speciAL
colleccioNS
DouqLas
LlfeRAR?
queeN's UNiveRsiry
AT KiNQSXION
klNQSTON ONTARiO CANADA
THE
NATIONAL MIRROR.
BEING A
SERIES of ESSAYS
ON THE
MOST IMPORTANT CONCERNS*
iUT^ PARTICULARLY THOSE OF THE
EAST-INDIA COMPANY.
LONDON:
Printed for R ic hard son and Urquh art, under that
Royal Exchange; and John Almon, in Piccadilly.
M.DcaLxxr.
(Price Two Shillings.}
yi. ms.lJi
TO T HI
PUBLIC.
THE following papers were firft
publifhed feparately in the Ga-
zetteer, in the years 1768-9. Such of*
them as were entirely of a public nature
are now reprinted together ; and, for the
fubjeci, may be confidered as complete*
The very few which followed in the ori-
ginal publication, being rather on fub-
jecls not interefting now, would b&
thought undeferving of regard.
The matters of which thefe letters
treat are undoubtedly of great confe-
quence, being a very important branch
of our national trade, and the preferva-
tion and administration of fuch acquired
territories, as would be fufficient to con-
ftitute a great kingdom.
a 2 The
[ '* 1
The Author of them, whoever he be,
has taken much pains to expofe the ig-
norance and guilt of feme paft Admini-
ftrations, the venality and fubferviency
of Parliaments, and the frauds and cor-
ruptions of Eaft-India Directors, in the
many powers of abufe which have been
granted on one fide, and acquired on
the other : infomuch, that the confti-
tution has been repeatedly violated ; the
rights of the people invaded, or facri-
ficed ; the intereft of the kingdom rhif-
taken, or betrayed ; and, in fine, that
property of the ftate injuriously bargained
for, which probably may foon be en-
dangered by the inabilities, or worfe, of
thofe who have acquired a power to mif-
manage it. He likewife points out many
imperfedions in the conftitution of the
Company, and alfo various abufes which
have already been pra&ifed ; (as well as
others that rationally may be expected
hereafter to be introduced) which, in
their confequences, have already pro-
duced, and naturally muft continue to
produce fatal effeds to thofe countries,
as
[ v ]
as they likewife may do to this king-
dom, if adequate remedies be not timely
difcovered and applied.
Our national affairs were lately thought
to be in fo critical a Situation, as greatly
to afTed public credit and the funds : and
thofe of the Company, in India at leaf!:,
are generally believed to be in fuch at
prefent ; chiefly from the many acts of
tyranny, rapine, opprefiion, injuftice, and
violence that have of late been pradifed,
as well with regard to many fubjeds of
this kingdom, as to the miferable and
helplefs natives and others. It is, there-
fore, high time for the proprietors of In-
dia Stock, and the people of this king-
dom at large, but ftill more particularly
for the legislature, to think ferioufly of
thefe matters.
But as things are now circum-
ftanced with us, particularly in regard
to our national debt and taxes, as well
as the ftate of our trade and condition of
our finances, the conquered territories in
India mould be confidered as objeds pe-
culiarly interefting : to ftock-holders, for
the
t w ]
the fupport of dividends, and the value"
of their property, by fecuring thofe im-
menfe revenues from official depreda-
tions, grofs mifapplications, and the
plunder of harpies, as well by diminu-
tions of produce as from wafte ; and to
the general community, for having thofe
revenues fo managed, as, that a far greater
proportion than is at prefent, might be
appropriated to the fervice of the ftate,
for the eafement of its burthens, by the
difcharge of public debts. In fhort, if
thofe revenues are not honourably made
the inftruments of our national redemp-
tion, it is greatly to be feared, from the
wicked ufes that may be made of them,
they will prove fatal inftruments of ruiri
both to the conftitution and kingdom.
In a country of freedom, as this con-
tinues yet to be, the public intereft and
welfare are every man's concerns, becaufe
he muft in fome degree partake in all the
advantages or misfortunes of his country.
On which confederations, thefe papers
are now re-publifhed, as they contain
much information which may be ufeful
at
£ vii ]
at this time, when there is the probabi-
lity of a ferious parliamentary enquiry
into thefe very momentous matters ; of
the neceffity of which, as the nation ap-
pears to be fully convinced, fo we fhould
hope it will prove effectual, for fatisfac-
torily anfwering every wife and good
purpofe that can be expected from the
undertaking.
THE
NATIONAL MIRROR.
NUMBER I.
Nov. 15, 1 70S.
THE prefent ftate of the nation, as it is
delineated in a pamphlet publifhed under
that title, contains fuch truths as cannot
but alarm the apprehenfions, not -only of
thofe who yet feel affection for their country, but of
thole alfo who love themfclves alone. What adds to
this formidable representation of things is this cir-
cumftance, that the difficulties and diftrefies under
which we labour and are oppreffed, appear to be_
irremediable by thofe means which the author of
the preceding pamphlet hath propoled. But, that I
may not be arraigned with having advanced this af-
fertion on infufficient realbns, I fhall tranferibe the
following pfcflage from the publication above-men-
tioned, and attempt to evince the impracticability of
effecting the ends of paying off the national debt, by
the fyftem which the writer of it has laid down.
" The charge upon the finking fund for the fup-
port of the peace- eftabliiliment., being thus reduced
to fo fmall a fum as 348,0001. mould that fund con-
tinue to produce, as it has done upon the lowelt me-
dium fince the peace, there would remain to be taken
A from
[ 2 ]
from it upwards of 1,800,000 1. to be applied iri dis-
charge of the public debts. An able finance minifter,
with fuch a furplus in his hands, would not find it
impracticable to induce the proprietors of the irre-
deemable four per cent, annuities, to fubfcribe their
terms, and take an intereft of three per cent, imme-
diately.
" That operation would add 200,0001. to the fur-
plus of the finking fund ; and when there were in it
two millions, to be applied in difcharge of debt, the
difficulties of the nation might be faid to be over.
" Every payment of two millions would reduce
the charge for intereft 600,000 1. and taxes to that
amount might be redeemed and taken off the people
of Great Britain, in every year, while peace continued ;
and what nation in Europe would think of com-
mencing war with her, when they law her maintaining
fo formidable a peace-eftablifhment, and with a clea* -
furplus revenue of two millions, with which to aug-
ment her forces on the firft hoftile appearance, with-
out impofing any new tax, or making any new loan.
" Every year of peace, if theie meafures were
purfued, would bring with it a fecurity for the con-
tinuance of the public tranquillity, as Great Britain
would continually find frefh motives to preferve it,
and other 'dates would find it left fare to provoke her
to a rupture With them."
As I have not entered upon the publication of this
paper, through the leaft inclination of differing in
opinion from the author of The State of the Nation,
but for the fake of effecting thofe purposes which he
fo ardently defires, and to which his method muff
prove ineffectual, I fhall make no objections to the
firft paragraph of the paffage above tranferibed, but
confider things in that ftate in which he fuppofes that •
two millions a year, furplus, are actually running
into the finking fund ; and whether, in that filiation*
the difficulties of the nation may be faid to be over.
The
f 3 ]
The national debt confifts of more than 140,000,000!,
the finking fund arifes from that furplus of the rer
fpeftive taxes which exceeds the intereft of thofe
fums of money for which they are mortgaged. Two
millions per annum being the furplus of the finking
fund, will therefore difcharge 140,000,0001. in fe-
yenty years ; but then, in order to preferve this fur-
plus, all the taxes muft be continued from which thefe
two millions flow into that finking fund ; for, with-
out fuch continuance, the paying off two millions,
at the end of one year, will neceifarily refcind fome
part of the refources which are to furnifh a like two
millions in the next 1 and thus the difcharging the
national debt will avert the very means by which it is
propofed to be difcharged. For example:. On the
three millings per barrel duty on beer, impofed in the
year 1761, there were borrowed twelve millions, the
intereft of which amounts to 488,2501. per annum,
as it is (bated jri the pamphlet. This duty of three
millings per barrel bringing in on a medium 500,00.01.
there remains a furplus of 11,7501. which annually
runs into the finking fund. Let us now fuppofe that
the annual two millions be applied to the difcharge of
this tax on beer, the twelve millions will then be paid
in fix years • but at the fame time the furplus which
arifes from that tax will gradually leflen, as the debt
is difcharged, and at the end of fix years, when the
whole twelve millions are paid, the furplus of the
finking fund will be reduced from two millions, to
1,988,2501. per annum. In this manner of ieffening
the debts, the power of paying them muft diminifh
alfo, through the whole cowrie of their being dis-
charged, The Unking fund will therefore decreafe
with every payment of the taxes which fupply it ;
tlier.ee it will refult, though the furplus of every tax
above the intereft of the money for which it is
engaged be not exactly fimilar to the preceding on
beer, that the time of liquidating the whole debt will
A 2 be
L 4 1
be extended in proportion as the refpective debts on
thofe particular duties are difcharged, which confti-^
tute the cxiftence of the finking fund ; and thus, in-
ftead of feventy years, it may be twice that number
before the whole is paid ofF. For although the pay-
ment of every two millions will certainly reduce the
charge for intereft 60,000 1. it is evident that taxes to
that amount cannot be taken off in every year while
peace continues, becaufe the two millions lb applied,
at the fame time that they take off fo much of the
debt, take off alfo fo much of the tax as contributes,
by its amount, to form the furplus of two millions.
Whoever therefore mould pay off the national debt
by difcharging the fums of money which are impofed
on the refpective objects, which, by their excels be-
yond the intereft for which they are engaged, create
the finking fund, will refemble that gardener, who
mould cut off the great bearing branches of his trees,
and flill expect the fmall ones to produce as much
fruit as before -, or a farmer, who, intending to water
his meadows by an overflowing of a ftream, mould
previoufly avert the fource from whence it is derived.
Hence it evidently appears, that the two millions
ariling in the manner, and to be applied in the me-
thod propofed in The State of the Nation, can never
be produced by the finking fund, for a longer term
than one year, if thofe taxes are redeemed which gave
that fund its exiitence. The national debt will therefore
take up an immenfe time in being thus difcharged, and
the difficulties of the nation cannot be faid to be over,
fhould that plan of payment be adopted by the nation.
It may be juftly faid, that there are other taxes to
be paid off, which either do not produce the full in-
tereft of thofe fums of money which have been" bor-
rowed of them, or only that fum which is fufficient
to the intereft •, and -therefore that fuch maybe dif-
charged without lefiening the furplus of the finking
fund. This is, indeed, an incontrovertible truth ;
bv
L 5 1
by paying off the debts on thofe taxes which do not
produce the intereft of that money for which they
were mortgaged, arifes a removal cf that tax, but
the finking fund is as much increafed as that tax WLs
inadequate to the difcharging the intereft for which
it was engaged, becaufe the deficiency of that tax
was made up from that fund.
Thus, by paying off the money borrowed on the
duties of Gum Senega, at 1 2,000 1. and producing
but 2000 1. and on window-lights, eftimated at 45,000 l f
and producing but 2000 1. the nation will fave all that
is paid by the finking fund, to compenfate for the
deficiency of the intereft in the revenue arifing from
thefe taxes ; and where the tax produces the intereft,
and no more, in that cafe, by the difcharging of the
debt, the finking fund can lofe nothing, and the
people will be eafed. But as there are no considerable
number of taxes which do not produce a fum ex-
ceeding the intereft which they are deftined to pay,
the nation can receive no conspicuous alleviation of
her impoft by thefe means, and when filch duties are
redeemed, the fame difficulty will recur in the dif-
charging of thole taxes, the furplus of which runs
into the finking fund, as hath been already related.
Befides the preceding methods, there is yet another,
in which the furplus of two millions may be applied
towards the difcharging of the national debt. For
inftance, thole two millions may be applied to pur-
chafe two millions of flock, the debt and tax ftill
iubfifting ; and thus the nation, purchafing from the
individual ftockholders their refpective fums in the
funds, becomes debtor to the nation. In this manner,
it it be fuppoftd that the 12,000,000!. borrowed on
the three millings per barrel duty on beer, be pur-
chafed in fix years, and the tax ftill permitted to re-
main ; the linking fund, inftead of being leflened
11,750k will be augmented 3.88,250 1. per annum.
^hiis, by proceeding in this manner, that is, by pur-r
chafing
[ 6 ]
chafing the flock, and continuing the tax, the means
of difcharging the debt will be vaftiy facilitated, and
the liquidation of the whole be not very remote. But
as during the time of paying off the debt in this
manner, the taxes which confcitute the finking fund
muft be perpetuated, can the prefent oppreffion of
the manufactories, arifing from thofe taxes, be fuf-
tained during fo long a time ? Will our trade not
decline beyond the power of being renovated, before
that payment be accomplished ? And under fuch cir-
cumftances, will the finking fund itfelf produce the two
millions, as it is fuppofed in The State of the Nation ?
Befides thefe objections, will it be prudent to permit
fo immenfe a revenue as that of 4,993,1441. which
is now paid as intereil" on the loans, together with
2,ooo,oool. furplus of the finking fund, and 348,6001.
taken from that fund, and applied in the pamphlet
to the current expences of the year, making in the
whole not lefs than an annual income of 7,341,144!.
to run into the hands of an adminiftration, which,
in future times, if cur reprefentatives mould ever
become fo perfectly corrupt as to prefer their own
intereft to that of the nation, may be more than fuf-
ficient to fupplant, not only the authority of the King,
but the rights, liberties and privileges of the people ?
On this account, though thi fuggeftion be, at prefent,
within the reach of i ation only, the reprefen-
tatives of the people will, moft certainly, be extremely
vigilant and averfe m entrufling any miniflry with
tnc reception arid difpofition of fo vaft a fum, which,
it is not lmpofltble, may be applied to purpofes totally
repugnant to its original defcinatjpn,
Befides the tiiree preceding, there occurs not to my
mind another method in which the two millions can
be applied to the paying off the national debt ; and
neither of thefe kerns adequate to the removing of
the evils under which we fufFer, nor the averting of
the menaces with which we may be threatened. And
j 7 1
*/et, Juch is the fituation of things, the completion
of either of thefe methods, co.uld it be carried into
execution, mull be attended with an uninterrupted
peace. Let me now examine if fuch a Hate of tran-
quillity is feafonably to be expected, from what the
author has laid down in his pamphlet, in thefe words,
14 and what nation in Europe would think of com-
mencing war with her, when they law her maintaining
lb formidable a peace-eftablifhment, and with a clear
furplus revenue of two millions, with which to aug-
ment her forces on the firft hoftile appearance, with-
out impofing any new tax, or making any new loan."
From the Revolution in 1689, to the year 1762,
inclufive, we have had four wars with France ; is it
therefore to be imagined that we mail remain in peace
with that kingdom till the time that the national debt
ihall be dilcharged ? I think no fenfible man will con-
clude we mall. During thefe wars we have incurred
a debt of 140,745,964!. and in the lafl war, which
continued not full eight years, we ran in debt, of the
preceding fum, 75,087,9451, this fum, on a medium,
is annually 9,385,992 1. befides thofe taxes which were
raifed within the year.
Now, as I cannot difcern any j 11ft reafon to believe,
that the next war will be conducted with more ceco-
nomy than the laft, I do not fee in what manner a
clear revenue of two millions per annum can confti-
tute fo formidable a peace-eftablifhment ; or that no
nation in Europe would think of commencing hofti-
lities with Great Britain ; I am apprehenfive it will
have a contrary effect.
That thefe two millions will not be fufficient to
fuppiy the exigencies of the war, is evinced from the
hiftory of all thofe taxes which have intervened fince
the Revolution. The fupplies therefore which are to
fupport another war, muft be railed by new loans,
and the intereft of the money borrowed muft be paid
either by the impofition of new duties, trie augment-
[ 8 ]
lno- the old, or from the furplus of the finking fund.
But the author of T'ke Prefent State of the Nation
agrees, that little is to be expected from new imports,
and the reafon of it is evident •, ninety-nine, in every
hundred perfons, already fpend the whole incomes
which ariie from their labour or property ; if a new
tax be laid on, or an old one encreafed on any neceftary
of life, and no others can produce a fumcient fum,
that neceflary will require more money to be pur-=-
chafed than before. The confumers mull therefore
purchafe lefs of this, or of fome other commodities
already taxed, than before the laying on of this tax,
becaufc they cannot ipend more than their whole in-
comes, and that article fo taxed will be dearer. If
they buy the fame quantity of the latter as before the
new taxation, the fum which is gained on that tax
will be loft in the others, of which they muft buy
lefs : or if they buy lefs of that which is taxed, the
duty which is laid on it will not be productive of a
greater fum than before that tax was iinpofed ; be-
cauie what may be gained by the increafe of the tax-
ation, will be loft in the diminution of the quantity
which is fold. Hence it is evident, that the prefent
revenue is infufceptible of any confiderable encreafe.
The two millions furplus, in the finking fund, is
therefore that refource to which alone we muft apply
for the intereft of new loans, whenever a war ffiall
break out between this realm and any other potentate,
and better fuccefs we can hardly expect than we then
had. Will then the fupplies be raifed at a imaller
expence in a new war than they were in the laft ? Will
tht finking of the flocks en fuch a rupture be lefs
than during our late fucceffes ? Will not the pre-
miums for new loans therefore be equal to thofe
given in the laft war, which were 23 per cent. ? And,
in confequence of this proceeding, will not the fur-
plus of two millions be totally exhaufted in Ending
intereft for the loans, in a war of much lefs duration
than
t 9 ]
than that of eight years ? It does not therefore appear
to my apprehenfion, that the Hate of affairs, fo fettled,
as the author of The State of the Nation lays it down,
can be a formidable object to any one potentate in
Europe ; and to the preceding reafons I mall fubjoin
the fucceeding, which ftrengthen thefe arguments
which I have already offered.
During the continuance of the late hoitilities, the
French, according to the pofition of the preceding
author, raifed their fupplies -within the refpeclive years*
they are therefore at prefent in as good a fituation to
recommence hoililities, as they were to undertake
them before the laft rupture. Whereas we are loaded
with a debt of 75,087,9431. and with the payment
of an intereft of 2,614,8921 more than before that
time. Such being the reipcetive fituation of the two
kingdoms, in what view will the eftablifhment pro-
pofed in the pamphlet be fo formidable, that no nation
in Europe will think of commencing zvar with us ? Should
we make treaties to that purpofe ! Lord have mercy
upon us, and incline their hearts to keep that law.
It ieems therefore no inconfiderate conclufion to infer,
that the evils, which are fo juftly defcribed in The
State of the Nation, are irremediable by the means
which the author of it hath propofed.
Notwithftanding that this examination of the pre-
ceding part of The State of the Nation does' certainly
■encreafe the gloominefs of the profpect, there is yet
no vaft reafon to tremble for the fate of Britain., or
for her ilibjects to defpond •, though the antecedent
method be infufficient to the purpofes required, there
are others which are adequate to the requifition.
Thefe I (hall lay before my countrymen, and their
fuccefs will prove inevitable, if the duty of their Re^
prefentatives be exerted with that vigour and integrity,
which alone is equal to the importance of that charge
to which, they are delegated, and according to thofe
remedies which juftice calls for, and the prefent op-
B portunities
f 10 ]
portunities hold forth. The moment is at hand, when
we mull either emerge from our diftrefs and impo-
tence, or be for ever drowned in the vaft abyfs of
taxation, debt, and fubjection. It is therefore the
indifpenfible duty, not only of every Reprefentative
of the people to exert himfelf to the accomplifhing
of our prefervation, but of the conftituents to addrefs
their members, and to require their afftftance to the
perfecting of that happy purpofe •, and whoever is re-
mijfs in this moft effential of all human obligations, is
an enemy to his country and himfelf : for this reafon
I have prefumed to hold up the mirror to your eyes,
that you may truly behold, not only the perilous
fituation in which you Hand, but the remedies by
which your fufferings may be alleviated, and your
ancient power and felicity restored.
NUMBER II.
Nov. 19, 1768,
TH E method and the means propofed by the
author of The Prefetit State of the Nation, having
been (hewn, in the preceding number, to be both in-
applicable and inadequate to the difcharging of the
public debt, and the reftoring of the kingdom to her
ancient power and reipect among the nations, it is
evident that fome more effectual meafures muft be
found to accomplifh thofe purpoies, or that a national
bankruptcy, whatever be the fucceffes of our fleets
and armies, muft prove to be the inevitable event of
;i New War. Happily for the nation, there are ftill
refources in the ftate, by which many millions may
be Ipeedily raifed for the payment of the public
debts, the realm be reftored to her native importance,
.her commerce encouraged and enlarged, her fubjects
reinftated
[ " ]
feinftated in their juft rights, liberties, and advantages ;
and the moll deferving of the community, all who
toil and labour in want and penury, in order to fup-
ply eafe, riches, and felicity to the reft, be refcued
from the fangs of thofe oppreflbrs, under whom they
have lb long groaned, and from whom they have re-
ceived fo fmall an alleviation of their miferies.
Our pofTeflions and our trade in Afia are the firft
objects which fhall be confidered as capable of fup-
plying immenfe refources for the payment of the public
debt ; the revenues of the conquered lands, the ex-
tenfion of the Afiatic commerce, are lburces from
whence the nation may receive fuch pecuniary advan-
tages, as will infallibly revive her trade, reftore her
power, and alleviate the diftrelTes of the people.
From the product: of this fource, the legiflature hath
already applied four hundred thoufand pounds a
year, for a fhort duration, to the exigencies of ftate*
This iiirn they either had the right of obliging the
Eaft India Company to contribute, or they had not
that right ; if the act of the legiflature, which fub-
jected them to that payment, be rather an arbitrary
llretch of power than an exertion of juft and con-
ftitutional authority, it may be deemed a hardfhip
and violence on the proprietors of Eaft India ftock ;
but if it be confentancous with that power which
conftitutionally refides in the legiflature, and is indi-
vifible from an upright difcharge of that obligation
to which every reprefentative of the people is indii-
penfibly bound, it will be equally juft to derive all
thofe advantages to the public, which are under the
fame predicament, and ftill retained in the hands of
the Eaft India Company. For certain it is, that
neither the rectitude nor injuftice of obliging the
Company to contribute the preceding fum, can con-
fift in the quantity of money required for national
lervice, but in the means and meafures, the obfer-
vance or the violation of the rights and authority by
B 2 which
[ w 1
which the powers who- obliged them, and the Com*
pany themfelves, are conftitutionally inverted.
There is no intention in the writer of thefe papers
either to ferve the purpofes of Minifters, or to aid the
vigour of oppoiition, to cenfure the conduct of the
pail or prefent Directors, to recommend the Houfe
Lift, or that of the other Proprietors,, or to invade
the rights of private property,, under the name of
public good ^ it is to examine how far the powers,
which the Eaft India Company have afiumed and
exercifed, are conftitutionally impa£ted either by
royal grants or acts of parliament, and how far that
Company have obferved or tranfgrefTed the rules which
thofe laws and charters have preleribed them for their
conduct,
And in this refearch, if it fliall be evinced, that
the royal prerogative hath been arbitrarily extended
to the injury of the ltate •, that the Commons may
poffibly have exceeded that authority with which they
are entrufted by the people •, that the territorial re-
venues of our conquefts in Afia are the indifputable
property of the nation, and not of individuals ; that
the Afiatic commerce is fufceptible of vaft improve-
ments -, that the exclufion of the fubjects in general,
by a pernicious monopoly, is both unwarrantable and
oppreffive •, that the powers of raifing armies, and of
exercifmg military law, of declaring war and con-
cluding peace, are fuch grants as are not only fub-
verfive of the rights and liberties of Englifhmen, but
repugnant alio to the law of nations ; that this Com-
pany, with . all thefe indefenfible conceffions of love- •
reignty, have neverthelefs exceeded the limits of the
acts and charters which have been made in their fa-
vour, and will receive no injuftice by the abrogation
of them •, that the meafures to be puriucd are both
jufl and practicable -, that millions mult thence arife,
by which the public debt may be fuddenly diminifhed,
and totally diicharged, at no great diflance of time.:
I am
[ 13 ]
I am perfuaded that object will be carried vigoroufly
into execution, both by the legiflature and the mi-
nistry. For it will hardly be contested that the legis-
lative powers have an indilputable authority to foften
the diftrefles, to promote the felicity, and to restore
the honour and the powers of the nation by ail justi-
fiable meafures ; fuch conduct is a duty infeparable
from the idea of representation by the Commons of
the realm, and their constituents have an indubitable
claim to that fervice, from thofe whom they have
delegated to be the guardians of their rights.
The author of The Prefent State of the Nation, in
his estimate of thofe revenues which are to fupply
the annual exigencies of itate, and the surplus of the
finking fund, hath propofed but four hundred thou-
fand pounds to be yearly derived from our territories
in Asia ; and this, notwithstanding he allows the fub-
jecls in Afia can raife a furphis revenue of a milllion and
a half. As he hath not been pleafed to aflign his
reafons either for limiting their annual payment to four
hundred thoufand pounds, or the income of the re-
venues to a million and half, I am not enabled to
judge of the propriety of thofe motives which deter-
mined him to fix on thefe refpective fums. And as
I am credibly informed that Lord Clive, in his letters
to the Directors, hath estimated the Dewane at two
millions and a half, I fhall adopt neither of the pre-
ceding fums, but confider the Asiatic revenues as
productive of two millions, as they are laid down in
the Eait India Examiner ; and to this conclusion I am
induced by the calculations which that writer hath
publifhed, and which have hitherto remained uncon-
trovened by thofe whole interest and whofe inclina-
tions v/ould certainly have urged them to the attempt,
had not the state of that estimate been impracticable
to be refuted. Befides which, the fum asTigned in
the Examiner being the medium between thofe in
The Prefent State of the Nation, and in Lord Clive's
letters,
t H ]
letters, is a farther reafon for its being adopted in
thefe papers.
If this fum be appropriated to the exigencies of
national affairs, many are the millions which may be
fpeedily borrowed on thofe revenues •, the public debt
will be vaftly leffened, and thofe taxes removed which
at preient oppreis the trade and commerce of the
realm, and have reduced the nation to a prefent de-
crepitude and impotence. And if thofe duties are
firft difcharged, which either do not produce the in-
tereft of thofe fums which are borrowed on them, or
fuch only as are equivalent to that intereft, the fur-
plus of the finking fund will be enlarged by the pay-
ment of the former, and not diminiflied by that of
the latter ; and the people will be alleviated of their
opprelfions by the difcharge of both : at the fame
time that furplus will, by fuch an application of the
money borrowed on the Afiatic revenues, be Mill
proportionally- continued, as the debts are paid off,
and lend its aid in the difcharging of the taxes under
which we labour.
Such a meafure, once carried into execution, would
inevitably effect all the purpofes propofed in The Pre-
fent State of the Nation, and maintain fo formidable a
peace-eft abliflment, that every year of peace will bring
with it a fecurity for the public tranquillity, and other
fates will find it lefs fafe to provoke Great Britain to a
rupture with them.
Of this truth the French are fo perfectly convinced,
that the apprehcnfion of the parliament's refuming the
rights of the whole community from the hands of a few
individuals, and of their applying them to the prefer-
vaticn of our trade, to the restoration of our power, and
the happinefs of the people, is the great object of their
fears at preient. They know that the fkill and courage
of our land and naval forces, the number and equip-
ment of our fleets and armies, the victories and acqui-
fuions which may be won, are abfolutely dependent on
the
[ 15 1
the pecuniary fupplies which the nation can furniih •,
they are acquainted with our exhauiled ftate, and are
convinced, that if the adequate reiburces which may be
: ,uftiy derived from our lands and commerce in Afia,
are not appropriated to the annihilating the evils which
opprefs us, that the icy and benumbing hand of na-
tional poverty muft freeze the native powers of the
Britifh race, and reduce them to impotence and the
fiibjection of a Gallic mailer. To the accomplishing
this purpofe, our enemies will afliducufly exert them-
felves, and fpread the infidious influence of money,
wherever it can promife to prove productive of their
dejires and of our ruin ; and a more difcriminating
criterion of friend and foe to their native land cannot
be exhibited by the fubjects of this realm, than the
manner in which they may conduct themfelves on this
important occafion •, for what man can believe, that
he who oppofes the falvation of his country by thefe
means, is uncorrupt with Gallican or other gold.
Nor is this the only danger to which we muft be
expofed, fhould the refources of Afia be unapplied
to national fervice, and be ftill permitted to remain
in the hands of a monopolizing Company •, though
we mould not become the prey of France, we muft
inevitably be reduced to be the (laves of a fmall
number of our fellow-lubjects. The power of money-
is as compulfive as that of arms •, and when judi-
ciously applied, as certainly effects the purpofes of
conqueft and enflavement. If two millions^ fterling
be permitted annually to run into the hands of twenty-
four men, who are called Directors, will it not prove
a power fuperior to every refiftance from patriotism
and virtue in a majority of thole who may hereafter
fuperintend the affairs of legiilation and the ftate ?
Will not then thefe twenty-four fubjects become a
defpotic oligarchy, too powerful to be refilled, and
abfolute mailers of the King, the Kingdom, and the
People ? The prevention of fuch events is imprac-
ticable,
[ 16 ]
ticable, but by redlining the rights of the nation,
and appropriating them to the fervice of the public.
It is the prefent mode diligently to fpread among
the people, that the Directors have compromiied the
Company's affairs with the Miniftry ; and this afler-
tion is promulged, with a view to damp the ardor
and the application of the people to their Reprefen-
tatives in Parliament. But the artifice of this defign
is eafily difcerned ; and I will venture to affert, that
it is an illiberal and a fallacious report. The prefent
adminiftration will not forego the glorious opportunity
of becoming the faviours of their country, nor render
themfelves the juft and univerfal execration of the
prefent, and of all fucceeding ages, for the fake of
private views, and interefted confiderations : they
deem the fettlement of this affair to be a negotiation
which appertains to the legiflature •, and are convinced
that the power of the realm, the happinefs of the
people, and even the exiftence of liberty and the con-
stitution, depend en the execution of it, with juflice
to the Company, and utility to the nation. For
ihould this aufpicious opportunity be neglected, a
national bankruptcy muft inevitably endie another
declaration of war, and that general concuffion will,
like an earthquake, make the foundations both of
public and of private property and credit ; it will
bring the refpective fabrics headlong to the ground,
and fpread an univerfal devaftation through the realm.
Such calamities have conftantly let loofe the multitude
to participate in the fpoils of their oppreffors. Their
neceiTities will then compel them to feek their own
relief, and to fuperfede all deference to that clamour
which may be raifed againft the invafion of private
property. The calls of nature will, defpife the infti-
tutes of men, and when there are no vifible means
of extricating themfelves from their prefent calamities,
but by fuch violence, the threats, the fentences, and
even the execution of the laws, muft lole their terror.
To
. t '7 i
To beings in fuch a fituation, the extinction of their
lenfations by death is an object of coniblation, and
even a Secondary encouragement for their relieving
their inftant and preffing necefiities, by feizing the
pollefTions and properties of the opulent ; and thus,
at lead, arrive at the end of their miferies, by offend-
ing the laws, to which they cannot attain by the ob-
servation of them.
That the legiflative powers may prevent fuch
anarchy, rapine, and fubverfion of all order and
good government, is certainly the ardent win*! of
every honeft citizen. In order, therefore, to preclude
fuch deftruclive events, I mall in the mbiequent
papers proceed to examine the fubjeclis, which are
jpropofed in this which lies before you.
NUMBER III.
NOV. 22, 1768.
HP
HOUGH the commerce and territorial re-
venues which the kingdom has acquired in
Afia, are not the fole relburces from which many-
millions may be fuddenly railed and cxpeditioufly
applied to the diminution of the public debt, yet,
as it is the principal fpring from whence thefe fums
mull be derived which are to accomplifh that deferable
and necefTary end, on this account it deferves and
claims the firft and moil particular attention of the
nation and the legiflature. In order therefore to
juftify the meafures which will be propofed in the
fubfequent papers, I (hall now confider the charters
which have been granted to the Eaft India Company
by the Crown, and examine how far they are con-
C fifteni
[ i8 ]
fiftent with, or repugnant to the due authority of the
Prerogative Royal, and the rights, privileges, and
liberties of the people of England.
Asa private and circumftantial detail of the Eaft
India Company, from its origin to the prefent time,
muft prove both prolix and unnecefTary, I mall take
no notice of thofe charters granted to them antecedent
to the reign of Charles the Second •, except that the
firft obtained from Elizabeth was given with the pro-
vifo of being revoked, on two years notice given
under the Privy Seal.
During the Civil Wars, in the reign of Charles the
Firft, all tranfaftions, relative to this affair, were held
in fufpenfe ; but peace, and the Stuarts being reftored,
a new charter was granted to this Afiatic Company
by Charles the Second, in the 13 th year of his reign ;
and another in the fucceeding reign of James the
Second, confirming the former, and adding to it fome
New Rights and Privileges. Thefe I mall confider
together, to avoid prolixity.
By thefe charters the Company was made a body
corporate and politic, in deed and perpetual fucceflion,
under the ftyle of The Company of Merchants of Lon-
don trading to the Eaft Indies^ and the chief direction
of their affairs was committed to a Governor and
twenty-four members, to be annually elected by the
proprietors in that commerce.
By thefe charters they were granted the exclufive
rio-ht of trading by fea to all ports and parts of Africa,
Afia, and America, from the Cape of Good Hope
eaftward, to the Streights of Magellan •, and to ex-
erciie and carry on that trade, in that manner which
the Company mould think fit, in all provinces, lands,
and dominions, excepting llich as were actually and
lawfully in the poffefiion of Chriftian princes in
amity with England, and who would not permit fuch
trade.
Notwith-
[ *9 J
Notwithftanding this right of trading^ was fo ex-
tenfively granted respecting the parts of the globe,
the number of veiiels was circumfcribed to fix good
mips and fix pinnaces •, and no iubject of England
was permitted to trade within the preceding limits,
without a licence firft obtained from this Eail India
Company •, and whoever mould tranfgreis that inter-
dict, both the goods, merchandize, and whatever elfe
fhould be brought into the dominions of England,
or which the Company might find and feize, in any
other dominions to which they had the grants ot
trading, together with the mips on board which they
were found, were forfeited, one half to the Crown,
and the other to the Company -, the offenders were
to be impriibnea at the King's will, and not releafed
till th': had given bonds of ioool. each, atleaft, to
the Company, n jt to trade to thole pans in$erdi&ed
in the charters.
To this privilege of trading by licence from the
Company, merchant Grangers were equally permitted
with the fubects of the Crown ; and the Kings bound
themfelves not to gFant permiffion of trading to thofe
parts to any other peribns during the exiftence ot
thofe charters.
Such were the particular privileges, among many
others, which were granted to the Eaft India Com-
pany, refpecting their rights of trading by which
all other fubjects of the realm were precluded from
that commerce. But as charters, however coercive
they may be exprefled, cannot execute themfelves,
nor prove fufficientiy reftnetive againft the luft: of
acquiring pecuniary advantages, where there are not
other more active and compulfive powers, theie were
enforced by ail thofe precautions which could operate
to that effect, both on the minds and actions of all
thole who might deiire to interfere in the Afiatic com-,
merce.
C 2 To
[ 20 ]
To this intent there was granted not only the right
of adminiftering oaths of fidelity to the Company by
it, but that aifo of forming fuch oaths to be taken
both in England and Alia, by all who were engaged
in their fervice, as the Governor and Company mail
deviie, direct, or appoint •, and to. examine on oath,
all factors, matters, and others employed in their
fervice, in order to difcover abufes and injuries done
to the Company.
But as oaths, like charters, were deemed to be but
feeble guarantees againft the defire of acquiring riches,
there were added to thefe oaths fuch powers as might
more prevalently compel mankind to obey the pre-
ceding injunctions, and more effectually fecure the
preceding rights and privileges to the Company ; and
to the effecting that purport, they were granted alio
the power of making laws, conftkutions; orders, &c.
as the Company mould think neceifary and convenient
for the government of the factors, iervants, and all
others employed in their voyages and trade, and to
revoke and alter them at will. And in order to en-
force the obfervation of fuch laws, they were granted
alfo the privilege of impofing and ordaining fuch
pains, penalties, and punifnments, by imprifonment
of body, by fines and amerciaments, or by all thefe,,
upon all fuch offenders againft fuch laws ; and thefe
fines were to be applied for the ufe of the Company,
without impediment from the Crown.
Such being the legiflative powers granted by charter,
the executive alfo were depofited in the fame hands :
they held the privilege alfo of appointing and efta-
bhihing governors, councils, and other officers, in
Alia, with power to judge all perfons belonging to
the Company, or who might live under them, in ail
caufes civil and commercial ; t3 erect Courts and
non in ite Judges, to hear all caufes of forfeitures, and
fei; ures of fhips and goods, and all matters of that
ji ;; re. Jut as the execution of the laws, which even
they
[ 21 ]
they themfelves mould inftitute, muff, neceffarily be
attended with fome fmall delay in the operation, they
were benignantly indulged with, and humanely ac-
cepted a more fummary method of proceeding •, the
right of feizing all fuch Engliflimen, and other iub-
jects in the Eait Indies, who mould fail in any Englifh
or Indian mips, inhabit thefe parts without permiffion
or licence from the Company, or even contemn or
difobey their orders •, and every perlbn or fubjedt,
employed by the Company in India, was liable to
fuffer punifhment for any offence, as the Prefidents
and Councils in Afia fhould think fit, and the offence
require-, and if they appealed from their judgments,
they were to be taken into cuftody, and brought pri-
foners to England, to the Governor and Company,
and there to receive punifhment as the cafe required,
and the law allowed.
Such being the exclufive right of trading, the ad-
ministering and making oaths, the laws, and ordi-
nances, the penalties and punifhments of offenders
granted to thefe Afiatic mafters, they were ftili unfa-
tisfied with fuch enormous concefiions. There was
therefore fuperadded to the commercial and civil
powers, thofe alio which can be carried into execution
by military force. On this account, the forts, for-
tifications, places, plantations, &c. already poffefTed,
were immediately furrendered to the Company, and
from that time to remain under the power and com-
mand of the Governor and Company •, and they had
the privilege of building caifles and other places of
ftrength, whenever they fhould extend their trade.
But as fortifications are unavailable without forces,
they had the grants of raifing troops among their own
countrymen in England, and of tranfporting them
to their places in Afia, together with ammunition
and other ftores requifite for the fufiaining a military
etiablifhment, and of appointing the officers who were
to command them.
This
[ 22 1
This power of raifing a land army being thought
Hill in ad ^tiate to the accomplishing of their intentions,
they were fur diet granted tne privilege of equipping
ihips of war, and of appointing Admirals and other
fea-officers, who were to ierve under their direction.
And that thefe troops and navies might not be con-
fined to actions defenfive only, thefe gracious Kings
granted their Subjects of this Company the right! of
declaring war and concluding peace, under the Com-
pany's Seal, with all fuch Princes as were not Chri-
ilian ; and to right or recompence themfelves on the
goods, eilates, or people, from whom the Company
might receive interruption or wrong to their trade.
And lardy, their foldiers and Sailors were Subjected
to the defpotic mandates of military law for any mif-
demeanors they might commit, and to fuch fines for
breach of orders, as the Company mould think fit to
impoie.
Befides the preceding circumftances, they were
obliged to import as much bullion as they exported,
and had the liberty of coining money in the Mint of
London, not exceeding 50,000 1. for one voyage ;
and in Afia as much as they pleafed, for the conve-
niency of trade and other exigencies of the Compa-
ny's affairs.
Such were the more than regal rights of the Crown
of England, which the two Kings antecedently named
have granted to an oligarchy of their Subjects ; with
this provifo indeed, that their charters were revokable
on three years notice, under the Privy Seal or Sign
Manual of the King. But is there a perfon entitled
to the poiTeiTion of common fenfe, who, on reviewing
the above grants, will hefitate to acknowledge, that
had the Company at that time poiTeiTed a revenue in
Afia of two millions a year, as they do at prefent,
that in thofe days of corruption (and I wifh the pre-
fent and the Succeeding may be more replete with
felf-denial and true patriotic virtue) they would have
bid
t n ]
bid defiance to the King, his Council, and the legis-
lature •, and by the all-conquering powers of fuch an
immenle lum, would as certainly have afcended to
fovereignty in this realm, as ever this kingdom hath
been formerly fubdued by Romans, Saxons, Danes,
and Normans ; for whoever commands the powerful
forces of two millions of money, is as fure of con-
quering all refiftance, as if he w,.s the leader of two
millions of men •, and will fecurely walk to empire
without danger of defeat or rifque of bloodihed.
This confideration ought to alarm not only the people
but the Sovereign himfelf, if Liberty be dear to the
former, and Royalty to the latter. For fuch is the
ftate in which they ftand at prefent, refpecling the
ufurping oligarchy of the Eaft India Company, and
the revenues which they have the hardineis to retain
from the public fervice.
But as nothing is to be inferted in thefe papers
which is to remain unproved, according to the beft
abilities of the writer of them, he will, in that which
is to follow the prefent, fairly ftate the acknowledged
and incidental rights of the Royal prerogative, and
compare the grants in the preceding charters, with
the juft authority which that regal power conltitu-
tionally enjoys. It will be then difcerned whether
fuch charters be or be not confiftent with that regal
power, and the liberties of a free people ; and whe-
ther the nation have a juft claim on the lands and
commerce of the Eaft Indies, in order to fave their
country from impending perdition, and themfelves
from approaching tyranny.
NUMBER
[ 2 4 3
NUMBER IV.
Nov. 26, 176$.
IN the preceding paper, having laid before my
readers, feme of thofe fingular and unprecedented
grants which were made by the royal brothers of the
Stuart race to the Eaft India Company, I mall now
enquire into thofe powers which are conftitutionally
appertaining to the prerogative royal, what rights the
people poffefs, both confidered as part of the legif-
lative authority, and as individual perfons, and what
are the privileges which bodies corporate, like that of
the Eaft India Company, can legally receive and ex-.
ercife.
The King, by prerogative, has the executive power
of government-, of fending and receiving ambafta-
dors ; of making treaties •, of proclaiming war and
peace ; of iffuing reprifals, and of granting fafe con-
duel. He is general of the kingdom, and may raife
fleets and armies -, build forts, and confine his fub-
jefts within the realm, or recall them from foreign
parts. He is the fountain of juftice, and general con-
fer vator of the peace. He may erect, courts, profecute
offenders, pardon crimes, and ifiue proclamations. He
is the fource of honour, of office, and of privilege.
He is the arbiter of domeftic, but not of foreign com-
merce ; all lands which are conquered, or ceded to
his fubjects, are taken and held in his name, and are
his dominions ; he can grant patents, charters, and
incorporate focieties with powers of making bye-laws,
and is entitled to oaths of allegiance from his fub-
jects •, and laftly, as a Sovereign, he can do no
wrong.
The rights of the people, confidered as part of the
legiflative power, are to concur, by the intervention
and amftance of their reprefentatiyes, in making all
laws
T 25 3
laws by which they are to be ruled ; the exprefs better
of which laws, neither the King, nor his magistrates
can either iufpend, dilpenle with* alter, or abrogate
one Syllable. It is their peculiar right to raife the pe-
cuniary fupplies of the year, which are to pay the
fleets and armies of the nation, and to furniih the
other exigencies of ftate. And laftiy, the Houfe of
Commons have an inquifitorial authority of examin-
ing into the exercifes of the prerogative royal, and of
calling all fuch ministers and counlellors to account,
to impeach and try them before the Houfe of Lords,
by whom they may be punifhed with fine, imprison-
ment, banifhment, or death, according to the nature
and degree of their tranfgreflions : befides the antece-
dent rights which the people poffefs in their aggregate
and legiflative ftate, they enjoy others alio as indivi-
dual perfons. The firit of which is the natural liberty
of mankind, circumicribed by human institutes, for
the good of fociety. In confequence of this, they
have the abfolute rights of perfonal fecurity, per-
fonal liberty, and of private property ; they are there-
'fore entitled to the enjoyment of life, limb, body,
health, and reputation ; they have the right of loco-
motion, or of pafiing from place to place, or from one
part of the globe to the other, without illegal reftraint
or banifhment; they can ufe and difpofe of their own
lawful acquisitions, without injury or illegal diminu-
tion ; they have a right to the constitution and power
of parliament, to the limitation of the King's prero-
gative, and to vindicate them when actually violated ;
to the regular administration of public juftice, and
trials by their peers ; the right of petitioning for
grievances, together with that of having and ufing
arms for felf-defence.
Together with the preceding rights which are parti-
cularly Specified, every individual of the community
has an equal claim to all privileges, liberties, and inv
m unities, with every other of the fame rank j circum-
D fiances
[ *6 ]
fiances which are effential to the exiftence of a free
ftate, and inseparable from the exercife and operation
of a free people. In fact, all the fubjects of this realm
do conftitutionally itand on the fame common level of
natural Liberty ; and no power in this realm can le-
gally diminiih this equal right, either by reducing the
number of thofe privileges to which the whole com-
munity is juftly entitled, or by imparting to men, or
particular lbcieties of men, fuch degrees of power and
privilege, as mall, in fact, render the other fubjects
lefs free, or more fubfervient to the purpofes of others
than the equal right of freedom can allow.
If thefe be not the innate rights and privileges of
Enorlifhmen, they are not a free people •, and if they
be a free people, no power in the ftate, without arbi-
trary proceedings, can deprive them of their equal
rights, or grant privileges and powers to one part of
the fubjects which refcind the liberties of the other ;
for fuch meafures are incompatible with the rights to
which all men are entitled by the laws of nature, and
of which Englishmen are in poffeffion by the consti-
tution of the government, by national compact and
the laws of civil fociety.
Such being the prerogatives of the crown and the
rio-hts of the people, I fhall now confider how far
thole regal powers may be communicated to bodies
corporate, and how far fuch focieties are capable of
receiving privileges, and of what nature they are, from
the concefnons of the Kings of England. The
powers incident to all Corporations, are to maintain
perpetual fuccefllon, to act in their corporate capacity
like an individual, to hold and purchafc lands iubject
to the Statutes of Mortmain •, to have a Common
Seal-, to make bye-laws which are binding on them-
felves, unlefs contrary to law, and then they are void.
This is included alfo by law, in the very act of incor-
poration ; but no trading Company is allowed to make
re-laws, which may afreet die King's prerogative, or
the-
[ *7 ]
the common proHt of the people, under penalty of
40 1. unlefs they be approved by the Chancellor,
Treafurer, and Chief Juitices, or the Juftices of Af-
fize in their circuits-, and even when fo approved,
they are neverthelefs void, if contrary to law : thefe
are the five powers which are infeparabiy incident to
every Corporation aggregate •, but of late the power of
purchasing lands from any living granter, is greatly
abridged by ftatutes •, fo that at prelent corporations
muft have licence from the King to purchafe, before
they can exert that capacity which is veiled in them by
common law •, nor is even this licence, in all cafes,
fufficient. Of thefe corporate bodies, the King is
constituted, by law, the Vifitor-, and the law has ap-
pointed the place alio wherein he fhall exercife this
jurifdiction, which is the King's Bench •, in this Court
only all mi/behaviours of this kind of corporations
are enquired into and redreffed, and all their contro-
versies decided.
Such then are the more dift'nijuifhed and efTential
prerogatives of the Crown, the exertion of which is
open to the examination of the inquifitors of the State,
the reprefentatives of the people in the Houfe of
Commons.
Such are the conftitutional rights of the people, in-
feparable by any powers in the legislature, whilft they
remain a free people, and which neither the King nor
their reprefentatives can juftly diminifh or abridge ;
and which the latter are obliged to defend and pre-
serve.
And fuch are the privileges which Kings can grant
to corporate focieties, and which fuch incorporated
bodies can receive under the limitations of not being
contradictory to the laws of the realm.
I (hall now examine the exertion of the prerogative
royal, as it Hands in the Eaft India Charters, and
then comparing the grants which they contain, with
that regal power in the King, with the rights of the
D 2 people*
[ 28 J
people, and with the privileges which Corporation?
can receive, it will be evident whether the Sovereigns
of England have obferved the juft limits of preroga-
tive power, whether the people have been robbed of
their indifputable rights, and their reprefentatives
have faithfully difcharged the duty of that fupreme
delegation which conftitutes and appoints them guar-
dians of the public good, and of private right and
liberty, by fu fie ring fuch charters to be firft granted,
and then to remain fo long imabolifhed ; and laftly,
whether the Eaft India Company can, conftitutionally,
receive and exercife fuch powers as the Kings of Eng-
land have prefumed to grant them. From a due con-
fideration of all thefe particulars, we may reafonably
hope to arrive to a true decifion of this fubject.
And indeed the whole merit of the caufe might be
fafely refted on this fingle point, that as the privi-
leges which are fufceptible of being granted to corpo-
rate bodies, by all the ads and operations of the pre-
rogative royal, are thole which are abovementioned,
that therefore the enormous privileges and powers
which have been granted to the Eaft India Company,
are unconstitutional and illegal; and that whatever
has been thus obtained cannot be lawfully received
nor exercifed, but are, ipfo faflo, void and unwar-
rantable. For certainly the King is incapable of con-
veying the power of exerting afte of Sovereignty to
any man or body of men, in their name and under
their feal and commifiion •, for this would be to im-
part the regal rights, which are incommunicable to
fubjects ; nor can he grant the rights which are in
common to all his people, to a few, whom he may
peremptorily felect for that purpofe •, for this would
be to make both fovereigns and Haves of men, who
are equally entitled to every national right, by birth
and inheritance, with thole whom an arbitrary Prince
may infblently prefume to exalt or to enflave to the
obiervation of thofe rights he himfelf, both by his
Coronation
[ *9 7
Coronation oath, and in return for that allegiance,
which is due to him, is as equally and as firmly
bound, as his fubjefts are to defend him in all his
prerogatives and fovereignty.
Such being the true ftate of the preceding fubjefts,
I make no doubt but my readers will readily antici-
pate the conclufion which ought to be drawn from
jthe more intimate examination of the preceding fub-
jects ; I mail therefore, at prefent, leave them to
their own enquiries, in this moft important concern
to their eafe, happinefs, freedom, and to the dignity
of the Crown, the power and reftitution of the ftate,
and the exigence of the conftitution. By thefe means
they will be prepared with more deliberate fentiments,
to judge of the rectitude or errors which may be
found in the arguments which mall be delivered in
the fucceeding papers.
NUMBER V.
Nov. 29, 176S,
AS I have no doubt that my readers have by this
time confidered and compared the grants in the
Eafl India, charters, with the-conflitutional preroga-
tives of the Crown, the rights of the people, and the
privileges which bodies corporate are capable of le-
gally receiving and carrying into execution, and from
that comparifon are convinced of the defpctifm which
thole Kings exerted, and the injuries which the nation
fufifered. I fhall not enter into a logical train of de-
duction to prove, what they have already inferred
from the preceding papers, that iuch grants are fub-
verfive of the liberties of Englifhmen, and creative of
a fet of tyrants, who are even more arbitrary than
thole who gave them being.
£Ut
[ 3° ]
But as a full elucidation of this pofition cannot be
improper in examining a fubject fo great in itfelf, and
fo interesting to the whole community, I fhall offer
10 my readers a kind of expofition on thefe charters,
by which the defpotifm exerted by the Crown, the
violence committed on the people, and the impoflibi*
lity that the Eaft India Company can be lawfully in-
verted with fuch powers as the charters grant and they
have exercifed, may be intuitively diicerned in this
day's Mirror. By thefe means, like all other vifible
objects, they will want no other argument to prove
their exiftence, than that of being feen, and no other
•animation nor afliitance for their being abolilhed,
than that ancient fpirit of Britons which hath fo glo-
riouily defeated the arbitrary acts of former Kings,
and the uilirpations of their tyrannous and oppreffive
fellow fubjecis -, and by fuch immortal and patriotic
deeds reitored thofe rights, liberties, and privileges,
which have been illegally invaded and fubverted, to
themfelves and their pofterity.
In this expofition, I intend to preferve, in fome
meafure, the form of a charter, inferring only fuch
illuitrations of the particular grants as naturally arife
from the fubjecl; itfelf-, and thefe will, at the fame
time, ferve as explanatory and practical obfervations
on the prerogative royal, the people's rights, and the
Company's privileges.
Charles and James the Second, both by the grace
of God Kings of England, &c. to all to whom thefe
prefents fhall come, greeting: Whereas our trufty and
well-beloved fubjedts, the Governor and Company of
Merchants trading to the Eaft Indies, have humbly
befought us to grant and confirm their former char-
ters, with fome alterations and amendments •, we have
therefore, out of our fpecial grace, certain knowledge,
and mere motion, and at the humble petition of the
laid Governor and Company, granted, that they fhall
for ever be one body corporate and politic, in deed.
[ 3i 1
•and name, really and truly, for ever, &c. And we
crracioufly grant to the laid Company the right of
tradino- bv lea to all parts of Africa, Afia, and Ame-
rica, from the Cape of Good Hope, eaftward, to the
Straights of Magellan, exclufive of all our other lov-
ing fubjecls, c who, by the laws of the land, and the
■« conft'itution of the realm, are as juftly intitled to
« the exerciie of this trade, as we are to the Crown or.
« England.' And we grant to the laid Company the
right°of exercifing this "trade in the manner they fhall
think fit, in the provinces, lands, and dominions ot
all Sovereigns and nations which are included witmn
the preceding limits j ' over whom and whole realms
« and inhabitants we have not the leaft right or au--
■ thority, either by the law of nature or or nations.*
Provided fuch Potentates and people be not Chnftian,
nor in amity with Chnftian Princes, who will not
permit the exerciie of fuch trade. And we grant that
no fubject of England mail prciume to trade within
the preceding limits, without licence mil obtained
from the Company, and this < We grant, notwith-
standing; that every iubjed has by inheritance^ and
the conftitution, the incontravertible right ot ex-
tending his commerce into whatever country he can
find admittance, even without requiring any licence
from Us his Sovereigns •, and that we cannot give
and grant to the faid Company thoie privileges
which we do not poiTefs, and which if we did poi-
iefs, the Company could not receive as a body cor-
porate.'
Neverthelefs, we gracioufly grant to the laid com-
pany the right of feizing the goods, merchandize, and
mips, and whatever elie fhall be brought into our do-
minions, or the dominions of any other prince or
people, wherever they may trade within the preced-
ing limits, one half to be forfeited to the Crown, the
other to the Company •, and to this intent ■ We have
• iufpended the laws of the land* refcinded the rights
r 32 ]
* of the fubject, and granted them to thole who arc
* incapable of lawfully exercifing fuch rights, which
' are in direct violation of the great Charter of Li-
** berties, which ought to be held facred by us and
' our pofterity, and to the protection of which every
' fubject is equally entitled, and who, againft procla-
* mations iffued by ourfelves, to fuch exclufive pur-
6 pofes would find redrefs by the laws of England,
?* which we can neither dilpenle with, nor fufpend, buc
' by acts of tyranny and oppreflion.'
And we farther grant, out of our fpecial grace, to
the faid Eaft India Company the right of feizing fuch
their fellow fubjects fo offending, and of impriibning
them at the King's will, and that fuch fubjects fo im-
prifoned, mall not be difcharged, but on each of
them giving a bond of 1000 1. to the faid Company,
not to trade within the preceding limits ; and c this
4 we grant, in full contradiction to Magna Charta,
6 which gives the right of perfonal fecurity, perfonal
* liberty, and private property, to every fubjecl: of
1 the realm •, and this right of feizing and imprifoning
' our fubjects, we grant alfo to be exercifed in the
' dominions of other Princes, who have an equal
' right to grant the fame privileges to be exercifed by
1 their fubjects in our realms as we have in theirs-;
* and yet, for the doing which, without our confent,
* as we have granted the faid Company to do, without
' that of fuch Princes, we mould moft certainly pu-
* nifh, as they would be then acting contrary to the
* law of nations, which we are refolved to have ob-
* ferved in our kingdoms, although we have granted
* to the faid Company the right of infracting them in
' all others, within the preceding limits, and which,
' neverthelefs, ought to be oblerved, and held invio-
* late by all Sovereigns and all ^lTbjects. ,
And as we have excluded all our loving fubjects:
from trading by fea to the parts abo^e-menfbriv-d,
without licence 'from the Company^ wc grant alfo o
Z' en
[ 33 1
alien merchants, the right of trading with fuch
iicence •, * neither of which we are legally authorized
* to grant without difpenfing with the laws of the
* land, and fufpending the rights of our people.'
And for the farther encouragement of the faid
Company, we grant them the right of making and
adminiftering what oaths they (hall devife, direct, or
appoint to be taken by their fervants, whether civil
or military, as oaths of allegiance to the laid Com-
pany, « which power of conftitutin^ and appointing
* fuch oaths can refide in the legiflative powers only;
* and which allegiance being due to Us alone, is un-
< transferable to any fubjetf:, and can neither be
* taken nor given by any of them, but in direct fub-
« verfion of "our own and the people's rights.' Not-
withftanding which, we farther grant to the faid
Company the right of putting all men in their ier-
vice to their oaths, in order to the difcovering the
offences which thefe men may have committed ; ' and
* this we grant, though by the laws of the land,
* which we can neither alter nor abrogate, all our
« fubjecls are legally entitled to the refilling fuch oaths
* as tend to accufe themfelves.'
And that nothing may be wanting, by which to
fhew our gracious intentions to all our loving fubjects,
we hereby grant to twenty -jive of them, the Governor
and Committees of the" Eaft-India Company, the
ricmt of making what laws, conftitutions, and orders
they mail think neceffary and convenient for the go-
vernment of their fervants and factors, and all others
employed in their voyages and trade, and to revoke
and alter them at will; and for the enforcing fuch
laws, we grant the faid Company the right of impofing
and ordaining pains, penalties, and amerciaments, fuch
as imprifonment and pecuniary fines, on all thole
who (hall offend againft the faid laws. « And thefe
4 privileges we grant, although by the conftitution
* we have no right to make one law, and therefore
E f cannot
[ 34 ]
* cannot transfer that power to others, which we our-
4 ielves do not pofiefs ; and although the rights of
4 perlbnal liberty, fecurity, and property, cannot be
c forfeited or loft by any of our fubjects, nor fines
4 nor other amerciaments impofed, but according to
4 the due courle of juftice, by the verdict of twelve
4 good and lawful men, their Peers, of the realm of
4 England, and in defiance of the conftitution and
* the rights of our fubjects.'
And we ordain, that all fuch fines mail be applied
folely to the ufe of the Company, without impedi-
ment from the Crown, ' in order that fuch fines may
4 be an encouragement to the faid Company to feize
4 and imprifon all our well-beloved fubjects, who do
4 or do not offend fuch laws ; and a premium for
' the condemning the innocent as well as the guilty,
4 for the fake of enriching the faid Company ; and
4 we hereby bind ourfelves not to interfere in thefe
4 fines, notwithftanding that, by our coronation oath,
* we have fworn to protect the rights and liberties,
* and to do equal juilice to all our loving fubjects ;
4 and that the laid fubjects are juftly entitled to this
4 protection, in return for their fworn allegiance, and
4 by the great charter of the realm, which is equally
* binding on us as on our people.
NUMBER VI.
Dec. 3, 1768.
AN D as we have granted to the Baft India Com-
pany the legijlative power of making what laws
they ihall think neceffary for their execrable purpofes,
we hereby grant them the executive alfo, with privilege
of appointing and eitabliihing Governors and Coun-
cils,
[ 35 ]
tils, and other officers, in Afia, Africa, and America,
among people ivhofe names ive have never beard, and in
places which are not yet difccvered ; with powers to
judge all perfons belonging to their Company, or
who may live in the fame places with them, in all
caufes Civil and Commercial, to erect Courts and
nominate judges, to hear and determine all caufes of
forfeitures and feizures of mips and goods, and of
all the matters relative to that nature. ' And thefe
c rights we grant, that the unconftitutional and arbi-
c trary laws which the faid Company may devile,
6 may the more certainly be carried into execution,
' and our other beloved fubjects be the more effec-
' tually precluded from the exercifing thofe rights,
' which we have no authority to refcind, nor the
' Company to receive, in prejudice to our other
' people. And for the accomplifhing this intent, we
c have granted the power of executing thofe laws to
' men whole welfare and whole ruin are abfolutely
' dependant on the momentary nod and defpotic in-
■ tention of the faid Ealt India Company, and who,
' by the hopes of acquiring riches, and the dread of
4 being difmilTed from their offices and polls, are
* bound implicitly to obey the peremptory mandates
' of their new inhuman fovereigns.'
And although we have no right to impart any legal
authority to be exercifed by one fubject over another,
but in our own name, and in our own dominions,
* Yet we neverthelefs grant to the faid Company the
4 right of exercifing that power, not only on our
' own fubjects, but even on thofe of other Sovereigns,
* in the name of the faid Company ; and in realms
' which in no fenfe can appertain to our kingdoms.
' And we hereby gracioufly exclude all the Sovereign .
' and Powers in Afia, Africa, and America, within
■ the preceding limits, from the right of exerting
" their own fovereignties, and the people from en
' joying and exercifing their own privileges, to both
E 2 ' which
[ l« 1
: which they are juftly entitled, and by all which wc
interdicted to make thefe grants.
we further grant, of our fpecial grace, and
' en the humble petition of the faid Company, the
ufpending, by themfelves, and their fer-
■• ! ia, all due courfe of law and juftice,
to feize all our fubjects, as well as
( -o, who fhall be found in the exertion of
- the ; . lcuiury rights of all Englifhmen, on board
(hips of our other Englifh lubjects, or even on
■ thofe of the Indian flates. And thefe rights we
' grant to the faid Company, in defiance of Magna
4 Charta, which exprefly declares, that all the ports
' of England fhall enjoy their -antient liberties and
4 rights of trading •, and that no freeman fhall be
4 feized, imprifoned, or deprived of his property,
4 liberties, or rights, but by the laws of the land,
4 and the judgment of his Peers j and in defiance
4 alfo of the laws of God, of nature, and of nations,
* in direct violation of the legal fovereignty of other
4 Princes, whole fhips we have no authority to fearch
4 or examine but in times of war. And we hereby
4 declare, that all fuch our fubjects, who fhall pre-
* fume to exercife their lawful privileges, in difobe-
4 dience and contempt of the arbitrary will of the
4 Eait India Company, fhall be deemed as rebels
' againfc the fovereign power of the Governor and
4 faid Company, and be punifhed in a fummary way,
4 without due courfe of law. And if any fubjects,
4 fo offending the illegal laws and unccnflitu'tional
* ordinances of the faid Company, fhall have the
* impudence to appeal from the tyranny of the Go-
4 vernors, Council, or Courts in Afia, to the laws
' of England, they fhall be brought prifoners on
' board the mips of the faid Afiatic Oligarchy, and
4 in irons, if the Company fhall fo think fit, to the
4 Governor and Company in England, there to re-
4 ceive fuch condign punifhment, as the atrocioufnefs
4 of
[ 37 3
of exerting their own rights, the impudence of dis-
obeying the Company's commands, and the ille-
gality of appealing to the laws of their country
require.'
4 And we grant, out of our fpecial Grace, and at
the petition of the faid Company, not only a right
• exclufive of all our other fubjects, of trading within
; the preceding limits, but that of feizing and taking
; poffeffion, in their own names, of the lands and
: dominions of the Princes inhabiting three parts of
; the whole world, and to build forts and fortifica-
; tions wherever they may extend their trade, in de-
'• fiance of all fuch lbvereigns and people •, and in
6 order the more effectually to accomplish thefe de-
' figns, we grant the faid Company the privilege of
1 raifing an army among our own fubjects in England,
1 by inveigling, enfnaring, intoxicating, and kidnap-
' ping our beloved fubjects, to confine them in the
4 private prifons of the faid Company in England,
4 to force them in the fecrefy of night on board their
' ihips, tranfport them to Afia, Africa, and America,
4 there to fight their battles, and remain their (laves,
4 during life ; and to appoint fuch commanders and
■ officers over them as they mail think fit, having all
4 firft taken an oath of allegiance to the faid Com-
4 pany, which cannot be legally required but by and
4 to ourfelves alone, nor taken by our fubjects but in
4 direct violation of that allegiance which is due to
4 us their only fovereigns, according to the cor.fti-
4 tution.'
And we further grant to the faid Afiatic Oligarchy,
the like privilege of equipping naval as well as land
forces, of appointing admirals and other officers to
be under the fole and arbitrary direction of the faid
Oligarchy.
And further, we grant the faid Company the right
of levying money for the payment of thefe land and
naval forces, 4 notwithftanding the exprefs terms of
4 the
r 38 ]
4 the great charter of the Englifh rights and liberties,
6 that we fhall not ourfelves raife any money for the
* fupport of our military powers, but by and with
4 the confent of .parliament.'
To the preceding privilege, which exceeds the limits
cf the fovereign power of England's Kings, we grant
alfo the regal incommunicable power, but in our name,
of making war and peace, of fending ambaffadors,
and concluding treaties, in the name and under the
common feal of the fovereign Company, 4 by which
* we have given that feal an equal power with the
' great feal of England, and further erected the faid
* Oligarchy into arbitrary power.'
Having in this manner, and in imitation of our
Holy Father the Pope, granted on the humble petition
of our beloved fubjects, the Eaft India Company,
who are all good Chrifiians, the rights, properties, and
dominions of all princes and nations who are Infidels,
we further, on their faid petition, grant the privileges
of righting and recompenfing themfelves againft all
fuch unchriftian potentates and people who fhall pre-
fume to interrupt the Eaft India Company in the
exercife of whatever trade they may pleafe to carry
on in the dominions of the faid potentates and people ;
1 and to the accomplishing this intent, we mod gra-
4 cioufly grant the faid Company the right of feizins;,
4 plundering, burning, and otherwife deftroying the
c goods, effects, cities, lands, and all other the pro-
4 perties of the faid princes and their fubjects, to
4 fubdue, feize, dethrone, and put to death by force
4 of arms, all Kings and people, who, in defence or
4 themfelves, their country, rights, privileges, and
4 pofieffions, fhall have the impudence to oppoie the
4 faid Eaft India Company in the exercife of all the
4 inhuman privileges which they have petitioned to
4 have given them, and we have gracioufly granted.
4 And thele rights and privileges we grant, not-
4 withftanding of our certain knowledge we are con-
4 vinced,
[ 39 1
vinced, that the perpetrators of fuch trahfacltions,
under the colour of our royal charters, in the realms
of any European Prince, over which we have no Ids
right than over thofe of Afia, would be deemed
and treated as pirates and afTaflins, hanged in chains,
and broken upon wheels, according to juftice and
the law of nations, and for which we moft righte-
oufly deferve the execration, not only of the people
fo treated, but of all mankind. And we further
grant to the petition of the faid .Christian Oligarchy,
the rights of renguncing the laws of humanity, and
exercifing every act of perfidy, infidioufnefs, and
cruelty, againft all powers, and all nations in the
faid limits of Afia, Africa, and America, becaufe
they are not Christians, as we are ; and that there
may be the leaft poflible oppofition to the tyrannic
dictates and piratical intentions of the Ealt India
Company, from the feelings of humanity, the fenfe
of their own rights, as Englifhmen, and of human
nature as men, that mercy, companion, juitice, and
a.l obligations both moral and religious, may, as
much as in us lies, lofe their operation and effects
on their hearts and confciences, and not reftrain
them from thofe aCts of rapine, violence, and mur-
der, to which they may be commanded by the faid
Oligarchy, we further grant to the faid fovereign
Company the right of exercifing military law on
all our beloved Subjects, who may be enlifted in
their piratic Service, that is, arbitrarily to fine, im-
priibn, and put to death, all fuch who may prove
difobedient to their fanguinary orders ; and this we
grant, notwithstanding it is acknowledged to be
illegal and tyrannic in ourfcives, during the times
of war ; and that whoever (hall be instrumental to
the death of any Subject, by the exertion of fuch
military law, in times of peace, will be found guilty
of murder by the Statutes of England.
6 And
t 40 2
c And that they may lavifhly reward their fervants
* and their (laves for the perpetrating fuch horrid
* and inhuman actions,' we complete their fovereign-
ty by giving them the right of coining money in
their mints of Afia for the accompli/hing that laudable
furpofe.
1 Laftly, to fave appearances, and to impart to
' our people the belief of our having the welfare of
* our realms at heart, we have craftily referved the
c right of revoking' the aforefaid charters, on three
years notice, if they fhall be found to be prejudicial
to the public good, ' being convinced of certain
6 knowledge, that the Company will be fo enriched
* by their acts of trade,, rapine, piracy, and murder,
4 and that we ourlelves, our ministers, and the Houfe
c of Commons, fhall become fo profefledly corrupt,
* profligate, venal, and abandoned, that the former
4 will be enabled to purchafe us and them, and that
' we fhall be ready to fell the continuance of thefe
4 grants, in fpite of a few honeft and patriotic men,
* who may expoie our tyranny, attempt to defend
* their country's rights, attack the defporifm of our
4 Afiatic Oligarchy, and prove that the falvation of
' the kingdom can only be effected by the lawful de-
6 ftruction of the Eaft India Company.'
N U MBER VIL
Dec. io. 1768.
SUCH were the unconftitutional and oppreffive
charters which were granted by the arbitrary ex-
ertion of the prerogative royal in the defpotic reigns of
Charles and James the Second, as they are laid down
in the two papers immediately preceding the prefent.
By men whofe intereft it is to prevent the perfuafion of
thefe
[ 41 ]
thefe truths from being credited by the injured people
of England, the antecedent expofition will undoubted-
ly be decried as rancorous and unjuft, and published
with the malevolent intention of inflaming the na-
tion againft the continuance of that Company, which
they will confidently pronounce in no fenfe to deferve
fuch mifreprefentation and calumny. In order
therefore to obviate the effects which fuch pofitive
aflertions may immediately produce on all who are
not perfectly acquainted with the mifchief and inii-
dious defigns which the propagators of them attempt
to perpetrate, I intreat my readers to fufpend their
concluiions on this fubject, till I come to thofe pa-
pers in which I mall attempt to prove, that every ar-
ticle of the grants, as explained in the expofitijn, is
not fuch alone, as may be fpeculatively inferred from
the fovereign and unlimited powers granted in the
charters, but founded on the undeviating exercife
and practice of the Eaft India Company and their
fervants in Ana ; and if exemplifications of thefe facts
be not amply adduced, in the continuation of thefe
papers, beyond the power of refutation, let them con-
demn me for an incendiary, and an invader of the
rights and privileges of men who are juftiy intitled
to the enjoyment of them.
But if I fucceed in my endeavours, and produce
fuch evidence of their unconftitutional, arbitrary, il-
legal, and inhuman acts, as ought to thrill the blood
of every human being with horror, and excite one
univerfal deteftation of the perpetrators, and con-
vince the moil obdurate heart of the truth of what
has been declared to be granted in the preceding
charters, will Englishmen, renowned for mercy to
other nations, and for fupporting their own lawful
claims againft tyrannic Kings, who have proved in-
vaders of their antient rig] :s, and plucked them
frqm their thrones, remain inert and paflive beneath
the oligarchic yoke of Eaft India Directors ? Shall
F the
[ 42 ]
the little fiate of Athens, not equal to a (ingle county
of this kingdom, be for ever reverenced and admi-
red for the making off the defpotifm of thirty tyrant; :,
and we, the people of Great Efritain, whole domi-
nions are more extentive than any idea which an
Athenian could conceive to be contained within the
limits of the world, be domineered over and enilaved
by a contemptible oligarchy of twenty-four of our
fellow iubjects ! It will not be ! you are not yet
fo dead to all the calls of honour, right, privilege,
yourfelves, and country ; the hearts of Englim oak
will feel, though yours fhould prove infenfible, and
grieve, although they cannot utter their complaints
to this flagrant degeneracy from their antient Lords,
whom their former forces bore fo frequently through
florins and tempefts to conqueit and glory. Animated
with this prophetic perfuafion, I (hall faithfully proceed
to the proof of what I have delivered. And in this
place I delire my readers to recollect the acts of the
prerogative illegally extended, of the violation of the
rights, liberties, privileges, and properties of Englifh-
men, and of the fubverfion of the conftitution, of
which the Stuarts were jufbly accujed, and for which
James the Second was fo righteoufly expelled from
the fovereignty of thefe realms, and which are to be
found in the hiftories of thofe reigns, and then com-
pare them with the enormous and tyrannic grants
contained in the preceding charters of the Eaft India
Company, and which, at that time, formed not a
fingie article of the accufations againft that King.
They will then be convinced that the defpotifm and
iniquity of thefe grants dp infinitely exceed all the ex-
travagant and illegal deeds of prerogative which ani-
mated the nation to renounce their obedience to th::t
Sovereign, and to chace him from the throne. And
yet of tbefe arbitrary enormities, hiftorians to this day
have taken no notice.
I am perfectly perfuaded that thofe ufurping men,
whofe
[ u ]
\vhofe intereft it is to protract and to fuftain their
own tyranny, to continue and to rivet the chains of
your enflavement, will be active as the hungry
tyger, to exert their utmoft arts and influence to the
perpetuating of thofe grants by which iky are to be
enriched, and their, country ruined. They will art-
fully and inceffantly infinuate and affirm, that the
antecedent grants were the acts of royal prerogative,
arbitrarily excited in the oppreiTlve reigns of the
Stuart race, when that regal power was ill under-
ftood and uncircumfcribed •, but that, fmce the happy
days of the glorious Revolution, when Liberty, like
the dove, defcendcd on the heads of the people of
England, and all their privileges and immunities
were renovated and confirmed by the Bill of Rights,
and the acceMion of our great deliverer, King Wil-
liam, to the diadem of thefe dominions, all thefe
evils are done away •, but I truil that my country-
men will not be deluded by founds, but adhere to
facts as they are recited. In order therefore to place
that affair in its proper light, I will now proceed
fuccinclly to relate the events and tranfactions which
have intervened between our Kings and ■ the Eaft
India Company, fince that popular rera •, and then
the nation may decide what advantages they have
acquired, relpecting that oligarchic tyranny, from
that day to the prefent.
James being driven from the throne, and William
and Mary having afcended that abdicated feat, the
Eaft India Company ilill continued in the full exer^
cile of thole unconstitutional grants which had been
unpacked in the foregoing charters ; but there is
reaibn to be convinced, from the Journals of the
Houfe of Commons, that this continuation was not
obtained without the corrupt influence of pecuniary
application to the Miniftry at haft : for even in the
year 16S8, the year of the Revolution, there is to be
found in thofe records, a fum of 1284 1. carried to
F 2 the
[ 44 ]
the account of fpecial fervice for fupporting the wel-
fare of the Eaft India Company ; which account is
annually continued in different fums to the years
1603 and 1694 inclufive. At this time the new char-
ters were granted by this royal pair of deliverers, con-
firminp- all the grants contained in thole which have
been already laid before you : and for accomplifhing
this event, more than 107,000 1. were diflributed
among the Minifters then in being.
Thus the eppreffion and tyranny of this oligarchy
was ftill permitted by prerogative to exift, and the
means of obtaining that power more flagrant and
fcandalous than before : and in this place, to do
juftice to the memory of that man, who was cer-
tainly expelled with juftiee, and to foften the excla-
mations of tyrant and of defpote againii the dead,
in things where it may be juftiy allowed, and for the
doino- which other Princes are equally criminal, it
may truly be faid, that it was not his acts of arbitrary
power which alone dethroned him : had he acquiefced
with the toleration of plundering his fubjects, which
his Minifters would have carried into execution, not-
withftanding his fufpending and difpenfing with the
laws, his religion, and endeavours for introducing
popery, he would have defcended from his throne to
his o-rave in peace, and relied among the other Kings,
his predeceifors, in Weftminfter-Abbey. But the
corruption of the former reign was too virulent and
inveterate to admit a cure, and rational parfimony
was deemed at that time the moft unpardonable of
reo-al crimes ; that anti-miniftcrial difpofition in the
Kino- therefore affifted in his being- dethroned, and
exiled Minifters in fucceeding reigns have lawlefly
enjoyed the exercife of that rapine, for which they
longed in the former. This fhall be evinced in the next
paper, wherein I fhali delineate this whole affair of
the corrupt influence of obtaining thofe charters in
the reign of William and Mary.
NUMBER
NUMBER VIII.
Dec. 15, ij63.
JAMES being dethroned, William placed in his
room, and the Bill of Rights legislatively efta-
blifhed to be the lawful inheritance of all Englifhmen,
the charters of the Eaft India Company were deemed
to exceed that power which the prerogative royal could
constitutionally exercife$ other merchants therefore,
in open defiance of thefe grants, carried on a com-
merce with thofe parts of the globe which were inter-
dicted by the regal charters. Thefe contemners of
the Company's exclufive rights were diftinguifhed by
the name of Interlopers, and no fmall contefT arofe
between them and the Company, on the fubject of
trading; to the dominions of Afia.
But it mull not be imagined that thofe vigorous
opponents of the prerogative power thus illegally
exerted, had undertaken this defiance of the regal
charters from the generous motives of reftorino- to
all Englifhmen their init rights and commercial pri-
vileges ; thefe men were no lefs actuated by the for-
did incentives of avarice and gain, than the Com-
pany already eftabliflied. They contended only for
participating in the profits of that trade, and enjoy-
ing all thofe advantages which could be derived from
the arbitrary power of Kings, illegally tranfmitted
to their hands •, and from the enslavement of their
fellow-fubjects, who were to be employed in the ac-
quiring immenfe riches for thofe interlopers •, and this
will appear to be inconteftably true in the iubfequent
paper.
During this contention, between men equally de-
termined to convert the nation's rights and powers to
their fole benefit, each party affiduoufly endeavoured
to fupport themfelves and defeat their adverfaries,
and
[ 46 ]
and both were ardently engaged in preparing to ap-
ply to Parliament ; the interlopers with a view to
obtain a legislative eftabiimment of a new Company,'
and the old Compzny to obtain that confirmation to
thole charters which they already pofTefTed, or at leaft
to obtain a new grant of a charter from King Wil-
liam, which might impart more itrength and vigour
to their conduct than they thought themfelves entitled
to exercife after the Revolution.
And it will eternally happen in all revolutions
which are not effected by conqueft, whenever one
motive of being weary of a fovereign is his disincli-
nation to fuffer the multitude of his people to be
plundered by a few individuals •, and the Prince, who
iucceeds him, neceffarily falls into the hands of men
who thirfb after power and riches, that as the latter
Was by them afiifted, he cannot, if he would, fully
exert his inclinations to the prevention of fuch corrupt
practices, when he afcends the throne. In this man-
ner it happened after the accomplifiiment of that
laudable tranfaction by which James the Second was
fo juftly driven from the dominion of thefe realms •>
for had William oppofed the corrupt intentions of
Kis miniilers, he would have inftantly converted his
moft active adherents into his moft virulent oppofers.
Corruption, like a flood, had now broken down the-
banks which formerly had contained it, and fpread
itfelf through all ranks of men •, commiflioners for
hackney coaches, agents for the army, the Houfe of
Commons, and the Privy Council, were all venally
obedient to the mandates of thofe who could beft
fupply them with the wages of their iniquities.
In confequence of this encouragement, the old
Eaft India Company begun to apply this prevalent
artillery immediately after the Revolution ; and in
the years 1689 and 1694, the intermediate years till
the end of 1694, 107,0031. were diftribu ted among
minifters and members of parliament, by the old
Company*
[ 47 1
Company, in order to obtain either an act of par-
liament, or a charter of confirmation of their former
grants •, of the preceding ium, 87,4001. were diftri-
buted among the glorious defenders of the rights,
liberties, privileges, and independency of parliaments,
in the year 1693, when the charter was granted on
conditions therein mentioned •, and 4075 1. when it
was confirmed in the following year. In this manner,
with peftiferous corruption added to the arb;tra?y
exertion of illegal prerogative, the people ot England
were ftill royally interdicted from their commercial
rights, and doomed to continue under the terror of
military laws, defpotically exercifed by an illegal
oligarchy, who, according to the conititution, are
incapable of receiving fuch powers from any lawful
authority in this realm of England.
Such was the open and extenfive influence of bri-
bery and corruption, in all depai tments, and in the
Houfe of Commons, in order to ohtain the pafTing
of fuch laws as the corrupters defired .; that in the
year 1695, Trevor the Speaker, and Hungerford,
another member of that Honourable Ploule, were
expelled for having committed the moft ignominious
acts in receiving money for the palling of the Orphan's
Bill, and the facriiicing their country's welfare to the
idol of private intereft.
At this time complaint beinc; made to the Houfe,
that, a member of it had received money for bringing
in a Bill, it was thereupon ordered by that Houfe,
that the books of the Eaft India Company fnould be
infpected, and men were app that purpofe,
in order to the laying their account - before Parliament.
In confequence of this examination, the preceding
fum of 107,0031. was found to have been given by
the Governor and others, for fpecial fervices not men-
tioned in their books. Such being the event of this
refearch, it was then ordered, ' That Sir Thomas
* Cook, Governor of the Eaft India Company, and
a Mem-
[ 48 ]
c a Member of Parliament, do give an account to
c the Houfe of Commons, in what manner 87,4001.
' of that money was diftributed ; and as he refuted
" to comply with that order, he was lent priibner to
' the Tower.'
s being done, c A Bill was paiTed to compel
' and to indemnify Sir Thomas Cook againfl all
' actions which might be brought as-ainft him for the
* difcoveries which he fhould make.' But when a
claufe was offered to be iiiicmecl in the Bill, ' That
■ in cafe the Commiffioners of accounts mould, upon
c the difcovery of Sir Thomas Cook, adjudge that
' any of the money received by him was paid to any
' members of either Houfe, to any Privy Counfellor,
* or other officer whatsoever, fueh peribns mail be
4 for ever incapacitated to ferve in parliament, or
' hold any office under his Majefly, and fhall alio
* fuffer imprifbnment. And the queftion was put
c that the claufe mould be read a fecond time ; it
4 paffed in the negative.'
The Honourable Gentlemen who had driven James
from the throne for difpenfing with the laws in an
arbitrary and illegal manner, and who, in the Bill of
Rights, had declared, that parliaments ought to be free^
were of a different opinion, when it came to be pro-
posed, that all thole, who, through the influence of
bribery and corruption in that houfe, had betrayed
their facred trull, and been purchafed to the de-
struction of thofe very rights, for the defence of
which they had fo lately expelled their Sovereign, as
they afierted. For having tailed of the fweets of
brib . were refolved to cherifh that welcome
t, by which they fprefaw that they and their de-
lants Ihould acquire immenfe ' fortunes, and rife
to honours and to titles •, and this circumftance, were
■ no other to be found, is Sufficient to evince,
that the parfimony of the public money, and the
precl . influence among his minifters,
were
[ 49 1
were not the lcafi caufes of his being dethroned,
among the many others for which he deferved it ; for
though popery and flavery, and arbitrary power,
liberty and property, were the terms which were given
to the multitude, could men fo profligately hardened
as to fcreen the moil ignominious betrayers of their
country from condign punifnment, be truly animated
by any fentiment of patriotifm, or even of common
honefty ? They longed- for the power of fharing in
the nation's fpoils, they now pofiefied, and were re-
folved to perpetuate it.
Cook, being indemnified by an act of parliament,
confefled, with much mental refervation, that < of
* the preceding ium, 1 0,000 1. had been given to Mr.
* Tyfon, to be diipofed of, in order to have the char-
* ter confirmed with the addition of new regulations ;
* that Mr. Tyfon delivered it to Sir Jofiah Child,
* who delivered it to King William, as a cuftomary
4 prelent, as the like had been done in the reign of
' Charles the Second, and in former reigns, which,
* by the books of the Company, may appear.'
Whether this does appear by thofe books, I know
not •, but this I know, that the impartial continuator
of Rapin's hiftory, according to his accuftomed ad-
herence to truth, has laid that James obliged the
Company to give him annually 10,000 1. though the
Journals of the Houfe of Commons relate it as it is
above expreffed. In this manner the glorious deli-
verer, who came to reftore the rights, liberties, and
privileges of Englishmen, defend their properties, and
expel parliamentary corruption, received that fum to
confirm and to enlarge thofe charters, which were the
exertions of prerogative, more arbitrary and opprcf-
five than all thofe acts of which James the Second
was fojuftly accufed, and fo defervedly expelled.
Other fums were entrufted with one Acton, ' which
* were given to thofe who were to fpeak to Members
* of Parliament, in order to obtain an Act of Par-
G ' liamer.E
[ 50 ]
' liament in favour of the Company.' But Cook
laid, ' he understood it went no further than the
' Houfe of Commons. Lord Colcheiter and the
< Marquis of Carmarthen, both Members of the
< Commons, fhared wry largely in this pecuniary
c corruption-, a ioool. was given to one Fitzpatrick,
« who faid he had great intereft with Lord Notting-
* ham, and had no doubt of ferving the Company,
1 provided he had fuch a fum of money.' But Cook,
who was certainly no infidel, ' believed that Fitz-
« patrick kept the money •/ and yet there was * a
* promifeof a larger fum if the bill palled. '
Five hundred and forty-five pounds were paid to
one 'Squire Bates, when the charter was fettled •, and
Sir Bazil Firebrace had 30,0001. and contracts to an
immenfe amount with the Company, on the account
of procuring a new charter, or an act. of parliament ;
which fums and contracts were diftributed to feveral
perfons.
Sir Edward Seymour was fuppofed to have a con-
tract for falt-petre worth 1 0,000 1. If he had it not,
others had; for fuch appeared to have been made
before the Houfe of Commons.
The Lord Prefident of the King's Council, the
Duke of Leeds, was accuied of having received five
thoufand guineas on this account, and was impeached
of high crimes and mifdemeanors by the Houfe of
Commons. He denied the charge, and then fent
Mcnf. Robarts, one of his fervants, who had received
the money, feeredy into Holland j and as he was the
only perfon who could have exculpated his Grace,
and as he had fent him away, it was univerfally be-
lieved that the Duke had been guilty of the impu-
tation. The Miniftry, however,' to do them juftice,
i filled a proclamation for the apprehending of Monf.
Robarts, after they knew he was fafely arrived in Hol-
land.
During
1 5* ]
During thefe tfanfa&ion's, in order to give tlie ap-
pearance of Satisfaction to an injured people, a bill
caffed for the imprifoning of Cook, Firebrace, Bates,
and Craggs ; the laft of whom had been found gv.il y
of egregioufly defrauding the army in their cloathing.
How long they remained in durance, I do not recol-
lect, but Craggs came abroad to be very active and
inltrumental in the deftructiQn which was occafioned
by the South-Sea fcheme •, and after having twice
deferved to be hanged in chains for robbing his
country, died quietly in his bed, to the great en-
couragement of ail thole irate thieves who have fince
followed his example.
Whilft the Commons were preparing to bring the
Duke of Leeds to his trial before his Peers, and to
impeach Trevor alio, his Majefty King William molt
graciouily paiTed an act of free pardon, and then pro-
rogued the Parliament •, and in that manner there was
an end put to all enquiry into that fcandalous trans-
action.
Such was the iflue of that flagrant corruption ; and
I am firmly convinced it was not the laft which an
Eaft-India Company have Ipread among the Mem-
bers of forne Parliaments which have fince that time
reprelented their country. In a very late Parliament
there Were more than probability that men, who had
been choien to defend their country's rights, were
bought to lupport the Company. Eftates have rifen
as fuddenly as enchanted palaces, to men who pof-
iefled no other credible means of purchafing them
than what they may have acquired, by fuch practices.
However, it is to be hoped thai the prefent Parlia-
ment will enquire into the iniquities of the paft •, and
do honour to themielves, and juftice to their country.
It is high time that the truth of pall tranfactions
mould nakedly appear, and all parties glorioufly co.n-
cide to reftore the honor, power, and profperity of
their country, and to emancipate themielves and their
G 2 fellow^
t -ft ]
fellow-fubjects from the oligarchic tyranny of their
fellow-fubjects; otherwife it is not impoflible but they
may be fatally and experimentally taught, that an
annual fum of two millions will one day be produc-
tive of a revolution in this (late, of a nature very dif-
ferent from that in 1 688 ; and that an oligarchy of
twenty-four Directors may become the tyrants of this
realm and her dominions.
NUMBER IX.
Dec. 17, 1768,
ROM the paper preceding this, it is evident
beyond difproof, that the Eaft India Company
ootained their firft charter from King William,
through the ignominious influence of bribery and
corruption, widely fpread among the Miniftry and
the Houfe of Commons: and notwithftanding the
claufe inferted in that charter, of its being revocable
on three years notice, and the difcovery of thofe fla-
grant acts of profligacy which have been already re-
lated ; neither the fign manual of the King, nor the
imprefllon of the Privy Seal was employed to that
righteous purpofe •, fuch indulgence and ftrength had
the practice of felling the people's rights obtained fo
fhortly after the Revolution •, in confequence of
which, both juftice to the injured nation, and chaf-
tifement to the thieves of the public, were difpenfed
with and fufpended.
In fact, the inquifltorial power of the Houfe of
Commons, that mofl ufeful part of our conftitution,
which has been too long delayed, and too much ne-
glected, had been rouzed in the bofoms of a few ho-
ned minifters, by the atrocious and open profligacy
of members and their adherents ; and the audaciouf-
nefs
[ 53 ]
fiefs of their corruption was fo barefaced and egre-
gious, that when the antecedent queftion was brought
into the Houfe, the importance and the iniquity of
the tranfadtion fo much outweighed the numbers and
the effrontery of the Minlllry, that though they ibll
pofleffed die hardened refolution of preferring, by a
negative vote, all thole who had voluntarily received
the wages of iniquity, and betrayed their truft ; they
were not fo abfolutely impenetrable by every fenfe of
fhame, as to preclude the bribery of the Eafl India
Company from being brought to open day-light and
general execration. Such were the effects which were
happily produced by a few vigilant and vigorous
members of that Houfe on that notorious occafion.
And fhall the people of England, at this time, want
men who will ftand forth to fave themfelves and
country, and to wreft the inftruments of arbitrary
power from the hands of an unconstitutional and
ufurping oligarchy ? Shall the nation, at this impor-
tant hour, furnilh no fuch patriots as the former,
when the very exiitence of the conftitution, the
power, the honour, and the happinefs of the king-
dom, the rights, liberties, and privileges of the peo-
ple are abfolutely dependant on the taking, for the
nation's fervice, the revenues of thofe lands in Afia,
the poffeflion of which the Eaft India Company have
. now the face to difpute with their Sovereign and fel-
iow-fubje<5ts ?
That their pecuniary powers did fupply them with
advocates in the laft Houfe of Commons, I will not
poiiuvely aifert •, but as there are fufpicions well
grounded on probable circumftances, which indicate
fuch application and fervice-, in order to clear the
fufpefted who are innocent, and to fix the ftigma of
corruption on the guilty, let the books of that Com-
pany be now examined, as they were in the reign of
King William. If this mould be denied, the nation
will put their honefi conflruclions on that negative;
if
[ 54 J
if it be granted, and it be then evident that great
fums have been diftributed in fecret fervice, the in-
quifitorial power of a Houfe of Commons, exerted
with integrity, can wring from the hearts of Direc-
tors and their fervants, the names of thofe perfons to
whom thefe fums have been given, and for what
purpofes. By this examination alfo, it will be evin-
ced, whether they have exceeded the fums of money
to which their trade is limited by their charter •, and
many other defirable and necelTary difcoveries may be
made. But fhould an enquiry into the Company's
affairs be eluded by the concealment of thefe books
which may reveal their tranfaclions, there will then
need no other evidence to pronounce the reafon of
it : for the tranfactions of juft and upright men can
want no fubterfuge nor fecreting from the national
inqueft ; they juitify themfelves by their own evidence,
and impart an honour to all who have been concerned
in them.
Though the charter of confirmation, and of other
indulgent grants, was obtained by the Company in
the honorable manner already related, the interlo-
pers were by no means intimidated before the explo-
fion of the corrupt influence by which it was effected,
from purfuing their commercial interefts in the inter-
dicted regions of the earth. They valued the prero-
gative royal of King William, thus exerted, no more
than the Papal authority which had been exerted to
a fimilar purpofe; and they boldly afferted that no
King of England was empowered to grant fuch indul-
gences in trade to one part of his iubjects, at the ex-
clulion of the other; and they infilled that fuch grants
in him were the more extraordinary, becaufe to his
declaration, he came prcfeffedly to reltore thofe rights
and liberties which had been invaded in preceding
reigns, and had been exalted to the fovereignty of
thofe dominions on the conftitutional conditions con-
tained in Magna Charta -, though they were expreffed
in
[ 55 ]
in the Bill of Rights in fuch fiimfy and evanefcent
terms, as if they were, even at that time, not intended
to be obierved.
The Company vigoroufly oppofed the Interlopers ;
and the latter, itung by the lull of wealth, though
infenfible to the voice of univerfal Liberty, excited by
the difcovery of the Company's corrupting, and en-
couraged by the Minifters being corrupted, hoped to
acquire the means of being eftabiifhed into a Com-
pany on a foundation more plaufible, in appearance,
though equally arbitrary and deftruftive in its inten-
tion and effects, with the charter already granted.
At this time that baneful contagion of exceeding
the annual fupplies, by borrowing millions, on taxes
to be laid for the payment of the intcreft of thole
fums, had in reeled the robuft conftitution of England,
and which hath fince diftufed its gangrenous powers
through the whole body of the ftate, and reduced her
to her prefent mortification and impotence. The
Interlopers being well acquainted with the minifterial
want of money, for the fupplies of the year, pro-
pofed to the adminiftration the lending two millions,
in return for being legislatively eftabliihed into a
Company : this was readily accepted by the Miniftry ;
and notwithstanding the oppoiirion that was made to
it in both Houfes of parliament by the old Company,
an act was pafled, authorifing the King to grant a
charter to the Interlopers-, and this he did in the
face of that exclufive charter which he had previously
granted to the other Company, and tor which he had
received from them ten thouland pounds.
It was now the mode for the minifters to pro-
nounce that the Crown had no prerogative-right of
granting exclufive charters, and yet the charter which
had been io granted to the Old Company ftill re-
mained in equal vigour as before •, and thus there
were two charters exclufive of each other, and both
repugnant to the conftitution, and fubvcrlive of the
rights
t 56 ]
rights and liberties of the people. But inconfiftencies
and contradictions in national meaiures were the
characterifticks of thofe times, and are not yet extir-
pated in the prefent. The people of England had
dethroned King James, becaufe he was a Papift, and
they did right •, and they had crowned King William
to fupport the Proteftant intereft ; and yet this Pro-
teftant King had, by this time, entered into an alliance
with the Emperor and the Dutch, and undertaken
a war, protefting before God that his intentions were,
never to conclude a peace with Lewis the Fourteenth,
till he had made reparation to the Holy See for whatever
he had a tied againfl it, and had annulled all thofe infamous
proceedings againfl Holy Father Innocent the Eleventh ;
an admirable exemplification of attachment to the
Proteftant religion, by a Prince who had dethroned
his father for being a Papift.
The New Eafl India Company was thus eftablifhed
in coniequence of an act of parliament, and becaufe
the Interlopers would not lend their money on lefs
than national fecurity. Yet during this time, one po-
pular clamour was, No Popery, No Slavery, though
the Proteftants of England were raifed to fight, and
the people and their poflerity mortgaged by their re-
prefentatives, to pay thefe troops which were wafting
their blood in fupport of the Papal fupremacy over
the King of France •, and the other was Liberty and
Property, though the fame guardians of their rights
had granted to the King the authority of granting to
an oligarchy of twenty-four fubjects, more than the
prerogatives of fovereignty which belong to an Eng-
lish King-, had doomed their fellow-fubjects to the
defpotifm of military law, and to be refcinded from
their unalienable privileges of encreafing their pro-
perty by commerce, wherever it could be extended,
according to the laws of nations. Such were the
men who hadjuft perfected a Revolution in favour
of the Liberties of Englishmen.
What
[ 57 }
What Turns of money his Majefty King Wiliianri,
our glorious Deliverer, and his uncorruptible mini-
ftry* might receive on the occafion of* this grant, I
know not; but fince both he and they coincided to
grant another exclufive charter, which was certainly
derogatory to that prerogative by which he had
granted the former, I em perfuaded the miniftry
again tailed the Tweets of bribery and corruption, the
love of which has hitherto encreaied, in proportion as
the lufcious draught has been repeated.
Notwithitanding this power of granting charters
to the Eaft India Company was thus imparted to the
King by an act of the legiQature, I am neverthelefs
convinced that the reprefentatives of the people have
no more conftitutional authority than the King alone,
to preclude their conftituents from their "lift rights,
to fet up a defpotic and military power in a felect
Company, to iuipend the laws of England, and grant
them the power of making laws for their iervants, t»
refcind their fervants from applying to the Judges of
England ; and to give that Company the power of
appointing fuch Judges as they pleafe ; to fubject the
whole community to be feduced and kidnapped to
become their foldiers, and permit the Company to
raife that money which is to pay them for their fer-
vice; nor to grant all thofe rights of fovereignty,
which, by the conftitution, are incommunicable to
any man or fet of men whatever, by any conftitutional
authority in England.
For in what view, confident with common fenfr,
and the idea of a free nation, can the fervants of the
people be delegated to give to the King the right of
granting to twenty-four of his fub'ects every th. ; rg
which conftkutes the exiflence of right and liberty ?
The being of a repreiencutive depends on h ; s defence
of the people from opprefhon and arbitrary power,
the contrary notion is llibverfive of all idea or repre-
ientation ; and thoic who prefunied to give up the
H peopled
[ 5$ J
people's rights in the preceding act v/::rc betrayers or
their truft, and traitors to the conftitution. No man,
much lets a whole nation, can delegate to another that
right which he. or they po >t in t hern lei ves : did
ever a people therefore intend to iubjecc thernielves to
the will and actions of their fervants, and impart to
them the authority of their deftroying them,^and en-
slaving them and their pofterity ?
Could thefe conftituents have legally imparted fuch
power to their representatives, by electing them, nine
parts in ten who have no votes, and are yet entitled
to equal freedom, can never be fuppofed to have
given them that authority.
I know it is a common affertion, that in all go-
vernments, abiblute power mult refide fomewhere •,
but the rectitude of this opinion I deny. It is exclu-
ded from the conftitution of England, as it is by the
laws of nature •, for though the Commons have an ab-
iblute power to do rights they have it not to do wmng%
for being the fervants of the public, and guardians of
their liberties, they cannot, either in the nature of
le'-'vice of reprefentation, or of the conititution, be
authorized to betray their trull, to invade the rights,
or to enflave their conftituents. Laws may be made
of this fort, and men may acquiefce in them, but
I hey are neverthelefs fubverfivc of all that is or ought
to be dear to a free people.
This declaration may probably be. repugnant to the
narrow fentiments of contracled lawyers, who in all
their opinions are led by the {lender thread of the
Statutes, and fee nothing in the wide expanfe of native
right, and of the conftitution. Dr. Blackftone, in-
deed, declares, that the -power of -parliament is abso-
lute •, but as this power cannot be exerted without the
reprefentatives of the people, has lie not ict up a
paiTive obedience in the mafters to their fervant^ ? and
enjoined afilence into acquiefcence with whatever acts
their delegates may institute, however unjuft and op-
prc "v>. .'
[ 59 1
preffive ? A paflive obedience more to be dreaded
than that to Kings, which has been long exploded.
But in oppofition to this law opinion, I {hall tranfcribe
that of Mr. Locke.
■ Though the legiflature, whether placed in one or
more, whether it be always in being, or only by
intervals, though it be the fupreme power in every
commonwealth, yet it is not, nor can poflibly be
abfolutely arbitrary over the lives and fortunes of
the people ; for it being but the joint power of
every member of the fociety, given up to that pei -
fon or that afiembly, which is legiflator, it can be
no more than thole perfons had in a ftate of nature
before they entered into fociety, and gave up to the,
community •, for nobody can transfer to another
more power than he has in himfelf ; and nobody has
an abfolute arbitrary power over himfelf, or over
any other, to deftroy his own life, or take away the
life, liberty, or property of another. Their power,
in the utmoft bounds of it, is limited to the public
good of the fociety. It is a power that hath no
other end but prefervation, and therefore can never
have a right to deftroy, enflave, or defignedly to
impoveriili the fubjects.'
And ac-ain : ' Thoug-h in a conftituted common-
wealth, Handing upon its own bafis, and acting
according to its own nature, there can be but one
fupreme power, which is the legiflature^ to which
all the reft are, and muft be fubordinate •, yet the
legiflature, being only a fiduciary power to act for
certain ends, there ftill remains in the people a fu-
preme power to remove or alter the legiflature,
when they find the legiflature act contrary to the
truft repofed in them : for all power given, with
truft, for the attaining an end, being limited by that
end, wherever that end is manifeftly refuted or op-
pofed, the truft muft neceflarily be forfeited, and
the power devolves into the hands of thole that
H 2 gave
t 60 j
gave it, who may place it a-new, where they fhall
think beft for their fafety and fecurity. And thus
the community perpetually retains a iupreme power
of faving themfelves from the attempts and defigns
of any body, even of their legiflators, whenever
they fhall be lb foolilh or fo wicked, as to lay and
carry on defigns againft the liberties and properties
of the fubiect ; for no man, or fociety of men, hav-
ing a power to deliver up their prefervation, or
consequently the means of it, to the abfolute will
and arbitrary dominion of another, whenever any
one mail go about to bring them into fuch a flavifh
condition, they will always have a right to preferve
what they have not a power to part with, and to
rid themfelves of tliofe who invade this fundamen-
tal, facred, and unalterable law of felf-prefervation,
for which they entered into fociety.'
Such are the different opinions of Blackftone and
Locke ; and let my readers now confider, which of
them is mod confentaneous to the nature of man, the
laws of God, and the conflitution of the realm j and
then determine en what grounds of delegated autho-
rity the reprefentatives of the people prefumed to
impart, by act of parliament, the power of granting fo
tyrannical a charter to the Eaft India Company. And
then I would afk the advocates of Dr. Blackftone,
if fuch there be, whether the fame abfolute power
which enacted the above law, fo deftructive of our
national right, has not at prefent an equal power to
abrogate it for the falvation of the community ? And
whether a true patriot member can refufe his utmoft
endeavour to reftore his constituents to their ancient
rights, and the kingdom to its former power and con^
fideratjon ?
NUMBER
[ fc ]
NUMBER X.
Dec. 20, 1768.
IN my laft paper I have {hewn to my fellow fub-
jects, that their reprefentatives can never be legally
authoriled by this conftitution to enact Rich ftatutes
as are fubveriive of thofe rights, which, by the laws
of nature, and of the focial compact of Englishmen
they are entitled to enjoy. I fhall now proceed to
examine the powers which were given by the-Com-
mons in parliament to King William, with permiffion
to erect a New Eaft India Company, and whether
thefe powers by which they enabled him to make fuch
grants, were fuch as they had a juft title to transfer
to his hands, with the further right of imparting them
by charter to any company of men in this kingdom,
exclufive of the other fubjects, and with a participa-
tion to foreigners.
As this fingular ftatute, made in the year 1689, by
which the Sovereign of this realm has been empower-
ed to inflitute a New Company by charter (an Old
Company erected by royal prerogative Hill fubfift-
ing) is the firft of that kind which is to be found in
the annals of England -, I fhall examine into the mod
material privileges which were given him by this act of
the legillature, and into thofe which were granted by
the King to that Company in confequence of it. And
here it is to be obferved, that it was impracticable,
conftitutionally, to erect a New Company by prero-
gative power ; becaufe all the efficacy which could
be exerted by that power was exhaufted in the
charter granted to the Old Company. For the King
having granted fuch privileges to them alone, and
having excluded all his other fubjects from inter-
fering" in, or violating the rights which were therein
granted, had, through his own mere motion and cer-
tain
[ & ]
tain km precluded himielf from exen
his prerogative to a fimilar purpofe, un] three
years notice he had revoked the grants which he had
already made ; and this he had not done. For un-
3 .is iuch grants are preclulive to the po\ rant-
ing the indu] by the King to others, the,
in fact, no grants at all; and I fuppofe the Oki
India Company would not have given him ten thou-
iand pounds, and one hundred thoufand more to
his minUfcers, for the obtaining that charter, the vali-
dity of which was fufccptible of being annihilated
by a fmgle breath of his Majcfty.
This charter, therefore, being granted in confe-
quence of legiflative, and not of prerogative concef-
iions, the particular powers which are contained in
that act are iuch only as the King was enabled to im-
part to the New Company •, and all fuch particular
grants as exceed the letter and the limits of the law,
are a violent and an arbitrary proceeding, and altoge-
ther unwarrantable •, though fome of them mould be
iuch as had been prerogativcly exercifed by preceding
Princes.
Two millions being now to be raifed to carry on
the war in fupport of the Pope and the Devil, or
the Dutch, for the two laft are equally friends and
allies of this kingdom, the loyal and dutiful Commons,
;is it is exprehed in the act, mcfl humbly preferred his
Mojefty ivilh a further gift cf duties ivhich zi'ere to be
laid on fait ; and thus this univerfal and mod ufeful
neceiTary of life to all ranks of the community,
and more particularly to the indigent and induf-
trious, was firit taxed by a Proteitant Parliament
for the fupport of a Popifh war, and to enable
the King to erect an oligarchy of tyrants, which it
is not impoflible, may one day, dethrone the very
family which he placed in the fovereignty of Eng-
land and her dominions. The intereft of thefe two
millions was to be at the rate of eight per cent.
and
[ 6 3 ]
and for the payment of it, the manufacturer, the
hufoandman, artift, artizan, and all others, were
doomed to encreaie their daily toil, or to be deprived
of the means of purchasing that necefTary at the
price to which it is now advanced. Befides this, the
very produce of the earth was rendered lefs eafily to
be obtained, and more precarious, becaufe the far-
mer was, bv this duty on fait, refcinded from that
fertilizing manure which had been applied with fuch
abundant advantage to that purpofe before the erec-
tion of that baneful Company.
■_rs were now become more crafty, and
Kings lefs pertinacious than heretofore, in the per-
petrating of uniulufiabie measures, by acts of pre-
rogative arbitrarily exerted. On this account, where-
ever an intention was adopted of oppreffing the peo-
ple, they evaded the old method of regal power, and
applied to the Commons for the obtaining fuch ftatutes
as would accomplifh their iniquitous deiigns ; and a
majority of theie faithful protectors of the rights of
'Englifhmen were felclom unrefponlive to miniilerial
application and purpofes ; and by thefe means fuch
opprefftve acts, more particularly in the laying of
taxes, have been accomplifhed, as the moil profli-
gate Miniiter would not have dared to adviie, nor
the moft arbitrary monarch to have carried into exe-
cution by his fole mandate. And, for the tr.uth of
this afTertion, I defire my readers to .compare the
taxes which have been laid by the former repreicn-
tatives of this people, with thofe which .have been
impofed on the other nations of Europe, by .the moft
abfolute and molt remorfelefs or their fovereigns.
And here it is obvious to the difccrnment of all
who will prefume to think, how lktb the multitude.
are influenced by the reaiity of the truth of things,
and how eafy they are led captive by the delufior. of
names and appearances. Thefe opprefTive acts were
not confidered to be the exertions of defpotic power,
becaufe
[ *4 ]
becaufe they were iriftkuted by their Represent aifoii %
as if the name and mode could alter the nature and
depravity of the deed, or alleviate the anguifn of the
jfuffering. And they were filently obeyed, becaufe
the makers of them had been chofen by themfelves
to defend them from injurious treatment. And thus
the very reafbhs which ought to have rendered fuch
betrayers of their trull, thefe mortgages of the peo-
ple and their pofterity, to fuch ignominious pur-
pofes, ten times more execrable than if the fame ef-
fects had been obtained by regal power, were confi-
dered as arguments for filently acquiefcing with fuch
ftatutes •, and by thefe means the laws of England
in various inftances arc become the moil tremendous
inftruments of defpotifm in the hands of Minifters j
for laws are inexorable, and even the momentary re-
lentinos of a tyrant's heart are precluded from fuch
cruel inilitutes.
By this aft his Majefty King William was em-
powered, ' by commifTion under the Great Seal of
4 England, to authorife and appoint any number of
* perfons to take and receive all fuch voluntary
' fubferiptions, as fhall be made by or for any per-
* fon or perfons, natives or foreigners, towards
* the raifincr the fum of two millions, and to incor-
' porate them into all the privileges of this Company.*
In this infidious manner the delegated guardians of
the rights" and liberties of Englifhmen, not only de-
prived, as far as in them lay, their fellow fubjects
from thofe commercial privileges to which by Magna
Charta they are intitled, but even broke down the
conftitutional mound, and let in that inundation of
foreigners into this Company, who have fince well
nigh overwhelmed all thofe advantages which were
to be derived from that trade, and from which the
nation in general was barbaroufly precluded. In
this manner the predilection of the Butch, which dif-
graced the adminiftration of that reign, was fignally
mani.-
[ % ]
rnanifefted, and iniquitoufly prevailed, not.withftand-
ing it was righteoufly and vigoroufly oppofed by many
honeft members of both Honies, the majority of whom
"Was £o flagrantly abandoned.
Of this Company there were to be annually elect-
ed Twenty-four Truftees, by way of ballot, who are
now called Directors ; and thefe at no great diftance,
without the vigilance and activity of all ranks of the
community, will become Dictators ; for they have
already ufurped the power of that unlimited magi-
ilrate, as it was occasionally exercifed in Rome, when
free, through all the dominions of Afia, Africa, and
America, wherever they have obtained a fettlement ;
and mould they be unconstitutionally indulged with
retaining the conquered lands of Afia, one fourth
part of that revenue which they produce, will inevita-
bly fix them perpetual Dictators, alike in England
as in India; and it will prove as impracticable to
prevent the fun from rifing, as to preclude the in-
fluence of five hundred thoufand pounds, much Left
of two millions annually, to be diftributed by Di-
rectors, among fuch men as receive the wages of
corruption in the grant of the former charter, in
trie reign of King William ; and as the Roman le-
gions, by the incitements of their Perpetual Dicta-
tor, and the luft of gold, were feduced and infti-
gated to enflave their country, and to make him
their tyrant, fuch may, in like manner, be the event
of thefe in England, without that vigilance and vi-
gor, which, by the imminence of the danger, is now
abfolutely neceflary to be exerted by every Britiih
fubject who is refolved to live and die a free man, to
be loyal to his King, and to defend himfelf and his
pofterity in their juft claims and properties. For
this is one eternal truth, that mould the Company
be permitted to retain thofe revenues, the luft of
power on the one fide, and the luft of money on the
other, will furnifh them with men, who by votes or
I arms,
drmSj will certainly effectuate any defpotic puf-
pofes.
' By this law all perfons who were concerned or
4 traded, whether in the Company or by licence, are
* to fwear not to trade for more than the film of two
* millions : and all their factors, agents, and fer-
■ vants, were to fwear fidelity to the Company/ Be-
fides thefe particulars, the faithful Commons em-
powered the King to grant them ' the privilege of
* making bye-laws, as they mould think proper for
* the government of their fervants, and all others,
4 who might disregard or infract the privileges to be
* granted in the charter ; and to inflict penalties and
' punifhments, by imprifonments, mulcts, fines, and
c amerciaments, for any breach of thofe laws ; and
c to levy luch fines, &c. to the ufe of the Company
' relpectively : and they had the privilege of bor-
* rowing money, not exceeding their capital, under
6 their common feal. And whoever fhould prefume
' to trade in the parts interdicted by the charter*
* were to forfeit all goods, (hips, &c. and double the
'• value of them ; one fourth to the informer, and the
' reft to the Company. This act imparted the power
' granting them the above privileges for twelve years r
*- and the charter was alfo capable of being revoked
' on three years notice.'
Such were the powers with which this perfidious
Houie of Commons unconftitutionally invefted the
King, in order to grant them to a few of his fub-
iects, to Dutchmen, Danes, and all nations who arc
incapable by the very fundamental principles of the
conftitution to receive them •, and notwithstanding
which, they have continually participated in thofe
advantages, to the exClufion of the Britifh nation in
generaL
Enormous as this Act muft appear to all confi-
derate men, this was not the whole of that milchief
which it contained. Not content with fubjecting all
who
C 67 ]
who might ferve under thefe lordly mailers to arbi-
trary fway, depriving all thofe of their lawful rights
of commerce who might dare to traffic in thofe in-
terdicted parts, and making them obnoxious to their
arbitrary laws, they now in the fame ftatute enact,
* That a duty of five per cent, above all other duties,
4 fliall be laid on the true and real value of all goods
* and merchandize, product and growth ot the Eaft
* Indies, and all the interdicted parts, for the ufe of
* the laid Company,' in order to ' maintain fuch Em-
* baiTadors or other Minifters, as his Majelty, at the
* nomination of the Directors, fliall be plealed to fend
' to any Emperor, Prince, or State, within the parts
* aforeiaid, or to defray any other expences : the
* furplus to remain with the Company.'
And in this manner, and by thefe means, as all
taxes are ultimately paid by the confumers of thofe
commodities on which they are placed, the good
people of England were doomed to pay a duty of five
per cent, on fuch goods, in fupport of an oligarchy
trade and advantages from which they were excluded,
and of which foreigners were allowed to participate
equally with the Company itfelf ; and thus by adding
five per cent, duty, to eight per cent, intereft, and lup-
pofing their imports equal to their capital, they were
allowed thirteen per cent, intereft for the loan of two
millions.
Such were the fignal examples of truft and fidelity
to their charge, which were manifefted by the re-
prefentatives of the people in that honourable Houfe
of Commons •, men of revolution principles, reitorers
of the nation's rights, and enemies of arbitrary
power. Could thefe Commons of England, elected
by the people to preferve their rights, be conftitution-
ally authorifed to tax the community, in order to
fupply the exigencies of a tyrannic oligarchy, and
for the fupport of a trade from which thefe very re-
prefentatives have excluded their conftituents ? Will
I z eve»-}
[ 68 ]
even Dr. Blackftone ftand forth the advocate of fuck
authority delegated to that houfe ? If he does, let us
hear no more of execrating the Tories, for being the
fupporters of paflive obedience to a Sovereign, if we
mud implicitly yield it to our fervants. Such prin-:
ciples are infinitely more ignominious and more (lavifii
than the former ; for if thofe Commons had an au-
thority to tax the people for the fupport of the Eaft
India Company, they had an equal right to tax them
for their own fupport and benefit : and if they could
take a duty of five per cent, from the property of the
community, and apply it to the ufe of that Company,
they could take from the fame people all they pof-
felTed, and apply it to their own purpofes ; for the
quantity of the money makes no difference, 'tis the
act of taking and applying any fum in the preceding
manner, which constitutes the tyranny of the tranl-
greffion. If fuch power be constitutionally in the
Commons, no man can conceive his property to be
fafe: more efpecially if fuch reprefentatives mould
once more fill that Houfe, as thofe who doomed their
condiments to the payment of that duty to fuch ufes
and to fuch dictators.
To levy money by Royal mandate, without con-
fent of the Commons, is diametrically oppefite to
the Great Charter and the Bill of Rights, even tho'
it be applied to the fervice of the State. Were thefe
Commons then entitled to levy money on the people,
for the fervice of a Company which precludes the
people from their rights, and threatens defbruction
alike t ) the King and kingdom ? The former has
been execrated and aboliflied ; the latter, I am per-
fuaded, will not long furvive. Such privileges; whe-
ther granted by the King or the Commons, whether
obtained by laws or by the Prerogative Royal, are
equally unjuftifiable, arbitrary, and unconstitutional ;
and this notwithstanding by the former method it
has the Seductive appearance of being legal, and by
the
[ 6 9 ]
the latter it impacts a conviction of its being unlawful
and defpotic. Such was the event of this tranfaction,
the interlopers denied that the King could equally
grant an exclufive charter, and then received the fame
grants from his hands, became they were transferred
to him by the fervants of the public, who had lefs
right to give him that power than he to exercife it,
before the granting the firft chatter which precluded
him from all pretext of granting the fecond : and in
this manner thofe vigorous friends of liberty and
right, thole opponents of the former grants, moil
confeientioufly accepted the charter, which rendered
them abfolute and tyrannic over their fellow-fubjects
in Afia, and now threatens to effect the like defpotifm
in England.
NUMBER XI.
Dec. 24, 1768.
THE powers which were fpecifically imparted by
the ftatute which enabled King William to
grant -a charter to a New Earl India Company, beino-
fuch as are previouily related ; the faithful reprefen^
tatives of the people, ever watchful of their rights
and tenacious of their liberties, added to the antece-
dent particulars (fingular and extenfive as they may
appear) one other claufe which inftantaneoufly demo-
lished all the bulwarks of the nation's rights, and
permitted the King, with unlimited power, to act as
he pleafed refpecting the grants which he might be-
llow on this Company -, and this they effected in the
fubfequent terms : " And it ihall and may be law-
ful to and for his Majejfy, by letters patent under the
Great Seal of England, to incorporate all fuch fub-
fcribers
[ 7° ]
fcribers to be one Company, with powers to chufe
their own managers, or directors, and officers, and to
grant fuch other powers and claufes, as mall be ne-
ceffary or requifite for the carrying on of fnch trade ;
or fliall be reafonable for his Majefty to grant ; and
the directors or managers, and other members of the
fame, Ihall be fubjecl: to fuch farther rules, qualifica-
tions, and appointments, as his Majefty, in their charter,
/ball think reafonable to be infer* ed"
This was a glorious and munificent addition of the
Commons of England to the powers which they had
fpecifically imparted by the fame a£t. .And it not only
filed, but heaped the meafure of their iniquities •, and
which, notwithstanding the provifo of granting fuch
powers only as Shall be reafonable for his Majejly to
grant, does abfolutely annihilate that reftriclion, by
empowering the King to grant to the Company all
fuch rules, qualifications, and appointments, as he Ihall
think reafonable and neceffary to be inlerted in the
charter ; and between thefe two reafonables there might
poflibly be no fmall difference. By this fingle claufe
of treacherous indulgence, all the liberties and pri-
vileges of Englishmen, refpeding their commercial
rights eftablifhed by Magna Charta, of trading to all
parts of the globe ; together with thofe of freedom
of perfon, of encreafing their property, and even of
keeping that property already poSTeffed, were by the
Commons given to the King, to fufpend or difpenfe
with, as he mould think reafonable. And thus a Sta-
tute was enacted to enable King William to do thofe
very deeds of fufpenficn and difpenfation of laws for
which King James had moil righteoufly been expelled
the kingdom ; and thofe powers which had been ille-
gal in the -prerogative, were now made lawful by par-
liament, and rendered irrevocable by the Commons to
all eternity : for the enacting this law depended on
their confent \ but the revocation of it on that of the
King andl'is fucccffcrs. For whatever bills might have-
been,
[ 7' 1
been pafled in the Commons, to reclaim the powers
they had given away, it was in the hands of the
King to prevent their being carried into a law by his
negative, and that negative he gave on other occafions.
Such were the deeds of men delegated by the nation
to preferve them in freedom, right, and property ; in
defence of which they ought to have facrificed their
lives, and for which defertion of their duty they
ought to have been executed, as betrayers of their
trull, and traitors to the conftitution.
For certainly, according to the precepts of facred
writ, which fays, put mt your trufi in Princes, King
William, however, in wifdom he might be deemed
iuperior to thofe ibvercigns who reigned before hififr,
was not infallible in his judgment, or infufceptible of
being deluded or milled by infidious and felf-inte-
relted minifters. That conduct, therefore, which his
Majefty or his minions might think reafcnable to grant,
might poj/ibly be unreafonable in itfelf, and the fanftion
of fit/pending and difpcnfmg with the laws which was
thus imparted, was a facrilegious and unpardonable
aft in men who had juftly fent their late Sovereign
into exile, for having illegally exerted that arbitrary
power. And thus they erefted, by parliamentary
authority, that power of prerogative in Kings, re-
ipefting this pernicious Company, and made that
lawful which they had formerly infilled to be de-
fpotic, and not to be entrulted to the hands of lbve-
reigns.
But the minifters of the King were encreafed in
wifdom by the antecedent experience of thofe disco-
veries which were made by the inquifitorial authority
of the Houfe of Commons, into their former crimes
of bribery and corruption •, and though they at that
time prevailed , in defeating the honeft intention of
punifhing them for their fins, they refolved no more
to rifque the danger of a difcovery, and to confide in
the attachment of their dependants in parliament,
for
[ 7'- I
for their fafety. On this account chey obtained thi
preceding claufc from the Commons, that the King
mould have the right of inferring in the charter fucb
rules, qua s «w»/j, .is be lh >ukl
think rea . .-, and fchus effectually fecured them
(elves from every parliamentary enquiry into their
conducts for by this cunning device, that Houfe of
Commons had cleverly precluded themfelves from
the exerciije of their inqmfitorial power, as far as it
related to all things tranfacted by the King, hi*
heirs and fucceflbrs, in regard to the Eafl India Com-
pany.
For it would have been the moll fignal abfurdity
and contradiction for thofe representatives to have
called to account, arraigned, or impeached, the mi-
nifters of King William, for the adviling fuch rules*
ficathns-i and appointments as his Majefty had
thought reafonable to be granted, becaufe they had
papally granted to him the plenary indulgence of in-
terring what he fhould think reafonable \ and as no
proof oi his Mtajefty!s thinking any power unre
which be might concede, could be derived but bom
the bofom, and the difcovery of the King alone, it
bears no plauflble appearance that the lame fovereigrt
would condemn, as unreofonflble, what he had granted
as re< \ and arraign bu own or his minifter's
undemanding and integrity, or give his affent to any
bill which might be palled through the Commons foj?
the revoking that claufe in the preceding Itatutc, and
thereby lay open his miniftcrsto parliamentary inquiry,
for advifing that conduct which he had thought rear
to adopt, and thole grants which he had con
fequently, by charter, imparted to the Kail India
Company. And in this deteftable manner, and by
fhele nefarious means, the miniltcrs wen-, by the act
and deed of the Houfe of Commons, guarantied by
law from all danger of enquiry , and all legal reftraint
and apprehenfion of chailifemeut, for the iniquities
which
[ 73 ]
which they might perpetrate refpe&ing that charter,
and ; . ;ive inftil
arts, as i
had been fn ; confciei |
1 the nation's rights and freedom to the Old
Compan .
And thus, infidious manner, by authority of
the Com motion and lelf-
interefl was parliamentarily levelled and mad
the exercife of the mpfl exe rable of all i
robbers of their country^ rights, privileges, cmcI liber-
ties ; and every barrier of law and of the conftitution,
which had been creeled to prevent luch national felo-
nies, w.is by the very ceniinels ordaini lard
them, infamoufly thrown open, that no im-
pediment might fubfift which might either difcouragc
their perpetrating fuch acl ., or retard their el
from juftlCC •, and by their I n c they were let
loofe to the commiflion of every deed of depredation
and rapine which they might think reafonablc for his
JVlajelly to think reafonablc to be inferted ; and in
thole days the -plunder of the Jlatc Was minijlerwl ra
And in this manner the guardians of the people had,
irrevocably, by their power, conveyed to the King
the illegal and unconltitutional means of fecuring his
miniilers from punifhment, for whatever tninigreflions
they might commit againft the people's righ , free-
dom, and commercial privileges, in favour of the
J'.all India Company,
From the origin of the conflitution to that fatal
day, no act lo replete with mifchief, and fo commu-
nicative of arbitrary power to the fovercign on the
throne, had ever been inftitUted i thofe excepted
which had been p ( ommon! in the r<-ign
of Henry the I I, your reprefen-
tatives ignomihioufly enafted, thattheKi cla-
mation (hould i ■ and vigour of the
laws, and |m .1 his Majefty to leave his domir
K
[ 74 ]
nions and his fovereignty to whom he might pleafe
by his laft Will to nominate and appoint. And the
people were abfolutely enflaved by the act and deed
of the guardians of their liberties. By this law in the
reign of King William, the Commons imparted to
the King the permifTion of granting by his charters,
all thofe powers and prerogatives which are included
both in the executive and legislative departments of
government, himfelf yet living. And thefe powers,
in confequence of this, and of fubiequent acts, have
erected that Company into a tyranny, unknown to
this conftitution •, and which, wherever they refide,
and whatever be the form of government, whether in
one, in a few, in many, or in the reprefentatives of
ell, includes eveiy thing that can be denominated ty-
ranny in the heads, and enflavement on the SubjecT:.
But thefe difgraceful and oppreffive acts of that fer-
vile and mifcreant Houfe of Commons, in the days
of that tyrant Henry the Eighth, were repealed in the
Succeeding; reign ; and the constitution was reftored
to its ancient dignity in that refpect ; but the Statute
enacted in the reign of King William, not only Sub-
lifts with full vigour at this day, but has been
Strengthened and encreafed by other acts in Suc-
ceeding Houfes of Commons. Will Dr. BlackStone,
who afferts, and truly, that the King cannot fufpend
cr difpenfe with the laws in an unconstitutional man-
ner, perfiSt in declaring that thole Commons have an
abfolute authority to tranfact fuch things ? and that
the people Shall paSTively obey their fervants, which
they incapacitated themfelves from repealing, without
the confent of the King and the Houfe of Lords ? and
abfolutely renounced and Surrendered the effential duty
of faving their constituents from defpotifm and op-
pression ?
But the auSpicious day is now approaching, the re-
presentatives of the people are now rouzed from the
lethargic Supinenefs and corrupt indulgence of their
pre-?
t 75 1
pfedeceiTors. The exercife of thofe arbitrary powers
by the Company in the realms of Afia, though unat-
tended to in their origin and progrefs, whilft they
were operating infenfibly on the national welfare,
which inattention is eternally the confequence of mii-
chief, however enormous, when tranfaclxd in regions
only far remote, has now, by the arrogant ufurpation
of that Company, in retaining the Afiatic lands and
revenues from the King and from the ftatc, brought
the danger and the dread of that power into the
midft of this kingdom. The nation has taken the
alarm, and the demolition of their deipotifm, the ial-
vation of the ftate, and the freedom of the people
from their enQaving directors, are well nigh arrived
to their completion.
The patriotic fucceflbrs of thofe perfidious Com-
mons will, I am confident, obliterate the ignominy
of thofe, who, in former reigns, have betrayed their
ti uft, and facrirked the liberty of die people and the
conftitution of the kingdom ; and in the perfecting
this laudable event, they will undoubtedly be aflifted
by every honeft Briton, be gratefully thanked by the
whole community, and the honour of having deliver-
ed their country from perdition and Aavery will be
eternally affixed to their names and characters. Suc-
ceeding generations will blefs their memory, and on
the anniverfary of the day, in the month of
of the year , they will pour their facred
libations to the immortal remembrance of that aufpi-
cious day, and of thofe who faved them j and enthu-
fiaftically pronounce to their gazing children, c On
* this propitious day the Britifh nation was happily
' delivered from the arbitrary power of the Eaft India
1 Oligarchy, and reftored to freedom; and be this
c day everlaftingly confecrated and remembered by
c you and your pofterity.' Old age mail pronounce
thefe words with exultation-, puerility andjuvenef-
cence mall hear and repeat diem with delight and
K 2 rapture j
r 76 j
rapture •, and one univerfal found of thankful remi-
nifcence fhall fill the wide extended realms of Eng-
land, and things inanimate reverberate the joyful ac-
cents, Thefe are the rewards which men deferve who
have delivered their country from thraldom : thefe are
the oblations which a grateful nation will offer up to
patriotism j and thefe acts, in the Houfe of Commons,
will be confecrated into permanency and law, by that
Sovereign who is incapable of pronouncing that nega-
tive which can retard his people's happinefs.
NUMB E R XII.
Dec. 27, 1768.
TO the claufes already mentioned in the preced-
ing aft of parliament, there is yet another which
delerves to be attended to-, and it is, " That on
the payment of two millions, three years after notice,
the Company fliall ceafe." And this alternative, re-
lating to the payment of that fum, neceffarily fprung
from the loan of the two millions with which the
Company had then firft fupplied the government. By
thefe means, the nation has on their reprefentatives a
juft claim of redemption from their oppreftion and
injuries •, and I truft it will not be denied, but it Hill
remained in the King to fruftrate, by his negative,
every act by which that fum might be raifed to dif-
charge the public debt to the Eaft India oligarchy.
As that privilege of redemption has not yet been car-
ried into execution, the afcendaricy of Minifcers over
their mailers has never been brought to an experi-
ment in that inftancc. Such is the firft law that was
ever granted in favour of this Afiatic Company ; and
fuch was the firft King who received from the legifla-
tive body the right of granting fuch unbounded powers
to
t n 3
to any fet of men : for he was left unlimited but by
his own retifon •, a guide in Kings, to which it will
eternally prove fatal to truft the whole happineis and
freedom of a nation.
I will now enquire into the powers and privileges
which King William by charter granted to the Eaft
India Company, in confequence of that unbounded
fovereignty with which he had been inverted by the
Commons.
By this charter the fublcribers were incorporated into
one Company, by the name of the Englijh Company
trading to the Eaft Indies : and this new and apt ap-
pellation of Englijh, was adopted, I fuppofe, as In-
cus is derived a non lucendo, becaule the Company was
open to all nations equally with the Englijh them-
felves ; French, Spaniards, Portuguele, Germans,
Swedes, Danes, Ruffians, Italians, and Dutch, all
nations of Europe, Afia, Africa, and America, all
fhapes, colours, and languages, religions, and forms,
of government. Nay, there was no interdict againft
Satan and his fubjects : They might fubferibe, and
their leaders be directors of the Company. None
but the Engliffi were denied their native and conftitu-
tional rights, in order to erect a tyranny, and con-
vert the liberties and the privileges, the taxes, fleets,
and armies of the nation, to the aggrandizing the
power of Directors, and the enriching the fubjects of
foreign nations.
And here it is to be remarked, that thefe grants,
by charter, are exprefly faid, in the charter itfelf,
" to be in purfuance of the powers and claufes, for
this purpofe contained in the act of parliament," and
not by prerogative. Hence it appears, that the claufes
in the charter, not fpecified in the act, are thole which
were granted in confequence of that fignal claufe of
the ftatute, which empowered his Majerty to grant
fuch rules, qualifications y and appointments as he Jhould
think reafonable.
Among
t 78 ]
Among thefe rules, qualifications, and appoint-
ments, it was ordained, that the Company Jhould export
at leaft one tenth of their cargoes of the product of Eng-
land : and I am told they have underftood thefe
words in the inverted fenfe, of at mcfi one tenth of
the product of England. That a Chaplain appointed
by the Archbifhop of Canterbury jhould be fent on board
of every jhip of five hundred tuns ; but they purpofely
lend no mips of that burden-, and thus they evade
the obligation of the charter, and rob the Arch-
bifhop and the clergy of their intended rights. For
thole good Chriftian Directors, who were formerly
empowered by charter to deftroy, burn, and put to
death all Infidels who mould prefume to oppofe
them in their trade, are perfuaded that a Chaplain
might naturally difcourage fuch directorial Chrifti-
an ity ; and thereby, interfering in their fftem of re-
ligion, prevent the Company from acquiring thefe im-
menfe riches which they now have, and which they
never could have pofleffed, if their governors and of-
ficers, their foldiers and failors, in Afia, had liftened
to a Chriftian Prieft, inculcating acls of mercy, juf-
tice, and human kindnefs, by his preaching* Bc-
fides, if the faid Chaplains fhould convert the Infidels
to Chriftianity, they would defeat the moft beneficial
branch of the Eaft India Trade, that of plundering
and putting thofe Infidels to death, who might pro-
bably be induced to fecure their lives and property
by becoming converts : and I iuppofe the Company
fend no Chaplains for the fame reafon that the Mexi-
can Spaniards petitioned the Pope their Sovereign,
that the Prieft in Mexico might be commanded to
make no more converts amongft the Indians : for if
they went on in the prefent deftructive manner, in
making Chriftians, trade would be utterly undone ;
and there would be no natives left unconverted, to work
the mines of filver. Lacks and crowes of rupees,
facks of diamonds, Indians tortured to difclofe their
trea-
r 79 i
treafure ; cities, towns, and villages ranfacked and dt-
ftroyed; jaghires and provinces purloined-, Nabobs de-*
throned, and murdered, have formed the delights, and
conftkuted the religion of Directors and their fervams,
on the plains of Alia, in times within this century.
The next claufe comes under the article of quali-
fications, as I conceive it, " They are to maintain a
Chaplain and fchoolmafter in all their factories ; and
all thefe chaplains are obliged to learn Portuguefe
in one year after their arrival."
And this grant of intellectual qualification, of learn-
ing a language in one year, was a very gracious ad
of his Majefty to the Chaplains ; and it was very good
in the Commons to enable the King to beftow the
laid intellectual qualification ; for without this legit
lative and royal grant, I much queftion whether
thefe chaplains could have accomplished the learning
Portuguefe in a twelvemonth ; and many people to
this day believe, the Commons granted what they
had not to give, and that neither the King nor the
Chaplains received any affiftance from that part of
the act.
One of the rules is, that they are not to trade for
mere than their capital; and another that they are not
to oive more than that [urn on their bonds. How far
they have obferved or difregarded thefe rules, I know
not'-, but this I know, there are many perlbns who
infill that they have violated both. If this be true,
on a parliamentary enquiry will it not appear that
they have broken their charter ? Befides thefe rules
and qualifications there was an appointment that every
Director fimild take the following oath : " I do faith-
" fully promife that in the office of a Director of the
" Eaft India Company, I will be indifferent and equal
" to all manner of perfons, and will give my beft ad-
" vice and affiftance for the fupport and good go-
" vernment of the faid Company; and in the laid
** office of a Director will faithfuly and honejily de-
" mean
r so j
K mean myfelf according to the bell of my fkill and
" underftanding."
Such being the facred injunction of their oaths,
which obliges them to be honeji and faithful to their
truft, indifferent and equal to all men, I am perfuaded
that it appeared on Wednefday laft, that the rumours
which are daily propagated, that the Directors had
fecreted from the Proprietors the annual fum of
i, 200,000 1. in the annual account made up in laft
June ; and that it was done to conceal from govern-
ment the true ftate of the Company's affairs, and that
they are exerting their utmolt povvec to obtain Rich
iubfequent Directors as they (hall nominate : fplitting
flock, dividing roguery, extending corruption,, me-
nacing, cajoling, and purchafing the Proprietors to
vote as thefe Directors mall dictate, is an arrogant falfe-
hood and atrocious calumny, invented and divulged
by their enemies, in order to impute the moil heinous
tranfgreflions to thefe honelt men. Can it be pofli-
ble, that men of property can trifle with the facred-
nefs of an oath ? Will they forfeit their, charter by
fuch violation ? Or can they fliew their faces to the
fun after fuch opprobrious actions ? And yet I have
heard thefe calumnies aliened to be true, by men
whom I have found to be ftrictly fpeakers of the truth
on all other occafions. But for a full enquiry into
this matter, we muil wait the refolutions of the
Houfe of Commons, and from them their conduct
may be juftified or condemned.
Befides the preceding grants, the King thought it
reasonable to grant that the Company mould have
" the rule and government of their forts, factories,
" and plantations ; to appoint what Governors they
" pleafed, and to remove them at their will and
" pleafure •, to raife, train, and mutter fuch military
" forces, as fhall or may be necefiary for the defence
" of the faid forts, &c." But he ftill judicioufiy re-
ferved " to himfelf, his heirs and fucceffors, the So-
vereign
[ Si ]
** vereign right, power and dominion over all the faid
** forts, &c. he granted them the power to ereft
<4 Courts where the Company mould think fit, and
" appoint fuch judges as they mail nominate, to hear
" and determine all caufes of forfeitures and feizures
*« of (hips, goods, &c. of merchants trading con-
" trary to the intent of the faid Act, together with all
* caufes mercantile, maritime, buying and felling-,
" all policies of infurance, all bills, bonds, and pro-
* c miles for payment of money contracts, charter par-
" ties, &c. all trefpaffes, injuries, and wrongs done
" at lea, within the limits aforefaid, to be determined
" according to equity, and according to the laws and
" rules of merchants, upon examination and proor,
" by fuch rules or methods of proceeding as we our-
" felves, heirs, &c. mall from time to time direct
" and appoint, under our Great or Privy Seal, and
" in the mean time, the Judges are to proceed according
" to their bejl judgment and discretion, whether it be in
"'" a futnmary way, or otherwife. And this fummary
" way is fuch whereby a man may be convicled of
" offences, without any formal procefs or jury, at the
" difcretion of the Judge or Judges"
In this manner, as the power of making laws had
been given by the Commons to the Company, the
power of executing them was granted alio by the
King; and thefe two powers lb judicioufly feparated
in the conftitution of England, in order to preferve
life, limb, freedom, and profperity to the fubjeels
were now united, in the Company, to anfwer very
different purpofes : for as thefe Judges intirely de-
pended on the will of the Company for their^ con-
tinuance in office, and on that continuance their en-
richment or their ruin, their fituation was a perpetual
temptation for them to facrifke integrity to intereft,
and to prefer the mandates of the Company beyond
thofe of truth and juftice. What equity then can be
cxpeded from men, who without the formal frccefs
L of
I 82 3
ff law), may convict men of offences; ancj what the
Company may diilike will be certainly an
whether their pride, refentment, or avarice, be
awakened by a criminal or an honeft conduct in thofe
who, under the denomination of (ervants, are the
flaves of their oligarchic tyranny ? Will not fuch
judges be fufticiently difcrete to give their judgments
according to their own and the Company's interefis, lb
intimately united ?
And laftly, to thefe claufes were added alfo, that
<c All Admirals, Generals, Commanders, and other
" Officers, mould be aiding and afiifting to the Com-
'* pany, upon requeft made." And thus the fleets
and armies of England, railed and maintained by the
money levied on the nation, were by royal charter
deitined to the fervice and direction of an oligarchy
of Twenty-four Directors, whom the two Houfes and
the King had erecled into thofe powers which are in-
cluded both in' the legiflative and the executive de-
partments of the conltitution : and it is remarkable
that this charter was figned by Thomas Tennifon,
Archbifhop of Canterbury, with the reft of the
Juftices and keepers of the kingdom ; who manifested
no reluctance at the putting of their hands to this
patent, by which the rights, liberties, and privileges
of the nation were conveyed to an unconstitutional
Company, who had no right to receive and exercife
them.
Such were the rules, qualifications, and appointments
which the King, the Juftices, and Keepers of the
Kingdom thought fit to grant to the Eaft-India Com-
pany, all which have been exercifed, together with
all thofe alfo which were previoqfly granted and con-
firmed by former charters : but as the powers to be
granted by the King, were to be fuch as are reajuw.bk
for his Majefty to grant, as weli as fuch as he might
think reifonable, why were the reprefentatives of the
people fo egregioufly inadvertant to their duty, as not
to
t 83 1
to examine his Mnjefty's reafon by their own ? arict
attempt the repeal of that law, after they had feeri
that powers fo unreasonable had been granted by the
charter ? And why did they permit the New Com-
pany to exercife thofe ftill more defpotic and enflaving
rl , which never had been granted them, and
which were carried into execution becaufe they were
conftantly perpetrated by the old Afiatic tyranny,
from whom they ought to have been taken ? Is it
boflible to conceive, that the Commons of England
could be fo devoid of common fenle as to imagine
that fuch grants were reaf enable ? or were the majority
of that Houfe, at that time, purchafed by corrupt in-
fluence, as they had been heretofore, or were they
I to all fenfation of this nation's injuries, and in-
exertive of their duty, on fo fignal and fo interefling
an occ?fion ?
Could they conceive it reafonable, that bye-laws
mould be made by men ambitious of power, and
thiifnng after wealth, whofe interelt it was to form
fuch laws as were fubfervient to their arbitrary and
avaritious purpoies ? Were highwaymen endued with
this power, they would make laws to hang none but
thole who were not robbers : ■ and men let loofe from
legal controul are much the fame, whatever be the
difference of their titles, or the exaltation of their
offices. From thefe legiflative inititutes of the oli-
garchy there was no appeal to the laws of England ;
n appeal only to that very law which had given
them this privilege of making bye-laws : the only
ftatute then exifting relative to this affair, and there-
fore this power of appeal was at befl but illufive.
Could they think it reasonable that the judges of
offenders againft the Company's bye-laws, fliould be
nominated by thole Directors againft whom the of-
fences tnuft be committed? That thofe magifh'ates,
their welfare and their deftruction fliould depend on
the arbitrary difpofal of that Company. In fuch
L 2 cafes.
[ U 3
I
cafes, the knowledge of mankind evinces, that the
weakness of human virtue, actuated by the luft ot
riches, goes pre- determined to the trial, and the
judge, in genera], places himfelf on the feat of juftice,
an enemy to the man whom it is his duty to try with
equity and impartiality.
Could they think it reafonabk, that fleets and ar-
mies, generals, admirals, officers, and common men,
mould be raifed and iuitained by the public money,,
and walk their blood in lupport of the private fervice
and enrichment of an Afiatic tyranny on their fellow
fubje£ts ? Why then have they lb long and fo fhame-
fully deferred the day of abrogating this act ? or ra-
ther, O fhameful facrifice of their country's caufe,
why have they fince that time ftrengthened it with
lubfequent acts, communicating yet farther defpotifm
to that Company.
Could they think it reafonabk to divert themfelves
of their inquifitorial power, and the means of re-
pealing that law ? Indignant act ! yet this they per-
petrated. The King indeed had ftill fome power
over the ordinances imparted by his charter, but the
Commons could effect nothing without hisMajefty's con-
tent. And as his Minifters had been formerly bought
by 100,000 1. was it to be imagined they would have
refifted the artillery of double that fum, when the
Commons had fo kindly fecured them from exami-
nation and punifhment, for whatever enormities they
might commit on that occafion ? Was there an in-
dividual among them, who would not have thought
it reafonabk, that the King fliould think it reafonabk
to facrifice his fubjects and their country, to the inte-
reft of the Afiatic tyrants, when that facrifice was to
fill the coffers of the Miniftry ? Negatives he gave,
and thereby evinced that he was capable of being in-
duced by his Minifters.
In this manner I have fairly ftated the nature and
the tendency of that lingular and unpreced'.
ftatute,
[ lj ]
itatute, by which the Commons refigned the rights
liberties, privileges, and properties of their confti~
tuents, into the hands of King William and the Afia-
tic Oligarchy : and mould it be alledged, that in this
action I have been animated with warmth and relent-
ment againtt thofe reprefentatives of this people, I
own the juftice of the charge. For who can patient-
ly behold his country to be facrificed by fools and
profligates ? He that abhors not the abandoned, loves
not the virtuous ? Perdition catch the fouls of all
fuch betrayers of their truft, and traitors to the con-
flitution and their country ! But the day of judg-
ment is at hand ; and may the doom of thofe Direc-
tors whom they unconftitutionally erected into tyrants
be righteoufly pronounced, and let all the people
fay, Amen.
NUMBER XIII.
Dec. 31, 1768.
NOtwithftanding the unbounded power of grant-
ing which had been transferred by the Com-
mons to King William, this juftice is due to his con-
duel: and his memory, that his prefent grants were
by no means equal to thofe which had been given by
preceding Sovereigns, confirmed and extended by
himfelf in that former charter, which had been fo
iniquitoufly obtained through the corruption of his
Miniflers, in the years 1693 and. 1694.
For, by this parliamentary charter, the Company
were not empowered to make war and peace, nor to
deftroy, as Infidels, thofe Princes and their fubjecls,
who, according to the law of nature and of nations,
are warranted in the oppofing all invading aliens who
may
t 8| I
may prefume to trade in their dominions, without the
licence of the refpective fovereigns. He did not grant
them the lands which they may conquer or obtain by
treaty •, nor the exercife of military law ; nor to bring
as prilbners in chains to England, thofe fellow-fubjects
whom they may pleafe to deem infractors of their
defpotic bye-laws •, he did not grant them the liberty
of coinage, nor the right of fending embafladors in
their own> but in bis Majefty's name alone. Thefe
are fignal and illuftrious inftances of his great care
and prefervation of the rights of Englishmen, not-
withstanding too many had been certainly fubverted
by this very charter. And few Kings, conil.dering
the exceffive grants which had been lavifned by their
predecefibrs, "and the unlimited exercife of them im-
parted to himfelf by parliament, would have acted
with equal referve, circumfpection, and tendernefs for
his people, to lecrete, to palliate, or to augment, the
errors and mifdeeds. To depreciate, conceal, mag-
nify, or mifreprefent the excellencies and good actions
of Princes, are flagitious In any man, more particu-
larly in all who prefume to delineate hiftoric facts, to
amo-n their motives and effects, and to deliver them to
the public.
The Eaft India Company at that time were not en-
titled to the exercife of any powers, but thofe which
were fpecifically granted by the flatute and the charter ;
and every extenfion of thole powers, beyond thole
exprefs conceffions, were a breach of their charter,
an infraction of the law of nations, and every vio-
lence, by rapine and death, committed on the fub-
]ects of the Afiatic ftates, were abfolutely acts of
piracy and murder, for which, by the laws of Eng-
land, they were liable to be puniftied. For thefe
acts, inftead of receiving further grants of favour,'
had they committed the like rapine and (laughter in
the realms of Europe, they would have been juftly
rewarded
r 87 i
rewarded with halters •, and it is a fcandal they have
not received it in England.
I mail now proceed to enquire into the laws and
charters which have been made and granted fince the
preceding reign ; and it will then be difcerned whe-
ther by thefe fubfeqyent exertions of parliamentary
and regal power, the Eaft India Company are en-
titled to the exerciie of thofe arbitrary acts, which
they have carried into execution, fince the date of
the preceding charter.
iiliam being dead, the New Company being
thus erected, and the Old remaining, endlefs were
the animofitics, and the traverfmg each other's intereft,
which were exerted on both fides. At length, wearied
worrying each other, and with the difadvantages
which it produced, they thought of compromising
their difputes and differences ; and as the nation was
again involved in an expenfive war, and administra-
tion )ted the method, firfi commenced in the
preceding reign, of borrowing vaft funis for national
exigencies, and mortgaging the properties and labour
of the fubjects and their posterity to pay the intereft,
it was thought expedient to unite both Companies
into one. And to this intent they propofed to lend
one million two hundred thoufand pounds to the go-
vernment, at the rate of five per cent. This being
accepted in the fixth of Queen Anne, a covenant by
indenture tripartite was entered into between the
Queen and the two Companies, in order to expedite
the union of the two parties ; and in confequence of
this indenture, an act was : iffed which eftablifhed
that union.
By this ftatute it was enacted^ " . the Company
" mail enjoy all benefit of trade, [ I ad-
" vantages whatfoever, in reipect of t given
" or. granted, or intended (.0 be given or g -into
" them by the laid act ard chare- ibed,
' or by the faid indenture tripartite, ly men-
tioned
[ 88 J
ttoned. And by this act of provifo, the claufe of
redemption was iniquitoufly extended ; for, inilead
of being redeemable on three years notice at any
time, the time was extended twenty years before that
notice could be given ; and thus the Lord Godolphin,
to whom, by the act, the arrangement of thefe affairs
was committed, like a perfidious truftee, protracted
the only claufe in that law and charter, which never
ought to have been altered. And had the Company,
indulged with that duration, poflerTed, at that time,
the revenues and profits which, by the Court on the
23d of December, it is incontrovertibly proved they
now enjoy, the King, if any fuch perfon could then
have exifted, would have been the machine of twenty-
four Directors ; both Houfes of Parliament had been
exterminated •, the nation enilaved ; and all rule,
authority, dominion, and power, in the hands of
that oligarchy of defpots ; wherefore, it becomes the
vigilance and the duty of the Commons to prevent
fuch tyranny, now thofe means are in the hands of
the Directors.
By the indenture tripartite it was agreed between
the Queen and the two Companies, " That no bye-
" laws, orders, ordinances, or constitutions, mould
" be made repugnant to the laws of England ; and
" they exprefly agreed to the obfervance of fuch par-
tc ticulars as were granted in King William's charter,
" and in the law which enabled him to grant it ; and
" to this they were bound, and were allowed no other,
" Salt-petre excepted." In this manner the former
grants, and thofe by Parliament, were again con-
firmed, and all others were difallowed and excepted
to, not only by the Queen, but by the two Com-
panies ; and thus, by the covenant under their hands
and feals, by their own act and deed, the Company
bound themielves to obferve, and not to extend or
violate the powers already granted, as it has been
related in the preceding papers. Such were the par-
liamentary
- 1 89 ]
liamentary and regal acts in the reign of Queen Anne;
by which all the enormities of the former were con-
firmed, and the conditions rendered more oppreffive
by the protracting of the day of redemption -, and
thus what the old Scottifh Colonel laid to King James,
of both his daughters, was, by this conduct, verified
in one of them, and the nation ftill remained pre-
cluded from her juft rights of freedom and com-
mercial privilege.
The Eaft India Company, notwirhflanding all thefe
unconstitutional acts and grants, were neverthelefs ftill
unfatisfied. They therefore, in the fifth of King
George the First, folicited and obtained another act,
which included, among others, the fubfequent dailies :
" That if any fubject {hall fail, or go to any of the
" parts interdicted in the charter, where any trade,
" traffic, or merchandife is, or may be uled or had,
" contrary to the laws in being, or the tenor of this
" act, every perfon lb offending fnall be liable to the
" punifhment inflicted by law for fuch offence. And
" it fhall be lawful for the faid Company to arreft
" and feize fuch perfons, being subjects of the Crown
" of Great Britain, at any place where they fhall be
■" found within the limits of thefe realms prefcribed
" by charter, and to fend them to England, there to
" anfwer for their offences, according to due courle
" of law."
In this manner did this infolent and infidious Houfe
of Commons, the lervants of the people, not only
preclude their conftituents from trading jn one half
of the globe at leaft, but from breathing the air in
thofe regions, though the voyages were undertaken
for instruction or amufement ; and this violence they
committed, notwithstanding that the great charter of
Liberties, which laid the f)rft foundation of their
exiitence on the bafis of the feudal fyftem, had, by
exprefs compact, stipulated between the King and
the people, and, in conformity to the constitution,
2/1 indif-
[ 9° 3
indiscriminately fixed the right of trading to all pans
of the earth in all the fubjefts of England.
And this extravagance and violation was yet farther
ao-aravated by the arrogant ufurpation of fovereignty
over all the Princes, Potentates, and States in this
immenfe fpace of the globe, in defiance of the laws
of nature and of nations, by five hundred and fifty-
eight fubjefts of this realm, and fervants of the com-
munity. For, what right had they to difpetife with
andfufpend the rights of fovereign Princes ? and with
that protection which they may pleafe to afford to the
fubjefts of England. But there is nothing fo pre-
fumptuous and tyrannic as a Houfe of Commons,
hallowed by the voice of corruption in a Prime 'Mi*
nifter, or incenfed by the feditious flame of an oppb-
fition ; and this evinced by innumerable inftances in
the annals of this realm.
But this was not the fole infolence and arbitrarinefs
of this, aft ; having dared to preclude a thoufand
fovereigns and ftates, as well as the people of England,
from their rights, in the antecedent inftance \ they
ordain alfo, " That every perfcn who mall procure,
" folicit, obtain, or aft, under any commiflion, au-
" thority, or pais, from any foreign Prince, State, or
" Potentate, to fell or trade in, or to the Eail Indies,
" or other places interdicted, mall forfeit 500 1. one
" moiety to the informer, and the other to the
" Crown."
In this unconstitutional and unjuftifiable manner
the people of England, after having been Subjected
to be Seduced and kidnapped for the military Service
of the Afiatic oligarchy, taxed to pay the expences
of their em baffles and expeditions, excluded from
their privileges of trade, and even breathing in the
fouthern parts of Afia, Africa, and America, were
inhumanly refcinded from feeking in other realms
the advantages which were unjuftly denied them in
their
[ 9' 1
their native land, by men elefted to reprefent and
ferve the nation in Parliament.
Notwithftanding this opprefiive aft, Englishmen
difdained to yield their rights and liberties to fucji
unwarrantable ordinances j and fought in alien ftates,
more hofpitable, thofe benefits from which they were
prohibited in their native country. To prevent this
alio, it was enacted in the ninth of the fame reign,
That if any fubjeft of his Majefty mould contri-
bute to, or encourage the eftablifhing or carrying
on a foreign Company, trading from any of the
Auftrian Netherlands to or from the Eaft Indies,
or fhall be interefted in any ftiare of the flock or
actions of any fuch Company, or fhall make any
payments in money, or by bill of exchange, or
otherwife, towards promoting or improving fucji
Company, or the trade thereof, or mall fubfcribe
to the eftablifhing any other foreign Company for
trading to the Eaft Indies, or be concerned m any
flock therein, the perfons fo offending fhall for-
feit their intereft or fhare in the flocks of any
fuch Company, with triple the value thereof, one
third to the Crown, and two to the Eaft India
Company, if they inform, or fue for the fame." •
Such was the aft by which the honour able Eaft India
Company, as they flile themfelves in their advertife-
ments for recruits, was erefted into a Company of
Informers, with premiums for the encouraging them
to that laudable employment •, and the merchants of
England were precluded by their own reprefentatives
ancf fovereign, from receiving the like advantages in
foreign ftates, which foreigners, by law, received in
this.° An aft fo deftitute of common fenfe, fubvemve
.of found polity, and repugnant to nationnl advantage,
as can hardly find an equal in the Statutes at Large j
and certainly thefe are more than large enough for all
good purpofes.
M 2 It
[ 9* J
It ought to have been the indifpenfable duty of
every part of the legislature, to have infilled that
Englifhmen fhould be permitted to fubferibe in all
the Eaft India Companies of Europe, in return for
thofe indigencies, which, in England, had been fo
injudicoufly granted to all nations upon earth •, in
order, by that reciprocal liberty, to have eftablifhed
a method of that money being returned to this nation
by the payments of the dividends of thofe Compa-
nies, which had been previoully remitted to them by
dividends of India flock in England.
Who can refrain from execrating the memory of
fuch mifcreant Beings ? Was it ignorance or cor-
ruption that prevailed to accomplish this perfidious
purpofe ? In either cafe, what can be the fate of a
nation thus diabolically reprelented ?
T
NUMBER XIV.
Jan. 3, 1769.
HE antecedent injunctions 1 ; cruel and detef-
J^ table as they mult appear to the eyes of all men
who feel for right and liberty betrayed and ruined,
were rendered yet more oppreflive by the violation of
all the laws of nature, and of the conftitution, re-
fpecting the penal ftatutes of this realm : ' The Attor-
' ney-General was impowered, of his 011m accord, or at
* the relation of, and for the Eaft India Company,
' to file a bill of complaint in the Court of Chan-
c eery, or the Exchequer, againft any perfon who
' mall have fubferibed, contributed in, or promoted,
' or any ways become interefted in the eftablifhing
* any fuch foreign Company, or the ftock or trade
c thereof, for the difcovery of his offence, infilling
' only on the fingle value j and thereupon fuch per-
1 fon
. [ 93 ]
fon fhall anfwer to the bill, and not plead or demur
to the difcovery thereby fought. And in cafe the
fingle value fhall be dire&ed to be paid, one third
fhall go to his Majefty, and two to the Company;
and if any fubject mail have accepted any truft, or
know of any intereft, Hi are, or concern, which any
of his Majefty's fubjects fhall have, or be entitled
to, in any fuch foreign Company, and fhall not,
within fix months after accepting that truft, or the
coming to the knowledge of fuch truft, truly dis-
cover the fame in writing to the faid Company, or
their Court of Directors, he fhall forfeit treble the
value of that intereft, fhare, &c. fo accepted in
truft, or fo known and not difcovered, one half to
the Crown, the other to the perfon who fhall fue for
it •, or fuch offender fhall, at the difcretion of the
Court, fuffer one year's imprifonment ; and all per-
fons that within the time above limited mail volun-
tarily come to the Court of Directors, and make
a true difcovery in writing of the intereft, fhare,
or concern of any fubjects in the flock of any fuch
foreign company, fhall have one half part clear of
the forfeitures arifing by the acts.'
In this manner the malignancy of lawyers was in-
cited to aid and aflift the avarice of the Company of
Eaft India Informers •, the firft to profecute on his
o-wn mere motion, or on a fingle relation from the Com-
pany, of any act forbidden by this law, and both
were let loofe againft any men whom either of them
might chufe to profecute through refentment for any
deed whatever it might be : for in that accufation the
true motive might eafily be concealed.
The innocent were doomed to the expence of an-
fwering the bill, equally with the guilty, and the latter
were put to the torture between two violences, either
to accufe themfelves, fo contrary to the laws of na-
ture, and of the conftitution, in all penal ftatutes ; or
to incur the heinous fin of perjury, in order to pre-
fer ve
r 94 ]
ierve themfelves from the preceding penalties -, men.
were tempted to delude their friends and acquaintance
to fubfcribe, to place the fubfcription in their truft,
and then to inform, and difcover that truft, in order
to {hare in the respective forfeitures. All the foun-
dations of mutual confidence in man were fapped and
undermined, and thofe who would not betray their
truft, were doomed to the payment of a treble fum,
or to imprifon ment.
The penalty alfo for travelling only, or being found
in any part of the interdicted realms, was encreafed ;
all fuch perfons were now declared ' guilty of a high
' crime and mi/demeanour, to be profecuted in any
« court of Weftminfter, liable to corporal punifhment
c or imorifonment, or fuch fine as the Court fhall
* think fit ; to be feized and brought to England ;
* and any Juftice of the Peace might commit them
c to the next county gaol, till fufficient fecurity mould
4 be given by natural born fubjects, or denizens, to
c appear in that Court, where fuch prolecution ihall
* be commenced, and not to depart out of that
* Court, nor the kingdom, without leave of the laid
* Court.'
Such were the fignal acts of legiflature paffed in
the reign of George the Firft •, by which it is evinced
that the reprefentatives of the people gradually become
the more confpicuous violators of their charge, and
more flagrantly facrificed their conftituents rights and
privileges as the reigns fucceeded from the paffing the
firft act in favour of Afiatic Mafters, in the reign of
King William. Magna Charta, and the Bill of Rights,
were totally disregarded, and that egregious folly then
prevailed, which hath fince fo enormoufly encreafed,
that the laws pafled by the Commons, and the other
legiflative bodies, make the constitution of England -,
whereas the Conflitution did, in fact, make the Com-
mons, and ought to be facredly obferved in every le-
giflative act of this Conflitution. The Great Charter
of
[ 95 ]
of Right and Liberty, fix-and-thirty times confirmed,
is at once the foundation and the bounds, which can-
not be violated by acts of parliament, without effec-
tually undermining the very bafis of parliaments.
Thefe ftatutes, however replete with conceiiions of
arbitrary power, were itill inadequate by the purluits
of that Afiatic Oligarchy ; they were infatiable with
the fweets of defpotifm, whilft any thing remained un-
granted which could either impart frelh powers, or
corroborate thofe they already pofTefTed. Urged by
this rapacious incentive they applied to the Throne for
another charter, in the thirteenth of that reign. Their
petition was founded on ' the want of a proper and
* competent power and authority for the more fpeedy
1 and effectual adminifcering of juftice in civil caufes,
* and for the trying and punifhing of capital and
c other criminal offences.' What were their ideas of
competent power !
Not content with feizing and imprifoning thofe fel-
low-fubjecls who might prefume to breathe the air, or
behold the fun, in India, with inflicting bodily pains
and penalties on all who might dare to exercife their
native rights, privileges, and liberty, nor with all
that egregious excefs of power which had been already
granted ; they ftill remained infatiable, whilft the lives
of their fellow-fubjects were unfubmitced to their abo-
minable tribunals and luft of dominion : for this they
petitioned, and obtained it.
In comequence of this petition, the following powers
which are ililed reafonable in the charter, were ^ranted
to that Company -, bodies politic and corporate were
eftablifhed at the feveral factories, * confiftirp of a
1 Mayor and nine Aldermen ; {even of thefe were to
' be the natural born fubjeets of the Crown, and tW6
4 might be of any other nation upon earth in amity
« with Great Britain, together with a Sheriff. The
' firft fet was nominated by the charter, the Mayor
* and Sheriff were to be annually elected from among
' the
C 96 J
c the Aldermen : thefe were for life, with power of
4 chufing from among the inhabitants of the factories,
' others, who mould fucceecl, en the dernife of any
6 of that body.' But this permanency of poft was
oddly circumftanced. ' Notwithftanding their being
f appointed for life, they were ^moveable by the Go-
f vernor and Council, with the liberty of appeal, in-
* deed, to King and Council, after having firft given
* fecurity to pay i\\t coils, if the fentences were af-
* firmed.'
In this manner thofe officers, who were appointed
for life, were in fact at the mercy and difmiflion of
the feveral Councils, whenever the latter mould think
it advifeable to remove them, and the liberty of ap-
peal was perfectly illufive •, for fuppofing the fentence
to be reverfed by the King and Council, thefe ma-
giftrates could never return to their corporations
without permiffion from the Company. They were,
by lav/, interdicted not only from 'nding, but even
breathing in that country, without licence from the
Company, and this law could not be fuperfeded by
charter. Who, among men in fearch of riches, de-
pendent on the will of the Company, would dare to
act in favour of right and juftice, when they were in
oppofition to the intentions and intereft of die Com-
pany ? Or who would appeal to the King and Counr
cil, at the rifque of paying cofts, when on being re-
inftated, they were refcinded from returning to their
refpective offices and commercial exercife, without
permifT.on of that Company, whom this appeal from
the fentence of their Councils muft neceflarily have
offended ? Thefe men were, therefore, as abfolutely
in the hands of the Eaft-India Directors, as the love
of money, and the dread of being deprived of all
farther acquiring it in India, could place them •, and
to what an enormous degree of fervile obedience to
the arbitrary commands of thofe who are the matters
of their fortunes mankind will dattardly fubmit, U
to*
[ 91 )
too w< ii evinced by the fhameful practice of all ranks,
and the repeated experience of every hour.
This body corporate were a r^- ■ to try 1 -nd
determine all civil fuits , and plea , betweeri
party and party, within the factories or parts iVbjecled
to them relpecli- 1 ' iy, without either a jury, or even a
Recorder, ' to had he been a Barrlfter at Law, as in
the corporations of England, might direct them to
legal determinations in their execution of juftice.
From the decrees of this court, however, there lay
an appeal to die Governor, or Preiident and Council,
any three of whom, the Governor or Prefident being
one, are permitted finally to determine every caufe in
which the value fued for docs not exceed a thouiand
pagodas ; and from all their decifions, in cauies above
that fum, they had the farther appeal to King and
Council, upon iecurity given of paying eight per cent.
for the value adjudged, from the time of adjudging,
and coils of fuit.
Whatever may be the exterior appearance of this
right of appeal from magistrates and aldermen, to
governors and councils, and from thence to King and
council, it is evident, that appeals from the governor
and council to the King and council muft very fel-
dom happen. He that appealed, would be no longer
permitted to refide in thofe factories ; the gentlemen,
his judges, would certainlv act as if they were infal-
lible, and fufter no rebels to their juftice to confront
them in their places of command. To appeal for
right in England was to toie the power of getting
riches in Alia •, the former was only cafual, the latter
certain ; few appeals, for that reafon, could come to
England ; and then they were not appeals to the laws
of England, but to the determination of a Prime Mi-
nifler, who, at that time, was not of fo incorruptible
a nature, as to have oppofed the fafcinating power of
gold from the hands of a Director. In fact, by the
bye-laws which they had the power of making, by
N ' the
[ 93 ]
the Judges whom they appointed, who were abfolutely
in their hands, and who carried thofe laws into exe-
cution, and by the peribns who loft their caufes, being
excluded from appealing to the courts in Weftminiter-
hall, the property of every Englishman in all the fac-
tories was abfolutely in the hands of the governors
and council in thofe places ; and thofe governors and
thole councils being at the difpofal of the Company,
every thing poliefTed by all thofe who were not of the
council, in all the factories in Afia, lay at the mercy
of four-and-twenty tyrants, and their fuperior fer-
vants.
Befides the preceding court for the trying of civil
caufes, there was yet another erected for the judging
thofe of a criminal kind. ' The governor, or prefi-
c dent, and the five fenior of the council, were cm-
e powered to hold quarter-fefiions, to be a court of
' record, of oyer and terminer and goal delivery, for
* the trying and punifhing all offences (high treafon
4 excepted) together with a grand and petit jury, as
4 in England.' But as the judges, the fheriff, and
both juries were exactly in the fame predicament with
the mayor and aldermen, dependant on the will of the
Eaft-India Company, as the laws by which the of-
fenders were tried, were fuch as the Company either
made or approved, it follows that the lives, as well as
the properties of all the fubjects of Great Britain in
the Company's fervice, were alio in the hands of the'
faid four-and-twenty tyrants.
Such were the powers for which this rriodeft oli-
garchy ib hicnuly petitioned, and which were gra-
cijuily granted. The lives, liberties, and properties
of their fellow-fubjects might now be thought to have
been fufliciently committed to their hands, and their
tyranny eitablifhed : but they were yet unfatisfied ;
for fomething ftill remained, which would perfectly
complete their defpotifm •, they therefore, with like
humility-, petitioned, * to name and appoint all gene-
• rals,
[ 99 ]
c rals, by land and Tea, as many officers, and what
* number of troops and Meets they pleaied, and to
8 remove- them all at their pleafure ; to train the in*
' habitants to arms, and to exercife thole forces for
* their efpecial defence and fafety, and to lead and
c conduct them to encounter, repulle, expel, and re-
4 fift, by force of arms •, to kill, flay, and deftroy all
£ perfons, who, in a hoftile manner, may attempt
' and enterprize the destruction, invafion, detriment
' or annoyance, of any fubjects or perfons dealing
' with the Company or their fervants, &cc. and upcn
8 juft catifes, to invade and deftroy the enemies of the
' Company ; and in time of war, to ufe and exercife
* martial law and difcipline, in fuch cafes as occafion
4 mall necefiarily, require, and may legally be done.
8 The governors and councils to make bye-laws, rules,
' and ordinances for the government of the places,
* &c. and to impofe reafonable pains and penalties ;
■ but none of thefe bye-laws, &c. were to be carried
* into execution, until they are approved by the
8 Company.'
Such was the charter granted by King George the
Firft, by far the molt enormous Itride of royal prero-
gative beyond its legal bounds, which had been taken
by any Sovereign fince the eitablifhment of the Eaft-
India Company by act of parliament. The lives, li-
berties, and properties of all Englifh fubjects in Afia
were now fubjected to the arbitrary inclinations of
four-and-twenty tyrants : for what can be more de-
fpotic in its nature and formation, than the power of
making laws, in whatever manner, and with whatever
penalties they pleafed •, the appointing fuch judges
who were all but compelled by torture, to determine
as this Company mould think fit, and to fubject both
the land and naval forces to military laws, which
might make thofe actions criminal, and to be pu-
nifhed with corporal infliction, imprifonment, or
death, which, in the common intercourle of men, and
N 2 bj
[ I0 ° 3
by the laws of England, were fcarcdy cognizable.
This acquifition, therefore, amply completed all that
the heart of man could defire, or his hand could
execute.
If the Kings of England pofTefs this prerogative of
transferring to their fubjects the rights of more than
their own ibvcreignty, it is ridiculous and untrue to
pronounce thai: Englishmen are free, and that their
Ivings can neither fujpend nor difpenfe with the laws of
the realm. Can Princes impart to Corporations the
right of imrJowering their fervants, in their name, and
under their common fed, to exercife fuch arbitrary acts
over their fellow-fubjects, as are acknowledged, by
the conflitution and the laws, to be illegal in the King
himfelf ? Will thofe gentlemen, who, in the laft Par-
liament, diiapproved, in his prefent Majefty, the
conftitutional and juft exerciie of his prerogative,
when, by his merciful proclamation prohibiting the
exportation of corn, he faved his people from famine,
approve of that prerogative exerted by his great-
grandfather, which granted the powers of life and
th, -liberty and property, to an oligarchy of their
w-firbjects ? If it was neceftary to indemnify by
law the Council which advifed the prohibition or ex-
porting corn, will they iupport the actions of that
Company who prefumed to petition, and who have
conducted themfelves in confequence of fuch grants,
and pronounce it lawful ? Every act of hoftiiity and
rapine committed en the native Afiatics, in confe-
quence of this charter, notwithilanding the grants of
Kings, thefe of fif-defence excepted, are by the laws
of England acts of piracy •, and every man of them
(lain in battle, or of Britifh fubjects put to death by
military law, are acts of murder. And I am fully
perfuaded, that whoever mould profecute in England
the peribn who condemned fuch men to death in Afia,
would find that the fame fentence they illegally pro-
nounced on others, in lands remote, would be juftly
given
[ 10! ]
given againft. them in this country ; for to the honour
of this realm, the Judges of the law remain untainted
with any juit caufe of culpable imputation, amidft
that corruption which has lo flagrantly prevailed in
the legiflature of preceding Parliaments. But this
indeed is one indication, among others, which Mon-
tefquieu has afligned as demonftratives of liberty loft
in that nation wherever it is found. In the granting
this charter, nothing can, with juftice, be imputed to
the Sovereign who then reigned in thefe realms. He
afcended that royal feat in an advanced age, a ftranger
to our language, unknowing in the constitution, un-
acquainted with the nature and the legal claims of the
Ealt-India Company, and what was yet more fatal,
he implicitly lrftened to the advice of that Minifter,
who was ib fignally formed by nature and by habi-
tude to be the deftroyer of his country.
No man has ever exifted, who was more audacious
and enterprizing to fu overt the conftitution and en-
flave the people t and this he effected by the moft de-
teftable of all iniquitous methods, by Acts of Parlia-
ment. He planned and procured the Riot Act ; that
Act, by which the Commons, by their own votes,
and without the content of the people, extended a
triennial to a ieptennial Parliament -, the moft flagrant
violence on the conftitution which has been com-
mitted fince the days of the Long Parliament, in the
reign of Charles the Firft ; he obtained the Acts
which encreafed the Standing Army : he eftablifhed
the Military Lav/, in the ftatute againft Mutiny and
Defertion ; and be, in fact, granted this bloody char-
ter to the Eaft India Company. Innumerable are the
traniaclions by which he attempted the ruin of his
country ; and yet, amidft this boldnels and effrontery
in fubjecting his fellow-citizens to fuch indignities, he
was as pufillanimous as a hare in oppofing her inve-
terate enemies. To the French he granted as indul-
gently through fear all which they required for the ag-
grandizing
[ 102 ]
grandizing themfelves and humbling England, as he
indolently perpetrated whatever he intended againft
the welfare of the nation. He knew that, enveloped
in Acts of Parliament, he perfectly fecured himfelf
from every puriuit, on the account of that miichief
which thole contained ; but he dreaded the conduct of
a war by which he mull lay himfelf open to defeat, and
to national enquiry. This conduct he purfued through
a long and baneful adminiitration ; and he fupported
himfelf by fpreading corruption through a profligate
majority of fucceedmg Commons. With powers to
dilcharge the national debt, he confumed that money
in German fubfidies and private extravagance, and
left the kingdom as much indebted as he found it.
At length, by a lingular exertion of the Houfe of
Commons, he was driven from his power •, his actions
were collufively examined by a Secret Committee,
which by arts and pecuniary influence he rendered in-
effectual, and then exclaimed againft the ingratitude
of thofe who would not ferve him without being
bribed, though he had confumed his whole life in
fpeech and practice, to reduce all mankind to that ftate
of degeneracy and corruption, as if men would prove
faithful to their corrupter, whom he had educated to
be faithlefs to their charge and to rob their country.
Detelted by the nation for the innumerable mifchiefs
which he effected, he was ennobled by his King, as
the reward of merit, and died in his bed, as if he had
lived a deferving fubject and an upright minifter.
Such are the faint and evanefcent outlines of his
character ; and yet, Arrange to relate ! he was fuc-
ceeded by others whom he had trained to mifchief,
of lefs unrierftanding, but of equal iniquity ; who
purfuing his fteps have reduced the kingdom to her
p relent ftate of im potency, and from which it never
can be relieved, but by applying the revenues of
Afiatic lands to national purpofes, and to which it
fhall be proved the community have an irrefragable
right.
NUMBER
[ I0 3 ]
NUMBER XV.
Jan. 9, 176S.
GEORGE the Second having attended the
Throne of Great Britain, the Eaft India Com-
pany, in the third year of his reign, obtained an act
in their favour, by means of having paid into the
Exchequer two hundred thouiand pounds, for which
they were neither to receive interefl nor re-payment.
By this act, among various other indulgencies, which
are not neceffary to be related, the day of redeeming
the charter, by repaying the capital, and on three
years notice, was protracted to the 25th of March,
1766.
And by another act, in the 17th year of his reign,
the Company having agreed to advance 1,000,000 1-
for the expence of the ftate, on an annuity of three per
cent, the date of the charter was extended fourteen
years, to 1780 ; at that time it is to ceafe, repay-
ment being made to the Company of four millions
two hundred thouiand pounds, and ail arrears •, three
years being ftill given for the bringing their effects
rrom India to this kingdom.
By both thefe flatutes they were entitled " to have,
u hold, and enjoy, all thole rights, privileges, &c.
" which, by former acts of parliament, or by any
" charter founded thereupon had been granted ; and
" they were fubject to iuch rcfiricllons and covenants
" as are contained in the /aid acts and Liters patent
" new in force"
Hence it uncontrovertible 7 appears, that all pre-
tenfions to the exercife of any powers conveyed by
charter, antecedent to the firft act on which this
Company was founded in the reign of King William,
are abiblutely without the lealt foundation. The
Company had, indeed, entered into exprefs cove-
nant with Queen Ann to that purpofe, and the le-
gislature
[ 104 ]
giflature did now eftablifh it. By thefe means, as
that oligarchy received a frefh llrength to their enor-
mous powers on one hand, they were refcinded
from every excefs of them on the other, by being
fubjected to all the refiriftions and covenants which
are mentioned in the ltatutes and charters already
related.
In whatever inf:ances therefore this Company (hall
be found to have extended their arbitrary proceed-
ings beyond the limits prefcribed in thofe acts and
charters, and fuch as have been iince that time
granted, they are to be coniidered as national crimi-
nals, and are undoubtedly the jufteft objects of par-
liamentary enquiry, and of condign puniihment -,
for certainly the inquifitorial power of a free ftate
can at no time be more righteoufly exerted, than in
di (covering the violations of a let of tyrants, who,
by methods more eafily fuggefted than precifely to
be defcribed, have found the means of enilaving
their fellow fubjects by acts of legiflature, and ot
ufurping to themielves all thofe powers, which, di-
vided between the Sovereign and the People in the
conftitution of England, make it a free ftate, and
which, in them united, exerts an oligarchy of four-
and-twenty tyrants. Abfolute and unlimited as the
grants mult appear, yet inftances fhall be adduced of
the Company's having extended their powers to acts
unwarranted even by thefe iniquitoufly extenfive laws
and charters-, and when fuch proofs. are brought,
the nature, the illegality, and the inlblence of them
explained, it will then remain with the iervants of
the people, in parliament, to do juftije to the nation
and themielves.
The protracting the day of redeeming the charter
from the hands of the Company to 1780, is that
which chiefly deferves the public attention in thefe
acts of parliament ; and it is on this clauie the Com-
j any have chiefly founded their audacioufnefs and
con-
t i°5 1
contempt of government, both legiilative and exe-
cutive-, " We have this term (fay they) by Parlia-
" ment, and that cannot be taken from us : and to
" that we defy them." But, by the leave of thefe So-
vereigns, or without their leave, they are abfolutely
miftaken; this power of redemption, on the pre-
ceding terms, is as confiitutlonally to be exerted
whenever the Parliament mail think fit, as if that
circumfiance had been 'fpecifically expreffed in the
ad.
For, could the Parliament grant a power which
they cannot abrogate for fourteen years, or any time
fpecified, they poffefs only an authority to ruin, and
not to fave the kingdom. In every ftatute, however
definite and exprefs the conditions, rights, privileges,
and duration of them are enacted, there is neverthe-
lefs virtually remaining an authority in the legisla-
ture to repeal that act at what moment they pleafe,
provided the public welfare requires it. And this,
on no other confideration than that.it is the public
welfare which demands that repeal ; the very exiitence
of focial community and eftabliihed polity confifts in
this fundamental principle, that the national welfare
fhall at all times fuperfede the claims of individuals
and of bodies corporate, whenever that end cannot
be otherwife attained. And certainly, when this
end is only propofed by anticipating the date of re-
demption, and which continued to the time fpecified
in the act, would fubvert the ftate •, the denying that
right is a pofition too abfurd and iniquitous to be
uttered or fupported, but by men who are fafcinated
by the enchantments of power, feduced by the charms
of bribery and corruption, or animated by revenge and
difmiflion, to involve their country in every poflible
calamity, rather than to fee. her felicity re-eitabliihed,
and her powers Veftored by the hands and adminiilra-
tion of others.
O If
[ fob ]
If this act be not repealed, it is not through the
Want ef confiitutional and juit authority, there muft
be other motives. Let it be imagined that the le-
giflative" powers had granted to any body corporate,
for twenty years, the exclufive right of fcarching for
coals within five miles of London, ■ y round
it; and that, for this act, that corporation had paid
into the Exchequer two hundred tnoufand pounds.
Let it be farther fuppofttf, that coals were found lb
near to this city, and that the fixata, and other indi-
cations which are Well fen wn to miners, evinced^
that in working them fiftey muft necefiarily under-
mine the city, and that one half of it wouki be there-
by deftroyed, within the duration enacted by the
parliament. Is there any man h mad Or fo wicked
to fay, that the legiflative power have no right to re-
peal that act, hi. cauie tl.ey granted it at a tame when
this effect was unforcfeen : J And yet I am pcriuaded
the twenty-four Directors of inch coal mines would
have the impudence to difpute their title with the
Parliament, and roar aga'nit all violation of private
property, though it is demonfcrable that fuch property-
can never be legally granted, and that nO EnglihV
man, nor body corporate, can have a private property/ 1
either in trade or other objects, by grants or ftatutes,
which refcind the rights, Hberties, and privileges of
their fellow fubjects, who, by tht confttution, are
equally entitled to them with fuch bodies corporate ;
much lefs can they legally porTeis them, when, by
fuch acts, their tyranny inufl: inevitably prove the fub-
verfion of the (late itfelf.
It is the hackneyed and corrupt afTertiOn of Direc-
tors and their (laves, that there is not the leaft necef-
fity of redeeming the charter at prefcnt- becaufe
there cannot poflably arife any danger to the ftate, or
injury to the fubjects, from the continuation of it
till 1 7 So. This is certainly a moft notorious fallacy,
as it fnall be proved ; and were it as true as it is
Falfe, the wrefting from their hands the defpotic
powers.
powers which they now exercife, will be ten thoufand
times more than iufiicient reaibn fur the putting an
end to fuck tyranny, and tiie refcoring right and liberty
io the peoyie.
There is not a man of common fenfe who will
.deny that a hundred thouiand men in arms, under the
-command of the four-and-twenty tyrants, could drive
.the- King from the throne, cut off the heads of the
.Lord?, and hang the Commons, if they pleaied zo
command it ; and if money will as certainly raife
that force, and effe& that purpofe, as any thins, by
the experience of all ages, can be effected, what is
the fullering mch immenie fums to fall into the
hands of Directors, lefs than railing armies, furnifhing:
them with military distinction, and planting daggers
in the bofoms of all the loyal and good iubjects of
thefe realms ?
That Parliaments have been once corrupted by an
Eaft India Company, has bee n proved beyond con-
tradiction ; that this corruption has been frequently
repeated, is believed by all men of the lead dilcern-
ment ; that it may again exert that fatal fafcination
in future Parliaments is a fair deduction-, the hopes of
England are therefore on the p relent •, and certainly
the reprefentatives of the people, who are fo truly
fenfible of the burthens of the prefent taxes, the op-
prellions on trade, the fufferings of the laborious,
iioneft, and indigent, and the impotence to which
this nation is reduced by thefe evils, will pay a due
attention to the nation, to themfclves, and their pof-
terity •, and not forego the means of alleviating all
■>:hoie diftrenes by the revenues of tbofe /ifiatic lands
which Englifhmen have acquired, and the oligarchs,
prefume to detain.
Let it be fuppofed, that any ancient ftate iiad
granted to a body corporate the exclufive right of
importing for twenty years a certain vegetable, v inch,
-upon being tafted 5 created fuch a deure pf pafiefTing:
O 2 more
[ ' i°S ]
more of it, that no means hitherto difcovered, could
preclude the application of all pofllble endeavours to
acquire it •, that xhe effects of this production were
fuch as would make men fpeak what the givers of it
commanded, and take arms to deftroy all thofe who
mould prefume to oppcfe their lull of dominion;
would the legiilature of England entruit to four-and-
twenty of the fubjects, the right of giving fuch an om-
mootent production to whom they pleafed, and for
what purpofes they might approve ? Or had it been
inadvertently granted, and not repealed when quanti-
ties fufTicicnt were in the Company's hands to effectu-
ate thefe ends on numbers fufTicient to deftroy all that
is valuable to man, would not fuch reprelentatives
be juftly deemed the enemies of their country and of
human kind ?
Gold, by the undeviating experience of all ages,
has uniformly had that effect, and ruined every ftate
into which it hath entered with excefs, in fingle men
or fmall numbers of the community ; in all inftances
it hath erected tyrannies in various fhapes of monarchy
or oligarchy. No law of matter is more certain than
this effect of money on the minds and actions of man-
kind, not that of gravitation even. To ftand uncon-
cerned and inactive in this fituation, is as indefenfible
as to remain under an .immenie weight, which is held
over' your heads by enemies, and to believe they will
not let it fall, or if they do, that the weight will not
deftroy you. And the underftanding of that nation
is fhamefully reduced, or their hearts moil flagrantly
corrupted, if flush imminent dangers are permitted to
remain by the guardians of the people, in the hands
of Eaft India Directors.
The late acquifition of the Myfone Country, and
Balagat Carnatic, will produce an annual revenue of
two millions at leaft. That fum added to the former
cdnquefts, make an income of four millions a year ;
the furplus of ail expences after the fupporting the
fleets,
[ IC 9 3
fleets, armies, and other occalions of the Company,
will certainly not exceed the annual revenue of Great
Britain, which is applied to the exigencies of ftate in
every year of peace. The nation, to maintain her
Hects^ armies, and other national demands, raifes
within this kingdom, by a land-tax 1,500,000 1. by
malt 750,0001. in all 2,250,0001. If the Company
can be fuppofed to expend lb much in their military
and other affairs, there Hill remains one million Ceven
hundred and fifty thouland pounds, to be applied to
all the iniquitous purpofes that ambition can dictate
and defpotifm acquire ; and where is now the virtue
and the relblution to withftand fuch powers which at
once compel and feduce all thole, againft whom it is
directed ? If the revenues of India be permitted to
remain in their hands another year, the rights of fo
vereignty and the rights of the people cannot be rea-
fonably valued at the price of one (hilling, unlefs in-
deed the multitude, flung by their mileries and ill
treatment, mould leek from Heaven and their own
native powers that redrefs which may be denied
them, and vindicate their fovereign and themfclves ;
but the prevention of bloodfhed, and the reftora-
tion of right, will be the undoubted care of thole
whole indifpenfable duty it is to attend to fuch im-
portant fervices.
I am now come to the mod fignal, unconftitutional,
and tyrannic aft that ever had an affirmative from
the votes of the Houie of Commons : this palled in the
twenty-fecond year of the reign of King George the
Second. By this ftatnte, all that barbarous and
human power of exercifing military law, which v/as
granted by bye-charter by King George the Firit, was
now eilablifhed by an act of the legiflature. No other
terms that are known by me in any language, mult
be found to exprefs, with due energy, the horrors of
this tranfaction, and the execration which is due to
thole reprefentatives of the people who fuftered it to
pais j
[ MO ]
roi's ; for that reafbfl r leave it to the honeft fenfatioa«
of all mankind, and 'nay they never be at eafe till it
is abrogated. The Subjects of a ibvereign to be en-
trusted with Such fanguinary powers over the lives,
limbs, and liberties of their fellow Subjects, and to
delegate that power in their own name to their ler-
vants, and the Commons of England to Sanctify that
power, is Sacrilege by law eftablimed 3 and nothing
leSs than infinite mercy can forgive that crime.
This infamous bill paSTed not unoppefed by many
in the Houfe of Commons. One nobleman, now an
honour to the peerage, and who at that time truly
reprefented his country, exerted his Superior talents
againSt that bill in defence of his fellow Subjects and
the rights of human kind. He proved, by argument
unanswerable, that it was both unjuit, cruel, and urn
constitutional j he predicted the bloody effects which
have fince verified that prediction •, he refuted every
word which was offered in its favour 5 but demonftra-
tion had, at that time, no proof. The refolution of
erecting a military government, which then was the
object of one mm, prevailed over the energy of reafon
and eloquence ; for bribery and corruption had blind-
ed the understandings, and blunted the fenfations of a
majority of that Houfe. The tyranny of four-and-
twenty oligarchs v/as eftablifhed, and the enflavement
of every Briton, who entered into their Service, was
abfolutely accomplished.
If the fervants of the people in parliament are consti-
tutionally inverted with the powers of erecting twen-
ty-four- of their fellow Subjects into tyrants, and Sub-
jecting ail the reft to be their (laves, this constitu-
tion is, of all others, the molt deteltable, and every
thinking man will exchange his virion of Liberty for
that which is denominated Slavery in Turky. In
that empire, one man is the Sovereign, and all his
Subjects on the Same level of equality : even thole
monarchs have Suffered death for acts of deSpotiim 5
and
[ III ]
and at all times the lenity of taxation tompeniTat&s
for all that we imagine ourfelves to pofiefs, and do
not enjoy. Whatever Vizir, Bafhaw, or other officer
dares to invade the rights or violate the property of
the fubjects, the meaneft Turk has the right of ac-
cufing him to his ibvereign; he will be heard, and
the offender punifhed. None but Minifters and their
fubordinates dread the Emperor's power ; the people
are fecure and happy. In this kingdom fubjects are
erected into tyrants, and the reft oppreffed and Haves.
Life and death, liberty and property, are in the hands
of four-and-twenty defpotes. If Britons yet be men y
they will not fuffer this indignant humiliation. By
the Bill of Rights you have the privilege of petitioning
Parliament, and you are fuicides of all that is eftimable
in your ownielves, and murderers of the rights of
men unborn, if you neglect to apply to that juft
refource. Vindicate the dignity of your King and
your own liberties and rights ; for know, that in this
reign the four-and-twenty oligarchs have received the
firft check to their tyranny, fince it originally com-
menced to be ; and the people's revenues in Afia
have been applied in fome degree to their proper
purpofes.
In the firft year of his Majefty's reign it was enacted,
4 That if any of the laid Company's PreQdents or
4 councils at their factories, where they are empowered
1 to hold Courts of Judicature, jfhall be guilty of
* opprefling any of his Majefty's fubjects beyond the
4 feas, within their refpective juriioictions or com-
4 mands, or mail be guilty of any other crime or
* offence, contrary to the laws or" England, fuch
4 oppreflions, crimes, and offences, may be enquired
4 of, heard, and determined in his Majefty's Court
4 of King's Bench by good and lawful men ; and
4 fuch punifliments fliall be inflicted on fuch offenders
4 as are ufually inflicted for offences of the like nature
4 committed in England/
[ H2 J
- And by another act, ' four hundred thoufand
* pounds a year of the Afiatic revenues were applied
* to the fervice of the ftate.'
By thefe acts you have been in part reftored to the
laws of your country, and your rights have been re-
vived, and fome part of your territorial acquifitions
have been applied to the national exigencies. This
aufpicious dawn promifes the full reiteration of right,
liberty, and property, and did the accomplifhmcnt
of all thefe depend on your fovereign only, k would
be granted with more joy by him, than it can be
received by you •, for fuch is the paternal difpofition
of your prefent fovereign.
NUMBER XVI.
Jan. n. 1769.
THE fleets and forces of the King of Great
Britain, in conjunction with thofe of the Eaft
India Company, having recovered the town of Cal-
cutta from the hands of Sera] ah Dowla, the Nabob
of Bengal, on the 5th of February 1757; that
Nabob being again defeated, was dethroned and af-
faffinated, and Meer Jaffier, on the account of his vil-
lames, was raifed to the government of Bengal by the
Britijh, as Mr. Dowe, in his late hiftory of Hindof-
tan, truly expreffes it. In confequence of this revo-
lution' in that province, certain lands were demanded
as the fruits of their conqueft •, and Meer jaffier, who
had betrayed his mailer, the Nabob, in battle, and
had been fet up by the Company, being in no filia-
tion to deny the Englifh whatever they might afk,
ceded thofe lands to the Company by treaty, which
they
[ Ml 3
they had conquered by arms, and which he was unabl<3
to withhold.
The Directors having received intelligence of thefe
fucceffes, were ccnfcious that neither by law nor
charter, the lands, plunder, and booty taken by their
own forces from their enemies in India, could be
legally poflefled by the Company. They, therefore,
pretended " to be doubtful whether fuch diftrifts of
'* land and plunder, which might be conquered and
" taken by their own forces, upon any cccafwh either
* l by land or lea, did not belong to his Majefty."
Such being the bafis on which they ground their
application to the King, as it is exprefTed in their pe-
tition, they add, as the motive to having their peti-
tion granted, " That the expences of carrying on
" their wars in defence of their plantations and trade,
" are greater than the Company can bear ; and there-
" fore thefe petitioners molt humbly pray his Majefty,
M that he will be gracioufly pleai'cd to grant to his pe-
" titioners, for their own ufe, all fuch plunder,
" booty, treafure, &c. which may be taken by any
** of his petitioners land or fea-forces from any of his
" Majefty's enemies, or from the Indian enemies of
" his petitioners. And that his petitioners may hold
" and enjoy, lubjec~t to his Majefty's right of fove-
" reignty in and over the fame, all fuch fortrefTes,
" diitricls, and territories within the limits of their
" trade, as they have acquired, or may hereafter ac-
" quire, from any nation, ftate, or people, by treaty,
" grant, or conqueft •, with power to reftore, give
" up, and difpofe of the fame, as they mall from
" time to time lee occafipn ; fubjecl:, neverthelefs, to
w his Majefty's difpofition and pleafure, as to fuch
" lands as may be acquired by conqueft from the fub-
*' jecls of any European power." The hardinefs of
this petition is perfectly confentaneous with all the
preceding conduft of this Company, though infinitely
P inferior
[ "4 ]
inferior to that which they have obferved fince the
preferring to it.
The petition, fuch as it is, was prefented to his
Majefty, and from him tranfmitted to the Attorney
and Solicitor General, for their opinion on the terms
which it contained -, and the gentlemen who then filled
the preceding places, were the prefent Lord High
Chancellor of England, and Mr. Charles Yorke.
On the 24th of December 1757, thefe gentlemen,
in their report on the petition, delivered their opinions
on the petition, refpecling the charter which might be
granted in confequence of it. What particularly re-
lates to the capture of mips and goods, is not to the
prefent purpole minutely to enquire ± it is fuffkient
that a grant of them was approved, under fpecified
reftrictions •, and " that this grant mould be confined
" to captures made in a defenfive zvar, or during a
" ftate of hoftility commenced merely for the pro-
" tetlion of their trade and fettlcments : this (they
" fay) is agreeable to the terms and intentions of all the
" charters given to the Company, by his Majefty or his
" royal predeceffors, which empower them to make
" war in the Eaft Indies only, to recompenfe them-
" felves for lofles, or to repel invaders."
Hence it appears, that neither by law nor charter,
the Company had at that time the leaft right to pre-
tend to the grant or privilege of declaring an offenfroe
war •, what indulgences they have fince referved, and
how far they have obferved the antecedent restriction,
will be fhewn hereafter.
" As to the latter part of the prayer of the peti-
" tion, relative to the holding, or retaining fortrefles
" or diftridls already acquired, or to be acquired by
" grant or conqueft, the Attorney and Solicitor Ge-
" neral beg leave to point out fome diftindtions upon
" it.
[ >i.5 ]
tc In refpect to fuch places as have been, or mall
be acquired by treaty -or grant from the Mogul,,
or any of the Indian Princes or governments, his
Majefty's Letters Patent are not necefiary •, the
property of the foil veiling in the Company, by
the Indian grants, fubjecl: only to his Majefty's
right of fovereignty over fuch fettlements, as Eng-
lifh fettlements, and over the inhabitants, as Eng-
liih fubjecls, who carry with them his Majefty's
laws, wherever they form colonies, and receive his
Majefty's protection, by virtue of his Royal Char-
ters. In refpect to fuch places as have been latelv
acquired, or mall hereafter be acquired, by co?p-
qiieft, the property, as well as the dominion, vefts
in his Majefty, by virtue of his known prerogative,
and confequently, the Company can only derive a
right to them through his Majefty's grant •, but
they (the Attorney and Solicitor General) fubmit
their humble opinion to his Majefty, that it is not
warranted by precedent, nor agreeable to found policy,
nor to the temr of the charters which have been laid
before them, to make fuch a general grant, not
only of paft, but of future 1 contingent conquefts
made upon any power, European or Indian, to a
trading Company. If at any time the Eaft India
Company, in the profecution of their jujl rights,
fhall chance to acquire a fortrefs or diftrict, which
may be convenient for carrying on their trade, and
is after ceded to them by treaty, or proper to be
maintained by force, it is time enough to refort to
his Majefty for his Royal Grant, whenever the cafe
arifes.
" At the fame time the Attorney and Solicitor
General do juftice to the honourable intentions of
thofe who preferred this petition to his Majefty, in
faying, that as foon as the objections were intimated,
they (the Directors) readily acquiefced, and expref-
P 2 tt fal
I n6 !
" fed thcmfelves much more anxious for" the fake of
* obtaining a clear rule for the direction of their off?-
" cer's in India-, to have their doubts explained, as
" to their powers of reftoring or furrendering places
" conquered; and to know whether the Company is
" enabled, by any of their prefent Charters, to yield
" up conquelts made on the Indian princes or Go-
" vernments by treaty, without his Majefty's licence
" in every inftance, the procuring of which might be
" attended with great delay in preffing exigencies.
" In anfwer to this doubt fo ftated, the Attorney and
*" Solicitor General are humbly of opinion that the
** Royal Charters granted to the Company having re-
" ;peatedly given 'them the powers of making peace
" as well as war with the Indian Princes or govem-
*' ments, it is incident to the power of making peace
" to be enabled to reitore conquefts, or things taken
" in war, otherwife they would have the .power of
*' making peace, without the means of obtaining it.
*' But, to remove all pofTible doubts, they think it
tc will not be improper to explain the powers of
<c making peace, by a claule to be inierted in the
" Letters Patent propofed, enabling them to make
" ceflion of new conquelts acquired from any of the
" Indian Princes or ftates, during the late troubles
" between the Eail India Company and the Nabob
*' of Bengal, or which fhall be acquired in time co-
*' ming.
*' This explanation will be agreeable to the plan
* of former charters, in which they beg leave to ob-
" ferve to his Majefry, that the general power of
" making war is further explained and followed by
* particular defcriptions of the hoitilities which the
64 Company may exercife againft their enemies, but
" the power of making peace is not extended by any
"/fiich defcription."
And
C "7 1
And this power of making war was already afcer-
tained by the fame gentlemen to be defenfive onh\
merely for the prctetlion of their trade and fettletuents.
On reviewing this petition of the Company, it is
manifeft that they prayed only for fuch fortrefles and
diftricts which had been, or mufl be acquired by
grant or treaty, or, by the conquelt of their own troops
and navy, and not by the victories of his Majefty's
forces, in conjunction with thole of the Company,
and that on dais proportion the report diftinguiihes,
with the utmoft juftice and good lenle, that there
exifted a vail difference between the grants and trea-
ties made in times of peace, with the Indian Princes,
and thofe treaties which were made confecutive of war
and conqueft. The lands acquired by the former
were veiled in the Company, with the right of fffitit-
rcignty in the King ; the latter were his Majeily's
property, as well as dominion or fovereignty, and could
become thole of the Company by fubiequent grants
alone.
If we confider the importance and defire of having
this part of the petition to be granted to the Com-
pany •, the powerful means in the hands of the Direc-
tors, to obtain a report conformable to the circum-
ftances of their petition, the known effects which fuch
iinifler motives have evidently produced on fome
members of a former and a late Houfe of Commons ;
•the probability that the Directors would not .have
neglected a like application and influence on this oc-
cafion, and the general corruption of the age, by pre-
cedent eftabliihed ; this report does the higheil honour
to the underftanding and integrity of the then Attor-
ney and Solicitor General ; for, from a full expe-
rience of the practice of thofe Directors, from the
reign of King William to the end of the lall parlia-
ment, . it cannot be doubted but that they were either
ckterred by the eflablifhed characters of thefe gentle-
men, from attempting to influence their opinions by
pecuniary
I "S ]
pecuniary perfuafion ; or, that if they did prefume it,
that they were rejected with indignation and con-
tempt.
NUMBER XVII.
Jan. 1 6, 1768.
IN confequence of the opinion delivered by the.
Attorney and Solicitor General, as it is tranfcribed
into the preceding paper, a warrant was drawn up,
approved and figned by the then Mr. Pitt, who was
Secretary of State, dated the 24th December 1757,
directing the Attorney and Solicitor General to draw
up a charter, to be granted to the Eaft India Com-
pany in confequence of their petition, and conform-
able to the opinion delivered in the report. In relation
to thofe lands which were, or might be acquired from
the Indian Princes, by grants or treaties made be-
tween thefe Princes and the Company in times of
peace, there is nothing faid in the charter ; " Becaufe
4i the property of fuch lands was already veiled in
" the Company by the Indian grants, fubject to the
" fovereignty of the King, on which account his
" Majefty's letters patent were not necefTary." And
with refpect to the holding and enjoying thofe lands
which were, or might be acquired by treaties or grants
after conqueft, the Directors, who preferred the pe-
tition, as foon as the preceding objections were inti-
mated by the Attorney and Solicitor General, readily
acquiefced in the impropriety of this part of the pe-
tition, and exprefTed their anxiety for the obtaining
a rule for the direction of their officers in India, as
to their powers of reftoring and furrendering places
conquered i } and to know whether the Company is
enabled, by any of their prefent charters, to yield the
conqueils
C "9 ]
<»nquen:s made on the Indian Princes, by treaty,
without his Majefty's licence in every inftance.
Hence it is manifeft, that though the petition which,
had been delivered to the King was , not withdrawn,
and fcill contained the prayer of holding and enjoying
the lands acquired by conquers, yet that thefe Di-
rectors, who applied for the grant of all lands fo ac-
quired, had, in fact, given up that part of the pe-
tition by acquiefcing with the objections winch were
intimated by the Attorney and Solicitor General, and
defired only to be ascertained, whether the Company-
were enabled by any charter to yield up any lands
which were or might be conquered by their own
forces, without the King's licence.
That the Company were not at that time enabled
to cede, reilorc, or yield up any lands conquered by
their troops, is evident, becauie that power is granted
them in this charter, which would have been neediefs
had it been antecedently granted ; and that they were
denied the holding or enjoying them by treaty or con-
quelt, is equally clear, becaufe they had it not at that
time, and it has never fince been granted by any
charter.
The charter was therefore, drawn by the Attorney
and Solicitor General, in confequen.ee of the pre-
ceding opinions and circumstances already related,
with this provifo ; " That all wars, holtiiities, and
" expeditions mould be begun, carried on, and com-
" pleated by the forces, land or naval, railed and
u paid by the /aid Company alone." And that in thefe
circumftances, " the faid united Company ihall and
" may, by treaty of peace, made or to, be made be-
" tween them, or any of their officers employed in
" their behalf, and any of the Indian Princes or go-
" vernments, cede, reftore, or difpofe of any for-
tc treffes, diftricts, or territories acquired by conquefts
" from any of the laid Indian Princes or govern-
" ments,
[ 120 ]
" ments, during the late troubles in Bengal, or which
" fhall be acquired in time coming."
Such was the charter granted in confequence of
the Company's petition, and the report of the Attor-
ney and Solicitor General. By this it is rnanifeft,
that of all lands acquired, or to be acquired, from
the Indian dates, either by grant or treaty, in times
of peace, the foil was the property of the Com-
pany, and the fovercignty appertained to the King.
But that by treaties, confectitive of conquers, all
fortreffes, diftridts, and territories, fo acquired or to
be acquired, were both the property, as well as the
dominion of his Majejly •, and this even when thefe ter-
ritories were acquired by forces in the fole pay of the
Eafi India Company. With refpect to fuch diftricts,
either already conquered or to be conquered, in con-
junction with the Britifh forces, the Company did not
prefume to petition to have even the privilege of ceding,
refioring, or difpofing of thofe territories, much lefs to
hold and enjoy them. It is evident alio, that this
power of ceding, refioring, and difpofing of thefe
acquifitions obtained by the conquefts of their own
troops, was granted only, as the report exprefles it,
in order to have the means as well as the power of
making peace •, and becaufe the diftance between
Great Britain and Bengal was too great to permit the
waiting for the tranfmitting to England thole intel-
ligences which were neceffary, and the receiving fuch
inilructions as were requifite for the concluiion of
humilities with proper expedition. But with regard
to the holding and enjoying fuch lauds and fcrtreffes that
were or might be taken by the land or fea-fcrces of the
Company, that was absolutely refufcd : for whatever
articles are petitioned for. and not granted in the
charter confecunve of fuch petition, thefe do actually
remain in the fame date in which they were before
the charter was granted. The licence of holding
and enjoying the lands, which were or might be ac-
quired
r «i ]
quired by conqueft, even by their own troops, being
omitted in that latter patent, that circumftance is, in
fact, not only a refufal of that part of their petition,
but an interdict to the exerciie of thofe powers, and
the retaining foch lands one moment in the hands of
the Eaft India Company, not by the King alone, but
by the laws of the land.
That this is incontrovertible muft appear from the
report of the Attorney and Solicitor General, wherein
the grants of fuch lands were exprefly r.ferved to be
granted by his Majefty on future petitions, and when-
ever fuch cafes mall arife. Many fuch cafes have
fince arifen, and no charters have hitherto been granted,
and probably unafked for.
Hence it is evident, from the nature of the confli-
tution, the right of the prerogative, the letter of the
laws, the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor Ge-
neral, the omifiion of that requeft in the charter, and
the denial thereby expreflcd, the confeioufnefs of the
Directors, that without fuch hcence granted by his
Majefty, exprefly conveying fuch powers of holding
and enjoying the conquered lands, that the Company
could have no right, title, or claim to them, even
when they were acquired by the ccnquejls of their owft
troops.
Yet fuch is the pertinacious effrontery of thefe oli-
garchs •, they, neverthelefs, prefume to with-hold
from their lawful fovereign, not only the property of
thefe lands which have been conquered by their forces,
but the property alfo of thofe territories which were
conquered in conjunction, and under the command
of his Majefty's land and naval armaments, in de-
fiance of the King, the constitution, and the laws.
That thefe lands were acquired by conqueft, is be-
yond refutation : the Company themfelves declare it
in their petition exprefly in thefe ^ords, " Your
*' petitioners have acquired from their enemies, the
w laid Nabobs of Bengal, fome diftricts of land," &c.
Q^ Than
[ 122 ]
That a trading Company, (governed by four-and-
twenty oligarchs, whofe whole capital in trade is but
5,200,000 1. for a loan of 4,200,0001. to the govern-
ment on national fecurity, and a parliamentary right
of borrowing a greater fum from the people, after
confeffing they have no right to fuch territories, pe-
titioning to have them granted, acquiefcing in the
impropriety of the grant, and being refilled by that
very power to which they applied alio for the obtain-
ing a charter to that purpofe) Ihould ftiH'prefume to
difpute the property of thofe lands with that very
King from which they prayed to receive them, is an
aft of effrontery unexampled in the hirlory of all
ages, unlefs in times of open rebellion, when the
fubjccls were actually in arms, and had abfolutely
thrown off all allegiance to their King, and defied his
lawful rule and conftitutional authority.
Whether the behaviour of the Afiatic oligarchs be
included within the definition of rebellion, I cannot
pofitively determine ; but as they have at preient
their armies, unconftitutionally in pofieflion of the
territorial property of his Majefty, as they frill difpute
his undoubted title to thofe lands, and claim a right
in them infupportable by law, it is not impofhble
that the ultimate rdburce, in fupport of this auda-
cioufnefs, may be to thofe very armies. Such being
the true flate of things, I know of no argument
which can evince that this Company is not in actual
rebellion.
Hardy, rapacious, illegal, and unpardonable as
this oppofition and behaviour of the Company mult
certainly appear to all honeil and dilintcrefted men,
there is yet another circumftance not lefs extraordi-
nary and criminal ; it is, that thofe reprefentatives of
the people, whofe duty it was ' in the laft parliament
to refcore to his Majefty his undoubted property, and
to do juftice to the nation and themfelves, mould
have fo long and fo fupinely indulged the infupport-
able
[ «$ ]
able and illegal pertinacioufhefs of a trading Com-
pany : why did they not wreft the rights, liberties,
properties, and commercial privileges of the people
from the fangs of thefe tyrants ? Why did they not
reftore to the mod benignant of Kings his juft rights
anq! properties in Afia, that by the immenfe revenue
of four millions, which they will produce, he may
accomplifh the ardent defire of relieving his fubjects
from oppreilion, and of reinftating his dominions in
their antient fplendor and importance ?
NUMBER XVIII.
Jan. 17, 1769.
TH AT the dominions and the revenues in India,
which are at prefent in the hands of the Eaft
India Company, are the property of the Crown alone y
ufurped and illegally withheld, by that Company,
from their rightful Sovereign, is, I imagine, effectually
proved to the conviction of every individual of com-
mon fenfe : unlefs, indeed, it can be fhewn, that thefe
territories have been granted to that Company by
charter, fubfequent to that which is tranferibed and
referred to in the preceding paper j or that thefe ter-
ritories have not been acquired in confequence of
victories obtained by the armies, not only of the
Afiatic oligarchs, but of the King of Great Britain.
As they ftill perfift in their right of holding and en-
joying thefe dominions, let them produce the charters
by which they have fmc£ been I : but inch
grants they confefTedly do not poiTcis •, or let the legii-
lature take them from their ulurpation.
That fome parts of thefe territories were acquired
by Conquefl, the Company acknowledge in their pe-
Q^ 2 til ion.
f 124 I
tition. That thefe lands, and I believe all which they
have fince obtained, were acquired by conqueft, I
make no doubt that I mall prove beyond the power
of being difp roved. In order to effect this conviction
by the moil: full and coercive evidence, I (hall deli-
neate the wretched fituation' to which the Company
were reduced, during the lafi war, in India ; the
means by which they were extricated and preferved
from perdition •, and I mall then cite the very words
of the treaties made between the Company and the
Nabobs in India, after the latter were defeated by
the Engl. ill forces.
In the year 1755, Commodore James attacked and
took Bencote, a port of great confequence in the do-
minions of Angria the pirate. This port was kept
by the Company, and is itiil in their hands, under
the name of Port Victoria. Will the Company deny
tint this fortrefs was acquired by conqueft ?
In the year 1756, Admiral Watfon, with five of
his Majeity's mips of war, aftifted by the land and
naval -forces of the Company, totally defeated the
forces of Angria, burnt his mips, took his magazines
and treafure, and fubdued the port of Geriah, the
capital of his dominions. It will not be denied that
this alfo was effected by conqueft •, by a conqueft
even, which, had the petition of the Company been
granted, as it was not y could not have entitled that
Company to take poiTeiTion of thofe fortreffes and
territories fubdued by the King's forces : and yet this
indifputable ^rc/>(?r/}> of .his Majefty is ftill unlawfully
held, by this Company, as if they were the fole and
indifputable proprietors.
The Englifh at Calcutta had .committed various
enormities againft the fubjecls of the Nabob of Ben-
gal, without any regard paid to the remonftrances and
complaints of the Indians by the prefident of the
Engiifh factory •, and among others, not lefs atro-
cious, they had irnpriibned a rich merchant, a fubject
of
[ n 5 J
of Serajah Dowla. The Nabob, juRIy relenting thh
injuftice, attacked and took Calcutta ; and in revenge
for the irnpriibned merchant, and other outrages by
the Englifh, he threw all the latter, whom he found
in that place, into a prilbn called the Black Hole.
They con filled of one hundred and forty-lix perfons,
of which twenty-three only furvived the imprifon-
ment of one ni^ht.
In confequence of this event, preparations were
made for the retaking that important place •, and in
the year 1757, Admiral Watfon, wich his Majefty's
fleet under his command, cannonaded the batteries,
which the Nabob had erected in defence of Calcutta,
with fuch vigour, that they were immediately furren-
cered on the debarkation of the troops. Capt. Smyth
alfo in the Bridgewater, and with other forces, re-
duced the town of Nugiflcy, and in revenge for the
imprifonment of the Englifh at Calcutta, he deftroyed
by fire the whole town and magazines which it con-
tained.
Not long after thefe events, Captain Warwick,
with a detachment of feamen in his Majefty's fervice,
joined the land forces commanded by Col. Clive •,
the Nabob, Serajah Dowla, v/as attacked and de-
feated. In confequence of this victory, a treaty v/as
concluded between the Nabob and the Englifh. In
this it was ftipulated, " that the villages which were
" given to the Company by the King's (or Mogul's)
" treaty, but detained by the Subahs (or governors
" of them) be allowed to the Company ; and that
" no impediment or reftriction be put upon the ze-
" mindars [or collectors of the Company's revenues] :
" that restitution be made the Company of their
" factories and fettlements at Calcutta, CofTimbuzar,
" Dacca, &c. which have been taken from them."
Thefe, and many other articles, not neceffary to
be related, were obtained by this treaty. And then
" Admiral Charles Watfon and Col. Clive promiie,
« in
[ 1*8 ]
" in behalf of the Englifh ilation and of the Erigiifh
"- Company, that from henceforth all hoftiiitics fhail
" ceafe in Bengal •, and that the Englifn will always
*' remain in peace and friendship with the Nabob, as
" as long as tliefe articles are kept in torce^ and re-
" main unviolated."
"Will the Company have the face to deny that thefe
territories were acquired by conquefi) when the very
treaty, by which they pretend to the property of thoie
lands, exprefly declares, that all hojlililies Jhall ceafe,
and peace be concluded ? And it fhall be proved in a
very little time, that this prefumption of treaty-mak-
ing in their own name, is equally illegal and unwar-
ranted with their infolence, in difputing the property
of the conquered lands with their Sovereign. And
here it muff be again remarked, that thefe lands were
acquired by the conquefts of his Majeity's forces,
in conjunction with thole of the Company •, and there-
fore not within the terms of the petition, had they
been wholly granted. Notwithstanding thefe unan-
fwerable truths, the Company have ftill the hardineis
to retain and to difpute the property of thofe territories
with their King, to whom they have lworn allegiance :
and what is yet more ignominious, they have hitherto
heen fupinely permitted to withhold them from the
fervice of the ftate.
On March the 2 2d, Chandanagore, the chief kt-
dement of the French in Bengal, was reduced by
Admiral Watfon and Col. Clive ; and all the artillery
and other effects fell into their hands.
Notwithftanding this treaty fo folemnly concluded
in the latter end of the month of February, " It was
" fufpetled that' the Nabob had hoftik dejigns •, and
*,' therefore it was relblved to re-commence the war
" againft him. Meer Jaffier, then one of the Na-
" bob's principal officers, promifed to join with us,
** upon condition that the government of Bengal
" fliould be conferred upon him after the defeat of
« Serajah
[ I2 7 ]
" Serajah Dow! a." I'hefe are the words in Mr. Fa. -
/Uteris Narrctive.
Can the hiltory of the univerfe afford a more igno-
minious and inhuman act than this breach of treaty,
commencing hoftiiities, entering into engagements
with a traitor to dethrone his ibvereign, and to give
his dominions to that rebellious fervant ? Yet were
all thefe infidious reiblutions undertaken and executed,
upon the bare fufpicion of Serajah Dowla's having
defigns to re-commence hoftiiities. Was this a defenfive
war entered into according to the terms and reftrictions
of their charters ? Was this war to right and recom-
pence themielves for injuries received, when there was
confeffediy no injury, nor the leafl infraction of one
article of the treaty pretended even to have been at-
tempted by the Nabob ? Is it not an action exprefly
forbidden by all the laws of God and man ?
As the effect of this execrable breach of faith, and
covenant ftipulated with Meer Jaffier, the traitor,
war was undertaken againft Serajah Dowla ; and by
the affiftance of fome leamen in his Majefty's fervice,
commanded by one of their own officers, together
with the forces of the Company, commanded by Col.
Clive, and aftifted by the treafon and treachery of
Meer Jaffier, together with the aid of a good mud-
wall, a fhower of rain which rendered the enemy's
artillery unferviceable, an attack, or rather a march
to an eminence, made by Captain Fitzpatrick, with-
out oppofition, and above all, the cowardice of the
Afiatics, the battle of Piaffey was won on the 19th
of June, not full four months after the conclufion of
the preceding treaty. The bloodinefs and difficulty
of acquiring this conqueft is perfectly evinced by
the vaft number of the Company's troops which were
flain in the field of battle, amounting, on the moft
accurate refearch, to full twenty men, moft of which
were Seapoys.
JLet
[ tit ]
Let no Briton, henceforth, mention the miferies
and inhumanity of their countrymen being confined
by Indians in the Black Hole ; in which act it is pro-
bable there was not the leaft intention in the Nabob
of putting them to death ; when fuch infidious and
inhuman deeds, as thole above related, have been
perpetrated by the fanguinary fervants of the Eaffc
India Company, approved and ratified by the four-
and-twenty directorial tyrants.
This victory being won, Colonel Clive marched to
Muxadavad, and there placed Meer Jaffier on the
throne, and faluted him Subah, or Nabob, of Bengal,
Bahar, and Orixa, as the reward of his treafon to his
Sovereign ; and that nothing of that kind might be
omitted on that occafion, that treachery was com-
pleated by the murder of Serajah Dowla in fecret.
All this heinous tranfacYion was entered upon and
accomplished on the mere fiifpicion of hcjlile defigns in
Serajah Dowla. And yet the heaven-bom General had
folemnly fubferibed the following declaration at the
conclufion of that treaty which the Company's fer-
vants had now violated on fufpicion only.
" I, Colonel Clive, Commander of the Englifh
" land-forces in Bengal, do folemnly declare, in pre-
" fence of God and our Saviour, that there is peace be-
" tween the Nabob, Serajah Dowla, and the Englifh :
" they, the Englifh, will inviolably adhere to the ar-
" tides of the treaty made with the Nabob : that as
" long as he fhall obferve his agreement, the Englifh
" will always look upon his enemies as their enemies,
" and whenever called upon, will grant him all the
" afliftance in their power." And yet thefe very
Englifh, without the leaft pretended caufe of provo-
cation, concluded an infidious alliance with a traitor,
the worft of enemies, depofed his Sovereign and their
ally, and placed that rebel on the throne of his mur-
dered matter.
Auri fa era fames quid non mortalia pettore coges ?
NUMBER
[ 129 ]
NUMBER XIX.
Jan. 1 8, lybg*
S the natural confeauence of the treafon and
i
perfidy perpetrated by the preceding tranfac-
tions, a treaty was concluded between the exalted
traitor and the heaven-bom General, accompanied by
the Admiral, Governor Drake, and Mr. Watts. As
Mr. Vanfittart has placed the conclufion of this al-
liance, after the enthroning the new Nabob, I have
followed him ; but as he has not mentioned the addi-
tional article included in this paper, I am perfuaded
that the.fe were the terms which had been itipulated
when the fervants of the Company firft agreed with
Meer Jaffier to affift his treafon, and depole ins maf-
ter and their unoffending ally. The fubfequent arti-
cles form a part of that treaty :
" That the enemies of the Englifh were the ene-
" mies of the Nabob, whether they be Indians or
u Europeans.
" All the factories and effects belonging to the
k * French in Bengal were to remain in the poffeffioii
" of the Englifh, nor were they ever to be allowed
xt any rhore to fettle in the three provinces.'
" Recompence, in exprefs fums, was agreed on to
" be paid by the Nabob for the plunder of Calcutta-,
" and for the charges occafioned by the maintenance
" of the forces, he bound himfelf to give one crcfe
u of rupees." Has the government ever received
one milling for that part of the expence which was
incurred by the King's fleet and forces engaged in this
affair ? " Within the ditch which furrounds the bor-
*' ders of Calcutta, are tracts of land belong-in o; to-
** ieveral zemindars (or perfons who hold tracts of
R « land
t '3° 1
** land immediately of the government, on conditio**
" of paying the rents of them). Befides this, he
" granted the Englifh Company fix hundred yards
" without the ditch.
" All the lands lying louth of Calcutta, as far as
" Culpee, fhall be under the zemindary (the lands
" held by the tenure of paying the rents) of the Eng-
" lifh Company, and all the officers- of thofe parts
" fhall be under their jtirifdiclion.
" "Whenever I, Meer Jaffier, demand the affiftance
" of the Englifh, I will be at the charge of the
•' maintenance of them.
" As foon as I, Meer Jaffier, fhall be eftablifhed
* c in the government of the three provinces, the
" aforefaid fums fhall be faithfully paid."
And then as an additional article, " On condition?
" that Meer Jaffier fhall folemnly ratify, confirm by
" oath,, and execute all the above articles, which the
" underwritten, on behalf of the honourable Eafl
" India Company, do ; declaring on the Holy Gof-
" pels, and before God, that we will affiit Meer
*' Jaffier with all our forces to obtain the Subahfhip
" of the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and OrifTa :
"and further, that we will aflift him to the utmoffe
" againft all his enemies whatever, as foon as he calls
•* upon us for that end, provided that he, on his
*' coming to be Nabob, fhall fulfil the aforefaid ar-
" tides."
From the latter part of this article, is it not more'
than probable that this treaty was entered into before
$he defeat of Serajah Dowla? The day on which it
was concluded is not inferred in the paper from whence
I have tranferibed the preceding paflage, though it is
laid to be in the month of June 1757 •, but whether
k was before the battle, or fo foon after it, that the
provinces were not then under the dominion of Meer
jaffier, it is felf-evident that thefe lands were acquired
by
[ '3* 1
by conqueft ; and moft probably it was ftipulated be-
fore the battle that they lhould be acquired by con-
cueft. This is a truth too coercive to be refilled ;
and in this victory, alio, I mult add, that his Majef-
ty's forces being engaged, the property alio of thefe
lands is the King's, for the reafons already fo repeatedly
afligned.
By this treaty Meer Jaffier was now to be fupported
againil all his enemies whatever, and the provinces of
Bengal, Bahar, and OriiTa, to be preferved to him ;
and thus the fubfcribers in behalf of the Company,
who had affifted Meer Jaffier to dethrone and murder
his immediate Sovereign, now entered into an alliance
with him to fupport his rebellion againft the Mogul,
:o whom, by the conftitution of Indoltan, he was,
as Nabob, a fubject, and could not lawfully hold
hofe provinces, nor exercife the powers of the Subah-
fhip without firft receiving an authority from the
Mogul. And from thefe tranfa&ions it appears, that,
to the obfervation of Mr. Dow, it may be juftly
added, that Meer Jaffier was raifed to the government
of Bengal by the villanies of the Engiilh.
For this horrible tranfaction Col. Clive was re-
warded with a jaghire, which produces an annual re-
venue of thirty thoufand pounds. Let him enjoy it
if he can !
By fubfequent agreements in the fame and the pre-
ceding year, and as confecutive of that being accom-
plilhed which had been ftipulated in the treaty, the
lands were fpecifically mentioned which the Nabob
granted ; among thefe were the falt-petre lands in the
whole province of Bahar.
The power of the Eaft India tyrants being thus
reinftated, ftrengthened, and extended in Bengal,
their affairs were, during this time, reduced to a
diftrefsful fituation on the Coaft of Coromandel.
Fort St. David's was taken by the French, and Lally,
R z the
[ *32 ]
the French General, had inverted Madras. Had this
commander fucceeded in this enterprize, there can
exift no doubt, that all the victories in Bengal would
hive been totally reverfed by forces fent from Fondi-
cherry to thofe parts : but happily at this time Admi-
ral Pocock arrived with his Majefty's fleet, and Col.
Draper with the land-forces ; the former prevented
the, French navy, under the command of Monfieur
D'Ache, from efFe6ting any fignal fervice, and by the
latter the fiege of Madras was raifed. Thefe fuc-
cefTes, with the fubfequent victories, not only re-efta-
blifned the tottering (late of the Eaft India Company,
but laid that foundation on which alone their vaft
acquifitions have fince been fo enormoufly raifed, and
without which the four-and-twenty tyrants would
fcarcely have had exiftence.
Meer Jaffier was Nabob of Bengal when Mr. Van-r
fittart arrived to take" the government of Calcutta in
the year 1760. The affairs of that new ally and of
the Company were at that time in no very profpe-
rous fituation. Many are the inftances which are
brought by Mr. Vanfittart to prove that they were
in that flate; and to juftify his conduct. But, in
fact, all thefe are founded on this fole bafis, that the
intertfk bf 'the Eaft India Company required the pur-
fuit of thofe meafures which he adopted and eftablifh-
cd. How far this is to be confidered as. an adequate
j uitification, my readers will determine.
" The army of Meer Jaffier was then at Patna, in
" rebellion againft the Mogul, and -he was fupported
" by the Englifh according to the conditions of the
" treaty. The troops of the Nabob were all but in
" open rebellion, becaufe they were not paid ; and
" they threatened to put the Nabob to death. The
" Englifh army was not in a much better condition :
*' the Nabob was unable to pay the field expences
J* according to his treaty, and the Englifh treafurya^
" Calcutta
[ *33 1
" Calcutta was fo much drained, that in was with
•" difficulty the current expenccs could be provided.
" The Nabob, however, had afiigned fome of his
" countries for the payment of the iums which were
" due ; and, on the reftoration of the lands, he had
" pledged in the Company's hands a quantity of
" jewels, which were accepted. But as the Company
** would have fufered a considerable iofs by their alliance
" with the .Nabob y and a itill more interefting objecl:
"' for the Englifh nation in India, the fuccefs of the
" undertaking againft Pondicherry, which was then
" invefted, depended, in a great meafure, on a fup-
" ply of money." Every confideration, but that of
the Company's intereft, was totally difregarded.
The ion of Meer Jaffier, who commanded his
army, being killed by lightening, and no other to
lucceed him, the Governor and council of Calcutta
determined on the perlbn who mould undertake the
administration of the Nabob's affairs, and lucceed
him in the Subahlhip of the provinces j and in this
manner uiurped that right which does, in reality,
belong to the Mogul. In this meafure the Englifh
had no authority to interfere •, but the intereft of. the
Company bore down every oppofuion, and juftice was
totally; unconsidered in the whole tranfaclion.
Mr. Vanfittart and the SelecT: Committee were de-
termined to place Cofllm Aly Cawn in the miniflry
pf the Nabob's affairs, and to make him his fucceflbr.
This CofTim had married the only furviving legitimate
child of Meer Jaffier. And in this relolution the
opinion of Mr. Holwell was followed by the Sele<ft
Committee. The council were, however, divided in
their opinions, though the Committee were not. Mr.
Amyatt and Col. "Caillaud had written to Meer
Jafher, t in favour, of his infant grandfon, and that
Kaja Rejeballah, late Treafurer to the Nabob's de-.
ceafed ,fon, fliould have the management of affairs
during his minority, and the negotiations of each
party
[ w 1
party were unknown to the other. Such was the ftate
of things when Coffim Aly Cawn arrived at Calcutta ;
and as he came with fears and fufpicions of the Na-
bob's difinclination to him, for the favour already
fhewn him by the Englifh, it naturally led him to fall
in with any meafures which might be propoled by
them, as a means of fecuring the continuation of the
fame intereft in his behalf.
By the treaty made with Meer Jaffier, he was to
furnifii the Company's forces with a lack of rupees - y
{about twelve thoufand pounds a month) but as this
was not fufrkient, they difregarded the exprefs con-
ditions of this ftipulation, and infilled upon a larger
ium, and lands to be conveyed to the Company for
that purpofe. Coffim Aly Cawn, who was now
treacheroufly negotiating with the Select Comnjittee,
agreed to cede to the Company lands to the yearly
amount of fifty lacks of rupees, upon condition of
the Englifh fecuring his appointment to the vacant
offices of the Nabob's deceafed fon, the chief admi-
nifi ration of all the affairs of the government under
Meer Jaffier, and the fucceflion to the Subahfhip after
Iiis death. This was, in fact, immediately to become
the Nabob of Bengal.
NUMBER XX.
Jan. 19, 1769,
E E R JafHer, not willing to fupplant himfelf
in his Subahfhip, by flipulating the terms
required for CofTim Aly Cawn, nor to be rendered
infigniricant during life, agreed to the propofition,
that his grandibn mould fucceed him. After many
councils and tranfa&ions of the Select Committee, it
wa*
[ '35 1
was refolved to conclude a treaty with CofUm Aly
Cawn on the following terms.
" ift. The Nabob, Meer JafSer, fhall continue in
" the poffeflion of his dignities, and all affairs fhall be
tc tranfacted in his name, and a fuitable income mall
" be allowed for his expences.
" 2d. The deputy government' of the Subahfhij>
* of Bengal, Azimabad, and OriiTa, cxc. fhall be con-
" ferred by his Excellency the Nabob on Cofijm Aly
" Cawn : he fhall be veiled with the adminiftratbn
*• of all the affairs of the provinces, and after his
" Excellency, he fhall fucceed to the government.
" 3d. Betwixt us and CofTim Aly Cawn a firm
*< friendfhip and union- is eftablifhed ± his enemies are
*• our enemies, and his friends are our friends.
" 4th, The Europeans and Seapoys of the Englifh.
" army mail be ready to aflift the Nabob, Coffim Aly
* Cawn, in the management of all affairs, and in all
* affairs dependant on him they fliall exert them-
" felves to the utmoft of their abilities.
'« 5th, For the charges of the Company, and of
u the faid army, and provifions for the field, &c. the
*■ lands of Bardwan^ Midnapoor. and Chittayong,
'« fhall be affigned, and patents for that purpoie fliall
" be written and granted.
" 6th. The Company is to ftand to all loffes, 3ml
" receive all the profits of thefe three countries, and
"• we will demand no more than the three aflignmenr?
" aforefaid.
rt 7th. One half of the lime produced at Silher ;
" for three years, fhall be purchased by the agents of
" the Company, from the people of* the government.
" at the cuftomary rate of that place. The tenants
tl and inhabitants of that place ihall receive no in-
" jury.
" 10th. The meafures for war or peace with tne
" Shah Zada, or the Mogul, and railing iupplies of
** money, and the concluding both thefe points, ihall
" be
[ tt$ ]
H be weighed iii the balance of reafon-$ and whatevcf
" is judged expedient mall be put in execution; and
" it mall be contrived by our joint councils, that he
♦4 be removed from this country, nor fuffered to get
" any footing in it. .Whether there be peace with
" the Shah Zada, or not, our agreement with Coflim
** Aly Cawn, we will, by the grace of God, inviolably
" obicrve, as long as the Englim Company's factories
" continue in the country." This treaty was figned
with the Company's feal, and by Corlim Aly Cawn.
In this deteflable manner the Select Committee,
confiding of Meff. Vanfittart, Caillaud, Sumner^
Holwell, and M'Gwire, entered, by treaty, into a
confpiracy againft their ally, with another abandoned
traitor of his Sovereign, and of his father, and in
fupport aifo of a rebellion againft the Mogul. It is
evident alfo, that though by the firft article of the
treaty, Meer Jaffier was to continue in all his digni-
ties ; and Cofiim Aly Cawn was to be Deputy Govern
nor ; that the Select Committee had forgotten them-
felves by the time they came to the fourth, for he is
therein ftiled the Nabob ; and thus the firft is con-^
feffedly collufive and untrue ; and yet all thefe enor-
mities were to be traniacted by the grace of God,
This treaty being concluded, the traitor, Coflirci
Aly Cawn, let out for Moorfhedabad, and within
two days Mr. Vanfittart and Col. Caillaud followed
him, to perfuade the Nabob to comply with thefe
opprefiive and indignant terms of his fubject. But
the Select Committee concluding that they would be
rejected, difpatched after them the powerful argu-
ments of " two complete companies of military, a
" company of artillery with four pieces of cannon,
" and Capt. Tably's battalion of leapoys •, and this
" detachment was infidioufly reprefented to the Na-
" bob, as defigned to reinforce the army at Patna."
In anfwer to the letter of the Seledl Committee,,
acquainting him with what they had refolved, the
Governor*
[ *# ]
Governor replied, " I have great hopes I fhall bb
*' able to obtain the propoled advantages for the
" Company : obtain them, indeed, / will at all events *,
w but I hope, and much wifh, to get it done with-
" out exerting any force.
" Mr. Vanfittart and Col. Caillaud, upon con-
" verfation with Meer JafHer, difcovered that he
" never would confent, without fome degree of force,
" to give Coflim Aly Cawn the means of reftoring
*' order to his affairs ;" that is, by a voluntary re-
fignation of all authority into the hands of his traitor.
" CofTim Aly Cawn alfo was extremely appreheri-
" five that the Nabob, inflead of entrufdng him with
" his affairs, would endeavour to get rid of him.**
And this opinion was juftly founded on the confciouf-
nefs of his guilt ; it was what he righteoufly deferved,
what the Nabob ought to have executed, and a million
pities that it was not effefted.
It was now determinded to depofe Meer Jaffier, and
to place in his feat the rebel Cofllm Aly Cawn •, and
in order to aggravate this reiblution of treafon and
breach of faith, the deed was to be attended with an
aft of facrilege, according to the religion of the
Gentoos. " The night which was to conclude the
" Gentoo feaft, when all the people of that call
" would be pretty well fatigued with their cere-
" monies, was preferred before all others for the ex-
" ecution of this defign •, it was determined there-
" fore, that Col. Caillaud, with two companies of
" military, and fix companies of feapoys, fhould
" crofs the river between three and four in the morn-
" ing; and having joined CofTim Aly Cawn, and his
" people, march to the Nabob's palace, and furround
" it juft at day-break •, and being extremely defirous
" to prevent any difturbance and bloodfhed, the Go-
" vernor wrote a letter to the Nabob. Meafures
" were at the fame time taken for feizing the perfons
« of Koonram, Monelol, and Checon 3 their intention
S " being
" being only to remove thofe three unworthy Mini-
" fters, and place Cofiim Aly Cawn in the full ma-
" nagement of all the affairs, in quality of deputy
" and fucceffor to the Nabob.
" The necefTary preparations being made, the Co-
" lonel joined Coffim Aly Cawn, and marched into the
" court-yard of the palace. The gates of the inner
tc court being fliut, the Colonel formed his men,
" and fcnt the Governor's letter to the Nabob, who
." was at firft in great rage, and long threatened he
" would make what refiftance he could, and take his
" fate. At length, after many meiTages, by means
" of Mr. Mailings and Mr. Lufhington, the Nabob
" finding his perfifting was to no purpofe, fent a mef-
*' fage to Coffim Aly Cawn, that he was ready to fend.
" him the feals, and all the enfigns of dignity, and
" to order the nobit (or band of mufic, allowed to
" none but Princes) to be ftruck up in his name,
" provided he would agree to take the whole charge
" of the government upon him, to difcharge all the
" arrears due to the troops, to pay the ufual revenues
" to the King (or the Mogul) to fave his life and
" honour, and to give an allowance fufficient for his
" maintenance. All thefe conditions being agreed.
" to, Coffim Aly Cawn was proclaimed." And thus,
inftead of being Deputy, as mentioned in the firft
article of the treaty, he was cade Nabobs according
to the fourth.
In this manner the lav/ of nations, the faith of
treaties, the honour of the Englifh, and the dignities
of human kind, were again infidioufly violated to
depofe a prince in their alliance, and to place a traitor
on his throne. And all this was perpetrated becaufe
the Eat!: India Company 'would have fuffered a con-
fiderable lofs by their alliance with the Nabob.
Meer Jaffier came to the Colonel, declaring that he
depended on him for his life. " Notice was then
" fent to the Governor, and he came immediately.
" The
[ '39 ]
*' The old Nabob met him, and' afked him if his
" perfon was fafe. The Governor told him, not
*f only his perfon was fafe, but his government too
** if he pleafed, of which it was never intended to
" deprive him." Meer Jaffier gave no credit to this
declaration, for Cofiim Aly Cawn was declared Na-
bob. He faid, " that he had no more bufinefs at
" the city, that he mould be in continual danger of
" Cofiim Aly Cawn, and defired permiffion to live
" at Calcutta. Cofiim Aly Cawn was then feated on
" the throne, and the Governor and the reft paid him
" congratulations in the ufual form.
" The advantages to the Company were great
" indeed.
" The grants under the great feal of the countries
" of Bardwan, Midnapoor, and Chittayong, were
" immediately received, as well as that for the lime-
** productions at Silhet. A very fevere order was
«' iimed, forbidding all the bankers and merchants to
" refufe the Calcucta rupees, or to afk any exchange
«« on them. A fupply of money was fent with the
" Colonel for the payment of the troops at Patna,
" and a prefent of three or four lacks of rupees,
" befides, was expected to be fent down to Calcutta,
" to help out the Company in their prefent occafions,
" here and at Madras, and the former balance was to
** be paid monthly, according to the old Nabob's
" agreement."
Can it be denied that thefe lands were won by con-
queft, when the treaty by which they were granted,
previous to the depofmg of Meer J arfier, was ftipu-
lated on the exprefs terms of acquiring them by arms ?
and the old Nabob was infidioufly reduced by military
force in his own palace, to furrender all his power
and his dominions into the hands of a rebellious fub-
jeft, whom the Select Committee had trcacheroufly
pledged tliemfelves, by the grace of God, to iupport
and enthrone. Thefe lands, therefore, are undeniably
S 2 the
[ ?4° ]
the property of liis Majefty, according to the exprefs
conditions of that very charter by which the four-andr
twenty tyrants ftill dare illegally to retain them.
Meer Jaffier, that very night, fet out towards Calr
ciKta, where he and his concubines were well re-
ceived, and maintained at the expence of Coflim Aly
Cawn. And in this manner a revolution was effected,
in one inftance, like that in England : the fon-in-law
and daughter afcended the throne of the father ; and
in mofl others like that which had been accomplished
in the dethroning Serajuh Dowla. In this tranfaction,
however, there was no bloodfhed nor Nabob mur-
dered •, and thofe were folely owing to the non-re-
fiftance of Meer Jaffier, for the Governor had deter-
mined to obtain it all events.- This relation is taken
from the narrative of Mr. Vanfittart ; and by that
publication he proves that he was felicitous to pro-
mote the interefts of the Company alone, whatever
might be the reflections which he might incur for
violating the laws of the Almighty and of human
kind.
NUMBER
[ Hi ]
NUMBER XXI.
Jan. 20, 1769.
An Account of the ex-pence and lofs which the nation hath
incurred by the Eajl-India Company, from the year
1698 to 1768, both inclujive, and of what it will
fuffer fhould the charter be permitted to exiji till the
year 1780.
BY the ftatute in 1698, on which the firft parlia-
mentary charter, and all the fubfequent are ex-
prelsly founded, there was a duty of five per cent, laid
upon all Eaft-India commodities imported ; and which
being received at the cuftoms, was paid to the Com-
pany for the fupport of ambaffadors, &c. in India.
This duty, fo laid, has been ever fince that time paid by
the confumer, and amounts £. £.
1,000,000
in 1 o years on 2,000,000 1. to
And in 60 years on
3,200,000 1. to
Land-forces from 1756 to
Office of Ordnance ac-
counts
Granted by Parliament —
Navy Office accounts —
For the detachments of
the train of artillery in 1754
and 1755 —
200 men per annum, to
liipply recruits for the Com-
pany's forces in Afia, for the
rirft 57 years, each man va-
lued at 15I. per annum: la-
bour and life at 12 years
purchafe —
2000 men ditto, for 14
years, valued as above —
Expence and lofs to the na-
tion, exclufive of intereft —
9,600,000
484>735-
197,992
120,000
2,812,770
28,048
2,052,000
5,040,000
2i>335>545
[ 142 ]
£■
Expence, &c. brought over 2 1,335,545
An Account of the accumulated intereji in
the above fums^ according to the inter efts
which were paid per cent, and the times
in which each fum was paid.
Intereft of 8 per cent, for 10 years on
the 5 per cent, duty, paid by the con-
fumer to the Company, viz. on 1 00,000 1.
for the firft year, on 200,000 1. for the
fecond, encreafing 1 00,000 1. £.
annually, to the 10th year — 440,000
Intereft for three years on
the 1,000,000 1. above men-
tioned, at 6 per cent, with
the fame intereft for three
years on 1 60,000 1. annually
encreafing to 480,0001. in
the fame manner as before. — 237,600
Intereft for 19 years, at 5
per cent, on 1,480,0001. be-
ing the 1,000,000 1. and
480,000 1, above mentioned,
with the fame intereft for 1 9
years on 1 60,000 1. annually
encreafing to 3,040,0001. in
the fame manner as before 2,926,000
Intereft for 2 1 years, at 4
percent, on 4,520,0001. be-
ing the 1,480,000 1. and
3,040,0001. mentioned a-
bove,with the fame intereftfor
2 1 years on 1 6o,oool. annually
encreafing to 3,360,0001. in
the fame manner as before 5,275,200
[ H3 3
Expence, &c. brought over g 1 ,3 3.5,545
Intereft for 17 years at 3
per cent, on 7,880,0001. be-
ing the 4,520,0001. and
3,360,0001. above mention-
ed, with the fame intereft for
17 years on 1 60,000 1. annu-
ally,encreafingto2, 720,0001.
in the fame manner as before 4,753,200
Intereft at 8 per cent, on
36,0001. annually, encreaf-
ino- to 684,0001. the value
of 200 men yearly for 10
years — 158,400
Intereft at 6 per cent, on
36,0001. annually, encreaf-
ingto 108,000 1. the value of-
100 men yearly, for three
years, with the intereft on
360,0001. as above-mention-
ed 77>7 6 °
Intereft at 5 per cent, on
36,0001. annually, encreaf-
ing to 684,000 1. the value of
200 men yearly for 19 years,
with the fame intereft on
468,0001. above mentioned 786,600
Intereft at 4 per cent, on
36,0001. annually, encreaf-
ing to 756,000 1. the value of
200 men yearly for 2 1 years,
with the fame intereft on
1,152,0001. being the
684,0001. and 468,0001.
mentioned as above for that
time — — 1,300,000
C H4 3
£- £•
Expence,&c. brought over 21 >335>545
Intereft at 3 per cent, on
36,0001. annually, encreaf-
ing to 144,0001. the value of
200 men yearly for 4 years,
with the fame intereft on
1,908,000!. being the
756,0001. and the 1 , 1 52,0001.
above mentioned — 2 39>76o
Intereft at 3 per cent, on
36,0001. annually, encreaf-
ing to 5,040,0001. the value
of 2000 men yearly for 14
years, with the fame intereft
on 2,052,0001. being the
144,0001. and the 1, 908,0001.
above mentioned — 1,995,840
■ 18,190,680
Expence and lofs already incurred — — ■
to the nation inclufive of principal and
intereft . _ 39,526,225
U
TO
Expence, &:c. brought over 39,526,225
The Account continued, Jhould the Company
be fuffered to exiji to the end of the term
granted by charter.
2000 men annually rated for the 1 1
years as before ■ —
— v
3,960,000
3 percent, duty on 3,100,0001. annu-
ally for ditto
1,760,000
Intereft for 11 years at 3
per cent, on 360,000 1.
annually, encreafing to
3,960,0001. to the end of
£
the charter
712,80.0
Ditto on 1,760,0001. rated
at the increafe of 1 60,000 1.
annually
316,800
Intereft on 21,335,5441.
the amount of the expence
incurred, without reckoning
intereft to the end of the
charter ■ — 7,940,715
%>97°i3 l 5
This will be the national expence and
lofs, mould the Company be fuffered to
exift till the end of their charter — 54,216,540
Such are the enormous expence and lofs which this
nation hath gradually incurred iince the commence-
ment of this Eaft-India Company, to the end of the
year 1768, and will fuft'er fhould they be permitted to
continue till the expiration of the charter. This
grievous oppreiTion, my countrymen, we have born
■ for the fupport of a trade confifting of a capital of
3,2CO,oool. only, and which has been dividing at all
times 6 per cent, or more, and from the hands of ty-
rants, excluding their fellow-fubjects from their un-
T do^
[ 146 ]
doubted rights, liberties, and commercial privileges,
exerting arbitrary power, dethroning Princes who had
infracted no law of nations or of nature, retaining
their Sovereign's indifputable property, and bidding
avowed defiance to the legiftature.
It is eafy to be difcerned, that the preceding account
might be greatly encreafed byjuft charges, by adding
intefeft upon intereft in their method of reckoning.
And Alice the labouring fubjefts are the genuine
riches of this kingdom, it might be augmented in the
number of men, whofe labour has been loft to the
nation. In fuch employments every man engaged is
a robber of the public weal : wherefore, not only the
preceding thoufands, but every individual employed
in that commerce is a public lofs ; and, in this view,
to what would then your expences amount ?
The Afiatic trade has at all times been difadvanta-
geous to the ftate •, and it would have been a patriotic
aft, long fince, to have fupprefTed it -, but luxury en-
creafing with fuch wide and rapid violence, has ren-
dered the commodities of the Ealt to be ranked among
the necefTaries of life. And as voluptuoufnefs wiil
know no controul, but find the means for indulging
her fenfuality, thofe commodities will be procured
from other nations, and the evil will nevertheless
prevail. On this account it has been thought more
proper to permit that commerce to be carried on by
Englifh fubjefts, than to receive the like productions
at more expence from other maritime fcates.
But fhall this tyrannic Company, whofe produce
hath tempted you to a vicious indulgence, be raifed to
Sovereigns by the vices they have created ? Shall the
obpreffion we have born, the treafures we have lofr,
the blood we have fpilt in acquiring dominions in
Afia, be all converted to the aggrandifement and ty-
ranny of a let of men, many of whom, from dirt it-
lelf, have fo fuddenly rifen by fraud, by rapine, and
bv murder, into the exaltation of princely fortunes,
that, aftonifhed with their afcent, their heads are
turned.
[ »*> ]
turned, and they treat their Sovereign with contempt?
Even the riches they have brought to this realm are
a curie to the community. MiHaking extravagance
for liberality, and willing to obliterate the imputation
of all kind of criminality by prodigality, they care
not at what prices they purchafe the neceffaries of
life ; and thus advancing them on the poor and in-
duftrious, extend that oppreffion into England which
they exercifed with fuch cruelty in India. Are fuch
men the proper reprefentatives of a free people I No:
let the nation univerfally enjoy the advantages, which
even their vices can d reduce, and which their courage
and their fufferings delerve ; and wreft the iron
fceptre from the hands of thefe imperious, low-bom
oligarchs.
Befides the preceding articles which arc omitted ih
the account, there is nothing eftimated for the land
and naval forces in the King's fervice, which have
been employed in wars anterior to the lafl. Should
all thefe particulars be added to the preceding fum, to
what excefs would it not amount ? But there is al-
ready more than fufficient to excite one univerfal de-
teftation againft thefe iniblent ulurpers ; your repre-
fentatives will not permit thefe audacious fubjefts to
difpute their Sovereign's property with himfelf and
the legiflature : they will not fuffer fuch indignities to
be fo confidently offered to themfelves without a juft
refentment for fuch unprecedented infolence. Will
they protract the extirpation of the people's oppref-
fions, retard the falvation of the kingdom, and ratify
the ufurpation and power of four-and-twenty tyrants ?
If they are Britons, they will not forget their coun-
try's caufe, their Sovereign's dignity and right, and
their own honour and happinefs.
P. S. To-morrow the account 6f the vaft advan-
tages which the Company muft acquire by retaining
the lands, and the injuries which the King and nation
mult fuffer by permitting them.
T 2 NUMBER
I >4 8 ] " :
NUMBER XXII.
Jan. 21, 1769.
THE account Hated in the preceding paper is
fuch as cannot be reafonably objected to, I will
now confider it in a comparative view, which may
ferve to illuftrate the fubjecL
The annual intereil on
39,526,200!. the iois and
expence which the nation
hath luffered to the prelent £. £.
time, is 1,185,786
The value of Engliih and
other commodities annually
exported — — 780,771
Deduct the latter from the
former, and the intereil ex-
ceeds the exports by — 405,015
Duties onEaft India goods
annually imported on a me-
dium of 10 years — 53&>73 2
Deduct the 5 per cent, paid
to the Company, for the iup-
port of Ambafladors, &c. on
^,200,ocol. 160,000 378, 732
Intereft of expence exceeds
the duties by — 807,054,
On 4,200,000 1. borrowed by government, accord-
ing to the lofs the nation has already fuftained, there
is paid upwards of 28 per cent, exclufive of the three
per cent, which is paid on the fum of 4,200,000 1.
Befides the preceding particulars, the duties paid
to government are leffened by the drawbacks on Eaft-
India goods exported, which cannot be eltimated, be-
caufe there is no feparate account of them kept at the
Cuftom-Houie.
A State
[ H9 1
A State of the affairs cf the Eafi-India Company, reta*
the to the Afiatic revenues and commerce.
The territories, acquired
in Bengal, are allowed by
the Company to produce an- £. £~
nually, free of all expences 1,300,000
The territories lately ac-
quired in the Myibre and
Carnatic countries, will pro-
duce a clear 2,000,000 1. an-
nually •, but let it be eili-
mated at
— — 1,700,000
The merchandize in fo-
reign and Englifh commo-
dities, annually exported to
the Eaft-Indies, on a me-
dium of 12 years, as deli-
vered into parliament is — 820,556
The bullion, on a medium
of 3 years before the year
1758, and when the trade
was on the old footing — 6 -$6^3 5
The preceding fum of
1,456,9911. annually ex-
ported, paid all the expences
of the fleets, armies, factories,
and fervants in the Compa-
ny's fervice, both in Eng-
land and Alia, and there re-
mained a clear profit on the
trade 400,000
Since the acquifition of
the Bengal dominions, the
revenues of thefe lands have
fuoplied the bullion, or will
do
— 3,000,000
1,456,991
C l 5° 3
do It, fo that there is more
exported. That fum is in-
verted in goods in Afia, and
brought home to England,
and may be confidered as
clear profits, becaufe it is a
clear produce 636,43$
The expence of the army
being paid by the revenues of
Bengal, and 1,300,0001. of
that revenue remaining clear
after all expences. By this
alteration, the Company not
only fave that charge on their
trade, but inveft that expence
in goods alfo : and this, at
the loweft eflimate is — 450,00^
Hence it appears, that the
Company can eafily inveft
1,086,435!. annually in In-
dia commodities, which will
produce in England, toge-
ther with the old profits of
400,0001. to be yearly di-
vided, the fum of 1,486,435
And this fum of 1,486,4351.
will be returned as above, on
an export of the merchan-
dize only, which is 820,5561.
and that will be the whole
capital which is necelfary to
carry on their trade annually
for the future.
Thus the money inverted
in goods, amounting to — 1,086,435
The clear revenues to — 3,000,000
The profits according to
the old eftimate ~ 400,000
Are — — r- 4,486,435
t >fi> ]
But as the bullion of the Afiatic reve-
nues is invefted in the place of the bul-
lion formerly exported, that fum is to
be confidered as part of the clear reve-
nues, and 636,4351. is to be deducted
from the 4,486,435!.
From this fum of 3,850,0001. deduct
the fums inverted in India, and brought
home to England — —
There will then remain in India —
Should the Company be permitted to
continue their trade on the payment of
400,0001. yearly, that fum muft be de-
ducted from the money brought home
by inveftments, and gotten by profits,
which being 1,486,4351. there will then
annually ariie to the Company in Eng-
land a clear product of — —
6 J6A35
3,850,000
1,086,435
3,850,000
1,080,435
The remainder in India of 3,850,0001. is to be
employed as the Company may pleafe.
The difficulties which at preient apparently em-
barrafs the Company in the payment of the 400,0001.
are fuch as have arifen in part from their miimanage-
ment, but chiefly from a premeditated defign, in or-
der to have the prete: of offering objections to the
paying any Lrger fum to government, and by thefe
means to obtain their purfuits on the payment of that
fum for the future. But as all thefe difficulties will
be certainly removed as foon as they think fit, the
power of that removal bein?- in their own hands,
their affairs muft then be efbolifhed in the preceding
manner.
Such are the lofs and expenc which the nation has
fuftained by the Eaft-India Company, as Hated in
the
1
