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WORKS ISSUED BY
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VOYAGE TO BANTAM
AND THE MALUCO ISLANDS, 1604-6.
il.DCCC.LV.
!>w/ k Son/. L0Pti> the Qiufn
THE
V Y A G E
OF
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON
TO
BANTAM AND THE MALUCO ISLANDS;
BEIKU THE SECOND VOYAGE SET FORTH BY
THE (lOVERNOli AND COMPANY OF MERCHANTS OF
LONDON TRADING INTO THE EAST-INDIES.
1 noJI THE EDITION riF KKIIi.
^nnotatcti auti ctiitcti lig
BOLTON CORNEY, M.R.S.L.
UN' . _;x31TY
OF ^
LONDON :
PRINTED FOR THE IIAKLUYT SOniETY.
M.DCCC.r.V.
s,.^"
LONDON:
T. RICnARDS, 37, GREAT QUEEN STREET.
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
STB RODEPJCK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., Corr. Mem. Inst. Fr.,
Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburgh, &e., Ac, Peesibent.
[■ Vice-
The earl OF ELLESMERE.
•PRESirENTS,
Capt. C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, R.N., C.B.
DAVID BAILLIE, Esq.
Rear-Admiral Sir FRANCIS BEAUFORT, K.C.B., F.B.S.
Rt. Hon. LORD BROUGHTON.
WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, Esq.
The Right Rev. LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVID'S.
CHARLES WENTWORTH DILKE, Esq., F.S.A.
Rt. Hon. Sir DAVID DUNDAS.
Sir henry ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.
JOHN FORSTER, Esq.
R. W. GREY, Esq., M.P.
•lOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.A.
His Excellency the COUNT de LAVRADTO.
P. LEVESQUE, Esq., F.S.A.
The earl SOMERS.
Sir GEORGE STAUNTON, Bart. D.C.L., F.R.S.
W. STIRLING, Esq., of Keir.
The Rev. W. WHEWELL, D.D.
R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A., Honorary Secretary.
107183
CONTENTS.
Advertisement.
The last ]'L\st-Indiak Voyage. (With notes from llakluyt, rui-clias,ctc.)
Letteks to James I. i-i;om the kings of Teknate, Tidokk, and 1'antam.
Ari'ENDix OF Documents.
No. I. A commission of James I. authorising captain Henry Micldletou to
use martial law. — From the Chapel of the Eolls : an authen-
ticated copy.
II. A commission of James I. Jiuthorising the I'last-India Company to
export i,'12,000 in foreign coin.- — From theCliapel of the Rolls :
an authenticated copy.
111. A commission of the East-India Company to captain Henry
Middleton and others. — From the India-House Mss. : Court
tnisccllaneous-hook, 1000-18. Folio iO, recto.
I\. A letter from James I. to the king of Bantam, sent hy captain
Henry Middleton. — From the India-House Mss. : Court mU-
cellaneous hook. Folio 17, cert^o.
\. A letter from James I. to the king of *♦*, sent hy captain Henry
Middleton. — From the India-House Mss. : Court miscellaneous-
hook. Folio 7. recto.
YI. A letter from sir Thomas Smith, govei'iior of the East-India
Company, to captain William Keeling. — From the India-House
Mss. : Court miscellaneous-book. Folio 35, recto.
Yl 1. \ rememhrance by captain Henry Middleton, for the factors left at
Bantam. — From the India House Mss.: Court miscellanevus-
hook. Folio o-"). recto.
CONTENTS.
VIU. A luUer from James 1. in reply to the king of Tcrnali'. — From the
India-House Mss. : Court miscellaneous-book. Folio 43, recto.
IX. A letter from James I. iu reply to the king of Tidorc. — From the
India-House Mss. : Court miscellaneousbook. Folio 42, recto.
X. A letter from James I. iu reply to the king of Bantam. — From the
India- House Mss. : Court miscellaneoushook. FoMo 42, verw.
XI. A letter from James i. to the sabandar of Nera. — From the India-
House Mss. : Court miscellaneous-hook. Folio 42, recto.
XII. A letter from James I. to the sabandar of Lantore. — From the
India-House Mss. : Cotirt miscellaneous-book. Folio 42, verso.
XIII. A letter from Gabriel Towcrsou, chief factor at Bantam, to his
brother. — From the State-paper Office : East India xnqyers.
XI\'. \ grant of license to sir Edward Michelbornc to trade with
Cathaia, China, etc. — Fi-om the Chapel of tlie Bolls: an authen-
ticated copy.
X^■. A proclamation of James I. prohibiting tlie importation of pei)per,
except by the East-India Company. — From the State-paper
Office : a printed copy.
XVI. Extracts from Ludovico de Vartheraa and others on the Maluco
Islands ; with translations.
List of auxhoeities cited in the notes.
Index oi- teksons, places, and sibjects.
ADVERTISEMENT.
Of the numerous examples of maritime enterprise
which claim a notice in the history of the nation,
none were more productive of exciting events, or of
important results, than the early voyages which were
set forth by the Governor and comj^any of merchants
of London trading into the East-Indies — who were in-
corporated by royal charter on the last day of the
year 1600.
Nevertheless, in consequence of various adverse
circumstances, the narratives of those voyages have
remained in comparative obscurity ; and as no suffi-
cient statement of the case has come before me, in
despite of much earnest research, I shall report it in
conformity with my own inquiries and impressions.
The venerable Hakluyt liad completed his far-
famed volumes, entitled The principal navigations, voi-
ages, trafficpves and discoueries of the English nation, just
before the associated merchants were favoured with
their charter, and no augmented edition of the work
was ever produced, nor any continuation of it on the
same judicious and definite plan.
b
11 ADVERTISEMENT.
Now, the spirit of enterprise »ather increased at
the close of the sixteenth century. The voyages to
Virginia and other parts of America, and into the
north-western seas, were soon afterwards of frequent
occurrence, and various relations of those voyages
came out in the fugitive shape of pamphlets. The
other hemisphere also attracted much attention ; and
the energetic proceedings of the governor and com-
mittee of the East-India Company, acting in behalf
of more than two hundred members, promised an
ample and novel accession to the mass of nautical
journals. The Principal navigations, in process of
time, would therefore require a very considerable
su2:)plement.
It had been foreseen by Hakluyt that the profes-
sion of divinitie, and other occasions, might divert him
from his geographical pursuits, and he was induced
to nominate, as his editorial successor, master John
Pory, late a student at Cambridge, who gave proof of
his qualifications by a translation of Leo Africanus,
which he undertook at the persuasion of Hakluyt,
and dedicated to sir Robert Cecil, as the frst fruits of
his labours, in 1601. So far the prospect was cheer-
ing : I must now describe the adverse circumstances.
The first fruits of the labours of Pory proved to be
the entire gathering ! A new scene of life presented
itself, and its charms prevailed over his studious
habits. He visited France, Italy, and Holland, and
made two voyages to Virginia, where he held office
as secretary to the colony, as a member of the coun-
cil, and afterwards as a commissioner of inquiry.
ADVERTISEMENT. Ill
He was also noted, as master George Sandys reports,
for his " painful discoveries to the southward". He
returned to England in 1624, and died before 1635.
I must now advert to the career of Ilakluyt after
the completion of his Principal navigations in 1600.
The merit of those volumes must have been soon felt.
He was appointed chaplain to sir Robert Cecil in
1601 ; received a prebend in the collegiate church of
Westminster in 1602 ; and was made archdeacon of
AVestminster in 1603. With such preferments he
could not have much spare time, but his geographical
zeal was unabated. He edited two valuable works,
and procured the publication of two others. Another
service remains to be stated. He undertook the
custody of the manuscript journals of the voyages and
travels to which it was held unadvisable to give im-
mediate publicity; comprising voyages to Virginia and
to the north-western seas, and all the East-India voy-
ages from 1601 almost to the date of Ids decease in 1616.
About the year 1620, under circumstances which
arc nowhere distinctly stated, the collections formed
by Hakluyt came into the hands of the reverend
Samuel Purchas, whose Pilgrimage or relations of the
tvorld^ an unfinished work which was first published
in 1613, had then reached its third edition. Now
Purchas, instead of framing a continuation of the
Princiiml navigations^ as edited by Hakluyt, aspired
to supersede those volumes by a new compilation,
which should include the Hakluyt papers and his
own collections. In consequence of this injudicious
resolution he was compelled, as he admits, to contract
IV ADVEllTISEMEJST.
and ejiitomise his vast materials. After much labori-
ous application, made irksome by bodily infirmity, he
published the results in 1625, in four folio volumes,
with the quaint title of llakluytus posthumus, or Pur-
chas Ids pilgrimes.
It is in those rare and costly volumes, and under
such unfavourable circumstances, that the early East-
India voyages made their first and only appearance.
The exceptions are, a brief Discourse of the voyage
of sir James Lancaster in 1601, which is entirely
omitted ; and the Voyage of sir Henry Middleton in
1604, which is misplaced and mutilated. The Report
of Robert Coverte is no exception to this statement : it
is an account of land-travels and personal adventures.
Had due measures been adopted for the preserva-
tion of the unmutilated journals, no objection could
have been made to epitomisation. I believe, however,
they were left to the chance of destruction, and that
most of them have perished ! By whose authority
were they successively entrusted to Hakluyt and Pur-
clias "? Why were they not claimed on the death of
Purchas 1 It is my conviction that they were so en-
trusted by sir Thomas Smith, who was treasurer for
Virginia, a patron of the north-western attempts, and
governor of the East-India Company ; and as to the
second question, I must observe that sir Thomas
Smith died on the 4th of September, 1625 — in which
year Purchas completed his Pilgrimes — and that Pur-
chas himself died in the following year. Whatever
be the feelings of individuals, they cannot transmit
them to their heirs or official successors.
ADVERTISEMENT. V
An estimate of the amount of mutilation com-
mitted by Purchas in the course of his editorial pro-
ceedings would be useless, if it were possible ; but
it seems incumbent on me to report how far the cen-
sure applies to the voyage in question. I believe the
particulars will be read with surprise, if not with
indignation. His treatment of Clayborne is stated in
the notes, and shall not be repeated. With regard
to the journal which forms the text of this volume,
exclusive of the three royal letters, he compressed
it into less than one-twentieth part of its real extent !
The sole unmutilated specimen of the early East-
India voyages — with the slight exception before cited
• — and the sole record of the accomplishment of an
object which was the principal stimulus to the forma-
tion of the East-India Company, must interest a wide
circle of readers, and can only require to be made
more accessible. The former edition is not in many
hands — witness the declaration of the late Mr. Thomas
Grenville : " It is so rare that I have not been able
to trace any mention of it ; nor have I ever seen
another copy of it."
A narrative which occupies so limited a space, and
is far from devoid of notes, cannot require many pre-
vious remarks, but some short memoranda may be
desirable.
The fleet was composed of the Ued Dragon, the
Hector, the Ascension, and the Susan — old ships
which had been repaired for the voyage. The Susan,
which was lost on her return from Bantam, was a
rotten ship when purchased. The burden of the four
VI ADVERTISEMENT.
ships amounted to sixteen hundred tons. The num-
ber of men may be estimated at five hundred or more.
The principal officers, at the time of departure,
were Henry Middleton, commander-in-chief, and cap-
tains David Middleton, Christopher Colthurst, Roger
Stiles, and William Keeling. Henry Middleton, a
native of Chester, went out with Lancaster in 1601.
At Acheen he was appointed to the command of the
Susan, and sent to Priaman, whence he carried home
a cargo of pepper. His return was minuted the 21st
of June 1603 — which was near two months before the
arrival of Lancaster. David Middleton, also a native
of Chester, was his brother. Stiles died at Bantam.
The Middletons, Colthurst, and Keeling, returned in
safety.
The establishment of peace between England and
Spain, the capture of the Portuguese fort at Amboina
by the Dutch, and their success at Tidore, were the
only historical events which have much connexion
with the voyage. The triumph at Tidore was of
short duration, but Amboina was retained and much
prized. Captain Fitz-herbert, writing in 1621, thus
described the island : " Amhoyna sittcth as queen be-
tween the isles of Banda and the 3Ioli(ccas. She is
beautified with the fruits of several factories, and
dearly beloved of the Dutch.'''
If the establishment of peace removed the appre-
hensions of one casualty, it left the difficulties arising
out of mercantile competition, which were somewhat
formidable. The maritime efforts of the Portuguese,
with regard to Lidia, were on an immense scale.
ADVERTISEMENT. Vll
From the voyage of Vasco da Gama in 1497 to the
death of Emanuel I. in 1521, they despatched from
Lisbon alone, as the vicomte de Santarem assures us,
thirty-three fleets, composed of two hundred and
twenty ships of war ; and a fleet Avas despatched in
every subsequent year till the date of this voyage.
The fleet of 1604, which sailed on the 29th of April,
carried out Martin Affonso de Castro, the viceroy,
and consisted of five ships. Two carvels also sailed
in the same year.
The Dutch, as mercantile rivals, were even more
formidable than the Portuguese. The first fleet, of
four ships, was despatched in 1595 ; the second, of
eight ships, in 1598 ; etc. The union of certain Com-
panies gave a fresh impulse to their proceedings. In
1602 they despatched fourteen ships and a yacht ;
and in December 1603, twelve ships. The latter fleet,
commanded by admiral van der Hagcn, or detach-
ments of it, are frequently noticed in the journal.
The French, in point of time, claim precedence of
the Dutch, Jean Parmentier of Dieppe having reached
Sumatra in 1529 — but the Compagnie Frangaise pour
le commerce des Indes Orientales was not established till
1664.
The services of Middleton in this voyage were
promptly recognized : he was knighted at Greenwich
on the 25th of May 1606. The Company, no doubt,
were more than satisfied, as he had accomplished Avhat
they had not ventured to propose. Their views now
became expanded, and they made application for
letters in their favour, in the name of his Majesty, to
Ylll ADVERTISEMENT.
the powers at Aden, Surat, and Calicut. Tlie after
career of sir Henry Middleton, I must not even touch
on : it would require a volume to describe his adven-
tures. I shall only observe that sir Dudley Digges
styles him the " thrice-worthy general^ ivho laid the true
foundation of our long-desired Camhaya traded This
eulogy was written in 1615.
The authenticity of the journal admits of no doubt.
I have often tested its chronology, and have always
found it correct. Its agreement with the Dutch jour-
nals, both as to dates and circumstances, is also in its
favour. Moreover, as sir Henry Middleton left a
daughter named Margaret Burre, it is probable that
the publisher was his son-in-law, and that the per-
mission to publish it was the consequence of that
relationship. In editing the text^ I have modernised
the orthography and punctuation, and have restored
the proper names to uniformity. In the notes ^ while
adhering to the period in question, I have explained
whatever seemed to require it. The appendix, I ven-
ture to hope, will interest many by the substantial
information which it affords.
If I should undertake to edit another volume for
the Hakluyt Society, it would be the voyage of Jean
de Bethencourt to the Canary Islands in 1402, trans-
lated from the French, in its ancient guise, of Pierre
Bontier and Jean le Verrier.
I am sensible, however, that more interest would
be felt in any attempts to illustrate the progress of
geographical discovery, and the state of political and
commercial intercourse, with regard to India, the
ADVERTISEMENT. IX
Malaian archipelago, and those vast territories which
we may now fairly call the ne^v world — Australia and
its islands. In this remark there may be a slight
deviation from my proper course, to which I shall
now return.
The historians of British India have been very im-
perfectly acquainted with the events which preceded
the establishment of the continental factories, and it
is a curious circumstance that Grant and Bruce, in
adverting to those early voyages, should have relied
on Anderson as much as if the volumes of Purchas
were inaccessible, or had never been in existence.
I could not, after the evidence above stated, advise
a reprint of those voyages as they appear in Purchas,
but venture to suggest to aspirants in historical and
geographical literature, as promising subjects, 1. A
life of sir Thomas Smith, the first governor of the
East-India Company ; 2. An annotated edition of the
voyage of sir James Lancaster in 1601 ; and 3. A
compilation from Purchas, and other sources, of all
the voyages and occurrences of note from 1606 to
1625. By the accomplishment of those objects the
public would possess a mass of important and novel
facts, and the future historian of India would be en-
abled to treat the defective portion of an interesting
phase in its history with much more intelligence and
exactness.
The India-House, the State- paper Office, the Cha-
pel of the Holls, the British Museum, and many other
public repositories, would furnish various manu-
script materials in illustration of those objects, and
c
X ADVERTISEMENT.
the list of authorities appended to this volume may
serve to point out some of tlie books which should
also be consulted. I shall now give the titles of
three works which I had no occasion to quote, but
cannot omit to recommend.
1, " Bibliotheque Asiatique et Africaine on catalogue des
ouvrages relatifs a I'Asie et a I'Afriquc qui ont paru depuis
la decouverte de I'imprimerie jusqu'en 1700 ; par H. Ter-
naux-Compans. Paris, 1841." 8vo. pp. 6-|-348.
.^. " Histoire du commerce entre le Levant et TEurope de-
puis les croisades jusqu'a la fondation des colonies d'Ame-
rique, par G. B. Depping, raembre de la Societe royale des
antiquaires de France, etc. Paris, a I'imprimerie royale.
1830." 8vo. 2 vols.
3. " Memoire geographique, historique et scientifique sur
I'Inde anterieurement au milieu du xie siecle de I'ere chre-
tienne, d'apres les ecrivains Arabes, Persans et Cliinois, par
M. E-einaud, membre de I'lnstitut de France, etc. Paris,
Imprimerie nationale, 1849." 4to. pp. 8H-400. Avec une
carte cVunepartie de VAsie, redigee par 31. d^Avezac.
The first of the above works is an excellent speci-
men of bibliography ; the second describes the modes
in which the produce of India was formerly trans-
ported to Europe ; and the third forms a learned and
curious supplement to the standard works of Robert-
son and Vincent.
It shames me to observe the date at which the first
sheets of this slim volume were consigned to the
press, but as I can make no sufficient apology for
omitting to resume the operations of editorship after
some unavoidable suspensions, I must be content
with the mental relief which it gives me to discharge
ADVERTISEMENT. XI
the debt of honour so often vividly felt as due to the
council of the Hakluyt Society.
I must now gratefully express my obligations to
the right honourable sir George Grey, the Secretary
of State for the home department, for the favour of
permission to search for documents in the State-paper
Office, and to the honourable the Court of Directors
of the East-India Company, on the recommendation
of the late sir Charles Malcolm, for the same favour
with regard to the archives of the India-House ; also
to Mr. Rundall, of that establishment, for assisting
me in my researches; and to Mr. Major, the able and
active secretary of our society, for his prompt replies
to my inquiries on all occasions.
Bolton Corney.
TJie Terrace, Barnes.
28th March 1856.
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES.
Plate 1. (To face the title,) Chart of the Maluco Islands. — The outline
from Gr. F. von Derfelden van Hiuderstein, 1842.
Plate 2. (To face p. 1.) Wood-cut of the Red Dragon, captain Lancaster,
in the Strait of Malacca, anno 1G02. — From the Dutch collection
of East-India voyages, 1645-6.
Plate 3. (To face p. 16.) Pictorial plan of Bantam, anno 1596. A. The
tower ; B. The water-gate; C. The river; D. The inland gate ; E.
The royal palace ; F. The residence of the sabandar ; G. The place
of audien,ce ; H. The hill-gate ; I. The mosque ; K. The residence
oi Andemoin; L. The residence of the admiral ; M. The residence
of Chenopate ; N. The residence of Panjansiba ; 0. The residence of
Satie Moluc ; P. The residence of the captain of Bantam ; Q. The
barrier-gate ; R. The Dutch factory ; S. The Chinese dwellings. —
From the Premier livre de Vhistoire de la navigation avx hides Ori-
entates far les Hollandois, etc. Amsterdam, 1609.
Plate 4. (To face p. 30.) The Dutch factory at Nera, one of the Banda
Islands, anno 1599, The mode of weighing nutmegs and mace.
— From Le second livre, iovrnal ov comptoir, etc. Amsterdam, 1609.
Plate 5. (To face p. 36.) Gammelamme, the chief town in Ternate, one
of the Maluco Islands, anno 1599. A. The mosque ; B. The house in
which the king permitted the Dutch to reside; C. The royal palace,
built of stone ; D. Offices of the palace ; E. The market place ; F.
The cloister of S. Paul, built by the Portuguese ; G. The residence
of the royal interpreter ; H. A house built of stone by the Portu-
guese ; I. A tower mounted with one cannon ; K. A stake with the
head of a captive ; L. A gondola ; M. A war caracoa ; N. The ap-
proach to the town. — From Le second livre, etc. Amsterdam, 1609.
Plate 6. (To face p. 34.) Caracoas and fishing-boats. A caracoa of the
king of Ternate, carrying seven guns, javelins, etc. — rowed by slaves
seated in oat-rifjgers made of bamboo, and steered by paddles. Be-
neath is a small caracoa or galley, and various fishing boats. — From
Le second livre, etc. Amsterdam, ] 609.
THE
Laft Eaft-Iiidian
Voyage.
CONTAINING MVCH
varietie of the State of the feuerall
kingclomes where they haue traded :
ivith the Letters of three feuerall Kings
to the Kings Maiestie of England^
begun by one of the Voyage : fince continued
out of the faithful! obferuations of
them that are come home.
(■■■)
AT LONDON,
Printed by T. P. for Walter Burre.
1606.
TO THE READER.
Reader,
The beyimier of this rekition following would no doubt, if
he had lived, have himself set it out to thy good liking; but this
I assure thee, that both his S^parf^, and this continuatioa of it,
is set forth ivith as much faithfulness as could be gathered out
of the best observations of them that are come home. If I find
it to thy liking, look shortly for an exact and large discourse
written by master Scott," chief factor at Bantam, ever since the
jirst voyage — containing lohatsoever hath happened since their
first arrival there to trade in those parts. Read this ; look
for the other ; and so farewell.
W. B. nVALTEl! BUKRE.]
1 " An exact discorr^e of the sabtiUics, fashions, pollicies, religion, and
ceremonies of tlie East Indians, Qii:. Written in Edmund Scutt. IGUG."
4lo. A. to N. in t'oius.
V":
Plate 2.
The Ecd Pragon, Captain Lancaster, in the f^tralt of Malacca,
Anno 1602.
LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE;
CONTAINING MANY MEMORABLE MATTERS OF THE STATE OF TllK
COUNTRIES WHERE THEY HAVE TRADED.
MARCH THE 23RD, 1604.1
[Sovereigns of maritime states, 1(504. — England, Scotland, etc., .James I.
king ; France, Henry IV. king ; Spain and Portugal, Philip III. king —
viceroy of India, Martin AfFonso de Castro ; Holland, jVIaurice de Nassau,
prince of Orange, stadtholdur.]
Being provided of all things necessary for so long a voyage,
with leave taken of the governor,^ and others of the commit-
tees,^ we dejjarted from Gravesend the twenty-fifth of March,
1 The fleet consisted of the four ships which had made the former
voyage, namely : the Red Dragon, 600 tons, captain Henry Middleton,
generttl or commodore, and captain David Middleton; the Hector, .500
tons, captain Christopher Colthurst, lieutenant-general ; the Ascension,
260 tons, captain Roger Stiles ; and the Susan, 240 tons, captain William
Keeling. Captain Colthurst, captain Stiles, captain Keeling, master
Robert Brown, and master Edward Highlord, formed the council of mer-
chants. The complement of seamen is not stated. — India-House Mss.
2 Sir Thomas Smith, knight — the first governor of the East- India com-
pany. He was also governor of the Muscovia company, and of other
similar associations. In 1604 he went on an embassy to Russia. He died
in 1625. Sir Thomas enclosed an invoice of the cash and merchandise on
board the four ships in a farewell letter to his hiding friend captain
Keeling, dated In Gravesend, the IMh of March 1604. — Stow ; Registrum
Roffense ; India-House Mss. ; etc.
3 The committee, as appointed by the first charter, consisted of the
governor, a deputy-governor, and twenty-four other members. Eacli
member of it was also styled a coinmittee. — Charters e. i. c.
B
2 THE LAST EAST-IXDIAN VOYAGE.
being Sunday at night/ and the Tuesday following came to
the DoAvns, Avlicre the general, before we came to an anchor,
gave order to the pvu'ser to call the company, and take their
names — which being done, there was found forty men lack-
ing of the copehnent [complement] of our ship, so that we
Mere forced thereby to come to anchor to tarry for them.
The general gave order presently^ the pinnace should be
manned, and sent the master, with his brother and the pui'ser,
for better despatch, to Sandwich ; where they escaped very
near drowning. The Ascension's pinnace likewise put off
to set their pilot a-land, and so was cast away ; wdiich, Avhen
the general heard of, he w^as exceeding angry with captain
Stiles, that he would offer to go a-land at such a time Avithout
his order. The last of March, the master, captain Middleton,
and the master's mate, came aboard.
The first of April we w^eighed anchor in the Downs, and,
thwart Dover, *" we found our men in ketches ready to come
aboard : we took them all into our ship, being twenty-eight
men, which was far short of that number we expected. But,
howsoever, the general was determined to proceed, although
he lacked forty men, rather than lose the benefit of so fair a
wind. So the same day, off Beachy [Beachy-Head], the
general gave order to the boatswain to take new muster of
our men ; and he found we had twenty more than our copel-
ment aboard the admiral ; and, tarrying to speak with the
rest of the ships, we hailed them one after another, and found
4 The departure on Sii.nclnn may have been a piece of contrivance.
Seamen were rather superstitious, and commonly held it "good to begin
the voyage on Sundaies." — Sir H. Manwayriug.
5 Here, and elsewhere in the text, 'presently appears to be used in the
sense oi forthwith — as in Shakspere ;
" These likelihoods confirm her flight from hence :
Therefore, I pray you, stand not to discourse,
But mount you presently'''
6 The former edition has " twarth Dover". It must be an error of the
press. I conclude the author wrote thwart— abreast of Dover.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 3
they had every ship more than their copelment — the cause of
which error could not be imagined, without foul weather
caused them to hide themselves at such time of general
muster ; or else, that some of them, misdoubting they should
be set on land, played least in sight : but, howsoever, this
overplus of men was as grievous to the general as the lack
he had afore. To see how he had been deluded to come to
anchor Avith a fair wind for lack of men, and now of force
must put into some place to set them again a-laud ! So the
general gave order to the master he should have a care he
did not pass Plymouth that night, for that he Avas minded
to put in there to discharge those men. So the next day
morning at day-break we were ready, with tacks aboard,** to
stand into the sound of Plymouth, and stood in a good while
till such time as it began to be gvisty weather, and the wind
to souther upon us, so that w^e were enforced against the
general's liking to proceed on our voyage, steering alongst
the land with much wind^ — and in the afternoon we lost
sight of England ; and so continuing our course with a fair
wind, upon Thursday, being the sixth day of April, we were
thwart Cape Finisterre, and the seventh day off the Rock
[Cape Roca] ; and upon Easter-day, being the eighth day,
off Cape Saint Vincent, with the wind large,^*^ and fair wea-
ther ; and continuing our course till the fifteenth, we came
to the Canaries — where, in the calms, trial was made to take
in the Hector's boat, but she could not stow her by reason
she was both too long and too broad, which if she could have
7 Minded, as an adjective, is commonly interpreted by disposed. Here,
and in various instances, it has the force of resolved.
8 When a ship has her sails trimmed very obliquely to the wind, she is
said to be close-hauled, or to have her tacks aboard. — W, Falconer.
9 I shall now commence with the Discourse of Thomas Clayborne, as
we have it in the briefe extract made by Purchas : The Ascension. " The
second da,y of April 1604, being Monday, about twelve of the clock, we
had sight of the Lizard." — T. Clayborne.
^^ When a ship has the wind very favourable, or somewhat abaft the
beam, she is said to have the wind large. — W. Falconer.
-I' THK LAST EAST-TXDTAN VOYAGE.
done the general was minded not to toueh in any plaee till
he doubled the Cape [of Good Hope]. So that was the prin-
cipal eause he went to the Islands of Cape Verde : so the
same night we departed from the Canaries, and directed our
course for Maio, one of the foresaid islands.'^
The twenty-second day Ave had sight of Boa- Vista. '^ The
twenty-fourth day we anchored at Maio, upon the south-west
side, where the general with the rest of the captains and
merchants went a-land to seek fresh water ; but there Mas
none to be found but a small well, which would yield scarce
a hogshead a day. Presently after our landing there came
to our general a Portingal^^ that had wounded one of his
fellows, desiring to save his life, and upon that condition he
would give him all the wealth he had, which was some five
hundred dried goats. The general would give no ear to him,
nor his request, for that he would give no occasion of offence
to them of the island ; yet by entreaty of the vice-admiral,
and the other captains, he was contented to take his goats
and him aboard — which presently was effected. Also the
same afternoon there came two Portingals more of the island
to our general, who came very kindly luito him and bade
him welcome. So after some discourse the general desired
them that for his money he might buy some live goats of
them for the refreshing of his men. They presently made
^^ The Cape Verde Islands, from the peculiarity of their position, have
been visited by the most eminent early navigators. Maio, one of the
group, was noted for its salt. In the event of a separation of the fleet by
foul weather, it was the appointed place of rendezvous. — Capt, Davis ;
Instnictions, § 4.
^^ The Ascension. "The three-and-tweutieth day [of April], west-
south-west to the westward, tvvo-and-twcnty leagues, latitude fifteen
degrees and five minutes ; and this day we fell with the wcstermost i)art
of S. lago, being west-by-north six leagues, and at five of the clock we
stood to the eastward for Maio, the wind at north." — T. Clayborne.
" Portingal, in lieu of Portugal, occurs only once ; in lieu of Portu-
guese, veri/ frequently. In the former edition it is variously spelt : 1.
Portingal ; 2. Portingale; 3. Portingall. I have adopted the first mode.
THE LAST EAST-TNDJAN VOYAGE. O
answer again they would sell none^ but tliat we might kill as
many as we Avould, and nobody w^oiild be offended thereat ;
and so presently they went with the general and show ed him
how we should enclose them, and so set our dogs upon them ;
§,nd having killed half-a-dozen of goats they took then* leave
in friendly manner for that night, promising in the morning
to return and bring their dogs with them, and to help us to
so many goats as we w^ould desire.'"* So the general, with
all the rest, came presently aboard.'^
The next day the general woiild not go a-land, but sent
captain Stiles, captain Keeling, and captain Middleton, Avith
express order to keep theii* people from straggling ; and w hen
all their company were landed, captain Stiles called them all
together, giving them warning to keep company together,
and not range one from the other ; which speech was reiter-
ated again by master Durham, saying that whosoever was
found straggling should be severely punished, and therefore
willed them all to take good heed. And so, after this warning
given, they marched up into the country to kill some goats,
where they met with two Portugals,^^ which did assist them
in all the [their] might. In the meanwhile they were at their
sport a-land, the general with the rest were busy in stowing
the Hector^s long boat, for that he was minded to go to sea
so soon as they had done ; but they could not stow her with-
^^ Dried goats, etc. — I can only give the folloM'ing explanation : when
sir Francis Drake was at the Cape Verde Islands, a Portuguese pilot
informed him " that vpon one of those islands, called Maj^o, there was
great store of dryed cahritas [she-kids], which a few inhabitants there
dwelling did yeerely make ready for such of the kings ships as did there
touch, beeing bound for his countrey of Brasile or elsewhere." — Hakluyt.
^^ The Ascension. " The four-and-twentieth day [of April] we fell with
Maio, and stood to the southward of the island, and came to anchor at
fifteen fathoms, one point north-west-and-by-north, and the other east-
south-east." — T. Clayborne.
1® Portugal, in lieu of Portuguese, occurs frequently — chiefly as a sub-
stantive. It is variously spelt ; and, to dispense with notes on orthogra-
phical matters, I shall give a table of proper names.
d TlfE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
out cutting ott' her stem and part of her bows, wliich, seeing
no other way, was presently effected. And so, drawing
towards night, our hmd-men repaired aboard with some few
goats they had killed ; and after supper, the wind coming off
the land, the general gave order to the master to weigh
[anchor], and that a warning-piece might be shot off — and
so presently the cable was brought to capstan, and our ship
was presently loose ; but before Ave had up our anchor, cap-
tain Stiles sent word one of their merchants was missing :
so that we came presently to anchor again, and did ride till
day. He that lost himself was the party [master Durham]
which was so careful to give other men warning, which took
none himself. Day no sooner appearing but the general
sent captain Stiles, with at least one hundred and fifty men,
to seek for him •^' and if it were possible to speak with some
of the Portugals, but all that day was spent in vain, and no
news of him ; so the general would spend no longer time
there, but left him to learn the language I"^ So the sixteenth
of May we passed the liue,'^ where many of our men fell sick
of the scurvy, calenture, bloody flux, and the w orms ; being
left to the mercy of God, and a small quantity of lemon-juice-°
every morning : our physician, shipped for that purpose,
'^' The Ascension. " The five-and-twentieth day [of April] we landed,
and lost one of our merchants, who was taken by the people of the island.
The six-and~twentieth day, in the morning, we landed an hundred men
to see if we could get our merchant again, but could not come near any
of the people of the island; so we left him behind us, and this night,
about nine of the clock, we set sail, the wind at north." — T. Clayborne.
^^ An allusion, I conceive, to the letter of queen Elizabeth to the mighty
king of Acheen, in which she requests his majesty to permit captain
Lancaster to leave certain factors there, to learn the language. — Purchas.
^'^ The Ascension. " The sixteenth day of May, latitude fifteen min-
utes, and this day we passed the equinoctial." — T. Clayborne.
^ The deficiency of lemon-Juice yfSiS an unfortunate oversight. Captain
Lancaster had proved its importance. ■ " The reason why the generals men
stood better iu health then the men of other shijis, was this : he brought
to sea with him certaine buttles of the iuice of limons — by this meanes the
geuerall cured many of his men, and preserued the rest." — Purchas.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 7
being as unwilling as ignorant in anything that might help
them — a great oversight in the company, and no doubt will
be better looked to hereafter.
And to our proceeding voyage : the thirteenth day of July,
being Friday, we had sight of Cape Boa Esperan^a^^ [the
Cape of Good Hope]. The wind at south-west, a gentle gale,
the general commanded the tacks aboard, intending to go
about the Cape, but our sick men cried out most lamentably,
for at that present there were sick of the scurvy at the least
eighty men in our ship, not one able to help the other, who
made a petition to the general, most humbly entreating him
for God's sake to save their lives, and to put in for Saldania,^'^
otherways they were but dead men. The general perusing
their pitiful complaint, and looking out of his cabin door,
where did attend a swarm of lame and weak diseased cripples,
who beholding this lamentable sight extended his compassion
towards them, and granted their requests. ^"^ That night the
Av ind came up at the south, and continued till the seventeenth
day before we could get into the road.^* The next morning,
being Wednesday, the general went on land, with provision
to set up tents ; and a little way from oiu* landing-place, the
negroes had their houses — which were no other than a few
^^ The Ascension. " The thirteenth of July, in the forenoon, we had
sight of Cape Boa Esperanca, being off us fifteen leagues." — T. Clayborne.
^^ S<ddania. Agoada de Saldanha, or Saldanha watering-place, was so
named by Antonio de Saldanha, who went to India in 1503. The Saldanha
Bay of modern geographers is a misnomer. The Saldanha Bay of De
Barros, and of the early English and Butch navigators, is our Table Bay.
Captain Raymond put in here in 1591 ; captain Houtman in 1598 ;
captain Lancaster in 1601 ; and sir Edward Michelborne in 1605. — De
Barros ; Hakluyt ; Purchas ; etc.
^^ The general was authorised to refresh at St. Lawrence, now called
Madagascar, but " not at Saldania in anywise." The probable reason
for this injunction appears in a subsequent note. — Instructions, § 6.
^ The Ascension. " The seventeenth day we came to anchor in the
road of Saldanha, having sixty men sick of the scurvy ; but, God be
praised, they all recovered health before we went from hence." — T. Clay-
borne.
8 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
crooked sticks set in the ground, and mats cast over them —
and tliey had great store of cattle, botli beeves and sheep,
grazing fair by them.^ Onr general and the captains went
to barter with them for small pieces of ii'on, and bought some
twelve sheep, and more would have sold us till that they saw
us begin to set up our tents, which as it seemed was to their
disliking, for that, incontinent, they pulled down their houses
and made them fast \\\)0\\ tlieii' beasts' backs, and did drive
awaj' ; yet all means possible was sought to draw them to sell
us more, but in no case they would abide any longer with us,
but drove away with all the speed they might. It lay in the
general's power to have taken them all from them, as some
counselled him to do, but he in no case would give ear there-
unto, but let them depart, not doubting but that they would
return again, seeing we offered them no wrong when it was
in our powers to dispossess them of all their cattle.-'^
The nineteenth day we got our sick men on land, and the
twentieth our boats were sent to the island, where we found
such infinite number of seals that it was admirable to behold !
all the sea-shore lies over-spread with them, some sleeping,
some travelling into the island, and some to the seaward ;
besides all the rocks which lie a pretty distance off, so full
as they can hold — thousands at a time going and as many
coming out : there be many of them as big as any bear, and
as terrible to behold. And up towards the middle of the
island there be infinite numbers of fowls called penguins,
pelicans, and cormorants. The penguins be as big as our
greatest capons we have in England ; they have no wings,
'^ Fair by must mean conveniently near. The expression occurs about
ten times, and seems always to have the same import.
'^ The instructions given to the general respecting intercourse with
the natives of the places at which the fleet might touch for refreshment,
are sensible and humane. lie was to keep warlike guard on shore ; to
prohibit straggling ; to exhort to moderation of diet ; to appoint certain
persons as purveyors ; and to admonish his men to lichave towards the
naXiv QS jieaceubly and civilly. — Indructions, § 5.
THE LAST RAST-INDTAN VOYAGE. 9
nor cannot fly, but you may drive tliem by thousands in a
flock wliitlier you will. They be exceeding fat, but tlieir
flesh is very rank, for that they live upon fish : there be so
many of them upon this small island, which is not above five
miles about, to lade a ship of fifty tons withal.^^
Upon Sunday, the twenty-third, the first man that died
out of our ship. Upon Monday morning the general went
into the country to buy fresh victuals, but the people of the
country, seeing so many in company, fled. But the general
caused all the company to make a stand, and then sent four
to them with a bottle of wine and victuals, with a tabor and
a pipe. They seeing no more in company came to them,
and did eat, drink, and dance with them ; so they, seeing with
what kindness they were used, took heart unto them, and
came along with our general to our tents ; where they had
many toys bestowed upon them, as pins, points, beads, and
branches^^ — and so they returned all very well pleased,
making signs to return the next day with cattle ; but foul
weather prevented them for three days. The fourth day after,
being the twenty-sixth, they brought us forty-four sheep, and
the next day twenty-three sheep and two kine, and the next
day fifteen sheep and one bullock, and the thirtieth day we
bought one-hundred-and-twenty sheep and six beeves, the
next day nine sheep and three beeves, and the second of
August three sheep. ^^
The third of August the general went in his pinnace, and
other boats with him, to kill whales, for all the bay is full of
^7 This island lies seven miles north-north-west of Cape Town. It was
afterwards called Penguin Island, but now appears in our charts as
Rohben Island — from the Dutch word roh^& seal. — Lieut. Vidal ; etc.
28 Points and hranches. Points, frequently noticed by our early dra-
matic writers, were taggedlaces. Branches may be a misprint for hrooches,
or it may mean artificial flowers. — Nares ; etc.
29 The current prices are not reported. When captain Raymond was
here in 1591, as before noticed, the price of an ox was two knives, and of
a sheep, one knife. We read, in the margin of the narrative, " Oxen and
sheepe dog-cheape ! " — Hakluyt.
C
10 TIII^ LAST EAST-INDIAX VOYAGE.
them. They struek divers with harpiiig-irons/"' and especially
they in the Susan's pinnace, struck their harping-irou into
one of them very sure, and veered their boat a good scope
from her. She, feeling herself wounded, towed the boat for
the space of half-an-hour up and down the hay with such
swiftness, that the men were fain to go all of them and sit
in the stern, and let the whale tow them, which was with
such swiftness that she seemed to fly ; but in the end they
were enforced to cut their rope, to keep their boat from sink-
ing, they were carried so SAviftly through the sea. The next
tliat struck one was in the general's pinnace, and there were
two of them together, and their fortune was to strike a 3'oung
one which played like 7'eakes^^ as the first did, and continued
for a good time ; and then they hauled up the boat somcAvhat
near, and wounded her in divers places with javelins. The
great whale, all this time, would not depart from the little
one, although it had received many wounds, but stood to the
last to fight it out against all our boats — sometimes giving
one boat a blow, and sometimes another, and would come
under our boats, and lift them almost out of the water ! She
bestowed one bang on the general's pinnace that split all the
timbers and boards, so that he was fain to take another boat
to save himself, for she was presently full of water — yet, Avith
much ado, they saved the pinnace, and brought her on land,
where it cost all our carpenters three days' work to repair
her. And when the young whale began to be weary, the old
one would take the young upon his back, and carry him;
but the old one seeing that would not prevail against us,
s** The term harjjing-iron was formerly vised instead of liarpoon. The
poet Waller may be cited in proof. In his picturesi^ue account of a
whale-fight at the Burmudas, we read :
" The boat which on the first assault did go,
Strvick with a harping-iron the younger foe."
31 Played like reakes ^ played the same tricks. The word reakes
occurs in the French Dictionarie of Randle Cotgrave, London, 1611. v.
Degonihr. — J. 0. Ilalliwell.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGK. 11
uoiild leave his carriage/'' and betake biuisclf to his fight,
which was to cast his tail out of the watei', and to strike so
valiantly, that if he had taken any of our boats with one of
these blows he would have split it all to pieces. It was very
good sport to stand and look on, but very dangerous to them
in the boats. To conclude of this mattex-, the young whale
could not be killed till the sun-set ; the old one never for-
saking her whilst it had any life.'^'^ So after it was dead we
towed it to our landing-place, and at high water hauled it so
high as we could. The occasion why we killed this whale was
for lack of oil for our lamps, for in all the ships we had great
lack. The oil was put in very bad caske/'^ and leaked out ;
but Avhereas, we hoped to have had oil enough out of this
wliale to have served all our tm-ns, it did scarce yield four
gallons, it was so young and lean.
The eighth day the general sent a dozen of our men to
buy fresh victuals, for that we had not any left ; so they
were out all day, and brought home but two sheep. At their
retiirn, which Avas late, the general demanded of the purser
of the Hector, which was chief purveyor, what was the occa-
sion they staid out so long, and that they brought no more
cattle : he answered, that the people had sold them good
store of cattle, which he had paid for, but being so few of
our men in company, and they weaponless, they would abuse
them in snatching their iron from them, and not to suffer
them to drive the cattle away they paid for. The general,
32 Carriage is evidently used as the synonym of burden. It is now
obsolete in that sense. It occurs, however, in Spenser and in Shakspere.
33 The adventure so graphically narrated in this paragraph, may be
the origin of our southern whale-fishery. It is certain, at least, that
the accounts of previous voyages, whether by the English or Dutch, give
no other hint on this subject ; but, about six years afterwards, the bay
had become noted for a small sort of whales, and it was visited by two
Dutch ships for the purpose of making train oil of seals. — Purchas.
31 Casl-e for casks. I shall justify this apparent erratum by a quotation :
" Some man might ask me how we came to have so many empty caslce in
less than two months." — Sii" R. Hawkins.
12 THE LAST EAST-INDIAX VOYAGE.
seeing liow they used him, thought by policy to go beyond
them ;''-^ and this it was : he himself, with one-hundred-and-
twenty men in his company, Avould go by night and lie in
ambush in a wood near the place where our men did barter
with them, and when it was fair day the purveyor and his
crew should come, as [at] other times, and bargain with them
for so many as they would sell ; and when they had sufficient,
to make a sign, and then the general and his company should
come out of their lodgings, and drive them away. This
matter was put in practice this night, and the general, three
hours before day, departed from the tents, and had imbosked
himself^'' and all his followers to their own contents ; only
three fellows of captain Stiles his company, to taste of a
bottle of wine they carried for then' captain, and in the mean
while they were drinking, they had lost sight of their general
and all his company, and took a contrary way, never staying
till they came to the houses of the negroes. They, seeing
three men armed to come to their houses, began to suspect
some false measures : these fellows, seeing they had mistaken
themselves, retired back to the woods, and, in sight of the
Indians, hid themselves in the bushes. At that time, the
sun being up, half-an-hour after these fellows had hid them-
selves, came our weaponless merchants from the tents, and
began to barter with them for two or three sheep, which of
purpose they had sent down to our people to keep them busy
while they w^ere getting their herds of cattle to run aAvay;
which our merchants perceiving, they presently, unarmed as
they were, went amongst them, and sent word by one of them
35 The policy was questionable. Captain Lancaster, in similar circum-
stances, acted more advisedly. He appointed half-a-dozen persons to barter
with the natives, and had some thirty men within sight, armed with muskets
and pikes, in constant readiness — wluit occasion soever should befall. " I
take this to be the cause," says the anonymous journalist of the voyage,
" why we lived in so great friendship and amity with them." — Purchas.
■"*•' To imbosk, in an active sense, is of rare occurrence ; but the author
needs no apology. The word is very appositely introduced.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 13
to tlie general to come away with all his people, for that he
and all his company Avere discovered. So that the general was
enforced to break out of his ambnshment to rescue his men,
which were amongst them Avithout weapons ; but before he
could come to their rescue, they had wounded one of our men
with four darts sticking in his body, which being done they
betook them to their heels, and all the cattle before them, as
fast as they could drive to the mountains.'" Our men, as then
having the reins in their own hands, pursued after them in
such scattering manner, that if the people of the country had
been men of any resolution they might have cut oif most of
them. The general caused a trumpet to sound a retreat, but
could not cause them to leave their chace ; and whilst that
he was taking order '^ to send the hurt man to the tents, he
was half-a-mile from the nearest of our men, and not past
five men in his company : so he, and those men in his com-
pany, were fain to run to overtake some of them which Avere
before — that in the end they Avere a dozen in his company.
Yet the general took it grievous to see his men scattered over
all the plain, and scarce three of them together in a company,
which if the people of the country had joined together, and
set upon them being so scattered, they had cut most of them
off, Avhich thing the general greatly doubted .^^ Yet, God be
thanked, it sorted better; for some of our men overtook
some of the negroes at the foot of the mountain, and drave
37 This was a fortunate escape. Houtman, only six j-ears before, had
mournful proof of the treachery of the natives. The event is thus described
by an eye-witness, captain John Davis: "there came great troops of them
to us, bringing very much cattle with them, and in the time of bartering,
suddenly taking their advantage, they set upon us, and slew thirteen of
our people with hand darts [assegais], which at four pikes length could
not ofteud." — Purchas.
38 To take order, which thrice occurs, means to take measures — as in
this extract : " I [the admii-al] took order for victuals for the soldiers on
land to be brought to Puntall." — Viscount Wimbledon.
39 To douU is here used in the sense of to fear; and it seems to bear
that sense ou every other occasion in the course of this narrative.
1-4 TIIK r.AST r,AST-lM»IAN VOYAOK.
thc'in away from some of their cattle, and made a stand by
tlicm till more of their company came up, and so retm-ned
homewards ^vith a hundred kine and calves, which was wel-
come to our sick men.
But in our absence from our tents, captain Colthurst, with
the master [Sander Cole] and such as were left, being very
doubtful all was not well with us, thought it best to send our
pinnace to the bottom of the bay to help us if we stood in
need ; but master Cole, being over-bold in his pinnace to go
ashore, both he and the boat were cast away, and two more,
that presumed of their swimming, were drowned. ^'^ The
rest escaped very hardly ; came running naked along the
sands to us-wards ; and there certified the general of all that
happened, Avhich was but sorroAvful news to him. The next
day the general sent sufficient store of men to march by land
to the place where the boat was cast away, and found her
dry upon the strand, split and full of sand ; but with much
trouble she was freed, and sent aboard. Also we found
master Cole upon the strand, and brought him to our tents
and buried him.''^
This night, aud the next after, our sentinels had spied the
country people lurking about our tents, so that alarum^- was
given, and they fled. Upon the fourteenth of August we
departed all aboard our ships, where we rode till the nine-
teenth, the wind not serving to carry us out, which then
served our turns ;*^ we put to sea, and stood to the Mest-
■'•^ TJie Ascension. " Saldauha is iu latitude thirty-three degrees, fifty-
six minutes, or thirty-four degrees. Here master Cole was drowned,
being master of the Hector, our vice-admiral ; aud here we staid five
weeks wanting a day " — T. Clayborne.
*! Sander Cole was master of the Hector in the foraier voyage. He is
described, in the printed account of that voyage, as an honest and a good
onan — so I record the words as the best of epitaphs. — Pui'chas.
^^ The former edition has alarome. The word was thus defined :
" Akirum. An out^cry signifying, To your arms." — English Expositor.
*3 The Ascension. " The twentieth day of August, being IMonday, we
weighed and set sail out of the road of Saldauha, the wind southerly, and
we stood to the westward." — T. Clayborne.
THE LAST EAST-TNDIAX VOYAGE. 15
ward, and the twenty-fifth day we doubled the Cape of Good
Hope, with very favorable winds till the fifth of September,
and after that time we met with the Avind scarce, and now
and then calms ; and here began the scurvy to grow amongst
our men, and every day did the disease increase.^^ Here
might somewhat be said of the ignorance and uncharitable-
ness of him that was shipped for our physician, as a caveat
to them that shall go hereafter to be better provided ; but for
two respects I forbear — the one in regard of his other calling,
but chiefly for that he is since dead in the voyage, where, for
my part, I wish his faults may be buried with him.^
The nineteenth of December we had sight of Engano, an
island lying near Sumatra ;'*'' the twentieth we had sight of
Sumatra; the twenty-first we anchored within the islands,
where we were put to great trouble to have up our yards
and get up our anchors. Our men were exceeding weak ;
we were fain to send men out of our ship to help the rest,
and so with much ado we came to Bantam road. The occa-
sion why we first anchored was, because the Ascension shot
off a piece of ordnance within night, which was contrary to
our articles ;^^ we, doubting she was in some great distress,
came suddenly to an anchor to tarry to know what was the
matter, which proved to be nothing but that their gunner
Avas dead and thrown overboard, and had that piece for a
11 The scurvy is clearly indicated iu the Roteiro of the voyage of Vasco
da Gama in 1497 ; and it is the earUest notice of it which I can call to
memory. At the period now in question, it prevailed to a frightful ex-
tent. — Roteiro; Jean Mocquet ; Su* R. Hawkins; etc.
45 After refreshing, the general was to shape his course direct for
Bantam ; and as he had put into Saklanha Bay contrary to express order,
and staid there five weeks, he crossed the Indian Ocean without touching
at Madagascar. — Instructions, § 7.
16 Ships bound foi the Suuda Strait in the north-west monsoon, which
prevails from October to March, endeavour to make the Island of Engano
— so the general had an excellent land-fall. — J. Horsburgh.
i'^ Articles. A code of instructions issued by a naval commander, and
divided into articles ; whence the name. — Viscount Wimbledon.
16 THE LAST KAST-IXPIAX VOYAGE.
farewell ; which folly of theirs put us to great trouble, causing
us to anchor in the sea in twenty-five fathoms, then winds
all westerly, which brought in a great Seagate,**^ that the next
day morning we had much ado to get up our anchor ; and
as for the other ships, they were not able to weigh without
our helps, which we sent them ; and so, with very much
trouble, we got us all under sail, steering away east-and-by-
north and east-north-east till we came to anchor between the
island and the main, at the entrance of Bantam Bay, in seven
fathoms, sandy ground. "^^
This night [the twenty-second] at seven a-clock, came a
Hollands boat aboard us from Bautam, sent by a general
of twelve ships'^" which came there two days before us ; in
which boat came the vice-admiral of the fleet, with refreshing
from shore, presenting it to our general, with offer of any
kindness they could do us, which afterwards they effected
towards us in sending their boats to fetch us water — many
other courtesies besides, we of ourselves not able to do the
same, our weakness being so great.^^ This fleet had passed
along the coa§t from Mozambique to Ceylon, and had taken
*8 Seagate means the sv:ell of the sea. Example : " -The best ground
[for ships] to ride in, is — where they may ride land-locked, so as that
the sea-gate can have no power against them." — Sir H. Manwayring.
*^ Bantam, situated at the north-west extremity of Java, was a prin-
cipal mart for pepper ; and frequented, as such, by Arabs, Guzerats,
Chinese, etc. A plan of the town, as it existed in 1596, is added to this
edition of the voyage. The Dutch reached Bantam in that year. The
English factory was established by captain Lancaster in December 1602.
— Edmund Scott ; etc.
50 This fleet doubled the Cape on the first of June 1604, n.s. — The com-
mander-in-chief was Etienne van der Ilagen ; the vice-admiral, Corneille
Sebastiaanz. The ships were armed, and well manned ; and the total
burden was 55.50 tons. The proceedings of this fleet, as stated in the
Recueil des Voiages edited by C. de Rcnnevillc, shall be noticed in surii-
maries or extracts — headed The Dutch fleet, and signed C. de Renneville.
51 The Dutch fleet. " Le 31 [de Decembre 1604. n.s ] la flotte mouilla
I'ancre a la rade de Bantam. — Le 2 de Janvier 1605, quatre vaisseaux
Anglais, fort faibles d'equipages, mouillerent aussi a la rade de Bantam,
commandes par I'amiral Middelton. — C. de Renneville.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 17
divers ships and burned a carack, and afterwards came hither
with all their men in good health.'''^ An hour after their
coming aboard of the Hollanders^ came a prau/^ or a canoe,
fi'om Bantam, with master Scott and others of our men left
there the last voyage, by whom the general knew the estate
of their business.'^*
The twenty-third at two a-clock we came to anchor in
Bantam road,'^^ and saluted the town and Hollanders with
most of our ordnance, and were answered again with the
like from all the Hollanders. The twenty-fourth day our
vice-admiral was sent unto the king to excuse the general's
not coming a-land, for that he Avas not well. This day,
being the twenty-fourth, came in two sail of Hollands fleet,
a ship and a pinnace ; the same day one of the thieves that
had set our house on fire was stabbed to death,'^^ according to
the order of the country. The twenty-sixth day the general
gave new articles to all the ships, wherein every man was
absolutely forbidden to buy any spice,^^ and divers other
articles for the good demeanour of his men, which here I omit
to write. The twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, and the twenty-
^- The Dutch fleet. Our author, in one particular, was misinformed.
The fleet sailed direct from jMo^ambique to Goa ; thence to Cananor,
Calicut, Cochin, Colombo, etc. — C. de Renneville.
53 The former edition has prawe. Some -viritQ proa ; others, jura/; w.
It is a Malay word, and I therefore give it as above. — W. Marsdcn.
5* Bantam. " The two-and-twentieth day of December, towards even-
ing, we descried our ships coming into the road, to all our extraordinary
great joy ; but when we came aboard of our admiral, and saw their weak-
ness, also hearing of the weakness of the other three ships, it grieved us
much." — E. Scott.
55 The Ascensio7t. "The three-and-twentieth of December, being Sun-
day, we came to anchor in Bantam road, where we found six Holland
ships, and three or foiu- pinnaces." — T. Clayborne.
5<5 The former edition has stopped to death. It is a misprint. The
offender was one Uniete, a Chinese ; and the krisy or poniard, was the
usual instrument of execution. — E. Scott.
^"^ The prohibition to buy spice extended to persons of all ranks and
ratings ; but it may not have been inserted in the articles till the arrival
of the fleet at Bantam. — Instructions, § 13.
D
18 THE LAST EAST-IXDIAN VOYAGE.
ninth, nothing happened worth writing. The thirtieth day
the general of the Hollanders and most part of the principal
of his fleet dined aboard with onr general. The thirty -first
our general went on land, with a letter from our king's
majesty, and a present to the king of Bantam,®* which he
delivered him, and were very acceptably received — the king
but thirteen years of age and governed by a protector.
The third day [of January 1605] we had order to rummage®^
our hold to take pro^dsion of water and merchants' goods,
for that we were appointed, and the Ascension, to go for the
Malucos, and the other ships to take in their lading of pepper,
and to go home f^ likewise this day we took in divers fardels
of merchandise,^^ and so continued taking in water and mer-
chandise till the eighth day, and then onr general came
aboard, and appointed such men as should go along with
him to the Malucos, amongst which number master Taverner m
was removed from the Susan to the Ascension ; we continued
busy in taking in of merchandise and victuals of the Hector
and the Susan, till the fifteenth day we made an end of taking
58 This royal letter is printed in the Appendix. The presents were,
" one fair basin and ewer, two fair standing cups, all parcel-gilt, one gilt
spoon, and six muskets with their furniture." — E. Scott,
59 To rummage, as a sea-term, seems to have meant giving room by
improved stowage. It is capriciously spelt — as, ruming, romeging,
roomeging, romaging, etc. — Capt. Smith ; etc.
f'O Various circumstances here require explanation. The general had
directions to send home two ships from Bantam, and to proceed to Banda
with the others — the choice of the ships for the latter service being left
to himself and the principal factors. A council was therefore held, and
it was resolved that the Red Dragon and the Ascension were the fittest
for the voyage to Banda, and that the Hector and the Susan should
return to England. In consequence of this decision, captain Colthurst
was removed to the Ascension ; captain Keeling promoted to the Hector,
on the decease of captain Stiles ; and master Edward Highlord appointed
to the Susan, vice 'KQeYmg.— Instructions, § 12, 26 ; E. Scott.
<5i The factory must have been crowded with merchandise, about a
thousand fardels of calicos and pintados, and many other articles, hav-
ing been taken in a Portuguese carack by captain Lancaster, in the
Strait of Malacca, in October 1G02. — Purchas ; 0. de Reuncville.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 19
in of merchandise. This day our purser William GrifFeu and
master Foster died^ both of the flux.''^
The sixteenth day our general departed from Bantam,
and came aboard to proceed on his voyage to the Malucos ;
this night died Henry Dewbrey of the flux ; also the same
day master Surfflict was appointed to go home in the Hector,
to the great contenting of all in our ship :^^ likewise one of
our master^s mates, master Smith, was appointed for master's
mate in the Hector. The seventeenth day died of the flux
William Lewed, John Jenkens, and Samuel Porter. The
eighteenth day the general having despatched his letters,
Avent aboard the Hector and the Susan, and took leave of
them;*"* and after dinner weighed, and stood to the sea- ward
till night, and then anchored in eight fathoms of water. The
nineteenth in the morning we weighed again, and proceeded
with a fair wind till six a-clock at night, and then came to
anchor in fourteen fathoms, oozy ground, fair by a small
island. The twentieth, by break of day, we weighed, and steal-
ing along^'' the land with a fair wind ; this day died Henry
Stiles our master carpenter, and James Varnam, and John
Iberson, all of the flux. The twenty-first and twenty-second
62 The former edition has Jiixe, and so the word is spelt in the
AlvearieoiS. Barret, London, 1580. It is the prevailing complaint in
Java, for which reason the natives, as an antidote, eat much bumbu or
curry-stuff. — E. Scott ; W. Marsden.
^'^ Master Surfflict left England on board the Red Dragon, as doctor of
l^liysic and preacher. lie is the person on whose incompetence, in the
former capacity, the author of this narrative has before twice animad-
verted. He died on his way home. — E. Scott.
^* The Ascension. "The eighteenth day of January [1GU5], we set
sail out of Bantam road, with the L>ragon and the Ascension ; but they
parted at Amboina. The general went with the Dragon to the Malucos,
and the Ascension, whereof M. Colthurst was captain, for Banda ; and
the Hector and the Susan laded pepper at Bantam, and set sail from
thence about the middle of February." — T. Clayborne alias S. Purchas.
•55 Stealing along. The context requires stole along. It means that the
ships made more progress than might be expected. How she steals along !
is a phrase which I have heard on the Thames.
20 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
days wc held ou our course^ with blusting rainy weather ; the
twenty-second day died of the flux James Hope ; the twenty-
fourth day in the morning we fell with^*" the shoals which
lie ofi" the east-north-east part of Java;^^ this day died John
Leay and Robert Whitthers of the flux. January the twenty-
fifth wc held on our course with very much wind and rain ;
at night one of our men leaped over-board, ha^dng the calen-
ture, and three more died of the flux — theii* names were
William Bellidine, William Footer, Gideon Marten, and
Robert Venues.
The twenty-sixth day steering our course with a fair wind,
suspecting no danger, upon a sudden we saw the ground
under the ship; heaving over the lead, we had but four
fathoms water : this night died of the flux George Jolmes,
and Francis Buckman, and Gilbert Mesterson. The twenty-
seventh day in the morning we steered away east-and-by-
south ; we came into shoal-water which lieth to the south-
ward of Ru'mata,^^ so that Ave were fain to stand south-and-by-
west and south to get clear of the shoals, till noon, and then
we came into deep water ; and so bearing up^^ we steered east-
and-by-south, and by and by we were in five fathoms, so that
we stood to the southward some three leagues, and then held
on our former course. This day died of the flux Ilobert
^6 Pell with is equivalent to fell in with — as in this extract : " We
passed in sight of" the Burlings, and the Rock, and so onwards for the
Canaries, and fell with Fuerte-ventura," etc. — Sir W. Ralegh.
C7 As the ships were close in with Java or Madura on the twentieth,
it seems probable that the shoals here obscurely described are those
Avhich lie northward of Kangelang Island.
68 Ruinata. There is no island now so called ; but in a chart said to
be " examined with the most expert cardes of the Portingalos pilots,"
A.D. 1598, appears lianata — an island of considerable size. Its bejiring
and distance from the south-western extremity of Celebes load me to
consider it as Zalinaf and the group of isles which lie north of it. If so,
the shoal-water was on the Laar Bank. — Linschoten ; J. Horsburgh.
69 And so hearing up. The impropriety of this phrase has bee
admitted. It is the liehn which is home up; the &liip,'\a. consequence,
hears aioay — or runs before the wind. — W. Falconer.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 21
Smitli and Thomas Dawson. The twenty-eighth day we fell
with Celebes, being high land, and at four a-clock in the
evening we came to an anchor in twenty-six fathoms, sandy
ground, four leagues from land. The twenty-ninth in the
morning we weighed, steering east along the land ; and the
general went in our pinnace alongst the land to seek for fresh
water, for that he greatly doubted it was the Bantam water^^
that killed our men, but he lost his labour, and returned
without any, for there was none to be found : at night we
anchored in thirty fathoms water ; this morning died William
Paret of the flux. The thirtieth day we passed the Straits
of Celebes,^' and shaped our course for the Isles of Bouton.
The thirty -first in the morning we were fair by the land of
Bouton, and all the night lay by the lee.^^
The first of February we held on our course with a fair
wind ;^^ the second died of the flux Henry Lambert ; the
third day died of the flux Edward Smith ; the fourth in the
morning we had sight of Amblaw and Bouro, being two
islands ; this day died Henry James, the fifth day Richard
Miller died of the flux. The sixth day we were fair by the
land Amblaw, and our general Avent in the pinnace to seek
for fresh water, and went with the people of the country,
and they brought him to a fine sandy bay, where there was
70 The Bantam water should have been avoided : it must have been
too impure for use. The Dutch made this unwelcome discovery soon
after their first arrival there : " Les Hollandais qui s'amusoient a en boire
s'en trouvereut tres-mal, et perdirent meme des gens par les maladies
qu'elle leur causa." — C. de Renueville.
71 By the Straits of Celebes we are to understand what is now called
Salayer Strait. This appears by the chart of the Moluques by Jean C. de
Moye, circa a.d. 1614. — C. de Renneville.
72 To lie by the lee, an obsolete phrase, is the same as lie-to. It is per-
formed, under shortened canvass, by keeping one sail full, while another
is laid aback. The ship, therefore, makes no head-way. — W. Falconer.
73 It seems the ships ran to the eastward of Bouton, for when captain
David Middleton passed through the narrow strait to the westward of it,
on his return from the Malucos in 1C08, the raja declared that he had
never seen any Englishmen. — Purchas.
22 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
very good water ; and there they took in tlircc haricos/^ and
brought aboard, and wonld spend no longer time there
because it was towards night, and Amboina so near at hand.
The seventh day we had sight of Amboina, and of a ship
which played off and on the land, but Avould not come and
speak with us. This afternoon we were fair by Amboina,
and the wind very variable, but it fell calm, so that we could
not get in.^^ The eighth day at ten a-clock came up a gale of
wind, which brought us to Amboina shore, where we coasted
with our ship very near, but could not have any ground to
anchor in, for that all the islands have very deep water hard
aboard the shore f^ we came to a bay, where we found sixty
fathoms water, and there we anchored, and the Indians brought
us some fruits to sell. This afternoon we saw two Hollanders'
pinnaces under the shore of Veranula,^'^ Avhich came out from
under the land to sliow themselves to us, but did return
back. The people of Veranula be great enemies to the
Portugals, and had sent to Bantam to the Hollanders, desir-
ing their aid to expel the Portugals out of these islands ;
which if they performed, they would become subject to them,
and sell none of their cloves to any other nation but them.
This I knew to be true, for that the parties Avho were sent to
71 Baricos. From the Spanish harrica^^ small barrel. The word
was in common use : " The cooper is to looke to the caske, hoopes and
twigs, to staue or repaire the buckets, baricos, cans," etc. — Gapt. Smith.
75 The author must mean qet in with the land — not get into the Bay of
Amboina. They were certainly on the north shore of the island, and
steering towards its north-eastern extremity.
76 Aboard the shore. A curious nautical phrase, which I shall explain
by an example : " I myself coasted in my barge close aboard the shore, and
landed in every cove, the better to know the island [Trinidad], while the
ships kept the channel." — Sir W. Ralegh.
77 In accordance with the text, Veranula would seem to be some part
of the opposite shore of Ceram. Master Scott, however, leads us to
infer that it was some part of Amboina. Argensola, on the other hand,
describes it as a large island adjacent to Amboina ; with a city of the
same name, which was plundered and burnt by Andre Furtado de Men-
do(,'a in 1G02. I cannot solve this problem. — E Scott ; L. de Argensola.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 23
Bantam, I have often spoken witlial,^^ Tliis day died of the
flux our master his mate, Thomas Michell. The ninth day
we watered, but could not come to the speecV^ of any of the
country people : this afternoon died Thomas Eldred of the flux.
The tenth day we weighed anchor, and stood to the eastern
end of Amboina, and came to an anchor in an hundi'ed
fathoms water, fair by the shore, fair by a town called
Mamalla.^" Before we came to an anchor there came an Indian
aboard of us which spake good Portuguese ; also there came
a letter to our general from the captain of Amboina,^^ but it
was directed to the general of the Hollanders, or any other
captain of his fleet, supposing us to be Hollanders. The
effect of his letter was, to desire them to certify them of
some news of Portingal, and to send an answer by any of
his people of his letter, who should be very welcome, and
should both safely come and go. The general Avent this day
a-land, and delivered a present to one they called their king,
and other great men, and did desire to know whether we
might have trade or no ; they made answer, that they could
not trade with us without license of the fort. This night
died of the flux Mark Taylor.
The eleventh day our general sent a letter, by John Rogers,
to the captain of the fort, and divers of the principal of the
town of Miimalla accompanied him thither to have license to
78 Three youths, sons of three chiefs, arrived at Bantam from Amboina
on the fifteenth of July 1604, to solicit aid against "certaine Portingales
which had a siralle forte there, and did sore anoy them." They were
often entertained at our factory. — E. Scott.
79 Come to the speech. An admissible phrase, witness a masterly
writer before quoted : " We abode there [Punto de Gallo] four or five
days, and in all that time we came not to the s])eech of any Indian or
Spaniard." — Sir W. Ralegh.
80 Mamalla, or Mamala as we have it in Argensola, lies towards the
north-east extremity of the island. It appears in the Plan of the Island
of Amboina, published by Dalrymple in 1782.
81 The commander at Amboina was Gaspar de Melo, who soon after-
wards lost his command and his life, — Manoel de Faria y Sousa.
24 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
trade with us, which they had granted them by the captain.
The effect of our general's letter was to certify him of the
death of our queen, and peace between England and Spain/^
with other news of Christendom ; and for better confirmation
of truth, he sent the captain of the fort our king's majesty
and the prince's pictures, with divers of his majesty's new
coin ; and in conclusion, as there was peace with our princes
and their subjects in Christendom, he desired that the like
might be between us, for that our coming was to seek trade
with them and the Amboinians, which he hoped he would
not deny him.^^ The party which carried our general's letter
was very kindly entertained by the captain and soldiers, but
that night permitted not him to come within the fort, but
lay in a good lodging without the walls, where he was \'isited
by the principal of them. This evening five sail of Hol-
landers®* were entered into the mouth of the harbour, and
turning up for the fort.
The twelfth, the forenamed Hollanders came to an anchor
within musket shot of the fort,®^ tlie Portugals not offering to
shoot at them. This afternoon John Rogers returned with
an answer of the letter, and there came in his company a
82 The treaty of peace between James I. and Philip III. was concluded
at London on the eighteenth of August 1604. The news was carried to
Bantam by admiral van der Hagen. — Articles of peace ; E. Scott.
83 The general was recommended to touch at Amboina, or at any
island on the way where cloves might be had, in order that he might the
less depend on the result of his mercantile proceedings at Banda — the
place of his destination. — Instructions, § 26.
8i The Dutch fleet. The Dutch fleet sailed from Bantam on the seven-
teeth of January 1605, N.s. It consisted of " nine tall ships, besides
pinnaces and sloops", viz. : Les Provinces-unies, 700 tons, admiral van der
Hagen ; the Dordrecht, 700 tons, vice-admiral Sebastiaanz ; the Amster-
dam, 700 tons ; the Iloorn, 700 tons ; the Gueldres, 500 tons ; etc. A
yacht and two sloops had been sent to cruise soon after their departure
from Bantam : the remainder of this formidal)le fleet seems to have arrived
in company at Amboina. — E. Scott ; C. de Renneville.
85 The fort is on the south-east side of the Bay, and not much less
than twenty miles from Mamalla. It was afterwards called Fort Victoria.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 25
Portugal soldier, which brought a warrant from the captain
to the governor of Mamalla**' to trade with us, and likewise
to give John Rogers for his pains a bahar^' of cloves, which
was presently delivered him.
Before the coming away of John Rogers, the Portugals,
with a flag of truce, went aboard the Dutch admiral to know
wherefore they came thither ; if in friendship, they should
be welcome — if otherwise, to give them a direct answer.**^
The Dutch general made answer that his coming thither was
to have that castle from them, and willed them to deliver
him the keys, and they should be kindly dealt "s\dthal ; which,
if they refused to do, he willed them to provide for them-
selves to defend it, for that he was minded to have it before
he departed, and that his staying was but for the rest of his
fleet, which as then were in sight — therefore willed them
by fair means to yield. The Portugals made answer, the
castle was theu' king's, and of suflicient strength, and there-
fore willed them to depart thence ; and as he came as a
messenger, in way of truce, they desired they might have
free liberty to depart, which was granted them, with an
^^ The former edition has Manillia, and so it stands in two other
instances. It should be Mamalla, as before. See note 80.
^'' BaJiar — a Malay word, from the Arabic. It is a weight equal to
about 5601b. — but varying in diiferent places. — W. Marsden.
^^ The importance of Amboina as a colonial possession, and the defects
of the above narrative of its capture, induce me to give the Dutch account
of that event entire : —
The Dutch fleet. " Le 21 [de Fevrier 1605, n.s.] sur le soil-, la flotte
mouilla I'ancre dans la bale d'Amboine, du c6te du nord. Le lendemain,
on mit ^ terre des gens qui marcherent droit vers le fort des Portugals.
Mais avant qu'ils eussent pris poste, le gouverneur du fort envoya deux
Portugais dans un canot, avec une lettre, a bord de I'amiral. Cette
lettre etait pour demander ce que la flotte venait chercher en ce lieu, et
ce qu'on pretendait faire contre un fort qui lui avait 6te confie par le
roi d'Espagne. L'amiral fit reponse, sur-le champ, qu'il etait venu la
par ordre du prince Mam-ice, pour se rendre maitre du fort d'Amboine.
Cette reponse ayant beaucoup alarme les deux Portugais, ils prirent
conge, et promirent de revenir dire quelle resolution le gouverneur aurait
prise."
E
26 THE I.AST EAST-IXniAX VOYAGE.
answer in Avriting to tlic captain, willing him to surrender
up this fort unto hun, in the prince of Orange his name, by
two a-clock that day, or look for the extremity of war ; what
after passed betwixt them I know not. The answer of our
general's letter from the captain of the fort was, that he and
all the Portugals in the place were exceeding glad of the
good news we brought them of that long and wished for peace
between oiu' nations, and that there was not anything in
their power in that island wherein they might pleasure us
but we should command it ; and as touching the cloves of
Mamalla, he had sent special order to the governor to make
sale of all they might make at a reasonable price ; and like-
wise he had good store of cloves in his castle, which should
be all ours, if pleased the general to come with what speed
he could thither, whereby he hoped to come to some good
composition with the Hollanders. This day died of the flux,
Daniel Aske. The thirteenth we weighed our anchors to
come ride nearer the shore of Mamalla; but oiu- general
made the Portingal soldier believe he weighed to go to the
fort, which was no part of his meaning, for that there was
not any hope of good to be done for us, the Hollanders being
there before us ; but before we came to an anchor we heard
Cependant les vaisseaux s'etant approches du fort, autantqu'il fut pos-
sible, laisserent tomber I'ancre sur les dix heures du matin, et le canoner-
ent. Le gouverneur voyant les forces des Hollandais, et la maniere dont
ils rattaquaient, n'osa s'exposer a I'assaut qu'on lui preparait, et oflVit de
capituler.
Aprus plusieurs conferences entre ses deputes et I'amiral, il fut conclu,
que tons les Portugais point maries se retireraient ; qu'il serait libre il ceux
qui etaient maries, de demeurer, en pretant le serment de fidelite au nom
des Etats Generaux et du prince IMaurice ; que chacun pourrait emporter
un fusil, ou un mousquet, et que tout le canon, toutcs les munitions, et
les armes du roi, demeureraient dans le fort.
En execution de la capitulation, I'amiral se rendit au fort avec cin-
quante hommes, et y fit arborer un etendard. Les vaisseaux ceiebrerent
cette conquete par des decharges d'artillerie et de mousqueterie. La
place etait fort bien pourvue de canon, et d'autres munitions. I! y avait
environ trente pieces de fonte. Le nombre des Portugais qui furent
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 27
ordnance go off, so that we made account the fight was begun
between them, for that the Portmgal soldier told om- general
they would never yield up their fort, but fight it out to the
last man, with many other brags of their strength and reso-
lution, which afterwards proved to be nothing but words.
This day our general went a-land with some merchandise to
barter with them, but nothing was done that day, but put off
till the next day.
The fourteenth our merchants went ashore with commo-
dities, and the chief of the town came and ^jriced our wares,
which they liked very well, but offered very little for them ;
and for such cloves as they had they would not sell under
one hundred reals-of-eight®" the bahar, which made show they
had no will to deal with us. The Portingal soldier went
a-land with our general, with a letter to his captain, and
four yards of green cloth, given him for a reward ; but when
they came to talk with the people to know what news at
the fort, some said it was taken, others said they were in
fight, but in these doubts there came a messenger from the
fort, which brought us certain news it was yielded to the
Hollanders by composition, but upon what conditions I
knew not. The Portingal soldier hearing tliis certain news
durst not return, for fear the people would cut his throat by
cbasses du fort et de I'ile, etait de pres de six cents, a qui les Hollandais
dounerent deux vaisseaux qu'ils avaient auparavant pris, et les envoyer-
eat. II demeura encore dans I'ile quarante six families Portugaises,
qui preterent le serment de fidelite.
Cette victoire fut considerable, non-seulement parce qu'elle couta peu,
n'ayant point coute de sang, mais parce que cette place et cette ile
etaient d'une grande importance. — C. de Reuneville.
This bloodless conquest was attended by one tragic circumstance. Gas-
par de Melo, the governor of the fort, was apprehensive of being dis-
graced, and his wife, to save his honour, took away his life by poison ! —
Manoel de Faria y Sousa.
**" Reals-of-eight — a semi-translation of the Spanish term reales de a,
ocho. Reals-of-eight, of the same value as the Spanish, were coined at
our mint for the convenience of the East-India company ; also halves,
ijuarters, and half-quarters. — Rogers Ruding.
28 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
the way, but desired the general he might tarry with him,
wliich he granted ;** and after the governor of the to^vn had
heard that the Hollanders had the castle, he then told ovir
general he would sell us no cloves without licence of the
Hollanders, so that all hope of trade in this place was gone.
The fifteenth day we took in water and made partition of the
merchandise to the Ascension, for she had taken none in at
Bantam, but all was put into our ship, by reason they were
so exceeding weak they were not able to stow them.
Here our general was almost in despair for the attaining
of his lading, and especially for cloves, nutmegs, and mace.
We heard they had good store at Banda, but the Hollanders
were there before us with great store of such commodities as
we had, which they had taken in a ship bound to the ]\lalucos,
laden with the same commodities ; yet there was hope of the
Banda commodities, which is nuts and mace, by reason of
the great quantity we heard say they had : likewise this day
the general called a council of the captains, masters, and
merchants,"^ and there told them that there was no way left
us to attain to our lading bvit to part company, and the
Ascension to go for the isles of Banda to seek her lading of
nutmegs and mace ; and that he was minded, with the
Dragon, to go to the Malucos, or else at leastwise to do his
best to get thither.^^
^° This anecdote seems to prove that the Portuguese had made them-
selves hateful to the natives, and it is certain that Manoel de Faria con-
demns the conduct of his countrymen in very pointed terms. — Manoel de
Faria y Sousa.
"^ This was a special council — not provided for in the instructions.
The advice of the masters was of more importance on such an occasion
than that of the merchants. — Instructions, § 2.
®^ In three previous instances the term Malucos has been used to com-
prise all the spice islands, as Amboina, Banda, etc. See note 60. It is
here used, with more propriety, to denote the cloi'e islands which lie west
of Gilolo, The credit of attempting to reach those islands is entirely due
to captain Henry Middlcton. It was more than those who framed th'C
instructions ventured to propose. — Instructioiis, § 26.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 29
This speech of his was disliked of all, for that in both our
ships at that present were not so many serviceable men as
would sail the Ascension, and therefore we should hazard
both the ships to part company, having so weak a company;
and likewise to attempt the voyage to the Malucos, it was
against reason, for that we had both the wind and current
against us,°^ and to ply it to windward with so weak a comjjany
it would be lost labour. This was the opinion of all, saving
the general, who still had a good hope we should attain it. At
this time nothing was concluded, but left to be considered
upon till the next morning.
The sixteenth day, very early in the morning, before day,
master Grove^* came to the general's bed-side, telling him he
could take no rest all the night for thinking of the motion
made by him and our going to the Malucos : although it was
a thing never attempted by any, yet he saw no other way
[than] to put it in practice, otherwise we must make account
to return back to Bantam without lading.
The general was glad to hear him of that mind, and at the
coming aboard of captain Colthurst and his master, it was
absolutely determined upon to part company, although greatly
to the dislike of them both, for they thought never to see us
again, our weakness in both ships being so exceeding weak :
the seventeenth day we weighed and plied to windward all
the day and all the night, to get to sea the way we came in.
The eighteenth day we got to sea clear of Amboina, and
®^ The author alludes to the monsoons, or periodical winds which pre-
vail in the Java, Banda, Maluco and other seas. In the Maluco passage,
what is elsewhere called the south-east monsoon blows nearly south from
April to October, and what is called the north-west monsoon blows nearly
north from November till the end of March. Now the course from the
Bouro Strait to the Maluco islands is due north: they had therefore to
contend with an adverse wind and surface-current. — D'Apres de Manne-
villette; J. Horsburgh.
^'^ Master Grove was master of the Dragon, as the circumstances above-
stated prove. When named in a subsequent paragraph, he is called
Grave. It may be an error of the press.
30 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
stood to sea till tlie afternoon, and tlicn we parted company
with the Ascension, [she] bearing np for Banda afore the
wind, not having passing a day-and-a-half sail.'°
From the eighteenth to the onc-and-twenticth we plied it
and got very little to wmdward ; this day it fell calm, and
we were carried between two islands — they be called Manipa
and Amhovzef/Iioe — "^ with a great current, and lostmore in the
cahn in one night than we had got in two days. The general
sent his brother to jNIanipa to buy fresh victuals ; but every-
thmg was so dear, they came without, saving a cou2:)le of
goats the king sent our general for a present.
The king of this isle used our men very kindly and feasted
them, being very glad to hear of the health of our queen.
He asked for sir Francis Drake : this king was at Ternate
when sir Francis Drake was there.'"" The two-and-twentieth
day we anchored under Manipa, on the south-west side, in
fifty fathoms: this day died Thomas Harman, of the flux.
The thrce-and-twentieth we weighed with very much ado, for
our anchor was foul of a rock ; we broke one of the flooks
thereof before we could weigh it. The twenty-fourth day
most part calm, in which calms we were carried very near
®^ The Ascension. " The twentieth day of February the Ascension
arrived at Banda, and anchored in four-fathoms-and-a-half by Nera,
which is the chiefest place in those islands. From the south part of
Araboina to Banda, the course is east-by-south, to the southward thirty
leagues [sic]. The latitude of Banda is four degrees forty minutes
[4^ 31' S. Horsburgh.], and the going-in is to the westward. There is a
very high hill that burneth continually, and that hill you must leave on
the larboard side, and the other great island on your starboard side. The
going-in is very narrow, and you cannot see it till you come within half-
a-mile, but fear not to stand with the island that the high hill is on,
[Ganong-a2}i~\ while you come within two cables' length of it, for so you
must do, and then you shall have about twenty fathoms ; and then stand
along still by that island about a cable's length from it, if the wind will
give you leave, and then you shall find shallower water, eight, seven, six
fathoms, and in the very narrow of all, you shall have five fathoms, and so
that depth until you come into the road. By God's help, a man may go in
without any danger, keeping near unto the aforenamed island [Ganong-
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 31
Manipa shore, all sails standing, and upon a sudden came
a gust which had like to have put us upon a ledge of
rocks which we had no way to avoid but, all sails standing,
came to an anchor : we anchored within a quoit's cast of the
rocks, and so escaped that danger. The twenty-fifth day
died Thomas Beynes. The twenty-seventh day, much rain,
the wind westerly.
March the first, the winds all northerly : this day died of
the flux, Thomas AV^heeler. The second day the wind at the
north-west for the most part : this day died of the flux,
Richard Hedges and William Flud.
The third day we came fair by an island not specified in
our cards .-"^ it licth west-south-west from the southernmost
island of Bachian, some fourteen leagues. This isle off'
Bachian, we gave to name Haul-bowline, for that in seven
days' sailing we got not a mile. The fourth and fifth days
we j)licd all we might, but could do no good, and those few
sound men we had were tired with continual labour ; we at
this j)rescnt lacking both wood and water, came to an anchor
under Haul-bowline in sixty fathoms : [at] this time the
master and boatswain Avere both very sick of the flux, inso-
api\. It is somewhat shallow on the starboard side, in the narrow of the
going-in, but that will show itself. There are two small islands, one called
Pulo-xoaij, and the other Pulo-rin, and they lie about three leagues to
the westward of the going-in. There is no danger about them but may
be very well perceived. You may leave those islands on which side you
please, either at your going in, or coming out." — T. Clayborne.
^^ Manipa, in the Boiu-o Strait, has preserved its euphonic name. For
Amhovzeylioe, I am inclined to read Amblaw -island.
^"^ Sir Francis Drake reached Ternatfe, in the course of his famous cir-
cumnavigation, in ] 579. He was received with much pomp and cour-
tesy. The king was said to be " Lord of an hundred islands." — The
world encomjMssed.
^^ Cards. Johnson imperfectly defines the word card. I shall prove
its signification by his own example :
" Upon his cards and compass firms his eye,
The masters of his long experiment." Spenser.
Now, the cards and compass were distinct articles. The cards were charts.
33 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
much that the general was in great doubt of their recovery.
The sixth day very much wind at north-Avest ; our general
went a-land to seek for fresh water, but could find none, but
digging a well in the sand we found very good water ; as for
wood Ave needed not to seek for that, the island yielded
nothing but wood to the sea-side, that one was scarce able to
pass, the trees and brakes were so thick : here our Portingal
soldier was very sick of the flux, and the general was very
careful of him, for that he hoped by his means to have trade
with the Portingals of Tidore for cloves. The seventh,
eighth, and ninth days, we spent in wooding and watering,
which we got all aboard. The ninth day the winds con-
tinuing northerly, with much rain : this day died of the
flux, William Elmesmore. The tenth day we weighed, but
had much ado to get up a small anchor ; our weakness was so
great that we could not start it without tackles : this day
died David Flud. The eleventh day rainy weather, the wind
at north-west we stood to the north-east-ward : this day died
one of our merchants, called master George Ware, of the
flux. The twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth days we spent
in turning to windward, sometimes upon one tack, sometimes
of the other : the thirteenth day died Edward Ambrose, of
the flux. The fifteenth and sixteenth days, the winds
easterly, we made some nineteen leagues north-west.^"
The seventeenth day we were in ten minutes of south
"^ The' conclusion of the extract which follows is somewhat in advance
of the text, but as it chiefly relates to the monsoons, and does not admit
of division, it is inserted here :
The Ascension — at Banda. " About the middle of IVIarch here, we
found the wind to be variable, and so continued till the middle of April ;
and then it continued and stood between the east and south-east, four
months to our knowledge. But it doth use to continue five months, as
the people of the country say, and likewise five months between the west
and north-west, and the other two months varia))le. Here in the dark
moons it is given much to gusty weather, and much rain. Here we staid
one-and-twenty weeks and six days, in the which time we had eleven
men died, and most of the flux." — T. Claybornc.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
latitude, the winds all westerly, and we ran some ten leagues
north : this day we had sight of all the clove islands,^*' that
is to say, Maquian, Motir, Tidore, and Ternate, all of them
picked hills in form of a sugar-loaf. The eighteenth and
nineteenth days we were fair under the land of Maquian,
between that and Gilolo, where the people of Maquian came
aboard of us with fresh victuals, but sold very dear. They
said they had good store of cloves in the island, but they
could not sell us any without leave of the king of Ternate.
The twentieth and twenty-first we spent plying to windward,
with little wind, between Maquian and Motir : this island
of Motii' is uninhabited, but hath great store of cloves upon
it. This island standeth between Tidore and Maquian, but
nearer to Maquian by one-third of the way than it is to
Tidore : the people of this island have been slain most part
In the wars between Ternate and Tidore — for sometime it was
subject to one king, and sometime to another.
The twenty-second day we got under the land of Tidore,
and bearing up between a small island called Pulo Cacallie ^^^
and Tidore, there came rowing two of theu' galleys from
Ternate, making all the sjjeed possible they could toward us ;
the headmost of the two waving with a white flag unto us to
strike sail, and to tarry for them. At the same tune came
seven Tidore galleys, rowing betwixt us and the shore, to
chase the Ternatan galleys — we not knowing their pretence.
100 ■\ye now witness, with regard to caj^tain Henry Middleton, the
achievement of that object which was the principal motive to early
maritime enterprise. As Fletcher, the dramatist, says —
" We are arriv'd among the blessed islands
Where every wind that rises blows perfumes,
And every breath of air is like an incense." — Island princess, i. 3.
Five islands are enumerated by most geographers, viz. Ternate, Tidorfe,
Motir, Maquian, and Bachian. The writer omits the latter. The Bachian
of Schouten and others, I take to be the Denchan of Derfelden van Hin-
derstein. A copy of part of his chart accompanies this volume.
^°^ Pulo Cavallie, in the chart published by Horsburgh, is called Pot-
bakers-island. Pulo, a Malay word, means island. — W. Marsden.
F
34 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
They in the Ternate galleys did all they might to overtake
our ship, waving with two or three flags at once to tarry for
them, wliich oui* general seeing, caused the top-sails to be
struck, and lay by the lee to know what Avas the matter ; so
that the foremost of these galleys or caracoas^"^ recovered
our ship, wherein was the king of Ternate, and divers of his
noblemen, and three Dutch merchants. ^'^^ ^Vlien they had
fast hold of the ship, the Dutch merchants showed themselves
to us, looking pale, and desired our general for God's sake to
rescue the caracoa that came after us, wherein Avere divers
Dutchmen which were like to fall into the enemies' hands,
where there was no hope of mercy, but present death —
whereupon our general caused oiu" gunner to shoot at the
Tidore galleys, yet that would not cause them to leave their
chase, but within shot of our ordnance discharged all their
shot at the Ternate galley, and presently boarded them, and
put all to the sword, saving three men which saved their lives
by swimming, and were taken up by our men in our boat :
there were no Dutchmen in her as they reported, but all
Ternatans. If we had not tarried as we did, the king of
Ternate, and those with him, had fallen into his enemies'
hand, where no hope of mercy was to be expected. The
Dutch merchants coming aboard, told our general they
thought we had been Hollanders, and bound for Ternate,
and that was the cause they had put themselves in such
danger, and likewise to know whither we were bound : our
general told him that he w^as going then for Tidorb, to seek
trade with the Portugals, with whom we were in amity.
They dissuaded the general not to attempt any such thing,
'f*'- Caracoa. A rowing boat used in the eastern seas. The word occurs
near twenty times, and is variously spelt. I have given it the Spanish
form. The Malay term is hora-kora. — W. Marsden.
103 ipjjg Dutch fleet had not yet arrived from Amboina, and the 'mer-
chants who had so narrow an escape must therefore have been some of
those who were left in charge of the factory which had been established
here on a former occasion. — C. do Renueville.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 35
for there was no other thing to be expected at their hands
but treachery : the general answered he knew them well
enough, but minded to work so warily with them, that he
doubted not of any harm they could do him.
The Dutchmen seeing our general minded to go to the
Portugal town of Tidore, desired him that he would not let
the king of Ternate and them fall into their enemies' hand,
whom so lately he had delivered them from ; and as for
cloves, there was good store to be had at Ternate and Maquian,
and for their parts, they would not be our hindrance, for that
they had neither wares nor money left. So the general caused
them to entreat the king to come into the ship, who came in
trembling, which the general seeing, thought he was a-cold,
and caused his man to fetch him a black damask goAvn, laid
with gold lace, and lined with unshorn velvet, wliich the king
jjut upon his back, but never had the manners to surrender
it again, but kept it as his own. The king being in the
general's cabin, desired him to go with him to Ternate, where
he minded to have a factory; but himself and his ship would
make no stay there, but go to Tidore, to see what usage he
should find of the Portugals.
The king did what he cou.ld to persuade him to the con-
trary, but could not j)revail.^°^ Here the general delivered a
letter from the king's majesty of England, ^^'•'^ with a fair stand-
ing cup, and a cover double-gilt, with divers of the choicest
jiintados, which he kindly accepted of, and presently had the
letter read, and interpreted unto him, wherewith he made
show to be greatly contented.
1°"* The early history of the Maluco islands is that of a perpetual
contest between the kings of Ternate and Tidore. Hence their mutual
jealousies and criminations. It was just so when sir Francis Drake
visited the islands twenty-five years before this date. — L. de Argensola ;
The world encompassed.
i°3 This royal letter is printed in the Ai^pendix. Pintados, adopted
from the Spanish word 7;ii;i,te(/o=:painted, denote the coloured scarves
wherewith the natives " gird their loins." — E. Scott.
36 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
We trimmed our sails by a Avind, and plied to windward
for Ternatc ; the king's caracoa not daring to put from the
ship. Abovit four of the clock in the afternoon came the king
of Ternate's eldest son aboard in a light frigate/-"^ which
rowed well : he greatly doubted the welfare of his father, and
the king stood in doubt of his son. At his coming to his
father aboard our ship, in the general's cabin, he kissed his
father's right foot, and he kissed his head. The general had
given warning to all his company, that they should tell no
news of the Hollands fleet, but before night it was told the
king and all the rest, but by whom could never be learned.
From the twenty-second to the twenty-fourth, the king and
all his crew tarried aboard of us. The four-and-twentieth day
we came by the chief town of Ternate,^°~ and saluted them
with seven pieces of ordnance ; the same afternoon we came
to an anchor in the road, which is in the southest [south-
east] part of the island, in fourteen fathoms, sandy ground :
the road is from the to^^Ti two leagues and a half. The
twenty-fifth day the king sent for his plate and victuals from
the town, and feasted the general in liis own cabin. There
sat none of his nobles with him at table ; none sat but his son
and the general : the rest sat upon the floor of the cabin
cross-legged, like tailors. After dinner the general desired
liim that he would take some order he might have a house
to establish a factory, for that he was minded to go to the
Portugals to see what he could do with them. The king
persuaded liim earnestly not to meddle with them, for he
was sure there was nothing but villany and treachery with
^"^ A light frigate. The tarm frigate was not in use till the sixteenth
century. It meant a small open vessel, furnished with oars and sails.
Le seigneur de Villamont says, " Entrans done en la fregate, nous remon-
tasmes en nostre naue." — A. Jal ; S. de Villamont.
^"'^ The chief town of Ternat^, at that date, was Gammelamme. It
was near the south-west extremity of the island. A view of the town
as it appeared in ]599, when admiral van Warwyck established the
Dutch factory, is added to this edition of the voyage. — C. de Reuneville.
y^"^/
a ' '^ j:,^-W^f^M h i i%^y: I 111 Ji> 1 r I '(/; K^^^ At, ' i
,'/ ■ ""^Ci
ill' ./., .1 ■/ 1,11 }i,p^oj
1" -^ji, I i .-3
Pit :^^?:-;
^fi)'i '^
,^^^.5'!
■'-ill ■•; ■■' '. ,1 V/i>w, ' 4r ■'
''V::
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYA.GE. 37
them. The general said it was a folly to dissuade him from
it, and therefore prayed him that he might have a house
according to his promise. The king, seeing in what earnest-
ness the general did speak unto him, said he would presently
depart to the town, and cause a house to be provided in
a readiness for his merchants.
The twenty-sixth, before day, our general was in a readi-
ness, with such merchants and merchandises as he minded
to leave at Ternate, [and] went to the town, and an hour
before day came thither. The king, hearing a noise of
trumpets, knew that our general was come, and sent a small
prau to our pinnace to will our general to come unto him.
He was aboard the admiral of the caracoas. He came into
our pinnace, and sat some half-an-hour there taking tobacco,
and then came the sabandar ^*^'=' with light, and brought the
general to his house, and the king to his caracoa. Our gen-
eral, presently after his landing, caused his men to land all
our goods, and carry them to the house, which Avas performed
before daylight. Then the Dutch merchants invited the
general and master BroAvn^°'' to dine with them, with whom
they presently went to the Dutch house, where they showed
them what every sort of commodities were worth in that place,
with proffers of any kindness they could do him. As for the
prices of our wares the general had made inquiry of the
Guzerats which came aboard, which did agree with the Dutch-
men in rating of every sort of them, whereby he knew that
they did not dissemble.
Before it was dinner time, there came a messenger from
^"^ Sabandar. The former edition has sabandor, with remarkable
uniformity. Sahandar, however, is the customary orthography. Sha-
bandara, a Malay word from the Persian, denotes the officer of state who
superintends the affairs of the i^ort and customs. — W. Marsden.
^"^ Master Brown^ one of the principal merchants, and a member of
the council, was left at Bantam next in rank to his more famous asso-
ciate master Gabriel Towerson, and appointed to succeed him in the
event of his death. — Aj^j^endix.
38 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
tlie king to "will the Dutcli merchants to come and speak
with him, and the general came home to our house, "svhcre he
had not staid half-an-hour, but one of the Dutch merchants
came for him to come speak with the king. So the general
taking master Brown, and John Addeyes, one that had the
language,^^'' and myself with him, went presently with them
that were present, where we found the king in a large room,
sitting in a chair, and all his chief councillors about him
sitting upon mats on the ground; before him, the Dutch
merchants, sitting among them. AVlien the general came,
the king willed him to sit down. After he was set [seated],
the king caused the letter brought by our general from the
king's majesty of England to be openly read — which being
done, the king acknowledged himself beholding unto his
majesty for so kind a letter, and a present, which he would
endeavoiu' to requite ; and for confirmation thereof he gave
his subjects free leave to trade with us for cloves, and like-
wise as one wishing us all the good he could, he desired our
general for his own good, that he would not have anything
to do with his enemies, the king of Tidore and the Portugals,
with whom he should find nothing but treason and treachery.
The general, by his interpreter, gave him great thanks for
his kindness in giving so free liberty to trade with his people,
and likewise for his good counsel to shun the treachery of
the Portugals, but for his part he doubted aio treachery at all
should harm Mm, for that he did mind to stand upon such a
guard as all the strength they had should not offend him ;
and therefore desired his highness to pardon him he did not
follow his counsel, for that he piirposed with all speed to go
^^^ It is doubtful whether John Addeyes, or some person not named,
is the " one that had the language". Augustine Spalding was the inter-
preter at Bantam. He went out with captain Lancaster in 1601,
remained near twelve years in the eastern islands, and in 1614 dedicated
to sir Thomas Smith a small volume entitled Bialogves in the English
and Malaiane languages, from the Latin of Arthusius — a publication
which was suggested by llakluyt. — E. Scott ; Dialogves, etc.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 39
thither, and to offer them peaceable trade, which if they
refused, he had the thing he desired — then had he just cause
to be at war with them, and if they woukl not accept of
peaceable trade, he minded to join with the Hollanders against
them, when God should send them thither.
This speech of the general contented the king and all there
present, so that they had no more to say, but entreat him
that he did not furnish them with any of our great ordnance,
and to take great care of their treachery : and so the council
broke up, the general taking liis leave of the king and all
his nobles, for jJi'esently after dinner he minded to depart
aboard; also the king promised, if the Portingals would not
trade with us, he would write his letter to the governor of
Maquian to deal with us, for all the cloves in that isle. And
so the general and master Brown went to the Dutch house
to dinner ; which being done, he came home with the Dutch
merchants in his company. And so, taking leave of them
and of us, departed aboard.
The twenty-seventh day in the morning came aboard two
men, sent by the king of Ternate, with a letter to the governor
of JNIaquian to trade with us. They were sent by the king to
go along AA'ith us thither, for oiu' better usage. So about
eight a-clock in the morning we weighed, and plied it all
day for the road of Tidore ; and about sun-setting we came
to an anchor, in thirty-two fathoms sandy ground, on the
western side of the isle, fair off, by the shore. ^^^ Coming to
an anchor, there came a caracoa with two swift canoes to take
view of our ship. Our general commanded one to wave them
"v\dth a white flag ; and presently one of the small praus
came fair by us, demanding whence we were. Our general
caused our Portingal soldier to will them to come aboard,
^^1 The text may be correct, but there is room for suspicion. The
anchorage at Tidore is " on the east side of the island, near the town, in
thirty fathoms, sandy bottom." The town so situated bears the same
name as the island. — J. Horsburgh.
40 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
for wc were Englishmen and their friends. And so there
came aboard us three Portingals, which entered into the gal-
Icry,^^- and Avent into the general's cabin, where the general
told them, his coming thither was to seek trade with them as
friends, for that the wars between our nations was done, and
a peace concluded — the queen of England being dead, and
the king of Scots king of England. They made answer,
that they knew that the queen was dead, by way of the
Philippines ; and to hear of the long-desired peace they were
very glad, and for trade with us they said they could say
nothing till that they had made the caj)tain acquainted there-
with : and because it was night, they were desirous to be
gone, promising the next day morning to return. So the
general let them depart, and our Portingal soldier with
them, with a letter to the captain of the fort, wherein he did
certify him of the news of Christendom, and the cause of oiu'
coming thither ; and so they departed.
The twenty-eighth day, about six a-clock, we weighed,
having very little wind, and at eight aclock came a caracoa,
and two praus from the Portingals' town, and in them five
Portingals, and our above-named soldier. The general stood
in the Avaist,^^^ and entertained them ; our soldier telling the
general, the principal of them was called Thome de Torres, ^^^
captain of a galeon, and the rest married men of the town.
Captain de Torres delivered our general a letter from the
captain of the fort ; the effect was, that he was welcome with
all his company to him and all the rest of the Portingals
^^2 Tlte gallery. The principal entering-ladder of a ship was made of
wood, and placed amidships. 'JDiQ gallery-ladder was made of rope, and
chiefly used in foul weather. — Capt. Smith.
^1* The toaist. Why the visitors were not received on the quarter-deck
is unexplained. The waist was " that part of the ship betwixt the main-
mast and the forecastle." — Capt. Smith.
^^■* The former edition has Thome Detoris, and in other instances
Torris. I conceive we should read de Torres. Captain de Torres acts a
conspicuous part in the narrative of occurrences at Tidore.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 41
inhabiting in that place ; and whereas the king of Ternate
and the Hollanders their enemies had given bad reports of
them, saying there was nothing but villany and treason to be
had at their hands, he hoped our general did conceive better
of them, and that their reports were of malice and not of
truth, and no credit to be given to the report of their enemies,
but experience should prove them liars, and themselves no
such bad-minded people ; and therefore he willed the general
to have no doubt of good usage at their hands, and for trade
which he desired with them, he would resolve him thereof
the next day — ^for as yet they had not called a council con-
cerning that matter, without which council he could not do
it, but Avilled him to have no doubt thereof. So the general
took them down to his cabin to breakfast, and the caracoa
and the boats towed the ship to the town-wards, being verv
little wind. About eleven a-clock we came to an anchor, a
little to the northwards of the fort, and saluted the fort and
town^^'' with seven pieces of ordnance, and from the fort [were]
answered with three pieces; and presently upon the same, in a
boat came the captain of the fort, called Pedro Alvaro
de Abreu, and the captain of the other galeon, called Fer-
nando Pereira de Sande:^^^ these galeons that these captains
did belong to, did ride within a league of rocks, very near
the shore, with their broadsides to seaward, with ordnance
placed therein to shoot at their enemies, which come rowing
by them sundry times. The general brought the captain of
the fort and the other captain down with the rest to brcak-
1'^ The town of Tidore, ?«ncl the Portuguese fort, were thus described
iu the journal of Matelief, in 1607 : " La villc de Tidore est situee sur
la cote orientale de cette isle, et est tellement euvirounee de bois, que
lorsc|u'on en est seulement k une portee de mousquet, on n'en pent pres-
que pas voir quatre ou cinq maisous. — Le vieux fort des Portugais est
couvert de broussailles." — C. de Renneville.
^^^ The former edition has Petro Alleneris Dehhroo and Ferclinando
Perrera de Sandy — for which names I have ventured to substitute those
above- printed.
G
42 Tin: i.vsr east-indiax voyaok.
fast, the captain ot" the fort making great haste to he gone.
After many compliments passed between our general and
them, they took their leave and departed, promising the next
day to come look ujion our commodities, and to agree upon
price for them. About three a-clock our general sent his
brother ashore with presents to the three captains, which
they very kindly accepted ; the captain of the fort returning
the general a fat beef.'^^
The twenty-ninth day came captain de Torres and other
Portingals aboard, and the general caused our merchants to
bring a note of all such commodities as were in our ship
into his cabin, where he showed every sort unto them, setting
a price upon them. Captain de Torres and the rest of the
Portingals said they were too dear at such rates^ saying and
protesting they sold better cheap ^^^ suchlike commodities one
to the other, and therefore desired the general to be more
reasonable, and then he should have all the cloves in the
island. The general withdrew himself apart, and in writing
set down his lowest prices, how he would sell, willing them to
go a-land and consider of it, and return with an answer, if they
could, that night ; so they took their leave and went ashore.
The thirtieth day captain de Torres came aboard, and
would have abatement of each sort of coirjmodities, which
the general would not yield unto ; telling him, if he Would
not give such prices, he would be gone for Maquian, and
upon the same presented the two Ternatans which the king
sent to him for the same purpose. So he seeing nothing
would be abated of that price, agreed with the general, and
appointed his own dwelling-house for our factory, with many
kind proffers, which he faithfully performed.
^^'' This is no vulgarism — but a remarkable instance of the mutability
of language. For " returning the general a fat heej,^'' wc should now say
" returning the admiral a fat o.r."
^'^ Better cheap. Chepe may bo equivalent to raarket — but surely
good cheap and better cheap are gallicisms. They correspond with the
phrases — d Ion marche, a meilleur marche. — Narcs.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 4o
The thirty-first, being Easter day, captain cle Torres with
divers of the princij^al men of the town dined aboard with
our generaL
April the first, in the morning, the general sent his brother
and master Woodnoth^^'' with merchandise a-land to captain
de Torres' house, and within an hour after, the general went
a-land himself, where he was visited by the king, the captain
of the fort, and all the principal men of the town, who en-
tertained him most kindly. They staid some small time
with him, and departed all of them. They being gone, the
general began to set his merchants a-work, to buy cloves
of the Portingals ; and having set them in a ready way how
to deal with them, he went with captain de Torres to din-
ner, where there was no lack of good cheer. After dinner
came the high priest to Avelcome our general, willing him
to have no doubt of any bad dealing in that place: upon his
soul he would undertake, that there were not any in the
town that wished him or any of his company any harm,
Avith many other com^ilinaents, and so departed. Captain de
Torres made offer to the general to be his chief factor, and
to help his brother and master Woodnoth in their business,
each having more to do than they could well turn them to :
and to say the truth, he was so careful in their business, as
if it had been his own. This day died of the flux, master
Mitten our cook ; and of the flux, Thomas Halls. The Tido-
reans came not aboard to sell us any thing ; the general
doubted it was long of ^-'^ the Portingals, who had put them
in some needless fear.
The sixth day the general sent his brother to the king of
^^" Master George Woodnoth, a merchant, was left at Bantam next in
rank to master Brown, and was to succeed to the command of the factory
if Towerson and Brown should die. — Appendix.
^^° It was long of the Portingals. Long of is synonymous with oiving
to, as in Shakspere : " You, mistress, all this coil is long of you."
M. N. D., Act o, sc. 2. I know not why long is printed as an abbrevi-
ated word by the cditovt^ of our dramatist.
44 TIIK LAST EAST -INDIAN VOYAGE.
Tidore with a present, and to divers of his principal men,
desiring his highness he woidd give his subjects leave to
repair aboard with cloves, and fresh victuals, and that there
was no cause of fear why they should abstain from so doing.
The king said, they should have leave to bring us refresh-
ing aboard ; but for the cloves his people had, [they] should
be brought to the English house, otherwise the quantity "sve
should buy would not be known, whereby the king of
Portingal might lose his custom ; and presently upon the
same the king made a proclamation, willing all his people to
repair to the English factory with such cloves as they had.
The captain of the fort proclaiming the like in his town,
there came a flying report the Hollanders Avere in sight, and
upon the same the king sent out a caracoa to sea, but saw no
shipping.
The ninth day the general sent his brother ashore again
unto the king, with a present, to desire his highness to give
his subjects leave to repair aboard with their cloves, for that
the Portingals would not permit them to repair to his house,
but would be served themselves with the best wares, and let
his people have but their leavings. Whereupon the king pro-
mised they should come aboard ; which they afterwards did.
The twelfth day came news the Hollanders were in sight,
and out went the bloody colours^^' at the fort. The fourteenth
day, being Sunday, captain de Torres, the king's factor, and
divers other of the principal of the Portingals, dined with the
general. This day the captain of the fort sent our general
^-' The Moody colours. The irhite fag was a sign of amity, or sub-
missiou ; the red flag, of defiance. Witness the extract wliich follows :
" Les enncmis [savoir, les Portugais] connaissant bien (^ue nous n'etions
pas gens a les abandouner, arborurent un petit pavilion blanc. Lc com-
mis s'en etant apergu, en avertit le maitre, qui fit 6ter le pavilion rouge,
et cesser de tirer. Mais le pavilion blanc des cnnemis fut incontinent oto ;
car, ainsi que nous rapprimcs dcpuis, il y avaient des contestations eutre
eux. Enfin — otant lc pavilion royal, ils y rcmircnt le pavilion blanc, pour
marque qu'ils demandaient a parlemcnler.' — C. de Renncville.
THK I-AST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 45
word, that the Hollanders were off and on Bacliian,^— willing
the general to cause his factors to get in his debts that were
owing before their coining.
The fifteenth day the general sent his brother ashore to
gather in such debts as were owing, and likewise to buy
cloves if any came to the house to be sold, which he per-
formed, buying some small quantity, for that most in the
island were in our hands, without it were some eighty bahars
which the king's factor had, which he could not sell, because
they did belong unto the merchants of Malacca. ^-'^ The cap-
tain of the fort gave commandment to all men to make
present payment, which they honestly performed. The gene-
ral sent to captain de Torres to know the cause : he sent
him word we had bought all they had, without it were those
which were in the factor's hands, which could not be sold.
The nineteenth day we prepared for our departure from
hence, to go to Maquian. The twentieth day came a Portingal
aboard with a letter to our general from the captain of the
fort, the effect thereof I could not learn. The king of Ter-
nate's two men, which all this time of our being in this place
had tarried aboard, were very earnest with the general for
their departure to the isle of Maquian, where they made no
doubt but to lade our ship with cloves. They began to be
merry to see us in such readiness to be gone, for they lived
in no small fear of some treason to be attempted against us
1-^ Bachian. I take this to be the smull island then so called. In the
Rutter of master John Davis, of Limehouse, it is said to be in 30' N.
Capt. Humfrey Fitz-herbcrt, describing the large island now called
Bachan, says "There is another near adjoining called old Bachan." This
seems to decide the question. See note 100. — Purchas.
^'^^ Malacca was one of the most important cities in possession of the
Portuguese, being considered as the key to the China seas and the east-
ern archipelago. It was unsuccessfully besieged by the Dutch, assisted
by the king of Johor, in 1606 ; and was afterwards the scene of a despe-
rate sea-fight between the Dutch and Portuguese. The loss sustained by
the latter was believed to have hastened the death of the viceroy Martin
Alfonso de Castro. — Mauocl dc Faria y Sousa ; C. dc Rcuneville.
4() THK LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
by the Portingals and Tidorcans, in so much that all the time
of our being here they were the best Avatchmen in our ship.
The general sent his brother to the king, desiring his high-
ness he would write his letter to the governor of TafFasoa
to sell him such cloves as they had there, which he presently
did. This town of Taffasoa is upon Maquian and holds for
the king of Tidore ; all the rest of the island is the king's of
Tern ate.
The twenty-first day, being Sunday, came the same Portin-
gal that brought our general the letter the day before, with
commendations from his captain to the general, and to cer-
tify him the Hollanders' ships were in sight. The Portiugal
taking his leave, about eleven a-clock we weighed with a small
favorable gale of wind, to go for Maquian. As we passed
by the fort we saluted them with five pieces, they answer-
ing us with three. Likewise, coming thwart the king's
town we gave them five pieces, and were answered with
six from the galeons. At this present we had sight of the
Hollanders. ^-^ Captain de Torres, our general's great friend,
coming aboard presented him with hens, which be both
scarce and dear, and so took his leave. AVe keeping on our
course AA'ith little wind for Maquian, passing between Motir
and Pulo Cavallie, the Hollanders seeing us come room^^^
upon them, were in good hope we had been a Portingal
'-'' The Dutch fleet. " Apres cette expedition [a Amboine], il fut arrete
que cinq vaisseaux, savoir le Vice-amiral [le Dordrecht], Ouest-Frisc,
Amsterdam, Gueldres, et Medenblick, iraieut a Tidor ; que I'amiral j^ren-
drait la route de Banda ; et que le Hoorn demeurerait a Amboine pour
y prendre sa charge. La chose ayant ete executee, ces cinq premiers
vaisseaux se rendirent le 1 de Mai 1605 [N. S.] sur la cote de I'isle Poulo
Cavely, oil ils apprirent d'un amiral Anglais [Middleton], qu'il avait
charge une petite partie de clou de girofie a Tidor, et qu'il avait dessein
d'aller a IMacian, pour tachcr d'y prendre le reste de sa cargaison." —
C. de Renneville.
^^ To come room seems to denote an alteration of the course from
sdiliiig hy the wind to sailinf/ large — as in this extract : " And the admiral
weathering us, came room upon us," etc. — Sii- R. Hawkins.
THE LAST EAST-INUIAX VOYAGE. 47
that for fear was flying away. Night being at hand, they
spread themselves that we could not pass them but one or
other must needs see us. About midnight we came amongst
them, sounding our trumpets,^-^ whereby they did know we
were not Portingals. The admiral sent his skipper ^-^ in his
pinnace aboard to know what news, which was certified
them at full. He departing, they saluted us with three
pieces of ordnance : we answered them with the like. They
told our general that they had taken Amboina castle, and
left a garrison therein.
The twenty-second day we came to an anchor about seven
a-clock at night, a little to the eastward of the chief town
of Maquian : the town is c alled Mofficia, in which town
the viceroy for the king of Ternate is resident. This after-
noon came a caracoa aboard before we came to an anchor,
and told our general they would go about the isle, and to all
the towns, to give them warning to repair to our ship with
their cloves before night. They had compassed the island,
and came aboard us again.
The twenty-third day the general sent his brother, with
the two Ternatans and the king's letters, and a present to the
governor. The present he received, and caused the letter
to be publicly read ; but for the cloves of that island, he
said they were not ripe, but those few that were to be had,
the general should have them the next day. This day died
of the flux, our baker Griflith Powell.
The twenty-fourth day the general went ashore himself
to the governor, to know why the people came not with
cloves according to promise. He made answer, he thought
126 J'^n')-ii2)ets. There was always a trumpeter in an armed ship. His
station was, the poop. He sounded on occasions of ceremony ; in time of
action; and as a mode of hailing. We meet with the phrases, hail with
whistles, hail ivith trumpets. — Capt. Smith ; etc.
^^'' Skipper. The former edition has shiper. It is the Dutch word
schipper. The skipper of a merchant vessel was the commander. In an
armed ship, his duties were those of the master. — W. Welwod.
48 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN A'OYAGE.
there were not any ripe in the ishuid, hut he had sent to all
tlie towns to warn them to bring in cloves ; which they
Avould not fail on the morrow. ^-"^ The general seeing their
delays, began to suspect the king of Ternate's letter was to
command them to sell us none : therefore, if they came not
the next day, he would go to Taffasoa. Much quarrel and
war is between those of this place and they of the island ;
and if there be any taken of either part, the most favour
they show them is to cut off their heads.
The twenty-fifth day came most of the chief men of the
island aboard to our general, and told him they had small
store of ripe cloves in the island, which they were willing
he should have. But they were sent for by the king of
Ternate, to repair with their forces to assist him in his
wars against the king of Tidore and the Portiugals ; and
therefore desired him not to be offended with them, for that
they could not sell him cloves till the wars were done. This
day they of Taffasoa had taken ten men of this town, and
cut off their heads.
The twenty-sixth Ave weighed, with very little wind, and
plied it for Taffasoa, which standeth on the west-north-
west part of the island.
The twenty-seventh day the general sent his brother in
his pinnace to the town of Taffasoa with the king of Tidore 's
letter, which, he delivered. The governor having read it
made answer, that all the cloves they could make the general
should have ; for that the king had sent him w^ord in another
letter, which he received the day before, that he should cause
^^^ We have seen that Bantam was the priucipal mart for popper, and
that Banda was noted for producing the best nutmegs. We now see that
tdovcs were the coveted article at the Maluco Islands. On another valu-
ahle article, also produced there, the writer is silent — it is sago. Piga-
fetta describes it in his account of the circumnavigation attempted by
Magalhaens ; and sir Francis Drake, when he touched at those islands
in 1579, made of it "the gi'catest quantity of his provision." — Pigafetta;
The world encompassed.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 49
all in the town to be sold him. The Portingals have a small
block-house ^^^ with three pieces of ordnance in this town,
wherein were five Portingals : they had some cloves which
they promised the general should have. The pinnace re-
turned, and brought one of the Portingals aboard, the ship
lying becalmed all the time of their absence.
The twenty-eighth day, about ten a-clock in the morning,
we came to an anchor right before the town of Taffasoa, in
seventy fathom water, hard by the shore. ^^'^
The twenty-ninth day the general went a-land to the gover-
nor, who offered himself and town to be at his disposition,
saying his king commanded him so to do. The general de-
manded whether the people would bring their cloves aboard :
he made answer they had small store of boats, and could not
therefore so conveniently come aboard. So the general told
him he would set up a tent upon the strand, right against the
ship, if he would cause his people to bring them thither. lie
liked well thereof, and came down with the general to
choose out a convenient place, and so took his leave ; pro-
mising, so soon as the general sent aboard, to will them to
make provision to set up a tent — which in two hours after
was done.
The thirtieth day was an alarum in the town, their ene-
mies having taken a man without the walls, and cut off his
head. The king of Tidore hath soldiers there, which keep
good watch and ward; the town standing upon a point of
a land, close by the sea, and is compassed with a wall. The
king of Ternate hath twice attempted with all his force to
take it, but could do no good. They live in such fear, they
^"^ Block-house. This compound ^Yorc^, omitted by the early glossarists,
occurs in Lambard, Stow, and Carew. The latter says, " Foy hauen —
receyueth this name of the riuer, and bestoweth the same on the town.
His entrance is garded with Hock hcuses^- — R. Carew.
^^^ Taffasoa. On Taffasoa, the scene of a sharp contest, see p. 40. The
town is noticed ten times in the course of the narrative, and spelt
uniformly. Elsewhere it is spelt Taffasor.
H
50 THE LAST EAST-IXDIA^' VOYAGE.
(laro not at any time go a flight-shot out of their walls
^yithout a guard of soldiers. They have often truce, but
they break it upon slight occasions. A little before night the
governor came to our general, and told him there were no
more cloves to be had, and tliereforc he presently caused the
tent to be pulled down, and sent all things aboard.
The second day [of May], in the morning, our general
received a letter from the captain of the fort, wherein he cer-
tified him of the burning of the two galeons by the Hollanders,
and entreated him to make speed thither to see the fight
which he daily expected, and to bring those five Portingals
with him which were at Taffasoa ; willing the general, that
he should come to an anchor before the king's town, wdiere
he should have all the cloves they had.
The third day, in the afternoon, we came before the king's
town, where we found all the Hollanders riding, and let fall
an anchor amongst them, in a hundred fathoms, fair by the
shore. The king of Ternate was likewise there, with all his
caracoas. After the mooring of our ship the general sent mas-
ter Grove,^^^ our master, to the Dutch admiral, who foxind but
cold entertainment ; the Dutch affirming we had assisted the
Portingals in the lastfight,^^^ whereby they had received great
hurt, and that they were told so by a Guzerat. The master
denied it, and said the Guzerat lied like a dog ; saying,
if the general had done so, he would not deny it for any
^^^ The former edition has Grave. See note 94. I shall assume that
Giove was a Fleming, and the person who was afterwards master of the
Ascension, which was lost on a shoal, some twenty leagues from Surat,
on the fifth of September 1609. She was then under the command of
captain Alexander Sharpey. The crew escaped in two small boats, and
arrived safe at Gundavee. — Purchas ; Robert Coverte.
^^^ I cannot repel this charge. The author of the Conqvista delas Tslas
Malvcas says Middleton furnished the Portuguese with six barrels of
powder, a hundred cannon-balls, and a number of morions. His words
are, " Diole seis barriles de poluora, cien valas de artilleria, y buen
numero de morriones. Con esto se comen9aron los Tydores y Portu-
gueses h fortificar." — Bart. Leonardo de Argensola.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 51
fear of them, but justify it to tlieir faces, either here or any-
where else. These hot speeches being overpassed they grew
into milder terms, and then they began to tell our master
the manner of their fight with the galeons, and the burning
of them, with the loss of some of their men in the same fight j^**^
and they minded the next day to fall down to the fort and
lay battery to it — which they had done before, if the king of
Ternate had not withheld them, in persuading them to tarry
for more helj), which he expected from the other islands. So
the master having learned what news he could, came aboard
and told the general what speeches had passed. An hour
after the master's coming aboard, there came a priiu from
the king's town with a letter to our general from captain
de Torres, "svlicrein there was nothing but commendations,
and that he would come aboard when it was dark and see
him. The general willed him to come; either night or day he
should be welcome. This evening the king of Ternate rowed
over for Batochina [Gilolo] with all his caracoas ; and captain
de Torres came aboard to see our general, tarrying some two
hours, telling the general they desired to fight with the Hol-
landers, not doubting of victory ; and for such cloves as they
had, they should be brought to the king's town, and so con-
veyed aboard us. So growing very late he took his leave
and departed ashore.
^■^^ The Dutch fleet. " Le 2 de Mai 1C05 [n.s.] les cinq vaisseaux mouil-
lerent I'aucre a Tidor, devant le palais du roi, pour parler a ce prince.
Pendant qu'ils etaient la mouilles, ils decouvrirent deux caraques qui
etaient tout-a-terre, entre deux retranchements qui pouvaient fort bien
les dufeudre.
Le 5 le vice-amiral ayant fait sommer le fort de Tidor, ceux qui le gar-
daient repondirent qu'ils se defeudraient jusqu'a la derniere extremite.
Avant que de I'attaquer, les Ilollandais jugerent a propos de tacher de se
rendre maitres des deux caraques, et le vice-amiral s'avan^a de ce cote-la,
accompagne du Gueldres, dont le capitaine se nommait Jean Jansz Mol,
homuie de nierite et de beaucoup de courage.
Ces deux vaisseaux s'otant approches des caraques commencerent a
leur envoyer leurs bordees, a quoi les Portugais, taut ceux qui etaient aux
retranchements, que ceux qui etaient dans les vaisseaux, repondii'eut assez
62 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
The fifth day the Hollanders expected the coming of the
king of Ternate, but he came not.
The sixth day our general sent his brother and master
AVoodnoth to the king of Tidore, to know if he would sell
them any cloves. He made answer, at that time all his
people were busy in fortifying the town, so that he could
not spare them from their work, but bade the general assure
himself of all the cloves that he and the Portingals had.
This night came one of our men in a small caracoa from
Ternate, and told our general that they were hardly used by
the king of Ternate in not suffering them to buy and sell
with his people, according to promise, and had taken their
weight from them, giving commandment that no man should
sell them any cloves. Likewise he said that they could get no
victuals for their money, because of the wars, and that all
our men were very sick, save master Brown. The king,
by his caracoa, sent the Hollanders word he would be with
them in the morning.
The seventh day, in the morning, came the king of Ternate
with all his forces, and he himself went aboard the Hol-
lands admiral, Avhere most part of the forenoon was spent
in council ; and about one of the clock the ships weighed,
and came under their foretopsails fair by the fort, and let
fly all their ordnance, the fort shooting now and then a
piece at them. They came to an anchor a little to the north-
wards of the fort, where they spent the most part of that
bien de leur grosse artillerie et des mousquets ; de sorte qu'il semblait
quo c'etait une grele de boulets et de balles. Uu trompette qui etait sur
la huue d'un autre vaisscau en fut abattu, et toniba sur le pont.
Pendant qu'ou tirait ainsi de part et d'autre, le vice-amiral et le capi-
taine Mol firent armer Icurs deux chaloupes, qui nonobstant la grele
qui tombait, abord&rcnt les caraques, et les prirent, apr^s un combat
d'une houre. La plus grande partie des gens des equipages s'6tait jetee
b, la mcr pour se sauvcr, ayant auparavant mis des meches ardentes et
des utoupins aux poudros, pour faire sauter lours caraques ; de quoi, par
bouhour, les Ilollandais s'apergureut en y entrant.
Cos dcruicrs perdirent trois hommes en ce combat, et ils en eurent
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 53
afternoon in shooting at it, but harmed them not at all. The
Portingals could not harm the ships as they rode, having
but one piece laid out that way. In the hottest of this bat-
tery,^ ^^ the king of Ternate and the Hollanders landed some of
their forces a little to the northward of the town : not find-
ing any resistance, they intrenched themselves where they
landed, in the sand, and there continued all the night with-
out molestation. After the Hollanders had done their bat-
tery, caj)tain de Torres came aboard to see our general,
where he was very merry and pleasant ; saying, as always he
had, that they nothing doubted of a happy victory — and for
such ordnance as had been shot at them, it had done them
no harm at all, only he was sorry that the ordnance did
hinder them for bringing of cloves to him. But he desired
the general to have a little patience, and he should not want
cloves to lade his ship ; which were nothing but words, for
it was well known to the general he had but eighty bahars
in the town, which the factor had.
The eighth day, very early in the morning, the ships
began to batter the fort, which continued the most part of
the morning ; in which time those men of the Hollanders
which lodged a-land had brought themselves within saker-
shot of the fort,^^'' and there raised a mount, whereon they
placed a great piece of ordnance and began their battery,
the Portingals now and then shooting a piece to no pur-
pose.
The ninth day, before it was light, the ships began their
clix-sopt de blesses. lis enleverent des caraques sept pieces de canon de
fonte, savoir trois grosses et deux petites ; puis ils y mirent le feu, et les
laisserent voguer a la merci des vagues." — C. de Renneville.
^^* Battery. The word hatterij, at this period, was almost always used
to denote the action of battering — not the platform where ordnance was
mounted. — English expositor.
^^^ Within saker-shot of the fort. A saker was a piece of ordnance of
three-and-a-half inches bore. Its extreme range was estimated at seven-
teen hundred paces. — Cant. Smith.
54 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE,
battery, and they likewise from the mouiit/''^'' and upon a
sudden the Dutch and the Ternatans sallied out of their
trenches with scaling ladders, and had entered upon the
walls before the Portingals in the fort were aware, and had
placed their colours upon their ramparts ; which the Port-
ingals seeing, came with a charge upon them, with shot and
fire-works, throwing at them which were so mounted, that
they cast down their weapons and leaped down far faster
than they came up, leaving their colours and their furniture
behind them — the Portingals still continuing throwing of
fixe-works amongst them, w^hcrcby divers were hurt and
scalded. At such time as the Hollanders gave the scalado,
thirty of the choicest Portingals, with great number of the
Tidoreans, were going in the woods to give an assault upon
the backs of them which were lodged where the piece of
ordnance was moimted ; in which time of their absence the
Hollanders entered upon their walls. If these men had been
in the fort it had gone far worse with the Hollanders, The
^^•^ The Dutch fleet. " Le 14 de Mai [n.s.] cent cinquante Ilollandais
doscendircut a terre, sous le commandement du capitaine Mol, qui ctait
assisto d'un capitaine Zelaudois nomme de la Perre. lis marcherent vers
deux villages, I'un situe au sud, I'autre au nord, qui appartenaieut aux
Portugais, et les brulerent, Le roi de Ternate, qui etait la venu, avec
quatorze caracores ou vaisseaux, montes chacun de cent quarante hom-
ines d'equipage, en mena cinq cents a terre avec lui pour etre specta-
teurs du combat, et en meme temps pour tenir le roi de Tidor en respect,
afin qu'il nc secourut pas les Portugais.
Cependant la tlotte s'utant avancce au nord du fort avait commence a,
le canonner, et a la faveur du feu qu'elle faisait le capitaine Mol avec ses
cent cinquante hommes faisait ses approches, II fit faire un retranche-
ment de tonneaux remplis de terre, et y fit travailler avec tant d'ardeur
qu'il fut tr&s promptement acheve. Ensuite il fit tirer sur la place, et
ceux qui la gardaicnt ue s'epargnerent pas non plus a tirer sur lui.
Commc les matelots ue sont pas proprcs a faire longtems la guerre sur
terre, le capitaine Mol crut (ju'il devait se hater. II prit deux soldats
avec lui, et etaut alio dc nuit visiter secretement la place de tons les cotes,
il vit qu'il y avait deja une breche raisonnable ; de sorte qu'il fit preparer
ses gens pour livrer assaut le lenderaain.
Ce jour-lil, qui ctait le 19 dc Mai 1005, les deux capitaincs mcncrcnt
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 55
Portiiigals that were abroad, lieariiig the alarum at the fort,
came running back again, and some that ran fastest came
to the walls at such time as they in the fort had put them to
the retreat, where they went to handy-blows with them.
Captain cle Torres, which had the leading of the thirty men,
was shot with a musket and slain. By this time the most
of the thirty Portingals were gotten some within and some
under the walls ; and the Hollanders and Ternatans throw-
ing away their weapons, began to take their heels to run
into the sea. At this very instant, when the Portingals
and the Tidoreans had the victory in their hands, and very
ready to charge upon their flying enemies, the fort took
fire and blew up even with the ground ; so that all the
Portingals which were under the walls of the fort were
there buried, and the most part within the fort were blown
up into the air. The captain being newly gone out to
l^lace two soldiers at a little postern door, gave them
charge to kill any Portingals which should go out that way,
des le matin leurs gens jusqu'au pied du fort, et cela se fit si secretement
que les ennemis ne s'en apper9urent pas. D'un autre cote les vaisseaux
nc cesserent pas de faire jouer le canon, jusqu'a ce que jNIoI fiit pret a
donner Tassaut, ce qu'il fit connaitre par le moyen d'un etendard qu'il
fit elever, auquel signal ils ne tirerent plus.
Alors ce vaillant capitaine allant a la br^che, a la tete de ses gens, et
ayant une enseigne a la main, entra dans la place avec sept hommcs,
apres un long et opiniatre combat. Les Portugais qui s'etaient retires
dans la tour firent un si grand feu sur ceux qui entraient dans le fort, et
leur jeterent tant de balles d'artifices, dont I'enseigne meme que tenait
le capitaine fut toute brulee, que personne n'osait plus s'y hasarder.
Enfin ils reprirent si bien courage, et se defendirent si vigoureusement,
que le capitaine et les sept hommes qui I'avaient suivifurentaussi obliges
de se retirer.
En sortant par la breche le capitaine tomba, et se cassa une jambe.
Quelques-uns de ses gens ayant couru a lui pour le prendre et I'emporter,
il ne voulut pas permettre, et les exhorta vivement a retourner a I'assaut.
Mais comme on admirait son courage, et qu'on voulait le sauver presque
malgre lui, un homme robuste s'approcha, le mit sur ses epaules, et
Temporta.
Dans ce premier assaut, un capitaine d'une des caraques qui avaient
56 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
in ■vvliicli time of his absence the fort was blo-oai np, whereby
his life was saved ; but how, or by what means it took fire,
it could not be known. The Hollanders and Ternatans see-
ing the fort blown up, began to gather up their scattered
Aveapons, and made a stand, not daring to enter the ruins of
the fort till the Portingals had left it ; which was half-an-
hour after. In which time the Portingal and Tidorcan
slaves had sacked the town, setting fire on the factory where
the cloves were, which they could not carry -sA^ith them,
leaving nothing of any worth behind them. When the king
of Ternate saw the victory on his side, he with all the cara-
coas came rowing towards the king's town in triumph ; but
durst not come very near, for that the king of Tidore did
shoot at them. And so rowing by our ship, singing and
making great mirth, returned to the fort, where was no re-
sistance ; but so long as the Portingals had it he durst not
come within a mile. A^Hicn the Ternatans had pillaged the
town, they set all the houses a-fire, which were quickly
burnt even with the ground, being all made of canes. After
ete brulees fut le premier k qui Mol eut affaire. II vint, arme de toutes
pieces, attaquer le Hollandais, I'epee a la main, et pretendait le percer,
Mais Mol ayant d6tourne le coup avec sa demi-pique, un de ses mous-
quetaires qui s'etait avance tira sur le Portugais et lui cassa la tete.
Les Hollandais ne s'etant pas robutes de cette premiere disgrace, re-
tournerent a I'assaut, oii ils furent repousses plus facilemeut cette seconde
fois qvi'ils ne I'avaient ete la premiere. Ces avantages releverent telle-
ment le courage des Portugais qu'ils chasserent leurs enuemis jusqu'u, la
moitie du chemin de leurs retranchemeuts.
Ceux qui 6taient sur les vaisseaux, voyant ce qui se passait, recom-
mencerent a canonner le fort. Un boulet tiro du Gueldres centre la
tour, tomba sur la j^oudre, et fit sauter la tour en I'air, avec soixante ou
soixante-dix, hommes ; accident terrible, et dont la vue faisait frcmir.
Aussitot les soldats retourncrent h I'assaut pour la troisieme fois, et
6taut entres dans le fort, les armes a la main, les Portugais perdircnt
courage, et demanderent quartier ; ce qui leur fut accorde.
D6s que cela fut fait, les gens du roi de Ternate, qui n'avaient ct6 que
spectateurs, accoururent pour piller, et pour detruire tout ce qu'ils
purent jusque-la qu'ils mirent le feu dans une tour de pierreoii il y avait
beaucoup de clous de girofle. Les Hollandais fircnt tons leurs efforts
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 57
this victory, the king of Tidore sent his son and a nobleman to
our general, desiring him to be a means of peace between the
Hollanders and him ; for now he had what he desired, which
was victory over the Portingals. The general sent him word
he would do his best, as well for him as for the Portingals
which by fortune of war were fallen into their enemies'
hands. So presently the general caused the pinnace to be
manned, and he and the master went aboard the Dutch ad-
miral. When they came thither they asked for the admiral,
who was ashore ; but they sent for him. At his coming he
bade our general welcome ; after many speeches passed of
their fight, and commendations undeserved given of them-
selves, they exclaimed upon the Ternatans for cowards, and
attributed all the glory to themselves, saying they durst not
stand by them in the fight, but ran away. After a great
deal of vainglorious commendations of themselves, the gene-
ral was desirous to see what prisoners they had taken of the
Portingals : one was brought forth, being one of captain
Pereira's soldiers. The general bade him declare a truth in
a matter he would ask him : he made answer, if he could
he would. Then he asked him what groat ordnance, pow-
der, shot, and guns they had from him to assist them : he
pour empecher ce dcsordi'e et cette perte; mais il ne leur fut possible d'ar-
roter cctte brutalitc.
Cette nouvelle conquete ne couta que deux hommes au vainqueurs, et
il J en eut sept de blesses, outre le capitaine Mol. Les Portugais per-
dirent soixante-treize hommes, et en eurent douze de blesses. La plupart
des femmes et des enfants s'etaient retires dans une forte maison, sur une
haute montagne qui n'etait pas loin du fort, ou Ton ne pouvait monter
que par un sentier bien etroit, de sorte que le lieu etaut presque inacces-
sible, on ne le pouvait prendre que j^ar la famine, et par le defaut d'eau.
Mais quand on leur eut oftcrt des batimeuts pour se retirer, ils s'em-
barquerent les uns et les autres au nombre de cinq cents persounes, et
prirent la route des Philippines.
Par cette derniere victoire les Portugais furent chassus de toutes les
Moluques, sans y posseder plus rien qu'un petit fort dans I'isle Solor,
proche de Timor, lequel n'etait pas grande chose. ]Mais elle avait etc
bien plus difficile a obtenir que celle d'Amboine ; et peut-etre que suns
I
58 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
answered, he knew not of any ; so, turning to the Dutch
admiral, he marvelled he should give credit to such untruths
reported by a slave. He answered again, such things were
told, but he did not believe them to be true. So the general
asked what he meant to do with the Portingals his prison-
ers : he said he would hang them. The general entreated
him to show them mercy, considering they did nothing but
what all good subjects are bound to do in defence of their
king and country ; and therefore desired not to take their
lives, nor deliver them to the king of Ternate. He pro-
mised, at his entreaty, not any one of them should die nor
be delivered to the king of Ternate ; but that he would ship
them away to Manilla. The general gave him thanks, tak-
ing leave of them, and came rowing along the shore by the
king's town, where he took in the captain of the fort and
brought him along with him aboard, where he both supped
and lodged, and from him had the truth of all the fight, far
differing from that which the Hollanders reported. The
general told him his going to the Dutch admiral was prin-
cipally to entreat him to show mercy unto the Portingals ;
which he promised to perform. The captain gave him great
thanks for the care he had of them, saying now all their
hope rested upon him ; and upon the same he presented the
general with a small ruby set in a ring, praying him to wear
it for his sake — which the general would not take, saying
what he could do for them was in christian charity, and not
for reward.
The tenth day, in the morning, our general went aboard
the Hollands admiral, to see if he could bring the king of
Ternate and the king of Tidore and the Hollanders to a
I'accidcnt du feu qui prit aux poudres il aurait fallu abandonner I'entre-
prise. Quelques-uns crurent que cet embrasement n'avait pas ete cause
par un boulet de canon, et que 9'avait etc un efFet de la negligence, ou
de rimprudence des Portugais. Quoi qu'il en soit, sans cet accident, il y
a toute apparcnce que les IloUandais ne seraient pas deracures victo-
ricux." — C. de Renneville.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 59
peace. The Dutch admiral made answer, the king of Ternate
woukl be very hardly drawn to any peace with the king of
Tidore, but he, for his part, would be willing thereunto ;
and if it pleased the king of Tidore to repair aboard his ship,
he should safely come and go to have conference with him.
The general thought he could persuade him to come aboard
his own ship, so that he would leave two Dutch captains
ashore in pledge for him. But to come aboard his ship he
was sure he would not. So the Dutch admiral sent two of
his chief merchants with the general, to be left as pledges if
the king would come aboard ; whereupon our general went
to the king of Tidore, and told him what he had done in his
behalf, persuading him to come aboard our ship, which he
was loath to yield to. The general, seeing him fearful, told
him there was no such cause, for that he had brought two
Dutch captains to remain as pledges, and that he would
leave his brother with them. Then the king was willing,
and caused his own boat to be fitted, and embarked himself.
Being ready to put off, came the king's sister, and his son
weeping as if he had gone to death, [and] detained him in this
manner half-an-hour.^'~ In the end he put off, but when he
was halfway between the shore and the ship, he saw a
caracoa rowing off from the fort ; which he stood in fear of
and would proceed no further, but returned back, promising
the next day to come aboard if we would ride with our ship
nearer his town.
The eleventh day, in the morning, we weighed, and an-
chored again before the king's town. The general with his
pledges going ashore, there was an alarum in the town,
which was suddenly done : the cause was, that a great num-
^^'^ After a picture of the miseries of war — the destruction of the
galeons, the blowing up of the fort, and the death of captain de Torres,
in the midst of his confidence of success — it is refreshing to catch a
glimpse of the kindly feelings of human nature as shown by the sister
and son of the raja of Tidore. The journalist should have given more
anecdotes of the social life of the natives.
60 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
bcr of the Ternatans had consorted to go rob some outhouses
in the king's town, and finding nothing therein set them
a-fire. The Tidoreans gave a sudden assault upon them,
and had the cutting-ofF of a dozen of their heads ; all the
rest hardly escaped by running away. The heads they pre-
sented to the king, our general standing by him telling him
the cause. The king seemed to be offended with the Holland-
ers, which had promised that no hostility of war should be
offered in this time of parley. The Hollands captains M'hich
were in our pinnace seeing the heads, were in no small fear
of their own. After the rumour was appeased, the king
embarked himself with our general and the captain of the
fort.^''"'' The Dutch merchants and captain Middleton rowed
ashore for pledges, but the king and our general came
aboard our ship, where they stayed the coming of the Dutch
admiral ; who coming aboard, was brought down to the
king in the general's cabin, and they saluted one the other
very friendly. After some little pause, the king said,
whereas at your first coming hither you sent me Avord your
coming was not to harm me nor any of my subjects, but to
expel the Portingals your enemies out of the land, and make
the place open for trade for all nations, and therefore you
desired I should not take with them against you ; which I
performed till such time I did see my mortal enemy the
king of Ternate join with you, so that I was enforced to
arm myself against him, who I know desireth nothing so
much as the overthow and subversion of my estate, and
therefore you have just cause not to blame me for arming
myself and people against the invasion of my mortal enemy.
And now seeing you have the u^jper hand of your enemies
the Portingals, it rcsteth in your power to dispose of them
138 The captain of the fort. Pedro Alvaro de Abrcu, whose fortunate
escape has been described in the preceding paragraph. As we have
no further mention of captain Pereira de Sande, it is doubtful whether
he survived the conflict.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 61
as you shall think good. Now you have your desire of
them, I would know whether you will have peace, or join
with the king of Ternate against me. The Dutch admiral
answered, his coming was only to expel the Portingals,
which he thanked God was now in his power. And for
peace, he said it was the thing he desired with all princes
in those parts, and that he would do what in him did lie to
make an agreement between the king of Ternate and him.
The king answered, that he desired a good peace, but it
could hardly be, for that any slight occasion was daily cause
of breach between them.^^'"' Therefore he desired the Hol-
landers they would take part with neither, and he doubted
not he should have as good as he brought. The admiral
answered, he would do what he could to make an agree-
ment ; which if he could not bring to pass, he promised the
king — taking our general to witness — that he would take part
with neither of them. Which speeches greatly contented
the king, who excusing himself of not being well, took leave
and went ashore. After the king was gone, came the cap-
tain of the fort, looking very heavily, as he had just cause;
which the Dutch admiral seeing, took him by the hand, bade
him be of good cheer, telling him that it was the chance of
war, and that the fury being now gone, he minded to deal
friendly with him and all the Portingals ; willing him to
repair aboard, where he should be welcome, and safely go
and come. The captain gave him thanks for his kindness.
So dinner being ready, and the pledges come from the shore,
they dined all with our general, and departed every man to
his home.
The twelfth day, being tSunday, the Portingal captain,
with six of the principal of them, came aboard to dine with
our general, entreatimg him to go with them to the Dutch
13^ The raja of Tidore was quite aware of the feelings of his subjects ;
and the intervention of a moderator, at such a moment of excitement, gave
no hope of success. It is much tlie same now as it was in those times.
62 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
admiral, and be a means to hasten their departure, which
he did ; and at his entreaty they were sent away in three
pinnaces and a frigate to Manilla, for which they gave the
general great thanks. The twelfth day, the general sent his
jiinnace to Ternate with provision of victuals to our men
which M'ere there ; and they returned the next day, and
brought our general word of the death of his servant John
Abell, for whom he was very sorry.
This thirteenth day our general and the master went to
the king of Ternate, to know whether he would let him
leave a factory in his island of Ternate. He answered, he
should, but willed him to return the next day, for that he
would call a council concerning the matter, and then would
give them an answer. From thence the general went aboard
the Dutch admiral, and there told him how the king of
Ternate had promised he should have a factory there — yet
nevertheless, if he would buy such wares as we had left, and
make payment at Bantam, he should have them. Who an-
swered, he thought the king of Ternate would not forget
himself so much as to grant us a factory, considering he had
written to his excellency,^^° and likewise promised him, that
they would trade Avith no nation but with them. And as
touching our commodities, he would not deal withal, for that
they had two ships which were sent, one to Bengal, and
tlie other to Cambay, to buy such commodities, which they
daily expected. Our general said, he had no reason to cross
him for leaving a factory there, for that sir Francis Drake
had trade in Ternate before the names of the Hollanders
were known in those parts of the world. So for that time
"" His excellency. By his excellency we are to understand prince
Maurice of Nassau. In the advertisement to the Recueil des voiages so
often quoted, we read : " La nation Ilollandaise — soutenue ])ar la pru-
dence et encourague par la valeur de son fanieux general et gouverneur
le prince jMaurice de Nassau, est allce heurcuscment chercher sous un
autre ciel, et parmi des peuples barbares, les secours qui lui etaient
refuses par ses propres voisins." — C. de Renncville.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 63
they parted, either part to take their best advantage for their
adventurers. ^'^^
The fourteenth day the general %yent again to the hing, to
know his answer concerning his factory. He found him
aboard a caracoa, and one of the Dutch captains in his com-
pany. The general told him his coming was according to
his appointment. The king made present answer, he could
grant him no factory, for that he had made promise by
writing and word to the Hollanders, that no nation shoidd
have trade with him or his people, but only they. The
general demanded why he had not told him so when he
saved him from the Tidoreans ; and then he could have told
what to have done. He said, both he and his subjects were
willing we should tarry there ; but the Hollanders did still
urge his promise. The general, seeing he could not leave a
factory, desired him to send such order to Ternate that he
might have leave to carry those small quantity of cloves as
his factors had bought and paid for aboard, and he would
trouble neither him nor the Hollanders. The king an-
swered, that within seven days he would be there himself,
desiring the general to ride still. He made answer, he
lived at too great charges to lie still and do nothing, and
therefore could stay no longer, but would be gone the next
morning ; and so departed from him.
The nineteenth day the general went a-land, and took his
leave of the king of Tidore and all his noblemen, and all the
Portingals,'^^" they being all sorry for his departure.
The twentieth day we weighed in the morning for Ter-
1^^ Adventurers. The subscribers towards the equipment of a mer-
chant-ship, or fleet of merchant-ships, were so called. The most noted
mercantile association at this period was, The companij of merchants
adventurers. — Lewes Roberts.
^''^ It is said that about four hundred persons of all sorts were shipped
for Manilla. A storm overtook them ; but, according to the same
authority, they arrived safe " by virtue of certain reliques thrown into
the water by a Jesuit !" — Manoel de Fai-ia y Sousa.
64 THE LAST KAST-IXDIAN VOYAGE.
nate, and at five a-clock in the evening came to an anchor
again on the north-east side of Tidore. This day died of
the flux Thomas Richmond,
The twenty-first day, at four of the clock in the morning,
we weighed, and about ten a-clock came to an anchor in
Ternate road in sixteen fathoms, fair by one of the Dutch
ships, which two days before us came from Tidore. This
ship was to take in her lading of cloves here. This after-
noon, the general sent his pinnace to know if the king had
sent word to the sabandar to see the delivery of such cloves
as was there of ours. The pinnace brought word master
BroAvn was very sick, and all the company which were with
him. This afternoon came aboard to our general the king's
uncle of Ternate, called Txccliil Gcgogoe.^^^ To this man our
general told how vinkindly he had been used by the king
and the Hollanders, and how the king would neither give
him leave to buy cloves while he tarried here, nor permit
him to leave a factory there, contrary to the promise he
made him when he saved both him and the Hollands factors
from enemies' hands, which good turn both the one and the
other have quite forgotten ; likewise he said he thought the
king had been as our kings in Christendom are, which never
will promise anything but they will perform it. Kcchil
Gegogoe hearing this, said he would that night go to the
king, and then would tell him how much he did dishonour
himself to be so overruled by the Hollanders ; and therefore
willed the general not to have doubt of leaving a factory,
and likewise to trade so long as they tarried here in the
despite of the Hollanders. And upon the same, seeming to be
angry, he departed, promising the next day to return again.
This man could speak Portuguese, whereby the general let
"^ Kechil Gegogoe. Kechil, a Malay worrl, is a title of honour applied
to the relatives of the Maluco princes. It is sometimes spelt cacliil, and has
been supposed to he derived from the Arabic. — AV. Marsdcn ; Bart.
Leonardo de Ar2;ensola.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 65
him understand his mind to the full.^^^ He knew sir Francis
Drake when he was at Ternate^ and had been aboard his
ship with him.
The twenty-second day the general sent his brother again
to the town, to know if the sabandar were come from the
king with order to deliver the cloves. Captain Middleton
found him now come to town, and brought him to our
general, who told him he had order to deliver the cloves,
and likewise that he should have free liberty to buy and sell
as well as the Hollanders ; and that the king desired the
general not to depart till he came, which should be shortly
after the messenger. All this friendship kechil Gegogoe
procured. The sabandar and his two sons supped and
lodged in the general's cabin that night.
The twenty-sixth [day], being Sunday, kechi] Gegogoe
was all afternoon with the general in his cabin, where he
feasted him in the best manner he could, and gave him a
very fair caliver set with bone,^'' and many other things.
The twenty-eighth day the pinnace went to the town to
fetch such cloves away as the merchants should buy. The
general or his brother still going or coming in her, at this
time it was captain Middleton's chance to be in her ; and as
he and the merchants were busy buying and weighing of
cloves, in came a Ternatan, and told them that there was a
man that was indebted unto us, that had brought a canoe
laden with cloves to pay his debts, and the Hollanders had
both carried him and the cloves to their house, because the
man was likewise indebted unto them. Out ran our men
with weapons, but she was gone before they came, or else if
they had not made the more haste, they had not carried
^*' It appears by the above remark that Middleton spoke the Portu-
guese language, and as Grove spoke the Dutch, and another the Malay,
the Red Dragon was well manned as to linguists.
'^■^ Acalive); ov piece de c/ros calibre, was a species of fire-arm invented
by the due de Guise. It was short, but of considerable bore. The stock
was sometimes much ornamented. — Capt. Barwick.
K
66 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
them away so easily as they did. The mariners were hired
by one of those factors, whose head the general so lately had
saved, for a royal-of-eight a man, to do this brave exploit.
At their coming aboard they told the general how the Hol-
land factors used them, which he took very evil.
The twenty-ninth day the general went to the town with
twenty armed men^*'' — some, shot, and some, pikes and hal-
berds — and at his coming, he sent word to the Dutch house
they should restore the cloves they had taken away. They told
our general that the party had been in their debt these two
years, and they could not get him to any payment, and that
the king had made proclamation that no man that was in-
debted unto the Hollanders should sell him any cloves ; yet
nevertheless they would not be their own judges, but would
stand to the judgment of the king, when he should come,
and the cloves to remain in the sabandar's hands till the
matter was tried. So the general was pacified, threatening
to give the bastinado to the factor which was the cause : but
after that time, he durst not pass by our doors. This breach
betwixt us and the Hollanders caused the king to make the
more haste, for that he doubted we would go by the ears
with them ; and having very few men in the town, he
doubted the worst, for that the Hollanders are not beloved
of the country people : the cause is, their manifold disorder
in their drunkenness^^'' against men, but principally against
the women.
The first of June, about one of the clock at night, came a
caracoa from Tidore, rowing by our ship, calling to the
uii rj^ijQ former edition has " 20. armed men, some shot, and some pikes,
and halberts." The punctuation is vicious. The author means that some
of the men bore fire-arms, and the rest, pikes or halberds. — R. Barret.
147 Drunkenness. Dr. Borde, a shrewd observer, gave this character
of the Hollanders in 1542 —
" And I am a Holander, good cloth I doo make ;
To moch of English beare, diuers times I do take."
At Bantam, some three-score years later, complaints were also made by
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 67
watch. The general hearing it, knew it was the king that
spake, and rose out of his bed, and saluted him by his name:
the king did the like to him, and asked him how he knew
him in the dark. The general, by his interpreter, said that
he knew him by his voice ; which caused him to laugh.
And so spending some little time in talking, he willed our
general to meet him at the town in the morning. The
general gave him five pieces of ordnance at his departure,
which he took very kindly. They delight much to hear
ordnance to go off at pleasure, so that they be not at the cost.
When it was day, the general went to the town, and had not
staid in his house half-an-hour, but the king came, and
spent all the forenoon with him. The general was desirous
to know of him whether he should leave a factory or no.
He answered, he could not tell, for that it was to be deter-
mined by a council ; which he had not leisure to call as yet,
by reason of much business. He said the Hollanders did
threaten him to forsake his country, and to establish a factory
at Tidore, if he did let the English tarry in the country and
establish a factory. They saying we were thieves and rob-
bers, and so, if he did trust us, he should find us ; saying that
Holland was able to set out twenty ships for England's one,
and that the king of Holland was stronger by sea than all
Christendom besides ; with many untruths of their own peo-
ple and country's commendations, and the disparagement
of our people and country and of all other christian princes.
If this frothy nation may have the trade of the Indians to
themselves, which is the thing they hope for, their pride and
insolence will be intolerable. The general answered, what
Hollander soever he were that had told his highness so, he
master Scott of the " disorder of the baser sort of them when their drink
was in." Nevertheless, I conceive the fault was rather excessive merry-
making on particuU^r occasions, to which seamen are apt to yield, than
habitual drunkenness, as they preserved their health better than our
own men did— among whom, both on shore and afloat, the mortality
was quite appalling. — Andrew Borde ; E. Scott.
68 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
lied like a traitor; ancT said he would justify it to their faces;
and for their country, if the qvicen's majesty of England had
not pitied their ruin, in sending her forces to withstand the
Spaniards, their country had been overrun, and they marked
in the faces for traitors and slaves many years ago.^'^ And
therefore desired the king to inquire of a Spanish renegado
which was in the town, and he would certify him of the
truth. Then the general demanded .whether he should
have those cloves which' the Flemings had carried away by
force. He answered, we should have so many of them as
should pay the debt, and the Hollanders should have the
rest — which was in the afternoon performed. The king told
our general that the morrow he must return for Tidore,
Avhere he must spend three or four days before he could
return. In the meantime he gave him leave to buy and sell
with his people, and at his return he should have an answer
whether he should leave a factory or no. The general en-
treating him, whilst he tarried in the country, he would let
him have a house to lodge in, where he might be near his
business and not be forced every night to go aboard. The
king promised he should, and so took his leave and departed.
An hour after he sent his sabandar to the general, who
brought him to a fair chamber, the king sending him a fair
gilded bedstead and a Turkey carpet to lie upon ;^^" so after
that the general was not enforced every night to go aboard,
as before time he had done.
The second day, about eight a-clock at night, came a light
prilu of Tidore aboard, with a letter to our general : the
effect was, that the king of Tidore found himself aggrieved
with the Hollanders for taking part with the king of Ternate
"* This alludes to the assistance given by queen Elizabeth to the
states-general of the united provinces of the Netherlands, by a consider-
able force under Robert earl of Leicester, in the years 158.")-7. — Stow.
"'^ The Chinese were the principal oversea carriers at this period, but
the Turks also traded with Bantam — a circumstance which accounts for
the use of such luxuries. — Purchas ; E. Scott.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 69
against him ; and that upon his sending away of the Portingals
they had shot into his town, demanding TafFasoa to be sur-
rendered to procure his peace. The general answered, he
thought he needed not fear the HoUanders, for that their ship-
ping woukl shortly be disposed of to other places, and that
at any time for that town, if so it need, he might make his
peace. With which answer they returned, making a bold
attempt to either come or go, the sea being full of their
enemies.
The fifth day the king of Ternate and the Hollanders'
admiraP-^" came from Ternate to conclude of our banishment.
The sixth day the king sent our general word that both
he and the Dutch admiral should come face to face before
him and his council, to hear what either could say against
other. The general sent the king word he had nothing to
say against the Dutch, unless he withstood his leaving of a
factory there ; which, if he did, he desired his highness that
' they might meet face to face before him to hear what either
could say : the king sent word it should be so. The Dutch
admiral came to our general's chamber to visit him. Our
general asked whether he came to procure his banishment.
He answered he was bound to do the best he could for his
adventurers. The general told him, the king was minded
the next day to know why we should not have a factory in
the country as well as they. He said he would challenge
the king's own writing and promise.
The seventh day the general waited to be sent for to the
'•'O The Dutch-fleet. The admiral, as he is called, was the vice-admiral
Sebastiaanz. I can give no additional account of the part which he
acted with regard to Middleton, as the journal of the proceedings of
the squadron ends abruptly. The author briefly notices the destruc-
tion of the fort at Tidore, in accordance with the decision of a council of
war, and the appointment of certain persons as factors, and mediators
between the rival kings. He then records the departure of the Gueldres,
commanded by the brave Mol, for Ternate ; whence she sailed to Ban-
tam, and arrived in Holland in May 1606— carrying home the welcome
news of their victories over the Portuguese. — C. de Renncville.
70 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
king ; but seeing nobody came^ he sent to know the reason.
He sent word he was very busy that day, and coukl not
intend it till the morrow. The Dutch admiral had confer-
ence with the king twice this day; where, belike, he had
what he desired, for as soon as night came he departed for
Tidore.
The eighth day the king sent his secretary and one of the
Dutch merchants unto him, with a letter sealed with hard
wax ; which seal had two letters, an H and a B, which stood
for Hans Beerpot,^'^^ with a merchant's mark between the
letters. This letter they delivered, and told him it was the
king's letter to the king of England. The general would
not believe the king would send so great a prince as the
king of England a letter with so little state, and a merchant's
seal upon it. They answered, and if he doubted thereof,
they would cause the king to come and justify it. The
general said, he w^ould not otherwise believe it. So they
left the letter and departed. Half-an-hour after came the
king and a great train to our general's chamber — where,
saluting him kindly, they sat down upon a trunk together.
The king said, I sent you a letter sealed by my secretary,
which you have received, making doubt it is not sent by me
to so great a king, and delivered with so little state, and
sealed with a merchant's seal. Now you heard me say thus
much, I hope you are satisfied ; the letter is sent by me and
none other, therefore prepare yourself to-morrow to be gone.
1^1 Hans Beerpot. We formerly taxed the Hollanders with having
been our teachers as health-drinkers, or something worse : they seem
to have returned the compliment. In Hayis Beer-Pot, a comedy printed
in 1618, Cornelius Harmants says —
" Twas strange to see a younker once but drunke
In Englands kingdome, when I lined there,
For to be drunke was bcggarlike they stiyde ;
Now, beggars say they are drunke like gentlemen."
The authorities quoted were Englishmen, but well-acciuainted with the
Netherlands. — Henry Pcacham ; I>. Belchier.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 71
The general neither would nor durst deliver it to the king
of England, willing him to take it again. He would not, but
dej)arted.
The ninth, kechil Gegogoe, the king's uncle, hearing how
the general had been used by the king and the Hollanders,
came to visit him at his chamber, where there passed much
talk between them concerning the foresaid counterfeit letter,
intended to have been sent, to the disgrace of the general,
to the king of England ; kechil Gegogoe assuring the gene-
ral that, if it lay in his power, he would procure of the king
that they might leave a factory there. ^^~ Moreover, that at his
next return to him he should know the contents of that base
and slanderous letter invented by the Hollanders ; and so he
departed, with promise to return the next day. The people
of the country understanding the Hollanders had procured
our banishment, were much offended that the petty prince
of Holland, and his, whom they esteemed but debauched
drunkards, should be esteemed before the mighty king of
England and his subjects ; and knowing we were com-
manded to depart, brought all their commodities to us and
none to the Hollanders. Whereat they finding themselves
aggrieved, caused our beam that we weighed cloves with
to be taken away, but it was restored again by the means of
kechil Gegogoe ; which the Hollanders perceiving, they
sent to their admiral at Tidore to return to Ternate ; which
he did, threatening the king that he would leave him and
establish a factory at Tidore. Whereupon the king, with
the unwilling consent of his council, gave order for our
banishment ; sending the sabandar to our general to will
him to linger no longer, but to depart aboard. •''^^
1^^ We have seen that kechil Gegogoe, our friendly advocate, knew sir
Francis Di-ake ; but in The world encompassed we read of " Moro the kings
brother." Now, Moro is one of the synonyms of Gilolo — and there must
have been some misconception. — De Barros ; The tcorld encompassed.
1^3 The departure of the Red Dragon from the Maluco Islands being
at hand, it now seems fit to notice the proceedings of the other ships.
72 THE LAST KAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
The sixteenth day, towcards evening, the king of Ternate
with a great company of his nobles came down from the
town, landing right against our ship, and caused a tent to be
set up — sending for our general to come ashore, which he
presently did. The king caused him to sit down by him,
excusing himself that we left not a factory there, alleging
that the Hollanders enforced him to the contrary ; he and
his subjects owing them much, which he hoped to pay the
next harvest ; and that then he would take another order with
them : which being done, he caused a letter to be read by
his secretary openly, the contents whereof follow at the end
of the book. Sealing it uj) he delivered it to the general,
entreating him to return and he should be welcome. Who
answered, that it was in vain for the English to return thi-
ther so lonar as the Hollanders bare rule, holding it a dis-
parageraent to his nation to give place to them, being so far
their inferiors. This communication ended by the sudden
coming of a great many of lights, and in the midst one of his
chief noblemen under a canopy, carrying, in a platter of gold,
covered with a coverture of cloth of gold, the letter which
was before so publicly read ; and the general looking ear-
nestly, not knowing what the matter was, the king called
unto him, willing him to arise and receive the letter he sent
to the king of England. Which he presently doing, the
party which carried it made low obeisance after their coun-
The Hector and the Susan remained at Bantam, to take in pep2:)er, till
the fourth of INIarch. Captain Stiles dying just before that date, captain
Keeling succeeded to the command of the Hector, and master Edward
Ilighlord to that of the Susan. The masters of both ships also died
there, and many of the principal men and sailors. Guzerats and Chinese
were therefore hired to assist in working the ships on the homeward
voyage. Their departure is thus described by Scott : — " The fourth of
March the Hector and Susan set sail for England ; the Hector having
sixty-three persons in her of all sorts, English and others — but many of
her own men being sick. The Susan, so near as I could learn, had
forty-seven of all sorts — also many Englishmen sick. I pray God send
us good nev:s of her.'"'' We shall hear more of the Hector and Susan at
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. io
try fashion, and then delivered it to the general ; which he
kissing received, and sat him down again by the king, giving
him thanks in doing our king and himself that right in deli-
vering the letter in such sort as it ought to he. The king
answered : this letter which you have is unsealed, and written
in the Malay tongue, to the intent at Bantam it might be
interpreted by some of your own people which have learned
that language ; but the other was invented by the Hol-
landers to have done you injury — telling him in brief the
effect thereof, excusing himself that he had no good thing to
send the king of England but only a bahar of cloves, which
he hoped his majesty would accept in good part, considering
his country yields no other thing of worth. LikcM'ise he
bestowed upon our general a bahar of cloves, and caused
them presently to be carried to the boat ; which done he
took his leave, and departed aboard his caracoa.
The seventeenth day the king of Ternate came rowing
about our ship, and divers of his women with him, in a
caracoa; the general entreating him to come aboard, but he
would not. Kechil Gogogoe came aboard this afternoon to
our general, certifying him that the contents of the Hollan-
ders' counterfeit letter was, that we had sold powder, great
ordnance, and other munition to the Portingals. And more,
that to their great hurt in the fight we had assisted them
a later date. Meanwhile, some notice is due to the Ascension. The first
attempt which we made to reach the Banda Islands was a failure. In
pursuance of orders left by captain Lancaster on his departure from
Bantam in 1603, a pinnace carrying some fifteen men, and laden with
fifty-six chests Siud fardels of goods, was despatched for those islands on
the sixth of March in that year. She met with contrary winds, and after
beating up and doini in the seas near two months, was forced to return
to Bantam ! The Ascension, as before stated, reached the place of her
destination on the twentieth of February ; but of the proceedings there
we have no other information than what we gather from the letters
written by .James I. in reply to the sabandars of Nera and Lantore. It
therein appears that captain Colthurst was received in a friendly man-
ner, and that the sabandar of Nera, which is the principal island, sent
his majesty a bahar of nutmegs. — E. Scott ; Appendix.
L
74 THE LAST EAST-I^'DIAN VOYAGE.
Avith gunners, and that was the cause we left not a factory
there, hopmg the general would have carried and delivered
it to his own disgrace ; but he, suspecting their slanderous
treachery, refused it.
The eighteenth day the king and his uncle came aboard in a
small prau, because he would not have the Hollanders, which
rode by us, to know of his being there, for it was death to
them to see him use our general kindly. Their coming was
to take leave of our general. He desired them to come down
to his cabin, and made them a banquet, which they kindly
did accept, and spent most part of the day with him, urging
our general to return thither again, or at the leastwise to send,
and he or they should be welcome — do the Hollanders what
they could ; with protestation that both he and all his people
were very sorry for his departure, ~ finding we were good
people, and not such as the Hollanders did report us to be,
which lived only by robbing and stealing. During this
communication the Holland ship which rode by us shot off
three pieces, which the king hearing sent to know the cause.
Word was brought the Hollanders' admiral was come from
Tidore, and gone aboard ; which the king hearing, took a
short farewell of our general and went to his caracoa — show-
ing evidently his great fear to offend the Hollanders. Be-
fore he could put off his boat from the side our ship was
under sail, giving him seven pieces of ordnance, and [we]
held on our way between Ternate and Tidore.^^*
^'■' The Ascension. " The one-and-twentieth day of July, being Sunday,
we set sail from Banda, the wind at east-south-east, and we stood to the
westward. The two-and-twentieth day we fell with the south end of
Bouro, the wind at east- south-east. The seven-and-twentieth day we fell
with Deseleni [Salayer I.], and then we came about the south end of the
island, leaving seven islands on our larboard side. We stood close by the
wind to the northward, fair by the main island of Deselem, to clear our-
selves of a small island and a shoal that lieth off the south-west part of
Deselem, and leaving this island, and all the other shoals, on our larboard
side, we stood north-north-west along the west side of Deselem, while we
came in six degrees and ten minutes. Then we steered west eighteen
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 75
About noon the twenty-first day we came to an anchor at
TafFasoa. The governor presently came to our general with a
present of hens and fruit, telling him that he had been at
Tidore, and the king had given him order to surrender the
town unto him if he came thither again, and the fort, pray-
ing him to dispose thereof as his ow^n. The general gave
him thanks, telling him he had few men ; but if he had so
many as he had w^hen he came from Bantam, he would leave
such a garrison there as they should doubt neither the Hol-
landers nor the Ternatans — but his weakness w-as such that
he could leave no men there. He answered, he doubted not
the keeping of the town in despite of all their enemies ; and
although he could leave no men there, yet had he order by
his king to surrender his right and title to the king of Eng-
land, to whose use he Avould keep it, desiring the surrender
thereof might be drav\'n, and the general should have the
original and he the copy. Which done, he caused the people
to bring those cloves they had, and so took his leave and
departed ; we directing our course for Celebes, where we
had such water as the place afforded — but it was brackish —
buying some cocos of the people, who are like Javans.'^
July the twenty-fourth we came to anchor in Bantam road,'^**
leagues, and fell with the point shoal that lieth off the south-west end
of Celebes — and the very southernmost part of that shoal lieth in six de-
grees — and being clear of that, we stood to the westward. The sixteenth
day of August, we came to anchor in Bantam road." — T. Clayborne.
^■^^ I believe the previous narrative to be the journal, and that what
follows, embracing a period of almost ten months, is the part which the
publisher describes as a continuation. It contains, short as it is, two mani-
fest errors. The writer contradicts himself as to the ship which accom-
panied the Hector, and asserts that Scott was left at Bantam! Scott and
Clayborne may make amends for his defects : they vivotQ as eye-witnesses.
150 " The twenty-fourth of July our general came into the road from
Tarnata. So soon as we discerned the ship, and saw it was the Dragon,
I took a prau, and went aboard to bid him welcome, who declared to me
the dangers they had passed, and somewhat of the unkindness of the
Hollanders, etc. — The twenty-fourth day the king of Jacatra [now Bata-
via] came to see our general. — The eighth of September the Dutch mer-
76 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
where master Scottj chief factor there, certified our general
of the mortality of men in the Hector and Ascension [Susan]
before they departed, so that he "svas forced to hire Chinese
to help them home ; and that of twenty-four left there in their
factory twelve were dead. Where we continued till the sixth
of October,^'^^ which day, having taken leave of master Scott
and the rest left there, we set sail for England, continuing in
our course with variable weather till the nineteenth of Decem-
chants invited our general and all his merchants and masters to a feast,
where there was great cheer, and also great friendship was made between
us. — The third day of October our general made a feast for his farewell,
whereunto he invited the Dutch admiral, with also all the rest of his cap-
tains, masters, and merchants, v/here we were all exceeding merry, and
great friendship was made between us. — The fourth day of October our
general, being accompanied with divers merchants and others, went to
the court to take his leave of the king and his nobles. The sixth day
of October, being Sunda.y, about ten a-clock, our general with all that
was bound home went aboard, who going by the Dutch house Avent in,
and took his leave of the Dutch admiral and the rest of his merchants.
Also there went aboard with him master Gabriel Towerson, who was to
stay for agent there, anji some other merchants who, after dinner, some
went ashore, and some staid until the next day. About three a-clock
we weighed anchor, and with some ordnance bade the town, and the
Dutch ships, farewell. About eleven or twelve a-clock at night we came
to an anchor under an island, where the next day we took in wood, which
our general had sent men beforehand to cut ready. The seventh day,
towards evening, we weighed anchor again, and set sail ; master Tower-
son and some other of the merchants then took their leave to go ashore,
whom we committed to the protection of the Almighty, and ourselves to
the courtesy of the sea, desiring God to bless both them and us, and if it
be his will to send us a happy meeting in England." — E. Scott.
1^^ The Ascension. " The sixth day of October, being Sunday, we
set sail out of Bantam road, with the Dragon and the Ascension.
The fifteenth day of November, latitude thirty-one degrees forty-eight
minutes, the wind north-north-west, thick foggy weather. This day,
about ten of the clock in the morning, we ^ame within a ship's length
of a rock, or sunken island. The water showed upon it very brown
and muddy, and in some places very blue, and being a ship's breadth or
two to the northward of it, we saw the water by the ship's side very
black and thick, as though it had been earth or gross sand boiling up
from it. The variation in this place is onc-and-twenty degrees from
north to west decreasing." — T. Clay borne.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 7T
ber, — which clay, the wind scanting ujjon us,^^^ we thought
to pvit into Saldanha road.^"'" About ten a-clock in the morn-
ing we saw a sail to leewards, thinking it had been the
Ascension, whose company we lost fourteen days before, but
contrary to our expectation it proved the Hector, which
went in company of the Susan from Bantam above nine
months before, in such lamentable distress that, had we not
met with them that day, they had purposed the next to have
run themselves aground at Penguin Island, having for that
purpose fardled up their apparel ^''^ and such other things as
were most necessary for them. Our general caused our pin-
nace to be hoisted out, and sent for captain Keeling and the
purser, who related their extreme miseries, having but ten
158 fjn^Q wind scanting. The phrase, misinterpreted by Todd, has a
technical sense — as in this example : " the wind scanting with us, and
larginq with them, we were forced to leeward." — Sir R. Hawkins.
'^'"'■^ The Ascension. " The sixteenth of December, west nine leagues,
latitude thirty-four degrees and twenty minutes. This day, in the
morning, we had sight of the land of Ethiojna [South Africa], distant
from us some twelve leagues. The six-ahd-twentieth day latitude
thirty-fovir degrees thirty minutes. Now, being in the latitude and
in the sight of Cape Boa Esperau9a, and within one league of it, we
steered north-west, and north-north-west, and north, and as the land lay
about the cape. The seven-and-twentieth day we came to anchor in
Saldanha I'oad, where we found our admiral, and the Hector, which ship,
the Dragon our admiral met withal seven days before, driving up and
down the sea about four leagues off the Cape Boa Esperanga with ten
men in her. All the rest of her men were dead, which were in number
three-aud-fifty which died since she came out of Bantam, which time was
nine months. Being in great distress, she lost company of the Susan
three mouths after she came out of Bantam road, which ship, the Susan,
was never heard of since. Here we came to anchor in seven fathoms,
having the low point going in uorth-west-by-west, and the Sugar-Loaf
south-west, half-a-point to the westward, the point of the breach of Pen-
guin Island north-west-by-north, and the hill between the Sugar-Loaf
and the low jjoint west-south-west, the peak of the hill to the eastward
of the Table south-by-east." — T. Clayborne.
100 /fardled up their apparel. Johnson ovoM^ fardle as a verb. It was,
however, in common use. Fardle, in a nautical sense, is the undoubted
origin oi furl. — Capt. Smith.
78 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE.
vEnglishmen and four Chinese alive ; so, supper being done,
with thanks given to God for their miraculous preservation,
our general sent twelve men more to help them into Saldanha
road, where we staid repairing the ruins of the Hector and
providing other nccetisaries till the sixteenth of January fol-
lowing [1606] , when we set sail for Saint Helcna,^''^ where
Ave arrived the second of February following.
1"' The Ascension. " The sixteenth day of January [1G06], in the
morning, we set sail from Saldanha road, and went to the northward of
Penguin Island, between that and the main. When we had the island
south from us about one-mile-and-a-half we sounded, and had ground
twenty fathoms, white coral and 7ch istles of shells. When we were clear
of the island we stood off west-by-south and west-south-west, while we
brought the island south-east-by-east of us ; now, being about six of the
clock in the afternoon, we had sight of the Hector, coming out to the
southward of the island, for we left her at anchor when we weighed.
Now the wind being at south, we stood all night to the westward, close
by a wind. In the morning following we had lost sight of the Hector
and then we steered away north-west with a low sail while [till ?] noon,
being the seventeenth day, thinking to get sight of the Hector, but we
could not. The first day of February, west to the southward six-
teen leagues, of latitude sixteen degrees and twenty minutes. This
day, about one of the clock in the afternoon, we had sight of Saint
Helena, bearing west to the northward from us about twelve or thirteen
leagues. The second day west, and west-by-south, four leagues, then
having the island west from us about eight or nine leagues, the wind at
south-east, we lay off and on to the eastward of the island most part of
the night, and in the morning following we stood to the northward of the
island. This day, about twelve of the clock, we came to anchor in the
road of Saint Helena. Our land-anchor lay in seventeen fathoms; our
ship rode in twenty fathoms, blackish, gravelly sand. We had one point
north-east of us, and one sharp hill like a sugar-loaf, with a cross on the
top of it, that bare north-cast-by-east. The church in the valley south-
east. In this valley there are many trees likewise : the high land south-
east vip from the church, and all the valley besides, is full of trees. The
other point of the land, south-west to the westward. We moored south-
east and north-west. Our anchor in the offing lay in one-and-twenty
fathoms. The third day at night, being Monday, we had sight of the
Hector, coming about the south end of the island, but could not fetch
into the road, yet stood to the northward as near as she could lie, the
wind at cast. The fourth and fifth days, our boats went out to help to
get her into tlie road, but they could not. The sixth day at night, being
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 79
The eleventh of February we departed from Saint Helena,
contmuing at sea with such variety of weather as those that
use the sea are usually accustomed unto till the second of
May following, when we were off Plymouth, and the sixth
following at the Downs.
a little wind, we towed her in with our boats into thirty-five fathoms,
one-mile-and-a-half from the shore, bearing from us south-west-by-west,
distant about two leagues. The eleventh day we set sail from Saint
Helena, the wind at east-north-east, and we steered north-west. This
north-west part of the island lieth in the latitude of sixteen degrees,
and in seven degrees forty-five minutes of variation. Note this, that the
church that bare south-east of us when we were in the road, standeth in
the bottom of the fifth valley from that point that bare north-east of
us. We came to anchor in the Downs on the sixth of May 1606, where
we rode eight days for a fair wind." — T. Clay borne.
FINIS.
80 THE LAST EAST-INDIAN A'OYAOE.
The King of TaRxVata, to the King or England,
Scotland, France and Ireland, &c.^'^-
EARING of the good report of your Maiestie,
hy the comminxj of the great captain Francis
Drahe, in the time of my father, ichich was
about some 30. y ceres past : by the which cap-
taine, my predecessor did send a ring vnto the Queene of
England, as a token of ranembrance betweene vs : tvhich if
the aforesaide Drake had beene lining, hee coidd haue in-
formed your Maiestie of the great hue and friendship of
either side: he in the behalf e of the Queene: my father for
him and his successors. Since which time of the departure
of the aforesaid captaine, we haue dayly expected his returne,
my father lining many y ceres after and dayly expecting his
returne, and I after the death of my father haue liuecl in the
same hope, till I was father of eleuen children : in which
time I haue beene informed that the English were mc7i of so
bad dispositioi that they came not as jieaceable merchants,
biit to dispossesse them of their countrey : which by the com-
ming of the bearer hereof wee haue found to the contrarie,
which greatly we reioyce at. And after many yeeres of our
162 This interesting letter, and the two which follow it, are printed
litekatim from the former edition, as favourable specimens of the
volume in point of orthography and punctuation. The variations of the
manuscript copies preserved at the India -House, with which they have
been collated, are of no importance. The hezoar stones sent by the king
of Bantam — articles, says Bullokar, " very costly and of great account in
physic" — were delivered to his majesty on the 25th May 1606. The letters
of James I. which produced the above letters, with those written in reply,
are printed in the Appendix. — India-House Mss. ; English expositor.
THE LAST EAST- INDIAN VOYAGE. 81
expectation of some English forces hy the promise of captaine
Drake, here arriucd certaine shi2)s which toe well hoped had
heene Englishmen, hut finding them contrary, and being out
of al hope of succour of the English nation, we ivere inf arced
to write to the Prince of Holland, to crane ayde and succour
against our auncient enemies the Portingals, and according
to our request hee hath sent hither his forces which hath ex-
peld all the Portugales out of the fortes tvhich they held at
Amboyna and Tydore. And tvhereas your Maiestie hath
sent to 7ne a most kinde and friendly letter hy your seruant
captaine Henry Middleton, that doth not a title reioyce vs.
Afid zvhereas captaine Hetiry Iliddelton teas desirous to
leaue a factory hcare, we toere very willing therunto, tchich
the captain of the Hollanders vnder standing , he came to
challenge me of a former promise which I had loritten to the
Prince of Holland : that if he tvould send me such succour
as should cxpell the Portugales out of these parts, that no
other nation should haue trade heare hut they onely. So that
we ivere inforst against our liking to yeeld vnto the Hol-
landers captaines request for this time : whereof we craue
pardon of your Highnesse : and if any of your nation come
hereafter, they shall be welcome. And whereas the chiefs
captaine of the Hollanders doth sollicitc vs, not to hold any
friendship with your nation, nor to giue eare to your High-
nesse letters : yet for all their suite, if you please to send
hither againe, you shall he loelcome. And in token of our
friendship, lohich we desire of your Maiestie, ive haue sent
you a small remembrance of a bahar of clones, our countrey
being poor e, and yeelding no better commoditie, rohich toe pray
your Highnesse to accept in good part.
Tarn ATA.
,^
82 THE LAST EAST-IXDIAN VOYAGE.
Tin: Kixc of Tydors Lettek to the Kixgs
Matestie of England.
<:^^^^3^ HIS writnifj of the King of Tydor to the King
^mj> of England, is to let your HigJincsse vnder-
stand that the King of Holland hath sent
"^ii^^^^^Ji hither into these 'partes a feet of shippes to
ioyne loitli our ancient enemie the King of Tarnata, and they
ioyntly together, haue ouer-runne and spoyled part of our
countrey, and are determined to destroy hoth vs and our suh-
iects. Noive xnderstanding hy the hearer hereof, captaine
Henry Middleton, that your Highnesse is in frienship with
the King of Spaine, ivee desire your Maiestie that you would
take 2)itti<i ofrs, that wee may not he destroyed hy the King
of Holland and Tarnata to whom tvee haue offered no ivrong :
hut they hy force ahle meanes seehe to hereaue vs of our king-
dome. And as great kings vpon the earth are ordayned hy
God to succour all than that he wrongfully oppressed : so I
appeale vnto your Maiestie, for succour against my enemies ;
not douhting hut to finde reliefe at your Maiesties hands.
And if your Maiestie send hither, I humhly entreate that it
may hee captaine Henry Middleton or his hrother, ivith lohom.
I am ivell acquainted.
Thus we end, praying God to enlarge your kingdomes,
and hlesse you, and all your counsels.
Tydok.
THE LAST EAST-INDIAN VOYAGE. 83
The King of Bantam, to the King of
England.
LETTER giuen from your friend the King of
Bantam, to the King of England, Scotland,
France, and Ireland : desiring God to preserue
your health, and to exalt you more and more, and
all your counsell. And xohercas yotir 3Iaiestie hath sent a
generall, Henry Middleton, he came to me in health. I did
heare that your Maiestie teas come to the croivne of England,
which doth greatly reioyce my heart. Now England and
Bantam are hoth as one. I haue also receiued a present from
your Maiestie : the ivhich I giue you many thanhes for your
kindnesse. I doe send your Maiestie two heasar stones, the
one waying fourteene masses the other thy^e : and so God
haue you. in his heejjing.
Bantam.
APPENDIX.
[No. I. — Commission of James I. authorising Henry Middleton
ESQUIRE, AND, IN CASE OF HIS DECEASE, CHRISTOPHER CoLTHURST
GENTLEMAN, to USB and put in execution martial law. 1604.]
B£:c(ma--octaba pars Paten tic anno Hcgnt 2Ilcgis
Jacobi ^Bvtmo. {in. 33 dorso.)
CoiTi spiai p Mecatorib} STanusi by the grace of God etc. To
de le East Indies. onr trustie and welbeloved Henry Mid-
dleton esquier and to our trustie and
welbeloved Christofer Colthurst gentleman greeting Whereas
divers of our loving subjects at their owne adventures costs and
charges aswell for the honor of this oure realrae of England as for
the increase and advancement of trade of marchandize within the
same did heretofore sett forth a voyage to the Easte Indies with
certayne shippes and pynnaces by way of marchandizing by
which shippes and pynnaces they having discovered and begon to
settle a trade in some partes of the said East Indies and their
shippes being retorned fi-om thence laden with sundrie marchandize
brought from those partes they the said marchants intending to
frequent those countries of the East Indies by contynuing the trade
already discovered and begonne and indevoring further discovery
of trade of those partes for the more ample vent of the native
com'odities of oure kingdomes and retornyng from the places of
their discovery of such necessarie com'odities as shalbe of speciall
use and benefytt both to us and our sulijects are in hand to prepare
and make ready their said shippes lately retorned from the East
Indies and to set them forth agayne for a newe voyage And
w^hereas the said marchants have chosen you the said Henry Mid-
dleton to be the principall governor or generall and you the said
Christofer Colthurst to be lieutenant generall of all the marchants
b
4 APPKNlilX.
niarryners ami other our subjects wliicli are or shalbe shipped in
any of tlie said shippes wee graciouslie favoring their intended
voyage and approving and allowing of their choice of you to the
same governient being desirous to furnish you with all fytt and
convenient power and authority to rule and governe all and every
our subjects? imployed in this voyage by a due obedience to be by
them yeilded unto you in the observing and executing of all such
good orders and constituc'ons as you shall thinke convenient to
ordayne and appoynt for the furtherance of the said voyage to the
honor of us and oure kingdomes and for the advancement of the
said trade Wee doe hereby straightly charge and comaunde all and
every person and persons imployed used or shipped or which
shalbe imployed used or shipped in this voyage in any of the said
shippes to give all due obedience and respect unto you during
the said voyage and to beare them selves therein one towards
another in all good order and quietnes for avoyding any occa-
sion that might breede mutynye quarrells or dissention amongest
them to the hynderance of the good successe which is to be
hoped for by Gods providence of the saide intended voyage and
in defoult of such dutie and obedience to be performed towards
you and for the correcc'on and quenching of all such muteny quar-
rells or dissention that shall or may growe or be moved by the dis-
order evill disposic'on or perversenes of any of the said persons
Wee doe hereby authorize you Henry Middleton generall during
the said voyage or during soe longe tyme as you shall live in the
same voyage and in case of your decease (which God forbid) wee
doe then likewise hereby authorize you the saide Christofer Colt-
hurst to chastice correct and punysh all otfendors and transgressors
in that behalfe according to the quality of their offences with such
punishments as are com'only used in all armies by sea when the
offences are not capitall and for capitall offences as wilful! murder
which is hatefuU in the sight of God or muteny which is an offence
that may tende to the overthrowe of the said voyage the same being
truly and justly proved against any of the person or persons afore-
said wee doe hereby give unto you the said Henry Middleton
duryng all the tyme of the said voyage or duryng soe longe tyme as
you shall live in the same and in case of your decease wee doe give
to you Christofer Cothurst full power and authoritie to use and
put in execuc'on oure lawe called marciall lawe in that behalfe and
theis our I'res shalbe your sufficient warrant and discharge for the
APPENDIX. 6
(loyng and executing of all and singiiler the premisses And foras-
much as at this present tyme wee are in amitye with all Christian
princes and are unwilling that any of oure subjects should give
occasion of breche or hiuderance of that league or amy tie which
wee hold with any oure confederates frendes or allies and because
wee are not ignorant of the emulac'on and envy that doth accom-
pany the discovery of countries and trades and of the quarrells and
contencions which doe many tymes fall oute betwene the subjects
of divers princes that meete the one with the other in forreyn
and farre remote countries in the course and prosecuting of their
discoveries and being desirous that oure subjects should forbears
to move or begyn any quarrel! or contencion uppon the subjects of
any of oure confederates frendes or alyes either in the proceeding
or retorne uppon or from any of their voyages Wee therefore doe
hereby straightlie charge and com'aunde you Henry Middleton and
you Christofer Colthurst and all others under your goverment
that neither in your voyage outeward or homeward nor in any
conntry iland port or place where you shall abide or come during
the tyme of your being abroad oute of oure kingdomes or domy-
nions where you may meete with any the subjects of the king of
Spayne or of any other oure confederates frendes or alyes their
shippes vessells goodes or marchandize you doe attempt or goe about
to sett uppon take or surprise their persons shippes vessells goodes
or marchandize or offer any injurye or discurtesie unto them unles
you shall first by them thereunto justly be provoked or driven in
the juste defence of your owne persons your shippes vessells goodes
or marchandizes as you will answere to the contrary at your utter-
most perills. In witnes whereof etc. Witnes our selfe at West-
mynster the thii*d day of March.
P' bre' de privato sigillo etc.
UECOUD OFFICE
Nov. 19.
C|)is is n true nnli nttt^rntic copp from t))t
oritjtnal rerorti rcmaintug; in ti^c Chapel
^^'^- of t^e HoIIb batitncj been cjraminct!.
Thomas Palmer,
Ass*- Eccoid Keeper.
19 November 1850.
[No. II.— Commission of James I. authorising the East-India Com-
pany TO EXPORT TUE VALUE OF ^12,000 IN FOREIGN COIN. 1G04.]
<Siuintn=ticcima pars Patefi Uc ^nno iHecjiu lUcgis
Jacobi ^n'mo.
D Licen spat p ^nmtS by the grace of God etc. To all men
Gubnatore T; to Avhome theise p'esentes shall come grcetynge
Societat Mecato^ Wheareas our late deare sister Elizabeth by
de le East Indies ''^'' ^'^^^ patents under the greate scale of
England bearing date at Westm' the one and
thirtith day of December in the three and fortith year of her raigne
did uppon peticion made nnto her by her deare and lovinge cosen
George earle of Cumb'land and divers other her welbeloved sub-
jects for her royall assent and licence to be graunted unto them
that they at their owne adventure costs and charges aswell for the
honor of this realme of England as for the increase of navigation
and advancement of trade of merchandize within the same mighte
adventure and sett fourthe certayne voyages with a convenient
nomber of shippes and pynnaces by waie of traffique and merchan-
dize into the East Indies in the countries and parts of Asia and
Affrica did incorporate the saidc petitioners into a bodie politicpie
by the name of the governour and companie of the marchaunts
of London tradinge into the East Indies to have houlde and enjoy
the sole benefit of the trade and trafTicque of the saide Easte
Indies for tlie space of fifteene yeares from the birth of our Lord
God then last paste before the date of the said IVes patents And
WHEREAS by the saide I'res patents licence is graunted to the saide
governour and companie of marchaunts of London tradinge into
the East Indies to t'ansporte oute of this realme into the saide Indies
in everie of their voyages duringe the saide tearme of fifteene
yeares all such forreine coyne of silver Spanishe or other forreyn
silver or bullion of silver as they shall duringe the saide tearme
bringe or cause to be broughte into this realme of England from
the parts beyond the seas either in the same kynde sorte stampc or
fat-hion which it shall have when they bryngc it in or anie other
APPENDIX, 5
forme stampe or fashion to be coyned in the mynte within the
Tower of London soe as the whole quantyties of coyne or monies
by them to be transported in anie their saide voyages duringe the
saide terme doe not exceede the value of thirtie thousand poundes
in any one voiage and soe as the som'e of six thousand poundes at
the leaste parcell of the same som'e or value of thirtie thousande
poundes soe to bee transported as aforesaide be first coyned within
the saide Tower of London before the same shalbae transported in
anie the saide voyages as by the saide I'res patents more at large
appeareth Nowe forasmuch as the saide governour and company
of the saide marchants since the saide I'res patents to them granted
have made one voyage into the saide East Indies and retourned
their shippes from thence laden with sondry kinds of marchandize
and have alsoe prepared and are readie to set forth another voiage
into the saide East Indies and they the saide governor and com-
pany being desirous and endevouring by all good meanes to manage
and carry their said trade as neere as they can rather by the
t'ansportac'on of the native com'odities of our kingdomes and by the
bartering and exchange of them for forren com'odities then by
using the benefit granted them by the said I'res patents for the
carying out of so much tresure in every of their voiages doe con-
tent themselves in this p'esent voyage with the lib'ty of t'ansportac'on
of twelve thousand pounds in forrein coyne without t'ansportac'on
of anie other coyne buUoyn or silver and to that end have made
humble peticyon unto us that they may t'ansport the saide value of
twelve thousand pounds of forreyn coine without coyning the same
or anie part thereof in our mynt within our Tower of London the
rather for that they found by experience in their last voiage that
they could not without great difficulty and some losse to the said
marchants in the value of their monies newe coyned for that voiage
make trade for their marchandize in the said East Indies because
the said mony being stamped with the ymage and sup'scripc'on of
our said deare sister was strange and unknowne to the people of
those parts and the monies nowe to [be] coyned in our said mint being
to be coined with a new stamp of our owne ymage and sup'scripc'on
will nott only draw them into the like hindrance in their trade
when they shall come into the saide Indies but will cause their
shipps which are nowe allmoste ready to depart in their voiage to
stay and to be detained here to their further damage and hindrance
untill new stamps for the coyning of the said monies in our mynt
(
6 APPENDIX.
slialbe graven aiul made for that purpose Wee therefore favour-
ing the saide mai'chants and being desirous to give themall further-
ance and expedic'on in their p'esent intended voiage of our esp'iall
grace ce'ten knowledge and mere moc'on have granted and by theis
p'esents for us our heires and successors doe grant unto the said
governor and company of marchants tradyng into the East Indies
that it shall and may bee lawfull for them their factors and assignes
in thys p'esent intended voiage which is prepared or in p'eparing for
the second voiage into the said East Indies to t'ansport out of this
our realme of England all such forreyn coyne or silver either
Spanish or other forrein silver as they have prepared p'cured or
gotten or shall prepare p'cure or gett being alreadie broughte or
to be broughte from the parts beyond the seas before the dep'ting
of their shipps out of the river of Thames so a^ the whoU quantity
of the coyne and monies by them to be t'ansported in this their
p'esent intended voydge being the second voyage toward the saide
Indies doe not exceed the saide value of twelve thousand pounds
the same to be t'ansported in the same kinde sort stampe or fashion
as the said moneys is or shalbe p'cured gotten or broughte into this
realme of England and that withoute anie newe coyning or alte'ing
of the said monies or anie parte thereof from the stampe which it
beareth Anie statute restraint or p'hibic'on in that behalf to the
cont'ary in any wise notwithstanding. In witnes whereof etc.
"WiTNES our self at Westm' the xxiijth day of February.
P' bre' de privato sigillo etc.
C()i6 (6 a true nnXi nutf)rntlr copv from tljt
original rcrorli rrmainintj: in tl)c C^npcl of
tl)t Eollci ^ai)incj trcn fj:amincii.
Thomas Palmkk,
Ass'- Record Keeper.
19 November 1850.
RECORD OFFICE.
Nov. 19.
1850.
[No. III. — A COMJIISSION OF THE GOVERNOR, THE DEPUTY, AKD THE
COMMITTEES OF THE EaST-InDIA COMPANY ; BEING THE INSTRUCTIONS
FOR MASTER HeNRY MiDDLETON AND OTHERS EMPLOYED IN THEIR
SECOND YOYAGE TO THE EaST-InDIES. 1604.]1
A Commission set down by us the Governor, the Deputy, and
Committees of the East-India Company, to our loving friends,
master Hcnrie Middlcto)i, general of the merchants, mariners,
and others employed by us in this present intended voyage,
being our second voyage to the East Indies ; and to master
Christnfer CoUkurst, master Boger Style, master Williaiii
KeaJiiuje, and masters our principal merchants and factors in
the said voyage, and every of them respectively, as the direc-
tions and instructions of this our present commission may
concern their several places of trust wheiein they are em-
])l()yed — the which voyage. Almighty God in his mercy make
prosperous.
Whereas we have, upon a special conceit of your wisdom, discre-
tion, and good government, made choice of you, ma.ster Ilenrie
Middleton, to be principal governor and general of our fleet, and
have submitted to your command the persons of all the merchants,
mariners, and others employed in the several ships thereof; which
ships we have fitted and furnished with all necessaries not only
meet for the voyage, but such as you could require, or wish to be
supplied with your full contentment.
We therefore expect, on your part, such a performance and
[' This important and instructive document is preserved among the
India-House Mss. — It is printed verbatim ; hut, with the exception
of proper names, and words of duhiovis sense, in modernised ortho-
graphy.]
O .VPPKNDIX.
The Com- Carrying of this government eomniitted to your charge as may not
)i;inys i"- only confiriu us in that hope and "ood conceit which induced us
ilucfinent to •' l o
onhese"^er^ to the clioicc of you to this employment, but may add unto yourself
sons. m^ increase and advancement of your own reputation ; which, no
doubt, you may effect, observing this moderation in your said
government, so to command as you may be both loved and feared,
not using authority to work your private respect or revenge, but
studying and endeavouring to bring this long and tedious voyage
to a profitable end, with care of the safety, health, and comfort of
your people, and using your industry to recompense so great a
charge of provisions and other burdens and expenses borne in this
voyage, with a profitable return to the general state of the Com-
2 Pany-
Tousethe And that you may the better proceed in an infallible hope of a
assistance of ^ ^ i. i
certain no- good issuc of your endcavours, we wish and exhort you first to
mmated. ° •' _ •'
depend confidently upon God's providence, and next, propound to
yourself the good example of your late predecessor, sir James
Lancaster, in the carrying of the former voyage. And forasmuch
as no man is so absolute in his coui'se and directions for the manag-
ing of any occasions of importance but he may therein receive
light, and especial help and furtherance, by conference with others ;
therefore we have, for your assistance and help, the better to
undergo the charge of our business, made choice of master Cliris-
tofer Colthurst, master Royer Style, master WUlinm Keeleiiiy, master
Robert Browne, and master Edward HiyJilonl, as our principal mer-
chants employed in this voyage, to be ready with their advice and
aid to assist you in any thing that may belong to the same ; whom
we pray and require you not only to hear, but lovingly and kindly
to use and respect, so as, by your kind conversation mutually used
and had, the one with the other, there may grow between you in
so firm an unity as shall be subject to no jar or distaste ; Avherein,
if you link together, all things will pass with felicity and content-
ment : otherwise, if there fall amongst you envy, emulation, or
disagreement, there is no hope of good success of the voyage, but
apparent hazard to the overthrow of the same. And this shall
sufilce for our general advice unto you for such a moderation
of government, to be performed on your part, as may breed a
good aflfection towards you in those that are submitted unto your
command.
And to the end that the whole company committed to your
APPEXDIX. 9
charge may perform that due obedience and respect unto you which paiiy
is fit to be yielded to their governor or general, -we do herein pro- used^bv^the
pound unto you the care of the due execution of that principal pany^ *^''™'
mean which draweth all Christians to conformity and submission
to such as are set over them — which is the daily invocation and
religious worship and ser^dce of God — requiring you to take order
that certain hours and times in every day may be set apart for
public prayer and calling upon the name of God ; that like orders,
with penalties, to be severally published and set up in every ship,
against the blaspheming of the name of God, and all idle and filthy
communication ; that all unla%\'ful gaming, especially dice -play,
may be abolished, as that which procureth, not only the blasphem-
ing of the name of God, but en\y and quarrelling, from whence
many times proceedeth murders, or, at the least, the impoverishing
and undoing of many of the poor ungoverned mariners, who by
the liberty of dice-play lose their whole wages of the voyage, as it
is not unkno^\^l unto you by the practice of divers in the last voyage,
who to furnish themselves with money in that unthrifty employ-
ment engaged themselves to pay three for one upon their return ;
and thus having wasted their wages by such unthrifty means,
went about to lay a scandal upon the Company, alleging they were
oppressed by necessity in the voyage to enter into those excessive,
usurious contents [sic] to maintain their lives.
You having thus set an order to be observed in every ship, both To ke^p
for the service of God and the civil behaviour of the company one with nn-
amongst themselves — then, for the better assistance, strength, and
comfort that the whole fleet may take one of another, by keeping
company together throughout the whole voyage, until you come
into the East Indies, into the port or haven of Bantcnn, where you
are to take order with the masters and company of every ship, by
the best observations and directions which you shall in your con-
ference together agree upon, that you depart not out of sight one
of another so long as you may possibly keep together, to the end
that if any of you should be any way distressed upon any occasion,
you may be relieved and comforted by the assistance of some of
your consorts not being far off. And if you shall happen to be
separated by foul weather, and cannot recover the sight one of
another in short time, if your separation or dispersing happen to
be before you come to island of 3Iay [Maio], then let that island
be the place of your repair or rendezvous, that you may be drawn
c
10 APPENDIX.
a<fain togctlicr in company, and there to stay one for another seven
or eight clays ; and having made stay there so long, and the com-
pany missing not being come thither, then to depart forwards on
the voyage, leaving some apparent mark behind you that you
have been at the said island — as by raising some heap of stones
together, setting up of a stake or mark, and leaving there some
letter in or near the place, which may be found by them as shall
come after, whereby they may know that the other ship or shi])s
are past that place. And if your separation be beyond the island
of May, then your rendezvous to be at tlie island of St. Lawrence
[Madagascar]. And if you shall be occasioned to land in any place
for fresh water, or to refresh your men, it shall behove you to keep
wndiko good order and discipline, by warlike guard, for the safety of your
kept''iu°\\'^a^ Company, lest they should be surprised and fall into danger by
frJsufii" '* '^'^^^^ much confidence and security ; and, the safety of your persons
men, eio. being provided for, then your whole company to be admonished to
behave themselves peaceably and civilly towards the people of that
place where you refresh for the supply of your wants ; and that
they be also exhorted to a moderation in feeding off fruits and fresh
victuals of that soil, the which, by their intemperate and immoder-
ate diet, may breed inconveniences formerly found by experience
to be the loss of many men's lives. And in such place or places
of refreshing, you shall do well to give special order to some men
chosen and appointed to that end, to make the general provision,
both of fresh victuals and fruit, for the whole fleet, whereby an
equal repartition thereof may be made for the company of every
ship, and that every one be not, with limitation, to victual himself
according to his intemperate appetite ; and this order to be taken,
prohibiting every person, upon pain of severe punishment, that
they do not range and straggle after fresh victuals and fruits, but
by such order as shall be prescribed unto them.
Upon such opportunities of necessary landing of your people for
i.y'^buRiing refreshing, which by no means we would have otherwise to be used
a "upon upon light occasion, for that it will greatly hinder the voyage, we
do require you to give order unto the preacher to prepare himself
to preach to the people, being come together out of the several
ships, making his choice of such fit arguments and places of
Scripture as may be most agreeable to the time and occasion,
whereby the whole company may be exhorted and taught the better
to carry themselves in the general business. And that the preacher
liCtht OCCE'
sioD.
APPENDIX. 11
may have the more comfort m his ministry, we pray you be careful
that all due respects be p;iven him, not only by yourself, but by the
whole company, that his doctrine and exhortations, by contempt
or neglect of his ministry, return not without profit. For the
place of your refreshing, we wish it to be the island of St.
Laicrence, but not at Sahlmiia [Saldanha] in anpvise, for the
inconveniences of that island [bay] noted unto us by men of good
experience, and their caution given us to beware of the danger of
that place ; wherefore we require you to shun this place, as our
express order and will herein. 7
Your refreshing place being left, and all opportunities taken thenc°e ^^ to
for the admonishing of your people, both to the service of God, to^'iil'pose'of
without which no enterprise can be prosperous, and to the civil
and orderly carrjdng of themselves in the voyage, and in all service
thereto belonging, then you are to shape your course directly for
Bantam aforesaid ; at which port, as soon as you shall arrive, and
that j'ou may conveniently draw yourselves together in conference
with master William Starkey, [or] the agent which you shall find
there succeeding him in the business, then we do requu-e you
(as God hath guided and brought you to your expected and
appointed port, where you may enter into the disposing of your
business) that then, you being come to the merchandising port of
the voyage, you do proceed therein as followeth, viz. :
We do will and require you, master Hen rie Middleto)!, our governor To advise
y->7 • /• /-I 7 '"^'^ confer
or general of the whole voyage, and you, master Lhristojer tolt- of the state
hurst, master Roger Style, master William Kealinge, master Robert usage, aud
Broicne, and master Edivard Highlorde, our principal merchants for cumstauces.
the disposing of the merchandises and traffic of your said voyage,
that you advise and confer together with master William Starkey,
or witli whomsoever standeth in the place of the agent resident at
Bantam, of the state of the place, and of the usage that our agent
and factors have received since they were left there, and of all
other circumstances that may concern the safety and benefit of the
trade ; which being found to stand in good terms, then you are to
deliver our letters to our said agent, and, with his advice, to deliver
the king's majesty's letters and present to the king of that place,
and then to land all such monies as are laden in our four several
ships, viz., 11,160//. 12.s-., in royals-of-eight, whereof in the lied
Dragon
Dragox, five chests, cont. 4,000/?'. in royals, in 40 bags.
12
Al'l'ENlJlX.
ToiHiid Hector, four chests, cout. 3,200//. in royals, in 32 bags.
monies.
10
Ascension, three chests, cont. 2,400//. in royals, in 24 bags.
Susan, two chests, cont. 1,560|//. in royals, in 15 bags.
Which being done, then to take information from the agent of the
state of our business left in his charge, what quantity of lading he
hath in a readiness for the ships, causing the dust to be sift from
the pepper, if it be not done already, upon advice given that
end by our former letters ; for which purpose we send ^vith you
Garbiers garblers with sieves and fans, to the end that our ships should not
be discharged with unprofitable commodities.
11 To take like information what commodities, and how much lading
modiues fit, is jjro^'ided at the MoUoccos [Malucos], conferring with our said
provided at agent wliat sliips of our fleet are fittest to go for the Molloccos,
cus ' ' remembering that the Hector and Ascension are victualled for
twenty-four months. The experience of our said factors, gained
by their long abode at Bantaiyi, will well inform you how to proceed
in the sending of our shipping to the Molloccos, and for the order-
ing of the merchandise for that place.
„, ^~ , . The provision for the lading at Bantam being laden aboard our
The sliips -t o o
laden, and ships that are first to return for Enqland, and the commanders
sent from '■ _ _ _ .
Bantam, for thereof shipped in the said shijis, and those ships prepared ready,
who is to go which bv you and the agents shall be resolved upon to go for the
to the Mol- " ■' . . °. J^ . , ,. , „
}occos, and to Mollocos, our direction is, that you, master Henne MxhUctou, to
■nhut end. ^ .,,. ^ -i r n
go yourseli m one oi the said ships, to the Molloccos, taking with
you such of our factors to leave to reside in the Molloccos, and such
stock for their maintenance, as you shall, upon conference together
at Bantam, agree upon to remain in their hands for the mainte-
nance of them and the residue which are already resident at Ban-
tam by their abode there ; in which space they may both learn the
language of the country, and dispatch such business as they shall
be by you appointed unto. And we wish you to take with you to
Banda, one or both of the garblers, with their instruments and
provisions to cleanse the cloves from dust and stalks, and the nut-
megs from rumps and dust, that our ships be not pestered with
the dust or garble of these kinds of commodities.
No parti- And for that the voyage of this condition and great charge
ciilar trade, , . . - -n • t • t ip
etc. ; penal- caniiot admit any private trade, our Avill is, that neither yourseli
the' commo- nor any others, upon any particular, or other account than the
except, e"tc*"' general and joint stock, do lade, or be permitted to lade, any of these
commodities in our ship.s, viz. : pepper, cloves, mace, nutmegs, China-
APPENDIX. 13
silk, indigo, ambergris, musk, civet, bezoar stones, camphor, ben-
jamin, buxrace or cinnamon ; but that what quantity soever of these
commodities may be had or brought up, shall be laden for the joint
account of the Company, upon pain of the loss of exexy such com-
modity so laden, and not laden upon the joint account. But if, upon
license demanded of you, the said general, and you our said
principal merchants, any master, mariner, or others, shall be desir-
ous to lade some small proportion or quantity of China-dishes, or
light trifles, not exceeding the value of three pounds, or not bear-
ing above the bulk of a small chest — then we do order, that all
such goods, so laden by your privity and license, shall be entered
into the purser's book of such ship wherein the same is laden, to
the end that if any of them do die by the way, then- friends may
enjoy that which is theirs according to their wills. j^
And for the better remembrance and instruction of you the said , "JJiiat goods
•' lett in the
general, and of you the principal merchants, what goods were left ■^"**. ^"''''''■■.
behind at Bantam, in the coming away of sir James Lancaster out I'ouRiit, etc.,
, . what monies
of the Indies, and what hath been pro\-ided since by the agent ^^'^ debts,
there, as by their advice sent us since the coming home of our
ships may aj^peare, you shall understand that sir James Lancaster
left at Bantam above 1,500 bags of pepper; and by their letters
sent from Bantam by the Dutch ships, the agent ^^TOte that he had
provided 1,500 bags more. And after, sir James gave commission
to the agent, at his departure from Bantam, that if the Dutchmen
were disposed to buy any of the Company's pepper, and would give
good profit for it, that then the agent should sell it, and provide
more for the Company at better opportvinity and better rate ; upon
which commission so left, you may inquu'e what hath been done
for the benefit of the Company. It doth also appear by the abbre-
viate of the accounts sent home out of the Indies, that there remained
in the hands of the agent, master Starhey, 482 fardels of calicos, \iz. :
8 canisters of pintados, and 117 fardels of checkered stuffs, 51
fardels of long malow girdles, 59 fardels of girdles for Si/san, 110
fardels of Java girdles, 13 chests of fine pintados, 6 chests of
divers sorts of commodities, 42 fardels of brown calicos, and in
loose pintados, by estimate made by six* James Lancaster, about
80 fardels at the least, of all sorts ; so that there might be in all,
packs and canisters, about 482 fardels, as aforesaid ; and in loose
calicos, so [say] 30 fardels; so as there appeareth in the whole to be
512 fardels. Since the departure of our ships, we understand, by
14 APPENDIX
their letters of the 15th of February 1602 [1G03], they had shipped
[52 fardels] for Banda in the Mulloccos, aboard our pinnace — which,
we trust, arrived there in safety within short time after her departure
from Bantam — upon the proceeds of which 52 fardels, it is hoped by
us that there may be sufficient, with a large overplus, to lade the two
ships we have appointed to the MoUoccos with mace, cloves, and
nutmegs ; so that there remained, after the departure of the pinnace
from Bantam, 452 fardels, or thereabouts, containing the best and
richest commodities of the whole complement of the prize — the
other 52 fardels sent to the MoUoccos behig of the meanest and .
basest kinds of the said prize goods : which great remainder of
goods at Bantam, of the best and greatest value, cannot but upon
the proceeds thereof, readie before your arrival at Bantam, [occa-
sion] great quantities of commodities to be returned from thence.
Besides all which several quantities of goods before mentioned,
there remained in the hands of master Starhey and the rest, at the
departure of the ships homewards, 4,907 royals-of-eight, and in
debts 3,941 pieces-of-eight, being compassed in the same 77 bags
of pepper, which pepper was received into their custody ; so as if
all the goods and money left with them, and that which might and
hath proceeded thereof, do rest in safety, you shall not only have
sufficient to lade your four ships with pepper, mace, cloves, and
nutmegs, but as many more ships of the like burden, besides the
monies which you carry along with you in the ships, amounting
The 11,160/;. to 11,160?/''- 12«. [sic] in royals, as aforesaid; which monies,
las. to be em- > o l j
ployed, not because you know that spices are here of no value, we wish you to
iu spices, *^ -. . , ^ p • •
but in other employ in some other commodities that may be oi more estimation
ties more and yield a better profit — as raw silk, well chosen, and bought at
^"^ ^ ^' reasonable prices, or such like commodities, wdierewith these parts
1(1
of Christendom have not been glutted, as with spices.
Tiie 11,'ioo/i. And touching the said 11,160|//. in royals, now sent in these
mixe^rin'ac"- ships, for SO much as it is a neAV supply of stock, sent out upon a
ti.'e"' foraler HCW advcuturc, wc will not have the same to be mixed in account
amr"^'"'ause with the former adventure, but do require you to keep the account
''''^- of the employment hereof alone by itself. And to tlic end that the
same may be distinguished from the former accounts of the first
adventure, we do pray and require you, the said general and prin-
cipal merchants, by conference and assistance of the factors resident
both at Bantam and Banda, to make a valuation, as near as you
can, of all the remainder of the first stock, what it may be worth
APPENDIX. 15
to be sold ; for that many of the adventurers who are unwilling to
hang and continue long in accounts imperfect and undetermined,
are desirous to sell their remainders of their stock to such as will
continue the trade ; and therefore a valuation is to be conceived,
and sent with the return of these ships, at any hand, being a mat-
ter not only desired by the generality, but expressly agreed upon
and charged upon us that have the ordering of the business, to see
it performed; which charge being not in us to perform, we lay
upon you, in whose power the performance thereof lieth, as you
will answer the neglect thereof. ^7
Besides the former particulars of prize goods and monies before tei^'^lto™to/
mentioned, there appeareth further to rest in the hands of master ^j^^*^ 'f'^mter
Starkeii and the other factors, ten pieces of cloths of divers colours, p.'^f'^' ^^o.,
■^ ' r Melt at Ban-
containing 514 English yards; a basin and ewer of silver, poiz. '<""■
102 oz. ; two standing cups, poiz. 63 oz. — whereof they are to
give you an account at your being at Bantam.
If those parts of the Indies do yield any good quantity of ebony, \viiatwood
ffarnando biicke [Pernambuco], or such like heavy wood of value, vided.
you may provide so much thereof as will ballast your ships, so that
the same take up no room of stoAving that may otherwise be more
profitably employed.
And forasmuch as we are not ip-norant that the malice of the To prevent
, ^ the Portin-
Portinfjalls towards our discoveiT of the trade to those parts, will gM»' ma-
•^ •'. ^ . lice ; and
not let him abstain from all practices of annoyance which lieth in what is to be
carried to
his power to offer and perform to the trade of the Mollocos, who the Moiioc-
happily may, by some lying of wait for the intercepting of our pin-
nace sent to Banda, deprive us of the provisions which otherwise
that voyage might supply us withal — if any such or other preventing
accident hath hajjpened, yet would we have you to carry in your
two ships appointed for the 3Iolloccos, such quantity of pintados,
monies, and other provisions, as may suffice to lade the said two
ships. ^ ,^
Thus we have touched many particulars of our business. Not- Leaving
other things
withstanding, many other things may occur which may greatly of the state
concern us, which we must leave to your good considerations to deal siness to
, . . , • T n fT- • eonsidera-
therem, as time and occasion shall offer you occasion, commend- tion, and the
1 p 1 11 p 11 • 1 • 1 state and
mg unto yovir care the state of such as shall fall sick m the voyage, health of
either outward or inward, that they may be comforted ; and if they
die, see that their goods may be kept in safety, and their wills and
dispositions thereof so well testified, that there grow not the like
K)
ArrEXTMX.
suspicion of the trutli of some of their wills, as hath been had of
the wills of others that died in the last voyajrc.
And forasmuch as the days of man's life are limited, and the
certain limitation thereof only known unto God, we do hereby
ordain and provide, that, whereas we have appointed and placed
you, the said Henrie Middleton in the Red Dragon, as general or
governor of the w'hole fleet; and you, master Christofer Colthurst,
as lieutenant-general and principal merchant, in the Hector ; and
you, master Roger Style, our principal merchant, in the Ascension ;
and you, master William Keeleinge, another of our principal mer-
chants, in the Susan — if, therefore, it shall happen any of you to
Any dying, dcccase in this voyage, we do ordain that he that in place and
placed ° as Order by us appointed to go as principal in every ship, which shall
first appoiiit^ sui'vive the party deceased, shall and may, by the appointment of tbe
conse''qiieu^° general, shall [ship] himself in the ship out of which the said party
ly, etc. jJIjJ decease, and hold his place in the same ship, and the place that
the party deceased held generally in the voyage ; and so a succes-
sion to be held from the general to the lieutenant, from the lieu-
tenant to the principal merchant placed in the Ascension, from the
principal merchant of the Ascension to the principal merchant
placed in the Susan. And if it shall happen all the principals of
the several ships to decease (as God forbid), the like succession to
hold and be kept by the several merchants appointed to hold the
second places in every the said ships, and so in succession from
one to another, according as the several merchants hold place in
every ship.
wh~ere Provided always, that if master William Starkcy, our agent resi-
5a'r'shan''be dcut at Bantam, do come home in the return of the ships, then we
he'^^^retuin ^° require you, our general and principal merchants, to take espe-
home. gjg^j order that he be provided for and placed in such ship as he
shall be shipped as a man that we hold to be had in good regard,
and to be respected accordingly ; and if any of the principal mer-
chants' places fall void by the death of any of them, or otherwise,
that then he supply that place in his return homewards.
Master And lastly, whereas his majesty, under his great seal oi England,
lieutenant, hath appointed you, the said master Henrie Middleton, the general
master lien- ami principal governor of all his subjects employed in the voj'age ;
/on, general, and you, the said master Christofer Colthurst, to be lieutenant-
censo!'' unto general; and if you, the said Christofer Colthurst, survive the said
mand o/The Henrie Middleton, then to succeed him in the place of governor or
APPENDIX. 17
general, without appointing any further succession, by like wari'ant men shall be
to any that is employed m the said voyage ; and that it lieth not nerai.
in us to give to any of the residue of our principal merchants any
warrant for the correction of offences by penal laws, to be executed
upon the bodies of any his majesty's subjects, Ave do, in that
behalf, as to men having reason and discretion, and to men that
fear God, offer imto your considerations the benefit of order and
peaceable government in matters and enterjirises undertaken for
a common good, reposing in you, our several merchants, and all
you, our several officers, appointed and entertained in this voyage,
a special hope, trust, and confidence that you Avill accord and agree
together, and remain in friendship and amity, to do and execute
your uttermost endeavours for the benefit of the voyage, Avithout con-
tention, discord, or emulation to be used amongst you, guiding your-
selves therein by that general regiment and sea-government which
our English fleets do use when they sort themselves together ;
having especial and due respect to him that is the principal or
cape [sic] merchant. So we commend you and your endeavours to
God's providence, who guide you with his fear, and defend you
from all dangers. Amen.
As touching such factors as are to be left in the country, or of p"ost
those which go now in these ships, we do agree and give order, by ^''"r*"'"-
this our commission, that the appointment of the said factors to
reside in those places shall be at the direction and consent of you
our general, master Christofer Colthurst, master Starkey, and
master JSlorgan, or any three of you, Avherein we hope you will
have that consideration as to make choice of the fittest. Neither .^nto whom
the power ot
let the placing of our factors in the several ships, as they are t'^*' factors
■^ ° . placiiijij
already placed, be any rule to you, or any ground for them to enjoj^ shall be in,
those places of emplojTnent wherein you are to bestow them, other- riacinRtn ije
^ no rule.
Wise than they shall be found able and meet to deserve that trust
of employment.
The ships being ready to depart, and all our commissions and What we
instructions being resolved upon and finished, we received letters of out of the
out of the Low-Countries, which came from our factors from the tries, °'fVoin
East Indies, by the Dutch ships, viz. : from master William Starkci/, since*"'' all
of the 22nd of June, and two other letters, one from Edmond -Jj'"^^ ^^^H
Scott, and the other from Thomas Tudd, both dated the 17th of "^''^^
August 1603 ; by Avhich latter letters we were advised of the death
of master Starkey and master Morgan, and of others who Avere left
cl
18 APPENDIX.
at Bantam ; and also of the damage that happened unto us, in our
goods burnt by fire in the Dutch warehouse ; together with the
disappointment of our intended voyage to the Mnlloccos, by the
contrariety of winds. All which things being considered, we take
them, as they were indeed, the hand of God, who disposeth of all
enterprises according to his good Avill and jjleasure ; which acci-
dents, howsoever, by the death of our said principal factors, they
do, in some manner, move us to alter our said commissions and
advices, so far as we had appointed any thing to be done by the
advice of the said master Starkey and master Morgan ; yet in sub-
stance we purpose to hold our former resolutions for the following
of our business, and, instead of the persons deceased, Ave wish you
to advise and use conference with the factors remaining whom you
find most apt and able to assist you in the direction of the business ;
and, touching your proceedings in the voyage from Bantam to the
Molloccos, after order for lading of the Dragon and the Susan
with pepper, to return for England, being taken, we think it fit
you, captain Middleton, prepare yourself with all speed to go for
Banda, and do furnish yourself with the most aptest and fittest of
our factors to attend you, and to be left at Banda for the further
following of that trade, according as it may be found likely to bring
benefit to the Company ; wherein you are, according to yovir good
discretion and consideration, to use the more or fewer factors to
be left there, as you shall find the more or less hope of benefit to
be made by their residence in that place, not forgetting the Com-
pany's desire, as near as you can possibly, to clear the former
voyage, according to our former direction, by a discreet and
reasonable valuation of the remainder. And for the accomplishing
of lading at Banda in the Moloccos, you, our said general, are to
take with you so much of the commodities remaining in our factors'
hands at Bantam, as they think will serve for the providing of
your lading at the Molloccos, according to the proportion given by
sir James Lancaster to provide, remembering that the Dutchmen
bought of Sjyillesbe [captain Spilberg] the like commodities, to
carry to the Molloccos for the better furnishing of their landing.
But for your better assurance lest the said commodities should not
be in request there, you shall do well to take with you 10,000,
15,000, or 20,000 royals-of-eight, as you shall think meet; and,
being so furnished, both by wares and money, you may both pro-
vide you lading, and supply your factors which you shall think fit
appe:ndix. 19
to leave to reside there with sufficient stock for proAision of cloves
and mace against another year. This project being laid down for
the trade at Banda, you shall do well, in your going thither, to
touch at the island of Amhoyna [Amboina], or any other island by the
way where cloves may be had, and to furnish yourself with what
quantity you can get, whereby you may the less depend upon your
provision of cloves at Banda ; and having directed and ordered
your business for the Moloccos, then, upon your return to Bantam,
to take full and perfect knowiedge of the w'hole state of our busi-
ness, and to leave ten or twelve factors there with such stock as
shall remain unemployed, or as may be spared, our ships being
laden — admonishing the factors to be more careful to buy their
pepjDer at the best advantage than they have been, and to buy of the
largest pepper, which here beareth the best estimation ; and unless
you shall find it very necessary that some factors be left at Banda,
we are of opinion, and do like well, that the residue of our factors
be holden altogether at Bantam ; but herein we leave you to your
OW'U experience, as you shall find the course most convenient.
And so, as before, commend you to God's providence.
And whereas our factors deceased do appear to have left some
effects behind them, which must have means to come to the hands
of such as have interest therein, w^e do wish you to take order that
aU things that do appear to belong unto them be duly and trvdy
inventoried, and shipped apart by themselves, and their wills safely
kept and brought home, together with their books and notes of
their buying and sellings, whereby their estates were increased and
gotten ; to the end that the Company may be satisfied that they
have been well dealt withal therein, and their friends receive that
wiiich shall rightfully appertain unto them.
20
[No. IV. — A LETTEIl FROM JaMES I. TO THE KINCJ OP BaNTAM, SEXT BY
OAi'TAiN Henuy Middleton. 1604.]'
Middleton.
A Ire from J AMES, bv the e;race of God kins^e of Ens-land, Scotland, fFraunce,
the kiiige of and Ireland, defendo' of the faith, etc. : To the greate and miffhtie
tiie East kingc 01 Bantam, and of the dominions and territories adiojTiing,
sr Henrie greetlnge. Whsieas the right of inheritannce and possession of
theis o'' kingdomes of England, fFraunce, and Ireland, by the
decease of o'" late deare sister of ffamous memory is discended
A-]3on vs, and iojued to o^' other principalities and kingdomes
^ych y^Q form'lie enioyed, we being established and setled in the
possession thereof, haue received into o' hands vpon the retourne
of s'" James Lancaster and other of o'" subiects from yo'" ma^®^
kingdomes and territories w^^^ their shipps and marchandize, not
onelie yo'" princelie I'res directed and sent to o^" said deceased
sister, but alsoe yo'' kinde present w''^ did accompanie the same,
holding o'' selfe after her deaceased interresscd there in by the
right of o"" cro'WTie and septer. Ypon the p'vsall of w'^'i I'res we
weare possessed w*'' noe small ioye, that yo'" ma*'*^ had soe gratiouslie
accepted the comeing of o'' subiects into yo'' dominions and king-
domes, and soe fauorablie and royallie delt w*^ them whilest they
aboade and contj'nued theare in traffique w'^'^ j-o'" subiects ; of all
w^'' ffavo^'s and other yo'' ma*''''* princelie p'ceedings w* them o"" said
subiects, s'' James Lancaster hath made vnto vs verie lardge and
ample relac'on. This introducc'on being made into a mutuall
amitie and entercourse betweene yo'' ma'^''^ and vs, we are desirous to
nourrish and contjTiue the same by all good mcanes and oportunities
that may be thought vpon or conceiued on o'" p'te ; and to that
end we haue geven lycence to diu''s of o'' subiects to prepare and
sett forth a new voyadge towards yo'' countries and kingdomes,
amongest w^^'' manie of them W^ were in the former voyadge are
desirous for the good and honorable vsadge they formerlie founde
by yor princelie favo"", to visitt the same againc ; others vpon their
[' From the India-IIou.se Mss. — This document i> printed literatim,
I'Ut the punctuation has been revised.]
APPENDIX. 21
reporte are encouradged, not w"'standing the longe and daimgerous
nauigac'on, to see the state and manner of behavio'' of people in
countries farr remote. Theis considerac'ons moueing both vs and
o'' subiects to visitt yo^' ma''*^* countries with la^\•full and peaceable
trafRque of m'chandize, we doubt not but your ma^i*^ will be well
pleased therew'-'^ ; and not onelie soe, but w^^ the continuance of an
entercourse from yeare to yeare of o'" m'chaunts w* their shipps and
goods into yo'' kingdomes, whome we dare be bold to com' end to
yo'' ma^i® for a people civill and iust in their dealeing and trade,
and euery way as able to furnish yo^^ ma*'^ and yo'' people w'^'^ all
such comodities w'-'i this parte of the world doth yeald, or afFordeth,
as any nac'on or people what soeu'' w'^^ heretofore haue made trade
or trafRque w*^^ yo^ people. And because a capitulac'on and esta-
blishing of amitie [and] entercourse to be cont}'nued betweene yo''
ma"'^ and vs cannot convenientlie be p'formed by discourse of I'res,
o'' seu'all kingdomes being soe farr distant and remote th'one from
the other, Ave therefore pray yo'' ma''^ to giue eare therein to this
bearer, and to giue him creditt in whatsoeu'' he shall ATidertake or
promyse in o^' name concerninge the same, w''^ we promyse for o'"
p'te in the worde of a prince shall be p'formed, and will be redie
gratefullie to requite any loue, kindnes, or favo'' that o^ said sub-
iects shall receiue at yo'" ma''*^* hands. And in token of o^' princelie
loue to yoi' ma''*', we send you by this bearer a remembraunce and
kindnes, w* we pray you to accept as from one that wisheth vnto yo"
all good successe and happines. And soe comend yo'" ma*-'"^ to the
tuic'on of the most highe God.
[No. V. — A LETTER FROM JaMES I. TO THE KING OF , SENT BY
CAPTAIN IIenky Middleton. 1604.]'
James, by the grace of God, king of England, ffraunce, and Ireland,
defendc of the faith, etc. — To the greate and mightie kinge
of
A I're to the Whearas Almightie God, in his infinite and vnsearchable wise-
East^imiies! dome and gratious providence, hath soe disposed of his blessings,
and of the good things of this world, created and ordayned for th'
use of man, that the same however they be brought forth, and doe
either originallie growe and are gathered, or other^\^•se composed
and made, some in [one] countrie, and some in another, yet are they,
by the Industrie of man, directed by the hand of God, dispersed and
sent out into all the partes of the world, that his wonderful! bountie
in his creatures may appeare ^■nto all nac'ons, his Maiestie haueing
soe ordaned, that noe one place should inioye, as the natiue como-
dities thereof, all things app'tayninge to mans vse, but that one
countrie should haue need of another, and out of the aboundance
of the fFruits w'^^ some region enioyeth, the necessities or wants
of another should be supplied, by w^^^^ meanes men of seu'all
and ffar remote countries haue comerce and traffique, one w*^^
another, and by their interchandge of comodities are linked to
gether in amitie and frendshipp.
This consideration, most noble kinge, together w*^!^ the ho : [nor-
able] reporte of yo^ ma^'*' for the well entertayninge of straungers
that visitt yo*' country in loue and peace, w* lawfuU traffique of
marchandize, haue moued vs to giue licence to diuers [of] o'" sub-
iects, who haue beene stirred vpp w*^'' a desier by a longe and daun-
gcrous navigac'on to finde out and visitt yo'' territories and dominions,
[' From the India-House Mss. — I find it stated, in a note to the preced-
ing article, that another letter was also " written from the kinge to some
other prince in those p'ts, of the teno'' of that form'lie from queene
Elizabeth." It must have been the letter now produced, and which was
intended to be addressed and delivered as circumstances might require.
It is printed literatim, but the punctuation has been revised.]
APPENDIX. 23
being famous in theis p'ts of the world for honorable m'chandizeing,
and to offer you comerce and traffique, in buying, bartering, and en-
terchandgeing of comodities wt^iyo*" people, according to the course of
m'chaunts ; w^^^^ commerce and enterchandging, yfyo'" [majesty] shall
accept of, and shall receiue and enterta}Tie o'' marchaunts w"^ favo^',
according to the hope that gaue them encouragm* to attempt soe
long and daungerous a voiadge, you shall finde them a people, in
their dealing and conversac'on, of that justice and ciuillitie, that
you shall not mislike of their repaire to yo'" dominions, and vpon
furder conference and inquisic'on had w'^ them, both of the
kinds of their m'chandize brought in their shipjos, and of other
necessarie com'odities w<^^ o"" dominions may afford, yt may ap-
peare to yo'" ma*^'*^ that, by their meanes, you may be furnished, in
their next retourne into yo'" ports, in better sorte then you haue
beene heretofore supplied, either by the Spaniard or Portugall, who,
of all other nac'ons in the parts of Europe, haue onelie hitherto fre-
quented yo'' countrie w'-'^ trade of m'chandize, and haue been the
onelie ympedim'^, both to o"" subiects, and diuers other mar-
chaunts in the parts of Europe, that they haue not hitherto \dsited
yo'' countrie w"^ trade, whilest the said Portugalls p'tended them
selues to be the souereigne lords and princes of all yo'' territories,
and gaue yt out that the [they] held yo"" nac'on and people as
subiects to them, and, in their stiles and titles, doe write them
selues kings of the East Indies.
And yf yo'" ma''*' shall, in yo"" princelie fFavo'", accept w"'
good likeing this first repaire of o"' m'chaunts vnto yo'' countries,
resorting thither in peaceable traffique, and shall intertaine this
their first voyadge, as an introduce' on to a furder continuance of
league and frendshipp betweene yor ma*'*' and vs, and of comerce
and entercourse betweene yo'" subiects and ours, we haue geven order
to this, o*" principall marchaunt, yf yo'' ma^'*' should be pleased
therew*, to leaue in yo'" countrie some such of o"" said marchavmts as
he shall make choise of, to reside in yo'" dominions, vnder yo'' prince-
lie and saffe p'tecc'on, vntill the retourne of another fieete, w^'' we
shall send \Tito you, who may, in the meane t}Tne, learne the lan-
guadge of yo'' countrie, and applie their behavier, as yt may best
sorte, to converse w''^ yo'" ma'^''^* subiects, to th' end that amitie and
freindshipp being intertayned and begunn, the same may the better
be contynued, when o'" people shalbe instructed, how to direct them
selues according to the ffashions of yo'" countrie.
24 APPENDIX.
And because, in the considerac'on of the entertajTiing of
amytie and freindshipp, in the establishinge of enterco'se to
be contynucd betweene vs, there may be required, on yo*" ma'^'^s
behalfc, such promyse or capitulac'on to be p'formed by vs, w*
we cannot, in theis o'" I'res, take knowledge of, we therefore
pray yo'' ma*'** to giue eare therein to this bearer, and to giue
him creditt, in whatsoeu' he shall p'myse or vndertake in o"" name,
concerning o*" amitie and entercourse, w°^ promyse, we for o"" p'ts,
in the worde of a prince, will see p'formed, and Avill be redie grate-
fullie to requite any loue, kindnes, or fauo'', that o'' subiects shall
receiue at yo'' ma^'^^ hands ; praying yo'' mat'^, for o'' better satisfacc'on
of yo'' kinde acceptaunce of this o'' loue and amitie offered yo"" high-
nes, you would, by this bearer, giue testimonie thereof, by yo''
princclie I'res, directed -sTito vs. w"- shall giue vs greate and won-
derfull contente. And thus, etc.
[No. VI. A LETTER FROM SIR ThOMAS SmITH, OOVERNOR OF THE EaST-
India Company, to captain William Keeling. 1604.]'
LouEiNGE freind m"^ Kealing, heereinclosed wee doe send you the -t seuernii
o' .' Ire wtli the
bill of lading of the money and app'ell laden in that shipp the biiisami
^ ./ ± 1 J. i inuoyces to
Suzan, together w^^^ a eenerall invoice as well of all the money each sinpp,
and goods in the 4 shipps, as alsoc of all that ^v'^^^ form'lie remaned end.
in the countrie of the East Indies, to th'end both you and all the
fFacto''^ there may take knowledge and see what theyhaue in chardge ;
for the better ordering and disposeing where of, both you and they
are to follow such direcc'on as Ave haue alredie sufRcientlie and att
lardge geuen you in o^' I'res and comission, wherein we nothinge
doubt of yo'" due care and considerac'on, eu'y one of you in his
2)lace, in dischardg of yo»" duties accordinge to that trust we doe
repose in you. Thvis wishing you a faire winde to be bound, we
comend vs vnto you, and comitt you and all yo^" companie to the
most safe p'tecc'on of the Highest, whoe send you a safe and
speedie passadge to yo'' desired porte, and graunte vs a happie
meetinge to Gods glorie and to o^' comforts, etc. In Grauesend,
the 25^'' of March 1604. Signed by s*' Thomas Smyth.
[' From the India-House Mss. — The general invoice which accom-
panied this farewell letter is a desideratum. The amount of cash ex-
ported, and the particulars of the merchandise which remained at
Bantam, are stated in No. III. This docxuucnt is printed literatim,
but the punctuation has been revised.]
e
26
[No. VII. A RE.ME.MBKAXCE BY CAPTAIN HeNRY MiDDLETO.N, FOK TUE
FACTORS LEFT AT BaXTAM. IGUj.]'
A remembrance for Gabriell Towerson, Robert Browne, George M'^ood-
noth, Henrie S^dall, and John Sat res, the first of October 1605,
in Bantam.
sniirniic The first thin"; you are to have care of after the clei)artin"; of the
Middlttuiis , . . , \ c
remeiii- ships IS to get Workmen to oversee all the decayed places of your
braiu'es left - . , m • i • i' i ii
at Batitam, warchouses, and to see them suinciently repaired, and to remove all
names and the Carriages with such lumber of timber as lieth scattered about the
iiulTiiieie. yard into some warehouse, to avoid the danger of fire, otherwise it
is very doubtful all, both house and goods, will be lost; and, in any
case, let not at any time anything apt to take fire lie near the
Avarehouse-cloors, that thereby you be not debarred to succour it,
if need shall require.
Also, I think it fit you sell such Java goods as arc likely of
perishing for pepper, if you think you can make sale thereof to
the Company's profit, either to the JloUenders, or C'/tina junks
when they shall come hither ; and not to bestow the charge of
cleansing it, but to sell it as it cometh to your hands. If not, to
sell for royals and such monies as you shall make thereof, to be
put out to the Company's profit, as in your good discretion you
shall think most meet. And for those goods brought back by me
from the Molloccos, with some other in the warehouse, which will
better sell there than here, as master Browne and master Woodnoth
can best inform you, I would not that any of them should be sold
there, but be carefully looked unto, that they perish not for lack of
caring ; and if the Hector and Susan should return again, as I
make small doubt by God's help but they will, you may do as you
[' From the India-House Mss. — This document, with regard to projjor
names and general orthography, is printed on the same plan as the third
article of the present appendix.]
APPENDIX. 27
and them that come in them shall think most meet ; but my opinion
is, the greater ship is fittest to take in the goods and proceed for
the Molloccos — for that, I donbt not, there will be Molloccos goods
enough in your warehouse to lade her with cloves. You are to
have great care you make no debts but siich as you may at all
times, after the expectation of our ships, which will be about
eighteen months hence, have in at two or three months' warning :
the reason is, I am persuaded they will bring such order from the
Company to clear all matters out of the countrie, Avherein they bear
so great a venture, without profit, and therefore about that time
you may have made sale of all the Java wares in the house, to be
employed in pepper or any other commodity which you think may
rebound to the Company's most profit.
And whereas, master Gahriell Toicerson, I am possessed with a
conceit of your discretion and good government, I have made
choice of you to be commander over all this place ; but to take the
counsel and advice of master Broirnc, master Woodnoth, master
Sydall, and master Saires in all matters, that the Company may be
the better assured of all things that passeth.
And if it please God to lay his hand upon you, master Toicerson,
and take you out of this world, I would have you to give over your
place to master Broicne; and if you, Robert Broicne, should die,
then to master Woodnofli ; and if you, George Woodnoth, shall
die, then it shall rest in your discretion to make your choice of
master Si/dall and master Sayrs, which of they two you think
fittest for such a place, always having a care to leave your business
in the best and plainest manner you can : also I do appoint you,
master Brotvne, to be bookkeeper for all matters in this place.
And for so much as the last voyage there was no order pre-
scribed by the general, to such merchants as he left there, for the
keeping of each one his particular estate in writing, so that thereby
they seemed to neglect the same, as by j^i'oof we find — for not any
of the deceased have left any writing concerning their own estates
behind them — therefore I do ordain that every merchant left here
by me do keep an accoimt of his own business, for the better
satisf}"ing of the Company, and his friends to whom he shall be-
queath his goods, if it please God to call him out of this life.
You are to be very careful for the overlooking of all your goods,
and so that you suffer them not lie near the ground ; for if they do,
it will both rot them, and breed worms in them, as by experience we
L'O APPENDIX.
have found ; and look that once a month all the goods be carried
out to ailing, and in so doing, I hope nothing will come to loss.
You are also to use good husbandry in charges of housekeeping,
for that the Comjiany are at great charge to maintain so many men
upon so small a stock ; and what provision is bought for the house,
my will is, that there be no ])artiality therein, but let all the mer-
chants' fare be alike, and not some to have command and the rest
be without.
My desire is that you endeavour yourselves to hold friendship
with the Hollenclers, and suffer no evil speeches to pass by them by
any of our people ; and although the meaner sort of them be rude,
I find that their commanders be desirous to live in amity and love
with us. Therefore, if you hear any matter pretending at any time
against them by the people of the country, that you advertise them
thereof, for they have promised on their behalf to do the like ; for
if the people of the country perceive we be linked in one, they
will be advised how they attempt anything against any of our
nations — therefore you must be careful there be no occasions
offered on our behalf. And look what order our late general, sir
James Lancaster, left for the payment of mens' wages here in
this place ; I do hold it most fit the same order be observed still,
only you are to pay no wages to Laivrence the surgeon and Edward
ElUmore, who be not their OAvn men, but servants, and therefore
they must at all times be soe jdled [supplied] by you of all such
things as they shall necessary want, and the rest of the wages to
be reserved to the use of their masters whom they serve.
If there be any of the meaner sort of men, I mean save the
merchants, that shall misbehave themselves towards you, master
Toiverson, or any of the merchants or other^\dse, it shall rest in
your discretion to punish them, whereby they may reform them-
selves ; and as for the merchants, I leave them with you, I know
their discretion to be such that I dare undertake they will give no
occasion of offence.
Thus, desiring you all to live in unity and love together, and to
bear one with another, and not to take everything at the worst that
shall be spoken, and that you meet all together at morning and at
evening prayer ; and so doing God will bless and prosper all you
take in hand : and so I take my leave of you, praying God to save,
bless, and defend vou all. Amen.
APPENDIX.
29
The names of the men, with their wages left by me, ITenrie Middleton,
at Bantam, beginning their pay the first day of October 1605.
Master Gahridl Towerson, 6li. per month
Master Robert Broicne, 6li. per month
George Woodnoth, Sli. 6s. 8d. per month
Jo/m Sayers, 2>li. 6s. 8^/. per month.
Henrie Si/dall, 31/'. 6s. 8d. per month
Richard Cotton, Hi. 5.s. OOd. per month
Larvrence Stiirdynan, 23s. per month
Richard Claxan, 24s. per month
John Delane, 22s. per month
John Bemunde, 26s. per month
Edward Preston, 20s. per month
Edward Collenes, 22s. per month
Joh7i Smyth, 22s. per month
Matthew Price, 24s. per month
James More, 24s. per month
Michaell Marlin, 26s. per month
Edward Elsmore, 28s. per month
Austen Spauldcn, 26s. per month
li.
s.
d.
06
00
00
06
00
00
03
06
08
03
06
08
03
06
08
01
05
00
01
03
00
01
04
00
01
02
00
01
06
00
01
00
00
01
02
00
01
02
00
01
04
00
01
04
00
01
06
00
01
08
00
01
06
00
[
sic] 37i
02
30
[No. VIII. A LETTER FROM JaMES I. IN REPLY TO THE KINO OF
TernatJ;. 1607.] •
His ma"'' to the kingc of the Mollocco.s.
Fismatieto James, bv the OTace of God kinge of Create Erittaine, ffraimce,
the kinge of ' . o o ' '
the Moi- and Ireland, defendo'" of the faith, etc. To the mightie kinge of
the Molloccos and of the teritories and dominions adiopieing. Att
the retourne of o'' subiects from their last voyadge in yo'" countries,
we receiued from you a I're of greate kindnes, and a bahar of clones,
■yych -^yg tooke very kindlie as a testimony of your desire to enter-
teyne amitie w''^ vs, but especiallie wee weare pleased to vnderstand
of yo>' kindnes towards them in matters conc'ning their trade and
traffique w*'^ you, w^^^ hath incouraged them to p'ceede in yt, and
vs to recomend them to you and yo'" p'tecc'on agaynst any that
would oppose agaynst them or molest them in their trad^, in as
ample manner as we would be willing to doe to any of yo''', yf their
desire shall be to visitt o'' countries. And whereas we vnderstand
that some Hollenders whoe traffique wth you doe oppose them selues
agaynst o'' subiects w"' euill speeches and other practizes to hinder
their trade, although we doubt not but y^ in yo'' owne judgement
you can easilie conceiue that m'chaunts, not onelie of diuers nac'ons,
but of one and the same nation, will ofte tymes calumniate each
others for diuers respects, and hinder what they cann those that
happen into the saime trade w'^'^ the [they] vse ; yet haue we thought
good to assure yo" soe much by o"^ I're, that their superio'"® and
gou'no''^ will disallowe them in that practise, being w"* vs in veric
[' From the India-House Mss. — This letter was -nTitten in reply to the
letter of the king of Ternate which accompanies the text. He is styled
]dn{^ of t/ie 3foIloccos by way of compliment. The document is printed
LITERATIM, but thc punctuatioii has })ccn revised.]
A]'1>EM)1X. 31
good amitie. Wherefore we doubt not but you will graunte Mito o'
subiects fFreedome of quiet traffique w^'' you, w'-^ saffetie for their
p'sons, ships, and goods, and libertie to establish a fiactorie theare,
yf they shall desire yt, according to yo'' princelie offer in yo"" said
I're. And in the meane tyme, for a token of o'' good will and
desire to enterteyne yo^ princelie amitie, we haue by this bearer
o'' servant sent you a small present, av<=^ we pray you to accept.
Where w*^'' we comend yo^' ma'''' to the tuition of the most high God.
Dated att o"' pallace of Westminster the 23'-i' of ffebruarie 1606
[1607].
32
[No. IX. A LETTEK FROM JaMES I. I.N llEPLY TO TUE KIXG OF
TiDOKE. IGUT.]'
From his ma'''' to the kinge of Tedore.
I lis ni.itie to RiGHT high, ctc. Att the rctounie of o'' m'chaunts from their voy-
Teiiurc.^'^ ° adge into yo^' countries, we receiued a token from you ■\v'='^ we tooke
very kindelie ; and vnderstanding by their reporte that they had
found good vsadge of you and yor subiects in their trade, and they
being incourraged thereby to retourne agayne, we thought yt ffitt
to left you p'ceaue by o'' I'rcs what good reporte they haue made
of yo>' freindlines towardcs them, and to praye the continuance
thereof, soe as they may continue their traffique w^^ yo'' ffavo'", and
wtii safFetie of their p'sons, ships, and goods, in such manner as we
will doe to any of yo'-'' that haue desire to visitt theis p'ts ; and yf
in any thinge we may doe you kindnes, you shall be assured of yt.
In the meane tjTne we haue sent you by this bearer, o' servant,
a token of o"" good will, w*"'^ we desire may eu'" increase betweene
you and vs. Dated ott o^" pallace of Westminster the 23^^ of
ffebruarie 1606 [1607].
[' Prom the India-House Mss. — This letter was written in TC\Ay to
the letter of the king of Tidore which accomj^anics the text. The docu-
ment is j)rinted JiiTEU.\Ti.M, hut the punctuation has been revised.]
[No. X. A LETTER PROM JaMES I. IN REPLY TO THE KING OF
Baxtam. 1()()7.]'
His highnes to the kinge of Java Maior.
Right high, etc. Att the retoiirne of or subiects from their His Wgimes
last voyadge into yo»' countries, we rec*^ from you both a I're of ^'f j^ua 'Ma*^
great kindnes and twoe bezar stones, both w'^'^ we tooke verie "^"'
kindlie, as a testimony of yo'" [desire] to entertejTie amitie ^v^^ vs ;
especiallie we were pleased [to un]derstand by their reporte how
kindlie they were vsed in yo'" cou[ntrie] in matters concerning
their traffique, W^^' hath incouraged th[cm] to p'ceede in yt, and
vs to recomend them to j'ou and yo'' p'tccc'on, agaynst any that
would oppose agaynst them or molest them in their said trad**, in
as ample manner as we would be willingc to doe to any of yo''^ yf
their desires shall be to visitt o'' countries.
To testifie vnto you o'' kinde acceptauncc of yo'' favo'' shewed
them, and o'" desire to continue amitie w'^' you, we haue sent by
this bearer, oi" servant, a token of o'' loue, w^^ we hope shall
alwaies continue and encrease betweene vs. Dated att o'' pallace
of Westmin' the 23ti» of ffebruarie 1606 [1607],
[' From the India-IIouse Mss. — This letter was written in reply to
the letter of the king of Bantam which accompanies the text — the
address, as in the reply to the king of Ternate, being a piece of state-
flattery. The portions within brackets are supplied by conjecture : the
rest is printed literatim. James I. was often styled his highness, as
maj' be seen in the Anaales of Stow.]
/
34
[No. XI. A LETTER FROM JaMES I. TO THE SAB.WDAR OF XeRA. li'IOT.]'
From hi.s ma'''' to Nere.
nisniftticto Att the rctourne of o'' m'chaunts from their trade in that
of Nero. countrie we receiued from you a hahar of nutmeggs for a token of
o^' good will, yv'^^ we accepted w"' all kindnes. And we vndcrstoode
by them howe freindlie they had beene intertayned by you in their
traffique, w''^ hath incourraged them to attempt it agayne, and v.s to
recomend them ^^lto yo'" fFavo'' and p'tecc'on, soe as they may be
suffered quietlie to continue their said trad^ w'^^ saffetie and good
vsadge of their p'sons, shipps, and goods ; and we shall be redie
to requite yt w^^ ^nv kindnes to yo" or yo^'s ; and in the meane
tjone haue sent you by this bearer, o'" servant, a token of o'' good
■will, Av<''i Ave desire may eu*" increase betweene you and vs. ffrom
o'" pallace at Westminster the 23*^ of ffebr. 1606 [1607].
[No. XII. A LKTTER FROM JaMES I. TO THE SABANDAR OF LaXTORE. 1007.]
From his ma'i" to Limtor.
From his Att the retoumc of o'" m'chaunts from their trade in that coun-
sabander of t^'iG we vnderstaude by them how freindlie they had beene inter-
Luntor. teyned by yo" in their traffique, w'''^ hath incovirraged them to attempt
yt agayne, and vs to recomend them to yo'' fFavo'' and p'tecc'on, soe
as they may be suffered quietlie to continue their said trades av"i
saffetie and good vsadge of their p'sons, shipps, and goods ; and
we shall be redie to requite yt w^^^ any kindnes to you or yo''^ ; and
in the meane tyme haue sent you by this bearer, o'' servant, a
token of o'' good Avill, av""'! wc desire may euer encrease bctAvecne
you and vs. Dated att o'' pallace of Wcstmin' the 23''> of ffeb-
ruarie 1606 [1607].
[' From the India-House IMss. — These two letters refer to the proceed-
ings of captain Colthurst at Banda, in KlOf) ; and are printed jjteratim.J
35
[No. XIII. A LETTER FROM MASTER GaBRIEL ToWERSON, CHIEF FACTOR
AT Bantam, to his brother. 1607.]^
Laus Deo, this SOt'i of Aprill 1607, in Bantam.
Brother Toaverson, my last vnto yo" of the 2G"^ of October
1606, p' the West Fresland, wherein I wrote \Trto yo" as then
the tyme serued ; since w''^ tyme here hath not happened anie
matter worthy the Avryting of concerning my owne husines, w"^^''
is in so good a forwardnes, that I thingke the tyme verie long that
our shippes were come to make an end of this yrksome living in
this place, yf it shall please the Almightie.
The principall newes in these parts proceedeth from the Hol-
landers busines, ifor they are the men that beare the greatest swaye,
whose reports, for want of other matter, I will advertise yo" of.
At this present here is an admirall, Cornelius Mataliphe the
young'", who dep'ted out of Holland in Maye 1605, having a
fleete of xi shippes,'-* keeping on their course vntill the 24"' of
lune, when they fell w"' the iland Maio, where they watered and
tarried 14 dales. The 9 of lulie they sett saile from thence,
keeping on their course vntill the 28'^^^ of August, Avhen they came
to ancho'" at the iland of Annabo, where they accorded w"' the
people of the place to refresh and water, w^^^ is a verie fitt place
for that purpose ; there is good refreshing of orringes and divers
other fruits. This iland lieth in two degrees southerly of the line;
it is a verie pleasant land, the people are of colo'' blacke, and goe
all naked, saue a small peece of lynnen to hide their privities. The
5 of September they sett saile from Annabo, and on the 28 of
October they were thwart the Cape Bona Speransa. The 9 of
[^ From the State-paper OiEce. East-Iudia papers. — This document
seems to be in the handwriting of Towerson, and is printed literatim.]
[=^ Admiral Matelief sailed from the Texel on the twelfth of May 1605,
N.s. The burden of the eleven ships amounted to 5820 tons, and the
number of men was 1440. An ample account of this voyage is contained
in the Recueil des voiagcs edited by C. de Rennevillc.]
S6 APPENDIX.
November they were troubled wtii a great storme Avest-no*^-west,
in w"^!' storme 6 of the fleete were scpcratcd from the rest,
w"^'' the next daie mett agayne. The 21 of December they had
sight of the iland Cerna, by the Hollanders called Moritius. The
next daie they came to an ancho»', where they found 2 Holland
shippes, w^'' was Verhagen' shippe and the Great Home, bound
for Holland to this place : they had not lost a man, but one w'-"'^
was killed abord the admirall by another of the same shippe.
This iland of Moritius the Hollanders make greate recconing of:
yt aftbordeth good refreshing of fish, foules, and scales, w'' are
so tame that they take them at pleasure. The Hollanders doe con-
tynvially carrie thither goats and hoggs, and leaue them there to
increase. At this iland they sett vpp their pinnaces. On the 18"'
of lanuary they dep'ted from thence, being the nomber of 15
shijjpes and pynnaces. The 16 of March they came to the ilands
of Nicobar ; the 18, they fynding the ^ynde contrary, they came
to an anchor, where the people of the covmtrie brought them fruits
to exchaunge for other trifles.
Here at this place he did make the fleete acquaynted w^^ his pre-
tence that he determyned to goe directly for Mallaca, and promised
verie large off"ers to the company, if they tooke it either by force or
otherwaies ; the bay where they did ride, the admirall did newe
name it by his owne name, jNIataliphe. The 24 they sett saile from
this baye of Mataliphe, and being entred into the straits they had
sight of 2 ilands, to name, Pula Porro and Pula Pinassa. The
6 of Aprill 1606 they had sight of the maine of Mallaca, w''^ 2
ilands bearing east and west the one from the other. The 19 ditto
they came in sight of the towne of Mallaca, and came to ancho^'
w^'in a league and ^ of the said towne. Presently they manned
there botes to fetch the shippes out of the rode, w^^ were 4 in
nomber, w<=^ the enemie p'ceaving, layd a trayne of powder in
the one W^'* was newly come in, and forsooke her, luid as the
Hollanders did enter, she blewe vpp, where they lost 8 or 9
men : the other 3 being emptie, the Hollanders put fire to them,
soe they burnt. The next daie the fleete wayed, and came
nere the towne, where they did ancho'' in 5 or 6 fatham water,
and shott of all their ordn'nce against the towne and castell, the
enemie shooting but little at them. This night the admirall pre-
tending to land his forces, but altering his mynde he purposed to
stale the coming of the king of lore, to whome he had sent a
APPENDIX. 31
pynnace from the fleete, w^'^ the lore ambassadour w^'' they
brought out of Holland. The 21 of Aprill they beganne to make
a battrie from a small iland on the south side of the toAvne, where
they planted 2 peeces of ordenaunce, and in the afternoone playd
vf^^ them against the towne ; but from that dale to the 2 of Maie
they shott no more, being to so small a purpose, but laye still, pre-
venting the enimies pretenses and keeping watch that there should
goe no succkers to the enimye : in w'che tyme they tooke many
espialls, w-'' were sent out dailie to seeke to fire their shippes,
of W'' they tooke a boate w"^ 4 men, w''» did confesse they
were sent out for the same purpose by the governo'' of the towne.
In this tyme there were 4 iunckes of Shumatra, w^ii came to helpe
the Hollanders. The 7 ditto came the king of lore to the fleete,
but not so strong as was exspected.
The next dale in the afternoone, at high water, they landed
all their forces on the west side of the toA^Tie, being of Hol-
landers and blakes 13 or 1400 men. At their first landing
they were encountered by w"i 3 or 4 companies of Portin-
gales, but they retyred jonediatly to the fore towne, from whence
they did skirmish wt'i their muskctts. But the Hollanders bend-
ing a peece of orden'nce against them after an hower skermish,
the enemie did forsake the fore towne, setting yt a fire, and fled
into the strong towne. The next dale, being the 9 ditto, the Hol-
lander tooke in the fore towne, Avhere they made their first battarie
vpon the maine. The admirall being tould of the armado, sent
aborde most of his men and orden'nce agayne, leaving a shore suf-
ficient to keepe that w'^'^^ they had begunne ; and so yt contynued
for the space of 14 dales. The 24 they did begynne to be-
leager the towne round about, making and fortifying themselues
in quarters, where they planted feild peeces so farre as the east side,
w*^^ they did w'thout any resistavmce of the enemye. There were
divers slaues yv'^^ did daily come out of the towne, w^^^^ complayned
greatly of hunger.
The admirall having caused his men a shore agayne, and leaving
his shijjpes so weakely manned, did bethinke himself of the armado
coming \-]jon him, sent a shippe and pinnace to Cape Rochadoe to
keej)e watch there. In this tyme came into the fleete 2 Port-
ingale shijjpes and 2 or 3 iimckes laded w^^ m'chaundizes, wci^
they made prize of. Vpon the 22 of lune they built a skonce
vpon the east strand, w^'' kept them in tlie towne in that sort
38 ■ APl'ENDIX.
that they could not goe out by land nor sea. The 10 of luly the
Hollanders admirall sent a letter to the walls of the towne w''>
drumme and trumpett, in efFecte to demaund the towne ; but the
Portingale w'^' vpbraving speeches willed the messenger to be-
gonne, or he would send him w^^ shott from the walls. The next
daie they beganne to shoote at the towne, W^^ contynued that
forenoone. The 14 ditto came 2 Holland shippes into the fleete,
w^i' had all this tyme bene missing. The 4 of August the
shippes that kepte the Avatche brought newes that the armado was
coming on. That night they gott most of the munic'on and orde-
n'nce aborde. It was thought by the Hollanders, that yf the vice-
roye had kept on his course and followed the watch, they mought
haue taken their shippes and murdered those a shore at case. By
the next night the Hollanders had gotten all the men and orden'nce
aborde, when for a farwell, the Portingale did sallie out vpon them ;
but the Hollanders encountered them, and killed about SO'""; and
the rest retiered agayne to the towne, and the Hollanders went
quietly to their shippes, the admirall being the last man ashore
himself. The 6 ditto they sett saile to meete w'^^ the armado,
w^^ was 14 great shippes, 4 great gallies, and small frigotts,
to the nomber in all 26, and by 3 a clocke in the afternoone
they mett, where beganne the first fight : the viceroye shott the
first shoote. This fight contynued verie hott on both p'ts for
space of 2 bowers, when the Portingalcs first bare vpp and came
to anchor; the Hollanders getting the winde of them, came to
ancho'' hard by them. The next morning they both waved. The
2 of the Portingall shippes did borde the Phcenix, and sought
to fire her, w^'^ tooke efFecte ; so she burnt downe to the water :
the men were all saued.
Then beganne they to fight. The Portingales being full of
men, sought to borde the other, and came yv^^ 5 shippes at
once to borde the vice-admirall ; but finding her sides so hott,
they were forced to keepe further off. 3 other sought to borde
the admirall, w^^ the shii:)pe Middleborowe p'ceaving came to
hclpe, the w^'* 5 shippes being thus to gcather, fought for the
space of 2 howers, vntill the Mauritious came vpp to helpe his
admirall ; and he shott a fire arrowe out of a crosbowe into the
admirall of the Portingale, w'^^ tooke in that sort, that it burned
2 Portingale shippes and the shippe Middleborowe. So this daie
were burnt 2 Holland shippes and 2 Portingall shippes downe
APPENDIX. 39
to the water. The admirall and the third shippe being fast, so that
to free them from burning came to composic'on that the Portingales
should haue their Hues saved, and shoukl come to ancho'' by the
Hollanders admirall, w'^'^ came to ancho''; but the Portingales
shipjDe verie wisely was lett driue w*'^ the currant : the rest of the
fleete thinking they had accorded w'^ their admirall, lett her passe
by them, w'^'^ p'esently had helpe from their owne fleete, and
toed in by the gallies. This fight lasted 6 or 7 howers, when
both fleetes came to ancho'' a league a sonder, and rested for that
night. The 10 ditto both the fleets waied and fought 4 howers,
but the Portingales gaue waie, so they came agayne to ancho''.
The next dale the Hollanders having the winde of the enemies,
the Portingales did waye likewise and shott verie fiercely for space
of 4 or 5 howers, when the Portingales gaue waie, w^'^ the Hol-
landers followed a little, but the tide being spent they came to
anchoi" agayne. Att w'''' tyme the Hollanders having want of
powder and shott, Icfte the armado, and went to lor, to supplie
the want ; where they anchored the 5 of September, and remayned
till the 22 ditto. On the 6 of October they determined to goe
before Malaca againe to fight w*'i the shippes. The 9 ditto they
came in sight of the towne, where they see the shippes 7 in
nomber, but the winde being contrarie they could not come at
them vntill the 12 ditto. Then the admirall de\yded his fieete
into 3 squadrons: his OAvne shippe, the Great- Son, and the
Provinses, was to giue the first assault, and went in among them,
and brought one awaie w'''' them ; w*^^^^ the rest of the armado
p'ceauing, sett saile to rescue, and did recouer her agayne, and
brought her in w''^ helpe of the gallies. Then came two of the
armado to the vice-admirall, laying her aborde on both sides. But
the vice-admirall plying his ordcnaunce in that hott mann', that
the one fell from him not able to helpe herself, the other fought so
long till with shooting she tooke fire ; att w"^^ tjrnie the vice-
admirall was forced to lett loose, having staled so long that part of
his gallarie was a fire.
lust at that tyme, when they made accompte to haue entered,
the Moritius laid the vice-admirall aborde and tooke her by com-
posic'on, so they all came to ancho*' agayne; the 13 ditto, they see
the shippe that the vice-admirall the dale before fought w"i,
driue, and tooke her w^^'iout fighting ; the same dale they tooke
another shippe bound for Mallaca laden w''^ m'chandize. This
40 APPENDIX.
dale they did vnlade such shippcs as they had taken, and burned
the shippes before the towne. The 20 ditto they waied, and went
to looke out for the rest of the fleeto to destroye them, w'' the
Portingales p'ceauing, did, [burn] 3 of them, w*^^^' the daie before
they had hailed ashore, and tooke out their ordenaunce, m}Tiding
to saue them. By this tyme they had destroyed 8 of their best
shippes. The 26 ditto, they dispeeded a small shippe, w*^*^ they
had taken, for Ambon, laden w^'^ cloth, having soldiers and others
for the releife of that place. This shippe, after the fleete lefte her,
was caste awaie, but the men and goods were saued; w'^'' after
bought 2 iunckes at loi-, and came here to Bantam the 13 of
December. By these men had wee the first newes of this fleete.
November the 5 they put to sea againe, and had sight of another
shippe, w*^*! they w'thout resistaunce tooke : yt was a shippe of
St. Tome, of 400 tonnes. This shippe was taken before on the
2 of October, at Nicobars, by the Holland shippe w*^^ was sent
to trade \'pon the coast of Corramandell. In this shippe was don
Lewes de Loberto, w* was appointed admirall of the armadoe ;
and haxdng cast awaie his shippe at Cape Comera, tooke passage
in this m'chaunts shippe for Mallaca, and was taken againe, and
is kept here in Bantam for a ransome of 6,000*^ Rs.'^'S. The 21
they had sight of 7 shippes more of the enemyes ■\^ldcr an
Hand, but the winde was contrary that they could not come to
them, but doing their best ; w^'^ the Portingale p'ceyuing, got
them betwene 2 Hands a league a sender, getting close aborde
the shore, and brought all their ordenavmce to one side. The 28
ditto, the Hollanders came in among them, and did ancho'" w'thin
saker shott of them. They sought manie waies to fire them, but
the Portingale did still p'vent, by toing of the fires w'^^ their
frigotts and botes. The Hollanders seing yt would take no efiecte,
they dep'ted, keeping to and againe ther abouts to see if they
would put to sea. The 26 of December, the admirall having taken
order for the sending shippes to their lading ports, the vice-admi-
rall w^'^ 2 more to goe for Achene, from whence the Great-Son
went for the cost of Corramandell ; the admirall w*^*^ the rest,
being 6 saile, arrived here in Bantam rode the 20 of January;
and the 28 dep'ted from hence to the Moloces, to see if he could
recover that place from the Spaniards. March the 14 the vice-
admirall came into this rode w"-'' the White I^yon. The admirall
hath done manie good peeces of service in these parts, in securing
APPENDIX. 41
Achene, lor, and Bantam, w'^^ the Portingale did threaten to
over runne with his great forces, and turne both the Hollanders
and the English out from hence ; w<='^ vndoubtedly he had done,
had it not pleased God to make this meanes to j)revent him. But
for Mallaca he hath given them so faire a warning that they will
never be so neare getting it as they were ; and surely had had it,
if the armadoe had not come \13pon them as he did. In all this
t)Tne the Hollander loste \'pward of 600 men, 2 great shippes, and
150'^ Rs.o8.
This p'esent 30 of Aprill 1607, here did arriue a pinnace from
the Mauritious, or Cernne, w'"^' brought newes, that the West-
ffreesland, w*^!' departed the 26 of October last from hence, is cast
awaie vpon the Sand Hand, having saued all their men, but little
of their goods, only the m'chaunts chests and a fewe fardells of
mace. Thus desiring yo" to comend me to all my freinds, I comitt
yo" to the protection of the Almightie, whome I beseech blesse
and preserve yo" and yo^'^ to his good will and pleasure.
Yo'' loving brother,
Gabriell Towerson.
42
[No. XIV. A (JKANT OF LICENSE TO SIB EdWARD MiCHELBORNE TO
TRADE WITH CaTHAIA, ChINA, ETC. 1604.]^
©rtaba pars Paten tie anno Ml^ Jacobi Sccuntio.
D Licen smai 3JaniC5 by the grace of God etc. To all to
-p 1 . 1 whome these p'esents shall come sendeth greet-
-XT- ^ n ing. Knoave yee that wee of our especiall
JVlicnelborne ° , ■, ^ ■, ^ , p
,,.,. grace ce ten knowledff and meere moc on tor
Milite. '' , . . " , . T
us our heires and successors have given and
graunted and by these p'esents doe give and graunte to our trustie
and welbeloved subject and se'vant sir Edward Michelborne knight
one of our gentlemen pencioners and to his associats and companye
with necessarie shippes and shipping free lib' tie and lycence to
discover the countries and domynions of Cathaia, China, Japan,
Corea, and Cambaia and the islands and countries thereimto ad-
jo}Tiing, and to marchandize and trade with the said seve'all coun-
tries and people inhabiting the said places not as yet frequented
and traded unto by anie of our subjects or people without inte'rup-
c'on or hinderaunce of any whomsoever any restraint graunt or
charter whatsoever to the contrarie hereof heretofore had graunted
or made in any wise notw'thstanding Ik witxes whereof etc.
T. R. apud Westm' vicesimo quinto die Junij etc.
P' bre' de privato sigillo etc.
RECORD OFFICE.
Mar. 20.
1851.
Ci)i:g is a true anO autljtnttc fopp from tl)t
original rtfoiK rrmaining in ti)c Cijapcl of
ti)c iilollg Ijabing been tjiaminctJ.
Thomas Palmer,
Ass*. Record Keeper.
20 March 1851.
I ' Kioia the (.'hajiel vi' tlie Rulls. — An account of the voyage made iu
l>ui»uaucc of thi.s license is iniuted iu /'rrc/ia-s /li.s jii/r/runes.]
43
[No. XY. A PROCLAMATIOX OF JaMES I. PROHIBITING THE IJIPORTATIO.V
OF PEPPER EXCEPT BY THE EaST-Im>IA CoMPANY. 1609.] ^
By the king.
IT A proclamation inhibiting the importation of pepper from forraine
parts, by any other persons then those of the East-
Indian Company.
Forasmuch as it is not \Tiknowen, that in former times when all
or the greatest part of pepper, and other spices of the grouth of
the East Indies, was brought into this our realme of England and
principalitie of Wales by strangers onely, the same was then sold
at very high rates, vntill such time as some of our owne merchants
did themselues trade into those parts, and bringing in good quan-
tities of those commodities, did sell the same at much lower prices,
to the great reliefe and benefit of all our subiects in generall : And
forasmuch as we doe finde, that the establishment and continu-
ance of this trade, hath and will be more and more an occasion to
imploy and encrease the great shipping of this kingdome, which
hath heretofore bene out of vse, as being not so necessary for trade
in countreys that are not so farre remote : For these, and some
other reasons which haue bene deliuered \'nto vs, being desirous to
encourage this company, and to maintaine that trade by all good
and lawfull meanes ; And experience teaching vs, that if there
should be, till the trade were better setled, a free and generall
libertie for all persons whatsoeuer to bring in those commodities,
it would be an occasion to ouerlay the trade, and strangers would
of purpose vent their spices at small rates, thereby to enforce our
owne subiects to desist from trading into those countreis : We
with the aduise of our priuie councell, haue thought fit, for some
time to restraine the importation of pepper from forraine parts, by
[1 From the State-paper Office. A printed copy. — It was reprinted in
A booke of jji'odamations, London Ifilo. Folio.]
44 APPENDIX.
any others then by the merchants iojTitly of the East Indian Com-
pany. And therefore wee doe hereby Avill and commaund all person
and persons whatsociicr, cither our naturall borne subiccts, denizens,
or strangers (not being the company aforesaid) to forbeare to bring
into these our dominions of England and Wales, any pepper, di-
rectly or indirectly, vpon paine of forfeiture of the goods, and what
other punishment they may incurre by any contempt and default
herein. And to the end, this our pleasure may be more ducly
obserued, wee doe likeAvise charge and command all customers,
comptrollers, searchers, Avaiters, farmours of our customes and their
deputies, and all other our officers of the ports, within our terri-
tories aforesaid, that they doe not giue any bills of entrie for pepper
that is brought in from forraine countreis, by any other then those
who shall be knowen to bee of the company aforesaid : neither shall
they suffer it to bee landed, or being so, shall seize the same to our
vse as iustly forfaited. And moreouer, they and euery of them, shall
vse their best meanes and endeuours to hinder and preuent all
secret and fraudulent practizes of such as shall seeke to bring it [in]
that commoditie, notwithstanding this our pleasure published to
the contrary.
And because we are careful to preuent al inconueniences to the
generality of our subiects, in case they should be hardly dealt with
"\Tider this restraint, by those that haue the Avhole masse of pepper
in their owne hands ; although wee hold the company to be com-
pounded of many good and honest merchants and others, yet be-
cause there is no societic wherein all are of one temper, and out of
the care we haue alwayes had for the common good of all our
people more then of any particuler societie ; wee thought it not safe
to repose so much confidence in a part of our people, as to leauc
the Avhole body subiect to their wills, in matter of this nature.
And therefore hauing well examined what might be an indifferent
price to yeeld to the merchants competent gaine for the mainten-
ance of so great and long a trade, and so needfull for the support of
nauigation, and yet not be ouerchargeable to the rest of our peojile,
who haue on the other side dayly vse of that kinde of spice ; wee
haue conditioned with them, and limitted, that they shall vtter
pepper at the rate of two shillings sixe pence the pound, and not
exceed, to any that shall come or send for it, vpon paine of our
high displeasure.
Which prouision, and limitation being made by vs in fauour of
APPENDIX. 45
the commixnitie of our svibiects, we haue thought good to publish
and make knowen to all men, to the end that if it fall out, that
such as by way of retaile doe vtter to our people dwelling in places
remote from our citie of London, and other parts where shipping
doeth ariue, that kinde of spice, there bee exacted any prices exces-
siue, it may appeare that the same is not for want of due prouision
made to preuent it, but by the ouergreedinesseof those which shall sell
it. In which consideration, although wee know, that there are many
reasons, why those that sell by retaile, should demaund a fmlher
price then they pay for it here, as well in respect of the distance of
place, forbearing of their money, as many other things incident to
that kinde of trade : yet the better to containe them within the
bounds of reasonable gaine, we haue thought good to make knowen
thus much, thereby to expresse our ovme care of our louing sub-
iects, and to shew them the meanes whereby they may auoyd such
further burden, as may bee cast vpon them by any that shall goe
about by any A-ndue practise, to raise immoderate gaine, ^-nder
colour or pretext of that course which we haue taken for the reasons
aforesaid.
Giuen at Newmarket the last day of Nouember, in the seventh
yeere of our reigne of Great Britame, France and Jreland.
God saue the king.
IT Imprinted at London by Robert Barker,
printer to the kings most excellent maiestie.
Anno 1609.
40
[No. XVI. — Extracts from Ludovico de Vartiiema and others ox
THE Maluco Islands.]
(1 )
" Ca. della insula Monocli clone nascono li garoiFoli.
Smonta'mo in questa insiila Monoch, la q'lc e molto piu piccola
che no' c Bandan, ma la gente si e pegiore die quilli dc Ba'dan,
& uiueno pure a quel modr [modo], & so'no un poclio piu bianclii &
lo acre e un poco piu ferddo [freddo]. Qui nascono li garofFoli, & in
niolte altre insvile circu'uicine, ma so'no piccole & desliabitate.
Lo arbore delli garofFoli si e p'prio co'e larboro del buxolo, zoe
folto, & la soa foglia e quasi como q'lla della ca'nella, ma e un
poco piu to' da, & e de quel colore co'e gia uedissi in Zeilani, la
quale e quasi como la foglia d'l lauro. Q'n' so'no maturi quisti
garofFoli, li dicti ho'i li sbatteno co' le ca'ne, & metteno sotto al
dicto arbore alcune store per racoglierli La terra done so'no quisti
arbori e come arena, zoe de quel medesmo colore, no' pero die sia
arena. El paese si e molto basso, & de qui no' se uede la stella
tramo'tana. Veduto cli' hauessemo questa insula & questa ge'te
dima'da'mo alii xp'iani se altro ce era da ueder' Ce resposero,
tiediamo un poclio in cli' modo ue'deno questi garofFoli : troua'mo
die se ue'deuano al dopio piu die le noce moscate pure a mesura,
p'clie quelle p'sone no' inte'deno pesi." — Ltjdouico de Vaktiiema.'
(2)
" Auiendo el papa Alexandro sexto repartido las conquistas del
nueuo mundo, a, los reyes de Castilla y Portugal, hizieron de
acuerdo la particion, por vna linea q' cosmografos echaron al
mimdo ; paraq', el vno a la parte del ocidente, y el otro, a la del
oriente, siguiesen sus descubrimientos y conquistas, pacifica'do lo
que cada vno ganase dentro de su demarcacion.
[^ Itinerario de Ludouico de Varthema Bolognese nello Egypto, nella
Siirria, nella Arabia deserta (& felice, uella Persi((, nella India, & nella
Ethiopia, etc. Roma, m.d.x. 4". f. 79.]
APPENDIX. 47
Despues, que por la corona de Portugal se gano la ciudad de
Malaca, en la tierra firme de la Asia, en el reyno de lor, llamada
por los antiguos Aureachersoneso, el an'o de mil y quinientos y
onze, a las nueuas de las islas q' caen cerca, especialme'te, las del
Maluco y Banda, donde se coge el clauo y la nuez moscada ; salio
vna armada de Portugueses a su descubrimiento, q' auiendo estado
en Banda, fuero' de alii Ueuados a la isla de Terrenate, vna de las
del Maluco, por el mismo rey della, en defensa suya, contra el de
Tidore su vezino, con quien tenia guerra, q' fue principio del asiento
que los Portugueses hizieron en el Maluco.
Fra'cisco Serrano (q' boluio a Malaca con este descubrimie'to,
y passo a la India, para yr a Portugal a dar quenta del) murio antes
de hazer este viaje, auiendo comunicado por cartas a su amigo
Fernando de Magallanes (q' se auian hallado juntos en la toma de
Malaca y estaua en Portugal) lo que aula visto; con cuyas relaciones,
entendio lo q' conuenia del descubrimiento y nauegacion a estas
islas." — Antonio de Mokga.^
(3)
" Las islas que tiene la especeria del clavo son estas, Terrenate,
Tidori, Motil, Maquian, Bachan : estas son las principales.
Terrenate es alta y toda poblada al rededor, y el pueblo principal
que se dice Terrenate, esta por la parte del sudueste : esta isla es
alta, que esta mas al norte de todas, y los arboles de clavo estan
arriba en mitad de la montan'a, cogese cada an'o mill bahares de
clavo que son 4-^ quintales ; esto se entiende como en Castilla,
cuando hay buena vendeja del vino : esta isla de Terrenate tiene
otra isla pequen'a al nornordeste, llamase Iri, es poblada: tiene esta
isla de Terrenate 9 leguas.
La isla de Tidori es alta mas que la de Terrenate, y mas aguda
para arriba, tiene una falda al nornordeste, es poblada toda al
derredor, y el pueblo principal que se llama Tidori esta por la parte
del leste : correse con la isla de Lornate norte sur cuarta de nordeste
sudueste, una legua escasa; los arboles del clavo son arriba en medio
de la montan'a : cogese en esta isla de Tidori novecientos ballares
[^ Svcesos de las Islas Philipinas. Dirigidos a don Christoval Gomez
de Sandoval y Rojas dvqve de Cea por el doctor Antonio de Morga.
j\Iexici ad Iiidos. Anno 1609. 4'\]
48 APPENDIX.
de clavo, que son tres mil e seiscicntos quintales, y es mejor que
lo de Terrenate : tiene dc rodeo nueve leguas. Esta isla ticne otra
pequcn'a al sudueste que se dice Mcytara, hay un cuarto de legua
desta isla alia. Tiene otra isla esta isla de Tidori al susudueste que
se dice Mare ; hay una legua de la una a la otra: tiene 4 leguas de
rodeo : hay algun poco de clavo, y es bravo y agora le empicza a
haccr bueno, y esta esta dicha isla de Tidori en dos tercios de
grado de la banda del norte.
La isla de Motil no es tan grande como esta de Tidori, ni tan
alta, ansimismo se cria el clavo en lo alto como en esta otras : cogese
en ella ochocientos ballares de clavo, que sons tres mil y doscientos
quintales : correse con esta isla de Tidori norte sur, hay tres
leguas.
La isla de Maquian es algo mayor que la de Motil y cogese en
ella ochocientos ballares de clavo, que es muy bueno : correse con
esta isla de Motil norte sur : hay una legua desta isla de Maquian :
al sueste de Maquian hay ima isla que se corre al sueste : llamase
Cayoan.
La isla de Bachan esta mas al sur de todas estas islas ya dichas,
mas de 8 leguas, y es mayor que ninguna de las dichas : cogese en
ella quinientos ballares de clavo, qvie son dos mil quintales : no es
tan bueno como el de estotras islas, y causalo que esta apartada de
la Hnea mas que las otras." — Hernando de la Torre.'
[1 Coleccion de los viages y descvhrimientos qioe h icier on por mar los
EsjKinoles desde fines del aiijlo xv. Coordinada e ilustrada jwr I). 3Iartin
Fernandez de Naoarrete, etc. Madrid, 1825-37. 4". v, 286.]
49
A CHAPTER OF THE ISLAND OF Monoch, WHERE CLOVES GROW.
We landed on this island of Monoch, whicli is much smaller than
Bandan, but the inhabitants are worse than those of Bandan, yet
live in the same manner, and are rather fairer, and the air is rather
cooler. Here cloves grow, and in many other small uninhabited
islands which lie near it. The tree which bears cloves is thick
and bushy like the box -tree, and its leaf resembles that of the
cinnamon- tree, but is more round, and of the colour of those
which we had already seen in Zeilani, which is like the leaf of
the laurel. When the cloves are ripe, the said men beat them
down with canes, placing mats under the trees to catch them.
The soil in which the trees grow is like sand ; that is, of the same
colour, but it is not sand. The country is very low [as to lati-
tude], and they never see the north star. Having thus seen the
island and its inhabitants, we asked if any other christians had
been seen there. They answered, we saw a few, by which means
we sold our cloves. We found that cloves sold twice as dear as
nutmegs, but by measure, as these persons do not understand
weights. — LuDOUico de Vauthema, 1510.
(2.)
Pope Alexander the Sixth, having divided the conquests of the
new world between the kings of Castilla and Portugal, made the
division, with their consent, by a meridian which geographers
announced to the world, to the effect that each, one to the west-
ward and the other to the eastward, should pursue his own dis-
coveries and conquests, and retain in peace what he had acquired
within the line of demarcation.
After the Portuguese had won the city of Mcdaca, on the con-
tinent of Asia, in the kingdom of Jor — called by the ancients
Aureachersoneso — in consequence of the receipt of intelligence of
the islands in those seas, and especially of those of Maluco and
Banda, whence cloves and nutmegs are procured, a fleet of ships
was despatched in 1511 in order to discover them, and having
")0 ArrEXDix.
staid some time in Banda, they were thence conducted to the
island of Terrenate, one of the Maluco islands, by the king him-
self, in his own defence against his neighbovu" the king of Tidore,
with whom he was at war, and this was the first settlement which
the Portuguese made in the Maluco islands.
Francisco Serrano, who returned to Malaca with this expedition,
and proceeded to India on his way to Porfuyal to give an account
of it, died before he made the voyage, having communicated by
letters to his friend Fernando de Magallanes, who had been his
associate in the taking of Malaca, and was then in Porimjal, all
that he had seen ; from whose statements he learned what suited
his purpose with regard to the discovery and navigation of these
islands. — Antonio de Morga, 1609.
(3.)
The islands which produce the spice called cloves are Terrenate,
Tidori, Motil, Alaquian, and Bachan. These are the principal
islands.
Terrenate is high land, and inhabited all round the coast, and
the principal town, which is called Terrenate, is on the south-west
side. This lofty island is to the northward of the others, and the
clove-trees are half-way up the hill. They gather a thousand
bahars of cloves in the year, which make four thousand quintals :
this is to be understood as in Castilla, when there is a good vint-
age. The island of Terrenate has another small island bearing
north-north-east of it, which is called Iri, and is inhabited. The
island of Terrenate is nine leagues in circumference.
The island of Tidori is higher than Terrenate, and more piked
towards its summit, with a slope to the north-north-east. It is
inhabited all round, and the principal town, which is called Tidori,
is on the east side. It bears with the island of Lornate [Terre-
nate ?] north and south and a point to the north-east and south-
west, at the distance of a short league. The clove-trees are half-
way up the hill. They gather in this island of Tidori nine hundred
bahars of cloves, which make three thousand six hundred quintals,
and it is of better quality than that of Terrenate. It is nine leagues
round. This island has another small island to the south-west,
which is called Meytara, at the distance of a quarter of a league.
APPKXDtX. 61
This island of Tidori has another small island to the south-south-
west, which is called Mare, at the distance of a league. It is four
leagues round. It has some few clove-trees, which grow wild, but
they now begin to improve them ; and this said island is in two-
thirds of a degree of north latitude.
The island of Motil is not so large as Tidori, nor so high, but
the clove-trees grow on the high ground in the same manner as in
the other islands. They gather here eight hundred bahars of
cloves, which make three thousand two hundred quintals. This
island and Tidori bear north and south from each other, at the dis-
tance of three leagues.
The island of Maouian is somewhat larger than Motil, and they
gather here eight hundred bahars of cloves, which are very good.
This island and Motil bear north and south, at the distance of a
league. To the south-east of Maquian there is an island which
runs in a south-eastern direction. It is called Cayoan.
The island of Bachan is more to the southward than all the
aforesaid islands, more by eight leagues, and is larger than any of
them. They gather here five hundred bahars of cloves, which
make two thousand quintals. The cloves yre not so good as in the
other islands, because it is further from thcc equinoctial line. —
Hernando de la Tokre, 1527.
'•' Of the Iland of Maluco.
The Ilandes of Maluco are fiue, viz. Maluco, Tarnate, Tydor,
Geloulo, and an otherwhere the Portingales haue 2 forts, that is in
Tarnate and Tydor, which long since were discouered and wonnc,
where they trafficke from Malacca and out of India. The Span-
iards haue sought diners meanes to haue traffique there, and came
from thence out of Nona Spaigne, into the iland called Tarnate,
where in a storme they lost their shippe, and so could not get from
thence againe, whereby they were by the Portingales most of them
slayne, and the rest taken and sent prisoners into Portingale,
whereupon the king of Spaine and Portingale had a long quarrell
and contention, touching the diuision of their conquests, and dis-
couery of the seas, which by the Popes meanes at the last was
ended, in such sort, that at this present oncly the Portingale tva-
hckes to those Hands. These Hands haue no other spice then
,52 APPKNDIX.
clones, but in so great abundance, that as it appearcth, by tlicm
the whole world is filled therewith. In this iland arc found firic
hilles, they are very dry and burnt land, they liauc nothing els but
victuals of flesh and fish, but for rice, corne, onyons, gailicke, and
such like, and all other necessaries, some are brought from Port-
ingale, and some from other places thereabout, which they take
and barter for clones. The bread Avhich they haue there of their
owne baking is of wood or rootes, like the men of Brasillia, and
their cloathes are of wouen strawe or herbes, faire to the eye : in
these Hands onlie is found the bird, which the Portingales call
2)assaros de sol, that is fowle of the sunne, the Italians call it manu
codiutas, and the Latinists, 2}n>'ndiseas, and by vs called paradice
birdes, for y'^ beauty of their feathers which passe al other birds :
these birds are neuer scene aliue, but being dead they are found
vpon the iland : they flie, as it is said, alwaies into the sunne, and
keepe themselues continually in the ayre, without lighting on the
earth, for they haue neither feet nor wings, but onely head and
body, and the most part tayle, as appeareth by the birdes that are
brought from thence into India, and some from thence hether, but
not many, for they are costlie. I brought two of them with me,
for doctor Paludanus, which were male and female, which I gaue
vnto him, for his chamber. These ilands lie among diuers other
Hands, and because there is no speciall notice of them, by reason
of the small conuersation Avith them : I let them passe, and turne
again vnto the coast of Malacca, which I left at the Cape of Singa-
pura, and so will shewe the coast along." — Iohn Hvighen van
LiNSCHOTEN, 1598.
LIST OF AUTHORITIES CITED IN THE NOTES.
" L'exactitudo scrupuleuse est le premier merite, comme le premier devoir, d'lin
bibliographe." — Charles Magnin.
*^* The names and short titles which precede the descriptions of the
authorities are given precisely as they stand in the notes, and the numbers
which follow refer to those notes. By this inethod,which may seem rather
novel, much useless repietition has been avoided. As some of the works are
framed chronologically, others cdp)habetically , and others furnished with
indexes, I dispense with minute references.
The titles of the hooks are copied literatim as far as the elliptic marks,
and are to he corisidered as entire when no such marks are inserted. The
names of the authors, and the titidar distinctions which precede those
natnes, are also coined literatim. The designations which follow the
names, or portions of those designations, are given when they serve to
identify the authors, or to intimate their qualifications with reference to
the works in question. The number of the edition, if stated, is repeated.
The imprints of the hooks are abbreviated. TJie size, and the number of
volumes, folloxo the imprints.
The elliptic marks used are the — and an etc. Additions and correc-
tions, if derived from the books themselves, are given as parentheses; if
derived from other sources, in brackets. Douhlfid particidars have a note
of interrogation afiixed.
India-House Mss. India-House mannscriiits. Note 1, 2, 102. See also
Instructions, Appendix, and the table of contents.
Stow. The annalcs of England. Faithfully collected out of tlie most
autenticall authors, <;ic. — Ly lolin Stow citizen of London. London,
(1005). 4to. Note 2,148,
Rcgistrum Roffcnsc. Registrum KolTense : or, a collection of antient
records, charters, and instruments — of the diocese of Eochester.
By John Thorpe, M.D. London, 1701). Folio. Note 2.
Charters E. I. C. Charters granted to the East-India Company, from
1001 (IGOO); efc. [London, 1772 ?'\ 4to. Note 3.
Sir H. Manwayring. The sea mans dictionary — by sir Henry Manwayring,
kniL'ht. London. VliL -llo. Note 4, 48.
AY. Falconer. Au universal dieliouary of the marine — liy William Falconer,
anihor oi' 2'he shi2)wreck. London, lliii). 4to. Note 8, 10, GO, 72.
T. CliiyLorne. The second voyage set forth by the Company into the East-
Indies — written by Thomas Claybome. Pnrchas vol. i. Note 9, 12,
15, 17, 19, 21, 2i, 40, 43, 5o, C4, !)5, 99, 154, 157, 159, 161.
Capt. Davis. The worldes hydrographical discription — published by I.
Dauis, of Sandrudg by Dartmouth. London, IbQb. IGmo. Note 11.
luiitructions. {Appendix No. III.) Note 11, 23, 2f), 45, 57, GO, 83, 91, 92.
liakluyt. The principal navigations, voiages, traffiqves and discoueries of
the English nation — by Richard Haklvyt, M.A. London, 1598-1000.
Folio. 3 vols. Note 14, 22, 29.
I'urchas. Haklvytvs posthumus, or Pvrchas his pilgriraes. Contayning a
history of the world, in sea voyages and lande-trauells by Englishmen
and others. — By Samvel Pvrchas, B.D. London, 1G25. Folio. 4 vols.
Note 18, 20, 22, 33, 35, 37, 41, 61, 73, 122, 131, 149.
De Barros Da Asia de Jouo de Barros — dos feitos, que os Portuguezes
fizeram no descubrimento, e conquista dos mares, e terras do Oriente.
— Nova edivao. Lishoa, 1777-8. 8vo. 9 vols. Note 22, 152.
Lieut. Yidal. Survey of Jie Cape of Good Hope. By Lieut. A. T. E.
Vidal, and others, 1822. Admiralty chart, 1828. Note 27.
Nares. A glossary; or, collection of words, phrases, names, etc., which
have been thought to require illustration. By Piobeit Nares, A.M.
London, 1822. 4to. Note 28, 118.
J. 0. Halliwell. A dictionary of ai'chaic and provincial words, etc. By James
Orchard Halliwell, F.K.S. London, 1847. Bvo. 2 vols. Note 31.
Sir K. Hawkins. The observations of sir Eichard Hawkins knight, in his
voiage into the South Sea. Anno Domini 1593. London, 1G22. Folio.
Note 34, 44, 125, 158.
Viscount Wimbledon. A iovrnall, and relation of the action — on the coast
of Spaine, 1625. (By Edward viscount "Wimbledon.) Piinted in the
yeere 1627. 4to. Note 38, 47.
Eiujlisli expositor. An English expositor : teaching the interpretation of
the hardest words used in our language. — By I. B. (John BuUokar.)
London, 1G41. 12mo. Note 42, 134, 162.
lioteiro. Pioteiro da viagem que em descobrimento da India pelo Cabo da
Boa Esperan^a fez dom Vasco da Garaa em 1497. Porto, 1838. 8vo.
Note 44.
Jean Mocquet. Voyages en Afi'iqve, Asie, Indes Orientales et Occiden-
tales. Faits par lean Mocqvet, garde du cabinet des siugularitcz
du roy. A Paris, l(il7. svu. Note 44.
Ill
•T. Horsburgh. India directory, or directions for sailing to and from tlie
East Indies, China, etc. By James Horsburgh, F.R.S., hydrographer
to the honorable East India Company. Third edition. London, 1S2G-7.
4to. 2 vols. Note 40, 08, 98, 111.
Edmund Scott. An exact discovrse of the subtilties, fashions, pollicies,
religion, and ceremonies of the East Indians — Written by Edmund
Scott. London, 1000. 4to. Note 49, 54, 50, 58, 00, 03, 0)5, 77, 78,
8-2, 84, 105, 110, 147, 149, 153, 150.
C. do R^nneville. Eecueil des voiages qui ont servi a I'etablissement et
aiix in-ogrfes de la Compagnie des Indes Orientales, formee dans les
provinces-vmies des Pai's-Bas. (par De Constantin.) Seconde edi-
tion. A Amsterdam, 1725. 12mo. 7 vols. Note 50, 51, 52,01, 70, 71,
84,88, 103, 107, 115, 121, 123, 124, 133, 130, 140, 150.
W. Marsden. Adictionaryof the Malayan language — by William Marsden,
F.E.S. London, 1812. 4to. Note .53, 62, 87, 101, 102, 108, 143.
dipt. Smith. A sea grammar, with the plaine exposition of Smiths Acci-
dence for young sea-men. enlarged. — Written by captaine lohu Smith.
London, 1027. 4to. Note 59, 74, 112, 113, 120, 135, 100.
Sir W. Ealegh. The discoverie of the large, rich and bewtifvl empire of
Gviana performed in the yeare ] 595. by sir W. Ealegh knight.
London, 15!)G. 4to. Note GO, 70, 79.
Linschoten. lohn Hvighen van Linschoten his discours of voyages into
ye Easte and West Indies — from the Dutch by W. P. [Phillip]. Lon-
don, 5^8)- Folio. Note 68.
L. de Argensola. Conqvista de las Islas Malvcas — escrita por el liccnciado
Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola. En Madrid, 1009. Polio. Note
77, 104, 132, 143.
( Alex. Dalrymple.] — Plan of the Island Amboina. From a Ms. 1782. Ad-
miralty Chart. Note 80.
i\Ianoel de Faria y Sousa. The Portugues Asia: or, the history of the
discovery and conquest of India — from the Spanish of Manuel de Faria
y Sousa by John Stevens. London, 1095. 8vo. 3 vols. Note 81, 88,
90, 123, 142.
Articles of peace. — —Articles of peace, enterco\Tse, and comnurce — con-
cluded between James I. and Philip III. of Spain. London, 1005.
4to. Note 82.
Eogcrs Ending. Annals of the coinage of Great Britain and its depen-
dencies — by the rev. Eogers Ending, F.S.A. Third edition. London,
1840. 4to. 3 vols. Note 89.
D'lVpres de Mannevillette. Instructions sur la navigation des Indes
Orientales et de la Chine — par M. d'Apres de Mannevillette. A Brest,
1775. 4to. Note 93.
The world encompassed. The world encompassed by sir Francis Drake —
collected out of the notes of master Francis Fletcher, and others.
London, \C,-li<. 4to. Xnte 97, 104, 12;^, 152.
[DerfcUlcn van llinderstcin.] Algcmeeiic Kaart van XGdeilaudscli Oostindie
— door (I. F. Baron von Dcrfclden van llinderstein. l^'^. Nine sheets.
Island jyrincess. Comedies and tragedies written by Francis Beavmont and
lolin Fletcher— io?ido)!, 1047. Folio. Note 100.
A. Jal. Archcologie navale, par A. Jal, historiographe de la marine.
Paris, IHIO. Hvo. 2 vols. Note 100.
S. de Villamont. Les voyages dv seignevr de Villauiont, clieualier de
Tordre de Hierusalem. — en Italic, Grece, Syrie, etc. A Paris, 1598.
8vo. Note IOC.
Appendix. (See table of contents.) Note 100, 119, 153.
Dialogues. Dialogves in the English and Malaiaue laugvages — translated
from Gotardvs Arthvsivs by Avgvstine Spalding, merchant. London,
1014. Small 4to. Note 110.
"\V. Welwod. An abridgement of all sea-lawes — by "William Welwod, pro-
fessor of the ciuill lawe. London, 1G13. 4to. Note 127.
rigafetta. Premier voyage autour du monde, par le chevi". Pigafetta,
sur I'escadre de Magellan, pendant les annees 1519-22. Paris, Tan ix.
8vo. Note 128.
K. Carew. The svrvey of Cornwall. Written by Pilchard Carew of An-
tonie, esquire. London, 1002. 4to. Note 129.
Robert Coverte. A trve and almost incredible report of an Englishman —
cast away in Cambaya, etc. By captaine Robert Couerte. London,
1012. 4to. Note 131.
Lewes Roberts. The merchants mappe of commerce : wherein, the vniver-
sall manner and matter of trade, is compendiously handled. — by
Lewes Roberts, merchant. London, 1C38. Folio. Note 141.
Capt. Barwick. A breefe discourse, concerning the force and effect of all
manuall weapons of fire, etc. Written by Humfrey Barwick, cap-
taine, et e near plus oiiltre. London, 4to. n. d. Note 145.
R. Barret. The theorike and practike of moderne warres — written by
Robert Barret. London, 1598. Folio. Note 146.
Andrew Borde. The fyrst boke of the introduction of knowledge — made by
Andrew Borde, of phisicke doctor. London, 4to. Reprint. Note 147.
Henry Peacham. The compleat gentleman, fashioning him absolute — by
Henry Peacham, M.A. London, 1022. 4to. Note 151.
1). lU'lcbier. — Hans Beer-Pot his invisible comedie, of see me, and see me
not — (By Dabridgecourt Belchier.) London, 1G18. 4to. Note 151.
INDEX OF PERSONS, PLACES, PRINCIPAL SUBJECTS;
AND UNCOMMON WORDS OR PHRASES.
»♦♦ This index is limited to tlie narrative which forms the text of the
volume. The journal of Thomas Clayhorne is given in notes 9, 12, 15, 17, 1 9,
21, 24, 40, 43, 55, 04, 95, 99, 154, 157, 159, and 161. An interrogation implies
uncertainty ; the mark = indicates synonyms ; Ob. stands for Ohiit. The
gloRsarial items, printed in italics, refer to the pages in which tlie words
and phrases are explained.
Abell (John), Oh. 02
Aboard the shore, 22
Addeyes (John), 38
Adventurers, 03
Alarum, 14
Amblaw (Island of), 21
Amboina (Island of), 22,23,24,29,81
Amhoina (Castle of), 25, 28, 47
Amboina (Captain of), 23, 24, 25, 20
Ambovzeylioe ? 30
Ambrose (Edward), Ob. 32
Articles, 15
Ascension (The). See Fleet
Aske (Daniel), Ob. 20
Bachian, one of the Maluco Islands,
31? 45
Bahar, 25
Ban da (Islands of), 28, 30
Bantam, a town in the Island of Java,
+ To the reader, and 15, 10, 17, 19,
21, 22, 23, 28, 29, 62, 73, 75, 77
Bantam (King of), 17, 18, 83
Baricos, 22
Batochina=Gilolo, 51. See Gilolo
Battenj, 53
Beachy-Head, 2
Bearing up, 20
Bellidine (William), Oh. 20
Bengal, 02
Better cheap, 42
Beynes (Thomas), Oh. 31
Bezoar stones, 83
Block-house, 49
Bloody coloxirs, 44
Blusting, 20
Boa- Vista, one of Cape Verde Islands, 4
Bouro (Island of), 21
Bouton (Islands of), 21
Branches, 9
Brown (Master), 37, 38, 39, 52, 04
Buckman (Francis), Ob. 20
Burre (Walter), \ To the reader
Calenture, 0, 20
Caliver, 65
Cambay, 02
Canary Islands, 3, 4
Canoes, 17, 39, 65
Cape Verde Islands, 4
Caracoas, 34, 30, 37, 39, 40,41, 44, 47,
50, 51, 52, 56, 59, 03, 66, 73, 74
Cards, 31
Carriage, 11
Caske, 11
Celebes (Island of), 21, 75
Celebes (Strait of), now Salayer Strait,
21
Ceylon (Island of), 16
Chinese, 76, 78
Cloves, 22, 25, 20, 27, 28, 32, 33, 35,
38, 39, 42, 43, -44, 45, 40, 47, 48, 49,
INDEX.
50, 51, 5'2, 53, 5(i, C)'.], 04,05, GO, 71,
7a, 75, 81
Cole (Sander), master of the Hector,
drowned, 14
Coltluirst (Captain), 4, 14, 17, QO
Come room ( To), 4(1
Come to the speech (To), 2;}
Committees of the East-India Com-
pany, 1
Copehnent, 2
Cormorants, 8
Council of the captains, masters, and
merchants, 28
Dawson (Thomas), Ob. 21
De Ahreu (Pedro Alvaro), captain of
the Portuguese fort at Tidor&, 41,
42, 43, 44, 45, 50, 55, 56, 58, (iO, (Jl
De Torres (Thome), captain of a Por-
tuguese galeon at Tidor^, 40, 42, 43,
44, 45, 40, 51, 53, 55 Ob.
Dewhrey (Henry), Ob. 19
Doubt (To), 13
Dover, 2
Downs, 2, 79
Drake (Sir Francis), 30, 62, 65, 80,81
Drunkenness, 66
Durham (Master), 5, 6
Dutch. See Hollanders
Dutch admiral at Bantam=Etienne
van der Hagen, 16, 18
Dutch admiral at Amboina=Etienne
van der Hagen, 25
Dutcli admiral at the MalucoIslands=
vice-admiral Corneille Sehastiaanz,
47, 50, 52, 57, 58, 59, CO, 61, 62, 69,
70, 71, 74, 81
Dutch merchants, 34, 37, 38, 39, 59,
CO, 70
Ehlred (Thomas), Ob. 23
Elizabeth, queen of England, 21, 30,
40, 68, 80
Elmesmore (William), Ob. 32
Engano (Island of), 15
Equinoctial line passed, 6
Fair by, 8
Fardels, 18
Fardled up, 77
Fell tcith, 20
Finisterre (Cape), 3
Fleet (The), viz. the Pied Dragon, the
Hector, the Ascension,and the Susan
Fleet (The coiu'se of). The ships
depart from Gravesend, 1 ; sail from
the Downs, 2 ; anchor at the Island of
Maio, 4; pass the equinoctial line,
6; putinto Saldanha Lay [now Table
Bay], 7 ; double the Cape of Good
Hope, 15; make the Island of En-
gano, 15 ; anchor in Bantam Eoad,
17. — The Hector and the Susan re-
main at Bantam to lade with pep-
per, IS. — The Bed Dragon and the
Ascension sail from Bantam, 19;
pass tlie Strait of Celebes [now
Salayer Strait], 21; touch at the
Island of Amboina, 22. — (The Dutch
admiral arrives and takes possession
of the Castle of Amboina.) — The
Red Dragon departs for the Maluco
Islands to procure cloves, and the
Ascension for Banda to j^rocure nut-
megs and mace, 28-9. — The Ascen-
sion arrives at Banda, 30. — The
Hector and the Susan leave Bantam
for England, 72.— The Bed Dragon
reaches the Maluco Islands, 33 ; re-
turns to Bantam, 75. — The Ascen-
sion returns to Bantam, 75. — The
Bed Dragon and the Ascension set
sail for England, 76 ; fall in with
the Hector in extreme disti'ess, the
Susan missing, 77. — The Bed Dra-
gon, the Ascension, and the Hector,
put into Saldanha Bay [now Table
Bay], 77 ; arrive at the Island of St.
Helena, 78 ; anchor in the Downs, 79
Find (David), Ob. 32
Flud (William), Oh. 31
Flux, 0, 19, 20, 21, 23, 20, 30, 31, 32,
43, 47, 04
Foster (Master), Ob. 19
Frigate, 30
Galeon, 40, 41,40, 50, 51
Gallery, 40
Galleys, 33, 34
Gammelamm^. See Teriiati"- (Cliief
town of).
Gegogoe (Kechil), 04, 05, 71, 73, 74
General=Henry Middleton, passim
General's brother^David Middleton,
2)assim
Gilolo (Island of), 33. See Batochina
Goats (Dried), at Maio, 4
Good Hope (Cape of), 4, 7, 15
Governor of the East-India Company
=Sir Thomas Smith, 1
Gravesend, 1
Gritfen (AVilliam), Ob. 19
Grove, master of the Red Dj-agon, 29,
31, .50, 51, 57,62
Guzerats, 37, 50
Halls (Thomas), Oh. 43
Ilans Beerpot, 70
INDEX.
Vll
Harman (Thomas), Ob. -SO
Harpinr)- irons used in whale-fishing,
10
Haul-hoicline Island, 31
Hector (The). See Fleet
Hedges (Richard), Ob. 31
Hollanders or Dutch, 10, 17, '22,23,
24, 26, 27, 28, 35, 30, 30, 41, 4-4, 4.5,
40, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 50, 57, 58,
00, 01, 02, 03, 04, 0.5, 00, 07, 08, 00,
71, 72, 73, 74, 75
Hope (James), Ob. 20
Iberson (.John), Ob. 19
Imbosk (To), 12
James I. of England, 18,' 24, 35, -38, 40,
70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 80, 81, 82, 83
James (Henry), Ob. 21
Javans, 75
Java shoals, 20
Jenkens (John), Ob. 10
Johnes (George), Ob. 20
Kecliil, 04. See Gegogoe.
Keeling (Captain), 5, 77
Lambert (Henry), Ob. 21
Learn the language (To),
Leay (.John), O&.'SO
Lemon-juice as an antiscorbutic,
Lewed (William), Ob. 10
Lie by the lee (To), 21
Long of, 43
Mace, 28
Maio,one of the Cape Verde Islands, 4
IMalacca (Town of), 45
Malay tongue, 73
Maluco Islands, viz. Ternatc-, Tidor^-,
Motir, Maquian, and Bachian, 28,
20, m
Malucos ( The ) ^Amboina and Banda,
IH, 10, 28?
Mamalla, atownin Amboina, 23,25, 20
Manilla (City of), 58, 02
Manipa (Island of), 30, 31
Maquian, one of the Maluco Islands,
33, 35, 30, 42, 45, 40, 47
Marten (Gideon), Ob. 20
Maurice of Nassau (Prince), 20, 02,
07,71,81,82
Mesterson (Gilbert), Ob. 20
Michell (Thomas), Ob. 23
Middleton (David), as the general's
brother, or by name, 2, 5, 30, 42, 43,
45, 40, 47, 48, 62, ,50, CO, 05, 82
Middleton (Henry), as the general,
jyassim ; by name, 81, 82, 83
Miller (Richard), Ob. 21
Minded, 3
Mitten (Master), 0&. 43
Mo.;ambique (Island of), 10
]\Ioiiicia, the chief town of Maquian, 47
Monsoons, 20
Motu", one of the Maluco Islands, 33, 40
Nutmegs, 28
Officers (The principal). See notes
1 and 00
Paret (William), Ob. 21
Peace between England and Spain, 24
Pelicans, 8
Penguin Island,nowRobben Island, 77
Penguins, 8
Pereira de Sande (Fernando), captain
of a Portuguese galeon at Tidore, 41
Philippine Islands, 40
Physician of the Red Dragon, 7, 15.
See Surlflict
Pintados, 35
Plymouth, 3, 70
Points,
Footer (Wilham), Ob. 20
Porter ( Samuel), 0&. 10
Portugal (King of), 44
Portuguese, 4, 5, 0, 22, 23, 24, 25, 20,
27, 32, 34, 35, 30, 38, 30, 40, 43, 48,
40, 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 5(i, 57, 58, OO,
01, 03, 09, 73, 81
Powell (Griffith), Ob. 47
Pmu, 17, 37, 30, 40, 51, 08, 74
Presently, 2
Pulo Cavallie, 33, 40
Eeakes, 10
Pieals-ofcight, 27
Red Dragon (The). See Fleet
Richmond (Thomas), Ob. (!4
Robbeu Island, 8, 0. See Penguin
Island
Roca (Cape)=the Rock of Lisbon, 3
Rogers (John), 23, 24, 25
Ruinata Island ? 20
Rummage, 18
Sabandar, 37. See Ternate (Saban-
dar of).
Saint Helena (Island of), 78, 70
Saint Vincent (Cape), 3
Saker-shot, 53
Saldanha Bay, now Table Bay, 7, 8,
77, 78
Sandwich, 2
Scott (Edmund), chief factor at Ban-
tam, + To the reader, and 17, 70
Sciirvy, 0, 7, 15
Seagate, 15
INDEX.
Seals, 8
Sebastiaanz (Corneille). See Dutch
admiral at the Maluco Islands
Skipper, 47
Smith (Edward\ Ob. 21
Smith (Master), 19
Smith (Robert), Ob. 21
Smith (Sir Thomas). See Governor
Souther (To), 3
Spain (King of), 82
Spaniards, 08
Stabbed to death, 17
Stealing along, 19
Stiles (Captam), 2, 5, 6, 12
Stiles (Henry), Ob. 19
Sumatra (Island of), 15
Sunday (Departure on), 2, 76
Surftlict (Master), 19. See Physician
Susan (The). See Fleet
Tacks aboard, 3
Taffasoa, a town of Maquian, 40, 48,
49, 50, 69, 75
Take order (To), 13
Taverner f Master), 18
Taylor (Mark), 06.23
Ternatfc, one of the Maluco Islands,
30, 33, 34, 35, 30, 37, 52, 02, 03, 04,
05, 09, 71, 74
Ternate (Chief town of), 30
Ternat^ (King of), 33, 34, 35, 30, 37,
38, 39, 41, 42, 45, 40, 47, 48, 49, 50,
51, 52, 53, 50, 58, 59, 00, 01, 02, 03,
04, 05, 00, 07, 68, 09, 70, 71, 72, 73,
74, 80, 82
Ternat^ (Sabandar of), 37, 04, 05, 06,
OS, 71
Tcrnatans, 54, 55, 50, 57, 00, 05, 75
Thwart, 2
Tidori^, one of the Maluco Islands, 32,
33, 34, 35, 39, 50, 04, 66, 67, 68, 70,
71, 74, 75, 81
Tidor6 (Town of), 39? 41, 58, 59, 60
Tidor^ (Fort of), 40, 41, 44, 40, 51, 52,
53, 54, 55, 50, 59
Tidore (King of), 38, 43, 44, 46, 48,49,
52, 56, 57, 58, 59, 00, 01 , 03, 08, 75,82
Tidort (High priest of), 43
Tidoreans, 43, 40, 54, 55, 50, 60
Tobacco, 37
Trumpets, 47
Van der Hagen (Etienne). See Dutch
admiral at Bantam and at Amboina
Varnam (.Tames), Ob. 19
Vennes (Robert), Ob. 20
Veranula? 22
Waist, 40
Ware (George), merchant, Ob. 32
Whales in Saldanha l>av, now Table
Bay, 9
Whale-fishing, its dangers, 10, 11
Wheeler (Thomas), Ob. 31
Whitthers (Robert), Ob. 20
Wind large, 3
Wind scanting, 77
Woodnoth (ISIaster), 43, 52
I
conraGEMDA.
p. 20, uote CO, read been; p. 26, note 88, road canonnh-cnt ; p. 40, line 19, read a-clock
p. 7-i, line 20, read Gegogue.
T. niCllARUS, 37 OUEAT QIEEK S'lKEET.
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY
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