga- 
fetta describes it in his account of the circumnavigation attempted by 
Magalhaens ; and sir Francis Drake, when he touched at those islands 
in 1579, made of it "the gi'catest quantity of his provision." — Pigafetta; 
The world encompassed. 


all in the town to be sold him. The Portingals have a small 
block-house ^^^ with three pieces of ordnance in this town, 
wherein were five Portingals : they had some cloves which 
they promised the general should have. The pinnace re- 
turned, and brought one of the Portingals aboard, the ship 
lying becalmed all the time of their absence. 

The twenty-eighth day, about ten a-clock in the morning, 
we came to an anchor right before the town of Taffasoa, in 
seventy fathom water, hard by the shore. ^^'^ 

The twenty-ninth day the general went a-land to the gover- 
nor, who offered himself and town to be at his disposition, 
saying his king commanded him so to do. The general de- 
manded whether the people would bring their cloves aboard : 
he made answer they had small store of boats, and could not 
therefore so conveniently come aboard. So the general told 
him he would set up a tent upon the strand, right against the 
ship, if he would cause his people to bring them thither. lie 
liked well thereof, and came down with the general to 
choose out a convenient place, and so took his leave ; pro- 
mising, so soon as the general sent aboard, to will them to 
make provision to set up a tent — which in two hours after 
was done. 

The thirtieth day was an alarum in the town, their ene- 
mies having taken a man without the walls, and cut off his 
head. The king of Tidore hath soldiers there, which keep 
good watch and ward; the town standing upon a point of 
a land, close by the sea, and is compassed with a wall. The 
king of Ternate hath twice attempted with all his force to 
take it, but could do no good. They live in such fear, they 

^"^ Block-house. This compound ^Yorc^, omitted by the early glossarists, 
occurs in Lambard, Stow, and Carew. The latter says, " Foy hauen — 
receyueth this name of the riuer, and bestoweth the same on the town. 
His entrance is garded with Hock hcuses^- — R. Carew. 

^^^ Taffasoa. On Taffasoa, the scene of a sharp contest, see p. 40. The 
town is noticed ten times in the course of the narrative, and spelt 
uniformly. Elsewhere it is spelt Taffasor. 



(laro not at any time go a flight-shot out of their walls 
^yithout a guard of soldiers. They have often truce, but 
they break it upon slight occasions. A little before night the 
governor came to our general, and told him there were no 
more cloves to be had, and tliereforc he presently caused the 
tent to be pulled down, and sent all things aboard. 

The second day [of May], in the morning, our general 
received a letter from the captain of the fort, wherein he cer- 
tified him of the burning of the two galeons by the Hollanders, 
and entreated him to make speed thither to see the fight 
which he daily expected, and to bring those five Portingals 
with him which were at Taffasoa ; willing the general, that 
he should come to an anchor before the king's town, wdiere 
he should have all the cloves they had. 

The third day, in the afternoon, we came before the king's 
town, where we found all the Hollanders riding, and let fall 
an anchor amongst them, in a hundred fathoms, fair by the 
shore. The king of Ternate was likewise there, with all his 
caracoas. After the mooring of our ship the general sent mas- 
ter Grove,^^^ our master, to the Dutch admiral, who foxind but 
cold entertainment ; the Dutch affirming we had assisted the 
Portingals in the lastfight,^^^ whereby they had received great 
hurt, and that they were told so by a Guzerat. The master 
denied it, and said the Guzerat lied like a dog ; saying, 
if the general had done so, he would not deny it for any 

^^^ The former edition has Grave. See note 94. I shall assume that 
Giove was a Fleming, and the person who was afterwards master of the 
Ascension, which was lost on a shoal, some twenty leagues from Surat, 
on the fifth of September 1609. She was then under the command of 
captain Alexander Sharpey. The crew escaped in two small boats, and 
arrived safe at Gundavee. — Purchas ; Robert Coverte. 

^^^ I cannot repel this charge. The author of the Conqvista delas Tslas 
Malvcas says Middleton furnished the Portuguese with six barrels of 
powder, a hundred cannon-balls, and a number of morions. His words 
are, " Diole seis barriles de poluora, cien valas de artilleria, y buen 
numero de morriones. Con esto se comen9aron los Tydores y Portu- 
gueses h fortificar." — Bart. Leonardo de Argensola. 


fear of them, but justify it to tlieir faces, either here or any- 
where else. These hot speeches being overpassed they grew 
into milder terms, and then they began to tell our master 
the manner of their fight with the galeons, and the burning 
of them, with the loss of some of their men in the same fight j^**^ 
and they minded the next day to fall down to the fort and 
lay battery to it — which they had done before, if the king of 
Ternate had not withheld them, in persuading them to tarry 
for more helj), which he expected from the other islands. So 
the master having learned what news he could, came aboard 
and told the general what speeches had passed. An hour 
after the master's coming aboard, there came a priiu from 
the king's town with a letter to our general from captain 
de Torres, "svlicrein there was nothing but commendations, 
and that he would come aboard when it was dark and see 
him. The general willed him to come; either night or day he 
should be welcome. This evening the king of Ternate rowed 
over for Batochina [Gilolo] with all his caracoas ; and captain 
de Torres came aboard to see our general, tarrying some two 
hours, telling the general they desired to fight with the Hol- 
landers, not doubting of victory ; and for such cloves as they 
had, they should be brought to the king's town, and so con- 
veyed aboard us. So growing very late he took his leave 
and departed ashore. 

^■^^ The Dutch fleet. " Le 2 de Mai 1C05 [n.s.] les cinq vaisseaux mouil- 
lerent I'aucre a Tidor, devant le palais du roi, pour parler a ce prince. 
Pendant qu'ils etaient la mouilles, ils decouvrirent deux caraques qui 
etaient tout-a-terre, entre deux retranchements qui pouvaient fort bien 
les dufeudre. 

Le 5 le vice-amiral ayant fait sommer le fort de Tidor, ceux qui le gar- 
daient repondirent qu'ils se defeudraient jusqu'a la derniere extremite. 
Avant que de I'attaquer, les Ilollandais jugerent a propos de tacher de se 
rendre maitres des deux caraques, et le vice-amiral s'avan^a de ce cote-la, 
accompagne du Gueldres, dont le capitaine se nommait Jean Jansz Mol, 
homuie de nierite et de beaucoup de courage. 

Ces deux vaisseaux s'otant approches des caraques commencerent a 
leur envoyer leurs bordees, a quoi les Portugais, taut ceux qui etaient aux 
retranchements, que ceux qui etaient dans les vaisseaux, repondii'eut assez 


The fifth day the Hollanders expected the coming of the 
king of Ternate, but he came not. 

The sixth day our general sent his brother and master 
AVoodnoth to the king of Tidore, to know if he would sell 
them any cloves. He made answer, at that time all his 
people were busy in fortifying the town, so that he could 
not spare them from their work, but bade the general assure 
himself of all the cloves that he and the Portingals had. 
This night came one of our men in a small caracoa from 
Ternate, and told our general that they were hardly used by 
the king of Ternate in not suffering them to buy and sell 
with his people, according to promise, and had taken their 
weight from them, giving commandment that no man should 
sell them any cloves. Likewise he said that they could get no 
victuals for their money, because of the wars, and that all 
our men were very sick, save master Brown. The king, 
by his caracoa, sent the Hollanders word he would be with 
them in the morning. 

The seventh day, in the morning, came the king of Ternate 
with all his forces, and he himself went aboard the Hol- 
lands admiral, Avhere most part of the forenoon was spent 
in council ; and about one of the clock the ships weighed, 
and came under their foretopsails fair by the fort, and let 
fly all their ordnance, the fort shooting now and then a 
piece at them. They came to an anchor a little to the north- 
wards of the fort, where they spent the most part of that 

bien de leur grosse artillerie et des mousquets ; de sorte qu'il semblait 
quo c'etait une grele de boulets et de balles. Uu trompette qui etait sur 
la huue d'un autre vaisscau en fut abattu, et toniba sur le pont. 

Pendant qu'ou tirait ainsi de part et d'autre, le vice-amiral et le capi- 
taine Mol firent armer Icurs deux chaloupes, qui nonobstant la grele 
qui tombait, abord&rcnt les caraques, et les prirent, apr^s un combat 
d'une houre. La plus grande partie des gens des equipages s'6tait jetee 
b, la mcr pour se sauvcr, ayant auparavant mis des meches ardentes et 
des utoupins aux poudros, pour faire sauter lours caraques ; de quoi, par 
bouhour, les Ilollandais s'apergureut en y entrant. 

Cos dcruicrs perdirent trois hommes en ce combat, et ils en eurent 


afternoon in shooting at it, but harmed them not at all. The 
Portingals could not harm the ships as they rode, having 
but one piece laid out that way. In the hottest of this bat- 
tery,^ ^^ the king of Ternate and the Hollanders landed some of 
their forces a little to the northward of the town : not find- 
ing any resistance, they intrenched themselves where they 
landed, in the sand, and there continued all the night with- 
out molestation. After the Hollanders had done their bat- 
tery, caj)tain de Torres came aboard to see our general, 
where he was very merry and pleasant ; saying, as always he 
had, that they nothing doubted of a happy victory — and for 
such ordnance as had been shot at them, it had done them 
no harm at all, only he was sorry that the ordnance did 
hinder them for bringing of cloves to him. But he desired 
the general to have a little patience, and he should not want 
cloves to lade his ship ; which were nothing but words, for 
it was well known to the general he had but eighty bahars 
in the town, which the factor had. 

The eighth day, very early in the morning, the ships 
began to batter the fort, which continued the most part of 
the morning ; in which time those men of the Hollanders 
which lodged a-land had brought themselves within saker- 
shot of the fort,^^'' and there raised a mount, whereon they 
placed a great piece of ordnance and began their battery, 
the Portingals now and then shooting a piece to no pur- 

The ninth day, before it was light, the ships began their 

clix-sopt de blesses. lis enleverent des caraques sept pieces de canon de 
fonte, savoir trois grosses et deux petites ; puis ils y mirent le feu, et les 
laisserent voguer a la merci des vagues." — C. de Renneville. 

^^* Battery. The word hatterij, at this period, was almost always used 
to denote the action of battering — not the platform where ordnance was 
mounted. — English expositor. 

^^^ Within saker-shot of the fort. A saker was a piece of ordnance of 
three-and-a-half inches bore. Its extreme range was estimated at seven- 
teen hundred paces. — Cant. Smith. 


battery, and they likewise from the mouiit/''^'' and upon a 
sudden the Dutch and the Ternatans sallied out of their 
trenches with scaling ladders, and had entered upon the 
walls before the Portingals in the fort were aware, and had 
placed their colours upon their ramparts ; which the Port- 
ingals seeing, came with a charge upon them, with shot and 
fire-works, throwing at them which were so mounted, that 
they cast down their weapons and leaped down far faster 
than they came up, leaving their colours and their furniture 
behind them — the Portingals still continuing throwing of 
fixe-works amongst them, w^hcrcby divers were hurt and 
scalded. At such time as the Hollanders gave the scalado, 
thirty of the choicest Portingals, with great number of the 
Tidoreans, were going in the woods to give an assault upon 
the backs of them which were lodged where the piece of 
ordnance was moimted ; in which time of their absence the 
Hollanders entered upon their walls. If these men had been 
in the fort it had gone far worse with the Hollanders, The 

^^•^ The Dutch fleet. " Le 14 de Mai [n.s.] cent cinquante Ilollandais 
doscendircut a terre, sous le commandement du capitaine Mol, qui ctait 
assisto d'un capitaine Zelaudois nomme de la Perre. lis marcherent vers 
deux villages, I'un situe au sud, I'autre au nord, qui appartenaieut aux 
Portugais, et les brulerent, Le roi de Ternate, qui etait la venu, avec 
quatorze caracores ou vaisseaux, montes chacun de cent quarante hom- 
ines d'equipage, en mena cinq cents a terre avec lui pour etre specta- 
teurs du combat, et en meme temps pour tenir le roi de Tidor en respect, 
afin qu'il nc secourut pas les Portugais. 

Cependant la tlotte s'utant avancce au nord du fort avait commence a, 
le canonner, et a la faveur du feu qu'elle faisait le capitaine Mol avec ses 
cent cinquante hommes faisait ses approches, II fit faire un retranche- 
ment de tonneaux remplis de terre, et y fit travailler avec tant d'ardeur 
qu'il fut tr&s promptement acheve. Ensuite il fit tirer sur la place, et 
ceux qui la gardaicnt ue s'epargnerent pas non plus a tirer sur lui. 

Commc les matelots ue sont pas proprcs a faire longtems la guerre sur 
terre, le capitaine Mol crut (ju'il devait se hater. II prit deux soldats 
avec lui, et etaut alio dc nuit visiter secretement la place de tons les cotes, 
il vit qu'il y avait deja une breche raisonnable ; de sorte qu'il fit preparer 
ses gens pour livrer assaut le lenderaain. 

Ce jour-lil, qui ctait le 19 dc Mai 1005, les deux capitaincs mcncrcnt 


Portiiigals that were abroad, lieariiig the alarum at the fort, 
came running back again, and some that ran fastest came 
to the walls at such time as they in the fort had put them to 
the retreat, where they went to handy-blows with them. 
Captain cle Torres, which had the leading of the thirty men, 
was shot with a musket and slain. By this time the most 
of the thirty Portingals were gotten some within and some 
under the walls ; and the Hollanders and Ternatans throw- 
ing away their weapons, began to take their heels to run 
into the sea. At this very instant, when the Portingals 
and the Tidoreans had the victory in their hands, and very 
ready to charge upon their flying enemies, the fort took 
fire and blew up even with the ground ; so that all the 
Portingals which were under the walls of the fort were 
there buried, and the most part within the fort were blown 
up into the air. The captain being newly gone out to 
l^lace two soldiers at a little postern door, gave them 
charge to kill any Portingals which should go out that way, 

des le matin leurs gens jusqu'au pied du fort, et cela se fit si secretement 
que les ennemis ne s'en apper9urent pas. D'un autre cote les vaisseaux 
nc cesserent pas de faire jouer le canon, jusqu'a ce que jNIoI fiit pret a 
donner Tassaut, ce qu'il fit connaitre par le moyen d'un etendard qu'il 
fit elever, auquel signal ils ne tirerent plus. 

Alors ce vaillant capitaine allant a la br^che, a la tete de ses gens, et 
ayant une enseigne a la main, entra dans la place avec sept hommcs, 
apres un long et opiniatre combat. Les Portugais qui s'etaient retires 
dans la tour firent un si grand feu sur ceux qui entraient dans le fort, et 
leur jeterent tant de balles d'artifices, dont I'enseigne meme que tenait 
le capitaine fut toute brulee, que personne n'osait plus s'y hasarder. 
Enfin ils reprirent si bien courage, et se defendirent si vigoureusement, 
que le capitaine et les sept hommes qui I'avaient suivifurentaussi obliges 
de se retirer. 

En sortant par la breche le capitaine tomba, et se cassa une jambe. 
Quelques-uns de ses gens ayant couru a lui pour le prendre et I'emporter, 
il ne voulut pas permettre, et les exhorta vivement a retourner a I'assaut. 
Mais comme on admirait son courage, et qu'on voulait le sauver presque 
malgre lui, un homme robuste s'approcha, le mit sur ses epaules, et 

Dans ce premier assaut, un capitaine d'une des caraques qui avaient 


in ■vvliicli time of his absence the fort was blo-oai np, whereby 
his life was saved ; but how, or by what means it took fire, 
it could not be known. The Hollanders and Ternatans see- 
ing the fort blown up, began to gather up their scattered 
Aveapons, and made a stand, not daring to enter the ruins of 
the fort till the Portingals had left it ; which was half-an- 
hour after. In which time the Portingal and Tidorcan 
slaves had sacked the town, setting fire on the factory where 
the cloves were, which they could not carry -sA^ith them, 
leaving nothing of any worth behind them. When the king 
of Ternate saw the victory on his side, he with all the cara- 
coas came rowing towards the king's town in triumph ; but 
durst not come very near, for that the king of Tidore did 
shoot at them. And so rowing by our ship, singing and 
making great mirth, returned to the fort, where was no re- 
sistance ; but so long as the Portingals had it he durst not 
come within a mile. A^Hicn the Ternatans had pillaged the 
town, they set all the houses a-fire, which were quickly 
burnt even with the ground, being all made of canes. After 

ete brulees fut le premier k qui Mol eut affaire. II vint, arme de toutes 
pieces, attaquer le Hollandais, I'epee a la main, et pretendait le percer, 
Mais Mol ayant d6tourne le coup avec sa demi-pique, un de ses mous- 
quetaires qui s'etait avance tira sur le Portugais et lui cassa la tete. 

Les Hollandais ne s'etant pas robutes de cette premiere disgrace, re- 
tournerent a I'assaut, oii ils furent repousses plus facilemeut cette seconde 
fois qvi'ils ne I'avaient ete la premiere. Ces avantages releverent telle- 
ment le courage des Portugais qu'ils chasserent leurs enuemis jusqu'u, la 
moitie du chemin de leurs retranchemeuts. 

Ceux qui 6taient sur les vaisseaux, voyant ce qui se passait, recom- 
mencerent a canonner le fort. Un boulet tiro du Gueldres centre la 
tour, tomba sur la j^oudre, et fit sauter la tour en I'air, avec soixante ou 
soixante-dix, hommes ; accident terrible, et dont la vue faisait frcmir. 
Aussitot les soldats retourncrent h I'assaut pour la troisieme fois, et 
6taut entres dans le fort, les armes a la main, les Portugais perdircnt 
courage, et demanderent quartier ; ce qui leur fut accorde. 

D6s que cela fut fait, les gens du roi de Ternate, qui n'avaient ct6 que 
spectateurs, accoururent pour piller, et pour detruire tout ce qu'ils 
purent jusque-la qu'ils mirent le feu dans une tour de pierreoii il y avait 
beaucoup de clous de girofle. Les Hollandais fircnt tons leurs efforts 


this victory, the king of Tidore sent his son and a nobleman to 
our general, desiring him to be a means of peace between the 
Hollanders and him ; for now he had what he desired, which 
was victory over the Portingals. The general sent him word 
he would do his best, as well for him as for the Portingals 
which by fortune of war were fallen into their enemies' 
hands. So presently the general caused the pinnace to be 
manned, and he and the master went aboard the Dutch ad- 
miral. When they came thither they asked for the admiral, 
who was ashore ; but they sent for him. At his coming he 
bade our general welcome ; after many speeches passed of 
their fight, and commendations undeserved given of them- 
selves, they exclaimed upon the Ternatans for cowards, and 
attributed all the glory to themselves, saying they durst not 
stand by them in the fight, but ran away. After a great 
deal of vainglorious commendations of themselves, the gene- 
ral was desirous to see what prisoners they had taken of the 
Portingals : one was brought forth, being one of captain 
Pereira's soldiers. The general bade him declare a truth in 
a matter he would ask him : he made answer, if he could 
he would. Then he asked him what groat ordnance, pow- 
der, shot, and guns they had from him to assist them : he 

pour empecher ce dcsordi'e et cette perte; mais il ne leur fut possible d'ar- 
roter cctte brutalitc. 

Cette nouvelle conquete ne couta que deux hommes au vainqueurs, et 
il J en eut sept de blesses, outre le capitaine Mol. Les Portugais per- 
dirent soixante-treize hommes, et en eurent douze de blesses. La plupart 
des femmes et des enfants s'etaient retires dans une forte maison, sur une 
haute montagne qui n'etait pas loin du fort, ou Ton ne pouvait monter 
que par un sentier bien etroit, de sorte que le lieu etaut presque inacces- 
sible, on ne le pouvait prendre que j^ar la famine, et par le defaut d'eau. 
Mais quand on leur eut oftcrt des batimeuts pour se retirer, ils s'em- 
barquerent les uns et les autres au nombre de cinq cents persounes, et 
prirent la route des Philippines. 

Par cette derniere victoire les Portugais furent chassus de toutes les 
Moluques, sans y posseder plus rien qu'un petit fort dans I'isle Solor, 
proche de Timor, lequel n'etait pas grande chose. ]Mais elle avait etc 
bien plus difficile a obtenir que celle d'Amboine ; et peut-etre que suns 



answered, he knew not of any ; so, turning to the Dutch 
admiral, he marvelled he should give credit to such untruths 
reported by a slave. He answered again, such things were 
told, but he did not believe them to be true. So the general 
asked what he meant to do with the Portingals his prison- 
ers : he said he would hang them. The general entreated 
him to show them mercy, considering they did nothing but 
what all good subjects are bound to do in defence of their 
king and country ; and therefore desired not to take their 
lives, nor deliver them to the king of Ternate. He pro- 
mised, at his entreaty, not any one of them should die nor 
be delivered to the king of Ternate ; but that he would ship 
them away to Manilla. The general gave him thanks, tak- 
ing leave of them, and came rowing along the shore by the 
king's town, where he took in the captain of the fort and 
brought him along with him aboard, where he both supped 
and lodged, and from him had the truth of all the fight, far 
differing from that which the Hollanders reported. The 
general told him his going to the Dutch admiral was prin- 
cipally to entreat him to show mercy unto the Portingals ; 
which he promised to perform. The captain gave him great 
thanks for the care he had of them, saying now all their 
hope rested upon him ; and upon the same he presented the 
general with a small ruby set in a ring, praying him to wear 
it for his sake — which the general would not take, saying 
what he could do for them was in christian charity, and not 
for reward. 

The tenth day, in the morning, our general went aboard 
the Hollands admiral, to see if he could bring the king of 
Ternate and the king of Tidore and the Hollanders to a 

I'accidcnt du feu qui prit aux poudres il aurait fallu abandonner I'entre- 
prise. Quelques-uns crurent que cet embrasement n'avait pas ete cause 
par un boulet de canon, et que 9'avait etc un efFet de la negligence, ou 
de rimprudence des Portugais. Quoi qu'il en soit, sans cet accident, il y 
a toute apparcnce que les IloUandais ne seraient pas deracures victo- 
ricux." — C. de Renneville. 


peace. The Dutch admiral made answer, the king of Ternate 
woukl be very hardly drawn to any peace with the king of 
Tidore, but he, for his part, would be willing thereunto ; 
and if it pleased the king of Tidore to repair aboard his ship, 
he should safely come and go to have conference with him. 
The general thought he could persuade him to come aboard 
his own ship, so that he would leave two Dutch captains 
ashore in pledge for him. But to come aboard his ship he 
was sure he would not. So the Dutch admiral sent two of 
his chief merchants with the general, to be left as pledges if 
the king would come aboard ; whereupon our general went 
to the king of Tidore, and told him what he had done in his 
behalf, persuading him to come aboard our ship, which he 
was loath to yield to. The general, seeing him fearful, told 
him there was no such cause, for that he had brought two 
Dutch captains to remain as pledges, and that he would 
leave his brother with them. Then the king was willing, 
and caused his own boat to be fitted, and embarked himself. 
Being ready to put off, came the king's sister, and his son 
weeping as if he had gone to death, [and] detained him in this 
manner half-an-hour.^'~ In the end he put off, but when he 
was halfway between the shore and the ship, he saw a 
caracoa rowing off from the fort ; which he stood in fear of 
and would proceed no further, but returned back, promising 
the next day to come aboard if we would ride with our ship 
nearer his town. 

The eleventh day, in the morning, we weighed, and an- 
chored again before the king's town. The general with his 
pledges going ashore, there was an alarum in the town, 
which was suddenly done : the cause was, that a great num- 

^^'^ After a picture of the miseries of war — the destruction of the 
galeons, the blowing up of the fort, and the death of captain de Torres, 
in the midst of his confidence of success — it is refreshing to catch a 
glimpse of the kindly feelings of human nature as shown by the sister 
and son of the raja of Tidore. The journalist should have given more 
anecdotes of the social life of the natives. 


bcr of the Ternatans had consorted to go rob some outhouses 
in the king's town, and finding nothing therein set them 
a-fire. The Tidoreans gave a sudden assault upon them, 
and had the cutting-ofF of a dozen of their heads ; all the 
rest hardly escaped by running away. The heads they pre- 
sented to the king, our general standing by him telling him 
the cause. The king seemed to be offended with the Holland- 
ers, which had promised that no hostility of war should be 
offered in this time of parley. The Hollands captains M'hich 
were in our pinnace seeing the heads, were in no small fear 
of their own. After the rumour was appeased, the king 
embarked himself with our general and the captain of the 
fort.^''"'' The Dutch merchants and captain Middleton rowed 
ashore for pledges, but the king and our general came 
aboard our ship, where they stayed the coming of the Dutch 
admiral ; who coming aboard, was brought down to the 
king in the general's cabin, and they saluted one the other 
very friendly. After some little pause, the king said, 
whereas at your first coming hither you sent me Avord your 
coming was not to harm me nor any of my subjects, but to 
expel the Portingals your enemies out of the land, and make 
the place open for trade for all nations, and therefore you 
desired I should not take with them against you ; which I 
performed till such time I did see my mortal enemy the 
king of Ternate join with you, so that I was enforced to 
arm myself against him, who I know desireth nothing so 
much as the overthow and subversion of my estate, and 
therefore you have just cause not to blame me for arming 
myself and people against the invasion of my mortal enemy. 
And now seeing you have the u^jper hand of your enemies 
the Portingals, it rcsteth in your power to dispose of them 

138 The captain of the fort. Pedro Alvaro de Abrcu, whose fortunate 
escape has been described in the preceding paragraph. As we have 
no further mention of captain Pereira de Sande, it is doubtful whether 
he survived the conflict. 


as you shall think good. Now you have your desire of 
them, I would know whether you will have peace, or join 
with the king of Ternate against me. The Dutch admiral 
answered, his coming was only to expel the Portingals, 
which he thanked God was now in his power. And for 
peace, he said it was the thing he desired with all princes 
in those parts, and that he would do what in him did lie to 
make an agreement between the king of Ternate and him. 
The king answered, that he desired a good peace, but it 
could hardly be, for that any slight occasion was daily cause 
of breach between them.^^'"' Therefore he desired the Hol- 
landers they would take part with neither, and he doubted 
not he should have as good as he brought. The admiral 
answered, he would do what he could to make an agree- 
ment ; which if he could not bring to pass, he promised the 
king — taking our general to witness — that he would take part 
with neither of them. Which speeches greatly contented 
the king, who excusing himself of not being well, took leave 
and went ashore. After the king was gone, came the cap- 
tain of the fort, looking very heavily, as he had just cause; 
which the Dutch admiral seeing, took him by the hand, bade 
him be of good cheer, telling him that it was the chance of 
war, and that the fury being now gone, he minded to deal 
friendly with him and all the Portingals ; willing him to 
repair aboard, where he should be welcome, and safely go 
and come. The captain gave him thanks for his kindness. 
So dinner being ready, and the pledges come from the shore, 
they dined all with our general, and departed every man to 
his home. 

The twelfth day, being tSunday, the Portingal captain, 
with six of the principal of them, came aboard to dine with 
our general, entreatimg him to go with them to the Dutch 

13^ The raja of Tidore was quite aware of the feelings of his subjects ; 
and the intervention of a moderator, at such a moment of excitement, gave 
no hope of success. It is much tlie same now as it was in those times. 


admiral, and be a means to hasten their departure, which 
he did ; and at his entreaty they were sent away in three 
pinnaces and a frigate to Manilla, for which they gave the 
general great thanks. The twelfth day, the general sent his 
jiinnace to Ternate with provision of victuals to our men 
which M'ere there ; and they returned the next day, and 
brought our general word of the death of his servant John 
Abell, for whom he was very sorry. 

This thirteenth day our general and the master went to 
the king of Ternate, to know whether he would let him 
leave a factory in his island of Ternate. He answered, he 
should, but willed him to return the next day, for that he 
would call a council concerning the matter, and then would 
give them an answer. From thence the general went aboard 
the Dutch admiral, and there told him how the king of 
Ternate had promised he should have a factory there — yet 
nevertheless, if he would buy such wares as we had left, and 
make payment at Bantam, he should have them. Who an- 
swered, he thought the king of Ternate would not forget 
himself so much as to grant us a factory, considering he had 
written to his excellency,^^° and likewise promised him, that 
they would trade Avith no nation but with them. And as 
touching our commodities, he would not deal withal, for that 
they had two ships which were sent, one to Bengal, and 
tlie other to Cambay, to buy such commodities, which they 
daily expected. Our general said, he had no reason to cross 
him for leaving a factory there, for that sir Francis Drake 
had trade in Ternate before the names of the Hollanders 
were known in those parts of the world. So for that time 

"" His excellency. By his excellency we are to understand prince 
Maurice of Nassau. In the advertisement to the Recueil des voiages so 
often quoted, we read : " La nation Ilollandaise — soutenue ])ar la pru- 
dence et encourague par la valeur de son fanieux general et gouverneur 
le prince jMaurice de Nassau, est allce heurcuscment chercher sous un 
autre ciel, et parmi des peuples barbares, les secours qui lui etaient 
refuses par ses propres voisins." — C. de Renncville. 


they parted, either part to take their best advantage for their 
adventurers. ^'^^ 

The fourteenth day the general %yent again to the hing, to 
know his answer concerning his factory. He found him 
aboard a caracoa, and one of the Dutch captains in his com- 
pany. The general told him his coming was according to 
his appointment. The king made present answer, he could 
grant him no factory, for that he had made promise by 
writing and word to the Hollanders, that no nation shoidd 
have trade with him or his people, but only they. The 
general demanded why he had not told him so when he 
saved him from the Tidoreans ; and then he could have told 
what to have done. He said, both he and his subjects were 
willing we should tarry there ; but the Hollanders did still 
urge his promise. The general, seeing he could not leave a 
factory, desired him to send such order to Ternate that he 
might have leave to carry those small quantity of cloves as 
his factors had bought and paid for aboard, and he would 
trouble neither him nor the Hollanders. The king an- 
swered, that within seven days he would be there himself, 
desiring the general to ride still. He made answer, he 
lived at too great charges to lie still and do nothing, and 
therefore could stay no longer, but would be gone the next 
morning ; and so departed from him. 

The nineteenth day the general went a-land, and took his 
leave of the king of Tidore and all his noblemen, and all the 
Portingals,'^^" they being all sorry for his departure. 

The twentieth day we weighed in the morning for Ter- 

1^^ Adventurers. The subscribers towards the equipment of a mer- 
chant-ship, or fleet of merchant-ships, were so called. The most noted 
mercantile association at this period was, The companij of merchants 
adventurers. — Lewes Roberts. 

^''^ It is said that about four hundred persons of all sorts were shipped 
for Manilla. A storm overtook them ; but, according to the same 
authority, they arrived safe " by virtue of certain reliques thrown into 
the water by a Jesuit !" — Manoel de Fai-ia y Sousa. 


nate, and at five a-clock in the evening came to an anchor 
again on the north-east side of Tidore. This day died of 
the flux Thomas Richmond, 

The twenty-first day, at four of the clock in the morning, 
we weighed, and about ten a-clock came to an anchor in 
Ternate road in sixteen fathoms, fair by one of the Dutch 
ships, which two days before us came from Tidore. This 
ship was to take in her lading of cloves here. This after- 
noon, the general sent his pinnace to know if the king had 
sent word to the sabandar to see the delivery of such cloves 
as was there of ours. The pinnace brought word master 
BroAvn was very sick, and all the company which were with 
him. This afternoon came aboard to our general the king's 
uncle of Ternate, called Txccliil Gcgogoe.^^^ To this man our 
general told how vinkindly he had been used by the king 
and the Hollanders, and how the king would neither give 
him leave to buy cloves while he tarried here, nor permit 
him to leave a factory there, contrary to the promise he 
made him when he saved both him and the Hollands factors 
from enemies' hands, which good turn both the one and the 
other have quite forgotten ; likewise he said he thought the 
king had been as our kings in Christendom are, which never 
will promise anything but they will perform it. Kcchil 
Gegogoe hearing this, said he would that night go to the 
king, and then would tell him how much he did dishonour 
himself to be so overruled by the Hollanders ; and therefore 
willed the general not to have doubt of leaving a factory, 
and likewise to trade so long as they tarried here in the 
despite of the Hollanders. And upon the same, seeming to be 
angry, he departed, promising the next day to return again. 
This man could speak Portuguese, whereby the general let 

"^ Kechil Gegogoe. Kechil, a Malay worrl, is a title of honour applied 
to the relatives of the Maluco princes. It is sometimes spelt cacliil, and has 
been supposed to he derived from the Arabic. — AV. Marsdcn ; Bart. 
Leonardo de Ar2;ensola. 


him understand his mind to the full.^^^ He knew sir Francis 
Drake when he was at Ternate^ and had been aboard his 
ship with him. 

The twenty-second day the general sent his brother again 
to the town, to know if the sabandar were come from the 
king with order to deliver the cloves. Captain Middleton 
found him now come to town, and brought him to our 
general, who told him he had order to deliver the cloves, 
and likewise that he should have free liberty to buy and sell 
as well as the Hollanders ; and that the king desired the 
general not to depart till he came, which should be shortly 
after the messenger. All this friendship kechil Gegogoe 
procured. The sabandar and his two sons supped and 
lodged in the general's cabin that night. 

The twenty-sixth [day], being Sunday, kechi] Gegogoe 
was all afternoon with the general in his cabin, where he 
feasted him in the best manner he could, and gave him a 
very fair caliver set with bone,^'' and many other things. 

The twenty-eighth day the pinnace went to the town to 
fetch such cloves away as the merchants should buy. The 
general or his brother still going or coming in her, at this 
time it was captain Middleton's chance to be in her ; and as 
he and the merchants were busy buying and weighing of 
cloves, in came a Ternatan, and told them that there was a 
man that was indebted unto us, that had brought a canoe 
laden with cloves to pay his debts, and the Hollanders had 
both carried him and the cloves to their house, because the 
man was likewise indebted unto them. Out ran our men 
with weapons, but she was gone before they came, or else if 
they had not made the more haste, they had not carried 

^*' It appears by the above remark that Middleton spoke the Portu- 
guese language, and as Grove spoke the Dutch, and another the Malay, 
the Red Dragon was well manned as to linguists. 

'^■^ Acalive); ov piece de c/ros calibre, was a species of fire-arm invented 
by the due de Guise. It was short, but of considerable bore. The stock 
was sometimes much ornamented. — Capt. Barwick. 



them away so easily as they did. The mariners were hired 
by one of those factors, whose head the general so lately had 
saved, for a royal-of-eight a man, to do this brave exploit. 
At their coming aboard they told the general how the Hol- 
land factors used them, which he took very evil. 

The twenty-ninth day the general went to the town with 
twenty armed men^*'' — some, shot, and some, pikes and hal- 
berds — and at his coming, he sent word to the Dutch house 
they should restore the cloves they had taken away. They told 
our general that the party had been in their debt these two 
years, and they could not get him to any payment, and that 
the king had made proclamation that no man that was in- 
debted unto the Hollanders should sell him any cloves ; yet 
nevertheless they would not be their own judges, but would 
stand to the judgment of the king, when he should come, 
and the cloves to remain in the sabandar's hands till the 
matter was tried. So the general was pacified, threatening 
to give the bastinado to the factor which was the cause : but 
after that time, he durst not pass by our doors. This breach 
betwixt us and the Hollanders caused the king to make the 
more haste, for that he doubted we would go by the ears 
with them ; and having very few men in the town, he 
doubted the worst, for that the Hollanders are not beloved 
of the country people : the cause is, their manifold disorder 
in their drunkenness^^'' against men, but principally against 
the women. 

The first of June, about one of the clock at night, came a 
caracoa from Tidore, rowing by our ship, calling to the 

uii rj^ijQ former edition has " 20. armed men, some shot, and some pikes, 
and halberts." The punctuation is vicious. The author means that some 
of the men bore fire-arms, and the rest, pikes or halberds. — R. Barret. 

147 Drunkenness. Dr. Borde, a shrewd observer, gave this character 
of the Hollanders in 1542 — 

" And I am a Holander, good cloth I doo make ; 
To moch of English beare, diuers times I do take." 
At Bantam, some three-score years later, complaints were also made by 


watch. The general hearing it, knew it was the king that 
spake, and rose out of his bed, and saluted him by his name: 
the king did the like to him, and asked him how he knew 
him in the dark. The general, by his interpreter, said that 
he knew him by his voice ; which caused him to laugh. 
And so spending some little time in talking, he willed our 
general to meet him at the town in the morning. The 
general gave him five pieces of ordnance at his departure, 
which he took very kindly. They delight much to hear 
ordnance to go off at pleasure, so that they be not at the cost. 
When it was day, the general went to the town, and had not 
staid in his house half-an-hour, but the king came, and 
spent all the forenoon with him. The general was desirous 
to know of him whether he should leave a factory or no. 
He answered, he could not tell, for that it was to be deter- 
mined by a council ; which he had not leisure to call as yet, 
by reason of much business. He said the Hollanders did 
threaten him to forsake his country, and to establish a factory 
at Tidore, if he did let the English tarry in the country and 
establish a factory. They saying we were thieves and rob- 
bers, and so, if he did trust us, he should find us ; saying that 
Holland was able to set out twenty ships for England's one, 
and that the king of Holland was stronger by sea than all 
Christendom besides ; with many untruths of their own peo- 
ple and country's commendations, and the disparagement 
of our people and country and of all other christian princes. 
If this frothy nation may have the trade of the Indians to 
themselves, which is the thing they hope for, their pride and 
insolence will be intolerable. The general answered, what 
Hollander soever he were that had told his highness so, he 

master Scott of the " disorder of the baser sort of them when their drink 
was in." Nevertheless, I conceive the fault was rather excessive merry- 
making on particuU^r occasions, to which seamen are apt to yield, than 
habitual drunkenness, as they preserved their health better than our 
own men did— among whom, both on shore and afloat, the mortality 
was quite appalling. — Andrew Borde ; E. Scott. 


lied like a traitor; ancT said he would justify it to their faces; 
and for their country, if the qvicen's majesty of England had 
not pitied their ruin, in sending her forces to withstand the 
Spaniards, their country had been overrun, and they marked 
in the faces for traitors and slaves many years ago.^'^ And 
therefore desired the king to inquire of a Spanish renegado 
which was in the town, and he would certify him of the 
truth. Then the general demanded .whether he should 
have those cloves which' the Flemings had carried away by 
force. He answered, we should have so many of them as 
should pay the debt, and the Hollanders should have the 
rest — which was in the afternoon performed. The king told 
our general that the morrow he must return for Tidore, 
Avhere he must spend three or four days before he could 
return. In the meantime he gave him leave to buy and sell 
with his people, and at his return he should have an answer 
whether he should leave a factory or no. The general en- 
treating him, whilst he tarried in the country, he would let 
him have a house to lodge in, where he might be near his 
business and not be forced every night to go aboard. The 
king promised he should, and so took his leave and departed. 
An hour after he sent his sabandar to the general, who 
brought him to a fair chamber, the king sending him a fair 
gilded bedstead and a Turkey carpet to lie upon ;^^" so after 
that the general was not enforced every night to go aboard, 
as before time he had done. 

The second day, about eight a-clock at night, came a light 
prilu of Tidore aboard, with a letter to our general : the 
effect was, that the king of Tidore found himself aggrieved 
with the Hollanders for taking part with the king of Ternate 

"* This alludes to the assistance given by queen Elizabeth to the 
states-general of the united provinces of the Netherlands, by a consider- 
able force under Robert earl of Leicester, in the years 158.")-7. — Stow. 

"'^ The Chinese were the principal oversea carriers at this period, but 
the Turks also traded with Bantam — a circumstance which accounts for 
the use of such luxuries. — Purchas ; E. Scott. 


against him ; and that upon his sending away of the Portingals 
they had shot into his town, demanding TafFasoa to be sur- 
rendered to procure his peace. The general answered, he 
thought he needed not fear the HoUanders, for that their ship- 
ping woukl shortly be disposed of to other places, and that 
at any time for that town, if so it need, he might make his 
peace. With which answer they returned, making a bold 
attempt to either come or go, the sea being full of their 

The fifth day the king of Ternate and the Hollanders' 
admiraP-^" came from Ternate to conclude of our banishment. 

The sixth day the king sent our general word that both 
he and the Dutch admiral should come face to face before 
him and his council, to hear what either could say against 
other. The general sent the king word he had nothing to 
say against the Dutch, unless he withstood his leaving of a 
factory there ; which, if he did, he desired his highness that 
' they might meet face to face before him to hear what either 
could say : the king sent word it should be so. The Dutch 
admiral came to our general's chamber to visit him. Our 
general asked whether he came to procure his banishment. 
He answered he was bound to do the best he could for his 
adventurers. The general told him, the king was minded 
the next day to know why we should not have a factory in 
the country as well as they. He said he would challenge 
the king's own writing and promise. 

The seventh day the general waited to be sent for to the 

'•'O The Dutch-fleet. The admiral, as he is called, was the vice-admiral 
Sebastiaanz. I can give no additional account of the part which he 
acted with regard to Middleton, as the journal of the proceedings of 
the squadron ends abruptly. The author briefly notices the destruc- 
tion of the fort at Tidore, in accordance with the decision of a council of 
war, and the appointment of certain persons as factors, and mediators 
between the rival kings. He then records the departure of the Gueldres, 
commanded by the brave Mol, for Ternate ; whence she sailed to Ban- 
tam, and arrived in Holland in May 1606— carrying home the welcome 
news of their victories over the Portuguese. — C. de Renncville. 


king ; but seeing nobody came^ he sent to know the reason. 
He sent word he was very busy that day, and coukl not 
intend it till the morrow. The Dutch admiral had confer- 
ence with the king twice this day; where, belike, he had 
what he desired, for as soon as night came he departed for 

The eighth day the king sent his secretary and one of the 
Dutch merchants unto him, with a letter sealed with hard 
wax ; which seal had two letters, an H and a B, which stood 
for Hans Beerpot,^'^^ with a merchant's mark between the 
letters. This letter they delivered, and told him it was the 
king's letter to the king of England. The general would 
not believe the king would send so great a prince as the 
king of England a letter with so little state, and a merchant's 
seal upon it. They answered, and if he doubted thereof, 
they would cause the king to come and justify it. The 
general said, he w^ould not otherwise believe it. So they 
left the letter and departed. Half-an-hour after came the 
king and a great train to our general's chamber — where, 
saluting him kindly, they sat down upon a trunk together. 
The king said, I sent you a letter sealed by my secretary, 
which you have received, making doubt it is not sent by me 
to so great a king, and delivered with so little state, and 
sealed with a merchant's seal. Now you heard me say thus 
much, I hope you are satisfied ; the letter is sent by me and 
none other, therefore prepare yourself to-morrow to be gone. 

1^1 Hans Beerpot. We formerly taxed the Hollanders with having 
been our teachers as health-drinkers, or something worse : they seem 
to have returned the compliment. In Hayis Beer-Pot, a comedy printed 
in 1618, Cornelius Harmants says — 

" Twas strange to see a younker once but drunke 
In Englands kingdome, when I lined there, 
For to be drunke was bcggarlike they stiyde ; 
Now, beggars say they are drunke like gentlemen." 

The authorities quoted were Englishmen, but well-acciuainted with the 
Netherlands. — Henry Pcacham ; I>. Belchier. 


The general neither would nor durst deliver it to the king 
of England, willing him to take it again. He would not, but 

The ninth, kechil Gegogoe, the king's uncle, hearing how 
the general had been used by the king and the Hollanders, 
came to visit him at his chamber, where there passed much 
talk between them concerning the foresaid counterfeit letter, 
intended to have been sent, to the disgrace of the general, 
to the king of England ; kechil Gegogoe assuring the gene- 
ral that, if it lay in his power, he would procure of the king 
that they might leave a factory there. ^^~ Moreover, that at his 
next return to him he should know the contents of that base 
and slanderous letter invented by the Hollanders ; and so he 
departed, with promise to return the next day. The people 
of the country understanding the Hollanders had procured 
our banishment, were much offended that the petty prince 
of Holland, and his, whom they esteemed but debauched 
drunkards, should be esteemed before the mighty king of 
England and his subjects ; and knowing we were com- 
manded to depart, brought all their commodities to us and 
none to the Hollanders. Whereat they finding themselves 
aggrieved, caused our beam that we weighed cloves with 
to be taken away, but it was restored again by the means of 
kechil Gegogoe ; which the Hollanders perceiving, they 
sent to their admiral at Tidore to return to Ternate ; which 
he did, threatening the king that he would leave him and 
establish a factory at Tidore. Whereupon the king, with 
the unwilling consent of his council, gave order for our 
banishment ; sending the sabandar to our general to will 
him to linger no longer, but to depart aboard. •''^^ 

1^^ We have seen that kechil Gegogoe, our friendly advocate, knew sir 
Francis Di-ake ; but in The world encompassed we read of " Moro the kings 
brother." Now, Moro is one of the synonyms of Gilolo — and there must 
have been some misconception. — De Barros ; The tcorld encompassed. 

1^3 The departure of the Red Dragon from the Maluco Islands being 
at hand, it now seems fit to notice the proceedings of the other ships. 


The sixteenth day, towcards evening, the king of Ternate 
with a great company of his nobles came down from the 
town, landing right against our ship, and caused a tent to be 
set up — sending for our general to come ashore, which he 
presently did. The king caused him to sit down by him, 
excusing himself that we left not a factory there, alleging 
that the Hollanders enforced him to the contrary ; he and 
his subjects owing them much, which he hoped to pay the 
next harvest ; and that then he would take another order with 
them : which being done, he caused a letter to be read by 
his secretary openly, the contents whereof follow at the end 
of the book. Sealing it uj) he delivered it to the general, 
entreating him to return and he should be welcome. Who 
answered, that it was in vain for the English to return thi- 
ther so lonar as the Hollanders bare rule, holding it a dis- 
parageraent to his nation to give place to them, being so far 
their inferiors. This communication ended by the sudden 
coming of a great many of lights, and in the midst one of his 
chief noblemen under a canopy, carrying, in a platter of gold, 
covered with a coverture of cloth of gold, the letter which 
was before so publicly read ; and the general looking ear- 
nestly, not knowing what the matter was, the king called 
unto him, willing him to arise and receive the letter he sent 
to the king of England. Which he presently doing, the 
party which carried it made low obeisance after their coun- 

The Hector and the Susan remained at Bantam, to take in pep2:)er, till 
the fourth of INIarch. Captain Stiles dying just before that date, captain 
Keeling succeeded to the command of the Hector, and master Edward 
Ilighlord to that of the Susan. The masters of both ships also died 
there, and many of the principal men and sailors. Guzerats and Chinese 
were therefore hired to assist in working the ships on the homeward 
voyage. Their departure is thus described by Scott : — " The fourth of 
March the Hector and Susan set sail for England ; the Hector having 
sixty-three persons in her of all sorts, English and others — but many of 
her own men being sick. The Susan, so near as I could learn, had 
forty-seven of all sorts — also many Englishmen sick. I pray God send 
us good nev:s of her.'"'' We shall hear more of the Hector and Susan at 


try fashion, and then delivered it to the general ; which he 
kissing received, and sat him down again by the king, giving 
him thanks in doing our king and himself that right in deli- 
vering the letter in such sort as it ought to he. The king 
answered : this letter which you have is unsealed, and written 
in the Malay tongue, to the intent at Bantam it might be 
interpreted by some of your own people which have learned 
that language ; but the other was invented by the Hol- 
landers to have done you injury — telling him in brief the 
effect thereof, excusing himself that he had no good thing to 
send the king of England but only a bahar of cloves, which 
he hoped his majesty would accept in good part, considering 
his country yields no other thing of worth. LikcM'ise he 
bestowed upon our general a bahar of cloves, and caused 
them presently to be carried to the boat ; which done he 
took his leave, and departed aboard his caracoa. 

The seventeenth day the king of Ternate came rowing 
about our ship, and divers of his women with him, in a 
caracoa; the general entreating him to come aboard, but he 
would not. Kechil Gogogoe came aboard this afternoon to 
our general, certifying him that the contents of the Hollan- 
ders' counterfeit letter was, that we had sold powder, great 
ordnance, and other munition to the Portingals. And more, 
that to their great hurt in the fight we had assisted them 

a later date. Meanwhile, some notice is due to the Ascension. The first 
attempt which we made to reach the Banda Islands was a failure. In 
pursuance of orders left by captain Lancaster on his departure from 
Bantam in 1603, a pinnace carrying some fifteen men, and laden with 
fifty-six chests Siud fardels of goods, was despatched for those islands on 
the sixth of March in that year. She met with contrary winds, and after 
beating up and doini in the seas near two months, was forced to return 
to Bantam ! The Ascension, as before stated, reached the place of her 
destination on the twentieth of February ; but of the proceedings there 
we have no other information than what we gather from the letters 
written by .James I. in reply to the sabandars of Nera and Lantore. It 
therein appears that captain Colthurst was received in a friendly man- 
ner, and that the sabandar of Nera, which is the principal island, sent 
his majesty a bahar of nutmegs. — E. Scott ; Appendix. 



Avith gunners, and that was the cause we left not a factory 
there, hopmg the general would have carried and delivered 
it to his own disgrace ; but he, suspecting their slanderous 
treachery, refused it. 

The eighteenth day the king and his uncle came aboard in a 
small prau, because he would not have the Hollanders, which 
rode by us, to know of his being there, for it was death to 
them to see him use our general kindly. Their coming was 
to take leave of our general. He desired them to come down 
to his cabin, and made them a banquet, which they kindly 
did accept, and spent most part of the day with him, urging 
our general to return thither again, or at the leastwise to send, 
and he or they should be welcome — do the Hollanders what 
they could ; with protestation that both he and all his people 
were very sorry for his departure, ~ finding we were good 
people, and not such as the Hollanders did report us to be, 
which lived only by robbing and stealing. During this 
communication the Holland ship which rode by us shot off 
three pieces, which the king hearing sent to know the cause. 
Word was brought the Hollanders' admiral was come from 
Tidore, and gone aboard ; which the king hearing, took a 
short farewell of our general and went to his caracoa — show- 
ing evidently his great fear to offend the Hollanders. Be- 
fore he could put off his boat from the side our ship was 
under sail, giving him seven pieces of ordnance, and [we] 
held on our way between Ternate and Tidore.^^* 

^'■' The Ascension. " The one-and-twentieth day of July, being Sunday, 
we set sail from Banda, the wind at east-south-east, and we stood to the 
westward. The two-and-twentieth day we fell with the south end of 
Bouro, the wind at east- south-east. The seven-and-twentieth day we fell 
with Deseleni [Salayer I.], and then we came about the south end of the 
island, leaving seven islands on our larboard side. We stood close by the 
wind to the northward, fair by the main island of Deselem, to clear our- 
selves of a small island and a shoal that lieth off the south-west part of 
Deselem, and leaving this island, and all the other shoals, on our larboard 
side, we stood north-north-west along the west side of Deselem, while we 
came in six degrees and ten minutes. Then we steered west eighteen 


About noon the twenty-first day we came to an anchor at 
TafFasoa. The governor presently came to our general with a 
present of hens and fruit, telling him that he had been at 
Tidore, and the king had given him order to surrender the 
town unto him if he came thither again, and the fort, pray- 
ing him to dispose thereof as his ow^n. The general gave 
him thanks, telling him he had few men ; but if he had so 
many as he had w^hen he came from Bantam, he would leave 
such a garrison there as they should doubt neither the Hol- 
landers nor the Ternatans — but his weakness w-as such that 
he could leave no men there. He answered, he doubted not 
the keeping of the town in despite of all their enemies ; and 
although he could leave no men there, yet had he order by 
his king to surrender his right and title to the king of Eng- 
land, to whose use he Avould keep it, desiring the surrender 
thereof might be drav\'n, and the general should have the 
original and he the copy. Which done, he caused the people 
to bring those cloves they had, and so took his leave and 
departed ; we directing our course for Celebes, where we 
had such water as the place afforded — but it was brackish — 
buying some cocos of the people, who are like Javans.'^ 

July the twenty-fourth we came to anchor in Bantam road,'^** 

leagues, and fell with the point shoal that lieth off the south-west end 
of Celebes — and the very southernmost part of that shoal lieth in six de- 
grees — and being clear of that, we stood to the westward. The sixteenth 
day of August, we came to anchor in Bantam road." — T. Clayborne. 

^■^^ I believe the previous narrative to be the journal, and that what 
follows, embracing a period of almost ten months, is the part which the 
publisher describes as a continuation. It contains, short as it is, two mani- 
fest errors. The writer contradicts himself as to the ship which accom- 
panied the Hector, and asserts that Scott was left at Bantam! Scott and 
Clayborne may make amends for his defects : they vivotQ as eye-witnesses. 

150 " The twenty-fourth of July our general came into the road from 
Tarnata. So soon as we discerned the ship, and saw it was the Dragon, 
I took a prau, and went aboard to bid him welcome, who declared to me 
the dangers they had passed, and somewhat of the unkindness of the 
Hollanders, etc. — The twenty-fourth day the king of Jacatra [now Bata- 
via] came to see our general. — The eighth of September the Dutch mer- 


where master Scottj chief factor there, certified our general 
of the mortality of men in the Hector and Ascension [Susan] 
before they departed, so that he "svas forced to hire Chinese 
to help them home ; and that of twenty-four left there in their 
factory twelve were dead. Where we continued till the sixth 
of October,^'^^ which day, having taken leave of master Scott 
and the rest left there, we set sail for England, continuing in 
our course with variable weather till the nineteenth of Decem- 

chants invited our general and all his merchants and masters to a feast, 
where there was great cheer, and also great friendship was made between 
us. — The third day of October our general made a feast for his farewell, 
whereunto he invited the Dutch admiral, with also all the rest of his cap- 
tains, masters, and merchants, v/here we were all exceeding merry, and 
great friendship was made between us. — The fourth day of October our 
general, being accompanied with divers merchants and others, went to 
the court to take his leave of the king and his nobles. The sixth day 
of October, being Sunda.y, about ten a-clock, our general with all that 
was bound home went aboard, who going by the Dutch house Avent in, 
and took his leave of the Dutch admiral and the rest of his merchants. 
Also there went aboard with him master Gabriel Towerson, who was to 
stay for agent there, anji some other merchants who, after dinner, some 
went ashore, and some staid until the next day. About three a-clock 
we weighed anchor, and with some ordnance bade the town, and the 
Dutch ships, farewell. About eleven or twelve a-clock at night we came 
to an anchor under an island, where the next day we took in wood, which 
our general had sent men beforehand to cut ready. The seventh day, 
towards evening, we weighed anchor again, and set sail ; master Tower- 
son and some other of the merchants then took their leave to go ashore, 
whom we committed to the protection of the Almighty, and ourselves to 
the courtesy of the sea, desiring God to bless both them and us, and if it 
be his will to send us a happy meeting in England." — E. Scott. 

1^^ The Ascension. " The sixth day of October, being Sunday, we 
set sail out of Bantam road, with the Dragon and the Ascension. 
The fifteenth day of November, latitude thirty-one degrees forty-eight 
minutes, the wind north-north-west, thick foggy weather. This day, 
about ten of the clock in the morning, we ^ame within a ship's length 
of a rock, or sunken island. The water showed upon it very brown 
and muddy, and in some places very blue, and being a ship's breadth or 
two to the northward of it, we saw the water by the ship's side very 
black and thick, as though it had been earth or gross sand boiling up 
from it. The variation in this place is onc-and-twenty degrees from 
north to west decreasing." — T. Clay borne. 


ber, — which clay, the wind scanting ujjon us,^^^ we thought 
to pvit into Saldanha road.^"'" About ten a-clock in the morn- 
ing we saw a sail to leewards, thinking it had been the 
Ascension, whose company we lost fourteen days before, but 
contrary to our expectation it proved the Hector, which 
went in company of the Susan from Bantam above nine 
months before, in such lamentable distress that, had we not 
met with them that day, they had purposed the next to have 
run themselves aground at Penguin Island, having for that 
purpose fardled up their apparel ^''^ and such other things as 
were most necessary for them. Our general caused our pin- 
nace to be hoisted out, and sent for captain Keeling and the 
purser, who related their extreme miseries, having but ten 

158 fjn^Q wind scanting. The phrase, misinterpreted by Todd, has a 
technical sense — as in this example : " the wind scanting with us, and 
larginq with them, we were forced to leeward." — Sir R. Hawkins. 

'^'"'■^ The Ascension. " The sixteenth of December, west nine leagues, 
latitude thirty-four degrees and twenty minutes. This day, in the 
morning, we had sight of the land of Ethiojna [South Africa], distant 
from us some twelve leagues. The six-ahd-twentieth day latitude 
thirty-fovir degrees thirty minutes. Now, being in the latitude and 
in the sight of Cape Boa Esperau9a, and within one league of it, we 
steered north-west, and north-north-west, and north, and as the land lay 
about the cape. The seven-and-twentieth day we came to anchor in 
Saldanha I'oad, where we found our admiral, and the Hector, which ship, 
the Dragon our admiral met withal seven days before, driving up and 
down the sea about four leagues off the Cape Boa Esperanga with ten 
men in her. All the rest of her men were dead, which were in number 
three-aud-fifty which died since she came out of Bantam, which time was 
nine months. Being in great distress, she lost company of the Susan 
three mouths after she came out of Bantam road, which ship, the Susan, 
was never heard of since. Here we came to anchor in seven fathoms, 
having the low point going in uorth-west-by-west, and the Sugar-Loaf 
south-west, half-a-point to the westward, the point of the breach of Pen- 
guin Island north-west-by-north, and the hill between the Sugar-Loaf 
and the low jjoint west-south-west, the peak of the hill to the eastward 
of the Table south-by-east." — T. Clayborne. 

100 /fardled up their apparel. Johnson ovoM^ fardle as a verb. It was, 
however, in common use. Fardle, in a nautical sense, is the undoubted 
origin oi furl. — Capt. Smith. 


vEnglishmen and four Chinese alive ; so, supper being done, 
with thanks given to God for their miraculous preservation, 
our general sent twelve men more to help them into Saldanha 
road, where we staid repairing the ruins of the Hector and 
providing other nccetisaries till the sixteenth of January fol- 
lowing [1606] , when we set sail for Saint Helcna,^''^ where 
Ave arrived the second of February following. 

1"' The Ascension. " The sixteenth day of January [1G06], in the 
morning, we set sail from Saldanha road, and went to the northward of 
Penguin Island, between that and the main. When we had the island 
south from us about one-mile-and-a-half we sounded, and had ground 
twenty fathoms, white coral and 7ch istles of shells. When we were clear 
of the island we stood off west-by-south and west-south-west, while we 
brought the island south-east-by-east of us ; now, being about six of the 
clock in the afternoon, we had sight of the Hector, coming out to the 
southward of the island, for we left her at anchor when we weighed. 
Now the wind being at south, we stood all night to the westward, close 
by a wind. In the morning following we had lost sight of the Hector 
and then we steered away north-west with a low sail while [till ?] noon, 
being the seventeenth day, thinking to get sight of the Hector, but we 
could not. The first day of February, west to the southward six- 
teen leagues, of latitude sixteen degrees and twenty minutes. This 
day, about one of the clock in the afternoon, we had sight of Saint 
Helena, bearing west to the northward from us about twelve or thirteen 
leagues. The second day west, and west-by-south, four leagues, then 
having the island west from us about eight or nine leagues, the wind at 
south-east, we lay off and on to the eastward of the island most part of 
the night, and in the morning following we stood to the northward of the 
island. This day, about twelve of the clock, we came to anchor in the 
road of Saint Helena. Our land-anchor lay in seventeen fathoms; our 
ship rode in twenty fathoms, blackish, gravelly sand. We had one point 
north-east of us, and one sharp hill like a sugar-loaf, with a cross on the 
top of it, that bare north-cast-by-east. The church in the valley south- 
east. In this valley there are many trees likewise : the high land south- 
east vip from the church, and all the valley besides, is full of trees. The 
other point of the land, south-west to the westward. We moored south- 
east and north-west. Our anchor in the offing lay in one-and-twenty 
fathoms. The third day at night, being Monday, we had sight of the 
Hector, coming about the south end of the island, but could not fetch 
into the road, yet stood to the northward as near as she could lie, the 
wind at cast. The fourth and fifth days, our boats went out to help to 
get her into tlie road, but they could not. The sixth day at night, being 


The eleventh of February we departed from Saint Helena, 
contmuing at sea with such variety of weather as those that 
use the sea are usually accustomed unto till the second of 
May following, when we were off Plymouth, and the sixth 
following at the Downs. 

a little wind, we towed her in with our boats into thirty-five fathoms, 
one-mile-and-a-half from the shore, bearing from us south-west-by-west, 
distant about two leagues. The eleventh day we set sail from Saint 
Helena, the wind at east-north-east, and we steered north-west. This 
north-west part of the island lieth in the latitude of sixteen degrees, 
and in seven degrees forty-five minutes of variation. Note this, that the 
church that bare south-east of us when we were in the road, standeth in 
the bottom of the fifth valley from that point that bare north-east of 
us. We came to anchor in the Downs on the sixth of May 1606, where 
we rode eight days for a fair wind." — T. Clay borne. 



The King of TaRxVata, to the King or England, 
Scotland, France and Ireland, &c.^'^- 

EARING of the good report of your Maiestie, 
hy the comminxj of the great captain Francis 
Drahe, in the time of my father, ichich was 
about some 30. y ceres past : by the which cap- 
taine, my predecessor did send a ring vnto the Queene of 
England, as a token of ranembrance betweene vs : tvhich if 
the aforesaide Drake had beene lining, hee coidd haue in- 
formed your Maiestie of the great hue and friendship of 
either side: he in the behalf e of the Queene: my father for 
him and his successors. Since which time of the departure 
of the aforesaid captaine, we haue dayly expected his returne, 
my father lining many y ceres after and dayly expecting his 
returne, and I after the death of my father haue liuecl in the 
same hope, till I was father of eleuen children : in which 
time I haue beene informed that the English were mc7i of so 
bad dispositioi that they came not as jieaceable merchants, 
biit to dispossesse them of their countrey : which by the com- 
ming of the bearer hereof wee haue found to the contrarie, 
which greatly we reioyce at. And after many yeeres of our 

162 This interesting letter, and the two which follow it, are printed 
litekatim from the former edition, as favourable specimens of the 
volume in point of orthography and punctuation. The variations of the 
manuscript copies preserved at the India -House, with which they have 
been collated, are of no importance. The hezoar stones sent by the king 
of Bantam — articles, says Bullokar, " very costly and of great account in 
physic" — were delivered to his majesty on the 25th May 1606. The letters 
of James I. which produced the above letters, with those written in reply, 
are printed in the Appendix. — India-House Mss. ; English expositor. 


expectation of some English forces hy the promise of captaine 
Drake, here arriucd certaine shi2)s which toe well hoped had 
heene Englishmen, hut finding them contrary, and being out 
of al hope of succour of the English nation, we ivere inf arced 
to write to the Prince of Holland, to crane ayde and succour 
against our auncient enemies the Portingals, and according 
to our request hee hath sent hither his forces which hath ex- 
peld all the Portugales out of the fortes tvhich they held at 
Amboyna and Tydore. And tvhereas your Maiestie hath 
sent to 7ne a most kinde and friendly letter hy your seruant 
captaine Henry Middleton, that doth not a title reioyce vs. 

Afid zvhereas captaine Hetiry Iliddelton teas desirous to 
leaue a factory hcare, we toere very willing therunto, tchich 
the captain of the Hollanders vnder standing , he came to 
challenge me of a former promise which I had loritten to the 
Prince of Holland : that if he tvould send me such succour 
as should cxpell the Portugales out of these parts, that no 
other nation should haue trade heare hut they onely. So that 
we ivere inforst against our liking to yeeld vnto the Hol- 
landers captaines request for this time : whereof we craue 
pardon of your Highnesse : and if any of your nation come 
hereafter, they shall be welcome. And whereas the chiefs 
captaine of the Hollanders doth sollicitc vs, not to hold any 
friendship with your nation, nor to giue eare to your High- 
nesse letters : yet for all their suite, if you please to send 
hither againe, you shall he loelcome. And in token of our 
friendship, lohich we desire of your Maiestie, ive haue sent 
you a small remembrance of a bahar of clones, our countrey 
being poor e, and yeelding no better commoditie, rohich toe pray 
your Highnesse to accept in good part. 

Tarn ATA. 



Tin: Kixc of Tydors Lettek to the Kixgs 
Matestie of England. 

<:^^^^3^ HIS writnifj of the King of Tydor to the King 

^mj> of England, is to let your HigJincsse vnder- 
stand that the King of Holland hath sent 
"^ii^^^^^Ji hither into these 'partes a feet of shippes to 
ioyne loitli our ancient enemie the King of Tarnata, and they 
ioyntly together, haue ouer-runne and spoyled part of our 
countrey, and are determined to destroy hoth vs and our suh- 
iects. Noive xnderstanding hy the hearer hereof, captaine 
Henry Middleton, that your Highnesse is in frienship with 
the King of Spaine, ivee desire your Maiestie that you would 
take 2)itti<i ofrs, that wee may not he destroyed hy the King 
of Holland and Tarnata to whom tvee haue offered no ivrong : 
hut they hy force ahle meanes seehe to hereaue vs of our king- 
dome. And as great kings vpon the earth are ordayned hy 
God to succour all than that he wrongfully oppressed : so I 
appeale vnto your Maiestie, for succour against my enemies ; 
not douhting hut to finde reliefe at your Maiesties hands. 
And if your Maiestie send hither, I humhly entreate that it 
may hee captaine Henry Middleton or his hrother, ivith lohom. 
I am ivell acquainted. 

Thus we end, praying God to enlarge your kingdomes, 
and hlesse you, and all your counsels. 



The King of Bantam, to the King of 

LETTER giuen from your friend the King of 
Bantam, to the King of England, Scotland, 
France, and Ireland : desiring God to preserue 
your health, and to exalt you more and more, and 
all your counsell. And xohercas yotir 3Iaiestie hath sent a 
generall, Henry Middleton, he came to me in health. I did 
heare that your Maiestie teas come to the croivne of England, 
which doth greatly reioyce my heart. Now England and 
Bantam are hoth as one. I haue also receiued a present from 
your Maiestie : the ivhich I giue you many thanhes for your 
kindnesse. I doe send your Maiestie two heasar stones, the 
one waying fourteene masses the other thy^e : and so God 
haue you. in his heejjing. 



[No. I. — Commission of James I. authorising Henry Middleton 


GENTLEMAN, to USB and put in execution martial law. 1604.] 

B£:c(ma--octaba pars Paten tic anno Hcgnt 2Ilcgis 

Jacobi ^Bvtmo. {in. 33 dorso.) 

CoiTi spiai p Mecatorib} STanusi by the grace of God etc. To 
de le East Indies. onr trustie and welbeloved Henry Mid- 

dleton esquier and to our trustie and 
welbeloved Christofer Colthurst gentleman greeting Whereas 
divers of our loving subjects at their owne adventures costs and 
charges aswell for the honor of this oure realrae of England as for 
the increase and advancement of trade of marchandize within the 
same did heretofore sett forth a voyage to the Easte Indies with 
certayne shippes and pynnaces by way of marchandizing by 
which shippes and pynnaces they having discovered and begon to 
settle a trade in some partes of the said East Indies and their 
shippes being retorned fi-om thence laden with sundrie marchandize 
brought from those partes they the said marchants intending to 
frequent those countries of the East Indies by contynuing the trade 
already discovered and begonne and indevoring further discovery 
of trade of those partes for the more ample vent of the native 
com'odities of oure kingdomes and retornyng from the places of 
their discovery of such necessarie com'odities as shalbe of speciall 
use and benefytt both to us and our sulijects are in hand to prepare 
and make ready their said shippes lately retorned from the East 
Indies and to set them forth agayne for a newe voyage And 
w^hereas the said marchants have chosen you the said Henry Mid- 
dleton to be the principall governor or generall and you the said 
Christofer Colthurst to be lieutenant generall of all the marchants 


4 APPKNlilX. 

niarryners ami other our subjects wliicli are or shalbe shipped in 
any of tlie said shippes wee graciouslie favoring their intended 
voyage and approving and allowing of their choice of you to the 
same governient being desirous to furnish you with all fytt and 
convenient power and authority to rule and governe all and every 
our subjects? imployed in this voyage by a due obedience to be by 
them yeilded unto you in the observing and executing of all such 
good orders and constituc'ons as you shall thinke convenient to 
ordayne and appoynt for the furtherance of the said voyage to the 
honor of us and oure kingdomes and for the advancement of the 
said trade Wee doe hereby straightly charge and comaunde all and 
every person and persons imployed used or shipped or which 
shalbe imployed used or shipped in this voyage in any of the said 
shippes to give all due obedience and respect unto you during 
the said voyage and to beare them selves therein one towards 
another in all good order and quietnes for avoyding any occa- 
sion that might breede mutynye quarrells or dissention amongest 
them to the hynderance of the good successe which is to be 
hoped for by Gods providence of the saide intended voyage and 
in defoult of such dutie and obedience to be performed towards 
you and for the correcc'on and quenching of all such muteny quar- 
rells or dissention that shall or may growe or be moved by the dis- 
order evill disposic'on or perversenes of any of the said persons 
Wee doe hereby authorize you Henry Middleton generall during 
the said voyage or during soe longe tyme as you shall live in the 
same voyage and in case of your decease (which God forbid) wee 
doe then likewise hereby authorize you the saide Christofer Colt- 
hurst to chastice correct and punysh all otfendors and transgressors 
in that behalfe according to the quality of their offences with such 
punishments as are com'only used in all armies by sea when the 
offences are not capitall and for capitall offences as wilful! murder 
which is hatefuU in the sight of God or muteny which is an offence 
that may tende to the overthrowe of the said voyage the same being 
truly and justly proved against any of the person or persons afore- 
said wee doe hereby give unto you the said Henry Middleton 
duryng all the tyme of the said voyage or duryng soe longe tyme as 
you shall live in the same and in case of your decease wee doe give 
to you Christofer Cothurst full power and authoritie to use and 
put in execuc'on oure lawe called marciall lawe in that behalfe and 
theis our I'res shalbe your sufficient warrant and discharge for the 


(loyng and executing of all and singiiler the premisses And foras- 
much as at this present tyme wee are in amitye with all Christian 
princes and are unwilling that any of oure subjects should give 
occasion of breche or hiuderance of that league or amy tie which 
wee hold with any oure confederates frendes or allies and because 
wee are not ignorant of the emulac'on and envy that doth accom- 
pany the discovery of countries and trades and of the quarrells and 
contencions which doe many tymes fall oute betwene the subjects 
of divers princes that meete the one with the other in forreyn 
and farre remote countries in the course and prosecuting of their 
discoveries and being desirous that oure subjects should forbears 
to move or begyn any quarrel! or contencion uppon the subjects of 
any of oure confederates frendes or alyes either in the proceeding 
or retorne uppon or from any of their voyages Wee therefore doe 
hereby straightlie charge and com'aunde you Henry Middleton and 
you Christofer Colthurst and all others under your goverment 
that neither in your voyage outeward or homeward nor in any 
conntry iland port or place where you shall abide or come during 
the tyme of your being abroad oute of oure kingdomes or domy- 
nions where you may meete with any the subjects of the king of 
Spayne or of any other oure confederates frendes or alyes their 
shippes vessells goodes or marchandize you doe attempt or goe about 
to sett uppon take or surprise their persons shippes vessells goodes 
or marchandize or offer any injurye or discurtesie unto them unles 
you shall first by them thereunto justly be provoked or driven in 
the juste defence of your owne persons your shippes vessells goodes 
or marchandizes as you will answere to the contrary at your utter- 
most perills. In witnes whereof etc. Witnes our selfe at West- 
mynster the thii*d day of March. 

P' bre' de privato sigillo etc. 

Nov. 19. 

C|)is is n true nnli nttt^rntic copp from t))t 
oritjtnal rerorti rcmaintug; in ti^c Chapel 
^^'^- of t^e HoIIb batitncj been cjraminct!. 

Thomas Palmer, 

Ass*- Eccoid Keeper. 

19 November 1850. 

[No. II.— Commission of James I. authorising the East-India Com- 

<Siuintn=ticcima pars Patefi Uc ^nno iHecjiu lUcgis 
Jacobi ^n'mo. 

D Licen spat p ^nmtS by the grace of God etc. To all men 

Gubnatore T; to Avhome theise p'esentes shall come grcetynge 

Societat Mecato^ Wheareas our late deare sister Elizabeth by 
de le East Indies ''^'' ^'^^^ patents under the greate scale of 
England bearing date at Westm' the one and 
thirtith day of December in the three and fortith year of her raigne 
did uppon peticion made nnto her by her deare and lovinge cosen 
George earle of Cumb'land and divers other her welbeloved sub- 
jects for her royall assent and licence to be graunted unto them 
that they at their owne adventure costs and charges aswell for the 
honor of this realme of England as for the increase of navigation 
and advancement of trade of merchandize within the same mighte 
adventure and sett fourthe certayne voyages with a convenient 
nomber of shippes and pynnaces by waie of traffique and merchan- 
dize into the East Indies in the countries and parts of Asia and 
Affrica did incorporate the saidc petitioners into a bodie politicpie 
by the name of the governour and companie of the marchaunts 
of London tradinge into the East Indies to have houlde and enjoy 
the sole benefit of the trade and trafTicque of the saide Easte 
Indies for tlie space of fifteene yeares from the birth of our Lord 
God then last paste before the date of the said IVes patents And 
WHEREAS by the saide I'res patents licence is graunted to the saide 
governour and companie of marchaunts of London tradinge into 
the East Indies to t'ansporte oute of this realme into the saide Indies 
in everie of their voyages duringe the saide tearme of fifteene 
yeares all such forreine coyne of silver Spanishe or other forreyn 
silver or bullion of silver as they shall duringe the saide tearme 
bringe or cause to be broughte into this realme of England from 
the parts beyond the seas either in the same kynde sorte stampc or 
fat-hion which it shall have when they bryngc it in or anie other 


forme stampe or fashion to be coyned in the mynte within the 
Tower of London soe as the whole quantyties of coyne or monies 
by them to be transported in anie their saide voyages duringe the 
saide terme doe not exceede the value of thirtie thousand poundes 
in any one voiage and soe as the som'e of six thousand poundes at 
the leaste parcell of the same som'e or value of thirtie thousande 
poundes soe to bee transported as aforesaide be first coyned within 
the saide Tower of London before the same shalbae transported in 
anie the saide voyages as by the saide I'res patents more at large 
appeareth Nowe forasmuch as the saide governour and company 
of the saide marchants since the saide I'res patents to them granted 
have made one voyage into the saide East Indies and retourned 
their shippes from thence laden with sondry kinds of marchandize 
and have alsoe prepared and are readie to set forth another voiage 
into the saide East Indies and they the saide governor and com- 
pany being desirous and endevouring by all good meanes to manage 
and carry their said trade as neere as they can rather by the 
t'ansportac'on of the native com'odities of our kingdomes and by the 
bartering and exchange of them for forren com'odities then by 
using the benefit granted them by the said I'res patents for the 
carying out of so much tresure in every of their voiages doe con- 
tent themselves in this p'esent voyage with the lib'ty of t'ansportac'on 
of twelve thousand pounds in forrein coyne without t'ansportac'on 
of anie other coyne buUoyn or silver and to that end have made 
humble peticyon unto us that they may t'ansport the saide value of 
twelve thousand pounds of forreyn coine without coyning the same 
or anie part thereof in our mynt within our Tower of London the 
rather for that they found by experience in their last voiage that 
they could not without great difficulty and some losse to the said 
marchants in the value of their monies newe coyned for that voiage 
make trade for their marchandize in the said East Indies because 
the said mony being stamped with the ymage and sup'scripc'on of 
our said deare sister was strange and unknowne to the people of 
those parts and the monies nowe to [be] coyned in our said mint being 
to be coined with a new stamp of our owne ymage and sup'scripc'on 
will nott only draw them into the like hindrance in their trade 
when they shall come into the saide Indies but will cause their 
shipps which are nowe allmoste ready to depart in their voiage to 
stay and to be detained here to their further damage and hindrance 
untill new stamps for the coyning of the said monies in our mynt 



slialbe graven aiul made for that purpose Wee therefore favour- 
ing the saide mai'chants and being desirous to give themall further- 
ance and expedic'on in their p'esent intended voiage of our esp'iall 
grace ce'ten knowledge and mere moc'on have granted and by theis 
p'esents for us our heires and successors doe grant unto the said 
governor and company of marchants tradyng into the East Indies 
that it shall and may bee lawfull for them their factors and assignes 
in thys p'esent intended voiage which is prepared or in p'eparing for 
the second voiage into the said East Indies to t'ansport out of this 
our realme of England all such forreyn coyne or silver either 
Spanish or other forrein silver as they have prepared p'cured or 
gotten or shall prepare p'cure or gett being alreadie broughte or 
to be broughte from the parts beyond the seas before the dep'ting 
of their shipps out of the river of Thames so a^ the whoU quantity 
of the coyne and monies by them to be t'ansported in this their 
p'esent intended voydge being the second voyage toward the saide 
Indies doe not exceed the saide value of twelve thousand pounds 
the same to be t'ansported in the same kinde sort stampe or fashion 
as the said moneys is or shalbe p'cured gotten or broughte into this 
realme of England and that withoute anie newe coyning or alte'ing 
of the said monies or anie parte thereof from the stampe which it 
beareth Anie statute restraint or p'hibic'on in that behalf to the 
cont'ary in any wise notwithstanding. In witnes whereof etc. 
"WiTNES our self at Westm' the xxiijth day of February. 

P' bre' de privato sigillo etc. 

C()i6 (6 a true nnXi nutf)rntlr copv from tljt 
original rcrorli rrmainintj: in tl)c C^npcl of 
tl)t Eollci ^ai)incj trcn fj:amincii. 

Thomas Palmkk, 

Ass'- Record Keeper. 

19 November 1850. 


Nov. 19. 



A Commission set down by us the Governor, the Deputy, and 
Committees of the East-India Company, to our loving friends, 
master Hcnrie Middlcto)i, general of the merchants, mariners, 
and others employed by us in this present intended voyage, 
being our second voyage to the East Indies ; and to master 
Christnfer CoUkurst, master Boger Style, master Williaiii 
KeaJiiuje, and masters our principal merchants and factors in 
the said voyage, and every of them respectively, as the direc- 
tions and instructions of this our present commission may 
concern their several places of trust wheiein they are em- 
])l()yed — the which voyage. Almighty God in his mercy make 

Whereas we have, upon a special conceit of your wisdom, discre- 
tion, and good government, made choice of you, ma.ster Ilenrie 
Middleton, to be principal governor and general of our fleet, and 
have submitted to your command the persons of all the merchants, 
mariners, and others employed in the several ships thereof; which 
ships we have fitted and furnished with all necessaries not only 
meet for the voyage, but such as you could require, or wish to be 
supplied with your full contentment. 

We therefore expect, on your part, such a performance and 

[' This important and instructive document is preserved among the 
India-House Mss. — It is printed verbatim ; hut, with the exception 
of proper names, and words of duhiovis sense, in modernised ortho- 


The Com- Carrying of this government eomniitted to your charge as may not 
)i;inys i"- only confiriu us in that hope and "ood conceit which induced us 

ilucfinent to •' l o 

onhese"^er^ to the clioicc of you to this employment, but may add unto yourself 
sons. m^ increase and advancement of your own reputation ; which, no 

doubt, you may effect, observing this moderation in your said 
government, so to command as you may be both loved and feared, 
not using authority to work your private respect or revenge, but 
studying and endeavouring to bring this long and tedious voyage 
to a profitable end, with care of the safety, health, and comfort of 
your people, and using your industry to recompense so great a 
charge of provisions and other burdens and expenses borne in this 
voyage, with a profitable return to the general state of the Com- 

2 Pany- 
Tousethe And that you may the better proceed in an infallible hope of a 

assistance of ^ ^ i. i 

certain no- good issuc of your endcavours, we wish and exhort you first to 

mmated. ° •' _ •' 

depend confidently upon God's providence, and next, propound to 
yourself the good example of your late predecessor, sir James 
Lancaster, in the carrying of the former voyage. And forasmuch 
as no man is so absolute in his coui'se and directions for the manag- 
ing of any occasions of importance but he may therein receive 
light, and especial help and furtherance, by conference with others ; 
therefore we have, for your assistance and help, the better to 
undergo the charge of our business, made choice of master Cliris- 
tofer Colthurst, master Royer Style, master WUlinm Keeleiiiy, master 
Robert Browne, and master Edward HiyJilonl, as our principal mer- 
chants employed in this voyage, to be ready with their advice and 
aid to assist you in any thing that may belong to the same ; whom 
we pray and require you not only to hear, but lovingly and kindly 
to use and respect, so as, by your kind conversation mutually used 
and had, the one with the other, there may grow between you in 
so firm an unity as shall be subject to no jar or distaste ; Avherein, 
if you link together, all things will pass with felicity and content- 
ment : otherwise, if there fall amongst you envy, emulation, or 
disagreement, there is no hope of good success of the voyage, but 
apparent hazard to the overthrow of the same. And this shall 
sufilce for our general advice unto you for such a moderation 
of government, to be performed on your part, as may breed a 
good aflfection towards you in those that are submitted unto your 

And to the end that the whole company committed to your 


charge may perform that due obedience and respect unto you which paiiy 
is fit to be yielded to their governor or general, -we do herein pro- used^bv^the 
pound unto you the care of the due execution of that principal pany^ *^''™' 
mean which draweth all Christians to conformity and submission 
to such as are set over them — which is the daily invocation and 
religious worship and ser^dce of God — requiring you to take order 
that certain hours and times in every day may be set apart for 
public prayer and calling upon the name of God ; that like orders, 
with penalties, to be severally published and set up in every ship, 
against the blaspheming of the name of God, and all idle and filthy 
communication ; that all unla%\'ful gaming, especially dice -play, 
may be abolished, as that which procureth, not only the blasphem- 
ing of the name of God, but en\y and quarrelling, from whence 
many times proceedeth murders, or, at the least, the impoverishing 
and undoing of many of the poor ungoverned mariners, who by 
the liberty of dice-play lose their whole wages of the voyage, as it 
is not unkno^\^l unto you by the practice of divers in the last voyage, 
who to furnish themselves with money in that unthrifty employ- 
ment engaged themselves to pay three for one upon their return ; 
and thus having wasted their wages by such unthrifty means, 
went about to lay a scandal upon the Company, alleging they were 
oppressed by necessity in the voyage to enter into those excessive, 
usurious contents [sic] to maintain their lives. 

You having thus set an order to be observed in every ship, both To ke^p 
for the service of God and the civil behaviour of the company one with nn- 
amongst themselves — then, for the better assistance, strength, and 
comfort that the whole fleet may take one of another, by keeping 
company together throughout the whole voyage, until you come 
into the East Indies, into the port or haven of Bantcnn, where you 
are to take order with the masters and company of every ship, by 
the best observations and directions which you shall in your con- 
ference together agree upon, that you depart not out of sight one 
of another so long as you may possibly keep together, to the end 
that if any of you should be any way distressed upon any occasion, 
you may be relieved and comforted by the assistance of some of 
your consorts not being far off. And if you shall happen to be 
separated by foul weather, and cannot recover the sight one of 
another in short time, if your separation or dispersing happen to 
be before you come to island of 3Iay [Maio], then let that island 
be the place of your repair or rendezvous, that you may be drawn 



a<fain togctlicr in company, and there to stay one for another seven 
or eight clays ; and having made stay there so long, and the com- 
pany missing not being come thither, then to depart forwards on 
the voyage, leaving some apparent mark behind you that you 
have been at the said island — as by raising some heap of stones 
together, setting up of a stake or mark, and leaving there some 
letter in or near the place, which may be found by them as shall 
come after, whereby they may know that the other ship or shi])s 
are past that place. And if your separation be beyond the island 
of May, then your rendezvous to be at tlie island of St. Lawrence 
[Madagascar]. And if you shall be occasioned to land in any place 
for fresh water, or to refresh your men, it shall behove you to keep 
wndiko good order and discipline, by warlike guard, for the safety of your 
kept''iu°\\'^a^ Company, lest they should be surprised and fall into danger by 
frJsufii" '* '^'^^^^ much confidence and security ; and, the safety of your persons 
men, eio. being provided for, then your whole company to be admonished to 
behave themselves peaceably and civilly towards the people of that 
place where you refresh for the supply of your wants ; and that 
they be also exhorted to a moderation in feeding off fruits and fresh 
victuals of that soil, the which, by their intemperate and immoder- 
ate diet, may breed inconveniences formerly found by experience 
to be the loss of many men's lives. And in such place or places 
of refreshing, you shall do well to give special order to some men 
chosen and appointed to that end, to make the general provision, 
both of fresh victuals and fruit, for the whole fleet, whereby an 
equal repartition thereof may be made for the company of every 
ship, and that every one be not, with limitation, to victual himself 
according to his intemperate appetite ; and this order to be taken, 
prohibiting every person, upon pain of severe punishment, that 
they do not range and straggle after fresh victuals and fruits, but 
by such order as shall be prescribed unto them. 
Upon such opportunities of necessary landing of your people for 

i.y'^buRiing refreshing, which by no means we would have otherwise to be used 
a "upon upon light occasion, for that it will greatly hinder the voyage, we 
do require you to give order unto the preacher to prepare himself 
to preach to the people, being come together out of the several 
ships, making his choice of such fit arguments and places of 
Scripture as may be most agreeable to the time and occasion, 
whereby the whole company may be exhorted and taught the better 
to carry themselves in the general business. And that the preacher 

liCtht OCCE' 



may have the more comfort m his ministry, we pray you be careful 
that all due respects be p;iven him, not only by yourself, but by the 
whole company, that his doctrine and exhortations, by contempt 
or neglect of his ministry, return not without profit. For the 
place of your refreshing, we wish it to be the island of St. 
Laicrence, but not at Sahlmiia [Saldanha] in anpvise, for the 
inconveniences of that island [bay] noted unto us by men of good 
experience, and their caution given us to beware of the danger of 
that place ; wherefore we require you to shun this place, as our 
express order and will herein. 7 

Your refreshing place being left, and all opportunities taken thenc°e ^^ to 
for the admonishing of your people, both to the service of God, to^'iil'pose'of 
without which no enterprise can be prosperous, and to the civil 
and orderly carrjdng of themselves in the voyage, and in all service 
thereto belonging, then you are to shape your course directly for 
Bantam aforesaid ; at which port, as soon as you shall arrive, and 
that j'ou may conveniently draw yourselves together in conference 
with master William Starkey, [or] the agent which you shall find 
there succeeding him in the business, then we do requu-e you 
(as God hath guided and brought you to your expected and 
appointed port, where you may enter into the disposing of your 
business) that then, you being come to the merchandising port of 
the voyage, you do proceed therein as followeth, viz. : 

We do will and require you, master Hen rie Middleto)!, our governor To advise 

y->7 • /• /-I 7 '"^'^ confer 

or general of the whole voyage, and you, master Lhristojer tolt- of the state 

hurst, master Roger Style, master William Kealinge, master Robert usage, aud 

Broicne, and master Edivard Highlorde, our principal merchants for cumstauces. 

the disposing of the merchandises and traffic of your said voyage, 

that you advise and confer together with master William Starkey, 

or witli whomsoever standeth in the place of the agent resident at 

Bantam, of the state of the place, and of the usage that our agent 

and factors have received since they were left there, and of all 

other circumstances that may concern the safety and benefit of the 

trade ; which being found to stand in good terms, then you are to 

deliver our letters to our said agent, and, with his advice, to deliver 

the king's majesty's letters and present to the king of that place, 

and then to land all such monies as are laden in our four several 

ships, viz., 11,160//. 12.s-., in royals-of-eight, whereof in the lied 


Dragox, five chests, cont. 4,000/?'. in royals, in 40 bags. 



ToiHiid Hector, four chests, cout. 3,200//. in royals, in 32 bags. 



Ascension, three chests, cont. 2,400//. in royals, in 24 bags. 
Susan, two chests, cont. 1,560|//. in royals, in 15 bags. 
Which being done, then to take information from the agent of the 
state of our business left in his charge, what quantity of lading he 
hath in a readiness for the ships, causing the dust to be sift from 
the pepper, if it be not done already, upon advice given that 
end by our former letters ; for which purpose we send ^vith you 
Garbiers garblers with sieves and fans, to the end that our ships should not 
be discharged with unprofitable commodities. 
11 To take like information what commodities, and how much lading 

modiues fit, is jjro^'ided at the MoUoccos [Malucos], conferring with our said 
provided at agent wliat sliips of our fleet are fittest to go for the Molloccos, 
cus ' ' remembering that the Hector and Ascension are victualled for 
twenty-four months. The experience of our said factors, gained 
by their long abode at Bantaiyi, will well inform you how to proceed 
in the sending of our shipping to the Molloccos, and for the order- 
ing of the merchandise for that place. 
„, ^~ , . The provision for the lading at Bantam being laden aboard our 

The sliips -t o o 

laden, and ships that are first to return for Enqland, and the commanders 

sent from '■ _ _ _ . 

Bantam, for thereof shipped in the said shijis, and those ships prepared ready, 
who is to go which bv you and the agents shall be resolved upon to go for the 

to the Mol- " ■' . . °. J^ . , ,. , „ 

}occos, and to Mollocos, our direction is, that you, master Henne MxhUctou, to 

■nhut end. ^ .,,. ^ -i r n 

go yourseli m one oi the said ships, to the Molloccos, taking with 
you such of our factors to leave to reside in the Molloccos, and such 
stock for their maintenance, as you shall, upon conference together 
at Bantam, agree upon to remain in their hands for the mainte- 
nance of them and the residue which are already resident at Ban- 
tam by their abode there ; in which space they may both learn the 
language of the country, and dispatch such business as they shall 
be by you appointed unto. And we wish you to take with you to 
Banda, one or both of the garblers, with their instruments and 
provisions to cleanse the cloves from dust and stalks, and the nut- 
megs from rumps and dust, that our ships be not pestered with 
the dust or garble of these kinds of commodities. 
No parti- And for that the voyage of this condition and great charge 

ciilar trade, , . . - -n • t • t ip 

etc. ; penal- caniiot admit any private trade, our Avill is, that neither yourseli 

the' commo- nor any others, upon any particular, or other account than the 

except, e"tc*"' general and joint stock, do lade, or be permitted to lade, any of these 

commodities in our ship.s, viz. : pepper, cloves, mace, nutmegs, China- 


silk, indigo, ambergris, musk, civet, bezoar stones, camphor, ben- 
jamin, buxrace or cinnamon ; but that what quantity soever of these 
commodities may be had or brought up, shall be laden for the joint 
account of the Company, upon pain of the loss of exexy such com- 
modity so laden, and not laden upon the joint account. But if, upon 
license demanded of you, the said general, and you our said 
principal merchants, any master, mariner, or others, shall be desir- 
ous to lade some small proportion or quantity of China-dishes, or 
light trifles, not exceeding the value of three pounds, or not bear- 
ing above the bulk of a small chest — then we do order, that all 
such goods, so laden by your privity and license, shall be entered 
into the purser's book of such ship wherein the same is laden, to 
the end that if any of them do die by the way, then- friends may 
enjoy that which is theirs according to their wills. j^ 

And for the better remembrance and instruction of you the said , "JJiiat goods 

•' lett in the 

general, and of you the principal merchants, what goods were left ■^"**. ^"''''''■■. 
behind at Bantam, in the coming away of sir James Lancaster out I'ouRiit, etc., 

, . what monies 

of the Indies, and what hath been pro\-ided since by the agent ^^'^ debts, 
there, as by their advice sent us since the coming home of our 
ships may aj^peare, you shall understand that sir James Lancaster 
left at Bantam above 1,500 bags of pepper; and by their letters 
sent from Bantam by the Dutch ships, the agent ^^TOte that he had 
provided 1,500 bags more. And after, sir James gave commission 
to the agent, at his departure from Bantam, that if the Dutchmen 
were disposed to buy any of the Company's pepper, and would give 
good profit for it, that then the agent should sell it, and provide 
more for the Company at better opportvinity and better rate ; upon 
which commission so left, you may inquu'e what hath been done 
for the benefit of the Company. It doth also appear by the abbre- 
viate of the accounts sent home out of the Indies, that there remained 
in the hands of the agent, master Starhey, 482 fardels of calicos, \iz. : 
8 canisters of pintados, and 117 fardels of checkered stuffs, 51 
fardels of long malow girdles, 59 fardels of girdles for Si/san, 110 
fardels of Java girdles, 13 chests of fine pintados, 6 chests of 
divers sorts of commodities, 42 fardels of brown calicos, and in 
loose pintados, by estimate made by six* James Lancaster, about 
80 fardels at the least, of all sorts ; so that there might be in all, 
packs and canisters, about 482 fardels, as aforesaid ; and in loose 
calicos, so [say] 30 fardels; so as there appeareth in the whole to be 
512 fardels. Since the departure of our ships, we understand, by 


their letters of the 15th of February 1602 [1G03], they had shipped 
[52 fardels] for Banda in the Mulloccos, aboard our pinnace — which, 
we trust, arrived there in safety within short time after her departure 
from Bantam — upon the proceeds of which 52 fardels, it is hoped by 
us that there may be sufficient, with a large overplus, to lade the two 
ships we have appointed to the MoUoccos with mace, cloves, and 
nutmegs ; so that there remained, after the departure of the pinnace 
from Bantam, 452 fardels, or thereabouts, containing the best and 
richest commodities of the whole complement of the prize — the 
other 52 fardels sent to the MoUoccos behig of the meanest and . 
basest kinds of the said prize goods : which great remainder of 
goods at Bantam, of the best and greatest value, cannot but upon 
the proceeds thereof, readie before your arrival at Bantam, [occa- 
sion] great quantities of commodities to be returned from thence. 

Besides all which several quantities of goods before mentioned, 
there remained in the hands of master Starhey and the rest, at the 
departure of the ships homewards, 4,907 royals-of-eight, and in 
debts 3,941 pieces-of-eight, being compassed in the same 77 bags 
of pepper, which pepper was received into their custody ; so as if 
all the goods and money left with them, and that which might and 
hath proceeded thereof, do rest in safety, you shall not only have 
sufficient to lade your four ships with pepper, mace, cloves, and 
nutmegs, but as many more ships of the like burden, besides the 
monies which you carry along with you in the ships, amounting 
The 11,160/;. to 11,160?/''- 12«. [sic] in royals, as aforesaid; which monies, 

las. to be em- > o l j 

ployed, not because you know that spices are here of no value, we wish you to 

iu spices, *^ -. . , ^ p • • 

but in other employ in some other commodities that may be oi more estimation 
ties more and yield a better profit — as raw silk, well chosen, and bought at 
^"^ ^ ^' reasonable prices, or such like commodities, wdierewith these parts 


of Christendom have not been glutted, as with spices. 

Tiie 11,'ioo/i. And touching the said 11,160|//. in royals, now sent in these 
mixe^rin'ac"- ships, for SO much as it is a neAV supply of stock, sent out upon a 
ti.'e"' foraler HCW advcuturc, wc will not have the same to be mixed in account 
amr"^'"'ause with the former adventure, but do require you to keep the account 
''''^- of the employment hereof alone by itself. And to tlic end that the 

same may be distinguished from the former accounts of the first 
adventure, we do pray and require you, the said general and prin- 
cipal merchants, by conference and assistance of the factors resident 
both at Bantam and Banda, to make a valuation, as near as you 
can, of all the remainder of the first stock, what it may be worth 


to be sold ; for that many of the adventurers who are unwilling to 
hang and continue long in accounts imperfect and undetermined, 
are desirous to sell their remainders of their stock to such as will 
continue the trade ; and therefore a valuation is to be conceived, 
and sent with the return of these ships, at any hand, being a mat- 
ter not only desired by the generality, but expressly agreed upon 
and charged upon us that have the ordering of the business, to see 
it performed; which charge being not in us to perform, we lay 
upon you, in whose power the performance thereof lieth, as you 
will answer the neglect thereof. ^7 

Besides the former particulars of prize goods and monies before tei^'^lto™to/ 
mentioned, there appeareth further to rest in the hands of master ^j^^*^ 'f'^mter 
Starkeii and the other factors, ten pieces of cloths of divers colours, p.'^f'^' ^^o., 

■^ ' r Melt at Ban- 

containing 514 English yards; a basin and ewer of silver, poiz. '<""■ 
102 oz. ; two standing cups, poiz. 63 oz. — whereof they are to 
give you an account at your being at Bantam. 

If those parts of the Indies do yield any good quantity of ebony, \viiatwood 
ffarnando biicke [Pernambuco], or such like heavy wood of value, vided. 
you may provide so much thereof as will ballast your ships, so that 
the same take up no room of stoAving that may otherwise be more 
profitably employed. 

And forasmuch as we are not ip-norant that the malice of the To prevent 

, ^ the Portin- 

Portinfjalls towards our discoveiT of the trade to those parts, will gM»' ma- 

•^ •'. ^ . lice ; and 

not let him abstain from all practices of annoyance which lieth in what is to be 

carried to 

his power to offer and perform to the trade of the Mollocos, who the Moiioc- 
happily may, by some lying of wait for the intercepting of our pin- 
nace sent to Banda, deprive us of the provisions which otherwise 
that voyage might supply us withal — if any such or other preventing 
accident hath hajjpened, yet would we have you to carry in your 
two ships appointed for the 3Iolloccos, such quantity of pintados, 
monies, and other provisions, as may suffice to lade the said two 
ships. ^ ,^ 

Thus we have touched many particulars of our business. Not- Leaving 

other things 

withstanding, many other things may occur which may greatly of the state 
concern us, which we must leave to your good considerations to deal siness to 

, . . , • T n fT- • eonsidera- 

therem, as time and occasion shall offer you occasion, commend- tion, and the 

1 p 1 11 p 11 • 1 • 1 state and 

mg unto yovir care the state of such as shall fall sick m the voyage, health of 
either outward or inward, that they may be comforted ; and if they 
die, see that their goods may be kept in safety, and their wills and 
dispositions thereof so well testified, that there grow not the like 



suspicion of the trutli of some of their wills, as hath been had of 
the wills of others that died in the last voyajrc. 

And forasmuch as the days of man's life are limited, and the 
certain limitation thereof only known unto God, we do hereby 
ordain and provide, that, whereas we have appointed and placed 
you, the said Henrie Middleton in the Red Dragon, as general or 
governor of the w'hole fleet; and you, master Christofer Colthurst, 
as lieutenant-general and principal merchant, in the Hector ; and 
you, master Roger Style, our principal merchant, in the Ascension ; 
and you, master William Keeleinge, another of our principal mer- 
chants, in the Susan — if, therefore, it shall happen any of you to 
Any dying, dcccase in this voyage, we do ordain that he that in place and 
placed ° as Order by us appointed to go as principal in every ship, which shall 
first appoiiit^ sui'vive the party deceased, shall and may, by the appointment of tbe 
conse''qiieu^° general, shall [ship] himself in the ship out of which the said party 
ly, etc. jJIjJ decease, and hold his place in the same ship, and the place that 

the party deceased held generally in the voyage ; and so a succes- 
sion to be held from the general to the lieutenant, from the lieu- 
tenant to the principal merchant placed in the Ascension, from the 
principal merchant of the Ascension to the principal merchant 
placed in the Susan. And if it shall happen all the principals of 
the several ships to decease (as God forbid), the like succession to 
hold and be kept by the several merchants appointed to hold the 
second places in every the said ships, and so in succession from 
one to another, according as the several merchants hold place in 
every ship. 
wh~ere Provided always, that if master William Starkcy, our agent resi- 

5a'r'shan''be dcut at Bantam, do come home in the return of the ships, then we 
he'^^^retuin ^° require you, our general and principal merchants, to take espe- 
home. gjg^j order that he be provided for and placed in such ship as he 

shall be shipped as a man that we hold to be had in good regard, 
and to be respected accordingly ; and if any of the principal mer- 
chants' places fall void by the death of any of them, or otherwise, 
that then he supply that place in his return homewards. 
Master And lastly, whereas his majesty, under his great seal oi England, 

lieutenant, hath appointed you, the said master Henrie Middleton, the general 
master lien- ami principal governor of all his subjects employed in the voj'age ; 
/on, general, and you, the said master Christofer Colthurst, to be lieutenant- 
censo!'' unto general; and if you, the said Christofer Colthurst, survive the said 
mand o/The Henrie Middleton, then to succeed him in the place of governor or 


general, without appointing any further succession, by like wari'ant men shall be 
to any that is employed m the said voyage ; and that it lieth not nerai. 
in us to give to any of the residue of our principal merchants any 
warrant for the correction of offences by penal laws, to be executed 
upon the bodies of any his majesty's subjects, Ave do, in that 
behalf, as to men having reason and discretion, and to men that 
fear God, offer imto your considerations the benefit of order and 
peaceable government in matters and enterjirises undertaken for 
a common good, reposing in you, our several merchants, and all 
you, our several officers, appointed and entertained in this voyage, 
a special hope, trust, and confidence that you Avill accord and agree 
together, and remain in friendship and amity, to do and execute 
your uttermost endeavours for the benefit of the voyage, Avithout con- 
tention, discord, or emulation to be used amongst you, guiding your- 
selves therein by that general regiment and sea-government which 
our English fleets do use when they sort themselves together ; 
having especial and due respect to him that is the principal or 
cape [sic] merchant. So we commend you and your endeavours to 
God's providence, who guide you with his fear, and defend you 
from all dangers. Amen. 

As touching such factors as are to be left in the country, or of p"ost 
those which go now in these ships, we do agree and give order, by ^''"r*"'"- 
this our commission, that the appointment of the said factors to 
reside in those places shall be at the direction and consent of you 
our general, master Christofer Colthurst, master Starkey, and 
master JSlorgan, or any three of you, Avherein we hope you will 
have that consideration as to make choice of the fittest. Neither .^nto whom 

the power ot 

let the placing of our factors in the several ships, as they are t'^*' factors 

■^ ° . placiiijij 

already placed, be any rule to you, or any ground for them to enjoj^ shall be in, 
those places of emplojTnent wherein you are to bestow them, other- riacinRtn ije 

^ no rule. 

Wise than they shall be found able and meet to deserve that trust 
of employment. 

The ships being ready to depart, and all our commissions and What we 
instructions being resolved upon and finished, we received letters of out of the 
out of the Low-Countries, which came from our factors from the tries, °'fVoin 
East Indies, by the Dutch ships, viz. : from master William Starkci/, since*"'' all 
of the 22nd of June, and two other letters, one from Edmond -Jj'"^^ ^^^H 
Scott, and the other from Thomas Tudd, both dated the 17th of "^''^^ 
August 1603 ; by Avhich latter letters we were advised of the death 
of master Starkey and master Morgan, and of others who Avere left 



at Bantam ; and also of the damage that happened unto us, in our 
goods burnt by fire in the Dutch warehouse ; together with the 
disappointment of our intended voyage to the Mnlloccos, by the 
contrariety of winds. All which things being considered, we take 
them, as they were indeed, the hand of God, who disposeth of all 
enterprises according to his good Avill and jjleasure ; which acci- 
dents, howsoever, by the death of our said principal factors, they 
do, in some manner, move us to alter our said commissions and 
advices, so far as we had appointed any thing to be done by the 
advice of the said master Starkey and master Morgan ; yet in sub- 
stance we purpose to hold our former resolutions for the following 
of our business, and, instead of the persons deceased, Ave wish you 
to advise and use conference with the factors remaining whom you 
find most apt and able to assist you in the direction of the business ; 
and, touching your proceedings in the voyage from Bantam to the 
Molloccos, after order for lading of the Dragon and the Susan 
with pepper, to return for England, being taken, we think it fit 
you, captain Middleton, prepare yourself with all speed to go for 
Banda, and do furnish yourself with the most aptest and fittest of 
our factors to attend you, and to be left at Banda for the further 
following of that trade, according as it may be found likely to bring 
benefit to the Company ; wherein you are, according to yovir good 
discretion and consideration, to use the more or fewer factors to 
be left there, as you shall find the more or less hope of benefit to 
be made by their residence in that place, not forgetting the Com- 
pany's desire, as near as you can possibly, to clear the former 
voyage, according to our former direction, by a discreet and 
reasonable valuation of the remainder. And for the accomplishing 
of lading at Banda in the Moloccos, you, our said general, are to 
take with you so much of the commodities remaining in our factors' 
hands at Bantam, as they think will serve for the providing of 
your lading at the Molloccos, according to the proportion given by 
sir James Lancaster to provide, remembering that the Dutchmen 
bought of Sjyillesbe [captain Spilberg] the like commodities, to 
carry to the Molloccos for the better furnishing of their landing. 
But for your better assurance lest the said commodities should not 
be in request there, you shall do well to take with you 10,000, 
15,000, or 20,000 royals-of-eight, as you shall think meet; and, 
being so furnished, both by wares and money, you may both pro- 
vide you lading, and supply your factors which you shall think fit 

appe:ndix. 19 

to leave to reside there with sufficient stock for proAision of cloves 
and mace against another year. This project being laid down for 
the trade at Banda, you shall do well, in your going thither, to 
touch at the island of Amhoyna [Amboina], or any other island by the 
way where cloves may be had, and to furnish yourself with what 
quantity you can get, whereby you may the less depend upon your 
provision of cloves at Banda ; and having directed and ordered 
your business for the Moloccos, then, upon your return to Bantam, 
to take full and perfect knowiedge of the w'hole state of our busi- 
ness, and to leave ten or twelve factors there with such stock as 
shall remain unemployed, or as may be spared, our ships being 
laden — admonishing the factors to be more careful to buy their 
pepjDer at the best advantage than they have been, and to buy of the 
largest pepper, which here beareth the best estimation ; and unless 
you shall find it very necessary that some factors be left at Banda, 
we are of opinion, and do like well, that the residue of our factors 
be holden altogether at Bantam ; but herein we leave you to your 
OW'U experience, as you shall find the course most convenient. 
And so, as before, commend you to God's providence. 

And whereas our factors deceased do appear to have left some 
effects behind them, which must have means to come to the hands 
of such as have interest therein, w^e do wish you to take order that 
aU things that do appear to belong unto them be duly and trvdy 
inventoried, and shipped apart by themselves, and their wills safely 
kept and brought home, together with their books and notes of 
their buying and sellings, whereby their estates were increased and 
gotten ; to the end that the Company may be satisfied that they 
have been well dealt withal therein, and their friends receive that 
wiiich shall rightfully appertain unto them. 


OAi'TAiN Henuy Middleton. 1604.]' 


A Ire from J AMES, bv the e;race of God kins^e of Ens-land, Scotland, fFraunce, 
the kiiige of and Ireland, defendo' of the faith, etc. : To the greate and miffhtie 
tiie East kingc 01 Bantam, and of the dominions and territories adiojTiing, 
sr Henrie greetlnge. Whsieas the right of inheritannce and possession of 
theis o'' kingdomes of England, fFraunce, and Ireland, by the 
decease of o'" late deare sister of ffamous memory is discended 
A-]3on vs, and iojued to o^' other principalities and kingdomes 
^ych y^Q form'lie enioyed, we being established and setled in the 
possession thereof, haue received into o' hands vpon the retourne 
of s'" James Lancaster and other of o'" subiects from yo'" ma^®^ 
kingdomes and territories w^^^ their shipps and marchandize, not 
onelie yo'" princelie I'res directed and sent to o^" said deceased 
sister, but alsoe yo'' kinde present w''^ did accompanie the same, 
holding o'' selfe after her deaceased interresscd there in by the 
right of o"" cro'WTie and septer. Ypon the p'vsall of w'^'i I'res we 
weare possessed w*'' noe small ioye, that yo'" ma*'*^ had soe gratiouslie 
accepted the comeing of o'' subiects into yo'' dominions and king- 
domes, and soe fauorablie and royallie delt w*^ them whilest they 
aboade and contj'nued theare in traffique w'^'^ j-o'" subiects ; of all 
w^'' ffavo^'s and other yo'' ma*''''* princelie p'ceedings w* them o"" said 
subiects, s'' James Lancaster hath made vnto vs verie lardge and 
ample relac'on. This introducc'on being made into a mutuall 
amitie and entercourse betweene yo'' ma'^''^ and vs, we are desirous to 
nourrish and contjTiue the same by all good mcanes and oportunities 
that may be thought vpon or conceiued on o'" p'te ; and to that 
end we haue geven lycence to diu''s of o'' subiects to prepare and 
sett forth a new voyadge towards yo'' countries and kingdomes, 
amongest w^^'' manie of them W^ were in the former voyadge are 
desirous for the good and honorable vsadge they formerlie founde 
by yor princelie favo"", to visitt the same againc ; others vpon their 

[' From the Mss. — This document i> printed literatim, 
I'Ut the punctuation has been revised.] 


reporte are encouradged, not w"'standing the longe and daimgerous 
nauigac'on, to see the state and manner of behavio'' of people in 
countries farr remote. Theis considerac'ons moueing both vs and 
o'' subiects to visitt yo^' ma''*^* countries with la^\•full and peaceable 
trafRque of m'chandize, we doubt not but your ma^i*^ will be well 
pleased therew'-'^ ; and not onelie soe, but w^^ the continuance of an 
entercourse from yeare to yeare of o'" m'chaunts w* their shipps and 
goods into yo'' kingdomes, whome we dare be bold to com' end to 
yo'' ma^i® for a people civill and iust in their dealeing and trade, 
and euery way as able to furnish yo^^ ma*'^ and yo'' people w'^'^ all 
such comodities w'-'i this parte of the world doth yeald, or afFordeth, 
as any nac'on or people what soeu'' w'^^ heretofore haue made trade 
or trafRque w*^^ yo^ people. And because a capitulac'on and esta- 
blishing of amitie [and] entercourse to be cont}'nued betweene yo'' 
ma"'^ and vs cannot convenientlie be p'formed by discourse of I'res, 
o'' seu'all kingdomes being soe farr distant and remote th'one from 
the other, Ave therefore pray yo'' ma''^ to giue eare therein to this 
bearer, and to giue him creditt in whatsoeu'' he shall ATidertake or 
promyse in o^' name concerninge the same, w''^ we promyse for o'" 
p'te in the worde of a prince shall be p'formed, and will be redie 
gratefullie to requite any loue, kindnes, or favo'' that o^ said sub- 
iects shall receiue at yo'" ma''*^* hands. And in token of o^' princelie 
loue to yoi' ma''*', we send you by this bearer a remembraunce and 
kindnes, w* we pray you to accept as from one that wisheth vnto yo" 
all good successe and happines. And soe comend yo'" ma*-'"^ to the 
tuic'on of the most highe God. 


CAPTAIN IIenky Middleton. 1604.]' 

James, by the grace of God, king of England, ffraunce, and Ireland, 
defendc of the faith, etc. — To the greate and mightie kinge 

A I're to the Whearas Almightie God, in his infinite and vnsearchable wise- 
East^imiies! dome and gratious providence, hath soe disposed of his blessings, 
and of the good things of this world, created and ordayned for th' 
use of man, that the same however they be brought forth, and doe 
either originallie growe and are gathered, or other^\^•se composed 
and made, some in [one] countrie, and some in another, yet are they, 
by the Industrie of man, directed by the hand of God, dispersed and 
sent out into all the partes of the world, that his wonderful! bountie 
in his creatures may appeare ^■nto all nac'ons, his Maiestie haueing 
soe ordaned, that noe one place should inioye, as the natiue como- 
dities thereof, all things app'tayninge to mans vse, but that one 
countrie should haue need of another, and out of the aboundance 
of the fFruits w'^^ some region enioyeth, the necessities or wants 
of another should be supplied, by w^^^^ meanes men of seu'all 
and ffar remote countries haue comerce and traffique, one w*^^ 
another, and by their interchandge of comodities are linked to 
gether in amitie and frendshipp. 

This consideration, most noble kinge, together w*^!^ the ho : [nor- 
able] reporte of yo^ ma^'*' for the well entertayninge of straungers 
that visitt yo*' country in loue and peace, w* lawfuU traffique of 
marchandize, haue moued vs to giue licence to diuers [of] o'" sub- 
iects, who haue beene stirred vpp w*^'' a desier by a longe and daun- 
gcrous navigac'on to finde out and visitt yo'' territories and dominions, 

[' From the India-House Mss. — I find it stated, in a note to the preced- 
ing article, that another letter was also " written from the kinge to some 
other prince in those p'ts, of the teno'' of that form'lie from queene 
Elizabeth." It must have been the letter now produced, and which was 
intended to be addressed and delivered as circumstances might require. 
It is printed literatim, but the punctuation has been revised.] 


being famous in theis p'ts of the world for honorable m'chandizeing, 
and to offer you comerce and traffique, in buying, bartering, and en- 
terchandgeing of comodities wt^iyo*" people, according to the course of 
m'chaunts ; w^^^^ commerce and enterchandging, yfyo'" [majesty] shall 
accept of, and shall receiue and enterta}Tie o'' marchaunts w"^ favo^', 
according to the hope that gaue them encouragm* to attempt soe 
long and daungerous a voiadge, you shall finde them a people, in 
their dealing and conversac'on, of that justice and ciuillitie, that 
you shall not mislike of their repaire to yo'" dominions, and vpon 
furder conference and inquisic'on had w'^ them, both of the 
kinds of their m'chandize brought in their shipjos, and of other 
necessarie com'odities w<^^ o"" dominions may afford, yt may ap- 
peare to yo'" ma*^'*^ that, by their meanes, you may be furnished, in 
their next retourne into yo'" ports, in better sorte then you haue 
beene heretofore supplied, either by the Spaniard or Portugall, who, 
of all other nac'ons in the parts of Europe, haue onelie hitherto fre- 
quented yo'' countrie w'-'^ trade of m'chandize, and haue been the 
onelie ympedim'^, both to o"" subiects, and diuers other mar- 
chaunts in the parts of Europe, that they haue not hitherto \dsited 
yo'' countrie w"^ trade, whilest the said Portugalls p'tended them 
selues to be the souereigne lords and princes of all yo'' territories, 
and gaue yt out that the [they] held yo"" nac'on and people as 
subiects to them, and, in their stiles and titles, doe write them 
selues kings of the East Indies. 

And yf yo'" ma''*' shall, in yo"" princelie fFavo'", accept w"' 
good likeing this first repaire of o"' m'chaunts vnto yo'' countries, 
resorting thither in peaceable traffique, and shall intertaine this 
their first voyadge, as an introduce' on to a furder continuance of 
league and frendshipp betweene yor ma*'*' and vs, and of comerce 
and entercourse betweene yo'" subiects and ours, we haue geven order 
to this, o*" principall marchaunt, yf yo'' ma^'*' should be pleased 
therew*, to leaue in yo'" countrie some such of o"" said marchavmts as 
he shall make choise of, to reside in yo'" dominions, vnder yo'' prince- 
lie and saffe p'tecc'on, vntill the retourne of another fieete, w^'' we 
shall send \Tito you, who may, in the meane t}Tne, learne the lan- 
guadge of yo'' countrie, and applie their behavier, as yt may best 
sorte, to converse w''^ yo'" ma'^''^* subiects, to th' end that amitie and 
freindshipp being intertayned and begunn, the same may the better 
be contynued, when o'" people shalbe instructed, how to direct them 
selues according to the ffashions of yo'" countrie. 


And because, in the considerac'on of the entertajTiing of 
amytie and freindshipp, in the establishinge of enterco'se to 
be contynucd betweene vs, there may be required, on yo*" ma'^'^s 
behalfc, such promyse or capitulac'on to be p'formed by vs, w* 
we cannot, in theis o'" I'res, take knowledge of, we therefore 
pray yo'' ma*'** to giue eare therein to this bearer, and to giue 
him creditt, in whatsoeu' he shall p'myse or vndertake in o"" name, 
concerning o*" amitie and entercourse, w°^ promyse, we for o"" p'ts, 
in the worde of a prince, will see p'formed, and Avill be redie grate- 
fullie to requite any loue, kindnes, or fauo'', that o'' subiects shall 
receiue at yo'' ma^'^^ hands ; praying yo'' mat'^, for o'' better satisfacc'on 
of yo'' kinde acceptaunce of this o'' loue and amitie offered yo"" high- 
nes, you would, by this bearer, giue testimonie thereof, by yo'' 
princclie I'res, directed -sTito vs. w"- shall giue vs greate and won- 
derfull contente. And thus, etc. 


India Company, to captain William Keeling. 1604.]' 

LouEiNGE freind m"^ Kealing, heereinclosed wee doe send you the -t seuernii 

o' .' Ire wtli the 

bill of lading of the money and app'ell laden in that shipp the biiisami 

^ ./ ± 1 J. i inuoyces to 

Suzan, together w^^^ a eenerall invoice as well of all the money each sinpp, 
and goods in the 4 shipps, as alsoc of all that ^v'^^^ form'lie remaned end. 
in the countrie of the East Indies, to th'end both you and all the 
fFacto''^ there may take knowledge and see what theyhaue in chardge ; 
for the better ordering and disposeing where of, both you and they 
are to follow such direcc'on as Ave haue alredie sufRcientlie and att 
lardge geuen you in o^' I'res and comission, wherein we nothinge 
doubt of yo'" due care and considerac'on, eu'y one of you in his 
2)lace, in dischardg of yo»" duties accordinge to that trust we doe 
repose in you. Thvis wishing you a faire winde to be bound, we 
comend vs vnto you, and comitt you and all yo^" companie to the 
most safe p'tecc'on of the Highest, whoe send you a safe and 
speedie passadge to yo'' desired porte, and graunte vs a happie 
meetinge to Gods glorie and to o^' comforts, etc. In Grauesend, 
the 25^'' of March 1604. Signed by s*' Thomas Smyth. 

[' From the India-House Mss. — The general invoice which accom- 
panied this farewell letter is a desideratum. The amount of cash ex- 
ported, and the particulars of the merchandise which remained at 
Bantam, are stated in No. III. This docxuucnt is printed literatim, 
but the punctuation has been revised.] 





A remembrance for Gabriell Towerson, Robert Browne, George M'^ood- 
noth, Henrie S^dall, and John Sat res, the first of October 1605, 
in Bantam. 

sniirniic The first thin"; you are to have care of after the clei)artin"; of the 

Middlttuiis , . . , \ c 

remeiii- ships IS to get Workmen to oversee all the decayed places of your 

braiu'es left - . , m • i • i' i ii 

at Batitam, warchouses, and to see them suinciently repaired, and to remove all 
names and the Carriages with such lumber of timber as lieth scattered about the 
iiulTiiieie. yard into some warehouse, to avoid the danger of fire, otherwise it 
is very doubtful all, both house and goods, will be lost; and, in any 
case, let not at any time anything apt to take fire lie near the 
Avarehouse-cloors, that thereby you be not debarred to succour it, 
if need shall require. 

Also, I think it fit you sell such Java goods as arc likely of 
perishing for pepper, if you think you can make sale thereof to 
the Company's profit, either to the JloUenders, or C'/tina junks 
when they shall come hither ; and not to bestow the charge of 
cleansing it, but to sell it as it cometh to your hands. If not, to 
sell for royals and such monies as you shall make thereof, to be 
put out to the Company's profit, as in your good discretion you 
shall think most meet. And for those goods brought back by me 
from the Molloccos, with some other in the warehouse, which will 
better sell there than here, as master Browne and master Woodnoth 
can best inform you, I would not that any of them should be sold 
there, but be carefully looked unto, that they perish not for lack of 
caring ; and if the Hector and Susan should return again, as I 
make small doubt by God's help but they will, you may do as you 

[' From the India-House Mss. — This document, with regard to projjor 
names and general orthography, is printed on the same plan as the third 
article of the present appendix.] 


and them that come in them shall think most meet ; but my opinion 
is, the greater ship is fittest to take in the goods and proceed for 
the Molloccos — for that, I donbt not, there will be Molloccos goods 
enough in your warehouse to lade her with cloves. You are to 
have great care you make no debts but siich as you may at all 
times, after the expectation of our ships, which will be about 
eighteen months hence, have in at two or three months' warning : 
the reason is, I am persuaded they will bring such order from the 
Company to clear all matters out of the countrie, Avherein they bear 
so great a venture, without profit, and therefore about that time 
you may have made sale of all the Java wares in the house, to be 
employed in pepper or any other commodity which you think may 
rebound to the Company's most profit. 

And whereas, master Gahriell Toicerson, I am possessed with a 
conceit of your discretion and good government, I have made 
choice of you to be commander over all this place ; but to take the 
counsel and advice of master Broirnc, master Woodnoth, master 
Sydall, and master Saires in all matters, that the Company may be 
the better assured of all things that passeth. 

And if it please God to lay his hand upon you, master Toicerson, 
and take you out of this world, I would have you to give over your 
place to master Broicne; and if you, Robert Broicne, should die, 
then to master Woodnofli ; and if you, George Woodnoth, shall 
die, then it shall rest in your discretion to make your choice of 
master Si/dall and master Sayrs, which of they two you think 
fittest for such a place, always having a care to leave your business 
in the best and plainest manner you can : also I do appoint you, 
master Brotvne, to be bookkeeper for all matters in this place. 

And for so much as the last voyage there was no order pre- 
scribed by the general, to such merchants as he left there, for the 
keeping of each one his particular estate in writing, so that thereby 
they seemed to neglect the same, as by j^i'oof we find — for not any 
of the deceased have left any writing concerning their own estates 
behind them — therefore I do ordain that every merchant left here 
by me do keep an accoimt of his own business, for the better 
satisf}"ing of the Company, and his friends to whom he shall be- 
queath his goods, if it please God to call him out of this life. 

You are to be very careful for the overlooking of all your goods, 
and so that you suffer them not lie near the ground ; for if they do, 
it will both rot them, and breed worms in them, as by experience we 


have found ; and look that once a month all the goods be carried 
out to ailing, and in so doing, I hope nothing will come to loss. 

You are also to use good husbandry in charges of housekeeping, 
for that the Comjiany are at great charge to maintain so many men 
upon so small a stock ; and what provision is bought for the house, 
my will is, that there be no ])artiality therein, but let all the mer- 
chants' fare be alike, and not some to have command and the rest 
be without. 

My desire is that you endeavour yourselves to hold friendship 
with the Hollenclers, and suffer no evil speeches to pass by them by 
any of our people ; and although the meaner sort of them be rude, 
I find that their commanders be desirous to live in amity and love 
with us. Therefore, if you hear any matter pretending at any time 
against them by the people of the country, that you advertise them 
thereof, for they have promised on their behalf to do the like ; for 
if the people of the country perceive we be linked in one, they 
will be advised how they attempt anything against any of our 
nations — therefore you must be careful there be no occasions 
offered on our behalf. And look what order our late general, sir 
James Lancaster, left for the payment of mens' wages here in 
this place ; I do hold it most fit the same order be observed still, 
only you are to pay no wages to Laivrence the surgeon and Edward 
ElUmore, who be not their OAvn men, but servants, and therefore 
they must at all times be soe jdled [supplied] by you of all such 
things as they shall necessary want, and the rest of the wages to 
be reserved to the use of their masters whom they serve. 

If there be any of the meaner sort of men, I mean save the 
merchants, that shall misbehave themselves towards you, master 
Toiverson, or any of the merchants or other^\dse, it shall rest in 
your discretion to punish them, whereby they may reform them- 
selves ; and as for the merchants, I leave them with you, I know 
their discretion to be such that I dare undertake they will give no 
occasion of offence. 

Thus, desiring you all to live in unity and love together, and to 
bear one with another, and not to take everything at the worst that 
shall be spoken, and that you meet all together at morning and at 
evening prayer ; and so doing God will bless and prosper all you 
take in hand : and so I take my leave of you, praying God to save, 
bless, and defend vou all. Amen. 



The names of the men, with their wages left by me, ITenrie Middleton, 
at Bantam, beginning their pay the first day of October 1605. 

Master Gahridl Towerson, 6li. per month 
Master Robert Broicne, 6li. per month 
George Woodnoth, Sli. 6s. 8d. per month 
Jo/m Sayers, 2>li. 6s. 8^/. per month. 
Henrie Si/dall, 31/'. 6s. 8d. per month 
Richard Cotton, Hi. 5.s. OOd. per month 
Larvrence Stiirdynan, 23s. per month 
Richard Claxan, 24s. per month 
John Delane, 22s. per month 
John Bemunde, 26s. per month 
Edward Preston, 20s. per month 
Edward Collenes, 22s. per month 
Joh7i Smyth, 22s. per month 
Matthew Price, 24s. per month 
James More, 24s. per month 
Michaell Marlin, 26s. per month 
Edward Elsmore, 28s. per month 
Austen Spauldcn, 26s. per month 



























































sic] 37i 




TernatJ;. 1607.] • 

His ma"'' to the kingc of the Mollocco.s. 
Fismatieto James, bv the OTace of God kinge of Create Erittaine, ffraimce, 

the kinge of ' . o o ' ' 

the Moi- and Ireland, defendo'" of the faith, etc. To the mightie kinge of 
the Molloccos and of the teritories and dominions adiopieing. Att 
the retourne of o'' subiects from their last voyadge in yo'" countries, 
we receiued from you a I're of greate kindnes, and a bahar of clones, 
■yych -^yg tooke very kindlie as a testimony of your desire to enter- 
teyne amitie w''^ vs, but especiallie wee weare pleased to vnderstand 
of yo>' kindnes towards them in matters conc'ning their trade and 
traffique w*'^ you, w^^^ hath incouraged them to p'ceede in yt, and 
vs to recomend them to you and yo'" p'tecc'on agaynst any that 
would oppose agaynst them or molest them in their trad^, in as 
ample manner as we would be willing to doe to any of yo''', yf their 
desire shall be to visitt o'' countries. And whereas we vnderstand 
that some Hollenders whoe traffique wth you doe oppose them selues 
agaynst o'' subiects w"' euill speeches and other practizes to hinder 
their trade, although we doubt not but y^ in yo'' owne judgement 
you can easilie conceiue that m'chaunts, not onelie of diuers nac'ons, 
but of one and the same nation, will ofte tymes calumniate each 
others for diuers respects, and hinder what they cann those that 
happen into the saime trade w'^'^ the [they] vse ; yet haue we thought 
good to assure yo" soe much by o"^ I're, that their superio'"® and 
gou'no''^ will disallowe them in that practise, being w"* vs in veric 

[' From the India-House Mss. — This letter was -nTitten in reply to the 
letter of the king of Ternate which accompanies the text. He is styled 
]dn{^ of t/ie 3foIloccos by way of compliment. The document is printed 
LITERATIM, but thc punctuatioii has })ccn revised.] 

A]'1>EM)1X. 31 

good amitie. Wherefore we doubt not but you will graunte Mito o' 
subiects fFreedome of quiet traffique w^'' you, w'-^ saffetie for their 
p'sons, ships, and goods, and libertie to establish a fiactorie theare, 
yf they shall desire yt, according to yo'' princelie offer in yo"" said 
I're. And in the meane tyme, for a token of o'' good will and 
desire to enterteyne yo^ princelie amitie, we haue by this bearer 
o'' servant sent you a small present, av<=^ we pray you to accept. 
Where w*^'' we comend yo^' ma'''' to the tuition of the most high God. 
Dated att o"' pallace of Westminster the 23'-i' of ffebruarie 1606 




From his ma'''' to the kinge of Tedore. 

I lis ni.itie to RiGHT high, ctc. Att the rctounie of o'' m'chaunts from their voy- 
Teiiurc.^'^ ° adge into yo^' countries, we receiued a token from you ■\v'='^ we tooke 
very kindelie ; and vnderstanding by their reporte that they had 
found good vsadge of you and yor subiects in their trade, and they 
being incourraged thereby to retourne agayne, we thought yt ffitt 
to left you p'ceaue by o'' I'rcs what good reporte they haue made 
of yo>' freindlines towardcs them, and to praye the continuance 
thereof, soe as they may continue their traffique w^^ yo'' ffavo'", and 
wtii safFetie of their p'sons, ships, and goods, in such manner as we 
will doe to any of yo'-'' that haue desire to visitt theis p'ts ; and yf 
in any thinge we may doe you kindnes, you shall be assured of yt. 
In the meane tjTne we haue sent you by this bearer, o' servant, 
a token of o"" good will, w*"'^ we desire may eu'" increase betweene 
you and vs. Dated ott o^" pallace of Westminster the 23^^ of 
ffebruarie 1606 [1607]. 

[' Prom the India-House Mss. — This letter was written in TC\Ay to 
the letter of the king of Tidore which accomj^anics the text. The docu- 
ment is j)rinted JiiTEU.\Ti.M, hut the punctuation has been revised.] 


Baxtam. 1()()7.]' 

His highnes to the kinge of Java Maior. 

Right high, etc. Att the retoiirne of or subiects from their His Wgimes 
last voyadge into yo»' countries, we rec*^ from you both a I're of ^'f j^ua 'Ma*^ 
great kindnes and twoe bezar stones, both w'^'^ we tooke verie "^"' 
kindlie, as a testimony of yo'" [desire] to entertejTie amitie ^v^^ vs ; 
especiallie we were pleased [to un]derstand by their reporte how 
kindlie they were vsed in yo'" cou[ntrie] in matters concerning 
their traffique, W^^' hath incouraged th[cm] to p'ceede in yt, and 
vs to recomend them to j'ou and yo'' p'tccc'on, agaynst any that 
would oppose agaynst them or molest them in their said trad**, in 
as ample manner as we would be willingc to doe to any of yo''^ yf 
their desires shall be to visitt o'' countries. 

To testifie vnto you o'' kinde acceptauncc of yo'' favo'' shewed 
them, and o'" desire to continue amitie w'^' you, we haue sent by 
this bearer, oi" servant, a token of o'' loue, w^^ we hope shall 
alwaies continue and encrease betweene vs. Dated att o'' pallace 
of Westmin' the 23ti» of ffebruarie 1606 [1607], 

[' From the India-IIouse Mss. — This letter was written in reply to 
the letter of the king of Bantam which accompanies the text — the 
address, as in the reply to the king of Ternate, being a piece of state- 
flattery. The portions within brackets are supplied by conjecture : the 
rest is printed literatim. James I. was often styled his highness, as 
maj' be seen in the Anaales of Stow.] 




From hi.s ma'''' to Nere. 

nisniftticto Att the rctourne of o'' m'chaunts from their trade in that 
of Nero. countrie we receiued from you a hahar of nutmeggs for a token of 
o^' good will, yv'^^ we accepted w"' all kindnes. And we vndcrstoode 
by them howe freindlie they had beene intertayned by you in their 
traffique, w''^ hath incourraged them to attempt it agayne, and v.s to 
recomend them ^^lto yo'" fFavo'' and p'tecc'on, soe as they may be 
suffered quietlie to continue their said trad^ w'^^ saffetie and good 
vsadge of their p'sons, shipps, and goods ; and we shall be redie 
to requite yt w^^ ^nv kindnes to yo" or yo^'s ; and in the meane 
tjone haue sent you by this bearer, o'" servant, a token of o'' good 
■will, Av<''i Ave desire may eu*" increase betweene you and vs. ffrom 
o'" pallace at Westminster the 23*^ of ffebr. 1606 [1607]. 


From his ma'i" to Limtor. 

From his Att the retoumc of o'" m'chaunts from their trade in that coun- 

sabander of t^'iG we vnderstaude by them how freindlie they had beene inter- 
Luntor. teyned by yo" in their traffique, w'''^ hath incovirraged them to attempt 
yt agayne, and vs to recomend them to yo'' fFavo'' and p'tecc'on, soe 
as they may be suffered quietlie to continue their said trades av"i 
saffetie and good vsadge of their p'sons, shipps, and goods ; and 
we shall be redie to requite yt w^^^ any kindnes to you or yo''^ ; and 
in the meane tyme haue sent you by this bearer, o'' servant, a 
token of o'' good Avill, av""'! wc desire may euer encrease bctAvecne 
you and vs. Dated att o'' pallace of Wcstmin' the 23''> of ffeb- 
ruarie 1606 [1607]. 

[' From the India-House IMss. — These two letters refer to the proceed- 
ings of captain Colthurst at Banda, in KlOf) ; and are printed jjteratim.J 



AT Bantam, to his brother. 1607.]^ 

Laus Deo, this SOt'i of Aprill 1607, in Bantam. 

Brother Toaverson, my last vnto yo" of the 2G"^ of October 
1606, p' the West Fresland, wherein I wrote \Trto yo" as then 
the tyme serued ; since w''^ tyme here hath not happened anie 
matter worthy the Avryting of concerning my owne husines, w"^^'' 
is in so good a forwardnes, that I thingke the tyme verie long that 
our shippes were come to make an end of this yrksome living in 
this place, yf it shall please the Almightie. 

The principall newes in these parts proceedeth from the Hol- 
landers busines, ifor they are the men that beare the greatest swaye, 
whose reports, for want of other matter, I will advertise yo" of. 

At this present here is an admirall, Cornelius Mataliphe the 
young'", who dep'ted out of Holland in Maye 1605, having a 
fleete of xi shippes,'-* keeping on their course vntill the 24"' of 
lune, when they fell w"' the iland Maio, where they watered and 
tarried 14 dales. The 9 of lulie they sett saile from thence, 
keeping on their course vntill the 28'^^^ of August, Avhen they came 
to ancho'" at the iland of Annabo, where they accorded w"' the 
people of the place to refresh and water, w^^^ is a verie fitt place 
for that purpose ; there is good refreshing of orringes and divers 
other fruits. This iland lieth in two degrees southerly of the line; 
it is a verie pleasant land, the people are of colo'' blacke, and goe 
all naked, saue a small peece of lynnen to hide their privities. The 
5 of September they sett saile from Annabo, and on the 28 of 
October they were thwart the Cape Bona Speransa. The 9 of 

[^ From the State-paper OiEce. East-Iudia papers. — This document 
seems to be in the handwriting of Towerson, and is printed literatim.] 

[=^ Admiral Matelief sailed from the Texel on the twelfth of May 1605, 
N.s. The burden of the eleven ships amounted to 5820 tons, and the 
number of men was 1440. An ample account of this voyage is contained 
in the Recueil des voiagcs edited by C. de Rennevillc.] 


November they were troubled wtii a great storme Avest-no*^-west, 
in w"^!' storme 6 of the fleete were scpcratcd from the rest, 
w"^'' the next daie mett agayne. The 21 of December they had 
sight of the iland Cerna, by the Hollanders called Moritius. The 
next daie they came to an ancho»', where they found 2 Holland 
shippes, w^'' was Verhagen' shippe and the Great Home, bound 
for Holland to this place : they had not lost a man, but one w'-"'^ 
was killed abord the admirall by another of the same shippe. 
This iland of Moritius the Hollanders make greate recconing of: 
yt aftbordeth good refreshing of fish, foules, and scales, w'' are 
so tame that they take them at pleasure. The Hollanders doe con- 
tynvially carrie thither goats and hoggs, and leaue them there to 
increase. At this iland they sett vpp their pinnaces. On the 18"' 
of lanuary they dep'ted from thence, being the nomber of 15 
shijjpes and pynnaces. The 16 of March they came to the ilands 
of Nicobar ; the 18, they fynding the ^ynde contrary, they came 
to an anchor, where the people of the covmtrie brought them fruits 
to exchaunge for other trifles. 

Here at this place he did make the fleete acquaynted w^^ his pre- 
tence that he determyned to goe directly for Mallaca, and promised 
verie large off"ers to the company, if they tooke it either by force or 
otherwaies ; the bay where they did ride, the admirall did newe 
name it by his owne name, jNIataliphe. The 24 they sett saile from 
this baye of Mataliphe, and being entred into the straits they had 
sight of 2 ilands, to name, Pula Porro and Pula Pinassa. The 
6 of Aprill 1606 they had sight of the maine of Mallaca, w''^ 2 
ilands bearing east and west the one from the other. The 19 ditto 
they came in sight of the towne of Mallaca, and came to ancho^' 
w^'in a league and ^ of the said towne. Presently they manned 
there botes to fetch the shippes out of the rode, w^^ were 4 in 
nomber, w<=^ the enemie p'ceaving, layd a trayne of powder in 
the one W^'* was newly come in, and forsooke her, luid as the 
Hollanders did enter, she blewe vpp, where they lost 8 or 9 
men : the other 3 being emptie, the Hollanders put fire to them, 
soe they burnt. The next daie the fleete wayed, and came 
nere the towne, where they did ancho'' in 5 or 6 fatham water, 
and shott of all their ordn'nce against the towne and castell, the 
enemie shooting but little at them. This night the admirall pre- 
tending to land his forces, but altering his mynde he purposed to 
stale the coming of the king of lore, to whome he had sent a 


pynnace from the fleete, w^'^ the lore ambassadour w^'' they 
brought out of Holland. The 21 of Aprill they beganne to make 
a battrie from a small iland on the south side of the toAvne, where 
they planted 2 peeces of ordenaunce, and in the afternoone playd 
vf^^ them against the towne ; but from that dale to the 2 of Maie 
they shott no more, being to so small a purpose, but laye still, pre- 
venting the enimies pretenses and keeping watch that there should 
goe no succkers to the enimye : in w'che tyme they tooke many 
espialls, w-'' were sent out dailie to seeke to fire their shippes, 
of W'' they tooke a boate w"^ 4 men, w''» did confesse they 
were sent out for the same purpose by the governo'' of the towne. 
In this tyme there were 4 iunckes of Shumatra, w^ii came to helpe 
the Hollanders. The 7 ditto came the king of lore to the fleete, 
but not so strong as was exspected. 

The next dale in the afternoone, at high water, they landed 
all their forces on the west side of the toA^Tie, being of Hol- 
landers and blakes 13 or 1400 men. At their first landing 
they were encountered by w"i 3 or 4 companies of Portin- 
gales, but they retyred jonediatly to the fore towne, from whence 
they did skirmish wt'i their muskctts. But the Hollanders bend- 
ing a peece of orden'nce against them after an hower skermish, 
the enemie did forsake the fore towne, setting yt a fire, and fled 
into the strong towne. The next dale, being the 9 ditto, the Hol- 
lander tooke in the fore towne, Avhere they made their first battarie 
vpon the maine. The admirall being tould of the armado, sent 
aborde most of his men and orden'nce agayne, leaving a shore suf- 
ficient to keepe that w'^'^^ they had begunne ; and so yt contynued 
for the space of 14 dales. The 24 they did begynne to be- 
leager the towne round about, making and fortifying themselues 
in quarters, where they planted feild peeces so farre as the east side, 
w*^^ they did w'thout any resistavmce of the enemye. There were 
divers slaues yv'^^ did daily come out of the towne, w^^^^ complayned 
greatly of hunger. 

The admirall having caused his men a shore agayne, and leaving 
his shijjpes so weakely manned, did bethinke himself of the armado 
coming \-]jon him, sent a shippe and pinnace to Cape Rochadoe to 
keej)e watch there. In this tyme came into the fleete 2 Port- 
ingale shijjpes and 2 or 3 iimckes laded w^^ m'chaundizes, wci^ 
they made prize of. Vpon the 22 of lune they built a skonce 
vpon the east strand, w^'' kept them in tlie towne in that sort 

38 ■ APl'ENDIX. 

that they could not goe out by land nor sea. The 10 of luly the 
Hollanders admirall sent a letter to the walls of the towne w''> 
drumme and trumpett, in efFecte to demaund the towne ; but the 
Portingale w'^' vpbraving speeches willed the messenger to be- 
gonne, or he would send him w^^ shott from the walls. The next 
daie they beganne to shoote at the towne, W^^ contynued that 
forenoone. The 14 ditto came 2 Holland shippes into the fleete, 
w^i' had all this tyme bene missing. The 4 of August the 
shippes that kepte the Avatche brought newes that the armado was 
coming on. That night they gott most of the munic'on and orde- 
n'nce aborde. It was thought by the Hollanders, that yf the vice- 
roye had kept on his course and followed the watch, they mought 
haue taken their shippes and murdered those a shore at case. By 
the next night the Hollanders had gotten all the men and orden'nce 
aborde, when for a farwell, the Portingale did sallie out vpon them ; 
but the Hollanders encountered them, and killed about SO'""; and 
the rest retiered agayne to the towne, and the Hollanders went 
quietly to their shippes, the admirall being the last man ashore 
himself. The 6 ditto they sett saile to meete w'^^ the armado, 
w^^ was 14 great shippes, 4 great gallies, and small frigotts, 
to the nomber in all 26, and by 3 a clocke in the afternoone 
they mett, where beganne the first fight : the viceroye shott the 
first shoote. This fight contynued verie hott on both p'ts for 
space of 2 bowers, when the Portingalcs first bare vpp and came 
to anchor; the Hollanders getting the winde of them, came to 
ancho'' hard by them. The next morning they both waved. The 
2 of the Portingall shippes did borde the Phcenix, and sought 
to fire her, w^'^ tooke efFecte ; so she burnt downe to the water : 
the men were all saued. 

Then beganne they to fight. The Portingales being full of 
men, sought to borde the other, and came yv^^ 5 shippes at 
once to borde the vice-admirall ; but finding her sides so hott, 
they were forced to keepe further off. 3 other sought to borde 
the admirall, w^^ the shii:)pe Middleborowe p'ceaving came to 
hclpe, the w^'* 5 shippes being thus to gcather, fought for the 
space of 2 howers, vntill the Mauritious came vpp to helpe his 
admirall ; and he shott a fire arrowe out of a crosbowe into the 
admirall of the Portingale, w'^^ tooke in that sort, that it burned 
2 Portingale shippes and the shippe Middleborowe. So this daie 
were burnt 2 Holland shippes and 2 Portingall shippes downe 


to the water. The admirall and the third shippe being fast, so that 
to free them from burning came to composic'on that the Portingales 
should haue their Hues saved, and shoukl come to ancho'' by the 
Hollanders admirall, w'^'^ came to ancho''; but the Portingales 
shipjDe verie wisely was lett driue w*'^ the currant : the rest of the 
fleete thinking they had accorded w'^ their admirall, lett her passe 
by them, w'^'^ p'esently had helpe from their owne fleete, and 
toed in by the gallies. This fight lasted 6 or 7 howers, when 
both fleetes came to ancho'' a league a sonder, and rested for that 
night. The 10 ditto both the fleets waied and fought 4 howers, 
but the Portingales gaue waie, so they came agayne to ancho''. 
The next dale the Hollanders having the winde of the enemies, 
the Portingales did waye likewise and shott verie fiercely for space 
of 4 or 5 howers, when the Portingales gaue waie, w^'^ the Hol- 
landers followed a little, but the tide being spent they came to 
anchoi" agayne. Att w'''' tyme the Hollanders having want of 
powder and shott, Icfte the armado, and went to lor, to supplie 
the want ; where they anchored the 5 of September, and remayned 
till the 22 ditto. On the 6 of October they determined to goe 
before Malaca againe to fight w*'i the shippes. The 9 ditto they 
came in sight of the towne, where they see the shippes 7 in 
nomber, but the winde being contrarie they could not come at 
them vntill the 12 ditto. Then the admirall de\yded his fieete 
into 3 squadrons: his OAvne shippe, the Great- Son, and the 
Provinses, was to giue the first assault, and went in among them, 
and brought one awaie w'''' them ; w*^^^^ the rest of the armado 
p'ceauing, sett saile to rescue, and did recouer her agayne, and 
brought her in w''^ helpe of the gallies. Then came two of the 
armado to the vice-admirall, laying her aborde on both sides. But 
the vice-admirall plying his ordcnaunce in that hott mann', that 
the one fell from him not able to helpe herself, the other fought so 
long till with shooting she tooke fire ; att w"^^ tjrnie the vice- 
admirall was forced to lett loose, having staled so long that part of 
his gallarie was a fire. 

lust at that tyme, when they made accompte to haue entered, 
the Moritius laid the vice-admirall aborde and tooke her by com- 
posic'on, so they all came to ancho*' agayne; the 13 ditto, they see 
the shippe that the vice-admirall the dale before fought w"i, 
driue, and tooke her w^^'iout fighting ; the same dale they tooke 
another shippe bound for Mallaca laden w''^ m'chandize. This 


dale they did vnlade such shippcs as they had taken, and burned 
the shippes before the towne. The 20 ditto they waied, and went 
to looke out for the rest of the fleeto to destroye them, w'' the 
Portingales p'ceauing, did, [burn] 3 of them, w*^^^' the daie before 
they had hailed ashore, and tooke out their ordenaunce, m}Tiding 
to saue them. By this tyme they had destroyed 8 of their best 
shippes. The 26 ditto, they dispeeded a small shippe, w*^*^ they 
had taken, for Ambon, laden w^'^ cloth, having soldiers and others 
for the releife of that place. This shippe, after the fleete lefte her, 
was caste awaie, but the men and goods were saued; w'^'' after 
bought 2 iunckes at loi-, and came here to Bantam the 13 of 
December. By these men had wee the first newes of this fleete. 
November the 5 they put to sea againe, and had sight of another 
shippe, w*^*! they w'thout resistaunce tooke : yt was a shippe of 
St. Tome, of 400 tonnes. This shippe was taken before on the 
2 of October, at Nicobars, by the Holland shippe w*^^ was sent 
to trade \'pon the coast of Corramandell. In this shippe was don 
Lewes de Loberto, w* was appointed admirall of the armadoe ; 
and haxdng cast awaie his shippe at Cape Comera, tooke passage 
in this m'chaunts shippe for Mallaca, and was taken againe, and 
is kept here in Bantam for a ransome of 6,000*^ Rs.'^'S. The 21 
they had sight of 7 shippes more of the enemyes ■\^ldcr an 
Hand, but the winde was contrary that they could not come to 
them, but doing their best ; w^'^ the Portingale p'ceyuing, got 
them betwene 2 Hands a league a sender, getting close aborde 
the shore, and brought all their ordenavmce to one side. The 28 
ditto, the Hollanders came in among them, and did ancho'" w'thin 
saker shott of them. They sought manie waies to fire them, but 
the Portingale did still p'vent, by toing of the fires w'^^ their 
frigotts and botes. The Hollanders seing yt would take no efiecte, 
they dep'ted, keeping to and againe ther abouts to see if they 
would put to sea. The 26 of December, the admirall having taken 
order for the sending shippes to their lading ports, the vice-admi- 
rall w^'^ 2 more to goe for Achene, from whence the Great-Son 
went for the cost of Corramandell ; the admirall w*^*^ the rest, 
being 6 saile, arrived here in Bantam rode the 20 of January; 
and the 28 dep'ted from hence to the Moloces, to see if he could 
recover that place from the Spaniards. March the 14 the vice- 
admirall came into this rode w"-'' the White I^yon. The admirall 
hath done manie good peeces of service in these parts, in securing 


Achene, lor, and Bantam, w'^^ the Portingale did threaten to 
over runne with his great forces, and turne both the Hollanders 
and the English out from hence ; w<='^ vndoubtedly he had done, 
had it not pleased God to make this meanes to j)revent him. But 
for Mallaca he hath given them so faire a warning that they will 
never be so neare getting it as they were ; and surely had had it, 
if the armadoe had not come \13pon them as he did. In all this 
t)Tne the Hollander loste \'pward of 600 men, 2 great shippes, and 
150'^ Rs.o8. 

This p'esent 30 of Aprill 1607, here did arriue a pinnace from 
the Mauritious, or Cernne, w'"^' brought newes, that the West- 
ffreesland, w*^!' departed the 26 of October last from hence, is cast 
awaie vpon the Sand Hand, having saued all their men, but little 
of their goods, only the m'chaunts chests and a fewe fardells of 
mace. Thus desiring yo" to comend me to all my freinds, I comitt 
yo" to the protection of the Almightie, whome I beseech blesse 
and preserve yo" and yo^'^ to his good will and pleasure. 

Yo'' loving brother, 

Gabriell Towerson. 




©rtaba pars Paten tie anno Ml^ Jacobi Sccuntio. 

D Licen smai 3JaniC5 by the grace of God etc. To all to 

-p 1 . 1 whome these p'esents shall come sendeth greet- 

-XT- ^ n ing. Knoave yee that wee of our especiall 

JVlicnelborne ° , ■, ^ ■, ^ , p 

,,.,. grace ce ten knowledff and meere moc on tor 

Milite. '' , . . " , . T 

us our heires and successors have given and 

graunted and by these p'esents doe give and graunte to our trustie 
and welbeloved subject and se'vant sir Edward Michelborne knight 
one of our gentlemen pencioners and to his associats and companye 
with necessarie shippes and shipping free lib' tie and lycence to 
discover the countries and domynions of Cathaia, China, Japan, 
Corea, and Cambaia and the islands and countries thereimto ad- 
jo}Tiing, and to marchandize and trade with the said seve'all coun- 
tries and people inhabiting the said places not as yet frequented 
and traded unto by anie of our subjects or people without inte'rup- 
c'on or hinderaunce of any whomsoever any restraint graunt or 
charter whatsoever to the contrarie hereof heretofore had graunted 
or made in any wise notw'thstanding Ik witxes whereof etc. 
T. R. apud Westm' vicesimo quinto die Junij etc. 

P' bre' de privato sigillo etc. 


Mar. 20. 


Ci)i:g is a true anO autljtnttc fopp from tl)t 
original rtfoiK rrmaining in ti)c Cijapcl of 
ti)c iilollg Ijabing been tjiaminctJ. 

Thomas Palmer, 

Ass*. Record Keeper. 

20 March 1851. 

I ' Kioia the (.'hajiel vi' tlie Rulls. — An account of the voyage made iu 
l>ui»uaucc of thi.s license is iniuted iu /'rrc/ia-s /li.s jii/r/runes.] 




By the king. 

IT A proclamation inhibiting the importation of pepper from forraine 
parts, by any other persons then those of the East- 
Indian Company. 

Forasmuch as it is not \Tiknowen, that in former times when all 
or the greatest part of pepper, and other spices of the grouth of 
the East Indies, was brought into this our realme of England and 
principalitie of Wales by strangers onely, the same was then sold 
at very high rates, vntill such time as some of our owne merchants 
did themselues trade into those parts, and bringing in good quan- 
tities of those commodities, did sell the same at much lower prices, 
to the great reliefe and benefit of all our subiects in generall : And 
forasmuch as we doe finde, that the establishment and continu- 
ance of this trade, hath and will be more and more an occasion to 
imploy and encrease the great shipping of this kingdome, which 
hath heretofore bene out of vse, as being not so necessary for trade 
in countreys that are not so farre remote : For these, and some 
other reasons which haue bene deliuered \'nto vs, being desirous to 
encourage this company, and to maintaine that trade by all good 
and lawfull meanes ; And experience teaching vs, that if there 
should be, till the trade were better setled, a free and generall 
libertie for all persons whatsoeuer to bring in those commodities, 
it would be an occasion to ouerlay the trade, and strangers would 
of purpose vent their spices at small rates, thereby to enforce our 
owne subiects to desist from trading into those countreis : We 
with the aduise of our priuie councell, haue thought fit, for some 
time to restraine the importation of pepper from forraine parts, by 

[1 From the State-paper Office. A printed copy. — It was reprinted in 
A booke of jji'odamations, London Ifilo. Folio.] 


any others then by the merchants iojTitly of the East Indian Com- 
pany. And therefore wee doe hereby Avill and commaund all person 
and persons whatsociicr, cither our naturall borne subiccts, denizens, 
or strangers (not being the company aforesaid) to forbeare to bring 
into these our dominions of England and Wales, any pepper, di- 
rectly or indirectly, vpon paine of forfeiture of the goods, and what 
other punishment they may incurre by any contempt and default 
herein. And to the end, this our pleasure may be more ducly 
obserued, wee doe likeAvise charge and command all customers, 
comptrollers, searchers, Avaiters, farmours of our customes and their 
deputies, and all other our officers of the ports, within our terri- 
tories aforesaid, that they doe not giue any bills of entrie for pepper 
that is brought in from forraine countreis, by any other then those 
who shall be knowen to bee of the company aforesaid : neither shall 
they suffer it to bee landed, or being so, shall seize the same to our 
vse as iustly forfaited. And moreouer, they and euery of them, shall 
vse their best meanes and endeuours to hinder and preuent all 
secret and fraudulent practizes of such as shall seeke to bring it [in] 
that commoditie, notwithstanding this our pleasure published to 
the contrary. 

And because we are careful to preuent al inconueniences to the 
generality of our subiects, in case they should be hardly dealt with 
"\Tider this restraint, by those that haue the Avhole masse of pepper 
in their owne hands ; although wee hold the company to be com- 
pounded of many good and honest merchants and others, yet be- 
cause there is no societic wherein all are of one temper, and out of 
the care we haue alwayes had for the common good of all our 
people more then of any particuler societie ; wee thought it not safe 
to repose so much confidence in a part of our people, as to leauc 
the Avhole body subiect to their wills, in matter of this nature. 

And therefore hauing well examined what might be an indifferent 
price to yeeld to the merchants competent gaine for the mainten- 
ance of so great and long a trade, and so needfull for the support of 
nauigation, and yet not be ouerchargeable to the rest of our peojile, 
who haue on the other side dayly vse of that kinde of spice ; wee 
haue conditioned with them, and limitted, that they shall vtter 
pepper at the rate of two shillings sixe pence the pound, and not 
exceed, to any that shall come or send for it, vpon paine of our 
high displeasure. 

Which prouision, and limitation being made by vs in fauour of 


the commixnitie of our svibiects, we haue thought good to publish 
and make knowen to all men, to the end that if it fall out, that 
such as by way of retaile doe vtter to our people dwelling in places 
remote from our citie of London, and other parts where shipping 
doeth ariue, that kinde of spice, there bee exacted any prices exces- 
siue, it may appeare that the same is not for want of due prouision 
made to preuent it, but by the ouergreedinesseof those which shall sell 
it. In which consideration, although wee know, that there are many 
reasons, why those that sell by retaile, should demaund a fmlher 
price then they pay for it here, as well in respect of the distance of 
place, forbearing of their money, as many other things incident to 
that kinde of trade : yet the better to containe them within the 
bounds of reasonable gaine, we haue thought good to make knowen 
thus much, thereby to expresse our ovme care of our louing sub- 
iects, and to shew them the meanes whereby they may auoyd such 
further burden, as may bee cast vpon them by any that shall goe 
about by any A-ndue practise, to raise immoderate gaine, ^-nder 
colour or pretext of that course which we haue taken for the reasons 

Giuen at Newmarket the last day of Nouember, in the seventh 
yeere of our reigne of Great Britame, France and Jreland. 

God saue the king. 

IT Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, 

printer to the kings most excellent maiestie. 

Anno 1609. 


[No. XVI. — Extracts from Ludovico de Vartiiema and others ox 
THE Maluco Islands.] 

(1 ) 
" Ca. della insula Monocli clone nascono li garoiFoli. 

Smonta'mo in questa insiila Monoch, la q'lc e molto piu piccola 
che no' c Bandan, ma la gente si e pegiore die quilli dc Ba'dan, 
& uiueno pure a quel modr [modo], & so'no un poclio piu bianclii & 
lo acre e un poco piu ferddo [freddo]. Qui nascono li garofFoli, & in 
niolte altre insvile circu'uicine, ma so'no piccole & desliabitate. 
Lo arbore delli garofFoli si e p'prio co'e larboro del buxolo, zoe 
folto, & la soa foglia e quasi como q'lla della ca'nella, ma e un 
poco piu to' da, & e de quel colore co'e gia uedissi in Zeilani, la 
quale e quasi como la foglia d'l lauro. Q'n' so'no maturi quisti 
garofFoli, li dicti ho'i li sbatteno co' le ca'ne, & metteno sotto al 
dicto arbore alcune store per racoglierli La terra done so'no quisti 
arbori e come arena, zoe de quel medesmo colore, no' pero die sia 
arena. El paese si e molto basso, & de qui no' se uede la stella 
tramo'tana. Veduto cli' hauessemo questa insula & questa ge'te 
dima'da'mo alii xp'iani se altro ce era da ueder' Ce resposero, 
tiediamo un poclio in cli' modo ue'deno questi garofFoli : troua'mo 
die se ue'deuano al dopio piu die le noce moscate pure a mesura, 
p'clie quelle p'sone no' inte'deno pesi." — Ltjdouico de Vaktiiema.' 


" Auiendo el papa Alexandro sexto repartido las conquistas del 
nueuo mundo, a, los reyes de Castilla y Portugal, hizieron de 
acuerdo la particion, por vna linea q' cosmografos echaron al 
mimdo ; paraq', el vno a la parte del ocidente, y el otro, a la del 
oriente, siguiesen sus descubrimientos y conquistas, pacifica'do lo 
que cada vno ganase dentro de su demarcacion. 

[^ Itinerario de Ludouico de Varthema Bolognese nello Egypto, nella 
Siirria, nella Arabia deserta (& felice, uella Persi((, nella India, & nella 
Ethiopia, etc. Roma, m.d.x. 4". f. 79.] 


Despues, que por la corona de Portugal se gano la ciudad de 
Malaca, en la tierra firme de la Asia, en el reyno de lor, llamada 
por los antiguos Aureachersoneso, el an'o de mil y quinientos y 
onze, a las nueuas de las islas q' caen cerca, especialme'te, las del 
Maluco y Banda, donde se coge el clauo y la nuez moscada ; salio 
vna armada de Portugueses a su descubrimiento, q' auiendo estado 
en Banda, fuero' de alii Ueuados a la isla de Terrenate, vna de las 
del Maluco, por el mismo rey della, en defensa suya, contra el de 
Tidore su vezino, con quien tenia guerra, q' fue principio del asiento 
que los Portugueses hizieron en el Maluco. 

Fra'cisco Serrano (q' boluio a Malaca con este descubrimie'to, 
y passo a la India, para yr a Portugal a dar quenta del) murio antes 
de hazer este viaje, auiendo comunicado por cartas a su amigo 
Fernando de Magallanes (q' se auian hallado juntos en la toma de 
Malaca y estaua en Portugal) lo que aula visto; con cuyas relaciones, 
entendio lo q' conuenia del descubrimiento y nauegacion a estas 
islas." — Antonio de Mokga.^ 


" Las islas que tiene la especeria del clavo son estas, Terrenate, 
Tidori, Motil, Maquian, Bachan : estas son las principales. 

Terrenate es alta y toda poblada al rededor, y el pueblo principal 
que se dice Terrenate, esta por la parte del sudueste : esta isla es 
alta, que esta mas al norte de todas, y los arboles de clavo estan 
arriba en mitad de la montan'a, cogese cada an'o mill bahares de 
clavo que son 4-^ quintales ; esto se entiende como en Castilla, 
cuando hay buena vendeja del vino : esta isla de Terrenate tiene 
otra isla pequen'a al nornordeste, llamase Iri, es poblada: tiene esta 
isla de Terrenate 9 leguas. 

La isla de Tidori es alta mas que la de Terrenate, y mas aguda 
para arriba, tiene una falda al nornordeste, es poblada toda al 
derredor, y el pueblo principal que se llama Tidori esta por la parte 
del leste : correse con la isla de Lornate norte sur cuarta de nordeste 
sudueste, una legua escasa; los arboles del clavo son arriba en medio 
de la montan'a : cogese en esta isla de Tidori novecientos ballares 

[^ Svcesos de las Islas Philipinas. Dirigidos a don Christoval Gomez 
de Sandoval y Rojas dvqve de Cea por el doctor Antonio de Morga. 
j\Iexici ad Iiidos. Anno 1609. 4'\] 


de clavo, que son tres mil e seiscicntos quintales, y es mejor que 
lo de Terrenate : tiene dc rodeo nueve leguas. Esta isla ticne otra 
pequcn'a al sudueste que se dice Mcytara, hay un cuarto de legua 
desta isla alia. Tiene otra isla esta isla de Tidori al susudueste que 
se dice Mare ; hay una legua de la una a la otra: tiene 4 leguas de 
rodeo : hay algun poco de clavo, y es bravo y agora le empicza a 
haccr bueno, y esta esta dicha isla de Tidori en dos tercios de 
grado de la banda del norte. 

La isla de Motil no es tan grande como esta de Tidori, ni tan 
alta, ansimismo se cria el clavo en lo alto como en esta otras : cogese 
en ella ochocientos ballares de clavo, que sons tres mil y doscientos 
quintales : correse con esta isla de Tidori norte sur, hay tres 

La isla de Maquian es algo mayor que la de Motil y cogese en 
ella ochocientos ballares de clavo, que es muy bueno : correse con 
esta isla de Motil norte sur : hay una legua desta isla de Maquian : 
al sueste de Maquian hay ima isla que se corre al sueste : llamase 

La isla de Bachan esta mas al sur de todas estas islas ya dichas, 
mas de 8 leguas, y es mayor que ninguna de las dichas : cogese en 
ella quinientos ballares de clavo, qvie son dos mil quintales : no es 
tan bueno como el de estotras islas, y causalo que esta apartada de 
la Hnea mas que las otras." — Hernando de la Torre.' 

[1 Coleccion de los viages y descvhrimientos qioe h icier on por mar los 
EsjKinoles desde fines del aiijlo xv. Coordinada e ilustrada jwr I). 3Iartin 
Fernandez de Naoarrete, etc. Madrid, 1825-37. 4". v, 286.] 



We landed on this island of Monoch, whicli is much smaller than 
Bandan, but the inhabitants are worse than those of Bandan, yet 
live in the same manner, and are rather fairer, and the air is rather 
cooler. Here cloves grow, and in many other small uninhabited 
islands which lie near it. The tree which bears cloves is thick 
and bushy like the box -tree, and its leaf resembles that of the 
cinnamon- tree, but is more round, and of the colour of those 
which we had already seen in Zeilani, which is like the leaf of 
the laurel. When the cloves are ripe, the said men beat them 
down with canes, placing mats under the trees to catch them. 
The soil in which the trees grow is like sand ; that is, of the same 
colour, but it is not sand. The country is very low [as to lati- 
tude], and they never see the north star. Having thus seen the 
island and its inhabitants, we asked if any other christians had 
been seen there. They answered, we saw a few, by which means 
we sold our cloves. We found that cloves sold twice as dear as 
nutmegs, but by measure, as these persons do not understand 
weights. — LuDOUico de Vauthema, 1510. 


Pope Alexander the Sixth, having divided the conquests of the 
new world between the kings of Castilla and Portugal, made the 
division, with their consent, by a meridian which geographers 
announced to the world, to the effect that each, one to the west- 
ward and the other to the eastward, should pursue his own dis- 
coveries and conquests, and retain in peace what he had acquired 
within the line of demarcation. 

After the Portuguese had won the city of Mcdaca, on the con- 
tinent of Asia, in the kingdom of Jor — called by the ancients 
Aureachersoneso — in consequence of the receipt of intelligence of 
the islands in those seas, and especially of those of Maluco and 
Banda, whence cloves and nutmegs are procured, a fleet of ships 
was despatched in 1511 in order to discover them, and having 

")0 ArrEXDix. 

staid some time in Banda, they were thence conducted to the 
island of Terrenate, one of the Maluco islands, by the king him- 
self, in his own defence against his neighbovu" the king of Tidore, 
with whom he was at war, and this was the first settlement which 
the Portuguese made in the Maluco islands. 

Francisco Serrano, who returned to Malaca with this expedition, 
and proceeded to India on his way to Porfuyal to give an account 
of it, died before he made the voyage, having communicated by 
letters to his friend Fernando de Magallanes, who had been his 
associate in the taking of Malaca, and was then in Porimjal, all 
that he had seen ; from whose statements he learned what suited 
his purpose with regard to the discovery and navigation of these 
islands. — Antonio de Morga, 1609. 


The islands which produce the spice called cloves are Terrenate, 
Tidori, Motil, Alaquian, and Bachan. These are the principal 

Terrenate is high land, and inhabited all round the coast, and 
the principal town, which is called Terrenate, is on the south-west 
side. This lofty island is to the northward of the others, and the 
clove-trees are half-way up the hill. They gather a thousand 
bahars of cloves in the year, which make four thousand quintals : 
this is to be understood as in Castilla, when there is a good vint- 
age. The island of Terrenate has another small island bearing 
north-north-east of it, which is called Iri, and is inhabited. The 
island of Terrenate is nine leagues in circumference. 

The island of Tidori is higher than Terrenate, and more piked 
towards its summit, with a slope to the north-north-east. It is 
inhabited all round, and the principal town, which is called Tidori, 
is on the east side. It bears with the island of Lornate [Terre- 
nate ?] north and south and a point to the north-east and south- 
west, at the distance of a short league. The clove-trees are half- 
way up the hill. They gather in this island of Tidori nine hundred 
bahars of cloves, which make three thousand six hundred quintals, 
and it is of better quality than that of Terrenate. It is nine leagues 
round. This island has another small island to the south-west, 
which is called Meytara, at the distance of a quarter of a league. 


This island of Tidori has another small island to the south-south- 
west, which is called Mare, at the distance of a league. It is four 
leagues round. It has some few clove-trees, which grow wild, but 
they now begin to improve them ; and this said island is in two- 
thirds of a degree of north latitude. 

The island of Motil is not so large as Tidori, nor so high, but 
the clove-trees grow on the high ground in the same manner as in 
the other islands. They gather here eight hundred bahars of 
cloves, which make three thousand two hundred quintals. This 
island and Tidori bear north and south from each other, at the dis- 
tance of three leagues. 

The island of Maouian is somewhat larger than Motil, and they 
gather here eight hundred bahars of cloves, which are very good. 
This island and Motil bear north and south, at the distance of a 
league. To the south-east of Maquian there is an island which 
runs in a south-eastern direction. It is called Cayoan. 

The island of Bachan is more to the southward than all the 
aforesaid islands, more by eight leagues, and is larger than any of 
them. They gather here five hundred bahars of cloves, which 
make two thousand quintals. The cloves yre not so good as in the 
other islands, because it is further from thcc equinoctial line. — 
Hernando de la Tokre, 1527. 

'•' Of the Iland of Maluco. 

The Ilandes of Maluco are fiue, viz. Maluco, Tarnate, Tydor, 
Geloulo, and an otherwhere the Portingales haue 2 forts, that is in 
Tarnate and Tydor, which long since were discouered and wonnc, 
where they trafficke from Malacca and out of India. The Span- 
iards haue sought diners meanes to haue traffique there, and came 
from thence out of Nona Spaigne, into the iland called Tarnate, 
where in a storme they lost their shippe, and so could not get from 
thence againe, whereby they were by the Portingales most of them 
slayne, and the rest taken and sent prisoners into Portingale, 
whereupon the king of Spaine and Portingale had a long quarrell 
and contention, touching the diuision of their conquests, and dis- 
couery of the seas, which by the Popes meanes at the last was 
ended, in such sort, that at this present oncly the Portingale tva- 
hckes to those Hands. These Hands haue no other spice then 


clones, but in so great abundance, that as it appearcth, by tlicm 
the whole world is filled therewith. In this iland arc found firic 
hilles, they are very dry and burnt land, they liauc nothing els but 
victuals of flesh and fish, but for rice, corne, onyons, gailicke, and 
such like, and all other necessaries, some are brought from Port- 
ingale, and some from other places thereabout, which they take 
and barter for clones. The bread Avhich they haue there of their 
owne baking is of wood or rootes, like the men of Brasillia, and 
their cloathes are of wouen strawe or herbes, faire to the eye : in 
these Hands onlie is found the bird, which the Portingales call 
2)assaros de sol, that is fowle of the sunne, the Italians call it manu 
codiutas, and the Latinists, 2}n>'ndiseas, and by vs called paradice 
birdes, for y'^ beauty of their feathers which passe al other birds : 
these birds are neuer scene aliue, but being dead they are found 
vpon the iland : they flie, as it is said, alwaies into the sunne, and 
keepe themselues continually in the ayre, without lighting on the 
earth, for they haue neither feet nor wings, but onely head and 
body, and the most part tayle, as appeareth by the birdes that are 
brought from thence into India, and some from thence hether, but 
not many, for they are costlie. I brought two of them with me, 
for doctor Paludanus, which were male and female, which I gaue 
vnto him, for his chamber. These ilands lie among diuers other 
Hands, and because there is no speciall notice of them, by reason 
of the small conuersation Avith them : I let them passe, and turne 
again vnto the coast of Malacca, which I left at the Cape of Singa- 
pura, and so will shewe the coast along." — Iohn Hvighen van 
LiNSCHOTEN, 1598. 


" L'exactitudo scrupuleuse est le premier merite, comme le premier devoir, d'lin 
bibliographe." — Charles Magnin. 

*^* The names and short titles which precede the descriptions of the 
authorities are given precisely as they stand in the notes, and the numbers 
which follow refer to those notes. By this inethod,which may seem rather 
novel, much useless repietition has been avoided. As some of the works are 
framed chronologically, others cdp)habetically , and others furnished with 
indexes, I dispense with minute references. 

The titles of the hooks are copied literatim as far as the elliptic marks, 
and are to he corisidered as entire when no such marks are inserted. The 
names of the authors, and the titidar distinctions which precede those 
natnes, are also coined literatim. The designations which follow the 
names, or portions of those designations, are given when they serve to 
identify the authors, or to intimate their qualifications with reference to 
the works in question. The number of the edition, if stated, is repeated. 
The imprints of the hooks are abbreviated. TJie size, and the number of 
volumes, folloxo the imprints. 

The elliptic marks used are the — and an etc. Additions and correc- 
tions, if derived from the books themselves, are given as parentheses; if 
derived from other sources, in brackets. Douhlfid particidars have a note 
of interrogation afiixed. 

India-House Mss. India-House mannscriiits. Note 1, 2, 102. See also 

Instructions, Appendix, and the table of contents. 

Stow. The annalcs of England. Faithfully collected out of tlie most 

autenticall authors, <;ic. — Ly lolin Stow citizen of London. London, 
(1005). 4to. Note 2,148, 

Rcgistrum Roffcnsc. Registrum KolTense : or, a collection of antient 

records, charters, and instruments — of the diocese of Eochester. 
By John Thorpe, M.D. London, 1701). Folio. Note 2. 

Charters E. I. C. Charters granted to the East-India Company, from 

1001 (IGOO); efc. [London, 1772 ?'\ 4to. Note 3. 

Sir H. Manwayring. The sea mans dictionary — by sir Henry Manwayring, 

kniL'ht. London. VliL -llo. Note 4, 48. 

AY. Falconer. Au universal dieliouary of the marine — liy William Falconer, 

anihor oi' 2'he shi2)wreck. London, lliii). 4to. Note 8, 10, GO, 72. 

T. CliiyLorne. The second voyage set forth by the Company into the East- 
Indies — written by Thomas Claybome. Pnrchas vol. i. Note 9, 12, 
15, 17, 19, 21, 2i, 40, 43, 5o, C4, !)5, 99, 154, 157, 159, 161. 

Capt. Davis. The worldes hydrographical discription — published by I. 

Dauis, of Sandrudg by Dartmouth. London, IbQb. IGmo. Note 11. 

luiitructions. {Appendix No. III.) Note 11, 23, 2f), 45, 57, GO, 83, 91, 92. 

liakluyt. The principal navigations, voiages, traffiqves and discoueries of 

the English nation — by Richard Haklvyt, M.A. London, 1598-1000. 
Folio. 3 vols. Note 14, 22, 29. 

I'urchas. Haklvytvs posthumus, or Pvrchas his pilgriraes. Contayning a 

history of the world, in sea voyages and lande-trauells by Englishmen 
and others. — By Samvel Pvrchas, B.D. London, 1G25. Folio. 4 vols. 
Note 18, 20, 22, 33, 35, 37, 41, 61, 73, 122, 131, 149. 

De Barros Da Asia de Jouo de Barros — dos feitos, que os Portuguezes 

fizeram no descubrimento, e conquista dos mares, e terras do Oriente. 
— Nova edivao. Lishoa, 1777-8. 8vo. 9 vols. Note 22, 152. 

Lieut. Yidal. Survey of Jie Cape of Good Hope. By Lieut. A. T. E. 

Vidal, and others, 1822. Admiralty chart, 1828. Note 27. 

Nares. A glossary; or, collection of words, phrases, names, etc., which 

have been thought to require illustration. By Piobeit Nares, A.M. 
London, 1822. 4to. Note 28, 118. 

J. 0. Halliwell. A dictionary of ai'chaic and provincial words, etc. By James 

Orchard Halliwell, F.K.S. London, 1847. Bvo. 2 vols. Note 31. 

Sir K. Hawkins. The observations of sir Eichard Hawkins knight, in his 

voiage into the South Sea. Anno Domini 1593. London, 1G22. Folio. 
Note 34, 44, 125, 158. 

Viscount Wimbledon. A iovrnall, and relation of the action — on the coast 

of Spaine, 1625. (By Edward viscount "Wimbledon.) Piinted in the 
yeere 1627. 4to. Note 38, 47. 

Eiujlisli expositor. An English expositor : teaching the interpretation of 

the hardest words used in our language. — By I. B. (John BuUokar.) 
London, 1G41. 12mo. Note 42, 134, 162. 

lioteiro. Pioteiro da viagem que em descobrimento da India pelo Cabo da 

Boa Esperan^a fez dom Vasco da Garaa em 1497. Porto, 1838. 8vo. 
Note 44. 

Jean Mocquet. Voyages en Afi'iqve, Asie, Indes Orientales et Occiden- 

tales. Faits par lean Mocqvet, garde du cabinet des siugularitcz 
du roy. A Paris, l(il7. svu. Note 44. 


•T. Horsburgh. India directory, or directions for sailing to and from tlie 

East Indies, China, etc. By James Horsburgh, F.R.S., hydrographer 
to the honorable East India Company. Third edition. London, 1S2G-7. 
4to. 2 vols. Note 40, 08, 98, 111. 

Edmund Scott. An exact discovrse of the subtilties, fashions, pollicies, 

religion, and ceremonies of the East Indians — Written by Edmund 
Scott. London, 1000. 4to. Note 49, 54, 50, 58, 00, 03, 0)5, 77, 78, 
8-2, 84, 105, 110, 147, 149, 153, 150. 

C. do R^nneville. Eecueil des voiages qui ont servi a I'etablissement et 

aiix in-ogrfes de la Compagnie des Indes Orientales, formee dans les 
provinces-vmies des Pai's-Bas. (par De Constantin.) Seconde edi- 
tion. A Amsterdam, 1725. 12mo. 7 vols. Note 50, 51, 52,01, 70, 71, 
84,88, 103, 107, 115, 121, 123, 124, 133, 130, 140, 150. 

W. Marsden. Adictionaryof the Malayan language — by William Marsden, 

F.E.S. London, 1812. 4to. Note .53, 62, 87, 101, 102, 108, 143. 

dipt. Smith. A sea grammar, with the plaine exposition of Smiths Acci- 
dence for young sea-men. enlarged. — Written by captaine lohu Smith. 
London, 1027. 4to. Note 59, 74, 112, 113, 120, 135, 100. 

Sir W. Ealegh. The discoverie of the large, rich and bewtifvl empire of 

Gviana performed in the yeare ] 595. by sir W. Ealegh knight. 

London, 15!)G. 4to. Note GO, 70, 79. 

Linschoten. lohn Hvighen van Linschoten his discours of voyages into 

ye Easte and West Indies — from the Dutch by W. P. [Phillip]. Lon- 
don, 5^8)- Folio. Note 68. 

L. de Argensola. Conqvista de las Islas Malvcas — escrita por el liccnciado 

Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola. En Madrid, 1009. Polio. Note 
77, 104, 132, 143. 

( Alex. Dalrymple.] — Plan of the Island Amboina. From a Ms. 1782. Ad- 
miralty Chart. Note 80. 

i\Ianoel de Faria y Sousa. The Portugues Asia: or, the history of the 

discovery and conquest of India — from the Spanish of Manuel de Faria 
y Sousa by John Stevens. London, 1095. 8vo. 3 vols. Note 81, 88, 
90, 123, 142. 

Articles of peace. — —Articles of peace, enterco\Tse, and comnurce — con- 
cluded between James I. and Philip III. of Spain. London, 1005. 
4to. Note 82. 

Eogcrs Ending. Annals of the coinage of Great Britain and its depen- 
dencies — by the rev. Eogers Ending, F.S.A. Third edition. London, 
1840. 4to. 3 vols. Note 89. 

D'lVpres de Mannevillette. Instructions sur la navigation des Indes 

Orientales et de la Chine — par M. d'Apres de Mannevillette. A Brest, 
1775. 4to. Note 93. 

The world encompassed. The world encompassed by sir Francis Drake — 

collected out of the notes of master Francis Fletcher, and others. 
London, \C,-li<. 4to. Xnte 97, 104, 12;^, 152. 

[DerfcUlcn van llinderstcin.] Algcmeeiic Kaart van XGdeilaudscli Oostindie 
— door (I. F. Baron von Dcrfclden van llinderstein. l^'^. Nine sheets. 

Island jyrincess. Comedies and tragedies written by Francis Beavmont and 

lolin Fletcher— io?ido)!, 1047. Folio. Note 100. 

A. Jal. Archcologie navale, par A. Jal, historiographe de la marine. 

Paris, IHIO. Hvo. 2 vols. Note 100. 

S. de Villamont. Les voyages dv seignevr de Villauiont, clieualier de 

Tordre de Hierusalem. — en Italic, Grece, Syrie, etc. A Paris, 1598. 
8vo. Note IOC. 

Appendix. (See table of contents.) Note 100, 119, 153. 

Dialogues. Dialogves in the English and Malaiaue laugvages — translated 

from Gotardvs Arthvsivs by Avgvstine Spalding, merchant. London, 
1014. Small 4to. Note 110. 

"\V. Welwod. An abridgement of all sea-lawes — by "William Welwod, pro- 
fessor of the ciuill lawe. London, 1G13. 4to. Note 127. 

rigafetta. Premier voyage autour du monde, par le chevi". Pigafetta, 

sur I'escadre de Magellan, pendant les annees 1519-22. Paris, Tan ix. 
8vo. Note 128. 

K. Carew. The svrvey of Cornwall. Written by Pilchard Carew of An- 

tonie, esquire. London, 1002. 4to. Note 129. 

Robert Coverte. A trve and almost incredible report of an Englishman — 

cast away in Cambaya, etc. By captaine Robert Couerte. London, 
1012. 4to. Note 131. 

Lewes Roberts. The merchants mappe of commerce : wherein, the vniver- 

sall manner and matter of trade, is compendiously handled. — by 
Lewes Roberts, merchant. London, 1C38. Folio. Note 141. 

Capt. Barwick. A breefe discourse, concerning the force and effect of all 

manuall weapons of fire, etc. Written by Humfrey Barwick, cap- 
taine, et e near plus oiiltre. London, 4to. n. d. Note 145. 

R. Barret. The theorike and practike of moderne warres — written by 

Robert Barret. London, 1598. Folio. Note 146. 

Andrew Borde. The fyrst boke of the introduction of knowledge — made by 

Andrew Borde, of phisicke doctor. London, 4to. Reprint. Note 147. 

Henry Peacham. The compleat gentleman, fashioning him absolute — by 

Henry Peacham, M.A. London, 1022. 4to. Note 151. 

1). lU'lcbier. — Hans Beer-Pot his invisible comedie, of see me, and see me 
not — (By Dabridgecourt Belchier.) London, 1G18. 4to. Note 151. 


»♦♦ This index is limited to tlie narrative which forms the text of the 
volume. The journal of Thomas Clayhorne is given in notes 9, 12, 15, 17, 1 9, 
21, 24, 40, 43, 55, 04, 95, 99, 154, 157, 159, and 161. An interrogation implies 
uncertainty ; the mark = indicates synonyms ; Ob. stands for Ohiit. The 
gloRsarial items, printed in italics, refer to the pages in which tlie words 
and phrases are explained. 

Abell (John), Oh. 02 

Aboard the shore, 22 

Addeyes (John), 38 

Adventurers, 03 

Alarum, 14 

Amblaw (Island of), 21 

Amboina (Island of), 22,23,24,29,81 

Amhoina (Castle of), 25, 28, 47 

Amboina (Captain of), 23, 24, 25, 20 

Ambovzeylioe ? 30 

Ambrose (Edward), Ob. 32 

Articles, 15 

Ascension (The). See Fleet 

Aske (Daniel), Ob. 20 

Bachian, one of the Maluco Islands, 
31? 45 

Bahar, 25 

Ban da (Islands of), 28, 30 

Bantam, a town in the Island of Java, 
+ To the reader, and 15, 10, 17, 19, 
21, 22, 23, 28, 29, 62, 73, 75, 77 

Bantam (King of), 17, 18, 83 

Baricos, 22 

Batochina=Gilolo, 51. See Gilolo 

Battenj, 53 

Beachy-Head, 2 

Bearing up, 20 

Bellidine (William), Oh. 20 

Bengal, 02 

Better cheap, 42 

Beynes (Thomas), Oh. 31 

Bezoar stones, 83 

Block-house, 49 

Bloody coloxirs, 44 

Blusting, 20 

Boa- Vista, one of Cape Verde Islands, 4 

Bouro (Island of), 21 

Bouton (Islands of), 21 

Branches, 9 

Brown (Master), 37, 38, 39, 52, 04 

Buckman (Francis), Ob. 20 

Burre (Walter), \ To the reader 

Calenture, 0, 20 

Caliver, 65 

Cambay, 02 

Canary Islands, 3, 4 

Canoes, 17, 39, 65 

Cape Verde Islands, 4 

Caracoas, 34, 30, 37, 39, 40,41, 44, 47, 

50, 51, 52, 56, 59, 03, 66, 73, 74 
Cards, 31 
Carriage, 11 
Caske, 11 

Celebes (Island of), 21, 75 
Celebes (Strait of), now Salayer Strait, 

Ceylon (Island of), 16 
Chinese, 76, 78 
Cloves, 22, 25, 20, 27, 28, 32, 33, 35, 

38, 39, 42, 43, -44, 45, 40, 47, 48, 49, 


50, 51, 5'2, 53, 5(i, C)'.], 04,05, GO, 71, 
7a, 75, 81 

Cole (Sander), master of the Hector, 
drowned, 14 

Coltluirst (Captain), 4, 14, 17, QO 

Come room ( To), 4(1 

Come to the speech (To), 2;} 

Committees of the East-India Com- 
pany, 1 

Copehnent, 2 

Cormorants, 8 

Council of the captains, masters, and 
merchants, 28 

Dawson (Thomas), Ob. 21 

De Ahreu (Pedro Alvaro), captain of 
the Portuguese fort at Tidor&, 41, 
42, 43, 44, 45, 50, 55, 56, 58, (iO, (Jl 

De Torres (Thome), captain of a Por- 
tuguese galeon at Tidor^, 40, 42, 43, 
44, 45, 40, 51, 53, 55 Ob. 

Dewhrey (Henry), Ob. 19 

Doubt (To), 13 

Dover, 2 

Downs, 2, 79 

Drake (Sir Francis), 30, 62, 65, 80,81 

Drunkenness, 66 

Durham (Master), 5, 6 

Dutch. See Hollanders 

Dutch admiral at Bantam=Etienne 
van der Hagen, 16, 18 

Dutch admiral at Amboina=Etienne 
van der Hagen, 25 

Dutcli admiral at the MalucoIslands= 
vice-admiral Corneille Sehastiaanz, 
47, 50, 52, 57, 58, 59, CO, 61, 62, 69, 
70, 71, 74, 81 

Dutch merchants, 34, 37, 38, 39, 59, 
CO, 70 

Ehlred (Thomas), Ob. 23 

Elizabeth, queen of England, 21, 30, 

40, 68, 80 
Elmesmore (William), Ob. 32 
Engano (Island of), 15 
Equinoctial line passed, 6 

Fair by, 8 

Fardels, 18 

Fardled up, 77 

Fell tcith, 20 

Finisterre (Cape), 3 

Fleet (The), viz. the Pied Dragon, the 
Hector, the Ascension,and the Susan 

Fleet (The coiu'se of). The ships 
depart from Gravesend, 1 ; sail from 
the Downs, 2 ; anchor at the Island of 
Maio, 4; pass the equinoctial line, 
6; putinto Saldanha Lay [now Table 

Bay], 7 ; double the Cape of Good 
Hope, 15; make the Island of En- 
gano, 15 ; anchor in Bantam Eoad, 
17. — The Hector and the Susan re- 
main at Bantam to lade with pep- 
per, IS. — The Bed Dragon and the 
Ascension sail from Bantam, 19; 
pass tlie Strait of Celebes [now 
Salayer Strait], 21; touch at the 
Island of Amboina, 22. — (The Dutch 
admiral arrives and takes possession 
of the Castle of Amboina.) — The 
Red Dragon departs for the Maluco 
Islands to procure cloves, and the 
Ascension for Banda to j^rocure nut- 
megs and mace, 28-9. — The Ascen- 
sion arrives at Banda, 30. — The 
Hector and the Susan leave Bantam 
for England, 72.— The Bed Dragon 
reaches the Maluco Islands, 33 ; re- 
turns to Bantam, 75. — The Ascen- 
sion returns to Bantam, 75. — The 
Bed Dragon and the Ascension set 
sail for England, 76 ; fall in with 
the Hector in extreme disti'ess, the 
Susan missing, 77. — The Bed Dra- 
gon, the Ascension, and the Hector, 
put into Saldanha Bay [now Table 
Bay], 77 ; arrive at the Island of St. 
Helena, 78 ; anchor in the Downs, 79 

Find (David), Ob. 32 

Flud (William), Oh. 31 

Flux, 0, 19, 20, 21, 23, 20, 30, 31, 32, 
43, 47, 04 

Foster (Master), Ob. 19 

Frigate, 30 

Galeon, 40, 41,40, 50, 51 

Gallery, 40 

Galleys, 33, 34 

Gammelamm^. See Teriiati"- (Cliief 

town of). 
Gegogoe (Kechil), 04, 05, 71, 73, 74 
General=Henry Middleton, passim 
General's brother^David Middleton, 

Gilolo (Island of), 33. See Batochina 
Goats (Dried), at Maio, 4 
Good Hope (Cape of), 4, 7, 15 
Governor of the East-India Company 

=Sir Thomas Smith, 1 
Gravesend, 1 
Gritfen (AVilliam), Ob. 19 
Grove, master of the Red Dj-agon, 29, 

31, .50, 51, 57,62 
Guzerats, 37, 50 

Halls (Thomas), Oh. 43 
Ilans Beerpot, 70 



Harman (Thomas), Ob. -SO 

Harpinr)- irons used in whale-fishing, 

Haul-hoicline Island, 31 

Hector (The). See Fleet 

Hedges (Richard), Ob. 31 

Hollanders or Dutch, 10, 17, '22,23, 
24, 26, 27, 28, 35, 30, 30, 41, 4-4, 4.5, 
40, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 50, 57, 58, 
00, 01, 02, 03, 04, 0.5, 00, 07, 08, 00, 
71, 72, 73, 74, 75 

Hope (James), Ob. 20 

Iberson (.John), Ob. 19 
Imbosk (To), 12 

James I. of England, 18,' 24, 35, -38, 40, 

70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 80, 81, 82, 83 
James (Henry), Ob. 21 
Javans, 75 
Java shoals, 20 
Jenkens (John), Ob. 10 
Johnes (George), Ob. 20 

Kecliil, 04. See Gegogoe. 
Keeling (Captain), 5, 77 

Lambert (Henry), Ob. 21 
Learn the language (To), 
Leay (.John), O&.'SO 
Lemon-juice as an antiscorbutic, 
Lewed (William), Ob. 10 
Lie by the lee (To), 21 
Long of, 43 

Mace, 28 

Maio,one of the Cape Verde Islands, 4 

IMalacca (Town of), 45 

Malay tongue, 73 

Maluco Islands, viz. Ternatc-, Tidor^-, 

Motir, Maquian, and Bachian, 28, 

20, m 
Malucos ( The ) ^Amboina and Banda, 

IH, 10, 28? 
Mamalla, atownin Amboina, 23,25, 20 
Manilla (City of), 58, 02 
Manipa (Island of), 30, 31 
Maquian, one of the Maluco Islands, 

33, 35, 30, 42, 45, 40, 47 
Marten (Gideon), Ob. 20 
Maurice of Nassau (Prince), 20, 02, 

Mesterson (Gilbert), Ob. 20 
Michell (Thomas), Ob. 23 
Middleton (David), as the general's 

brother, or by name, 2, 5, 30, 42, 43, 

45, 40, 47, 48, 62, ,50, CO, 05, 82 
Middleton (Henry), as the general, 

jyassim ; by name, 81, 82, 83 
Miller (Richard), Ob. 21 

Minded, 3 

Mitten (Master), 0&. 43 

Mo.;ambique (Island of), 10 

]\Ioiiicia, the chief town of Maquian, 47 

Monsoons, 20 

Motu", one of the Maluco Islands, 33, 40 

Nutmegs, 28 

Officers (The principal). See notes 
1 and 00 

Paret (William), Ob. 21 

Peace between England and Spain, 24 

Pelicans, 8 

Penguin Island,nowRobben Island, 77 

Penguins, 8 

Pereira de Sande (Fernando), captain 

of a Portuguese galeon at Tidore, 41 
Philippine Islands, 40 
Physician of the Red Dragon, 7, 15. 

See Surlflict 
Pintados, 35 
Plymouth, 3, 70 

Footer (Wilham), Ob. 20 
Porter ( Samuel), 0&. 10 
Portugal (King of), 44 
Portuguese, 4, 5, 0, 22, 23, 24, 25, 20, 

27, 32, 34, 35, 30, 38, 30, 40, 43, 48, 

40, 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 5(i, 57, 58, OO, 

01, 03, 09, 73, 81 
Powell (Griffith), Ob. 47 
Pmu, 17, 37, 30, 40, 51, 08, 74 
Presently, 2 
Pulo Cavallie, 33, 40 

Eeakes, 10 

Pieals-ofcight, 27 

Red Dragon (The). See Fleet 

Richmond (Thomas), Ob. (!4 

Robbeu Island, 8, 0. See Penguin 

Roca (Cape)=the Rock of Lisbon, 3 
Rogers (John), 23, 24, 25 
Ruinata Island ? 20 
Rummage, 18 

Sabandar, 37. See Ternate (Saban- 
dar of). 

Saint Helena (Island of), 78, 70 

Saint Vincent (Cape), 3 

Saker-shot, 53 

Saldanha Bay, now Table Bay, 7, 8, 
77, 78 

Sandwich, 2 

Scott (Edmund), chief factor at Ban- 
tam, + To the reader, and 17, 70 

Sciirvy, 0, 7, 15 

Seagate, 15 


Seals, 8 

Sebastiaanz (Corneille). See Dutch 

admiral at the Maluco Islands 
Skipper, 47 

Smith (Edward\ Ob. 21 
Smith (Master), 19 
Smith (Robert), Ob. 21 
Smith (Sir Thomas). See Governor 
Souther (To), 3 
Spain (King of), 82 
Spaniards, 08 
Stabbed to death, 17 
Stealing along, 19 
Stiles (Captam), 2, 5, 6, 12 
Stiles (Henry), Ob. 19 
Sumatra (Island of), 15 
Sunday (Departure on), 2, 76 
Surftlict (Master), 19. See Physician 
Susan (The). See Fleet 

Tacks aboard, 3 

Taffasoa, a town of Maquian, 40, 48, 

49, 50, 69, 75 
Take order (To), 13 
Taverner f Master), 18 
Taylor (Mark), 06.23 
Ternatfc, one of the Maluco Islands, 

30, 33, 34, 35, 30, 37, 52, 02, 03, 04, 

05, 09, 71, 74 
Ternate (Chief town of), 30 
Ternat^ (King of), 33, 34, 35, 30, 37, 

38, 39, 41, 42, 45, 40, 47, 48, 49, 50, 

51, 52, 53, 50, 58, 59, 00, 01, 02, 03, 

04, 05, 00, 07, 68, 09, 70, 71, 72, 73, 

74, 80, 82 

Ternat^ (Sabandar of), 37, 04, 05, 06, 

OS, 71 
Tcrnatans, 54, 55, 50, 57, 00, 05, 75 
Thwart, 2 
Tidori^, one of the Maluco Islands, 32, 

33, 34, 35, 39, 50, 04, 66, 67, 68, 70, 

71, 74, 75, 81 
Tidor6 (Town of), 39? 41, 58, 59, 60 
Tidor^ (Fort of), 40, 41, 44, 40, 51, 52, 

53, 54, 55, 50, 59 
Tidore (King of), 38, 43, 44, 46, 48,49, 

52, 56, 57, 58, 59, 00, 01 , 03, 08, 75,82 
Tidort (High priest of), 43 
Tidoreans, 43, 40, 54, 55, 50, 60 
Tobacco, 37 
Trumpets, 47 

Van der Hagen (Etienne). See Dutch 
admiral at Bantam and at Amboina 
Varnam (.Tames), Ob. 19 
Vennes (Robert), Ob. 20 
Veranula? 22 

Waist, 40 

Ware (George), merchant, Ob. 32 

Whales in Saldanha l>av, now Table 

Bay, 9 
Whale-fishing, its dangers, 10, 11 
Wheeler (Thomas), Ob. 31 
Whitthers (Robert), Ob. 20 
Wind large, 3 
Wind scanting, 77 
Woodnoth (ISIaster), 43, 52 



p. 20, uote CO, read been; p. 26, note 88, road canonnh-cnt ; p. 40, line 19, read a-clock 
p. 7-i, line 20, read Gegogue. 





Return to desk from which borrowed. 
This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 



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