MM
* 4 v
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
PRESENTED BY
PROF. CHARLES A. KOFOID AND
MRS. PRUDENCE W. KOFOID
A
GENERAL
HISTORY AND COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS
OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE,
BY SEA AND LAND,
FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.
BY
ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
VOL, VI.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH
AND T. CADELL, LONDON.
MDCCCXXIV.
v.
CONTENTS
OF
VOL. VI.
PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.
Page
CHAP. XI. Early English voyages of discovery to America.
Introduction, ........ 1
SECT. I. Discovery of Newfoundland by John
and Sebastian Cabot in 1497, in
the service of Henry VII. of Eng-
land, ..... 3
II. Discourse by Galeacius Butrigarius,
Papal Legate in Spain, respecting
the Discoveries in America, by
Sebastian Cabot, ... 4?
III. Notice concerning Sebastian Cabot
by Ramusio, in the Preface to the
third Volume of his Navigations, 6
IV. Notice respecting the voyage of Se-
bastian Cabot to the north-west,
from Peter Martyr ab Angleria, 7
V. Testimony of Francisco Lopez de
Gomara, concerning the disco-
veries of Sebastian Cabota . 9
VI. Note respecting the discoveries of
Sebastian Cabot ; from the latter
part of Fabians Chronicle, . ib
VII. Brief notice of the discovery of
J V CONTENTS.
Page
Newfoundland, by Mr Robert
Thorne, . . . . 10
CHAP. XI. SECT. VIII. Grant by Edward VI. of a Pension
and the Office of Grand Pilot of
England to Sebastian Cabot, . ib.
IX. Voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Se-
bastian Cabot about the year
1516, to Brazil, St Domingo, and
Porto Rico, )*'.) . . 11
X, Brief note of a voyage by Thomas
Tison to the West Indies, before
the year 1526. . . . .14
CHAP XII. The Voyages of Jacques Cartier from St Ma.
Iocs to Newfoundland and Canada, in the
years 1534 and 1535.
Introduction, . . ,ffi-..-: . . . . 15
SECT. I. The first voyage of Jacques Cartier
. A r to Newfoundland and Canada, in
1534, Y ; . . . 16
II. The second voyage of Jacques Car.
tier, to Canada, Hochelega 3 Sa.
guenay, and other lands now cal-
led New France ; with the Man-
ners and Customs of the Natives, 33
III. Wintering of Jacques Cartier in Ca-
nada in 1536, and return to
France in 1537, . . .55
BOOK III. Continuation of the Discoveries and Conquests
of the Portuguese in the East ; together with
$ome account of the early voyages of other
European Nations to India, . . .69
wit cr V:K..
CHAP. I. Discoveries, Navigations, and Conquests of the
Portuguese in India, from 1505 to !539, both
inclusive, icsumed from Book I. of this Part, ib.
SECT. L Course of the 'ndian Trade before
the Discovery of the Route by
the Cape of Good Hope, with
some account of the settlement of
the Arabs on the East Coast of
Africa, ... 73
CONTENTS. V
Page
CHAP. I. SECT. II. Voyage of Don Francisco de Al-
meyda from Lisbon to India, in
quality of Viceroy, with an ac-
count of some of his transactions
on the Eastern coast of Africa
and Malabar, ... 77
III. Some Account of the state of India
at the beginning of the sixteenth
Century, and commencement of
the Portuguese Conquests, . 81
IV. Continuation of .the Portuguese
Transactions in India, during the
Viceroyalty of Almeyda, . 88
V. Transactions of the Portuguese in
India under the Government of
Don Alfonso de Albuquerque,
from the end of 1509, to the
year 1515, . . ' . 126
VI. Portuguese Transactions in India,
under several governors, from the
close of 1515, to the year 1526, 162
VII. Continuation of the Portuguese
Transactions in India, from 1526
to 1538, . . .204
CHAP. II. Particular Relation of the Expedition of Soljr-
man Pacha from Suez to India against the
Portuguese at Diu, written by a Venetian
Officer who was pressed into the Turkish
Service on that occasion.
Introduction, . ... 25JT
SECT. I. The Venetian Merchants and Mari-
ners at Alexandria are pressed into
the Turkish service, and sent to
Suez. Description of that place.
Two thousand men desert from
the Gallies. Tor. Island of So-
ridau. Port of Kor, 259
II. Arrival at Jiddah, thePort of Mecca.
The islands of Alfas, Kamaran,
and Tuiche. The Straits of Bab.
al.Mandub, . . 262
III. Arrival at Aden, where the Sheikh
and four others are hanged. Sequel
of the Voyage to Diu, - 265
VI CONTENTS.
Page
CHAP. II. SECT. IV. The Castle of Diu is besieged by the
Moors. The Turks plunder the
City, and the Indian Generals
withdraw in resentment. The
Pacha lands. A. man 300 years
old. Women burn themselves.
The Fleet removes, . 267
V. A Bulwark Surrenders to the Turks,
who make Galley-slaves of the
Portuguese Garrison ; >vith se?e-
ral other incidents of the siege, 270
VI. Farther particulars of the siege, to
the retreat of the Turks, and the
commencement of their Voyage
back to Suez, * . 273
VII. Continuation of the Voyage back to
Suez, from the Portuguese factory
at Aser, to Khamaran and Kubit
Sharif, . . 275
VIII. Transactions of the I'acha at Zabid,
and continuation of the Voyage
f r.- m Kubit Sarif, . 278
IX. Continuation of the Voyage to Suez,
along the Arabian Shore of the
Red Sea, . . 281
X. Conclusion of the Voyage to Suez,
and return of the Venetians to
Cairo, . 284
CHAP. III. The Voyage of Don Stefano de Gama from Goa
to Suez, in 1540, with the intention of Burn-
ing the Turkish Gallies at that port. Written
by Don Juan de Castro, then a Captain in the
Fleet ; afterwards governor-general of Portu.
guese India.
Introduction, . . . 287
SECT. I. Portuguese Transactions in India,
from the Siege of Diu by the
Turks, to the Expedition of Don
Stefano de Gama to Suez, - 293
II* Journal of the Voyjge from Goa to
the Straits of Bab-el-Mandub, 2-6
III. Continuation of the Voyage, from
tit straits of Bab-el-Mandub to
Massua, . . 301
CONTENTS. Vii
Page
CHAP. III. SECT. IV. Digression respecting the History,
Customs, and State of Abyssinia, 306
V. Continuation of the Journal of De
Castro from Massua to Swakem, 311
VI. Continuation of the Voyage from
Swakem to Comol, . 317
VII. Continuation of the Voyage from
the Harbour of Comol to Toro
or Al Tor, . 334
VIII. Continuation of the Voyage from
Toro or Al Tor to Suez, . 333
IX. Return Voyage from Suez to Massua, 345
X. Return of the Expedition from
Massua to India, . 345
XI. Description of the Sea of Kolzum,
otherwise called the Arabian Gulf,
or the Red Sea. Extracted from
the Geography of Abulfeda, 353
POSTSCRIPT. Transactions of
the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under
Don Christopher de Gama, . 356
CHAP. IV. Continuation of the Portuguese transactions in
India, after the return of Don Stefano de Gama
from Suez in 1541, to the Reduction of Por-
tugal under the Dominion of Spain in 1581, 365
SECT. I. Incidents during the Government of
India by Don Stefano de Gama,
subsequent to his Expedition to
the Red Sea, . . ib.
II. Exploits of Antonio deFaria y Sousa
in Eastern India, . . 359
III. Transactions during the Govern-
ment of Martin Alfonso de Sousa,
from 1542 to 1543, . . 382
IV. Government of India by Don Juan
jde Castro, from 1545 to 1548, 389
V. Transactions of the Portuguese in
India, from 1548 to 1564, under
several Governors, . : 403
VIi Continuation of the Portuguese
Transactions in India, from 1564
to the year 1571, . 416
VII. Portuguese Transactions in India
from] 571 to 1576, . . . 440
Viii CONTENTS.
Page
CHAP. IV. SECT. VIII. Transactions of the Portuguese in
Monomotapa, from 1569 to the
end of that separate government, 447
IX. Continuation of the Portuguese
Transactions in India, from 1576
to 158] ; when the Crown of
Portugal was. usurped by Philip
II. of Spain on the Death of the
Cardinal King Henry, . . . 458
X. Transactions of the Portuguese in
India, from 1581 to 1597^ . . 461
XI. Continuation of the Portnguese
Transactions in India, from 1597
to 1612, . .475
XII. Continuation of the Portuguese
Transactions, from 1512 to 15 17, 497
A
GENERAL HISTORY
AND
COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.
CHAPTER XL
EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY TO AMERICA.
INTRODUCTION.
A LT HOUGH we have already, in the Introduction to
/\^ the Second Chapter of this Book, Vol. III. p. 346.
S'ven some notices of the voyages of John and Sebastian
abot to America in the service of Henry VII. and VIII.
it appears proper on the present occasion to insert a full re-
port of every thing that is now known of these early naviga-
tions : As, although no immediate fruits were derived from
these voyages, England by their means became second only
to Spain in the discovery of America, and afterwards became
second likewise in point of colonization in the New World.
The establishments of the several English colonies will be re-
sumed in a subsequent division of our arrangement.
It has been already mentioned that Columbus, on leaving
Portugal to offer his services to Ferdinand and Isabella of
Spain for the discovery of the Indies by a western course
through the Atlantic, sent his brother Bartholomew to make
VOL. vi. A a
c ! English Voyages of PART n. BOOK u.
a similar offer to Henry VII. King of England, lest his pro-
posals might not have been listened to by the court of Spain.
Bartholomew, as has been formerly related, was taken by
pirates ; and on his arrival in England was forced to procure
the means of living, and of enabling himself to appear before
the king, by the construction and sale of sea-charts and maps,
in which he had been instructed by his brother. Owing to
this long delay, when he at length presented himself to King
Henry, and had even procured the acceptance of his brothers
proposals, so much time had been lost that Isabella queen of
Castille had already entered into the views of his illustrious
brother, who had sailed on his second voyage to the West
Indies, while Bartholomew was on his journey through France
to announce to him that Henry King of England had agreed
to his proposals.
The fame of the astonishing discovery made by Columbus
in 1 591, soon spread throughout Europe; and only four
years afterwards, or in 1595, a patent was granted by Henry
VII. to John Cabot, or Giovani Cabota, a Venetian citizen,
then resident in England, and his three sons, Lewis, Sebas-
tian, and Sancius, and their heirs and deputies, to sail to all
parts countries and seas of the east west and north, at
their own cost and charges, with five ships ; to seek out dis-
cover and find whatsoever islands, countries, regions, or pro-
vinces belonging to the heathen and infidels, were hitherto
unknown to Christians, and to subdue, occupy, and possess
all such towns, cities, castles, and islands as they might be
able, setting up the royal banners and ensigns in the same,
and to command over them as vassals and lieutenants of the
crown of England, to which was reserved the rule, title, and
jurisdiction of the same. In this grant Cabot and his sons,
with their heirs and deputies, were bound to bring all the
fruits, profits, gains, and commodities acquired in their voyages
to the port of Bristol ; and, having deducted from the pro-
ceeds all manner of necessary costs and charges by them ex-
pended, to pay to the king in wares or money the fifth part
of the free gain so made, in lieu of all customs or other dues
of importation on the same. By these letters patent, dated
at Westminster on the 5th of March in the eleventh year of
Henry VII. all the other subjects of England are prohibited
from visiting or frequenting any of the continents, islands,
villages, towns, castles, or places which might be discovered
s by
xi. SECT. i. Discovery to America. $
by John Cabot, his sons, heirs, or deputies, under forfeiture
of their ships and goods '.
No journal or relation remains of the voyages of Cabot
and his sons in consequence of this grant, and we are reduced
to a few scanty memorials concerning them, contained in the
third volume of Hakluyt's Collection of the Early Voyages,
Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation. We quote
from the new edition, with additions, published at London in
1810.
Two years after the before-mentioned letters patent, or on
the 13th of February 1497, a licence was granted by the
same king of England, Henry VII. to John Cabot, to take six
English ships in any haven or havens of England, being of
200 tons burden or under, with all necessary furniture ; and
to take also into the said ships all such masters, mariners, or
other subjects of the king as might be willing to engage with
him.
It would appear that the patent of 1495 had never been
acted upon ; but in consequence of this new licence, John
Cabot and his son Sebastian proceeded from the port of Bristol
and discovered an island somewhere on the coast of America
to which they gave the name of Prima Vista, probably the
island of Newfoundland. The short account of this voyage
of discovery left to us by Hakluyt, is said to have been in*
serted in Latin on a map constructed by Sebastian Cabot,
concerning his discovery in America, then called the West
Indies ; which map, engraved by Clement Adams, was to be
seen in the time of Hakluyt in the private gallery of Queen
Elizabeth at Westminster, and in the possession of many of
the principal merchants in London. This memorandum,
translated into English, is as follows*.
SECTION I.
Discovery of Newfoundland by John and Sebastian Cabot in
1497, in the service of Henry V1L of England.
" IN the year 1497, John Cabot a Venetian and his son
Sebastian, discovered on the 24th of June, about five in the
morning,
1 Hakluyt, III. 26. <? Id. III. 57.
^ English Voyages oj PART n. BOOK. H.
morning, that land to which no person had before ventured
to sail, which they named Prima Vista 1 , QY ^first-seen, be-
cause as I believe it was the first part seen by them from the
sea. The island which is opposite 1 he named St Johns Island,
because discovered on the day of St John the Baptist. The-
inhabitants of this island use the skins and furs of wild beasts
for garments, which they hold in-.as high estimation as we do
our finest clothes. In war they use bows and arrows, spears,
darts, clubs, and slings. The soil is sterile and yields no
useful production ; but it abounds in white bears aud deer
much larger than ours. Its coasts produce vast quantities oi
large fish, among which are great seals, salmons, soles above
a yard in length, and prodigious quantities especially of cod,
which are commonly called l*$callaos 3 . The hawks, par-
tridges, and eagles ot this island, are all black."
Besides the foregoing memorandum on the ancient map,
Hakluyt gives the following testimonies i-especting the dis-
covery of the northern part of America by Cabot.
t SECTION II.
Discourse by Galeacius Butrigarius, Papal Legate hi Spain*
respecting the Discoveries in America, by Sebastian Cabot 1 .
Do you know how to sail for the Indies towards the north-
west, as has been lately done by a Venetian citizen, a valiant
man and so learned in all things pertaining to navigation and
cosmography, that no one is permitted to sail as pilot to the
West Indies who has not received his licence, he being pilot-
major of Spain ? This person, who resides in the city of
Seville, is Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, who is most
expert
1 Presuming that this discovery was Newfoundland, a name nearly of
the same import, perhaps the land first seen was what is now called Cape
Bonavista, in lat. 48 50' N. long. 62* 32' W. from London. In the text,
there is every reason to believe that it is meant to indicate, that Cabot named
the island he discovered St Johns, and only the first seen point of land Priraa-
Vista. E.
2 By this phrase is probably to be understood, the island behind this first-
seen cape named Prlma-Vista. E.
3 Vulgari Sermoni, is translated by Hakluyt, in the language of the
savages ; but we have given it a different sense in the text, that used by
Hakluyt having no sufficient warrant in the original. E,
i Hakluyt, III. 27. from the second volume of Ramusio.
CHAP. xi. SECT. ii. Discovery to America. 5
expert in these sciences, and makes excellent sea-charts with
his own hands. Having sought his acquaintance, he enter-
tained us in a friendly manner, shewing us many things, and
among these a large map of the world containing sundry na-
vigations, both those of the Spaniards and Portuguese. On
this occasion he gave us the following information.
His father went many years since from Venice to England,
where he followed the profession of a merchant, taking this
person his son along with him to London, then very young,
yet having received some tincture of learning, and some know*
ledge of the sphere. His father died about the time when
news was spread abroad that Don Christopher Columbus, the
Genoese, had discovered the coasts of the Indies by sailing
towards the west, which was much admired and talked of at
the court of King Henry VII. then reigning in England, so
that every one affirmed that it was more attributable to divine
inspiration than human wisdom, to have thus sailed by the
west unto the east, where spices grow, by a way never
known before. By these discourses the young man, Sebas-
tian Cabot, was strongly incited to perform some notable and
similar action ; and conceiving by the study of the sphere that
it would be. a shorter route for going to India, than that at-
tempted by Columbus, to sail by the north-west, he caused
the king to be informed thereof^ who accordingly gave orders
that he should be furnished with two ships, properly provided
in all things for the voyage. He sailed with these from Eng-
land in the beginning of 'summer 1496, if I rightly remember,
shaping his course to the north-west, not expecting to find
any other land intervening between and Cathay or Northern
China. He was much disappointed by falling in with land
running toward the north, the coast of which he sailed along
to the lat. of 56 N. and found it still a continent. Finding
the coast now to turn towards the east, and despairing to find
the passage to India and Cathay of which he was in search,
he turned again and sailed down the coast towards the equi-
noctial line, always endeavouring to find a passage westwards
for India, and came at length to that part of the continent
which is now called Florida- 1 . And his victuals running short,
he
2 Florida is here to be taken in the extended sense as at first applied to
the whole eastern coast of North America, to the north el the Gulf of
Mexico. The commencement of this voyage appears to have been in search
of
6 English Voyages of PART n. BOOK n.
he bore away for England ; where he found the country in
confusion preparing lor war with Scotland, so that no farther
attention was paid to his proposed discoveries.
He went afterwards into Spain, where he was taken into
the service of Ferdinand and Isabella, who furnished him with
ships at their expence, in which he went to discover the coast
of Brazil, where he found a prodigiously large river, now
called the Rio de la Plata, or Silver River, up which he sailed
above 120 leagues, finding every where a good country, in-
habited by prodigious numbers of people, who flocked from
every quarter to view the ships with wonder and admiration.
Into this great river a prodigious number of other rivers dis-
charged their waters. After this he made many other voyages ;
and waxing old, rested at home discharging the office of chief
pilot, and leaving the prosecution of discovery to many young
and active pilots of good experience.
SECTION III.
Notice concerning Sebastian Cabot by Ramusio, in the Preface
to the third Volume of his Navigations 1 .
IN the latter part of this volume are contained certain re-
lations of Giovani de Varanzana of Florence, of a certain
celebrated French navigator, and of two voyages by Jacques
Cartier a Breton, who sailed to the land in 50 north lati-
tude, called New France ; it not being yet known whether
that land join with the continent of Florida and New Spain,
or whether they are separated by the sea into distinct islands,
so as to allow of a passage by sea to Cathay and India. This
latter was the opinion of Sebastian Cabota, our countryman,
a man of rare knowledge and experience in navigation, who
wrote to me many years ago, that he had sailed along and
beyond this land of New France in the employment of Henry
VII. of England. He informed me that, having sailed a long
way to the north-west, beyond these lands, to the lat. of 67i
N. and finding the sea on the llth of June entirely open and
without impediment, he fully expected to have passed on that
way
of a north-west passage ; but Sebastian must have gone far above 56 N.
to find the land trending eastwards : He was probably repelled by ice and
cold weather. E.
1 Hakluyt, III. 28.
CHAP. xi. SECT. in. Discovery to America. 7
way to Cathay in the east ; and would certainly have succeed-
ed, but was constrained by a mutiny of the master and mari-
ners to return homewards. But it would appear that the Al-
mighty still reserves this great enterprise of discovering the
route to Cathay by the north-west to some great prince, which
were the easiest and shortest passage by which to bring the
spiceries of India to Europe. Surely this enterprise would be
the most glorious and most important that can possibly be
imagined, and would immortalize him who succeeded in its
accomplishment far beyond any of those warlike exploits by
which the Christian nations of Europe are perpetually ha-
rassed.
SECTION IV.
Notice respecting the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the north-
west, from Peter Martyr ab Angleria 1 .
THESE northern seas have been searched by Sebastian
Cabot, a Venetian, who was carried when very young to
England by his parents, who, after the manner of the Vene-
tians, left no part of the world unsearched to obtain riches.
Having fitted out two ships in England at his own expence*
with three hundred men, he first directed his course so near
the north pole, that on the 1 1th of July he found monstrous
heaps of ice swimming in the sea, and a continual day, so
that the land was free from ice, having been thawed by the
perpetual influence of the sun. By reason of this ice he was
compelled to turn southwards along the western land, till he
came into the latitude of the Straits of Gibraltar z . In the
course of this north-west voyage he got so far to the west as to
have the island of Cuba on his left hand, having reached to
the same longtitude 3 . While sailing along the coast of this
great
1 Haklyut, III. 29. quoting P. Martyr, Dec. III. Ch. vi.
2 The Straits of Gibraltar are in lat. 36 N. which would bring the
discovery of the eastern coast of North America by Cabot, all the way from
67| N. beyond Hudsons Bay, to Albemarle Sound on the coast of North
Carolina. E.
3 The middle of the island of Cuba is in long. 80 W. from Greenwich,
which would have carried Cabot into the interior of Hudsons Bay, to which
there is no appearance of his having penetrated, in the slight notices remain?
ing of his exploratory voyage. E.
8 English Voyages of PART n. BOOK. 11.
great land, which he called Baccaldos 4 , he found a similar
current of the sea towards the west 5 as had been observed
by the Spaniards in their more southerly navigations, but
more softly and gently than had been experienced by the
Spaniards. Hence it may be certainly concluded that in both
places, though hitherto unknown, there must be certain great
open spaces by which the waters thus continually pass from
the east to the west ; which waters I suppose to be continually
driven round the globe by the constant motion and impulse
of the heavens, and not to be alternately swallowed and cast
up again by the breathing of Demogorgon, as some have
imagined on purpose to explain the ebb and flow of the sea.
Sebastian Cabot himself named these lands Baccalaos, be-
cause he found in the seas thereabout such multitudes of cer-
tain large fishes like tunnies, called baccalaos by the natives,
that they Sometimes stayed his ships. He found also the
people of these' regions clothed in the skins of beasts, yet not
without the use of reason. He says also that there are great
numbers of bears in those countries, which feed on fish, and
catch them by diving into the water ; and being thus satisfied
with abundance of fish, are not noisome to man. He says
likewise that he saw large quantities of copper among the in-
habitants of these regions. Cabot is my dear and familiar
friend, whom I delight to have sometimes in my house. Be-
ing called out of England by the Catholic king of Castilk-,
on the death of Henry VII. of England, he was made one of
the assistants of our council respecting the affairs of the new
found Indies, and waits in daily expectation of being furnish-
ed with ships in which to discover these hidden secrets of
nature.
SECTION
4 We have before seen that he named the country which he discovered,
the island of St John, and that he gave the name in this part of the
text, baccalaos, to the fish most abundant in those seas, which we name cod.
E.
5 It is probable this applies to the tide of flood setting into the Gulf of St
Lawrence or Hudsons Bay or both ; which led Cabot to expect a passage
through the land to the west. E.
CHAP. xi. SECT. v. Discovery to America.
SECTION V.
Testimony of Francisco Lopez de Gomara, concerning the
discoveries of Sebastian Cabot a r .
SEBASTIAN Gabota, who came out of England into Spain,
brought most certain information of the country and .people
of Baccalaos. Having a great desire to traffic for spices, like
the Portuguese, he fitted out two ships with 300 men, at the
cost of Henry VII. of England, and took the way towards
Iceland from beyond the Cape of Labradore, until he reached
the lat. of 58 N. and better. Even in the month of July,
the weather was so cold and the ice in such quantities, that
he durst not proceed any farther. The days were so long as to
have hardly any night, and what little there was, was very
clear. Being unable to proceed farther on account of the
cold, he turned south ; and having refreshed at Baccalaos,
he sailed southwards along the coast to the 38 of latitude %
from whence he returned into England.
SECTION VI.
Note respecting the discoveries of Sebastian Cabot ; from the
latter part of Fabians Chronicle l .
IN the 13th year of Henry VII. by means of John Cabot,
Venetian, who was very expert in cosmography and the con-
struction of sea-charts, that king caused to man and victual
a ship at Bristol, to search for an island which Cabot said
he well knew to be rich and replenished with valuable com-
modities. In which ship, manned and victualled at the
kings expence, divers merchants of London adventured small
stocks of goods under the charge of the said Venetian. Along
with that ship there went three or four small vessels from
Bristol, laden with slight and coarse goods, such as coarse
cloth,
1 Hakluyt, III. 30. quoting Gomara, Gen. Hist, of the W. Indies, Book
II. Ch. iv.
2 By this account the progress of Cabot to the south along the eastern
coast of North America, reached no farther than coast of Maryland. E.
1 Hakluyt, III. 30. quoting from a MS. in possession of Mr John Stow,
whom he characterizes as a diligent collector of antiquities.
JO English Voyages of PART n. BOOK ir.
cloth, caps, laces, points, and other trifles. These vessels de-
parted from Bristol in the beginning of May ; but no tidings
of them had been received at the time of writing this portion
of the chronicle of Fabian.
In the 14th year of the king however, three men were
brought from the New-found- Island, who were clothed in
the skins of beasts, did eat raw flesh, and spoke a language
which no man could understand, their demeanour being more
like brute beasts than men. They were kept by the king for
some considerable time ; and I saw two of them about two
years afterwards in the palace of Westminster, habited like
Englishmen, and not to be distinguished from natives of Eng-
land, till I was told who they were ; but as for their speech, I
did not hear either of them utter a word.
SECTION VII.
Brief notice of the discovery of Newfoundland^ by Mr Robert
Thorne '.
As some diseases are hereditary, so have I inherited an in-
clination of discovery from my father, who, with another
merchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot, were the discoveries
of the Newfoundlands. And, if the mariners had followed
the directions of their pilot, there can be no doubt that the
lands of the West 'Indies, whence all the gold cometh, had
now been ours ; as it appears by the chart that all is one
coast.
SECTION VIII.
Grant by Edward VI. of a Pension^ and the Office of Grand
Pilot of England to Sebastian Cabot '.
EDWARD the Sixth, by the Grace of God king of England,
France, and Ireland, to all believers in Christ to whom these
presents
I Hakluyt, III. 3!. quoting a book by Mr Robert Thorne, addressed to
Doctor Leigh.
1 Hakluyt, id. ib. Supposing Sebastian to have been sixteen years of age
in 1495, when he appears to have come to England with his father, he
must have attained to seventy years of age at the period of this grant. E.
CHAP. xr. SECT. viir. Discovery to America. 1 1
presents may come, wisheth health. Know ye, that in con-
sideration of the good and acceptable service, done and to be
done to us by our well-beloved servant Sebastian Cabot, we
of our special grace, certain knowledge and good will, and by
the councel and advice of our most illustrious uncle Edward
Duke of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector of
our kingdoms, dominions, and subjects, and by advice of the
rest of our councillors, have given and granted, and by these
presents give arid grant to the said Sebastian Cabot a certain
annuity or yearly revenue of one hundred and, sixty-six pounds,
thirteen shillings andfourpence sterling z , to have, enjoy, and
yearly to receive during his natural life from our treasury at
the receipt of our exchequer at Westminster, by the hands of
our treasurers and chamberlains for the time being, by equal
portions at the festivals of the annunciation of the blessed vir-
gin, the nativity of St John the Baptist, of St Michael the
Archangel, and the nativity of our Lord. And farther, as
aforesaid, we grant by these presents so much as the said an-
nuity would amount to from the feast of St Michael the
Archangel last past unto this present time, to be received by
said Sebastian from our foresaid treasurers and chamberlains
in free gift, without account or any thing else to be yielded,
paid or made to us our heirs or successors for the same.
In witness whereof, &c. Done by the King at Westminster
on the 6th of January 1548, in the second year of his reign.
SECTION IX.
Voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and, Sebastian Cabot about the year
1516, to Brazil, St Domingo, and Porto Rico 1 .
" THAT learned and painefull writer Richard Eden, in a
certain epistle of his to the Duke of Northumberland, before
a work which he translated out of Munster in 1553, called
A Treatise of New India, maketh mention of a voyage of dis-
cover ie undertaken out of England by Sir Thomas Pert and
Sebastian Cabota, about the eighth year of Henry VIII. of
famous
2 At the rate of six for one, as established by the Historian of America for
comparing sums of money between these two periods, this pension was equal
to L.iOOO in our time. E.
1 Hakluyt, III. 591. In this article we have preserved the antique lan-
guage and orthography of Hakluyt, as a literary curiosity. E.
12 English Voyages of PART n. BOOK n
famous memorie, imputing the overthrow thereof unto the
cowardice and want of stomack of the said Sir Thomas Pert,
in manner following:
"If manly courage, saith he, (like unto that which hath bene
scene and proved in your Grace, as well in forreine realmes,
as -also in this Our country) had not bene wanting in others
in these our dayes, at such time as our souereigne lord of
famous memorie king Henry VIII. about the same yeere of
his raigne, furnished and sent out certaine shippes under the
governance of Sebastian Cabot yet living, and one Sir Tho-
mas Pert, who was vice-admiral of England and dwelcth in
Poplar at Black wall, whose faint heart was the cause that
the voyage took none effect. If, I say, such manly courage,
whereof we have spoken, had not at that time beene wanting,
it might happily have come to passe, that that rich treastirie
called Perularia, (which is nowe in Spaine in the citie of Se-
ville, and so named, for that in it is kept the infinite riches
brought thither from the newfoundland kingdom of Peru)
might long since have Ltvne in the tower of London, to the
kings great honour and the wealth of this realme.
"Herein to that also is to bee referred which the worship full
Mr Robert Thorn e wrote to the s'aide king Henry VIII. in
the yecre 1527, by Doctor Leigh his ambassador sent into
Spaine to the Emperour Charles V. whose wordes bee these :
" Now rest to be discovered the north parts, the which it
seemeth unto me is onely your highnes charge and dutie ;
because the situation of this your reaime is thereunto^neerest
andaptest of all other: and also, for that already yoft have
taken it in hand. And in mine opinion it will not seeme
well to leave so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it
may so easily and with so little cost, labour, and danger be
followed and obteined. Though hitherto your grace have
made thereof a proofe, and found not the commoditte thereby
as you trusted, at this time it shal be none impediment : for
there may be now provided remedies for things *theVi lacked,
mid the inconveniences and lets remooved, that then were
cause your graces desire tooke no full effect : which is the
courses to be changed, and to follow the aforesayd new courses.
And concerning the mariners, ships, and provision, an order
may be devised and taken meete ajid convenient, much better
than hitherto : by reason whereof, and by Gods grace, no
doubt your purpose shall take effect.
3 " And
CHAP. xi. sEct. xx, -Discovery to America. 1$
" And where as in the aforesayd wordes Mr Robert Thorfie
sayth, that he would have the old courses to bee changed,
and the new courses [to the north] to be followed : It may
plainely be gathered that the former voyage, whereof twise or
thrise he maketh mention, wherein it is like that Sir Thomas
Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set foorth by the king, was
made towards Brazil and the south parts. Moreover it seem-
eth that Gonzalvo de Oviedo, a famous Spanish writer, al-
ludeth unto the sayde voyage in the beginning of the 13.
chapter of the 19. booke of his generall and natural historic
of the West Indies, agreeing very well with the time about
which* Richard Eden writeth that the foresayd voyage was
begun. The authors wordes are these, as I tinde them tran-
slated into Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista
Ramusio*.
" In the year 1517, an English rover under the colour of
travelling to discover, came with a great shippe unto the parts
of Brazill on the coast of the fir me land, and from thence he
crossed over unto this island of Hispaniola, and arrived near
unto the mouth of the haven of this citie of San Domingo,
and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare, and demaunded
leave to enter into this haven, saying that hee came with mar-
chandise to traffique. But at that very instant the governoiir
of the castle, Francis de Tapia, caused a tire of ordinance to
be shot from the castle at the shippe, for she bare in directly
with the haven. When the Englishmen sawe this, they with-
drew themselves out, and those that were in the shipboate got
themselves with all speede on shipboard. And in trueth the
warden of the castle committed an oversight: for if the shippe
had entered into the haven, the men thereof could not have
come on lande without leave both of the citie and of the
castle. Therefore the people of the shippe seeing how they
were received, sayled toward the Island of St John de Puerto
Rico, and entering into the port of St Germain-e, the English-
men parled with those of the towne, requiring victuals ami
things needful to furnish their ship, and complained of the in-
habitants of the city of St Domingo, saying that they came not
to doe any harme, but to trade and traffique for their money
and merchandise. In this place they had certain victuals, and
for recompence they gave and paid them with certain vessels o.t"
wrought
2 At this place Hakluyt gives the Italian of Rarpusio ; we are satisfied 01*
the prestnt occasion with bis translation. E.
H English Voyages of PART n. BOOK n.
wrought tinne and other things. And afterwards they de-
parted toward Europe, where it is thought they arrived not,
for we never heard any more news of them.
"Thus farre proceedeth Gonzalvo de Oviedo, who though it
please him to call the captain of this great English ship a rover,
yet it appeareth by the Englishmens owne words, that they
came to discover, and by their traffique for pewter vessels and
other wares at the town of St Germaine in the iland of San
Juan de Puerto Rico, it cannot bee denied but they were
furnished with wares for honest traffique and exchange. But
whosoever is conversant in reading the Portugal and Spanish
writers of the East and West Indies, shall commonly finde
that they account all other nations for pirats, rovers and
theeves, which visite any heathen coast that they have once
sayled by or looked on. Howbeit their passionate and am-
bitious reckoning ought not to bee prejudiciall to other mens
chargeable and painefull enterprises and honourable travels
in discoverie."
SECTION X.
Brief note of a voyage by TJiomas Tison to the West Indies ,
before the year 1526'.
IT appears from a certain note or memorandum in the cus-
tody of me Richard Hakluyt, taken out of an old ledger-book
formerly belonging to Mr Nicholas Thome senior, a respec-
table merchant of Bristol, written to his friend and factor
Thomas Midnall and his servant William Ballard, at that
time residing at San Lucar in Andalusia ; that before the year
1526, one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found his way
to the West Indies, and resided there as a secret factor for
some English merchants, who traded thither in an underhand
manner in those days. To this person Mr Nicholas Thorne
appears to have sent armour and other articles which are
specified in the memorandum or letter above mentioned.
This Thomas Tison, so far as I can conjecture, appears to
have been a secret factor for Mr Thorne and other English
merchants, to transact for them in these remote parts ; whence
it
1 Halduvt, III. 595.
CHAP. xi. SECT. x. Discovery to America. 15
it is probable that some of our merchants carried on a kind
of trade to the West Indies even in those ancient times ;
neither do I see any reason why the Spaniards should debar
us from it now.
CHAPTER XII.
THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER FROM ST MALOES TO NEW-
FOUNDLAND AND CANADA, IN THE YEARS 1534? AND 1555 '.
INTRODUCTION.
THESE voyages are to be considered as among the early
discoveries of the New World, and are therefore in-
serted in this place. The only edition of them which we have
been able to procure, is that which is inserted in the ancient
and curious collection of voyages by Hakluyt, which appears
to have been abridged from the original in French, published
at Rouen in 8vo 1598*. Of this voyage, the author of the
Bibliotheque des Voyages gives the following notice. " So
early as the year 1518, the baron De Lem had discovered a
portion of Canada, and Jacques Carder not only added to
this first discovery, but visited the whole country with ihe
judgment of a person well instructed in geography and hydro-
graphy, as is apparent in the relation of his voyages ; which
contain an exact and extended description of the coasts,
harbours, straits, bays, capes, rivers, and islands which he
visited, both in his voyages on the river St Lawrence, and in
his excursions by land into the interior of Canada. To
this day navigators use most of the names which he affixed to
the various parts which he explored with indefatigable indus-
try." In the present edition, the only freedom used is re-
ducing the antiquated language of Hakluyt to the modern
standard. Ed.
SECTION
1 Hakluyt, III. 250. 2 Bib!. Univ. des Voy. VI. 15.
Voyages of Jacques Car tier PART u. BOOK n.
SECTION I.
The Jirst Voyage of Jacques Cartier to Newfoundland and
Canada , in 1534.
THE Chevalier de Mouy lord of Meylleraye and vice-ad-
miral of France, having administered the oaths of fidelity to
the king, and of obedience to M. Cartier, to the captains,
masters, and mariners of the ships employed in this expedi-
dition, we left the port of St Maloes on the 20th of April
1534, with two ships of 60 tons, and having sixty-one chosen
men. Having prosperous weather, we reached Newfoundland
on the 10th of May, making Cape Bonavista, in lat. 48 30'
N *. Owing to the great quantities of ice on the coast, we
were obliged to go into port St Catherine 2 9 which is about
five leagues S. S. E. from the harbour of Cape Bonavista, in
which we remained ten days waiting fair weather, and em-
ployed ourselves in repairing and fitting out our boats.
On the 21st of May we set sail with the wind at west*
steering N. and by E. from Cape Bonavista till we came to
the Isle of Birds, which we found environed by ice, but broken
and cracked in many places. Notwithstanding the ice, our two
boats went to the island to take in some birds, which are there
in such incredible numbers that no one would believe unless
he had seen them. The island is only a league in circuit,
and so swarms with birds as if they had been strewed on pur-
pose ; yet an hundred times as many are to be seen hovering
all around. Some of these are black and white, as large as
jays, and having beaks like crows, which lie always on the sea,
as they cannot fly to any height on account of the smallness
of their wings, which are not larger than the half of ones
hand; yet they fly with wonderful swiftness close to the water.
We named these birds Aporath, and found them very fat.
In less than half an hour we filled two boats with them; so
that, besides what we eat fresh, each of our ships salted five
or six barrels of them to aid our sea stock. Besides these,
there is another and smaller kind, which hovers in the air,
all of which gather themselves on the island, and put them-
selves under the wings of the larger birds. These smaller
birds
1 In our most recent maps, Cape Bonavista is laid down in lat. 48 53'
N. E.
2 Named in English charts Catalina Harbour, in lat. 4S 44' N. E.
CHAP, xii- SECT. i. from St Maloes to Canada. 17
birds we named Godetz. There was also another kind,
which we called MargauLv, considerably larger and entirely
white, which bite like dogs. Although this island is 14?
leagues from the main 3 , yet the bears swim off to it to eat the
birds, and our men found one there as large as an ordinary
cow, and as white as a swan. This monstrous animal leapt
into the sea to avoid our men ; and upon Whitson Monday,
when sailing towards the land, we fell in with it swimming
thither as fast almost as we could sail. We pursued in our
boats, and caught it by main strength. Its flesh was as good
eating as a steer of two years old. On the Wednesday follow-
ing, the 27th of May, we came to the Bay of the Castles ; but,
on account of bad weather and the great quantities of ice, we
were obliged to anchor in a harbour near the entrance of that
bay, which we named Carpunt. We were forced to remain
there till the 9th of June, when we departed, intending to
proceed beyond Carpunt, which is in lat. 51 N 4 .
The land between Cape Razo and Cape Degrad 5 , which
lie N. N. E. and S. S. W. from each other, is all parted into
islands so near each other, that there are only small chan-
nels like rivers between them, through most of which nothing
but small boats can pass ; yet there are some good harbours
among these islands, among which are those of Carpunt and
Degrad. From the top of the highest of these islands, two
low islands near Cape Razo may be seen distinctly ; and from
Cape Razo to Port Carpunt, the distance is reckoned 25
leagues. Carpunt harbour has two entries, one of which is
on the east side of the island, and the other on the south.
But the eastern entrance is very unsafe, as the water is very
shallow and full of shelves. The proper entry is to go about
the west side of the island, about a cables length and a half,
and then to make the south entrance of Carpunt. It is like-
wise necessary to remark, that there are three shelves under
water in this channel, and towards the island on the east side
VOL. vi. B in
3 This island of birds, judging by the course steered and its distance from
the main of Newfoundland, appears to be that now called Funk Island, in
lat. 50 U N. 15 leagues N. E. from Cape Freels. E.
4 From the latitude in the text, Carpunt appears to have been what is
now called Carouge Harbour, and the Bay of the Castles may be that now
named Hare Bay, 6$ leagues farther north. E.
5 Capes Rouge and De Grat. The former being the north head land of
Carouge Bay, the latter the n*rth-eastern extremity of Newfoundland, is
lat. 5l*40'N.-E.
It Voyages of Jacques Carrier PART n. BOOK u.
in the channel, the water is three fathoms deep with a clear
bottom. The other channel trends E. N. E. and on the west
you may go on shore.
Going from Point Degrad, and entering the before-men-
tioned Bay of the Castles, we were rather doubtful of two
islands on the right hand, one of which is 3 leagues from
Cape Degrad and the other seven. This last is low and flat,
and seemed part of the main land. I named it St Catherines
Island. Its north-east extremity is of a dry soil, but the
ground about a quarter of a league off' is very foul, so that it
is necessary to go a little round. This island and the Bay of
the Castles trend N. N. E. and S. S. W. 15 leagues distant
from each other. The port of the Castles and Port Gutte,
which is in the northern part of the bay, trend E. N. E and
W. S. W. distant 12-g- leagues. About two leagues from
Port Balance, or about a third part across the bay, the depth
of water is 38 fathoms. From Port Balance to Blanc Sablon,
or the White Sands, it is 15 leagues W. S. W. but about 3
leagues from the White Sands to the S. W. there is a rock
above water like a boat. The White Sands is a roadstead
quite open to the S. and S. E. but is protected on the S. W.
by two islands, one of which we called the Isle of Brest, and
the other the Isle of Birds, in which there are vast numbers
of Godetz, and crows with red beaks and red legs, which make
their nests in holes under ground likr rabbits. Passing a point
of land about a league beyond the White San<is, we found a
port and passage which we called the/s&'fc, which is a safer place
than the White Sands, and where there is excellent fishing.
The distance between the Islets and a port named Brest is about
10 leagues. The port of Brest is in lat 51 55' 6 . Between it
and the Islets there are many other inlands, and the said port
of Brest is among them, being surrounded by them for above
three leagues farther. All these small islands are low, and the
other laads may be seen beyond them. On the 10th of
June we went into the port of Brest, to provide ourselves
with wood and water ; and on St Barnabas Day, after hear-
ing divine service, we went in our boats to the westwards, to
examine what harbours there might be in that direction.
We passed through among the small islands, which were
so
6 If right in the latitude in the text, Cartier seems now to have got
upon the coast of Labradore, to the north- wet of Newfoundland ; yet from
the context he rather appears to have been on the north-end of Newfound*
land, about Quirpon Harbour, the Sacred Isles, or Pietolet Bay. E.
CHA.F. xir. SECT. i. from St Maloes to Canada. 19
so numerous that they could not be counted, as they extend-
ed about 10 leagues beyond that port. We rested in one
of them all night, where we found vast quantities of duck
eggs, and the eggs of ot&er birds which breed there. We
named the whole of this group the Islets. Next day, having
passed beyond all these small isles, we found a good harbour
which we named Port St Anthony. One or two leagues be-
yond this we round a little river towards the S. W. coast,
between two other islands, forming a good harbour. We
et up a cross here, and named it St Servans Port. About a
league S. W. from this port and river there is a small round
island like an oven, surrounded with many little islands, and
forming a good mark for finding out Port St Servan. About
two leagues farther on we came to a larger inlet, which we
named James River, in which we caught many salmon.
While in this river we saw a ship belonging to Rochelle, which
intended to have gone a fishing in Port Brest, but had passed
it as they knew not whereabout they were. We went to her
with our boats, and directed them to a harbour about a league
west from James River, which I believe to be one of the best
in the world, and which therefore we named James Cartiers
Sound. If the soil of this country were as good as its har-
bours, it would be a place of great consequence : But it does
not deserve the name of the New-found-/#rf, but rather the
new stones and wild crags, and is a place fit only for wild
beasts. In all the north part of the island I did not see a
cart load of good earth, though I went on shore in many
places. In the island of White Sand there is nothing growing
but moss and stunted thorn bushes scattered here and there,
all dry and withered. In short, I believe this to have been
the land which God appointed for Cain. There are however,
inhabitants of tolerable stature, but wild and intractable, who
wear their hair tied upon the top of their heads, like a wreath
of hay, stuck through with a wooden pin, and ornamented
with birds feathers. Both men and women are clothed in
the skins of beasts ; but the garments of the women are
straiter and closer than those of the men, and their waists ar
girded. They paint themselves with a roan or reddish-
brown colour. Their boats are made of birch bark, with
which they go a fishing, and they catch great quantities of
seals. So far as we could understand them, they do not
dwell all the year in this country, but come from warmer
countries on the main land, on purpose to catch seals and
fish for their sustenance*
On
20 Voyages of Jacques Cartier PART n. BOOK ri.
On the 13th of June we returned to our ships, meaning to
proceed on our voyage, the weather being favourable, and on
jSuuday we had divine service performed. On Monday the
15th, .we sailed from Brest to the southwards, to explore
some lands we had seen in that direction, which seemed to
be two islands. On getting to the middle of the bay, how-
ever, we found it to be the firm land, being a high point
having two eminences one above the other, on which account
we called it Double Cape. We sounded the entrance of the
bay, and got ground with a line of 100 fathoms. From
Brest to the Double Cape is about 20 leagues, and five or six
leagues farther on we had ground at 4-0 fathoms. The
direction between Port Brest and Double Cape is N. E. and
S. W. Next day, being the 16th, we sailed 35 leagues from
Double Cape S. W. ami by S. where we found very steep
and wild hills, among which we noticed certain small cabins,
resembling what are called granges in our country, on which
account we named these the Grange Hills. The rest of the
coast was all rocky, full of clefts and cuts, having low islands
between and the open sea. On the former day we could not
see the land, on account of thick mists and dark fogs, but
this evening we espied an entrance into the land, by a river
between the Grange HilJs and a cape to the S. W. about 3
leagues from the ships. The top of this cape is blunt, but it
ends towards the sea in a sharp point, on which account we
named it Pointed Cape. On its north side there is a flat island.
Meaning to examine if there were any good harbours at this
entrance, we lay to for the night ; but on the next day we
had stormy weal her from the N. E. for which reason we
stood to the S. W. till Thursday morning, in which time we
sailed 37 leagues. We now opened a bay full of round islands
like pigeon-houses, which we therefore named the Dove-cots*
From the Bay of St Julian to a cape which lies 8. and by W.
called Cape Royal, the distance is 7 leagues $ and towards the
W. S. W. side of that cape there is another, the lower part of
which is all craggy, and the top round. On the north side
of this cape, which we called Cape Milk, there is a low island.
Between Cape Royal and Cape Milk there are some low
islands, within which there are others, indicating that there
are some rivers in this place. About two leagues from Cape
Royal we had 20 fathom water, and found cod in such abun-
dance, that while waiting for our consort we caught above a
hundred in less than an hour.
6 ' Next
CHAP. xn. SECT. i. from St Maloes to Canada. 21
Next day, the 18th, the wind turned against us with such
Fury that we were forced back to Cape Royal ; and, sending
the boats to look for a harbour, we found a great deep gulf
above the low islands, having certain other islands within it.
This gulf is shut up on the south, and the low islands are on
one side of the entrance, stretching out above half a league
to seawards ; it is in hit. 48 30' N. having an inland in the
middle of the entrance. The country about is all flat, but
barren. Finding we could not get into any harbour that
night, we stood out to sea, leaving Cape Royal towards the
west. From that time to the 24th of the month, being St
Johns Day, we had such stormy weather, with contrary winds
and such dark mists, that we could not see the land ; but on
that day we got sight of a cape, about 35 leagues S. W.
from Cape Royal, which we named Cape St John. On that
day and the next the weather still continued so foggy and
dark, with wind, that we could not come near the land; yet
we sailed part of the 25th to the W. N. W. and lay too in
the evening, about 7 -* leagues N. W. and by W. of Cape St
John. W T hen about to make sail, the wind changed to the
N. W. and we accordingly sailed S. E. After proceeding
about 15 leagues in that direction, we came to three islands,
two of which are as steep and upright as a wall, so that it is
impossible to climb them, and a small rock lies between them.
These islands were closely covered over with birds, which
breed upon them ; and in the largest there was a prodigious
number of those white birds we named Margaulx, larger than
geese. Another of the islands, which was cleft in the middle,
was entirely covered with the birdb called Godetz ; but to-
wards the shore, besides Godetz, there were many Apponatz 7 ,
like those formerly mentioned. We went ashore on the low-
er part of the smallest island, where we killed above a thou-
sand godetz and apponatz, putting as many as we pleased in-
to our boats ; indeed we might have loaded thirty boats with
them in less than an hour, they were so numerous and so
tame. We named these the Islands of Margaulx. About
five leagues west from these islands, we came to an island two
leagues Jong and as much in breadth, where we staid all night
to
7 This word has not been used before, but is probably meant for the
same bird formerly called Aporath. These names of birds in Newfound-
land are inexplicable, E.
22 Voyages of Jacques Cartkr. BOOK n. PART n..
to take in wood and water, which we named Brians Island.
It was full of goodly trees, verdant fields, and fields over-
grown with wild-corn and pease in bloom, as thick and luxu-
riant as any we had seen in Brittany, so that it seemed to
have been ploughed and sown ; having likewise great quan-
tities of gooseberries, strawberries, roses, parsely, and many
other sweet and pleasant herbs ; on the whole it had the best
soil of any we had seen, and one field of it was more worth
than the whole of Newfoundland. The whole shore was
composed of a sandy beach, with good anchorage all round
in four fathom water 5 and the shore had great numbers of
great beasts, as large as oxen, each of which have two large
tusks like elephants teeth 8 . These animals live much in the
sea. We saw one of them asleep on the shore, and went to-
wards it in our boats in hopes of taking it, but as soon as he
heard us, he threw himself into the sea and escaped. We
saw also wolves and bears on this island, and there were con-
siderable lakes about it towards the 8 E. and N. W. As
far as I could judge, there must be some passage between
this island and Newfoundland, and if so it would save much
time and distance, if any useful purpose is to be had in these
parts*
About four leagues W. S. W. from Brions Island we saw
some other land surrounded by small isles of sand, which we
believed to be an island, and to a goodly cape on this land
we gave the name of Cape Dauphin, as the good grounds be-
gin there. We sailed along these lands to the W. S. W.
on the 27th of June, and at a distance they seemed to be
composed of low lands with little sand-hills ; but we could
not go near, as the wind was contrary. This day we sailed
15 leagues. Next day we went about 10 leagues along this
land, which is all low, till we came to a cape composed of red
and eraggy rocks, having an opening which fronts to the
north, and we noticed a pool or small lake, having a field
between it and the sea. About 14 leagues farther on we
came to another cape, the shore between forming a kind of
semicircular bay, and the beach was composed of sand thrown
up like a mound or dike, over which the whole country ap-
peared nothing but marshes and pools of water as far as the
eye could reach. Just before coming to the first of these
capes^
i Probably tie Morse, vulgarly called tlic sea-horse, E.
3
CHAP. xii. 3ECT. i. from St Maloes to Canada. 2S
capes, which we named St Peter, there auc two small islands,
very near the main land. About 5 leagues from the second
cape toward the S. W. there is a high pointed island which
we named Alezai. From Brions Island to Cape St Peter
there is a good anchorage on a sandy bottom in 25 fathoms
water five leagues from shore 5 a league off the land the depth
is 12 fathom, and 6 fathom very near the shore, seldom less,
and always good ground. Next day, the i9th of June, with
the wind S. and by E. we sailed westwards, till the following
morning about sunrise without being able to see any land,
except that about sunset we saw some land about 9 or 10
leagues W. S. W. which we believed to b; two islands. All
next day we sailed westwards about 4-0 leagues, when we dis-
covered that what we had taken for islands was the main land ;
and early next morning we came to a good point of land,
which we named Cape Orleans ; the whole of the land being
low and plain, full of fine trees and meadows, and very plea-
sant to behold. This coast trends S. S. E. and N. N. W.
but on this great extent of coast we could find no harbour, it
being every where full of shelves and sand- banks. We went
on shore in many places with our boats, and in one place we
entered a fine river, very shallow, which we named Boat Ri-
ver, because we saw some boats full of savages crossing the
river. We had no intercourse with these people ; for the
wind came from the sea, and beat our boats in such a man-
ner against the shore, that we were forced to put off' again to
the ships. Till next morning, the 1st July, at sunrise, we
sailed N. E. when we struck our sail* in consequence of thick
mists and squalls. The weather cleared up about two in the
afternoon, when we got sight of Cape Orleans, and of ano-
ther about 7 leagues N. and by E. from where we were,
which we named Cape Savage. On the north side of this
cape, there is a very dangerous shelf and a bank of stones
about half a league from shore. While off this cape and our
boats going along shore, we saw a man running after the
boats and making signs for us to return to the cape ; but om
pulling towards him he ran away. We landed and left a
knife and a woollen girdle for him on a little staff, and return-
ed to our ships. On that day we examined nine or ten
leagues of this coast for a harbour, but found the whole shore
low and environed with great shelves. We landed, how-
ever,, in four places, where we found many sweet-smelling
trees, as cedars, yews, pines, white-elms, ash, willow, and
many
24? Voyages of Jacques Cartier BOOK 11. PART n.
many others unknown, but without fruit. Where the ground
was bare of trees, it seemed very fertile, and was full of wild-
corn, pease, white and red gooseberries, strawberries, and
blackberries, as if it had been cultivated on purpose. The
wild-corn resembled rye. This part of the country enjoyed
a better temperature than any we had seen, and was even hot.
It had many thrushes, .stock-doves, and other birds, and
wanted nothing but good harbours.
Next day, 2d July, we had sight of land to the north, which
jpined the coast already mentioned, having a bay which we
named St Lunario, across which our boats went to the north
cape and found the bay so shallow that there was only one
fathom water a league off shore. N. E. from this cape, and
7 or 8 leagues distant, there is another cape, having a trian-
gular bay between, compassed about with shelves and rocks
about ten leagues from land. This bay has only 2 fathoms
water, but appeared to penetrate far into the land towards the
N. E. Passing this cape, we observed another head-land N.
and by E. All that night we had very bad weather and heavy
squalls, so that we could carry very little sail. Next morning,
3d July, the wind was from the west, and we sailed north that
we might examine the coast, where we found a gulf or bay
about 15 leagues across, and in some places 55 fathoms deep.
From the great depth and breadth of this gulf; we were in
hopes of finding a passage through, like that of the Castles
before mentioned. This gulf lies E. N. E. and W. 8. W.
The land on the south side of this gulf is of good quality and
might be easily cultivated, full of goodly fields and meadows,
quite plain, and as pleasant as any we had ever seen. The
north side is altogether hilly, and full of woods containing
large trees of different kinds, among which are as fine cedars
and firs as are to be seen anywhere, capable of being masts
for ships of three hundred tons. In two places only of this
side we saw open meadows, with two fine lakes. The middle
of this bay is in lat. 47 30' N. We named the southern cape
of this bay Cape Esperance, or the Cape of Hope, as we ex-
pected to have iound a passage this way.
On the 4th of July we went along the northern coast of
this bay to look for a harbour, where we entered a creek
which is entirely open to the south, having no shelter from
the wind when *in that quarter. W T e named this St Martins
Creek, in which we remained from the 4th to the 12th ef July;
and on. the 6th, going in one of our boats to examine a cape
or
CHAP. xii. SECT. I. from St Maloes to Canada. 25
or head-land on the west side, about 7 or 8 leagues from the
ships, and having got within half a league of the point, we
saw two fleets of canoes of the savages, 40 or 50 in all, cros-
sing over from one land to another, besides which there were
a great number of savages on shore, who made a great noise,
beckoning to us to come to land, and holding up certain skins
on pikes or poles of wood, as if offering them for barter. But
as we had only one boat and they were very numerous, we
did not think it prudent to venture among them, and stood
back towards the ships. On seeing us go from them, some
savages put off' in two canoes from the shore, being joined
by five other canoes of those which were crossing, and made
towards us, dancing and making many signs of joy, as if invit-
ing us to their friendship. Among other expressions we could
distinctly make out the following words, Napeu tondamen as-
surtah, but knew not what they meant. We did not incline
to wait their civilities, as we were too few in case they chose
to assail us, and made signs therefore for them to keep at a
distance. They came forwards notwithstanding, and sur-
rounded our boat with their canoes ; on which we shot off
two pieces 9 among them, by which they were so much alarmed
that they immediately took to flight towards the point, making
a fiivat noise. After remaining there some time, they came
again towards us and surrounded our boat as before. We
now struck at them with two lances, which again put them in
fear and put them to flight, after which they followed us no
more. Next day, a party of the savages came in nine canoes
to the point at the mouth of the creek, where our ships were
at anchor ; on which we went ashore to them in our boats.
They appeared much alarmed at our approach, and fled to
some distance, making signs as if they wished to traffic with
us, holding up to our view the skins of which they make their
apparel, which are of small value. We likewise endeavoured
to explain by signs that we had no intention to injure them;
and two of our men ventured to land among them, carrying
some knives and other iron ware, and a red hat for their chief.
Encouraged by this confidence, the savages likewise landed
with their peltry, and began to barter with them for our iron
wares, which they seemed to prize much, and shewed their
satisfaction by dancing and many other ceremonies, throwing
at
9 The nature of these is not explained, but they must have been fire*
<&rms of some kind. E,
i'B Voyages of Jacques Car tier FART a. BOOK u.
at times sea- water from their hands on their heads. They gave
us every thing they had, so that they went away almost naked,
making signs that they would return next day with more skins.
On Thursday the 8th of July, as the wind was contrary for
using our ships, we proceeded in our boats to explore the
bay, and went that day 25 leagues within it. As the next
day was fine, with a fair wii.d, we sailed till noon, in which
time we had explored most part of this bay, the shore of which
consisted of low land, beyond which were high mountains.
Finding no passage through the bottom of the bay, we turned
back along the coast, and at one place saw a good many of
the savages on the shore of a lake among the low grounds,
where they had kindled >ome fires. As we proceeded, we
noticed that a narrow creek or channel communicated between
the bay and the lake, into which creek our boats went. The
savages came towards us in one of their canoes, bringing
some pieces of boiled seals flesh, which they laid down on
pieces of wood, and then retired, making signs that they gave
them to us. We sent two men to them with hatchets, knives,
beads, and such wares, with which they were much pleased j
and soon afterwards great numbers of them came to where we
were in canoes, bringing skins and other things, to barter tor
our commodities. There were at least 300 of them collected
at this place, including women and children ; some of the
women who remained on the other side of the inlet, were seen
up to their knees in the water, singing and dancing ; while
other women, who were on the same side with us, came up
to us in a friendly manner, rubbing our arms with their hands,
and then holding up their hands towards heaven, as if in
token of admiration and joy. So much confidence was esta-
blished on both sides, that the savages bartered away every
thing they possessed, which was indeed of small value, and
left themselves entirely naked. These people might easily
be converted to our religion. They wander about from place
to place, subsisting entirely by fishing, for which they have
stated seasons. The country is warmer even than Spain, and
exceedingly pleasant, being entirely level, and though sandy,
it is everywhere covered with trees. In some places where
there are no trees, it is luxuriantly covered with wild corn
or pease. The corn resembles oats, but with an ear like that
of rye ; and the pease are small, but as thick as if the ground
had been ploughed and sown. It produces, likewise, white and
red gooseberries, strawberries, blackberries, white and red
roses,
CHAP. xn. SECT. i. from St Maloes to Canada. 27
roses, and many other sweet-smelling flowers. The whole
country is interspersed with fine grass meadows, and lakes
abounding in salmon. In their language, a hatchet is named
cochi and a knife bacon. We named this fine bay, Baye de
Chaleicr, or the Warm Bay 10 .
Having ascertained that there was no passage through this
bay, we set sail from St Martins Creek on Sunday the 12th
July, to proceed on farther discoveries beyond, going east-
wards about 18 leagues along the coast, till we came to Cape
Prato, where we found shallow water, with a great tide and
stormy sea, so that we had to draw close in shore, between
that cape and an island about a league to the eastwards,
where we cast anchor for the night. Next morning we made
sail to explore the coast to the N. N. E. But the wind,
which was contrary, rose almost to a storm, and we were
forced to return to our former anchorage. We sailed again
next day, anil came to a river five or >ix leagues to the north-
ward of Cape Prato, where the wind became again contrary,
with thick fogs, by which we were obliged on the 14th to
take shelter in the river, where we remained till the 16th.
On that day, the wind became so boisterous that one of our
ships lost an anchor, and we had to run 7 or 8 leagues up
the river for shelter, where we found a good harbour, in
which we remained till the 25th July. While there, we saw
many of the savages fishing for mackerel, of which they caught
great numbers. They had about 40 boats or canoes, arid
after some time they became so familiar with us as to come
with their canoes to our ships in perfect confidence, receiving
knives, combs, glass-beads, and other trihV s from us, for
which they were exceedingly thankful, lifting up their hands
to heaven, and dancing and singing in their boats. These
people may truly be called savages, as they are the poorest
wretches that can be imagined ; as the value of every thing
they had among them all, besides their canoes and nets, was
not worth five farthings. They go entirely naked, except
their parts of shame, over which they had small pieces of
skin;
lOChaleur Bay on the north-eastern coast of Nova Scotia is probably here
meant ; though,' from the changes of names, we ha^e not been able to trace
the course of Cartier from the northern extremny of Newfoundland to thi$
part of the Gulf of St Lawrence. He probably returned to the south, along
the eastern coast of Newfoundland, and then saled v est, aloi g the south
coast of that island into the Gulf of St Lawrence, probabJy in search of *
passage to the Pacific. E,
28 Voyages of Jacques Cartier PART IT. BOOK IT.
skin ; besides which they only had a few old pieces of skin
to shelter their bodies from the weather. They differ entire-
ly both in language and appearance from those we had seen
before. Their heads are close shaven, except one lock on the
crown, as long as a horse tail, which they bind up into a knot
with leather thongs. Their only dwelling-places are their
boats or canoes turned keel upwards, under which they sleep
on the bare ground. They eat their fish and flesh almost
raw, only heating it a little on the embers. We went freely
on shore among these people, who seemed much pleased
with our company, all the men singing and dancing around,
in token of joy ; but they made all their women retire into a
wood at some distance, two or three excepted, to each of
whom we gave a comb and a small tin bell, v\ith which they
were much delighted, shewing their gratitude to our cnptain
by rubbing his breast and arms with their hands. The re-
ception of these presents occasioned all the other women to
return from the wood, that they likewise might participate ;
for which purpose they surrounded the captain, to the number
of about twenty, touching and rubbing him with their hands,
as soliciting him for such trinkets as he had given the others.
He accordingly gave each of them a small bell, on which they
all fell a singing and dancing. We here found great quanti-
ties of mackerel, which they take on the shore by means of
nets which they construct of a species of hemp. This grows
in the part of the country where they principally reside, as
they come only to the sea side during the fishing season. So
far as I could understand, th y have likewise a kind of
millet, or grain, as large as pease, like the maize which grows
in Brasil, which serves them instead of bread. Of this they
have great abundance, and it is called kapaige in th.ir lan-
guage. They have also a kind of damsin plumbs, which
thev call honesta. They possess likewise, figs, nuts, apples,
and other fruits, and beans which they call sahu / their name
for nuts is cahehya. When we shewed them any thing which
they had not or were unacquainted with, they used to shake
their heads, saying n-Ma I nohda ! implying their ignorance
or want of that article. Of those things which they had, they
explained to us by ^ign> how they grew, and in what manner
they u*ed to dress them for food. They use no salt, and are
very great thieves, stealing every thing they could lay their
hands on.
On the 24th of July, we made a great cross thirty feet
high,
CHAP. xn. SECT. i. from St Maloes to Canada. 29
high, which we erected on a point at the entrance of our har-
bour, on which we hung up a shield with three flowers de
luce; and inscribed the cross with this motto, Vive te roy de
France. When this was finished in presence of all the na-
tives, we all knelt down before the cross, holding up our
hands to heaven, and praising God. We then endeavoured
to explain to these savages by means of signs, that all our .sal-
vation depended only on him who dwelleth in the heavens ;
at which they shewed much admiration, looking at one ano-
ther, and then at the cross. After our return to the ships,
their chief came off in a canoe accompanied by his brother
and two sons. Keeping at an unusual distance, he stood up
in the canoe, where he made a long oration, pointing fre-
quently to our cross, and making a cross with his two fingers ;
he then pointed out to all the country round about, as if
shewing that all was his, and that we must not erect any more
crosses without his leave. When he concluded his speech, we
shewed him an axe, making him believe that we would give it
to him for an old bears skin which he wore ; on which he
gradually came near our ship, and one of our men who was
in the boat along side, took hold of their canoe ; into which
he, and three or four more of our men leapt, and obliged
them all to come on board our ship, to their great astonish-
ment and dismay. Our captain immediately used every
means to assure them of being in perfect safety, and enter-
tained them in a friendly manner, giving them to eat and
drink. After this, we endeavoured to explain to them by
signs, that the sole use of the cross we had erected was to
serve as a land mark for finding out the harbour, and that
we should soon return to them with great plenty of iron wares
and other commodities ; but that in the mean time we would
take two of his sons along with us, whom we would bring back
again to the same place. We accordingly clothed two of the
lads in shirts and coloured coats, with red caps, putting a
copper chain round each of their necks, with which they
seemed much pleased, and remained willingly along with us,
giving their old garments to the rest who went back to the
land. We gave to each of the three who returned, a hatchet
and some knives, with which they seemed well content.
When these had told their companions on shore what had
happened in the ship, six canoes came off to us in the after-
noon, having five or six men in each, who came to take fare-
well of the two lads we had detained, and brought them some
fish.
30 Voyages of Jacques Cartier PART n. BOOK n.
fish. They spoke a great deal that we did not understand,
making signs that they would not remove our cross.
The weather becoming fair next day, the 25th July, we
left that port If , and after getting out of the river, we sailed
to the E. N. E. the land forming a semicircular bay, the ex-
tremities lying S. E. and N. W. From Monday the 27th
of the month, we went along this land, till on Wednesday the
29th we came to another cape, after which the land turned
to the east for about 15 leagues, and then turned to the north.
We sounded about three leagues from this cape, and had
ground at 24< fathoms. The land on this part of the coast
seems better and freer of woods than any we had seen, hav-
ing fine green fields and fair meadows. We named this land
Cape St Alvise, because first seen on the day of that saint.
It is in lat. 49 30' N. On Wednesday morning, being to
the east of that cape, whence we sailed N. W. till night,
keeping near the land, which trends from south to north for
about 15 leagues to another cape, which we named Memoran-
cie, after which the coast trends to the N. W. About 3
leagues from this cape we tried soundings, but had no bottom
with a line of 150 fathoms. We went along this coast to the
lat. of 50 N. At sunrise of Saturday 1st August, we had
sight of other land lying north and north-east, which was
high, craggy, and mountainous, having low land interposed,
with woods and rivers. We continued along this coast, still
trending N. W. to look for a gull or passage, till the 5th of
the month ; but we had great difficulty to advance five miles
in all that time, the wind and tide being both adverse. At
the end of these five miles, we could plainly see land on both
sides, which appeared to spread out ; but as we were unable
to work up to windward, we proceeded to another cape to
the southward, being the farthest out to sea within sight,
and about five leagues from us. On coming up to this head-
land, we found it nothing but rocks, stones, and craggy cliffs,
such as we had not seen the like of since leaving Cape St
Johns. The tide being now in our favour carried our ships
to the westwards against the wind, when suddenly one of our
boats struck on a rock and overset, so that our people had to
leap out and set it to right again. After going along this
coast
11 In a side-note, Hakluyt expresses an opinion that this harbour is what
is now called Gaspay, or Gaspe Bay in lat. 48<? 44' N., near Cape Hosiers,
the south cape of the river St Lawrence. Er
CHAP. Xii." SECT. I. from St Maloes to Canada. 31
coast for two hours, the tide turned against us, so that it was
impossible to advance any farther with all our oars. We
went therefore to land, leaving 10 or 12 of our people to keep
the boats, and going by land to the cape, we observed the
land beyond to trend S. W. After this we returned to our
boats, and then to the ships, which had drifted four leagues
to leeward of the place where we left them.
On our return to the ships, we convened a council of all
the officers and experienced mariners, to have their opinion
of what was best for us to do in the farther execution of our
instructions. The general opinion was, considering that the
east winds seemed now set in, and that the currents were so
much against us, we could not expect to advance to any pur-
pose in exploring the coast ; and as storms and tempests be-
gan to prevail in Newfoundland, where we were so far from
home, we must resolve either to return to France immediate-
ly, or to remain where we were during the winter. Having
duly weighed the various opinions, we resolved to return
home. The place where we now were, we named St Peters
Straits 1 *, in which we found very deep water; being in some
places 150 fathoms, in others 100, and near the shore 60,
with clear ground. From thence for some days we had a
prosperous gale of wind, so that isoe trended the said narth
shore east, south-east , wesl-north-west *\ for such is the situa-
tion of it, except one cape of low land, about 25 leagues from
St Peters Strait, which bends more towards the south-east.
We noticed smoke on that cape, made by the natives ; but
as the wind blew fresh toward the coast, we did not venture
to approach them, and twelve of the savages came off to us
in two canoes. They came freely on board, and gave us to
understand that they came from the great gulf under a chief
named Tie?mot t who was then on the low cape, and were
then about to return loaded with fish to their own country,
whence we had come with our ships. We named the low
head land Cape Tiennot, after the name of their chief. The
land in this place was all low and pleasant, with a sandy beach
for about 20 leagues, intermixed with marshes and shallow
lakes. After this it turned from west to E. N. E. everywhere
environed
12 Cartier seems now to have returned to the south coast of Newfound-
land, but the relation of his voyage is too vague to be followed with any
tolerable certainty. E.
13 The sentence in italics is given in the precise words of Hakluyt, pro-
bably signifying that ti\e ccart extended frm K, S, E. to W. N. W. ~E. ;
32
Voyages of Jacques Cartier PART n. BOOK ir<
environed with islands two or three leagues from shore ; and
as far as we could see, many dangerous shelves extended a-
bove four or five leagues out to sea.
During the three following days we had a strong gale from
the 8. W. which obliged us to steer E. N. E. and on the Sa-
turday we came to the eastern part of Newfoundland, be-
tween the Granges and Double Cape I4 . The wind now blew a
storm from the east, on which account we doubled that cape
to the N. N. W. to explore the northern part, which is all
environed with islands, as already stated. While near these
islands and the land, the wind turned to the south, which
brought us within the gulf, so that next day, being the 9th of
August, we entered by the blessing of God within the White
Sands. Thus ended our discoveries in this voyage. On the
feast of the Assumption of our Lady, being the <5th of Au-
gust, after hearing divine service, we departed from the White
Sands with a prosperous gale, directing our course across the
sea which lies between Newfoundland and Brittany. Jn this
passage we were much tossed during three days by a heavy
tempest from the east, which we weathered by the blessing
of God. After this we had fair weather, and arrived on the
5th, of September in the port of St Maloes.
Specimen of the language of Newfoundland.
The sun,
isnez
Haven,
tamet
Night,
aiagla
Water,
ame
Sand,,
estogaz
A sail,
aganle
The head,
agonaze
The throat,
conguedo
The nose,
heh onguesto
The teeth,
hesangue
The nails,
agetascu
The feet,
ochedasco
The legs,
anoudasca
A dead man,
amocdaza
A skin,
aionasca
That man,
yea
A hatchet,
asogne
A cod fish,
gadagoursert
Good to be
eaten, guesande
Almonds,
anougaza
Figs,
asconda
Gold,
henyosco
An arrow,
cacta
A green tree,
haveda
An earthen"
dish, undaco
Brass,
aignetazc
The brow,
ausce
A feather,
yco
The moon,
casmogan
The earth,
conda
Wind,
canut
Rain,
onnoscon
Bread,
cacacomy
The sea,
amet
A ship,
casaomy
A man,
undo "
The
14 Probably that now called Mistaken Points, near Cape Race, whick
alter is the south-eastern point of Newfoundland. E.
CHAP. xn. SECT. i. from St Maloes to Canada. 33
The hairs, hot hosto Red cloth, caponeta
The eyes, ygata A knife, agoheda
The mouth, heche A mackarel, agedoncta
The ears, hontasco Nuts, caheya
The arms, agescu Apples, honesta
A woman, enrasesco Beans, jahe
A sick man, alouedeche A sword, achesco.
Shoes, atta
SECTION II.
The second voyage vf Jacques Carrier, to Canada, Hochelega^
Saguenay, and other lands now called New France ; with the
Manners and Customs of the Natives,
ON Whitsunday, the 16th of May 1535, by command of
our captain, Jacques Cartier, and by common consent, we
confessed our sins and received the holy sacrament in the ca-
thedral of St Maloes ; after which, having all presented our-
selves in the Quire, we received the blessing of the lord
bishop, being in his robes. On Wednesday following, the
19th of that month, we set sail with a favourable gale. Our
squadron consisted of three ships. The great Hermina of an
hundred to an hundred and twenty tons, of which Jacques
Cartier was captain and general of the expedition, Thomas
Frosmont chief master, accompanied by Claudius de Pont
Briand, son to the lord of Montceuell cupbearer to the Dau-
phin, Charles de Pomeraies, John Powlet, and other gen-
tlemen. In the second ship of sixty tons, called the Little
Hermina, Mace Salobert and William Marie were captains
under the orders of our general. The third ship of forty tons,
called the Hermerillon, was commanded by William Britton
and James Maingare. The day after we set sail, the pros-
perous gale was changed into storms and contrary winds, with
darksome fogs, in which we suffered exceedingly till the 25th
of June, when our three ships lost sight of each other, and
never rejoined again till after our arrival at Newfoundland.
We in the generals ship continued to be tossed about by con-
trary winds till the 7th of July, when we made the island of
Birds 1 , 14- leagues from the main of Newfoundland. This
island is so full of birds that our ships might have been loaded
with them, and the quantity taken away not missed. We
VOL. vi. c took
1 Already supposed to be that now called Funk Island, in lat. 50 N, E.
34- Voyages of Jacques Carticr PART n. BOOK 11.
took away two boat loads, to increase our sea stores. The
Isle of Birds is in lat. 49 40' N.
We left this island with a fair wind on the eighth of July,
and came to the harbour of White Sands, or Blanc Sablon, in
the Grand Bay or Baye des Chateaux, where the rendezvous of
the squadron had been appointed. We remained here till
the 26th of July, when both of the other ships joined us, and
we then laid in a stock of wood and water for enabling us to
proceed on our voyage. Every thing being in readiness, we
set sail from the White Sands early in the morning of the 29th,
and sailing along the northern coast, which runs from S. W.
to N. E. we passed by two islands, lying farther out than the
others, which we named St Williams Islands, being twenty
leagues or more from the port called Brest. All the coast
from the Bay of Castles to that place, lies E. and. W. N. E.
and S. W. off which there are sundry small islands, the whole
being stony and barren, without soil or trees, except in a few
narrow vallies. Next day, we sailed twelve leagues and a half
westwards, in search of other islands, among which there is a
great bay towards the north, all full of islands and great creeks,
among which there seemed to be many good harbours. We
named these the Islands of St Martha, off which, about a
league and a half farther out to sea, there is a dangerous
shallow, and about seven leagues from the islands of St Martha,
on the east and on the west, as you pass to these islands, there
are five rocks. We passed these about one in the afternoon ;
and from that time till midnight, we sailed about 15 leagues,
passing to the south-eastwards of a cape of the lower islands,
which we named St Germans Islands; about three leagues
from which cape there is a very dangerous shallow. Likewise
between Cape St Germans and Cape St Martha, about two
leagues from the before-mentioned islands, there is a bank of
sand on which the water is only four fathoms deep. On ac-
count of the dangerous nature of this coast, we struck sail
and came to anchor for the rest of the night.
Next day, being the lust of July, we went along all that
part of the coast which runs east and wist, or somewhat
south-easterly, all of which is beset with islands and dry sands,
and is consequently of very dangerous navigation. The
distance from Cape St Germans to these islands is about 17i
leagues, beyond which is a goodly plot of ground 2 , surrounded
b y
2 From the context, I suspect the author here jr. cans that there was gcod
anchorage at this place. E.
CHAP. xii. SECT. ii. from St Maloes to Canada. 35
by large tall trees 5 but all the rest of the coast is encompassed
with sand-banks, without any appearance of harbours till we
come to Cape Thiennot, about 7 leagues north- west from these
islands. Having noted this cape in our former voyage, we
sailed on all this night to the west and west- north-west till day ;
and as the wind then became contrary, we looked out for a
harbour in which to shelter our ships, and found one for our
purpose which we named Port St Nicholas. This port lies
amid four islands off' the main-land, and we set up a cross on
the nearest of these islands as a land-mark or beacon. In
entering Port St Nicholas, this cross must be brought to bear
N. E. and passed on the left hand of the steersman, by which
means you find six fathom water in the passage, and four
within the port. Care must be taken however to avoid two
shelves which stretch out about half a league to seawards.
The whole of this coast is full of dangerous shoals, yet
having the deceitful appearance of many good havens. We
remained at Port St Nicholas till Sunday the 7th of August,
when we made sail and approached the land southwards by
Cape Rabart, which is twenty leagues from Port St Nicholas
S. S. W. Next day the wind became boisterous and con-
trary, and as we could not find any haven to the southward,
we coasted along northward about ten leagues beyond Port St
Nicholas, where we found a goodly great gulf, full of islands,
passages and entrances, answerable for any wind whatever.
This gulf may easily be known by a great island resembling
a cape, stretching somewhat farther out than the other islands,
and about two leagues inland there is a hill which resembles a
corn rick. We named this the Gulf of St Lawrence. On
the 12th of the month, we sailed westwards from this gulf,
and discovered a cape of land toward the south, about 25
leagues W. and by S. from the Gulf of St Lawrence. The
two savages whom we took with us on our former voyage, in-
formed us that this cape formed part of the great southern
coast ; and that, by the southern part of an island which
they pointed out, was the way to Canada from Honguedo,
whence we took them last year. They said farther, that at
two days journey from this cape and island the kingdom of
Saguenay began. On the north shore of this island, extend-
ing towards Canada, and about three leagues off' this cape,
there are above 100 fathoms water; and I believe there
never were as many whales seen at once as we saw that day
around this cape. Next day, the 15th of August, having
passed
36 Voyages of Jacques Cartier PART u. BOOK n,
passed the strait, we had notice of certain lands which we had
left towards the south, which are full of extensive high hills.
We named the before-mentioned cape the Island of Assump-
tion; from which one cape of the before-mentioned high
country trends E. N. E, and W. S. W. distant 25 leagues.
The northern country, for more than thirty leagues in length,
is obviously higher than that which is to the southwards. \Ve
coasted along the southern lands till noon of the 17th, when
the wind came round to the west; after which we steered for
the northern coast which we had before seen, and found it
low toward the sea, and 'the northern range of mountains
within this low land stretch from east to west one quarter
south. Our two savages informed us that Saguenay began
here, which is an inhabited land producing copper^ which
they call caignetdazc. The distance between the southern and
northern lands is about 30 leagues, and the gulf between is
above 200 fathoms deep. The savages informed us likewise
that the' great river Hochelega 1 began Here, by which was
the direct way to Canada; and which river becomes always
narrower as we approach towards Canada, where the' water is
fresh. They said farther that it penetrates so far inland that
they had never heard of any one who had reached its head.
On considering their account, our captain resolved to proceed
no farther at this time, more especially as they said there was
110 other passage, meaning to examine in the first place the
northern coast between the Gulf of St Lawrence and this great
river, to see if any other passage could be discovered. 3
We accordingly turned back on Wednesday the 18th of
August along the northern coast, which trends from N. E. to
S. W. like half of a bow, and is 'very high land, yet not so
high as the southern coast. Next day we came to seven high
round islands, which we named the Seven Isles^ which stretch
3 or 4 leagues out to sea, and are 40 leagues from the south-
ern shore of the gulf. Over against these, the northern shore
consists of good 16\i ; grounds full of fine trees, having various
sand-banks almostf'cfry at low water, and reaching two leagues
from shore. At the farther extremity of these low lands,
which continue for ten leagues, there is a river of fresh water
which runs with such rapidity into the sea that the water is
quite fresh a league from its mouth. Entering this river with
our boats, we had about a fathom and half water at its mouth.
In
5 The river now called the St Lawrence. E.
CHAP. xn. SECT. ir. from St Maloes to Canada. 37
In this river we found many fishes resembling horses, which
our savages told us lay all day in the water and went on shore
at night. We set sail at day-break of the 21st, continuing
our progress along the northern coast of the gulf which we
traced the whole of that day to the north-east, and then stood
over to the Island of Assumption 4 , being assured that no
passage was to be found in that direction. Returning to the
harbour at the Seven .Islands, which has 9 or 10 fathoms water,
we were detained there by mists and contrary winds till the
24th, when we stood over to the southern coast, and came to
a harbour about 80 leagues from these islands. This harbour
is over against three flat islands in the middle of the river,
between which islands and the harbour there is a very great
river which r.uns between high and low Jamb. For more than
three leagues out to sea there are many dangerous shelves,
leaving not quite two fathoms water, so that the entrance is
very dangerous ; yet near these shelves the water is from 15
to 20 fathoms deep from shore to shore. All the northern*
coast runs from N. E. and by N. to S. W. and by S. This
haven is but of small value, as it is only formed by the tide of
flood, and is inaccessible at low water. We named the three
small flat islets St Johns Isles, because we discovered them on
the day of St John the Baptists decapitation. Before coming
to this haven, there is an island about 5 leagues to the east-
ward, between which and the land there is no passage except
for small boats. The best station for ships in this harbour is
to the south of a little island and almost close to its shore.
The tide here flows at lea*t two fathoms, but ships have to lie
aground at low water.
Leaving this harbour on the 1st of September, we proposed
sailing for Canada; and at about 15 leagues W. S. W. we
came to three islands, over against which is a deep and rapid
river, which our two savages told us leads to the country and
kingdom of Saguenay 6 . ihis river runs between very high
and steep hills of bare rock, with very little soil ; yet great
numbers of trees grow among these rocks, as luxuriantly as
if upon level and fertile land, insomuch that some <pf them
would make masts for vessels of 30 tons. At the mouth of
this
4 The island here called Assumption, certainly is that riow called Anti-
costi, a term formed or corrupted from the native name Natiscotec. E.
5 It is probable that we should here read the southern coast- -E.
6 The Saguenay river runs into the north-west side of the St Lawrence,
In lat. 48 7' N. long. 69* 9' W. E.
38 Voyages of Jacques Car tier PART n. BOOK n.
this river we met four canoes full of savages, who seemed very
fearful of us, and some of them even went away. One of the
canoes however, ventured to approach within hail, when one
of our savages spoke to the people, telling his name, on which
they came to us. Next day, leaving that river we proceeded
on for Canada ; and in consequence of the rapidity of the
tide, we found the navigation very dangerous ; more espe-
cially as to the southward of that river there are two islands,
around which for above three leagues there are many rocks
and great stones, and only two fathoms water. Besides the
direction of the tide among these islands and rocks is very
uncertain and changeable ; so that if it had not been for our
boats, we had been in great danger of losing our pinnace.
In coasting along, we found above 30 fathoms water just off
shore, except among these rocks and islands. About 5
leagues beyond the river Saguenay, to the S. W. there is
another island on the north side containing high land, where
we proposed to have come to anchor in waiting for the next
tide of flood, but we had no ground with a line of 120 fathom
only an arrow-shot from shore ; so that we were obliged to
return to that island, where we had 35 fathoms. We set sail
again next morning to proceed onwards ; and this day we got
notice ot a strange kind of Jish which had never been seen
before, which are called Adhothuys by the natives. They are
about the bigness of a porpoise, but no way like them, having
well proportioned bodies and heads like a greyhound, their
whole bodies being entirely white without spot. There are great
numbers of them in this river, and they always keep in the
water, the natives saying that they are very savoury and good
eating, and are nowhere else to be found but in the mouth of
this river. On the 6th of September we proceeded about 1 5
leagues farther up the river, where we found an island having
a small haven towards the north, around which there were
innumerable large tortoises. There are here likewise vast
numbers of the fish called Adhothuys, already mentioned ;
fcnd the rapidity of the tide at this place is as great as it is at
Bourdeaux in France. This island is about three leagues long
and two broad, all of rich fertile soil, having many fine trees
of various kinds ; among which were many filbert trees, full
of nuts, which we found to be larger and better than ours but
somewhat harder, on which account we named it Isle aux
Condrcs, or Filbert Island.
On the 7th of the month we went seven or eight leagues
CHAP. xn. SECT. n. from St Maloes to Canada. 39
up the river from Filbert Island to H other islands, where
the country of Canada begins. One of these islands is ten
leagues long and five broad, thickly inhabited by natives who
live entirely by fishing in the river 7 . Having cast anchor
between this island and the northern coast, we went on shore
accompanied by our two savages, whose names were Taig-
noagny and Domagaia. At first the inhabitants of the island
avoided us, till at length our tw r o savages got speech of some
of them, telling who they were, on which the natives seemed
much rejoiced, dancing and singing and shewing many other
ceremonies j many of their chief men came now to our boats,
bringing great numbers of eels and other fishes, likewise two
or three burdens of great millet or maize, anil many very
large musk-melons. On the same day many canoes filled
with natives, both men and women, came to visit our two sa-
vages, all of whom were received in a kindly manner by our
captain, who gave them many things of small value with
which they were much gratified. Next day the lord of Ca-
nada came to our ships with twelve canoes and many people ;
but causing ten of his canoes to go back again, he came up
to our ships with only two canoes and sixteen men. The
proper name of this person was Donnacona, but his dignified
name, as a lord or chief, was Agouhanna> On coming near
the smallest of our ships, he stood up in his canoe and made
a long oration, moving his body and limbs in an extraordi-
nary manner, which among them pass for signs of friendship
and security. He then came up towards the generals ship,
in which were Taignoagny and Domagaia, with whom he
entered into conversation. These men related to him all
that they had seen in France, and what good treatment they
had received in that country, at all which Agouhanna seemed
much pleased, and desired our captain to hold out his arm
for him to kiss. Our captain now went into Agouhannas
canoe, and made bread and wine be handed down to him,
which he offered to the chief and his followers, with which
they were much gratified. When all this was over, our cap-
tain came again on board, and the chief went with his canoes
to his own abode.
The captain ordered all the boats to be made ready, in
which we went up the river against the stream for ten leagues,
keeping close to the shore of the island, at which distance we
found
7 Obviously the Isle of Orleans. E.
40 Voyages of Jacques Carlier BOOK n. PART u.
found an excellent sound with a small river and haven, in
whith there is about three fathoms water at flood tide. As
this place seemed very pleasant and safe for our ships, we
brought them thither, calling it the harbour of St Croix,
because discovered on Holy Cross Day. Near this is a village
named Stadacona, of which Donnacona is lord, a; d where
he resides. It stands on a piece of as fine fertile ground as
one would wish to see, full of as goodly trees as are to be seen
in France, stich as oaks, elms, ashes, walnut-trees, maples,
cydrons, vines, and white thorns which bear fruit as large as
damson plumbs, and many other sorts of trees. Under these
there grows great abundance of fine tall hemp, which springs
up spontaneously without cultivation. Having examined this
place and found it fit for the purpose, the captain proposed
returning to the ships to bring them to this port ; but we
were met, when coming out of the river, by one of the chiefs
of Stadacona, accompanied by many men, women, and chil-
dren. This chief made a long oration to us, all the women
dancing and singing for joy up to the knees -in water. The
captain caused the canoe to come along side of his boat, and
presented them all with some trifles, such as knives, glass
beads, and the like, with which they were so much delighted
that we could hear them singing and dancing when we were
three leagues off".
After returning to the ships, the captaindanded again on
the island to examine and admire the beauty, variety, and
luxuriance of its trees and vegetables. Oh" account of the
great number of vines which it produced everywhere in pro-
fusion, he named it the Island of Bacchus, "but it is now
called the Isle of Orleans. It is in length twelve leagues, ex-
ceedingly pleasant and fruitful, and everywhere covered with
trees, except in some places where there are a few huts of
fishers, around which some small patches are cfeared and
cultivated. We departed with our ships next day, and on
the 14th of September we brought them up to Port St Croix,
and were 'niet on the way by the lord Donnacona, accom-
panied by our two savages, Taignoagny and Domagaia, with
2.5 canoes full of natives ; all of whom came to our ships with
every sign of mirth and confidence, except our own two sa-
vages, who would on no account come on board though
repeatedly invited, on which we began to suspect some si-
nister intentions. On the next day, the captain went on
shore to give directions for fixing certain piles or stakes in
the
CHAP. xii. SECT. ii. from St Maloes to Canada. 41
the water for the greater security of our ships, and Donna-
cona with a considerable number of the natives came to meet
him ; but our two savages kept aloof under a point or nook
of land at some distance, and would on no account join our
company. Understanding where they were, our captain went
towards them, accompanied by some of our men ; and, after
the customary salutations, Taignoagny represented that Don-
nacona was much dissatisfied because the captain and his
men were always armed, while the natives were not. To
this the captain answered, that he was sorry this should
give offence ; but as they two who had been in France knew
that this was the custom of their country, he could not possibly
do otherwise. Yet Donnacona continued to converse with
our captain in the most friendly manner, and we concluded
that Taignoagay and Domagaia had invented this pretence
of their own accord ; more especially %$. Donnacona and our
captain entered into the strictest bonds of friendship, on
which all the natives set up three horrible yells, after which
the companies separated, and we went on board. On the fol-
lowing day, we brought the two largest of our ships into
the harbour within the mouth of the small river, in which
there are three fathoms water at flood tide, and only half
a fathom at the ebb. The pinnace, or smallest vessel, was
left at anchor without the harbour, as we intended to use
her for exploring the Hochelega 8 . As soon as our ships
were placed in safety, we saw Donnacona coming towards us,
accompanied by Taignoagny, Domagaia, and above 500 na-
tives, men, women, and children. Donnacona and ten or
twelve of the principal persons came on board the captains
ship, where they were courteously received by the captain
and all of us, and many gifts of small value were given them.
Then Taignoagny informed our captain, that Donnacona was
dissatisfied with p&* intention of exploring the Hochelega,
and would not allow any one to go with us. The captain
said in reply, that he was resolved to go there if possible,
as he had been ordered by his sovereign to penetrate the
country in that direction as far as was practicable : That if
Taignoagny would go along with him, as he had promised,
he should be well used, and should be rewarded to his
satisfaction
8 The native name of the river St Lawrence is Hoshelega or Hochelega,
sometimes called the river of Canada. E.
42 Voyages of Jacques Cartier PART n. BOOK u.
satisfaction on their return. This was refused by Taigno-
agny, and the whole of the savages immediately retired.
Next day, the 1 7th September, Donnacona and his com-
pany came back to us, bringing many eels and other fishes,
which they procure in great abundance in the river. On
their arrival at the ships, all the savages fell a dancing and
singing as usual, after which Donnacona caused all his people
to stand off on one side ; then, making our captain and all
our people stand within a circle which he drew on the sand,
he made a long oration, holding a female child of ten or
twelve years old by the hand, whom he presented to our cap-
tain at the end of his speech ; upon which all his people set
up three loud howls, in token of joy and friendship, at least
so we understood them. Donnacona afterwards presented
two boys successively, who were younger than the girls, ac-
companied by other ceremonies, among which were very loud
shrieks or yeils as before. For these presents our captain
gave many hearty thanks. Then Taignoagny told the cap-
tain that one of the boys was his own brother, and that the
girl was daughter to a sister of Donnacona ; and that the
presents had been given on purpose to induce him not to go
to Hochelega. To this the captain answered, that he would
certainly return the children, if that were the purpose of the
gift ; as he could on no account desist from going where he
had been commanded by his king. But Domagaia, the other
savage who had been in France, told the captain that the
children had been presented as a token of friendship and se-
curity, and that he Domagaia was willing to accompany us
to Hochelega. On this high words arose between Taig-
noagny and Domagaia, by which we inferred that the former
was a crafty knave, and intended to do us some treacherous
act of mischief, as indeed sufficiently appeared from his for-
mer conduct* The captain sent the children to our ships,
whence he caused two swords and two brass basons to be
brought, which he presented to Donnacona, who was much
gratified and expressed great thankfulness, commanding all
his people to sing and dance. The chief then expressed a
desire to have one of our cannons fired off, as our two savages
had told him many wonderful things respecting them. He
accordingly ordered twelve cannons, loaded with ball, to be
fired off into the woods close by, at which all the savages
were greatly astonished, as if heaven had fallen upon them,
and ran away howling, shrieking and yelling, as if all hell had
broke
CHAP. xn. SECT. ii. from St Malocs to Canada. 43
broke loose. Before we went on board, Taignoagny inform-
ed us that our people in the pinnace, which we had left at
anchor without the harbour, had slain two men by a shot
from one of their cannons, on which all the natives had fled
away. This we afterwards found to be false, as our men had
not fired any that day.
The savages still endeavoured to hinder us from going to
Hochelega, and devised the following stratagem to induce us
not to go. They dressed up three men like devils, in black
and white dogs skins, having their faces blackened, and with
horns on their heads a yard long. These men were put
secretly into a canoe, while all the savages lay hid in the
wood waiting the tide to bring the canoe with the mock devils.
On the approach of that canoe, all the savages came out of
the wood, but did not come so near us as usual. Taignoagny
came forwards to salute our captain, who asked if he would
have a boat sent to bring him on board ; but he declined to
do so then, saying he would come on board afterwards. At
this time the canoe with the three devils made its appearance,
and on passing close by the ships, one of these men stood up
and made a long oration, without ever turning round to look
at us. The boat floated past us towards the land, on which
Donnacona and all his people pursued them and laid hold of
the canoe, on which the three devils fell down as if dead,
when they were carried out into the wood, followed by all the
savages. We could hear them from our ships in a long and
loud conference above half an hour ; after which Taignoagny
and Domagaia came towards us, holding their hands joined
above their heads, and carrying their hats under their upper
garments, as if in great astonishment. Taignoagny, looking
up to heaven, exclaiming three times Jesus ! Jesus ! Jesus !
Domagaia in the same manner cried out, Jesus Maria !
Jacques Cartier ! On seeing these gestures and ceremonies,
our captain asked what was the matter, and what had hap-
pened. They answered that they had very ill news to tell,
saying in French Nenniest il bon, or it is not good. On be-
ing again asked what all this meant ; they said, that their
god Cudruaigny had spoken in Hochelega, and had sent
these three men to say there was so much ice and snow in that
country, that who ever ventured there would surely die. On
this we laughed mocking them, saying that their god Cudru-
aigny was a fool, and knew not what he said ; and desired
them to shew us his messengers, saying that Christ would de-
fend
44? Voyages of Jacqiies Cartier PART n. BOOK 11,
fend them from all cold if they believed in him. They then
asked the captain if he had spoken with Jesus ; who answered
no, but the priests had, who had assured him of fair weather.
They then thanked the captain for this intelligence, and went
into the wood to communicate it to the rest, who all now
rushed from the wood as if glad of the news, giving three
great shouts, and then fell to dancing and singing as usual.
Yet our two savages declared that Donnacona would not al-
low any one to accompany us to Hochelega, unless some hos-
tage was left for his safe return. The captain then said, if
they would not go willingly they might stay, and he would go
without them.
On the 19th of September, we hoisted sail in the pinnace
accompanied by two of our boats, the captain taking most of
his officers and fifty mariners along with him, intending to go
up the river towards Hochelega with the tide of flood. Both
shores of the river, as far as the eye could see, appeared as
goodly a country as could be desired, all replenished with
fine trees, among which all along the river grew numerous
vines as full of grapes as they could hang, which, though
quite natural, seemed as if they had been planted. Yet,
as they were not dressed and managed according to art,
their bunches were not so large, nor their grapes so sweet as
ours. We also saw many huts along the river, inhabited by
fishers, who came to us with as much familiarity and kindness
as if we had bee^n their countrymen, bringing us great quan-
tities of fish and guch other things as they had, for which we
paid them in tril^g, tg> their great contentment. We stopped
at the place nameq/.- Hochelay, 25 leagues above Canada 9 ,
where the river becomes very narrow with a rapid current,
and very dangerous on account of certain stones or rocks.
Many canoes came orfto us, in one of which came the chief
man of the place, who made us a long oration, explaining by
signs and gestures that tne river became more dangerous the
higher we went, and advising us to take good care of our-
selves. This chief presented two of his own children to our
Captain, one of which only he received, being a girl of 7 or 8
years old, returjnjjhg the boy who was too young, being only
2 or 3 years of age. , The captain entertained this chief and
his company as, well as he could, presenting them all with.
some
9 By Canada In the text, the lordship belonging to Donnacona seems
meant, \vhich appears to have been what is now called the Isle of Orleans,
E.
CHAP. xii. SECT. ii. from St Maloes to Canada. 45
some trifles, with which they returned to the shore well pleas-
ed. This chief and his wife came down afterwards to Canada
to visit their child, and brought with them some small pre-
sents for our captain.
From the 19th to the 28th of September, we sailed up this
great river, never losing an hour of time, finding the whole
land on both sides as pleasant a country as could be desir-
ed, full of fine tall trees, as oak, elm, walnut, cedar, fir, ash,
box, willow, and great store of vines loaded with grapes, so
that when any of our people went on shore, they brought back
as many as they could carry. There were likewise, cranes,
swans, geese, ducks, pheasants, partridges, thrushes, black-
birds, finches, redbreasts, nightingales, sparrows, and many
other birds like those of France in vast abundance. On the
28th of September we came to a wide lake, or enlargement of
the" river, 5 or 6 leagues broad and 12 long, which we called
the Lake of Angoulcsme Io , all through which we went against
the tide, having only two fathoms water. On our arrival at
the upper extremity of the lake, we could find no passage, as
it seemed entirely shut up, and had only a fathom and a half
water, a little- more or less. We were therefore obliged to
cast anchor here with our pinnace, and went with our two
boats to seek out some passage j and in one place we found
four or five branches which seemed to come from the river of
Hochelega into the lake ; but at the mouths of the^fe branches,
owing to the great rapidity of the currents, there were bars
or shallows having only 'six feet water. After passing these
shallows, we had 4 or 5 fathoms; at flood tide, this being the
season of the year when the water is lowest ; for at other
times the tide flows higher by three fathoms. All these four
or five branches of the river surround five or six very plea-
sant islands, -which are at the head of the lake ; arid about 15
leagues higher up, all these unite into one. We landed on
one of these islands, where we met five natives who were
hunting wild beasts, and who came as familiarly to our boats
as if they had always lived amongst us. When our boats were
near the shore, one of these men took our captain in his
arms, and carried him to 'the land with as much ease as if he
had been a child of five" years old. We found that these peo-
ple had taken a great number of wild rats which live in the
water,
10 Now called St Peters Lake, between which and Troij Rivieres, the
St Lawrence river is narrow with a rapid current. E.
46 Voyages of Jacques Cartier I*AUT n. BOOK n.
water, which are as large as rabbits and very good to eat.
They gave these to our captain, who gave them knives and
glass-beads in return. We asked them by signs if this were
the way to Hochelega, to which they answered that it was,
and that we had still three days sail to go thither.
Finding it impossible to take the pinnace any higher, the
captain ordered the boats to be made ready for the rest of the
expedition, taking on board as much ammunition and provi-
sions as they could carry. He departed with these on the
29th September, accompanied by Claudius de Pont Briand,
Charles de Pommeraye, John Govion, and John Powlet,
with 28 manners, intending to go up the river as far as possible.
We sailed with prosperous weather till the 2d of October,
when we arrived at Hochelega, which is 4-5 leagues above the
head of the lake of Augoulesme, where we left the pinnace.
At this place, and indeed all the way up, we met with many
of the natives, who brought us fish and other provisions,
always dancing and singing on our arrival. To gratify them
and keep them our friends, the captain always rewarded them
on these occasions with knives, beads, and such trifles to their
full satisfaction. On approaching Hochelega above 1000
natives, men, women and children came to meet us, giving
us as friendly and hearty welcome as if we had been of their
own nation come home after a long and perilous absence, all
the men dancing in one place, the women in another, and
the children in a third ; after which they brought us great
abundance of fish and of their bread made of maize, both of
which they threw into our boats in profusion. Observing
their gentle and friendly dispositions, our captain went on
shore well accompanied, on which the natives came clustering
about us in the most affectionate manner, bringing their
young children in their arms, eager to have them touched
and noticed by the captain and others, and shewing every
sign of mirth and gladness at our arrival. This scene lasted
above half an hour, when the captain got all the women to
draw up in regular order, to whom he distributed many beads
and baubles of tin, and gave some knives among the men.
He then returned to the boats to supper and passed the night
on board, all the people remaining on the shore as near as
possible to the boats, dancing merrily and shouting out
aguiaze, which in their language is an expression of joy and
satisfaction.
Very early next morning, 3d October, having dressed
himself
CHAP. xn. SECT. ii. from St Maloes to Canada. 47
himself splendidly, our captain went on shore to see the town
in which these people dwelt, taking with him five of the prin-
cipal officers and twenty men, all well armed, leaving the re-
mainder of the people to take care of the boats. The city of
Hochelega is six miles from the river side, and the road thither
is as well beaten and frequented as can be, leading through
as fine a country as can be seen, full of as fine oaks as any in
France, the whole ground below being strewed over with fine
acorns. When we had gone four or five miles we were met
by one of the chief lords of the city accompanied by a great
many natives, who made us understand by signs that we must
stop at a place where they had made a large fire, which we
did accordingly. When we had rested there some time, the
chief made a long discourse in token of welcome and friend-
ship, shewing a joyful countenance and every mark of good
will. On this our captain presented him with two hatchets
and two knives, and hung a cross from his necjc, which he
made him kiss, with all which the chief seemed much pleased.
After this we resumed our march, and about a mile and a
half farther we found fine large fields covered with the corn of
the country, resembling the millet of Brasil, rather larger
than small pease. In the midst of these cultivated fields the
city of Hochelega is situated, near and almost joined to a
great mountain, which is very fertile and cultivated all round,
to which we gave the name of Mount Royal 1Z .
The city of Hochelega is circular, and encompassed all round
with three rows of ramparts made of timber, one within the
other, " framed like a sharp spire but laid across above, the
middlemost is made and built as a direct line but perpendi-
cular, the ramparts are framed and fashioned with pieces of
timber laid along the ground, well and cunningly joined
together 12 ." This inclosure is about two roods high, and has
but one gate of entrance, which is shut when necessary with
piles, stakes, and bars. Over the gate, and in many other
parts of the wall, there are scaffolds having ladders up to then),
and on these scaffolds there are large heaps of stones, ready
for defending the place against an enemy. The town consist-
ed
11 Montreal, whence the island and city of the same name. E.
12 This description of the manner in which the ramparts of Hochelega
were constructed, taken literally from Hakluyr, is by no means obvious or
intelligible. Besides it seems rather ridiculous to dignify the village of a
horde of savages with the name of city. E-
48 Voyages of Jacques Car tier PART n. BOOK ir.
ed of about fifty large houses, each of them about fifty paces
long and twelve broad, all buiit of wood and covered with
broad strips of bark, like boards, nicely joined. These houses
are divided within into many rooms, and in the middle of
each there is a court or hall, in which they make their fire.
Thus they, live in communities, each separate family having a
chamber to which the husband, wife, and children retire to
sleep. On the tops of their houses they have garrets or gra-
naries, in which they store up the maize of which their bread
is made, which they call caracouny, and which is made in this
manner. They have blocks of wood hollowed out, like those
on which we beat hemp, and in these they beat their corn to
powder with wooden beetles. The meal is kneaded into
cakes, which they lay on a broad hot stone, covering it up
with other heated stones, which thus serve instead of ovens.
Besides these cakes, they make several kinds of pottage from
their maize, and also of beans and pease, both of which
they have in abundance. They have also a variety of fruits,
such as musk-melons and very large cucumbers. They
have likewise large vessels in all their houses, as big as butts
or large hogsheads, in which they store up their fish for win-
ter provision, having dried them in the sun. during summer
for that purpose, and of these they lay up large stores for
their provision during winter. All their victuals, however,
are without the smallest taste of salt. They sleep on beds
made of the bark of trees spread on the ground, and covered
over with the skins of wild beasts j with which likewise their
garments are made.
That which they hold in highest estimation among all their
possessions, is a substance which they call esurgny or corni-
botz, which is as white as snow, and which is procured in
the following manner. When any one is adjudged to death
for a crime, or when they have taken any of their enemies du-
ring war, having first slain the person, they make many deep
gashes on the buttocks, flanks, thighs, and shoulders of the
dead body, which is then sunk to the bottom of the river, in
a certain place where the esurgny abounds. After remaining
10 or 12 hours, the body is drawn up, and the esurgny or
cornibotz is found in the gashes. Of this they make beads,
which they wear about their necks as we do chains of gold
and silver, accounting it their most precious riches. These
ornaments, as we have proved by experience, have the power
10 to
CHAP. xii. SECT. ii. from St Maioes to Canada. 49
to staunch bleeding at the nose 13 . This nation devote^ itself
entirely to husbandry and fishing for subsistence, having no
care for any other wealth or commodity, of which they ikve
indeed no knowledge, as they never travel from their own
country, as is done by the natives of Canada and Saguenay ;
yet the Canadians and the inhabitants of cighf or ten other
villages on the river, are subject to the people of Hochelega.
When we came near the town, a vast number of the inha-
bitants came out to meet us, and received us in the most cor-
dial manner, while the guides led us to the middle of the
town, in which there is a large open square, a good stones
throw from side to side, in which they desired us by signs to
remain. Then all the women and girls of the place gathered
together in the square, many of whom carried young children
in their arms ; as many of them as could get forwards came
up and rubbed our faces, arms, and bodies, giving every token
of joy and gladness for having seen us, and requiring us by
signs to touch their children. After this, the men caused the
women to withdraw, and all sat down on the ground round
about us, as if they meant to represent some comedy or shew.
The women came back, each of them carrying a square matt
like a carpet, which they spread out on the ground and
caused us to sit down on them. When this was done, Agcu-
hamia, the king or lord of the town, was brought iifto the
square on the shoulders of nine or ten men. He sairSipon a
large deer skin, and was set down oil one of the matts near
our captain, all the people signifying to us by signs that this
was their king. Agouhanna was apparently about fifty years
old, and no way better clothed than any of. the rest, except
that he had a kind of red wreath round his head instead of a
crown, which was made of the skins of hedgehogs. He was
full of palsy, and all his limbs were shrunk and withered.
After he had saluted our captain and all the company, wel-
coming us all to his town by signs and gestures, he shewed his
shrunk legs and arms to the captain, desiring him to touch
them, which he did accordingly, rubbing them with his hands.
Then Agouhanna took the crown or fillet from his own head,
and gave it to our captain j after which several diseased men
VOL. vj. D were
13 It is impossible to give any explanation of this ridiculous account of
the esurgny, any farther than that the Frenchmen were either imposed upon
by the natives, or misunderstood them from not knowing their language.
In a subsequent part of the voyages of Cartier, this substance is called
Emoguy* E.
50 Voyages of Jacques Cartier PART n. BOOK u.
were brought before the captain, some blind and others
cripple, lame or impotent of their limbs, that he might touch
them, as they seemed to think that God had come down from
heaven to heal them. Some of these men were so old that the
hair of their eyebrows grew down over their cheeks. Seeing
the misery and devotion of these ignorant people, our captain
recited the commencement of the gospel of St John, ** In the
beginning was the word" &c. touching all the diseased persons,
and prayed to God that he would open the hearts of these de-
luded people, making them to know his holy word, and to
receive baptism and the Christian faith. He then opened a
service-book, and read over the passion of Christ with an
audible voice ; during which all the natives kept a profound
silence, looking up to heaven and imitating all our gestures.
He then caused all the men to stand orderly on one side, the
women on the other, and the young people on a third, giving
hatchets to the chiefs, knives to the others, beads and other
trifles to the women, and rings, counters, and broaches of tin
to the children. He then caused our trumpets and other
musical instruments to be sounded, which made the natives
very merry. We then took leave of them to return to our
boats, on which the women placed themselves in our way,
offering us of their provisions which they had made ready for
us, such as fish, pottage, beans, and other things ; but, as
all their victuals were dressed, without salt, we did not like
them, and gave them to understand by signs that we were not
hungry.
When we left the town, many of the men and women fol-
lowed us, and conducted us to the top of Mount Royal,
which is about a league from the town, and whence we had a
commanding view of the country for thirty leagues round.
To the north we saw many hills stretching east and west,
and a similar range to the south, between which the whole
country was exceedingly pleasant, being level and fit for
husbandry. In the midst of these pleasant plains, we could
see the river a great way farther up than where we had left
our boats ; and at about fifteen leagues from us, as far as we
could judge, it came through the fair round mountains to the
south in a great rapid fall, the largest, widest, and swiftest
that ver was seen. The natives informed us that there were
three such falls besides ; but as we did not understand their
language, we could not learn the distance between these.
They likewise informed us by signs, that after passing above
these
CHAP, xii, SECT. ii. from St Maloes to Canada. 51
these three falls, a man might sail three months continually
up the river and that along the hills to the north, there is
another great river coming from the west, which we believed
to be that which runs through the country of Saguenay.
One of the natives, without any sign or question made to
him, took hold of the silver chain of our captains whistle,
and the dagger haft of one of the mariners, which was of gilt
brass, giving us to understand that such metals came from
that river, where there were evil people named Agouionaa,
armed even to their finger ends, shewing us the way in
which their armour was made, being wrought of cords and
wood very ingeniously. They gave us also to understand
that these Agouionda were continually at war among them-
selve>, but we could not learn how far their country lay, for
want of understanding their language. Our captain shewed
them some copper, which they call caignetadze, and asked
them by signs if any came from thence. They answered no 9
shaking their heads, but intimated that it came from Sague-
nay, which is in quite a different direction. We now pro-
ceeded towards our boats, accompanied by great nut- bers of
the people, some of whom, when they noticed any of our
men weary, took them up on their shoulders and carried
them along. As soon as we got to the boats, we set sail to
return to our pinnace, being afraid lest any accident might
have happened in our absence. Our departure seemed to
grieve these friendly natives, who followed us along the
shore as far as they were able. We went so fast down the
river, that we came to our pinnace on Monday the 4th Oc-
tober ; and set off next day with the pinnace and boats to
return to the port of the Holy Cross in the province of Cana-
da, where our ships lay. On the 7th of the month we came
to a river running from the north, having four small islands
at its mouth, overgrown with fine large trees, which we named
the Fouetz River. Entering this river, we found one of the
islands stretched a great way up. Our captain caused a
large cross to be set up at the point of thi- river, and went up
the river with the tide as far as possible; but finding it vtry
shallow and of no importance, we soon returned and resumed
our voyage down the Great River.
On Monday the i Ith October, we came to the port of the
Holy Cross, where we found that the masters and mariners
who were left there had constructed a stockade before the
ships, of large timber set upright and well fastened together,
having
52 Voyages of Jacques Carlier PA&T u. BOOK n-
having likewise planted several cannon, and made all other
needful preparations for defence against the natives, in case
of any attack. As soon as Donnacona heard of our return,
he came to visit us, accompanied by Taignoagny and Doma-
gaia and many others, pretending to be very glad of our
arrival, and making many compliments to our captain, who
entertained them in a friendly manner, although they had
not so deserved by their former conduct. Donnacona in-
vited our captain to come and see Canada, which he pro-
mised to do next day, being the 13th of the month. He ac-
cordingly went, accompanied by all the gentlemen and fifty
mariners well armed. Their place of abode, named Stada-
cona, was about a league from the ships j and when we were
arrived within a stones throw of the place, many of the in-
habitants came to meet us, drawing up in two ranks, the
men on one side and the women on the other, all dancing
and singing. After mutual salutation, the captain distribut-
ed knives and other trifles among them, giving a tin ring to
each of the women and children, with which they were much
pleased. After this, Donnacona and Taignoagny con-
ducted the captain to see the houses, which were very well
provided with victuals for winter use. Among other things,
they shewed us the scalps of five men spread on boards as we
do parchment, which Donnacona told us were taken from a
people called Toudamani, dwelling to the south, who are
continually engaged in war against his nation. They told us
that, about two years ago, as they were going to war in Hog-
nedo, having 200 persons,men, women, and children, and were
all asleep in a fort which they had made in an island over
against the mouth of the Saguenay River, they were assault-
ed during the night by the Toudamans 9 who set their fort on
fire, and as they endeavoured to come out, their enemies slew
the whole party, five only making their escape. They w r ere
greatly grieved at this loss, but signified by signs that they
hoped to be amply revenged at some future opportunity.
This nation has no knowledge of the true God, but believe
in one whom they call Cudruaigni, who they say often informs
them of future events, and who throws dust into their eyes
when angry with them 14 . They believe that they go to the
stars after death, and thence descend gradually towards the
earth,
14 This seems a figurative expression, implying that he keeps them ia
ignorance of what is to happen when displeased.~E,
CHAP. xii. SECT. ii. from St Maloes to Canada. 53
earth, as the stars do to the horizon ; after which they inhabit
certain pleasant fields, abounding in precious trees, sweet
flowers, and fine fruits. We endeavoured to convince them
of their erroneous belief, telling them that Cudruaigni was
only a devil or evil spirit, who deceived them ; and affirmed
that there is only one God of heaven, the creator of all, from
whom we have all good things, and that it is necessary to be
baptised, otherwise they would all be damned. They readily
acquiesced in these and other things concerning our faith, cal-
ling their Cudruaigni agouiada^ or the evil one, and requested
our captain that they might be baptised; and Donnacona,Taig-
noagny, Domagaia, and all the people of the town came to us
hoping to receive baptism. But as we could not thoroughly
understand their meaning, and there was no one with us who
was able to teach them the doctrines of our holy religion, we de-
sired Taignoagny and Domagaia to tell them that we should
return to them at another time, bringing priests and the chrysm
along with us, without which they could not be baptised.
All of this was thoroughly understood by our two savages, as
they had seen many children baptised when in Brittany, and
the people were satisfied with these reasons, expressing their
great satisfaction at our promise.
These savages live together in common, as has been already
mentioned respecting the inhabitants of Hochelega, and are
tolerably well provided with those things which their country
produces. They are clothed in the skins of wild beasts,
but in a very imperfect and wretched manner. In winter
they wear hose and shoes made of wild beasts skins, but go
barefooted in summer. They observe the rules of matrimony,
only that every man has two or three wives, who never marry
again if their husbands happen to die, wearing all their lives
after a kind of mourning dress, and smearing their faces with
charcoal dust and grease, as thick as the back of a knife,
by which they are known to be widows. They have a de-
testable custom with regard to their young women, who are
all placed together in one house as soon as they are mar-
riageable, where they remain as harlots for all who please to
visit them, till such time as they may find a match. I assert
this from experience, having seen many houses occupied in
this manner, just as those houses in France where young
persons are boarded for their education ; and the conduct
of the inhabitants of these houses is indecent and scandalous
in the extreme, The men are not much given to labour,
digging
54? Voyages of Jacques Cartier PART n. BOOK n.
digging the ground in a superficial manner with a wooden
impierm-nt, by which they cultivate their corn resembling that
which grows in Brazil, and which they call effici. They have
also plentyof melons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers, and pease
and beans of various colours, all different from ours. They
have likewise a certain kind of herb of which they lay up a
store every summer, having first dried it in the sun. This
is only used by the men, who always carry some of this dried
herb in a small skin bag hanging from their necks, in which
they also carry a hollow piece of stone or wood like a pipe.
\Vhen they use this herb, they bruise it to powder, which
they put into one end of the before-mentioned pipe, and lay
a small piece of live coal upon it, after which they suck so
long at the other end that they fill their bodies full of smoke,
till it comes out of their mouth and nostrils, as if from the
chimney of a fire-place. They allege that this practice keeps
them warm and is conducive to health, and they constantly
carry some of this herb about with them for this purpose.
We have tried to use this smoke, but on putting it to our
mouths it seemed as hot as pepper. The women among
th.'se savages labour much more than the men, in tilling the
ground, fishing, and other matters; and all of them, men,
women, and children, are able to resist the extremity of cold
better even than the wild beasts ; for we have seen them in
the extremest cold, which is most amazingly severe, come
stark naked to our ships over the ice and snow, which must
appear incredible to those who have not witnessed such hardi-
ness. During winter, when the whole country is covered
with ice and snow, they take great numbers of wild beasts ;
such as stags, fauns, bears, martins, hares, foxes, and
many other kinds, the flesh of which they eat almost raw,
being only dried in the sun or in smoke, as they do their
fish. So far as we were acquainted with these people, it were
an easy matter to civilize tht m and to teach them any thing
whatever : May God of his great mercy give a blessing to
this, in his good time. Amen !
SECTION
CHAP. xii. SECT. in. from St Maloes to Canada. 55
SECTION III.
Wintering of Jacques Cartier in Canada in 1536, and return
to France in 1537.
THE great river of Canada or Hochelega, begins at the sea
or gulf of St Lawrence below the Island of Assumption, or
Anticosti. Over against the high mountains of Hognedo and
the Seven Islands, the breadth of this river is from 35 to 40
leagues, being 200 fathoms deep in the mid channel. The
surest way to sail up this river is on the south side 1 . On the
north side, at about seven leagues distance from the Seven
Islands, there are two considerable rivers which come from
the hills of Saguenay, and occasion several very dangerous
shoals. At the entrance of these rivers we saw vast numbers
of whales and sea-horses 5 and near these islands a small river
runs in through marshy grounds, which is frequented by im-
mense numbers of water-fowl. From these Seven Islands to
Hochelega or Montreal, the distance is about 300 leagues*.
The original beginning of this great river may be considered
as at the mouth of the Saguenay river, which comes from
high and steep hills, from whence upwards is the province
of Canada on the north side. That river is high, deep, and
straight, wherefore it is dangerous for any vessel to navigate
it. Beyond that river upwards is the province of Canada,
in which are abundance of people who inhabit villages or
open towns. In this river there are many islands great and
small, among which is one ten leagues long 3 , full of large tall
trees and many vines. This island maybe passed on both sides,
but the safest way is on its south side. To the westwards,
on the shore or bank of the river there is an excellent and
pleasant bay or creek, in which ships may safely ride. Near
this, one part of the river for about the third part of a league
is very narrow and deep with a swift current, opposite to
which
1 Modern navigators prefer the north side, all the way from the Seven
Islands to the Isle of Orleans, where they take the southern channel to Point
Levi, at which place they enter the bason of Quebec. E.
2 The distance does not exceed 135 marine leagues. E.
3 The Isle of Orleans, the only one which can be here alluded to, is only
6| marine leagues in length ; Cartier seems to use the small French league
of about 1 2 furlongs, and even not to have been very accurate in its appli-
cation. E.
56 Voyages of Jacques Carrier PART u. BOOK n.
which is a goodly piece of high land on which a town stands.
The country around is of excellent soil and well cultivated.
This place is called Stadacona, and is the abode of Donna-
cona and of the two men we took in our first voyage, Doma-
^aia and Taignoagny, Before coming up to it there arc
lour other towns, named Ayraste, Starnatay, Tailla on a hill,
and Scitadin. And near Stadacona to the north is the harbour
of St Croix, in which we wintered from the 15th September
1535 to the 16th May 1536, during all which time our ships
remained dry. Beyond Stadacona, going up the river, is the
habitation of the people called Teguenondahi, on a high
mountain, and the valley or champain country of Hochelay,
all of which for a great extent on both sides of the river is
as fine a plain as ever was seen. There are mountains to
be seen at a distance from the great river, whence several
rivers descend to join the Hochelay. All the country is over-
grown with many different kinds of trees and many vines,
except around the towns, where the inhabitants have grubbed
up the trees to admit of cultivating the ground, and for the
purpose of building their houses. This country abounds in
stags, deer, bears, rabbits, hares, martins, foxes, otters,
beavers, weasels, badgers, and rats of vast size, besides many-
other kinds of wild beasts, in the skins of which the inhabi-
tants clothe themselves, having no other materials. It abounds
also in a variety of birds, as cranes, s\vans, bustards, geese
both white and grey, ducks, thrushes, black-birds, turtles,
wild-pigeons, linnets, finches, redbreasts, stares, nightingales,
and many others. No part of the world was ever seen pro-
ducing greater numbers and varieties of fish, both these be-
longing to the sea and to fresh water, according to their
seasons. Among these many whales, porpoises, sea-horses,
and a kind named Adhothuis which we had never seen or
heard of before. These are as large as porpoises, as white as
snow, having bodies and heads resembling grey-hounds, and
are accustomed to reside between the fresh and salt water
about the mouth of the Saguenay river.
After our return from Hochelega or the Isle of Montreal,
we dwelt and trafficked in great cordiality with the natives
near our ships, except that we sometimes had strife with
certain ill-disposed people, much to the displeasure of the
rest. From Donnacona and others, we learnt that the river
of Saguenay is capable of being navigated by small boats for a
distance of eight or nine days journey ; but that the most
5 ' convenient'
CHAP. xii. SECT. in. from St Maloes to Canada. 57
convenient and best way to the country of Saguenay is to
ascend the great river in the first place to Hochelega, and
thence by another river which comes from Saguenay, to
which it is a navigation of a month 4 . The natives likewise
gave us to understand that the people in that country of
Saguenay were very honest, were clothed in a similar man-
ner to us Frenchmen, had many populous towns, and had
great store of gold and red copper. They added, that be-
yond the river of Hochelega and Saguenay, there is an island
environed by that and other rivers, beyond which and Sa-
guenay the river leads into three or four great lakes, and a
great inland sea of fresh water, the end whereof had never
been found, as they had heard from the natives of Saguenay,
having never been there themselves. They told us likewise
that, at the place where we left our pinnace when we went
to Hochelega or Montreal, there is a river which flows from
the south-west, by which in a months sailing they reach a
certain other land having neither ice nor snow, where the
inhabitants are continually at war against each other, and
which country produces abundance of oranges, almonds, nuts,
apples, and many other kinds of fruit, the natives being clad
in the skins of beasts. On being asked if there were any
gold or red copper in that country, they answered no. So
far as I could understand their signs and tokens, I take this
country to be towards Florida 5 .
In the month of December, we learnt that the inhabitants
of the neighbouring town of Stadacona were infected by a
pestilential disease, by which above fifty of them had been cut
off' before we got the intelligence. On this account we strict-
ly enjoined them not to come to our fort or ships, or to have
any intercourse with us ; notwithstanding which precaution
this unknown sickness began to spread among us in the
strangest
4 The meaning of these routes are not explicable, as we are unacquainted
with what is meant by Saguenay. The river of that name flows into the
north-west side of the St Lawrence 1 SO miles below Quebec, in a nearly
east course of about 130 miles from the lake of St John. The other river,
said in the text to come from Saguenay, is probably that of the Utawas ;
but there does not appear to be any common direction or object attainable
by the navigation of these two rivers. The subsequent account of the in-
habitants of Saguenay is obviously fabulous, or had been misunderstood by
the French adventurers. E.
5 The river from the south-west must have been the Chambly, and its series
of lakes towards Hudson river. The rest of these vague indications refer to
the great Canadian lakes. .
38 Voyages of Jacques Cartier PART n. BOOK n.
strangest manner that ever was seen or heard of. Some of
our men lost their strength so completely that they could not
stand, their legs being excessively swelled and quite black, and
their sinews shrunk up. Others also had their skins spotted
all over with spots of a dark purple or blood colour ; which
beginning at the ankles, spread up their knees, thighs, shoul-
ders, arms and neck : Their breath did stink most intolera-
bly ; their gums became so rotten that the flesh fell off even
to the roots of their teeth, most of which fell out 6 . So se-
verely did this infection spread among us, that by the middle
of February, out of 110 persons composing the companies of
our three ships, there were not ten in perfect health to assist
the rest, so that we were in a most pitiable case, considering
the place we were in, as the natives came every day to the
outside of our fort and saw but few of us. Eight were already
dead, and fifty more so extremely ill that we considered
them past all hopes of recovery. In consideration of our
misery, our captain commanded all the company to prepare
by devout prayer in remembrance of Christ our Saviour, and
caused his holy image to be set upon a tree about a musquet-
shot from the fort, giving us to understand that divine service
was to be performed there on the Sunday following, every one
who could possibly do so attending in solemn procession,
singing the seven psalms of David and other litanies, and
praying most heartily to our Lord Christ Jesus to have com-
passion upon our wretched state. Service being accordingly
performed as well as we could, our captain made a vow, if it
should please God to permit his return into France, that he
would go on pilgrimage to the shrine of our Lady of Rocque-
mado.
On that cLay Philip Rougement died, being 22 years old;
and because the nature of the sickness was utterly unknown,
the captain caused his body to be opened, to see if by any
means the cause of the disease could be discovered, or any thing
found out by which to preserve the rest of the people. His
heart was found to be white, but rotten, with more than a
quart of red water about it. The liver was tolerably sound ;
but the lungs were black and mortified. The blood was all
collected about the heart ; so that a vast quantity of rotten
blood
6 The author clearly describes the scurvy, long so fatal to mariners on
long voyages, now almost unknown in consequence of superior attention to
articles of diet and cleanness. E.
CHAP. xii. SECT. in. from St Maloes to Canada. 59
blood issued from thence when opened. The milt or spleen
was rough and somewhat perished, as if it had been rubbed
against a stone. One of his thighs being very black was
opened, but it was quite sound within. The sickness increased
to such a pitch that there were not above three sound men
in the whole company ; all the rest being unable to go
below hatches to bring up victuals or drink for themselves or
others We were sometimes obliged to bury such as died
under the snow, being unable to dig graves for them, as the
ground was frozen quite hard, and we were all reduced to ex-
treme weakness. To add to our distress, we were sore afraid
that the natives might discover our weakness and misery. To
hide this, our captain, whom it pleased God always to keep
in health, used to make his appearance with two or three of
the company, some sick and some well, whenever any of the
natives made their appearance, at whom he threw stones,
commanding them to go away or he would beat them : And
to induce the natives to believe that all the company were
employed in work about the ships, he caused us all to make a
great noise of knocking, with sticks, stones, hammers, and
such like, as if caulking and repairing the ships. At this
time we were so oppressed with this horrible sickness that we
lost all hope of ever returning to France, and we had all died
miserably, if God of his infinite goodnes<s and mercy had not
looked upon us in compassion, and revealed a singular and
most excellent remedy against our dreadful sickness, the best
that was ever found on earth, as shall be related hereafter.
From the middle of November till the middle of March, we
were dwelling among ice above two fathoms in thickness, and
the snow lay above four feet thick on our decks ; and so great
was the frost that all our liquors were frozen. Even the in-
side of our ships below hatches was covered with ice above
the thickness of a hand-breadth. In that period twenty-five
of our best men died, and all the rest were so exceedingly ill,
three or four only excepted, that we had not the smallest
hopes of their recovery. At this time it pleased God to cast
an eye of pity upon our forlorn state, and to send us know-
ledge of a remedy which restored us to health in a most won-
derful manner. Our captain happened one day to walk out
upon the ice beyond the fort, when he met a company of In-
dians coming from Stadacona, among whom was Domagaia,
who only ten or twelve days before had his knees swollen like
the head of a child two years old, his sinews all shrunk, his
teeth
60 Voyages of Jacques Cartier PART u. BOOK ir.
teeth spoiled, his gums all rotten and stinking, and in short
in a very advanced stage of this cruel disease. Seeing him
now well and sound, our captain was much rejoiced, being
in hopes to learn by what means he had healed himself, so
that he might in the same manner cure our sick men. Doma-
gaia informed him, that he had taken the juice of the leaves
of a certain tree, which was a sovereign remedy against that
disease. Our captain then asked him if that tree was to be
found thereabout, and desired him to point it out, that he
might cure one of his servants who had got the disease when
up at Canada with Donnacona. He said this that it might
not be known how many of us were sick. Domagaia sent
immediately two women, who brought ten or twelve branches
of that tree, and shewed the manner of using it ; which was
to boil the bark and leaves of the tree in water, to drink of
this decoction every other day, and to put the dregs upon
the legs of the sick. He said likewise that this tree was of
great efficacy in curing many other diseases. This tree is cal-
led Ameda or Hanncda in their language, and is thought to
be that which we call Sassafras. Our captain immediately
caused some of that drink to be prepared for his men ; but at
first only one or two would venture to use it, who were fol-
lowed by the rest, and in a short time they were all complete-
ly cured, not only of this dreadful sickness, but even of every
other with which any of them were at that time afflicted.
Some even who had been four or five years diseased with the
J^ues became quite cured. After this medicine was found to
be effectual, there was so much eagerness to get it that the
people were ready to kill each other as to who should be first
served. Such quantities were used, that a tree as large as a
well grown oak was completely lopped bare in five or six days ?
and the medicine wrought so well that if all the physicians of
Montpelier or Louvain had been to attend us, with all the
drugs of Alexandria, they could not have done so much for
us in a whole year as that tree did in six days, all who used
it recovering their health by the blessing of God,
While the disease lasted among us, Donnaeona, Taignoag-
ny, and many others of the natives went from home, pretend-
ing that they went to catch stags and deer, called by them
Aiounesta and Asquenoudo. They said that they were only to
be away a fortnight, but they staid away above two months,
on which account we suspected they had gone to raise the
country against us while we were so weak. But we had used
so
CHAP* xii. SECT. in. from St Malaes to Canada. 61
so much diligence in fortifying ourselves, that the whole
power of the country could only have looked at us, without
being able to have done us any harm. While they were
away, many of the natives used to come daily to our ships
with fresh meat, such as stags, deer, fishes and other things ;
but held them at a high price, and would often take them
away again, rather as sell them moderately. It must be al-
lowed however that the winter that year was uncommonly
long, and there was even some scarcity of provisions among
the natives.
On the 21st of April 1536, Domagaia came to the shore
accompanied by several strong men whom we had not seen be-
fore, and told us that the lord Donnacona would come next
day to visit us, and was to bring abundance of venison and
other things along with him. Next day Donnacona came to
Stadacona with a great number of men, for what purpose we
know not ; but as the proverb says, " He who takes heed of
all men may hap to escape from some." Indeed we had
great cause to look about us, being much diminished in num-
bers, and those who remained being still very weak ; inso-
much that we were under the necessity to leave one of our
ships at the port of St Croix. Our captain was informed of
the arrival of that great number of men along with Donna-
cona, as Domagaia came to tell him, yet dared not to cross
the river between us and Stadacona as he used to do, which
circumstance made us suspect some intended treachery.
Upon this our captain sent one of his servants along with John
Poulet, who was much in favour among the natives, to endea-
vour to discover their intentions towards us. Poulet and his
companion pretended only to come on a visit to Donnacona,
to whom they carried some presents ; but as soon as Donna-
cona heard of their approach he went to bed, feigning him-
self very sick. After visiting the chief, they went to the house
of Taignoagny, and wherever they went they saw a prodigi-
ous number of people, so that they could hardly stir for each
other, most of whom they had not been used to see before.
Taignoagny would not allow our men to go into any other
house in the town, always keeping company with them
wherever they went ; and while accompanying them back to
the ships, desired them to ask our captain to carry off with
him to France, a native chief named Agouna, from whom he
had received some injury, and that if our captain was pleased
to do him this service he would esteem it a great favour and
would
62 Voyages of Jacques Cartier BOOK n. PART n.
would do in return whatever he was desired ; requesting that
the servant might be sent back next day with the answer.
When our captain learnt that so great a number of natives
were collected apparently with some evil intentions towards
us, he proposed to make prisoners of Donnacona, Taignoagny,
Domagaia and some others of the principal men, that he
might carry them into France, to shew them to our king
along with other rarities from this western part of the world.
Donnacona had formerly told us that he had been in the
country of Saguenay, in which were infinite riches in rubies,
gold, and other precious things. He said also that there
were white men m that country, whose dresses were of woollen
cloth like that we wore. He likewise said that he had been
in another country inhabited by a people called Picquemians 7 ,
and other tribes. Donnacona was an old man, who even
from his childhood had been accustomed to travel into distant
regions, both by means of the rivers and by land. When
Poulet and the other told their message to our captain from
Taignoagny, he sent back the servant desiring Taignoagriy
to come and visit him, promising him good entertainment,
and a compliance with his request. Taignoagny sent back
word that he would wait upon our captain next day, bringing
Donnacona and Agouna along with him ; yet he staid away
two days, during which time none of the natives came from
Stadacona to our ships as they were wont, but seemed anxi-
ously to avoid us, as if we had meant to slay them, which
added much to our suspicions.
At this time the natives of Stadacona, understanding that
we were visited by the inhabitants of Sidatin, and that we
were pulling one of our ships to pieces to get out the old nails
and other iron work, meaning to leave it behind, came to
visit us on the third day, crossing the river in their skiffs and
seeming to have laid aside their former shyness. Taignoagny
and Domagaia remained however above an hour on the other
side of the river, conversing across the stream, before they
would come over. At length they came to our captain,
whom they requested to order the before mentioned chief,
Agouna, to be apprehended and carried over to France. The
captain refused to do this, saying that he had been expressly
forbidden
7 A tribe named Picquagamies still inhabits around Lake St J^ohn at the
head of the Saguenay river. The people in woollen dresses, with the rubies
and goldj must be fabulous, or misunderstood by the French. E.
CHAP. xii. SECT. in. from St Maloes to Canada. 63
forbidden by the king to bring over any men or women ;
being only permitted to take over two or three young boys to
learn French that they might serve as interpreters, but that
he was willing to carry Agouna to Newfoundland and leave
him there. Taignoagny was much rejoiced at this, being
satisfied that he was not to be carried back to France, and
promised to bring Donnacona and all the other chiefs with
him to the ships next day. Next day being the 3d of May
or Holyrood Day, our captain caused a goodly fair cross to be
erected in honour of the clay, thirty-five feet in height, under
the cross tree of which he hung up a shield of the arms of
France, with this inscription in antique letters,
Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex.
About noon, according to the promise of Taignoagny, a
great number of men, women, and children came from the
town of Stadacona, saying that their lord Donnacona was
coming to visit our captain attended by Taignoagny and
Domagaia. They came accordingly about two o'clock in the
afternoon, and when near our ships, our captain went to
salute Donnacona, who endeavoured to assume a cheerful
countenance, yet his eyes were ever and anon bent towards
the wood as if in fear. As Taignoagny endeavoured to dis-
suade Donnacona from going on board, our captain ordered
a fire to be kindled in the open air ; but at length Donna-
cona and the others were prevailed upon to go on board,
when Domagaia told the captain that Taignoagny had spoken
ill of him and had endeavoured to dissuade Donnacona from
going to the ships. Seeing likewise that Taignoagny was
sending away the women and children, and that the men
only remained, which indicated some hostile intentions, our
captain gave a signal to his men who immediately ran to his
assistance, and laid hold on Donnacona, Taignoagny, Doma-
gaia, and two more of the principal natives. On seeing their
lord taken, the Canadians immediately ran away, some cros-
sing the river towards Stadacona and others taking to the
woods ; whereupon we retired within our bulwarks, and pla-
ced the prisoners under a secure guard. During the ensuing
night great numbers of the natives came to the river side near
our ships, crying and howling like so many wolves, and con-
tinually calling upon Agouhanna^ being the name of office or
dignity of Donnacona, whom they wished to speak with, but
our captain would not allow of this. Next day about noon
the natives indicated by signs that they supposed we had kil-
led
CM* Voyages of Jacques Cartier PART n. BOOK n.
led tbeir chief. About this time the natives in the neigh-
bourhood of the ships were in prodigious numbers, most of
them skulking about the edge of the forest, except some who
continually called with a loud voice on Donnacona to come
and speak to them. Our captain then commanded Donna-
cona to be brought up on high to speak to his people, and
desired him to be merry, assuring him that when he had spo-
ken to the king of France, and told him all that he had seen
In Saguenay and other countries through which he had tra-
velled, that he should be sent back to his own country in ten
or twelve months with great rewards. Donnacona rejoiced
at this assurance, and communicated the intelligence to his
people, who made three loud cheers in token of joy. After
this Domiacona and his people conversed together for a long
time ; but for want of interpreters we could not know the
subjects of their discourse. Our captain then desired Donna-
cona to make his people come over to our side of the river,
that they might talk together with more ease, and desired him
to assure them of being in perfect safety; which Donnacona did
accordingly, and a whole boatful of the principal people came
over close to the ships, where they renewed their conversa-
tion, giving great praise to our captain, to whom they pre-
sented twenty-four chains of esurgiity 8 , as the most precious
thing they possess, and which they hold in higher estimation
than gold or silver. After a long talk, as Donnacona saw
that there were no means of avoiding the voyage to France,
he commanded his people to bring him some victuals to serve
him during the passage. At this time our captain gave
Donnacona two frying pans of copper, eight hatchets, with
several knives, strings of beads, and other trifles, with which
he seemed highly pleased, and sent them to his wives and
children. Our captain also made similar presents to the chiefs
who had come to speak with Donnacona, who thanked him
for the gifts and retired to their town.
Very early on the 5th of May, a great number of the people
came back to speak with their lord, on which occasion they
sent a boat, called casnoni in their language, loaded with
maize,
8 A very unintelligible account of the manner in which this article, so pre-
cious in the eyes of the Canadians, is procured, has been already given in this
chapter ; but there are no data on which even to conjecture what it is. Belts
i wampum, a kind of rudely ornamented ribbons or girdles, are universally
prized among the North American Indians; of which frequent mention \yil!
occur in the sequel of this work, E.
CHAP. xir. SECT. in. from St Maloes to Canada. 65
maize, venison, fish, and other articles of provision after their
fashion, and lest any of their men might be detained, this
boat was navigated by four women, who were well treated at
our ships. By the desire of Donnacona, our captain sent a
message on shore by these women, to assure the natives that
their chief would be brought back by him to Canada at the
end of ten or twelve months : They seemed much pleased at
this intelligence, and promised when he brought back Don-
nacona that they would give him many valuable presents, in
earnest of which each of the women gave him a chain of
esurgney. Next day, being Saturday the 6th of May 1536,
we set sail from the harbour of St Croix, and came to anchor
at night in another harbour about twelve leagues down the
river, a little below the Isle of Orleans. On Sunday the 7th
we came to the Island of Filberts, or Coudres, where we re-
mained till the 16th of the month, waiting till the great flood
in the river had spent its force, as the current was too violent
to be safely navigated. At this time many of the subjects of
Donnacona came to visit him from the river Saguenay, who
were much astonished upon being told by Domagaia that Don-
nacona was to be carried to France, but were reassured by
Donnacona who informed them he was to come back next
year. They gave their chief on this occasion three packs of
beaver skins and the skins of sea wolves or seals, with a great
knife made of red copper which is brought from Saguenay,
and many other things. They also gave our captain a chain
of esurgney^ in return for which he presented them with ten
or twelve hatchets, and they departed well pleased.
On the 16th of May we departed from the Isle of Filberts,
and came to another island about fifteen leagues farther down
the river, which is about five leagues in length, where we re-
mained the rest of that day and the following night, meaning
to take advantage of the next day to pass by the river Sague-
nay, where the navigation is very dangerous. That evening
we went ashore on the island, where we took such numbers
of hares that we called it Hare Island. But during the night
the wind became quite contrary and blew so hard that we were
forced back to the Isle of Filberts, where we remained till the
21st of the month, when fine weather and a fair wind brought
us down the river. On this occasion we passed to Honguedo.,
which passage had not been seen before. Passing Cape Prat.,
which is at the entrance into the bay of Chalew, and having a
fair wind we sailed all day and night without stopping, and
VOL, vi. v came
66 Foyages of Jacques Curlier BOOK u. PART u.
came next day to the middle of Brlons Islands. These islands
lie north-west and south-east, and are about fifty leagues
asunder, being in lat. 4-7 JN 9 . On Thursday the 26th of
May, being the feast of the Ascension, we coasted over to a
land and shallow of low sands, about eight leagues south-west
from Brions Island, above which are large plains covered
with trees, and likewise an enclosed lake or sea into which we
could find no entrance. On Friday following, being the 2 7th
of the month, in consequence of the wind becoming final, we
returned -to Brions Island, where we remained till the begin-
ning of June. To the south-east of this island we saw land
which we supposed another island, which we coasted for two
or three leagues, and had sight of three other high islands
towards the sands, after which we returned to the cape of the
said land, which is divided into two or three very high capes 10 .
At this place the water is very deep and runs with a prodigi-
ously swift current. That day we came to Cape Lorain
'which is in 4-7i degrees toward the south. This cape is low
land, and has an appearance as of the mouth of a river, but
there is no harbour of any worth. At a short distance we
saw another head-land toward the south, which we named
Cape St Paul.
Sunday following, being the 4-th of June, we saw other
lands at about twenty -two leagues east- south- east from New-
foundland, and as the wind was contrary we went into a
harbour which we named the Bay of the Holy Ghost. We
remained there till the Tuesday following, when we sailed
along the coast to St Peters Islands, passing many very dan-
gerous rocks and shoals, which lie east-south-east and west-
north-west, stretching about twenty-three leagues out to sea.
While at St Peters Islands, we saw many French and British
ships, and remained there from the llth to 16th of June,
after which we sailed to Cape Race, where we went into a
harbour named Rognoso, where we took in a supply of wood
and water to serve us on the voyage home, and at this place
we left one of our boats. We left that harbour on Monday
the 19th of June, arid had such excellent weather and fair
winds,
9 These geographical indications are so obscure as not to be intelligible,
unless perhaps the passage between Cape Breton Island and Newfoundland
is here meant under the name of Honguedo. E.
10 The text here is either corrupt, or so vaguely expressed as hot to
admit of any reasonable explanation or conjecture. E.
CHAP. xii. SECT. in. from St Maloes to Canada.
67
winds, that we arrived in the Port of St Maloes upon the 6th
of July 1536.
In Hakkiyts Collection, III. 286 289, there is a short
imperfect fragment of a third voyage by Jacques Cartier to
Canada, Hochelega, and Saguenay in 154-0 ; but as it breaks
off abruptly and gives hardly any additional information re-
specting the country and its inhabitants or productions, be-
yond what is contained in the two voyages already inserted,
it has not been deemed necessary to adopt it into the present
collection. E.
Specimen of the language of Hochelega and Canada.
1. Secada.
6. Indahir.
2. Tigneni.
1. Aiaga.
S. Haschd
8. Addigue.
4. JiannaioH'
9. Madellon.
5. Ou is con.
10. Assem.
Aggonziy
the head.
Atha,
Hegueniascony
the brow.
Amgouay
Higatay
the eyes.
Castruay
Ahontascon,
the ears.
Osiziy
Esahe,
the mouth.
Carraconny,
Esgongay,
the teeth,
Sahey
Osnachey
the tongue.
Amey
AgonpoHy
the throat.
Quahouascony
Hebelimy
the beard.
Honnesta t
Hegouascony
the face.
Absconday
Aganiscony
the hair.
Qzoba,
Aiayascon,
the arms.
Qua/ioya,
Aissonne,
the flanks.
Esguenyy ^
Aggruascony
the stomach.
Undegiieziy
Eschehenda*
the belly.
Hueleuximay
Hetnegradascony
the thighs.
Sahomgahoay
Agotschinegodascony
Ago uguenehondo,
the knees,
the legs.
Zisto,
Ondacon,
OnchidascoHy
the feet.
Ainne-honney
Aignoascon,
the hands.
Sadeguenday
Agenoga,
the fingers.
Aionnesta,
Agedascony
the nails.
Asquenondoy
Aguehumy
a man.
Sourhanday
Agraustey
a woman.
Agaya y
Addegestay
a boy.
Achidey
Agniaquesta t
a girl.
Cudragnyy
Exiastay
a child.
Quenhia
Conday
woods.
Damgay
Hoga,
leaves.
Tsmayy
Cabatay
a gown.
Assomahay
Caiozay
a doublet.
Stagnehohamy
Hetnondohftj
stockings.
Copohay
shoes.
a shirt.
a cap.
corn.
bread^
beans.
water.
flesh,
damsons.
figs.
grapes.
nuts.
an eej.
a snail.
a tortoise.
a hen.
a lamprey,
a salmon.
a whale.
a goose.
a stag.
a sheep.
a hare.
a dog.
to-morrow*
God.
heaven.
the earth.
the sun.
the moon.
the stars.
the wind.
G8
es of Jacques Cartier, fyc. PART n. BOOK n,
Adogne,
a hatchet.
Athau,
cold.
Ahencu,
a bow.
Odazani,
hot.
Quaetan,
a dart.
Azista,
fire.
Canada,
a town.
Quea,
smoke.
Agogasy>
the sea.
Canoca,
a house.
Coda,
the waves.
Addathy,
my father.
Cohena,
an island.
Adauahoe,
my mother.
Agacha,
a hill.
Addagrim,
my brother.
Houncsca,
ice.
Adhoasseue,
my sister.
Camsa,
snow.
Quaza hea quea, Give me some drink.
Quaza hoa quascaboa, Give me my breakfast.
Quaza hoa quatfriam, Give me my supper.
Casigno agnydahoa,
Casigno donnascat,
Casigno caudy,
Casigno casnouy,
Assigni quaddadia,
Quagathoma,
Aignag 9
Aista,
Buazahca agoheda,
Let us go to bed.
Let us go a hunting.
Let us go to play.
Let us go in the boat.
Come speak with me.
Look at me.
Good morrow.
Hold your peace.
Give me a knife.
A
GENERAL HISTORY
AND
COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
PART II. CONTINUED.
BOOK III.
CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE
PORTUGUESE IN THE EAST; TOGETHER WITH SOME AC-
COUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF OTHER EUROPEAN
NATIONS TO INDIA.
CHAPTER I.
DISCOVERIES, NAVIGATIONS, AND CONQUESTS OF THE POR-
TUGUESE IN INDIA, FROM 1505 TO 1539, BOTH INCLU-
SIVE: RESUMED FROM BOOK I. OF THIS PART 1 .
WE have formerly in the First BOOK of this Second PART
of our general arrangement, given a historical ac-
count of the Portuguese Discoveries along the Coast of Africa,
with their Discovery of and early Conquests in India, from
the
l Portuguese Asia, by Manuel de Faria y Sousa. Astleys Collection of
Voyages and Travels, I. 58. et sequ.
70 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
the glorious era of DON HENRY prince of Portugal in 14-12,
down to the year 1505. Necessarily called off from that in-
teresting subject, to attend to the memorable Discovery of the
NEW WORLD by the immortal COLUMBUS, we have de-
tailed at considerable, yet we hope not inconvenient length,
in the III. IV. and V. Volumes of our Collection, the great
and important Discovery of America, and the establishment
of the principal Spanish colonies in that grand division of the
world, with some short notices of the earliest American Dis-
coveries by the Portuguese, English, and French nations. We
now return to a continuation of the early Discoveries and
Conquests in India, taking that word in its most extensive
signification as comprehending the whole of southern Asia,
from the Persian Gulf to Japan and Eastern China. In the
present portion of our Collection, we propose chiefly to direct
our attention to the transactions of the Portuguese ; adding
however such accounts as we may be able to procure of the
early Voyages to India made by other European nations.
It is not necessary to particularize the various sources from
which the different articles to be contained in this Book or
division of our work has been collected, as these will be all
referred to in the several chapters and sections of which it is
composed. Indeed as the introductions we prefix, on the
present and other similar- occasions, are necessarily written
previous to the composition of the articles to which they refer,
contrary to the usual practice, it would be improper to tie
ourselves too strictly on such occasions, so as to preclude the
availment of any additional materials that may occur during
our progress, and therefore we here beg leave to notify that
we reserve a power of including the earliest voyages of other
European nations to the Atlantic and eastern coasts of Africa,
together with- Arabia and Persia, among the early voyages to
Indict, if hereafter deemed necessary ; which is strictly con-
formable to what has been already done in PART II. BOOK I.
and what must necessarily be the case on the present occasion.
It may be proper however to mention, that the present chapter,
containing a continuation of the early Discoveries, Naviga-
tions, and Conquests of the Portuguese in India, is taken
from the PORTUGUESE ASIA, of Manuel de Fariau
Sousa, taking that author up in 1505, where we had to lay
cfowh Castaneda at the end of our Second BOOK.
1 Farm,
"'" >" . <'.:.: V .
CHAP. i. Conquest of India. 71
Faria*, who is designated as a member of the Portuguese
military order of Christ, was a celebrated historian among his
countrymen, and his work, entitled ASIA PORTUGUEZA,
contains an account somewhat in the form of Annals, of the
Transactions of his countrymen in India, from their first
going there in 1497, to the year 14 This work contains
all the Portuguese Voyages and Discoveries, from their first
attempt to extend along the western coast of Africa, to their final
discovery of the farthest parts of China and Japan : All their
battles by sea and land, with their expeditions, sieges, : and
other memorable actions: The whole interspersed with descrip-
tions of the places and countries they discovered, visited,- or
conquered ; including accounts of the manners, customs,
government, and religion of the natives. This author i& re-
markable for a concise and clear narrative, and for judicious
reflections on the conduct of the Portuguese kings, ministers,
governors, and commanders, as well as for his remarks on
many other occasions. These are always just, and have often
an air of freedom that might not have been expected under
an arbitrary government : But in matters regarding religion,
he often discovers a surprising reverse of character, full of
weak and puerile credulity, the never-failing consequence of
education and publication under the influence of that eternal
and abominable stain of the peninsula, the Inquisition.
This work of De Faria has gone through various impres-
sions in Portugal, where it is esteemed a curious and accurate
performance, though on some occasions it is alleged that he has
placed too much reliance on Mende% Pinto, a dealer in bare-
faced fiction. The first impression of the Portuguese Asia
was printed at Lisbon in 1666, in 3 vols. small folio, and it
has been often reprinted, and translated into Spanish, Italian,
French, and English.
The English translation used on the present occasion, and we
know of no other or later edition, was made by Captain John
Stevens, and published at London in 1695, in 3 vols. Svo.
dedicated to Catherine of Portugal, Queen Dowager of Eng-
land. In his Preface, Mr Stevens informs the reader, that
he had reduced the work to considerably less size than the
Spanish original, yet without omitting any part of the history,
or even abridging any material circumstances j having cut off'
long speeches, which were only added by the author as rheto-
rical
2 Astley, I. 87.
72 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
rical flourishes, and omitted many tedious lists of the names
of officers who were present at the principal actions, and ex-
tended reflections of the author which were only useful to
increase the size of the work. In this account of the work by
the translator, the Spanish is mentioned as the original. In-
deed the Portuguese and Spanish original editions appear to
have both appeared contemporaneously in 1 6GG 3 .
In the employment of Faria we have followed the example
of Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, of which Mr
John Green is said to have been the Editor. But although in
that former Collection, published at London in 1745, an ab-
solutely verbal and literal transcript is used so far as the Edi-
tor has been pleased to follow the translation of Stevens, many
very curious and important particulars contained in that
author are omitted, or slurred over by a hasty and careless
abridgement. From where we take up Faria, in consequence of
the loss of Castaneda, .we have given his tw>r nearly entire, only
endeavouring to reduce the language of Captain Stevens to
the modern standard, and occasionally using the freedom to
arrange incidents a little more intelligibly, and to curtail a few
trifling matters that seemed to possess no interest for modern
readers. We have however availed ourselves of many valu-
able notes and illustrations of the text by the Editor of Astleys
Collection, all of which will be found acknowledged and re-
ferred to in their proper places. Arid we have adopted from
the same source some valuable additions to the text of Faria,
intimately connected with the subject, which are likewise care-
fully acknowledged. Thus, like many former articles in this
Collection, we trust that the present, as being greatly fuller,
will be found more satisfactory and informing than any similar
account in former Collections of Voyages and Travels.
After so considerable an interval employed on the Disco-
veries in America, it may be proper to remark that the former
Account of the Discovery of the maritime route to India by
the Cape of Good Hope, and the commencement of the
Portuguese Conquests in the East, as contained in the Second
Volume of this Work, PART II. CHAP. VI. Sections L to IX.
pp. 292 505, comprises only a period of nine years, from
the setting out of Vasco.de Gama in July 1497, on his ad-
venturous Voyage, by which he completed the discovery of the
way by sea to India from Europe, projected by Prince
HENRY
3 Bibl. Univ. des Voy. IV. 376.
HAP. I. SECT. i. Conquest of India. 73
HENRY in 1412, eighty-five years before. On that former
occasion, following the narrative of Hernan Lopez de Cas-
taneda, we brought down the Transactions of the Portuguese
in India to the year 1505; including the almost incredible
defence of Cochin by the intrepid Pacheco against the im-
mensely more numerous forces of the Zamorin of Calicut;
the relief of the chivalric besieged, by the arrival of Lope
Suarez de Menezes in September 1505; and the voyage of
Suarez back to Portugal in 1505, leaving Manuel Telez de
Vasconcelles as captain-general of the Portuguese possessions
in India. It has been formerly mentioned, Vol. II. p. 500,
note 5, that Castaneda names this person Lope Mendez de
Vasconcelles, and that he is named Manuel Telez de Barreto
by the editor of Astleys Collection, in which we now find
that he had followed the author of the Portuguese Asia. The
difference between these authorities is irreconcileable, but rs
quite immaterial to the English reader. E.
SECTION I.
Course of the Indian Trade before the Discovery of the Route
by the Cape of Good Hope, with seme account of the settle-
ment of the Arabs on the East Coast of Africa 1 .
BEFORE the Discovery of the Route to India by the Cape
of Good Hope, formerly related in PART II. CHAPTER VI. the
spices and other productions of India were brought to Europe
with vast trouble and at great expence, so that they were ne-
cessarily sold at very high prices. The cloves of the Mo-
luccas, the nutmegs and mace of Banda, the sandal-wood of
Timor, the camphor of Borneo, the gold and silver of Lu-
conia, with all the other and various rich commodities, spices,
gums, perfumes, and curiosities of China, Japan, Siam, and
other kingdoms of the continent and islands of India, were
carried to the great mart of Malacca, a city in the peninsula
of that name, which is supposed to have been the Aurea
Chersonesus of the ancients. From that place the inhabitants
of the more western countries between Malacca and the Red
Sea procured all these commodities, dealing by way of barter,
no money being used in this trade, as silver and gold were
in
1 De Faria, Portuguese Asia, I. 82.
74 Portuguese Discovery and PART ir. BOOK in.
in much less request in these eastern parts of India than
foreign commodities. By this trade, Calicut, Cambaya, Or-
muz, Aden, and other cities were much enriched. The
merchants of these cities, besides what they procured at Malac-
ca as before mentioned, brought rubies from Pegu, rich stuffs
from Bengal, pearls from Calicare z , diamonds fromNarsinga 3 ,
cinnamon and rich rubies from Ceylon, pepper, ginger, and
other spices, from the coast of Malabar and other places
where these are produced. From Orrnuz these commo-
dities were conveyed up the Persian gulf to Basorah at the
mouth of the Euphrates, and were thence distributed by ca-
ravans through Armenia, Trebisond, Tartary, Aleppo, arid
Damascus ; and from these latter cities, by means of the port
of Barut in Syria, the Venetians, Genoese, and Catalonians
carried them to their respective countries, and to other parts
of Europe. Such of these commodities as went up the Red
Sea, were landed at Tor or Suez at the bottom of that gulf',
whence they were conveyed over land to Cairo in Egypt, and
thence down the Nile to Alexandria, where they were shipped
for Europe.
Many princes apprehending vast loss to their revenues, by
this new course which the Portuguese had discovered for
carrying on a direct trade by sea between Europe and India,
used their endeavours to drive them from that country. For
this purpose, the Soldan of Egypt 4 , who was principally af-
fected by this new trade, gave out that he would destroy the
holy places in Jerusalem, if the Portuguese persisted in trading
to Malabar. Believing him in earnest, Maurus, a monk of
Mount Sinai, went to Rome with a letter from the Soldan
to the pope, signifying his intention to destroy those places,
sacred in the estimation of the Christians, in revenge for the
injury done to his trade by the Portuguese. The pope sent
Maurus into Portugal, where the purport of his message was
known before his arrival, and such preparations made for
driving
2 Named Kalekare by Astley, and probably alluding to some place in the
neighbourhood of the great pearl fishery in the Gulf of Manar, between Cey-
lon and the Carnatic. E.
3 Now called Golconda. But the dominions of Narsinga seem then to
have included the whole southern peninsula of India, except the coasts of
Canara and Malabar, from Visiapour and theDeccan to Cape Comorin. E.
4 This last mameluke Soldan of Egypt was Almalec al Ashraf Abul Nasr
Sayf oddin Kansu al Gauri, commonly called Campson Gauri, the 24th of
the Circassian dynasty, who reigned from 1500 to 1 516, when he was slain
in battle near Aleppo by Selim Emperor of the Turks. Astley, I. 58. b.
CHAP. I. SECT. jf. Conquest of India. 75
driving the Moors from the trade of India, that Maurus re-
turned to Cairo with more alarming intelligence than he had
brought. The king of Portugal informed his holiness by letter,
that his intentions in prosecuting these eastern discoveries
were to propagate the holy faith, and to extend the papal
jurisdiction over the countries of the heathen, by which the
pope was entirely reconciled to his proceedings.
Along the eastern coast of Africa, the Moors or Arabs had se-
veral settlements. From Cape Guardafu, the most eastern point
of Africa, to Mozambique, is a hollow coast like a bent bow,
extending 550 leagues. From Cape Mozambique to Cape Cor-
rientes is 1 70 leagues, and thence to the Cape of Good Hope
340 leagues. Hence turningagain to the northwards arid a little
towards the west, the western coast of Africa reaches to Congo.
Drawing a line east across the continent, there remains a
large peninsula or promontory, to which the Arabs have given
the name of Kafraria, naming the inhabitants Kafrs or unbe-
lievers ; an appellation bestowed by the Mahometans on all
who are not of their religion, but chiefly those who worship
images, whence they call most of the Christians by the oppro-
brious name of Kafrs. To the north of this line on the east
coast of Africa is the maritime country of Zanguebar, or more
properly Zenjibar, so named from a Negro nation called the
Zenji, who had formerly conquered all that coast before the
settlement of the Arabs. From Zanguebar all the way to
Cape Guardafu and the mouth of the Red Sea, the coast is
called Ajam or Ajen, signifying in Arabic the country of the
barbarians ; the maritime parts being occupied by the Arabs,
and the inland country by heathen Negroes. Most of this
coast is very low, covered by impenetrable woods, and sub-
ject to inundations, so that it is excessively hot and un-
wholesome. The Negroes of this country are black with crisp
curled hair, and are wonderfully addicted to superstition, being
all idolaters ; insomuch that upon the most frivolous motives
they will give over the most important enterprises: Thus
the king of Quiloa failed to meet Don Francisco de Almeyda,
because a black cat crossed his way when going out. The
cattle, fruit, and grain are answerable to the wildness of the
country. The Moors or Arabs, who inhabit this coast and
the adjacent islands, seldom cultivate the ground, arid mostly
subsist on wild beasts and several loathsome things. Such as
live more towards the interior, and have intercourse with the
barbarous Kafrs, use milk as a part of their diet.
As
76 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
As this country has been endowed by nature with much
gold, an eager desire to procure that precious metal has
induced, first the Arabs, and afterwards the Europeans,
to possess themselves of various parts along the coast. The
first of the Arabs who came here were called Emozadi, which
signifies subjects of Zayde, who built two inconsiderable
towers, merely sufficient to defend them against the barba-
rous Kafrs. Afterwards still greater numbers came from the
ports about the city of Lazah, forty leagues from the island
of Baharem 5 in the Persian gulf, who settled first Maga-
doxa and afterwards Brava. The first Arabs separated from
these new comers, and mixing with the Kafrs became Be-
douins, or Badwis, signifying people of the desert. Those
Arabs who first possessed themselves of the gold trade of
Sofala were from Magadoxa, and discovered the gold mines
by accident. From thence they spread themselves farther
towards the south, but durst never venture to navigate be-
vond Cape Corrientes, which is opposite to the south-wester-
most part of the Island of St Lawrence or Madagascar.
Along this coast the Arabs had possessed themselves of
Quiloa, Mombaza, Melinda, and the islands of Pemba,
Zanzibar, Monfia, Comoro, and others ; Quiloa being the
principal of their settlements, from whence many others had
been formed, particularly on the coast of Madagascar. Qui-
loa had been originally a peninsula, but by the encroachments
of the sea it had become an island. The soil produces many
palms and thorn trees, and various herbs and plants ; and
the wild beasts, cattle, and birds resemble those of Spain.
The buildings in the places possessed by the Arabs resemble
those in Spain, having flat roofs, with gardens and orchards
behind.
SECTION
5 More properly Bahrayn, which signifies the two seas, being the Arabic
dual of Bahr, the sea. Astl. I. 59. e.
-CHAP. i. SECT. ii. Conquest of India. 77
SECTION II.
Voyage of Don Fra?icisco de Almeyda from Lisbon to India,
in quality of Viceroy, with an account of some of his trans-
actions on the Eastern coast of Africa, and Malabar.
ON the 25th of March 1505, Don Francisco de Almeyda
sailed from Lisbon with a fleet of twenty-two ships, carrying
1500 soldiers, being bound for India of which he was ap-
pointed viceroy. Eleven of these ships were to return with
merchandize to Portugal, and other eleven were to remain
in India. On the 2d of July the fleet met with a terrible
storm, by which it was separated. In one of the ships com-
manded by Diego Correa, the sails were split to pieces and
three men washed overboard, two of whom perished 5 but
the third, named Fernando Lorenzo, called out that he would
keep above water till morning, and begged of them to keep
an eye upon him, and on the storm abating next morning
he was taken on board. O\ving to the separation of the
fleet by the storm, Almeyda arrived at Quiloa with only eight
vessels ; and on saluting the port without receiving any
answer, he called a council of his officers to deliberate upon
his proceedings, as he had orders from the king to erect a
fort at this place, which was accordingly resolved upon. He
landed therefore with 500 men, accompanied by his son Don
Lorenzo, and attacked the town in two places. Amir Ibra-
him fled over to the continent with his wives and riches,
having previously hoisted the Portuguese standard, by which
device he stopped the pursuit and gained time to escape.
The city was taken and plundered, without any loss on the
side of the Portuguese, though a great number of the inha-
bitants were slain. Ibrahim though the forty-fourth succes-
sive sovereign, was an usurper, who had murdered tho former
king, and Almeyda raised Mohammed Ankoni, a relation of
the former king and who had espoused the Portuguese in-
terests to the throne, placing a crown of gold on his head
with great pomp and solemnity. On this occasion Moham-
med declared that if the former king Alfudail had been alive
he would have refused the crown ; and he actually appointed
the son of Alfudail to be his successor, though he had children
of his own. This rare example in an unbeliever may put to
shame the inhumanity and barbarism of the Christians, who
wade
78 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
wade through seas of blood, contemn the most sacred bonds
of consanguinity and alliance, spoil provinces, oppress the
good, exalt the wicked, convert loyalty to treason, perjury
into duty, and religion into a cloak to work out their accur-
sed purposes, and to bereave of their crowns and sceptres
those to whom Providence had been pleased to confide them
as most worthy of rule.
Having settled every thing to his mind, and constructed a
fort in twenty days, Almeyda left a garrison of 550 men,
together with a caravel and brigantine, and sailed on the 8th
of August with thirteen sail for Mombaza, which is seated
like Quiloa in an island about fourteen leagues in circum-
ference. This city is beautiful and strong, having a large
bay before it capable of containing many ships. Before
entering the bay, two vessels were sent to sound the bar,
which is commanded by a battery of eight cannons, which
fired upon these vessels ; but a ball from the Portuguese hap-
pening to fall among the powder belonging to the enemy,
blew it up and did great injury to the natives, so that they
were obliged to abandon the work. Two smaller works be-
ing likewise abandoned, the fleet entered the bay without far-
ther resistance. Being informed that the king of Mombaza
had hired 1500 Kafr archers to assist in defending the place,
Almeyda sent him a message demanding submission ; but the
answer was, that the Moors of Mombaza were not to be
frightened by the noise of cannon like those of Quiioa, and
he might do his worst. Enraged at this contemptuous an-
swer, and because several of his men had been wounded,
while attempting to burn some ships in the port belonging to
Cambaya, Almeyda landed his men on the 15th of August
and attacked the city. He succeeded in the assault, driving
the enemy out at the other side of the town, and their king
along with them, whose palace he took possession of, on
which he planted a cross. Immediately after gaining posses-
sion of the town, he received notice that his ships had suc-
ceeded in their attack on those belonging to the Moors of
Cambaya, all of which were burnt. In this action the Por-
tuguese lost only five men ; while of the Moors 1513 were
slain and 1200 made prisoners, of which only 200 were re-
tained and all the rest set free. Having plundered the city
of every thing worth carrying off or which his ships could
contain, Almeyda burnt Mombaza to the ground.
At this place Almeyda was joined by most of the remaining
ships.
CHAP. i. SECT. ii. Conquest of India. 79
ships, and continuing his voyage for India, he stopped by the
way at a bay called Angra de Santa Elena, where he found
Juan Homem, who had been separated along with other ships,
and had discovered some islands. Sailing from thence in
continuation of his voyage, the first place he came to in India
was the island of Anchediva 1 , where according to orders
from the king he constructed a fort in which he placed a gar-
rison of men, leaving two brigantines to protect the trade.
While at this place he was visited by ambassadors from the
king or rajah of Onore, a small kingdom of Malabar, who
brought presents and a friendly message from their sovereign.
Several considerable merchants also waited upon him, assuring
him of the good will of their prince towards the Portuguese ;
and several Moors from Cincatora brought him considerable
presents. All this however was the effect of fear, as they had
heard of his successes at Quiloa and Mombaza. lie was in^
formed at this place that the prince Saboga had built a fort
at no great distance on the banks of the river Aliga on the
borders of Onore, which was garrisoned by 800 men. Mean-
ing to make himself master of this place, he sent his son Don
Lorenzo under pretence of a friendly visit to take a view of
the fort, which he effected and remained there some days.
Having completed the fort at Anchediva, he sailed to the port
of Onore, and being ill received, he determined to shew him-
self as terrible there as he had done at Quiloa and Mombaza.
The inhabitants however amused him with excuses and pre-
tended submission, till they had removed their wives, children,
and effects to a neighbouring mountain, and then stood upon
their defence. On this Almeyda landed most of his forces to
attack the town, sending his son Lorenzo with 150 men in
boats to set some ships on fire which were in the port.
Though the natives defended themselves with much bravery,
and discharged prodigious flights of arrows, by one of which
Almeyda was wounded, both the town and ships were set on
fire ; and as the wind blew the smoke in the faces of the Por-
tuguese they were much incommoded for a time ; but Don
Lorenzo by taking a compass got away from the smoke, and
fell in with a body of 1500 of the enemy, whom he immediately
attacked. In this engagement Lorenzo had like to have been
defeated, his men falling into disorder ; but was fortunately
succoured
1 Anchediva or Anjediva is a small island in lat. 14 33* N. near the
northern part of the Malabar coast, between Carwar and Meerjee. E.
80 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
succoured by his father, when the enemy fled to the moun-
tain. At this time, Timoja, who was governor of the city
and proprietor of some of the ships which were destroyed,
waited on Almeyda making excuses for the conduct of the
king; and being a man of graceful manners and appearance,
and engaging for his master to become vassal to the king of
Portugal, Almeyda was pacified and agreed to a treaty of
peace.
Leaving Onore, Almeyda \vent to Cananor, where he had
an interview on shore with the rajah, who was attended by
5000 men well armed. He informed the rajah that he was
to reside for some time in India, in consequence of the troubles
which had arisen between the Portuguese and the zamorin of
Calicut, and desired permission to build a fort at this place
for protecting the Portuguese trade against the Moors. This
being granted and the fort begun, he left Lorenzo de Brito
in the command with 150 men, and two vessels to cruize
along the coast. Going from thence to Cochin, he received
intelligence that the Portuguese factor at Coulan and all his
men had been killed by the Moors. He sent however his son
Don Lorenzo with three ships and three caravels, with orders
to endeavour to procure loading for the vessels without taking
any notice of what had happened ; but in case loading were
denied he was to take ample revenge for the murder of the
factor and his people. The messenger sent upon this occa-
sion was answered by a flight of arrows, and twenty-four ships
belonging to Calicut and other places put themselves in readi-
ness to oppose the Portuguese. After a short resistance
Lorenzo burnt them all, only a very small number of the
Moors saving themselves by swimming to the shore. Don
Lorenzo then went to load at another port, after which he
rejoined the viceroy at Cochin.
It had been the intention of Almeyda, according to his
orders from the king of Portugal, to crown Triumpara in a
solemn manner, with a golden crown richly adorned with
jewels, brought on purpose from Lisbon, as a recompence for
the gallant fidelity with which he had protected the Portu-
guese against the zamorin and their other enemies. But as
Triumpara had abdicated in favour of his nephew Nambea-
dora z , Almeyda thought proper to confer the same honour
upon
2 This name must certainly be erroneous. In the former part of the his-
tory* of the Portuguese transactions in India, Nambea daring is mentioned as
brother
CHAP. i. SECT. ii. Conquest of India. 81
upon him, and he was accordingly crowned with great pomp,
as a mark of the friendship of the Portuguese, and a terror to
others. From this place Almeyda sent home six ships richly
laden for Lisbon.
SECTION III.
Some Account of the s'atc of India at the beginning of the six-
teenth Century, and commencement of the Portuguese Con-
quests J .
As the viceroyalty of Don Francisco de Almeyda laid the
foundation of the Portuguese dominion in India, once so
extensive and powerful, it may be proper in this place to give
a general view of its principal ports and provinces along the
sea-coast. Asia is divided from Europe by the river Don,
anciently the Tanais, by the Euxine or Black Sea, and by
the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, or Straits of Constantinople.
It is parted from Africa by the Red Sea, and a line drawn
from Suez at the head of that gulf to the Mediterranean,
across a narrow neck of land measuring only twenty four
leagues in breadth, called the Isthmus of Suez. Its principal
religions are four, the Christian, Mahometan, Pagan, and
Jewish. That portion of Asia which principally belongs to
our present purpose, may be divided into nine parts, following
the coast from the west to the east.
The/rs, commencing at the mouth of the Red Sea in the
west, reaches to the mouth of the gulf of Persia, being the
oceanic coast of Arabia. From the mouth of the Red Sea
in lat. 12 4*0' N. to the city of Aden, is 44- leagues : Thence
to Cape Fartaque in lat. 12 3(X N, is 100 leagues, containing
the towns of Abian, Ax, Canacan, Brun, Argel, Zebel which
is the metropolis, Herit, Cayem, and Fartach. Thence to
Curia Muria is 70 leagues of coast, on which is the city of
VOL. vi. F Dolfor,
brother to the zamorin of Calicut, whereas the prince of Cochin is repeatedly
named Naramuhin. E.
1 From the Portuguese Asia, Vol. I. 93. This account is omitted in Ast-
ley's Collection, but inserted here as a curious record of the geographical
knowledge of the Portuguese in those times. There are numerous errors
in this short geographical sketch, especially in the names, measures, and lati-
tudes ; but it would load this portion of our work too much with notes, and
induce great confusion, to comment upon every step of this survey. E,
82 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
Dolfor, famous for frankincense, and Norbate 20 leagues far-
ther east. From Curia Muria to Cape Ras-Algate, in lat.
22 30' N. is 120 leagues all barren and desert. Here begins
the kingdom of Ormuz, and hence to Cape Mozandan are 90
leagues, having the cities or towns of Colagate, Curi-
ate, Mascate, Soar, Calata, Orfacam, Doba, and Lima, 8
leagues from Monbazam which Ptolomey calls Cape Assa-
borum in lat. 26 C N. All this track is called Ayaman or
Yemen by the Arabians, and was the Arabia Felix of the
ancients, because the most fertile and best inhabited country
of all Arabia.
The second division, from Cape Jacques or Jask to the
mouth of the river Indus, is 200 leagues in extent, called
Chirman or Kerman, and is divided into the two kingdoms
of Macran and Madel, with these towns, Guadel, Calara,
Tibique, Calamate, Goadel, and Diul. This coast is barren
and most of it desert, and cannot be approached on account
of the shallowness of the sea near the shore.
The third division contains 150 leagues, of which 38 from
Diul 3 to Cape Jaquete or Jigat, whence to Diu in the king-
dom of Guzerat are 50 leagues, having these towns, Cotinna,
Mangalur, Chervar, Patan, and Corinar 3 . From Diu to
Cambaya is 50 leagues, with these towns Madrafavat, Moha,
Talica, Goda, and Gundin 4 . Between Cambaya and Cape
Jaquete or Jigat, is included a part of the kingdom of Guza-
rate and the mountainous region of the Resboutos, or Raj-
puts.
The fourth division measures 290 leagues, being the most
valuable part of India and the most frequented by the Portu-
guese. This is subdivided into three portions by two rivers
which run from east to west. The first of these separates the
kingdom of the Decan from Guzerate on the north, and the
second divides the Decan from Canara which is to the south.
There are other rivers, all of which have their sources in
the mountains called Gaut ; the chief among them being the
Ganga, or Gangue, which falls into the sea near the mouth
of
2 Perhaps Debil, near the western mouth of the Indus. E.
3 Those names of sea port towns in the Guzerate are miserably corrupted
in the text : Only Puttan can be recognised among them, and Mangalor
must be a mistake ; as that place is far to the south of Guzerat on the coast
of Canara. E.
4 The sea ports on this part of the r.oast now are Jaffrabad, Cuttapour,
Toolafee, Manuah, Gogo, Bawnagur, and lotian. E.
CHAP. i. SECT. in. Conquest of India. 83
of the Ganges, between the cities of Angali and Pisolta, in
about lat. 22 N 5 . The river Bate, rising in the Gauts, falls
into the sea near Bombaim, dividing the kingdoms of Guzerate
and Decan, the mouth of that river being 70 leagues from the
city of Cambaya. From Chaul south of that river to the
river Aliga, the south boundary of the Decan, is 75 leagues,
with these towns Bandor, Dabul, Debitele, Cintapori, Coro-
patan, Banda, Chapora, and Goa the metropolis and archie-
piscopal see of Portuguese India.
The fifth division begins where Canara parts from the
Decan and ends at Cape Comorin, containing above 140
leagues. From the Aliga to Mount Delli or Dilly is about
46 leagues, with these towns, Onor, Baticale, Barcalor, Bara-
nor, and others of the province of Canara which is subject to
the king of Bisnagar. Below or south from Mount Delli to
Cape Comorin is Malabar, extending 93 leagues, and divided
into three kingdoms which own no superior. The kingdom
of Cananor has 20 leagues of coast, in which are the towns
of Cota, Coulam, Nilichilam, Marabia, Bolepatam, Cananor
the metropolis in lat. 12 N. Tremapatam, Cheba, Maim,
and Purepatam. At this place the kingdom of Calicut be-
gins and extends 27 leagues, of which Calicut the metropolis
is in lat. 11 17' N. besides the following towns Coulete,
Chale, Parangale, Tanor, the last of which is the capital of a
small kingdom subject to the zamorin of Calicut, and Chatua
the last in this kingdom. Next to Calicut to the south is the
small kingdom of Cranganor, which borders on Cochin, after
which is Coulan, and last of all Travaricore, which is subject
to Narsinga. Near Travancore is the famous Cape Comorin,
the southernmost point of the continent of Tndostan or India
on this side the Ganges, in lat. 7 30' N 6 . at which place the
coast of Malabar ends, being the fourth of the nine districts
into which I have divided the coast of Asia.
From Cape Comorin in the west to Cape Cincapura in the
east, which is the southernmost point of the Aurea Chersonesus
or Malacca, the distance is 4-00 leagues, within which line is
contained
5 The Guaga or Godavery is probably here meant, which falls into the
Bay of Bengal in lat. 16 16' N. at the S. W. extremity of the Circars. The
latitude indicated in the text gets beyond the Bay of Bengal, and the cities
between which the Ganga is said to fall into the sea have no representatives
in our best maps. E.
6 The latitude of Cape Comorin is ? 54' N. or nearly so. E.
8* Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
contained the great bay of Bengal, sometimes called the
Sinus Gangcticus, because the river Ganges falls into this bay
in about the lat. of 22 N. after watering^the kingdom of Ben-
gal. This river discharges a prodigious quantity of water,
and is esteemed holy by the neighbouring nations, who be-
lieve that its water conduces to their salvation when at the
point of death, and are carried therefore that they may die
with their feet in its water, by which means the king of Ben-
gal derives a considerable revenue, no one being allowed to
bathe in that river without paying a certain tax. This river
has many mouths, the two most remarkable of which are
Satigan on the west and Chatigan 7 on the east, near 100
leagues from each other, and here ends the f/tfi of the nine
districts, which may be divided into three subordinate parts.
In the first place the kingdom of Bisnagar 8 contains 200
leagues, and the following towns, Tarancurii, Manapar, Vai-
par, Trechendur, Caligrande, Charcacale, Tucucurii, Benbar,
Calicare, Beadala, Manancort, and Cannameira, giving name
to a cape which stretches out into the sea in lat. 10 N y . then
Negapatnam, Hahor, Triminapatnam, Tragambar, Trime-
nava, Colororam, Puducheira, Calapate, Connumeira, Sadras-
patnam, and Meliapour, now called St Thomas because the
body of that apostle was found there. From St Thomas to
Palicata is 9 leagues, after which are Chiricole, Aremogan,
Caleturo, Caleciro, and Pentepolii, where the kingdom of
Bisnagur ends and that of Orixa begins. The second part
of this district, or Orixa, contains 120 leagues and reaches to
Cape Palmiras, with these towns, Penacote, Calingan, Visga-
patan, Bimilepatan, Narsingapatan, Puacatan, Caregare and
others. Here begins the third part of this district, or the
kingdom of Bengal, the coast of which extends about 100
leagues.
The
7 The western branch of the Ganges is now called the Hoogly River. Sati-
gan in the text may have some reference to what is now called Sagar roads
or anchorage. Chatigan certainly means what is now called Chitigong : But
the most easterly mouth is properly that of the great Barhampooter, or
Bramah-putra River, long confounded among the mouths of the Ganges.
The breadth of the Sunderbunds, or Delta of the Ganges and BarhampooJer,
is about 195 English miles. E.
8 The kingdom of Bisnagar in the text, appears to have contained the
ntire Carnatic above and below the Gauts, with Mysore and Golconda. ,
9 Now called Cape Calymere : It is next to impossible to identify the
other names in the text ; and the attempt would lead to very inconvenient
length without correspondent utility. E.
CHAP. i. SECT. in. Conquest of India. 85
The sixth district of the nine begins at the east mouth of
the Ganges, called Chatigan or Chittagong, and ends at Cape
Cincapura, in little more than 1 N. Along this coast from
Chittagong to Cape Negrais or Diamond Point, the south-
western point of Pegu, in lat. 16 N. is 100 leagues, with
these towns, Sore, Satalolu, Arracan the capital of a king-
dom of the same name, and Dunadiva on the cape. Hence
to Tavay in the lat. J !> is 16 leagues I0 , being the extent of
the kingdom of Pegu, From Tavay to Cincapura is 220
leagues, the chief towns on this part of the coast being Marta-
ban, Lugor, Tiinacerim, Lungar, Pedam, Queda, Salongoiy
and Malacca the capital of the kingdom of that name.
The seventh district begins at Cape Cincapura or Sincapure,
and ends at the great river of Siam, which falls into the sea
in lat. 14 N M . and has its rise in the lake of Chiammay,
called by the natives Menam, signifying the source of two
rivers. Upon this coast are the towns of Pam, Ponciam,
Calantaon, Patane, Ligor, Cuii, Perperii, and Bamplacot at
the mouth of the Siam river.
The eighth district contains the kingdom of Cambodia,
through which runs the river Mecon, otherwise called the
Japanese river, which has its rise in China ; the kingdom of
Champa or Tsiompa, whence comes the true aloes-wood ; next
to that is the kingdom of Cochin-China IZ ; and last of all the
great empire of China, divided into fifteen provinces of
governments, each of which is equal to a great kingdom.
The provinces of this vast empire on the sea-coast are Quan-
tung, Fokein, and Chekianij, where ends the eighth dis-
trict I3 .
The
10 It is difficult to correct this egregious error, not knowing the kind of
leagues used by Faria. At 1 1\ to the degree, the difference of latitude in
the text would give 52% leagues. Perhaps it is a typographical error for
60 leagues, using the geographical measure, 20 to the degree. E.
11 The river of Siam falls into the great gulf of the same name, in lat.
13 50' N. But De Faria seems to overlook the gulf. E.
12 De Faria omits the kingdom of Tonkin or Toni|uin, which inter-
venes between Cochin-China and China : Perhaps at that time Tonkin may
have been a part of Cochin-China. It may be proper to remark that the
term Cochin-China signifies Western China. E.
13 De Faria is incorrect in his account of the provinces of China.
Those on the coast are, Quantung, Footchien, Tchetchiang, Kiangnan,
Shantang, Petcheli ; or six maritime provinces, instead of three only in the
text. The others are, Yunnan, Quangsee, Kaeitchou, Hooquang, Setchuen,
Sifan, Honan, Shensee, and Shausee; or nine inland province* j making^/5/"-
teen in all, as in the text. E.
86 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK ni.
The ninth district begins with the province of Nanking,
and extends to the farthest discovered land on the coast of
Tartary.
I shall speak in the sequel concerning the many islands
along this extensive coast of Asia, as they came to be dis-
covered in the navigations of the Portuguese ; but the prin-
cipal of them may be here mentioned by name, as the Mal-
dives, Ceylon, Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Banda, Timor, Cele-
bes, the Moluccas, Mindanao, Lu9onia, and Japan. Having
thus given a sketch of the Asian coast, we proceed to con-
sider its inhabitants. Although there are many and various
modes of worship in Asia, the chief religions may be men-
tioned under four heads, the Christian, Jewish, Mahometan,
and Pagan ; the two first of which are for the most part under
the slavery of the other two, against which the Portuguese
waged war. The power of the Mahometans and Pagans is
thus divided. All the coast from the river Cintacora opposite
the island of Anchediva, to the north and west is subject to
the Mahometans, and all to the eastwards to the Pagans;
except the kingdom of Malacca, part of Sumatra, and some
parts of Java and the Moluccas, which are held by the Ma-
hometans. In that tract are the following sovereign princes.
The kings of Aden, Xael, and Fartaque, who have many
ports of great trade, and their subjects, the Arabs, are brave
and warlike. Next is the king of Ormuz, greater than the
other three put together. Then the king of Cambaya, equal
in grandeur and warlike power to Xerxes, Darius, or Porus.
From Chaul to Cincatora belong to Nizamaluco and Hidal-
can I4 , two powerful princes, who maintain great armies com-
posed of sundry warlike nations well armed. The Moors IS
of Sumatra, Malacca, and the Moluccas were well disciplined,
and much better provided with artillery than we who attacked
them. The heathen sovereigns were the kings of Bisnagar,
Orixa, Bengal, Pegu, Siam, and China, all very powerful,
but chiefly the last, so that it is difficult to express and scarce-
ly credible the prodigious extent of his power. Siam extends
above 500 leagues, and has seven subject kingdoms, which are
Cambodia, Como, Lanchaam, Cheneray, Chencran, Chia-
may, Cambarii, and Chaypumo. The king of Siam has 30,000
elephants, 3000 of which are armed for war, and he has
50,000
14 Or Nizam-al-mulk, and Adel-khan. E.
1 5 These are unquestionably the Malays, called Moors by Faxia, merely
because they were Mahometans. _E.
GHAP. i. SECT. in. Conquest of India. 87
50,000' soldiers in Udia alone, the metropolis of his king-
dom. The kingdom of China exceeds them all in extent,
and the king of that country is as powerful as all the sovereigns
in Europe together. His empire is above 700 leagues in ex-
tent, possessing abundance of metals, and far exceeds Europe
in manufactures, some of which seem to exceed human art,
and the silks, provisions, and luxuries with which it abounds
are beyond computation.
All the heathens of India, particularly between the Indus
and Ganges, write without ink on palm leaves, with pens or
stiles rather of wood or steel, which easily cut the letters on
the leaves. Some of these 1 have seen in Rome curiously
folded. What they intend to be lasting is carved on stone or
copper. In writing they begin at the left hand and write to-
wards the right, as we do in Europe. Their histories are
extremely fabulous. About 600 years before the arrival of
the Portuguese in India, there reigned in Malabar a power-
ful monarch, from whose reign the people begin their era
or historical computations, as they did afterwards from our
arrival. This king was persuaded by the Moors who traded
to his port to turn Mahometan, and gave them liberty to
build houses at Calicut. When he grew old, he divided his
kingdom among his kindred, giving Coulam to the chief,
where he placed the principal seat of his religion of the Bra-
mins, and gave him the title of Cobritim, which signifies high-
priest. To his nephew he gave Calicut, with the title of Za-
morin, which means emperor. This dignity continues in the
sovereign of Calicut, but the other has been removed to
Cochin. Having disposed of his dominions, he resolved to
die at Mecca, but was drowned by the way. Calicut is a
plain country well watered, and abounds in pepper and gin-
ger ; but all the other spices are procured from other neigh-
bouring countries. The inhabitants are wonderfully super-
stitious, and do not suffer those of one trade or profession
to marry with those of a different occupation, or to put their
children to learn any other trade but that of their fathers.
The Nayres, who are their nobles, if they chance to touch
any of the common people, purify themselves by ablution, as
was done by the Jews and Samaritans. The women among
the Nayres are common to all, but chiefly those of the Bramin
cast, so that no one knows his father, nor is any one bound
to maintain the children. These Nayres are wonderfully
expert in the use of their weapons, in, which they begin to
1 exercise
S8 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
exercise themselves at seven years of age. They are prone
to all the ancient superstitions of augury and divination.
SECTION IV.
Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, during
the Viceroijalty of Almeyda*
BESIDES the forts already erected on the eastern coast of
Africa at Quiloa and Mozambique, and the factory at Melinda,
King Manuel determined to build a fort at Sofala to secure the
trade in gold at that place; for which purpose he sent out
Pedro de Annaya with six ships in the year 1506: three of
these ships being destined to remain on the African coast, and
the other three to proceed to India. This fleet was separated
in a storm, during which one of the captains was washed over-
board and drowned, and another lost sixteen men who were
slain by the natives of an island on which they landed. The
squadron rejoined in the port of Sofala, where Annaya found
twenty Portuguese mariners in a miserable condition. The
ship to which they had belonged, commanded by Lope San-
chez, was forced to run on shore at Cape Corientes, being
so leaky as to be in a sinking condition. After landing,
the crew refused obedience to their officers, and separated
into different parties, endeavouring to make their way through
the unknown countries and barbarous nations of Africa ; but
all perished except these twenty, and five who were found at
the river Quiloma by Antonio de Magelhaens, who brought
them to Sofala.
According to his orders, and by permission of the sheikh
or king of Sofala, Annaya erected a strong wooden fort at
that place. The king soon afterwards repented of his con-
cession, and was for some time in hopes that the Portuguese
would be soon obliged to abandon the place on account of
its unhealthiness. About this time, three of the ships were
dispatched for India, and two of these which were destined for
protecting the coast from the attempts of the Moors were sent
off' upon a cruise to Cape Guardafu, both of which were lost; the
captains and part of their crews saving themselves in the boats;
In consequenceof the unwholesomeness of Sofala, the Portuguese
garrison became so weakened by sickness that it required six of
them to bend a single cross-bow. Encouraged by these disasters
10 and
CHAP. I. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 89
and instigated by bis son-in-law, the king collected a force of
5000 Kafrs with which he invested the fort, filled up the ditch
with fascines, and made a violent assault, darkening the sun
with incessant clouds of arrows. Though only 35 Portuguese
were able to stand to their arms, they made such havock
among the assailants with their cannon, that the part of the
ditch which had not been filled up with wood was levelled
with dead bodies. The enemy being thrown into confusion
Annaya made a sally at the head of fifteen or twenty men 1 ,
with whom he drove the Kafrs before him to a grove of palms,
and thence into the town, crying out in consternation that their
king had sent them to contend against the gods. In the en-
suing night, Annaya attacked the town, and even penetrated
into the house where the king resided, who, standing behind
a door, wounded Annaya in the neck with his cy meter as he
entered, but was soon killed with many of his attendants.
Next day the two sons of the slain king made a new assault
on the fort, but without success, many of the garrison who
were sick, being cured by the alarm, joined in the defence,
and the Moors were again repulsed with great slaughter. The
two sons of the deceased King of Sofala fell out about the
succession, and one of them named Solyman made an alliance
with Annaya to procure his aid to establish himself in the
sovereignty.
The kingdom of Sofala, now called Sena by the Portuguese
who monopolize its whole trade, is of great extent, being 750
leagues in circumference ; but the inland parts are all subject
to the Monomotapa, who is emperor of this southern part of
Africa, his dominions being likewise known by the same name
of Monomotapa, called by the ancients Ethiopia Inferior.
This country is watered by two famous rivers, called Rio del
Espiritu Santo and Cuama, the latter of which is navigable
250 leagues above its mouth. These and many other rivers
which fall into them, arc famous lor their rich golden sands.
Most part of this country enjoys a temperate climate, being
pleasant, healthy, and fertile. Some parts are covered with
large flocks of sheep, with the skins of which the natives are
clothed to defend them from the cold south winds. The
banks of the Cuama river are covered with wood, and the
interior
l In the translation of De Faria by Stephens these are called Moors ; but
it is not easv to conceive how Annaya should have had any of these on his
side.-E,
90 Portuguese Discovery and TART u. BOOK in.
interior country rises into hills and mountains, being abun-
dantly watered with many rivers, so that it is delightful and
well peopled, being the ordinary residence of the Monomo-
tapa or emperor. Its woods contain many elephants, and
consequently produces much ivory. About 50 leagues south-
west from Sofala are the gold mines of JVlanica, in a valley
of 30 leagues circumference, surrounded by mountains on the
tops of which the air is always clear and serene. There are
other gold mines 150 leagues farther inland, but which are
not so much valued.
In the interior of the country there are some buildings of
wonderful structure, having inscriptions in unknown charac-
ters ; but the natives know nothing respecting their origin.
The natives of Monomotapa believe in one God, whom they
name Mozimo, and have no idols. Witchcraft, theft, and
adultery are the crimes most severely punished among them.
Every man is permitted to have as many wives as he pleases
or can maintain. The monomotapa has a thousand, but the
first wife commands over all the rest, and her children only
are entitled to inherit the throne. Their houses are built of
wood ; their apparel is made of cotton, those of the better sort
being mixed with gold threads ; their funerals are very super-
stitious. The attendance on the monomotapa is more cere-
monious than grand, his usual guard being 200 dogs, and he
is always attended by 500 buffoons. His dominions are ruled
over by a great many princes or governors, and to prevent
them from rebelling he always keeps their heirs about him.
They have no law-suits. Their arms are bows and arrows,
javelins, daggers, and small sharp hatchets, and they all fight
on foot. The women of this country are used with so much
respect, that even the kings sons when they meet a woman,
give way to her and stand still till she has gone past. The
Moors of Magadoxa were the first who possessed the mines
of Sofala, after which they were seized by the King of Qui-
loa : But Yzuf, one of their governors, rebelled and usurped
the government to himself, assuming the title of king. This
was the same person with whom Annaya had now to contend,
and whose son Solyman he established in the sovereignty,
under the protection and vassalage of Portugal.
While these things happened at Sofala, the zamorin of
Calicut was using every exertion to raise up enemies to the
Portuguese, even entering into alliance with the Mameluke
Soldan of Egypt, hoping by his assistance to drive the Chris-
tians
CHAP. i. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 91
dans from the Indian seas. His measures and preparations
however became known to the Rajah of Cochin, who com-
municated the intelligence to the viceroy Almeyda. He ac-
cordingly sent his son Lorenzo with eleven vessels to endea-
vour to counteract the designs of the zamorin by destroying
the fleet he had prepared. Learning that the Calicut fleet
was in the port of Cananor, consisting of 260 paraos, 60 of
which were larger than the Portuguese ships, Lorenzo sailed
thither and put them to flight after a severe engagement. In
the pursuit, some of the paraos were taken, but many were
sunk and run aground, by which the enemy sustained great
loss, while only five or six of the Portuguese were slain. The
principal booty taken on this occasion was four ships loaded
with spice. Almost immediately after this victory, Don Lo-
renzo received notice that the fort of Anchediva was beset by
60 vessels belonging to the Moors and Malabars, well armed
and manned with a number of resolute men under the com-
mand of a renegade. On this occasion the besieged behaved
with great gallantry, and the besiegers pressed their attacks
with much bravery, but several of their vessels having been
destroyed and others much damaged by the cannon of the fort,
and hearing of the approach of Lorenzo, the enemy with-
drew in all haste.
Finding their trade almost destroyed by the Portuguese,
the Moors endeavoured to shun their cruisers by keeping out
to sea in their voyages from Cambaya and the ports of the
Red Sea and Persian Gulf, passing through the Maldive
Islands, and keeping to the south of Ceylon in their way to
Sumatra and Malacca. The viceroy on learning this new
course of the Moorish trade, sent his son Lorenzo with nine
ships to intercept the trade of the enemy. While wandering
through seas unknown to the pilots, Lorenzo discovered the
island of Ceylon, formerly called Taprobana, and came to
anchor in the port of Gale, where many Moors were taking
in cinnamon arid elephants for Cambaya. To induce Lo-
renzo not to molest or destroy them, the Moors made him an
offer of 400 bahars of cinnamon in the name of the king of
Ceylon ; and although he well knew this proceeded only from
fear, he thought it better to dissemble and accept the present,
contenting himself with the discovery of the island, on which
he erected a cross with an inscription of the date of his dis-
covery. On his return to Cochin, he attacked the town of
Biramjam or Brinjan, which he burnt to the ground and put
all
92 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
all the inhabitants to the sword, in revenge for the slaughter
of the factor and his people at Coulam, as this place belong-
ed to that kingdom.
While Cide Barbudo. and Pedro Quaresme were coming
out from Portugal with two ships, they arrived after many
misfortunes at Sofala, where they found Annaya and most of
his men dead, and the rest of the Portuguese garrison sick.
Quaresme remained there to defend tiie fort ; and Barbudo
proceeding towards India found Quiloa in as bad a condition,
of which he carried intelligence to Almeyda. The viceroy
sent immediately Nunno Vaz Percy ra to relieve the forts of
Quiloa and Sofala z . But that of Quiloa was soon after-
wards abandoned and destroyed, after having lost many lives,
owing to the ill usage of the Portuguese to the natives, whom
they treated with insufferable pride, and boundless avarice.
Having been informed by Diego Fernandez Percy ra that
the island of Socotora near the mouth of the Red Sea was
inhabited by Christians who were subject to the Moors, the
king of Portugal .ordered Tristan de Cunna and Alfonso de
Albuquerque to direct their course to that island, and to en-
deavour to possess themselves of the fort, that the Portu-
guese ships might be enabled to winter at that island, and to
secure the navigation of the Arabian Gulf against the Moors ;
for which purpose they carried out with them a wooden fort
ready to put up. De Cunna was destined to command the
trading ships which were to return to Europe, and Albu-
querque to cruise with a small squadron on the coast of Arabia
against the Moors. These two commanders sailed from Lis-
bon on the oth of March 1507, with thirteen vessels in which
were 1300 soldiers, some of whom died by the way, having
been infected by the plague then raging in Lisbon ; but when
they came under the line, the sickness left them. Having
come in sight of Cape Augustine in Brasil, they took a new
departure from thence to cross the Southern Atlantic for the
Cape of Good Hope ; but in this course De Cunna held so
far to the south that he discovered the islands still called by
his name. At this place the ships were parted in a storm,
each
2 De Faria does not give any dates to the particular transactions in his
text, merely noticing the successive years in the titles of the various sections
into which his work is loosely divided, and occasionally on the margin :
Even this has been neglected by the editor of Astley's Collection. These last
transactions on the coast of Africa seem to have taken place towards the eid
of U06. E.
I. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 93
each following a separate course till they met again at Mo-
zambique. Alvaro Tellez, however, who commanded one of
these ships, overshot Mozambique and proceeded to Cape
Guardafu, where he took six ships belonging to the Moors,
so laden with all kind of goods, that he made a sort of
bridge from them to his own vessel, consisting of bales thrown
into the sea, over which his men passed as on dry land.
During this part of the voyage likewise, Ruy Percyra put
into the port of Matatama in the island of Madagascar; and
being informed that this island abounded in spice, especially
ginger, Tristan de Cunna was induced to go there, and an-
chored in a bay which his son Nunno named Angra de Donna
Maria., after a lady whom he courted. By others it is named
the bay of Santa Maria delta Conception. As some Negroes
appeared on the coast, De Cunna sent a Moor to converse
with them ; but when he mentioned that the ships belonged
to Christians, they endeavoured to kill him, and had to be
driven away by the Portuguese cannon. About three leagues
farther on, they came to a village, the xeque or sheikh of
which carried them to another town on an island in a well
sheltered bay into which the great river Lulangan discharges
its waters. This town was inhabited by Moors 5 somewhat
civilized, who, being afraid of the fleet made their escape to
the main-land, but so overloaded their boats that many of
them perished by the way. The Portuguese surrounded the
island and took 500 prisoners, only twenty of whom were
men, among whom was the xeque or chief, an aged man of a
respectable appearance. Next morning the sea was covered
with boats, bringing over 600 men to demand the release of
their wives and children. After some ncgcciation, the Por-
tuguese commander restored the prisoners to their liberty.
He here learnt that the island of Madagascar was chiefly in-
habited by negro cafrs, and produced but little ginger. He
afterwards wished to have entered a town on this island called
Zada, but the inhabitants set it on n're.
From this place, De Cunna sent on Alfonso de Albu-
querque with four ships to Mozambique, with orders to reduce
some places on the coast of Melinda; while he went himself
with three ships to Matatama in Madagascar, where he was
told
S By Moors in the writings of the early Portuguese, Mahometans are
always to be understood. The Moors of Madagascar were a mixed breed
between the Arabs and Negroes. E.
94 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
told that cloves, ginger, and silver were to be had. On this
expedition however, he lost one of his ships, only the pilot
and seven men being saved ; on which account he steered for
Mozambique, but was forced by stress of weather into the
island of Angoza. At night he discovered the lights of the
ship St Jago, which he had left at Mozambique, and soon after
Juan de Nova arrived from Angoza, where he had wintered 4 ,
laden with pepper. At Mozambique he rejoined Albuquerque,
whom he sent on before him to Melinda; and meeting
two other ships of his squadron at Quiloa, he proceeded to
Melinda. To oblige the king of Melinda, the Portuguese
attacked the city of Oja, the king of which place, aided by
the king of Mombaza, made war on the king of Melinda.
In this country, which is inhabited by Arabs, there are some
ancient and wonderful structures. Each city, and almost
every village has a separate king, whom they call xeque or
sheikh; but the principal among these are the sheikhs of
Quiloa, Zanzibar, and Mombaza, while the sheikh of Me-
linda pretends to be the most ancient, deducing his pedigree
from the sheikhs of Quitau, which, though in ruins, shews
evident marks of ancient grandeur, having been superior to
all its neighbours. These are Luziva, Parimunda, Lamon,
Jaca, Oja, and others. This country is watered by the river
Gulimanja, up which George Alfonso sailed for the space of
five days, finding the banks every where covered with im-
pervious woods, and the river inhabited by a prodigious
number of sea horses or hippopotami.
Having now only six ships out of thirteen with which he
left Portugal, one being lost, some separated by storms, and
others sent away, Tristan de Cunna appeared before the city
of Oja, on an open shore seventeen leagues from Melinda,
and defended by a wall towards the land, to protect it against
the Kafrs. De Cunna sent a message to the sheikh desiring
an interview, as having some important matters to arrange
with him ; but the sheikh answered, that he was subject to
the soldan of Egypt, caliph or head of the Musselmans, and
could riot therefore treat with a people who were enemies to
the prophet. Considering delay dangerous, Tristan resolved
upon an immediate attack, and dividing his men into two
parties, one commanded by himself and the other by Albu-
querque,
4 This wintering, being in the southern hemisphere, probably refers to
June and July 1507. E.
CHAP. I. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 95
querque, made for the shore as soon as day light appeared.
The Moors were drawn up on the shore to resist the landing,
but were soon forced to take shelter behind their walls ; and,
not trusting to them for protection, no sooner entered at the
sea gate but they ran out at the gate opposite. Nunno de
Cunna and Alfonso de Noronha pursued the sheikh and his
people to a grove of palm trees, in which the sheikh and
many of his attendants were slain. At this time, George
Silveyra observed a grave Moor leading a beautiful young
woman through a path in the wood, and made towards them.
The Moor turned to defend himself, desiring the woman to
make her escape while he fought ; but she followed him, de-
claring she would rather die or be taken along with him,
than make her escape alone. Seeing them thus strive who
should give the strongest demonstration of affection, Silveyra
allowed both to go away unhurt, unwilling to part so much
love. The town was plundered and set on fire, and burnt
with such fury that some of the Portuguese perished in the
flames while in anxious search of plunder.
On being informed of what had happened at Oja, the
sheikh of Lamo, fifteen leagues distant, came to make his
submission, and to render himself more acceptable offered to
pay a tribute of 600 meticals of gold yearly, about equal to
as many ducats, and paid the first year in advance. From
hence DC Cunna proceeded to Brava, a populous town
which had been formerly reduced, but the sheikh was now
in rebellion, trusting to a force of 6000 men with which he
opposed the landing of the Portuguese. But De Cunna and
Albuquerque landed their troops next day in two bodies, in
spite of every opposition from showers of arrows, darts, and
stones, and scaled the walls, routing the Moors with prodigi-
ous slaughter. The city was plundered and burnt ; but in
this enterprise the Portuguese lost forty- two men ; not the
half of them by the sword, but in consequence of a boat sink-
ing which was overloaded with spoil. Those who were
drowned had been so blinded with covetousness while plun-
dering the town, that they barbarously cut off the hands and
ears of the women to save time in taking off their bracelets
and ear-rings. Sailing from Brava, Tristan de Cunna was
rejoined off Cape Guardafu by Alvaro Tellez, who had been
in great danger in a storm of losing his ship with all the rich
booty formerly mentioned. Having got sight of Cape Guar-
dafu,
96 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in
dafu, De Cunna now stood over for the island of Socotora,
according to his instructions.
Socotora, or Zakatra is an island twenty leagues long and
nine broad, stretching nearly east and west, in lat. J 5 40'
N. and is the largest of the islands near the mouth of the
Red Sea, but has no ports fit for any great number of ships
to ride in during winter. Through the middle of this island
there runs a chain of very high hills, yet covered over with
sand blown up by the north winds from the shore to their
tops, so that they are entirely barren and destitute of trees or
plants, excepting some small valleys which are sheltered from
these winds. It is 30 leagues from Cape Guardafu, and 50
leagues from the nearest part of the Arabian continent.
The ports principally used by us are Zoco or Calancea to
the westwards, and Beni to the cast, both inhabited by
Moors, who are very unpolished. In those valleys that are
sheltered from the sand, apple and palm trees are produced,
and the best aloes in the world, which from its excellence is
called Socotorine aloes. The common food of the people is
maize, with milk and tamarinds. The inhabitants of this island
are Christians of the Jacobite church, similar in its ceremo-
nies and belief to that which is established in Ethiopia 5 .
The men generally use the names of the apostles, while most
of the women are named Maria. They worship the cross,
which they set up in all their churches, and wear upon their
clothes, worshipping thrice a-day in the Chaldean language,
making alternate responses as we do in choirs. They have
but one wife, use circumcision, pay tythes, and practice fast-
ing. The men are comely, and the women so brave that
they go to war like Amazons. They are clothed mostly
in skins, but some of the better sort use cloth ; their weapons
are stones, which they sling with much dexterity, .and they
live mostly in caves 6 . This island was subject to the sheikh
or king of Caxem 7 in Arabia.
At this place 8 De Cunna found a tolerable fort, not ill
manned,
5 Abyssinia is obviously here meant. E.
6 Though not distinguished in the text, Faria seems here to confine
himself to the barbarous Christian natives, inhabiting the country ; as the
towns appear to have been occupied by Mahometan Arabs. E.
7 Cashen or Cassin. Astley, I. 63.
8 By a marginal note in Faria, it appears to hare been now the year
1508; 'but the particular place or town in Socotora attacked by De Cunna
is not mentioned. I am disposed however to believe that date an error of
the press, for 1507. E.
CHAP. I. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 97
manned, and decently provided for defence. He sent a
friendly message to the sheikh, but receiving an insolent
answer he resolved to attack the place, though the attempt
seemed dangerous. He and Albuquerque went towards the
shore with the troops, but Don Alfonso de Noronha, nephew
to De Cunna, leapt first on shore, determining to shew him-
self worthy of the choice which the king had made of him
to command in Socotora, if gained. Noronha immediately
advanced against the sheikh with a few brave men. The
sheikh defended himself with great resolution, and had even
almost repulsed the assailants, when he was struck down by the
lance of Noronha. The Moors endeavoured with much va-
lour to rescue their wounded chief, but he and eight more were
slain, on which the rest fled to the castle. This was imme-
diately scaled by a party of the Portuguese, who opened the
gate for the rest, who now rushed into the large outer court.
The Moors bravely defended their inner fort to the last
man, so that of eighty- three men only one was taken alive,
besides a blind man who was found hidden in a well. Being
asked how he had got there, being blind, he answered that
blind men saw only one thing, which was the way to liberty.
He was set free. In this assault the Portuguese lost six men.
During the assault the natives of the island kept at a distance,
but now came with their wives and children, joyfully return-
ing thanks to the Portuguese commander for having deliver-
ed them from the heavy yoke of the infidels ; and De Cunna
received them to their great satisfaction under the protection
of the crown of Portugal 9 . The Mosque was purified by
the solemnities of the Catholic church, and converted into
a church dedicated to the Invocation of Neustra Sennora
delta Vittoria, in which many were baptised by the labours of
Father Antonio of the order of St Francis. De Cunna gave
the command of the fort, now named San Miguel, to Don
Alfonso de Noronha, his nephew, who had well deserved it
by his valour, even if he had not been nominated to the com-
mand by the king. Noronha was provided with a garrison
of an hundred men, with proper officers j after which De
VOL. vi. G Cunna
9 Little did these poor Jacobite Christians suspect, that in exchanging
masters they were subjected to the more dreadful yoke of the Portuguese
Inquisition ! The zeal of the Portuguese for the liberty of the Christian
inhabitants of Socotora soon cooled, when it was found unable to pay the
expence of a garrison, and it was soon abandoned to the milder oppres-
sion of its former Mahometan masters. E.
98 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. EOOK in.
Cunna wintered at the island of Socotora, though very ill ac-
commodated, and then sailed for India, sending Albuquerque,
according to the royal orders, to cruise on the coast of
Arabia 10 .
While these things occurred at Socotora, the zamorin of
Calicut was arming afresh against the Portuguese, relying
on the promises of his wizards and soothsayers; who, finding
that the succours under Tristan de Cunna were long delayed,
assured him of success in that lucky opportunity, and pre-
dicted a great change of affairs, as indicated by an earthquake
and a great eclipse of the sun, so complete that the stars
were seen at noon for a considerable time, and which they
pretended was a sure sign of the approaching destruction of
the Portuguese. But on the viceroy Almeyda receiving notice
of the preparations at Calicut, he sent his son Don Lorenzo
thither with a squadron often ships. At this time Gonzalo
Vaz was in Cananor with his ship, taking in water - f and on
his voyage to join Don Lorenzo he fell in with a ship belong-
ing to Cananor having a Portuguese pass, which he sunk with
all her moorish crew sewed up in a sail that they might never
be seen. But this wicked action was afterwards discovered,
for which Vaz was broke; a very incompetent punishment
for so great a crime, owing to which the Portuguese nf-
terwards suffered severe calamities, as will appear in the
sequel.
On his way towards Dabul in search of the Calicut fleet,
Don Lorenzo cast anchor at the entrance of the port of Chaul,
into which seven vessels belonging to the Moors entered with-
out making any return to his salute. On this Lorenzo fol-
lowed them in his boats, and the Moors leaped overboard to
escape on shore, but many of them were slain by the Portu-
guese in the water. Lorenzo then took possession of the
ships, which were laden with horses and other goods ; and
as the Moors endeavoured to overreach him with regard
to ransoming their vessels, greatly underrating their car-
goes, he ordered them all to be burnt. Going thence
to Dabul, where he ibund the Calicut fleet, he anchored
off the mouth of the river, and called a council of his offi-
cers to consult on the proper measures for an attack ; but
owing
10 From an after part of the text of Faria, we learn that this fort in the
the island of Socotora was taken on the 20th of August, probably of the
year 1507.
CHAP. i. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 99
owing to the narrowness of the river it was carried in the
council not to attack, contrary to the opinion of Lorenzo,
who was eager to destroy the enemies ships. Passing on
therefore to a river four leagues beyond Dabul, a brigantine
and parao which led the van saw a ship sailing up the river,
and pursued the vessel till it came to anchor over against
a town, where there were many other vessels. Seeing the
two vessels in pursuit of the ship Lorenzo sent a galley after
them, and the three began to clear the shore with their shot
of many Moors who flocked thither to defend their ships.
Supposing from the noise of firing that his assistance was
necessary, Lorenzo made all possible haste up the river ; but
before his arrival the others had taken all the vessels in the
harbour, and had burnt a house on shore full of valuable
commodities. All the ships in this harbour were burnt,
except two from Ormuz having very rich cargoes, which were
carried away. On his return to Cochin with victory and rich
spoil, expecting to be received by his father with applause,
lie was astonished to find himself threatened with severe
punishment for not having fought with and destroyed the
Calicut fleet. He was however excused, as it appeared he
had been overruled by the votes of the other captains, con-
trarv to his own opinion. The viceroy broke them all
therefore, and sent them home in disgrace to Portugal. By
this severity, Don Lorenzo was much troubled, and in after-
wards endeavouring to restore himself to the esteem of his
father, he lost his life in rashly displaying his valour.
The body of one of the Moors who had been basely de-
stroyed by Vaz, as formerly mentioned, was washed on shore,
and discovered to be the nephew of Mamale, a rich merchant
of Malabar. Founding on this circumstance, the zamorin
prevailed upon the rajah of Cananor to break with the Por-
tuguese ; and as it was not known who had been guilty of
that barbarous act, the blame fell upon Lorenzo de Brito,
captain of the fort at Cananor, who got notice of his danger,
and not being in sufficient force to defend himself, sent in-
telligence to the viceroy. This message was delivered to
Almeyda while in church assisting at the service on Maunday
Thursday ; and was of so pressing a nature that he imme-
diately left the church, to give orders for the immediate ship-
oil ent of provisions and men to succour Brito; and these
orders were executed with such speed, that those who had
lent their arms to others to watch the sepulchre, as the custom
is, had to go to the church to get them back. Don Lorenzo
was
100 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
was appointed to command this relief of Cananor, with orders
on his arrival at that place to put himself under the com-
mand of Brito, who insisted that as son to the viceroy
and an officer of reputation and experience he should take
the command : But Lorenzo was positive that he would not
take the command over Brito, pursuant to the orders of his
father ; and being unable to prevail, he left the relief at
Cananor, and returned to Cochin.
By this time the rajah of Cananor had drawn together a
force of 20,000 men, with which he besieged the Portuguese
fort, which Brito determined to defend to the last extremity,
and used every possible means to strengthen the place.
Much blood was spilt about the possession of a well, which
the Portuguese at length made themselves masters of by
means of a mine. After this loss, the enemy retired to a
wood of palm-trees, meaning to prepare engines to batter
the fort, of which circumstance intelligence was conveyed
to Brito by a nephew to the rajak of Cananor, who wished
to acquire the friendship of the Portuguese, so that Brito
was prepared to receive the intended assault. Having com-
pleted their preparations, the enemy moved on to fill up the
ditch and assault the fort ; but were opposed with so much
energy, at first by incessant discharges of cannon, and after-
wards by means of a sally, that the ditch was filled with
dead bodies instead of fascines. After losing a prodigious
number of men, the enemy retreated to the wood ; and next
night, which was cold and rainy, Brito sent out eighty men
to beat up their quarters under the command of a Spanish
officer named Guadalaxara, who was next in command.
This enterprise was so vigorously executed, that after the
discharge of a few small pieces of artillery* the enemy fled
in every direction to save themselves, leaving 300 of their
men slain. The joy for this victory on the side of the Por-
tuguese was soon miserably abated in consequence of the
destruction of their entire magazine of provisions by fire, by
which they were reduced to the extremity of famine, and
under the" necessity of feeding on all kinds of vermin that
could be procured. In this extreme distress^ they were pro-
videntially relieved by a rough sea throwing up vast quantities*
of crabs or lobsters on the point of land where the chapel
of the Virgin stands, which was the only food which could
be procured by the garrison for a long while. While in this
situation, in consequence of powerful assistance from the
7amorin, the rajah of Cananor made a- fresh assault upon
Brito
rHAi. i. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 101
Brito with 50,000 men, and was again repulsed with pro-
digious slaughter, without the loss of one man on the side of
the Portuguese. Immediately after this exploit, Tristan de
Cunna arrived at Cananor with a reinforcement and a supply
of provisions, by which and the noble defence made by Brito
the rajah of Cananor was so much intimidated that he sued
for peace, which was granted upon conditions highly honour-
able and advantageous to the Portuguese.
As Tristan de Cunna was now ready to depart for Portugal
with the homeward bound ships, the viceroy went along with
him to Paniani, a town belonging to Calicut which he pro-
posed to destroy, as it was much frequented by the Moors,
who took in loadings of spices at that place under the pro-
tection of four ships belonging to the zamorin commanded
by a valiant Moor named Cutiale ". The viceroy and Tris-
tan, having anchored off the bar, held a council of war to
deliberate upon a plan of attack, when it was determined to
send their two sons in two barks and several boats to attack
the place, while the viceroy and admiral should follow in a
galley. When the foremost of the Portuguese assailants were
attacking the trenches, on which some of them had mounted,
Pedro Cam having even planted the colours of Lorenzo Al-
meyda on the summit, the viceroy on coming up observed his
son climbing up with some difficulty. He immediately called
put, " How comes it Lorenzo that you are so backward ?"
When the young man answered, " I have given way, Sir, to
him who has gained the honour of the day." At this mo-
ment a gigantic Moor assaijed Lorenzo and even woun ^ed
him ; but in return he cleft the head of the Moor down to
the breast. The town was now carried by storm, and all
its defenders put to the sword, after which all the ships in
the port were burnt. In this exploit the Portuguese lost
only eighteen men, none of whom were of any note ; but
above 500 of the enemy were slain. Though the plunder of
this place was of great value, it was all burnt along with the
town and ships, the artillery only being carried off.
After this the fleet and .army returned to Cananor where
De Cunna completed his lading, and then set sail for
Portugal. At Mozambique, on his way home, he met
several ships belonging to a squadron of twelve sail sent
from Lisbon in the former year ; seven of which were to
return
11 In an after part of De Faria, this officer is said to have been a Chinese^
102 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. DOCK jn.
return with goods, and the other five to cruise on the
eastern coast of Africa, under the command of Vasco
Gomez de Abreu, who was likewise to command in the
fort of Sofala. There were also two other ships in this
fleet, destined to reinforce the squadron of Albuquerque on
the coast of Arabia. Of this fleet, the ship commanded
by Juan Chanoca was lost in the river Zanaga, that of Juan
Gomez in another place, and Abreu was lost with four vessels
while going to Mozambique. Other vessels of this fleet were
driven to various parts, after enduring terrible storms and
imminent dangers ; yet these dire misfortunes were insuffi-
cient to damp the boldness of our nation in quest of riches,
so prevalent is covetousness over every consideration of
difficulty or danger.
We must now return to Alfonso de Albuquerque, who
parted from De Cunna, after the taking of Soeotora on the
20th of August, as formerly related, being bound for the coasts
of Arabia and Persia, pursuant to the commands of the king,
having with him seven ships and 460 soldiers. He came
first to Calayate, a beautiful and strong place in the kingdom
of Ormuz, built alter the manner usual in Spain, but which
had once been more populous. Sending a message to the
governor, he received supplies of water and provisions, and
entered into a treaty of peace. Proceeding to Curia te, ten
leagues farther on, he was very ill received, in revenge for
which he took the place by storm, losing only three of his own
men, while eighty of the defenders were slain. Alter plun-
dering this place, it was destroyed by fire along with fourteen
vessels wliich were in the harbour. From thence he sailed
for Muscat, eight leagues farther, which was stronger than the
two former, and well filled with people, who had resorted there
from all quarters on hearing of the destruction of Curiate.
Being afraid of a similar disaster, the governor sent great
supplies of provisions to Albuquerque, and entered into a
treaty of peace ; but while the boats were ashore for water,
the cannon of the town began unexpectedly to play upon the
ships, doing considerable damage, and obliged them hastily
to haul farther offi not knowing the cause of these hos-
tilities ; but it was soon karnt that 2000 men had arrived to
defend the town, sent by the king of Ormuz, and that their
commander refused to concur in the pence which had been
entered into by the governor. Although Albuquerque had
received considerable damage from the smart cannonade, he
landed
CHAP. I. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 103
landed his men early next morning, and attacked the place
with such resolution that the Moors fled at one gate, while
the Portuguese entered at another, 'ihe town was given up
to plunder, all except the residence of the governor, who
had received the Portuguese in a friendly manner, and had
very honourably given them notice to retire, when the troops
of Ormuz arrived ; but he was slain during the first confu-
sion, without being known.
After the destruction of Muscat, Albuquerque proceeded
to Soar, all the inhabitants of which tied, except the governor
and some of the principal Moors, who offered to surrender
the town ; but Albuquerque gave it back to them, on condi-
tion of holding it in vassalage from the crown of Portugal,
and payment of the same tribute which used to be given to the
king of Ormuz. Fifteen leagues farther he came to Orfueam,
which was deserted by the inhabitants. Albuquerque sent
his nephew, Don Antonio, to pursue them at the head of 100
men ; who, though he brought back twenty-two prisoners,
received almost as much damage from the Moors as he did,
as they were very numerous and fought bravely in defence of
their wives and children. The deserted town of Orfueam
was plundered for three days, during which time Albu-
querque disposed all things in readiness for proceeding against
Ormuz, which was the chief object of his voyage, deeming
these previous exploits only a prelude to his grand enterprise,
and accounting them but trifles, though they might appear
considerable to others.
The city of Ormuz or Hornuiz is situated on the small
Island of Jerun at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, only three
leagues in compass, and so barren that it produces nothing
but salt and sulphur. The buildings of the city are sumptu-
ous. It is the great mart for all the goods of Africa, Ara-
bia, and India ; by which means, though having nothing of
its own, it abounds in all things. It is plentifully supplied
with provisions from the province of Mogostan or Laristau
in Persia, and from the islands of Kishom, Kissmis, or Kish-
mish, Larek, and others. About the year 1273, Maiek
Kaez possessed all the land from the isle of Jerun to that of
Bahrayn, bordering on the kingdom of Gordunshah of the
province of Mogostan I2 . This king by subtile devices pre-
vailed
1 2 The expression in the text is obscure. It appears that Maiek Kaez,
ruled over the sea coast of the kingdom or province rather of Mogostan, of
which Gordunshah was king or governor. E.
104; Portuguese Discovery and PART 11. BOOK in,
vailed upon Malck to give him the island of Jerun, being a
place of no value whatever ; after which he fortified himself
there, and transplanting the inhabitants of the ancient city of
Ormuz on the coast, where the king used to reside to that
island, the king of Persia, fearing he would refuse the accus-
tomed tribute, prepared to invade him : But the king of Gor-
dunshah diverted him from his purpose, by engaging to be
responsible for the tribute, and by doing homage by his am-
bassadors once in every five years. By these means the city
and kingdom of Ormuz was established, which continued to
be ruled over by the heirs of the first possessor and others,
mostly by violence 1 3 .
" This account of the origin of the kingdom of Ormuz or
Harmuz is related differently in a history of that state written
from Turkestan, overran Persia as far a> the Persian Gulf,
Mir Bahaddin Ayaz Seyfin, the fifteenth king of Ormuz,
resolved to leave the continent where his dominions then
were, and to retire to some of the adjacent islands. He first
passed over with his people to the large island of Brokt or
Kishxnish 14 , called Quixome by the Portuguese, and after-
wards removed to a desert isle two leagues distant eastward,
which he begged from Neyn king of Keys, and built a new
city, calling it Harmuz after the name of his former capital
on the coast, the ruins of which are still visible to the cast of
Gamrun or Gambroon. By the Arabs and Persians, this
island is called Jerun y from a fisherman who lived there at the
time when Ayaz first took possession. In the course of two
hundred years, this new city and kingdom advanced so much
in
13 The account in the text is unintelligible and contradictory : But we
fortunately have one more intelligible from the editor of Astley's Collection,
I. 65. c. which being too long for a note, has been placed in the text be-
tween inverted commas. E.
14 In a plan of Ormuz given in Astley's Collection, the isle of Kishoma
or Kishmis is placed at a small distance from that of Ormuz or Jerun,
and is said to be the place whence Ormuz is supplied with water. In
fact the island of Kismis or Kishom is of considerable size and some ferti-
lity, though exceedingly unhealthy, while that of Jerun on which Ormuz
was built, though barren and without water, was comparatively healthy. It
was a commercial garrison town of the Arabs, for the purpose of carrying
an the trade of the Persian Gulf, and at the same time withdrawing from
the oppressive rule of the Turkoman conquerors of Persia. E.
CHAP. I. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 105
In wealth and power, that it extended its dominion over a
great part of the coasts of Arabia and Persia, all the way to
Basrah or Basora. It became the chief mart of trade in all
these parts, which had formerly been established at Keys ;
but after the reduction of Ormuz, by the Portuguese, its trade
and consequence declined much, owing to their tyranny and
oppression. Ayaz Seyfin, was succeeded by Amir Ayas
Oddin Gordun Shah. Thus it appears distinctly, that the
Malek Kaesin the text of Faria, ought to have been called the
Malek or king of Kaes or Keys ; and that instead of the king-
dom of Gordunshah of the province of Mogostan, it should
Lave been Gordun Shah king of Mogostan; besides, the island
was not granted to him, but to his predecessor Ayaz. As a
mark of their sense of the riches of Ormuz, the orientals used
to say proverbially, if the world were considered as a ring,
Ormuz was its jewel."
When Albuquerque arrived at Ormuz about the end of
September 1507, Sayf Oddin a youth of twelve years of age
was sovereign, under the guardianship of a slave named
Khojah Attar, a man of courage but of a subtile and crafty
disposition. Hearing what had been done by Albuquerque
at the towns upon the coast, Attar made great preparations
for resisting the new enemy. For this purpose he laid an
embargo on all the ships in the port, and hired troops from
all the neighbouring countries, so that when the Portuguese
entered the port there were 30,000 armed men in the city, of
whom 4000 were Persians, the most expert archers then in
the world. There were at that time 4-00 vessels in the har-
bour, 60 of which were of considerable size, the crews of
which amounted to 2500 men. Albuquerque was not igno-
rant of the warlike preparations which had been made for his
reception ; but to shew his determined resolution, he came
immediately to anchor in the midst of five of the largest ships
riding in the harbour, firing his cannon as he sailed along to
strike a terror into the inhabitants, and the shore was soon
lined by 8000 troops. As no message was sent to him by the
king, he commanded the captain of the largest ship, which
seemed admiral over the rest, to repair on board of him, who
immediately complied, and was received with much civility,
but in great state. He then desired this man to go on shore
and inform the king of Ormuz, that he had orders from the
king of Portugal to take him under the protection of that
crown, and to grant him leave to trade in the Indian seas, on
condition
106 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
condition that he submitted himself as vassal to the crown of
Portugal, and agreed to pay a reasonable tribute: Bat if these
proposals were rejected, his orders were to subdue Ormuz by
force of arms. It was assuredly no small presumption to offer
such degrading terms to a king who was at the head of above
30,000 lighting men, and 400 ships, while all the force he
had against such prodigious force, was only 460 soldiers and
seven ships. The Moorish captain, who was from Cam bay a,
went on shore and delivered this insolent message to the king
and his governor Attar; who immediately sent Khojah
Beyram with a message to Albuquerque, excusing them for
not having sent to inquire what the Portuguese wanted in
their port, and promising that the governor should wait upon
him next day. Attar however did not perform this promise,
but endeavoured to spin out the time by a repetition of mes-
sages, in order to strengthen the fortifications of the city, and
to receive farther supplies. Albuquerque immediately per-
ceived the purport of these messages, and told Beyram that
he would listen only to the acceptation of peace on the terms
proposed, or an immediate declaration of war. To this in-
solent demand, Beyram brought back lor answer, that Ormuz
was accustomed to receive, and not to pay tribute.
During the night, the noise of warlike instruments, and the
shouts ot the troops collected in Ormuz were heard from all
parts of the city; and when morning came, the whole walls,
the shore, and the vessels in the harbour were seen crowded
xvith armed men, while the windows and flat tops of all tin?
houses were filled with people of both sexes and all ages,
anxious to behold the expected events. Albuquerque imme-
diately began to cannonade the city and the large Moorish
ships, and was spiritedly answered by the enemy, who took
advantage of the obscurity occasioned by the smoke to send a
large party of armed men in 1 30 boats to attack the ships,
and did some damage among the Portuguese by incessant and
prodigious discharges of arrows and stones. But as many of
the boats were sunk by the Portuguese artillery, and numbers
of the men slain and drowned, they were forced to retire*
They returned again to the charge with fresh numbers ; but
after a severe conflict were again obliged to retreat with pro-
digious loss, the sea being dyed with blood, and great numbers
%>!' them slain* By this time, Albuquerque had sunk two of
the largest ships in the port and taken a third, not without
considerable opposition on the part of the enemy, forcing the
CHAP. I. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 107
surviving Moors to leap into the sea ; and the other captains
of his squadron had captured three ships, and had set above
thirty more on tire. The crews of these cut their cables and
drifted over to the Persian shore to enable themselves to es-
cape ; but by this means communicated the conflagration to
other vessels that were lying aground. These disasters struck
such terror into the people of Ormuz that they all fled in dis-
may within their walls, and Khojah Attar sent a message to
Albuquerque offering to submit to his proposals - y on which he
put a stop to farther hostilities, yet suspecting the governor
of treachery, he threatened to inflict still heavier calamities
on the city unless the terms were performed with good faith.
Thus, with the loss only of ten men on the side of the Por-
tuguese, most of the numerous vessels belonging to the enemy,
full of various rich commodities, were taken, burnt, sunk, or
torn to pieces, and above seventeen hundred of the Moors
were slain, numbers of whose bodies were seen floating in the
harbour. Many of these were seen to have ornaments of
( i>-okl, which l he Portuguese anxiously sought after, and on
this occasion it was noticed that several of the enemy had been
slain by their own arrows, none being used by the Portuguese.
Khojah Attar, dismayed by the prodigious injury sustained
in the conflict, and afraid of still heavier calamities, called a
council of the chief officers of the kingdom to deliberate on
what was best to be done, when it was agreed to submit for
the present to the demands of Albuquerque ; after which ar-
ticles of pacification were drawn up and sworn to between the
parties. The two principal articles were, that the king of
Ormuz submitted to pay a tribute to the king of Portugal of
15,000 Xcrephincs yearly 15 , and that ground should be al-
lowed for the Portuguese on which to build a fort. The fort
was accordingly immediately commenced, and considerable
progress was made in its construction in a few days. On
purpose to avoid the payment of the tribute, Khojah Attar
dressed up a pretended embassy from the king of Persia de-
manding payment of the usual tribute, and required that Al-
buquerque should give them an answer, as the king of Ormuz
was now subject to the crown of Portugal. Albuquerque pe-
netrated into this design, and desired Attar to send some one
to
1 5 A Xerephiue being worth about half a crown, this tribute amounted
to about L. 1875 sterling. Astl. I. 66. a. According to Purchas a Xere-
phine is worth 5s. 9d \ so that the yearly tribute in the text is equal toL.28 12
10s. sterling. E.
108 Portuguese Discovery and TAUT ir. BOOK fii,
to him to receive the answer. The pretended Persian am~
bassador accordingly waited upon him, to whom he gave some
spears and bullets, saying such was the coin in which the
tribute should be paid in future. Finding this contrivance
fail, Attar endeavoured to corrupt some of the Portuguese,
and actually prevailed on five seamen to. desert, one of whom
had been bred a founder, who cast some cannon like those
belonging to the Portuguese. Being informed by these de-
serters that Albuquerque had only about 450 soldiers, Attar
began to pick up fresh courage, and entered into contrivances
for breaking the peace, pretending at the same time to lay
the blame on Albuquerque, and refused to deliver up the de-
serters.
The high spirit of Albuquerque could not brook this conduct,
and determined upon taking vengeance, but had little success
in the attempt being badly seconded by the officers serving
under him. Taking advantage of this spirit of insubordina-
tion, of which he had ample intelligence as it was occasioned
by his own intrigues, Attar one night set fire to a bark which
the Portuguese were building on the shore ; and at the same
time one of the deserters called aloud from the wall on Albu-
querque, to defend his boat with his 400 men, and ho should
meet 7000 archers. At this time some of the Portuguese
captains gave intelligence to the enemy, and had even assisted
the five renegados to desert. Enraged at this affront in burn-
ing his bark, Albuquerque endeavoured to set some ships on
fire which were building or repairing in the arsenal of Onnuz,
but failed in the attempt. He next undertook to besiege the
city ; and having taken several persons who were carrying
provisions thither, he cut off their hands, ears, and noses,
and sent them into the city in that miserable condition, to the
great terror of the inhabitants. About this time there was a
hot dispute between the Portuguese and the garrison of
Ormuz, about some wells which supplied the inhabitants with
water, which Albuquerque endeavoured to fill up, in which
the Moorish captain and the guard over the wells were all
slain, and the wells filled with the carcasses of their men and
horses. The young king and his governor sallied out from
the city to drive the Portuguese away, and actually cut off'
the retreat of Albuquerque ; but a lucky cannon-ball opened
the wav, by throwing the cavalry of the enemy into confusion.
In these actions with the Ormuzians, Albuquerque was ill
.seconded by his people, three of his captains having resolved
4 tO
CHAP. i. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. J09
to leave him and to sail for India. These men drew up a letter
or remonstrance, assigning reasons why he should desist from
his present enterprise; which Albuquerque ordered one of the
masons to lay beneath a stone in the wall of the fort, saying that
lie had there deposited his answer, and would be glad to see
if any one dared to remove the stone to read what he had
written. Though much offended by this, these captains did
not venture to make any reply ; yet jealous about the com-
mand of the fort, when it should be built, the three captains
actually sailed away for India. Though much troubled at this
shameful desertion, Albuquerque determined upon continu-
ing his enterprise, notwithstanding that two other captains
who still remained opposed him, and were desirous to follow
the example of the other three ; but by proper severity he de-
terred them from executing their designs. Learning that a
fleet was on its way from Bahrayn for Keyshom with a rein-
forcement of men and provisions, Albuquerque endeavoured
ineffectually to intercept it. After failing in this, he fell upon
a country palace belonging to the king which was guarded by
three hundred foot and sixty horse, whom he defeated with
the loss of one man, killing eighty of the enemy. He then
fell upon Keyshom or Qucixome, which was defended by five
hundred archers sent to Ormuz by the king of Lar or Laristan
in Persia under the command of two of his nephews, both of
whom were slain with most of their men, and the bodies of
the two slain princes were sent by Albuquerque as a present to
Attar. The town of Keyshom was plundered and burnt.
Among the pi under was taken a large Persian carpet, which
the soldiers were going to cut in pieces to divide among them,
and for the greater convenience of removal, which Albu-
querque purchased from them, and sent afterwards to the
shrine of St Jago in Gallicia.
Having but few men left who were much harassed, and
winter approaching, Albuquerque resolved to go to Socotora^
and gave leave to Juan de Nova to sail for India, where he
had formerly had the command of a fleet. He accordingly
wintered at Socotora, where he relieved the Portuguese gar-
rison, then much distressed by famine; for which purpose he
went in his own ship to Cape Guardafu, and sent others to Me-
linda and Cape Fum, to seize some ships for the sake of their
provisions. When winter was over, he resolved to return to
Ormuz r though too weak to carry his designs into execution,
yet to see in what disposition were the young king and his
governor,
1.10 P&rtuguc&c Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
governor. On bis way thither he determined to take revenge
upon the town of Kalayat, for some injury that had been done
there to the Portuguese. Kalayat is situated on the coast of
Arabia beyond Cape Siagro, called also Cape Rasalgat, at
the mouth of the Persian Gulf. Behind this town there is a
rugged mountain, in which are some passes which open a
communication with the interior ; and by one of these oppo-
site the town almost all the trade of Yemen or Arabia Felix,
which is a fertile country of much trade and full of populous
cities, is conveyed to this port. Immediately on his arrival,
Albuquerque landed his troops and ( took possession of the
town, most of the inhabitants escaping to the mountains and
some being slain in the streets. He remained here three
nights, on one of which a thousand Moors entered the town
by surprise and did considerable damage before the Portu-
guese could be collected to oppose them, but were at length
put to flight with great slaughter. Having secured all the
provisions of Kalayat, which was the principal booty, Albu-
querque set the place on fire and proceeded to Ormuz, where
he arrived on the 13th of September l6 . He immediately sent
notice of his return to the king and governor; on which
Attar sent him a message, saying they were ready to pay the
tribute of 15,000 Xerephins, but would on no account consent
to the erection of the intended fort. Albuquerque therefore
determined to recommence the siege of Ornuiz, and ordered
Martin Coello to guard with his ship the point of Turum-
baka 1 ^, where the wells are situated, and Diego dc Melo to
prevent intercourse with the island of Keyshom; while he
and Francisco de Tavora anchored before the city. He there
observed that Khojah Attar had completed the fort formerly
begun by the Portuguese. In this new attempt the succcs^
was no greater than it had been formerly. On one occasion
.Diego de Mclo and eight private men were slain ; and on
another Albuquerque was himself in much danger. Finding
himself unable to effectuate any thing of importance, he re-
turned
1 6 No year 5s mentioned in the text of Faria, which is throughout ex-
tremely defective in dates; but from the context it was now probably the
year 1508 E.
17 Turumbaka, in the plan of Ormuz mentioned in a former note, is a.
palace belonging to the king of Ormuz, in the same island with the city.
The Isle of Keyshom has already been stated as the place whence Ormuz
was supplied with water ; but there may have been tanks or cisterns at
Turumbaka. E-
CHAP. i. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. Ill
turned to India, having taken a ship in which was a great
quantity of valuable pearls from Bahrayn, and Francisco de
Tavora took another ship belonging to Mecca.
During the time when Albuquerque was employed before
Onnuz, tiie Soldan of Egypt fitted out a fleet of twelve sail
with 1500 Mamelukes, which he sent under the command of
Mir llusseyn to oppose the Portuguese in India, While on
his voyage up the Red Sea, llusseyn attacked the towns of
Yembo and Jiddah, putting the sheikhs of both places to death,
and making great plunder. He then sailed for Diu, where
Malek Azz commanded for the king of Cambaya, with whom
lie was ordered to join his forces to oppose the Portuguese.
The timber of which these ships were built was cut in the
mountains of Dalmatia, by procurement as it was said of the
Venetians, as the Soldan and the Turks were then at vari-
ance. It was conveyed from Dalmatia to Egypt in twenty-
five vessels, commanded by a nephew of the Soldan, who had
a force of 800 Mamelukes on board, besides mariners. At
this time the gallies of Malta were commanded by a Portu-
guese knight, Andrea de Amarall ; who, learning that the
timber was designed to be employed against his countrymen
in India, attacked the Egyptian fleet with six ships and four
gallies, in which he had 600 soldiers. After a sharp engage-
ment of three hours, he took seven ships and sunk live ; but
the rest escaped to Alexandria, whence the timber w r as carried
up the Nile to Cairo, and thence on camels to Suez.
At this time the viceroy Almcyda was on the coast of Ma
lubar, and had sent his son Don Lorenzo with eight ships to
scour the coast as far as Chaul, a town of considerable size
and importance seated on the banks of a river about two
leagues from the sea, and subject to the Nizam-al-Mulk l8 j,
by whose orders Don Lorenzo was well received. They had
some intelligence of the fleet of the Soldan, but believed it an
unfounded rumour, till it appeared in sight while Don Lo-
renzo was on shore with most of his officers. They hastened
immediately on board, giving such orders as the time per-
mitted, and were hardly on board when the enemy entered
the harbour, making great demonstrations of joy at having so
opportunely found the enemy of whom they were in search.
Husseyn thought, himself secure of victory, as he had sur-
prised the Portuguese ships, and determined himself to board
1 8 Called Nizamaluco by De Faria.
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in,
the ship commanded by Don Lorenzo. For this purpose he
ran her on board, pouring in balls, arrows, hand-grenades,
and other fire-works ; but was answered with such determin-
ed bravery, that he gave over his intention of boarding,
though the Portuguese vessel was much smaller than his.
The other Egyptian vessels had no better success $ and as
night approached, both parties gave over the engagement to
prepare for its renewal next morning.
As soon as day appeared Don Lorenzo gave the signal to
renew the fight ; and in his turn endeavoured to board the
Egyptian admiral, in which he was imitated by the other
captains : Only two of them succeeded in capturing two
gallies belonging to the enemy, all the men on board which
were put to the sword. The battle was carried on with much
bravery on both sides, and the Portuguese seemed fast gain-
ing the superiority j when Malek Azz, lord of Diu, made his
appearance with a great number of small vessels well manned,
coming to the assistance of Husseyn. Don Lorenzo imme-
diately dispatched two gallies and three caravels to hinder the
approach of this reinforcement to his enemies, which execut-
ed their orders so effectually that Azz was obliged to flee for
shelter to another place. The battle still continued between
Lorenzo and Husseyn till night again parted them, both en-
deavouring to conceal their loss from the other. In the
evening after the cessation of the battle, the Portuguese
captains met in council on board the admiral to deliberate on
what was best to be done ; and were unanimously of opinion
that it was rash to continue to defend themselves in the river
of Chaul, especially as Malek Azz was so near with such a
powerful reinforcement, and strongly recommended that they
should go out to the open sea, where they might fight with
less disadvantage, and would have it in their power to escape
If circumstances rendered it necessary. But, remembering
the displeasure of his father for not having attacked the fleet
of Calicut in the river of Dabul, and fearing his retreat into
the open sea might be construed as flight, Lorenzo determin-
ed resolutely to await the events of the next morning, only
making some change in the disposition of his force, in order
to protect some ships belonging to Cochin which were much
exposed to the enemy.
Next morning, on observing the change of posture in the
Portuguese ships, Malek Azz conceived that they meant to
retreat ; he immediately came out therefore from the place
HAP. I. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. US
where he had taken shelter, and boldly charged them, un-
dismayed at the havock which was made among his small
vessels by the Portuguese cannon. Most unfortunately at
this time the ship of Don Lorenzo ran foul of some stakes
in the bed of the river, and let in so much water that she
was in danger of sinking. The brave Lorenzo exerted him-
self to the utmost in this perilous situation, till a ball broke
his thigh ; then ordering himself to be set up leaning against
the main-mast, he continued to encourage his men till another
ball broke his back and killed him. His body was thrown
below deck, where it was followed by his page Gato, who
lamented the fate of his master with tears mixed with blood,
having been shot through the eye by an arrow. After a
vigorous resistance, the Moors boarded the ship, and tbund
Gato beside his masters body. He immediately rose and
slew as many of the Moors as covered the body of Lorenzo,
and then fell dead among them. At length the ship sunk,
and of above an hundred men who belonged to her only
nineteen escaped. In all the Portuguese siiips an hundred
and forty men were slain, while the enemy lost upwards of
six hundred. The other captains got to Cochin, where the
viceroy then was, and who received the intelligence of his sons
glorious death with wonderful resolution.
Soon after the defeat of the Portuguese fleet at Chaul,
Almeyda received a letter from Malek Azz. This man was
born in slavery, being descended of heretic Christian parents
of Russia, and had risen by degrees to the rank he now held.
The origin of his advancement was owing to the following
trivial incident. One day a kite flying over the king of
Cambaya, muted on his head, on which the king was so
enraged that he declared he would give all he was worth to
have the kite killed. Malek Azz who heard this, was an
excellent bowman, and immediately let fly an arrow which
brought down the kite. The king of Cambaya rewarded
this lucky shot so bountifully, that the archer soon rose to be
lord of Diu, a famous sea-port in Guzerat, seated on a trian-
gular peninsula, which is joined to the continent by so small
an isthmus that it is generally reputed an island. In this letter
to the viceroy, Malek Azz craftily endeavoured to secure him-
self at the same time both in the favour of the king of
Cambaya, and to conciliate the Portuguese, though he mor-
tally hated them for the injury they had done to the tn;de
of Diu. While he pretended to condole with the viceroy
VOL. vr. H on
1.14 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in
on the death of his son, whose bravery he extolled in exalted
terms, he sent him the nineteen men saved from his sons
ship, who had been made prisoners in the late battle ; en-
deavouring by this conciliatory conduct to appease his wrath
for having aided Mir Husseyn and occasioned the defeat of
the Portuguese.
In this same year 1508, seventeen vessels sailed for India
from Lisbon about the beginning of April, which were all
separated by bad weather, but all rejoined at Mozambique,
except one which was lost on the Islands of Tristan de Cunna.
These ships, with those of the former year, coming all together
to India about the close of the year 1508, greatly raised the
courage of the Portuguese, which had been much depressed
by their defeat at Chaul. By this fleet an order came from
the king for Don Francisco de Almeyda to resign the govern-
ment of India to Don Alfonso de Albuquerque, and to return
to Portugal in one of the trading ships. But Almeyda took
upon him to suspend the execution of this order, under pre-
tence that he had already made preparations for taking re-
venge upon Mir Husseyn, and the Rums or Turks 19 who had
slain his son. Owing to this a controversy arose between
Albuquerque and Almeyda, the former demanding possession
of the government, which the latter refused to demit ; which
became a precedent for succeeding governors to protract the
time of their command. Albuquerque, much offended by
this conduct of Almeyda, retired to Cochin, where he appears
to have lived in private till the departure of Almeyda from
India.
Having dispatched the homeward bound ships under the
command of Fernando Soarez and Ruy de Cunna, who pe-
rished by the way, Almeyda sailed on the 12th of November,
1508 from Cananor towards Diu in pursuit of Mir Husseyn.
On this expedition he had nineteen vessels of different sizes,
with 1600 soldiers and mariners, 400 of whom were native
Malabars. All western India was alarmed at this armament,
but chiefly the zamorin and Malek Azz, who had used every
precaution in his power to ward off the danger. Having
landed with his officers in the delightful island of Anchediva,
Almeyda called a council of war, in which it was unanimously
determined
1 9 The Turks, as having conquered the eastern Roman empire, have suc-
ceeded in India to the name of Rums, Rumi, or Romans. The Circassian
Mamelukes of Egypt are here named Turks, because so soon afterwards con-
quered by that nation. E. /
CHAP. I. SECT. IT. Conquest of India. H5
determined to attack Dabul in the first place. Ibis city was
one of the most noted on the coast 30 , seated on a navigable
river at the distance of two leagues from the sea. Its build-
ings were then magnificent and stately, and it enjoyed con-
siderable trade, the inhabitants being a mixture of Pagans and
Moors, subject to Sabay king of the Decan. It was always
defended by a considerable garrison, which was at present
augmented by 6000 men, being in fear of an attack from the
Portuguese, and new works had been raised for its defence,
which were planted with cannon. On the approach of the
Portuguese fleet, the inhabitants began to remove their fa-
milies and goods into the country, but were forbidden by the
governor under pain of death ; and the more to encourage
them he brought his own wife into the town, in which ex-
ample he was followed by many of the principal inhabitants,
whose wives were brought in from their country-houses.
On the 30th of December 1508, the fleet entered the har-
bour, and the troops immediately landed with the utmost
promptitude, dividing into three bodies to attack three several
gates at once. The Moors made a brave resistance at each
attack, but the works being high, their shot flew over the
heads of the assailants, who were more obstructed by the
dead bodies than by the defenders or their works. Nunno
Vaz Pereyra, who was sent with a detachment to force an
entrance at another place, put the numerous troops who
resisted him to flight after a brave resistance j but they now
fled in such haste towards the mountain, though pursued by
ten Portuguese only, that they tumbled over each other in
their haste, and retarded their own escape. In this fight,
which lasted five hours, fifteen hundred of the enemy were
slain with the loss only of sixteen Portuguese. Having gained
possession, Almeyda distributed his men in several quarters
of the streets, with orders to keep strict guard, lest the enemy
might return ; which they accordingly did by stealth in the
night, in order to recover their wives, children, and goods,
In the morning, the viceroy gave permission to his troops
to plunder the town ; but this was speedily prevented by the
houses taking fire, which in a few hours reduced the whole
to ashes, so that the booty did not exceed 150,000 ducats.
In
20 Dabul is on the coast of Canara, in lat. 17 46* N. in that part usually
called the Pirates coast, which is occupied by a number of half independent
Mahratta chieftains, who often plunder defenceless trading ships, by means
of armed grabs full of desperadoes.
116 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
In fact the town was purposely set on fire by the private
orders of the viceroy, lest the men might have been- so
satiated by the riches of the place as to retard his ulterior
designs. The ships in the harbour were likewise destroyed
by fire, to the no small risk of the Portuguese ships which
were very near.
In fitting out for this expedition, the viceroy had not laid
in any considerable store of provisions, as he expected to
have got supplies on the coast ; but on sending to the ncrgh-
Ibouring villages none was to be had, as the last crop had
been utterly eaten up by locusts, many of which were found
preserved in pots for food by the natives, and being tasted by
the Portuguese were found palatable, and not unlike shrimps.
This made them conclude that there were land shrimps, as
in some places, particularly in the vineyards about Rome,
there are crabs found not unlike those of the sea. Hence if
locusts were not so numerous and destructive, so as to blast
the hopes of harvest and to be dreaded like a plague, they
might be useful as food ; and we know from Scripture that
St John fed upon them in the desert.
Leaving Dabul, the viceroy proceeded for Diu, expecting
to procure provisions along the coast. Payo de Sousa, hav-
ing seen some cattle feeding on the banks of a river, went up
the stream in his galley in hopes of procuring some; but
was opposed by the natives, and he and George Guedez were
both slain. Diego Mendez succeeded in the command of
that galley, and while continuing the voyage towards Diu he
met one of the Mameluke galleys going from Diu to Dabul,
which was well manned and commanded by a courageous
and experienced Turk ; who, on discovering the Portuguese
galley ordered all his soldiers to conceal themselves, so that
Mendez immediately boarded without suspecting any danger,
on which the Turks rushed out from their concealment and
had almost gained the Portuguese galley; but the Portu-
guese recovered from their surprise, and made themselves
masters of the Turkish galley, slaying every one of the enemy
without losing a single man on their side. The chief booty
taken on this occasion consisted of a young and beautiful
Hungarian lady of noble birth, who was brought to the vice-
roy, and given by him to Gaspard de ia India, who gave her
to Diego Pereyra, who afterwards married her. Farther on,
they took in the river of Bombaim, now called Bombay, a
bark with twenty-four Moors belonging to Guzerat, by whose
means
CHAP* I. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 117
means they procured a supply of sheep and rice, while some
cattle were procured in other places, and a farther supply
was got at the fort of Maim, all the people flying to the
mountains from terror of the Portuguese, having heard of
what had happened at Dabul.
On the 2d of February 1509, the viceroy arrived at Diu,
which from the ships up pea red a grand and spacious place,
girt with strong walls and lofty towers, all handsomely built
and well laid out like towns in Portugal, which recalled in
the men the memory of their own country, and animated
their courage to atchicve the conquest. Malek Azz the lord
of Diu was at this time with his army about twenty leagues
distant, making war upon the Rajaputs ; but immediately on
receiving notice of the approach of the Portuguese fleet, he
hastened to his capital with all possible celerity. He had
already used such precautions as not to excite suspicions in
Husseyn of his fidelity, though little inclined to assist him,
and he was now anxious not to exasperate the viceroy in case
of his proving victorious. Taking into consideration the
strength of the place, the courage and conduct of Azz and
Husseyn, and above all that there were above two hundred
vessels well manned and armed, he thought it necessary to
proceed with the greatest circumspection, and accordingly it
was settled in a council of war, that Nunna Vaz Pereyra
should lead in with his ship, in which there were 120 fight-
ing men, many of them gentlemen of tried valour. Pereyra
was to be seconded by George de Melo, whose crew was
equally numerous ; after which the rest of the ships were to
follow in succession, having from 80 down to 25 men in
each according to their size. The night was spent by the
Portuguese in anxious preparation for the approaching con-
flict, by exercises of religion and putting their arms of all
kinds in order.
Between nine and ten next morning, when the tide had
risen sufficiently to float the ships over the bar, the viceroy
gave the signal for entering the port in the appointed order,
and the fleet moved on amid the noise of loud shouts and the
din of warlike instruments from both sides. The vessels be-
longing to Malek Azz made haste to oppose the entrance of
the Portuguese, and poured in a shower of bullets and arrows
into the galley commanded by Diego Perez who led the way
for Nunno Vaz, by which ten men were slain ; yet Nunno
courageously continued his course, pouring his shot among
ihc
118 Portuguese Discovery and PART 11. BOOK in.
the large ships of the enemy and sunk one of them. Vaz
was in great danger between two ships of the enemy, when
Melo came up gallantly to his rescue, and ran so furiously
Upon one of these ships that he drove it up against the ship
commanded by Vaz, so much disabled that it was immediate-
ly boarded and taken by the next ship in succession com-
manded by Sebastian de Miranda. All the ships having
penetrated into the harbour, pushed on in emulation of each
other who should do most damage to the enemy ; while the
viceroy, placing himself in the midst of the enemy, directed
his shot wherever it seemed most calculated to annoy the
enemy and to aid his own ships. In this manner the action
continued to rage for some time with reciprocal courage and
violence, till at length the paraos belonging to Calicut fled
along the coast, giving out every where that the Rumis or
Mamelukes were victorious.
On the flight of the Moors of Calicut, and seeing many of
his fleet destroyed, Mir Husseyn, who was wounded, went on
shore in disguise ; and mounting on horseback, went in all
haste to the king of Cambaya, being no less fearful of the
fury of the Portuguese than of the treachery of Malek Azz,
against whom he made loud complaints, that though he had
given aid in the battle with his vessels, he had not assisted in
person. Yet did not the absence of Husseyn discourage his
men, for those of his own vessel being boarded disdained to
yield, and fought valiantly till they were all skin. The Por-
tuguese now attempted to carry a large ship belonging to
Malek Azz by boarding, but being unable to succeed, the
ship commanded by the viceroy in person sunk her by re-
peated broadsides. Antonio de Campo boarded and took a
large galleon, lluy Soarez, who was next in order to enter
the harbour, dashed boldly through the thickest of the ene-
mies ships and placed his vessel in front of the city, where he
fought his ship in so gallant a style, forcing the crews to
abandon two gallies, which he took, that being noticed by the
viceroy he exclaimed, " Who is this who so nobly excels the
rest ? I wish I were he !" The victory was now complete,
and the viceroy and all the captains assailed the smaller ves-
sels, whose crews endeavoured to escape by swimming ; but
the gallies and boats of the Portuguese being sent among
them, killed such numbers that the sea was dyed in blood.
In this great battle, the enemy lost above 1500 men, and the
Portuguese only 40. Vast riches were acquired by plunder
in
CHAP. i. SECT. iv. Conquest of India, 119
in the captured vessels ; and by the great variety of books
which were found in different languages, it was concluded
that the crews were made up of various nations. Some of
these books were in Latin, some in Italian, and others in
Portuguese 2l . The colours of the Soldan and of his admi-
ral Mir Husseyn were taken, and afterwards sent to the king
of Portugal. Of all the vessels taken in this glorious and de-
cisive victory, four ships and two galiies only were preserved,
all the rest being ordered to be burnt by Almeyda. This
great victory would have much more redounded to the
honour of the Portuguese arms, had not the conquered been
treated with barbarous cruelty : owing to which, many per-
sons very reasonably considered the unhappy end of Almeyda
and other gentlemen, as a just punishment for their crimes
on this occasion 2Z .
Next morning Malek Azz sent a message to Almeyda by
one of his principal officers, in which he congratulated the
Portuguese viceroy on his glorious victory, with which he
pretended to be well pleased. It was reported in the Portu-
guese fleet that the city of Diu was in the utmost consterna-
tion, being afraid of an assault from the victors ; and when
the Portuguese saw that Almeyda seemed inclined to accept
the congratulatory compliments of Azz in good part, they
complained of him for checking them in the career of for-
tune. On being informed of these murmurs, the viceroy
convened his principal officers, and represented to them that
he did not act on the present occasion from any regard to
Malek Azz, but out of respect for the king of Cambaya who
"was still the friend of the Portuguese, and to whom the city
of Din belonged. He requested them likewise to consider
that the city was strongly fortified, and defended by a nume-
rous garrison : That they were already fatigued by the exer-
tions of the late battle ; and that between the men who had
been slain and wounded, and those who were sick, out of
1200
21 It is hardly necessary to observe that these books belonged in all pro-
bability to Christian galley slaves serving under the Mamelukes. E.
22 Though not called upon to vindicate the conduct of Albuquerque
and the Portuguese on this occasion ; it may be noticed that the almost
interminable war which subsisted for many centuries between the Christians
and Moors of the Peninsula, and after the expulsion of the latter, with the
states of Barbary ; joined to the hellish Inquisition on the one side, and the
most degrading slavery inflicted on both by their enemies, long nourished
the most rancorous spirit of enmity and hatred; now farther exalted by com-
mercial rivalship. E.
120 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m*
1200 there were now only 600 fit to carry arms in the assault
of Diu : Even supposing they were to succeed in capturing the
place, it would be utterly impossible to maintain possession
of it ; and that they might easily revenge themselves of
Malek Azz by the capture of his trading ships. All the offi-
cers being completely satisfied by these reasons, the viceroy
received the envoy of Malek Azz very graciously, and told
him that two motives had principally induced him to make
the late assault on Din ; one of which was to be revenged on
the Rumi or Mamelukes, and the other to recover the Por-
tuguese prisoners who had been taken by them at Chaui, as
he considered them in the same light as the son he had -lost.
on that former occasion. The first object he had already
completely attained, and he demanded immediately to obtain
the second, by having all the Portuguese prisoners in the
power of Malek Azz delivered up to him. He demanded in
addition to these, that all the artillery and ammunition which
had belonged to the Rumi still remaining in such of their
ships as had been hawled on shore, should be delivered up,
and these ships burnt ; and that Malek Azz should supply the
Portuguese fleet with provisions.
All these conditions were readily agreed to by Malek Azz,
and executed with the utmost readiness and punctuality ; in
consequence of which a treaty of peace and friendship was
settled between Azz and the viceroy. Almeyda left one of
the liberated Portuguese prisoners at Diu, to load two ships
with such articles as were in request at Cochin and Cananor ;
and besides supplying his own fleet with provisions, he dis-
patched Norenha with a supply of provisions, and some of
the booty procured in the late battle, to his brother Don Al-
fonso at Socotora. These important affairs being dispatched,
the viceroy left Diu and proceeded to Chaul, where the king
was so much intimidated by the accounts he had received of
the late victory, that he submitted to pay an yearly tribute.
Passing thence to Cananor, he was received in the most
honourable manner ; and entered afterwards into Cochin in
triumph. Even before he had laid aside his festive ornaments,
Albuquerque pressed him to resign the government, pursuant
to the royal orders ; but the viceroy begged he would give
him time to divest himself of his present heavy robrs, after
which there would be sufficient opportunity to talk of those
matters. Evil councillors fomented the dispute on both sides,
aome persuading the viceroy to retain the government in his
hands,
CHAP. I. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 121
hands, while others incited Albuquerque to insist upon his re-
signation. The rajah of Cochin even became in some measure
a party in these disputes, insomuch that he delayed loading two
homeward bound ships with p> -pper, till Albuquerque should
be installed in the government. Disputes at length rose
so high, that Almeyda sent Albuquerque as a prisoner to
Cananor, where he was courtc >usly received by Lorenzo de
Brito v.'bo commanded there ; and to whom Almeyda wrote
a few days afterwards to conduct himself towards the prisoner
as one who was soon to be viceroy of India.
Some considerable time before this, the Idng of Portugal
having been informed of the preparations which were making
by the Soldan of Egypt, resolved to send a powerful rein-
forcement to India. This consisted of fifteen sail of ships
commanded by Don Fernando Coutinno, who had an extra-
ordinary power given him to regulate all matters that might
happen to be amiss, as if the king had even surmised the
probability of a disagreement between Almeyda and Albu-
querque. Coutinno arrived safely at Cananor, whence he
carried Alfonso de Albuquerque along with him to Cochin as
viceroy. At first Coutinno treated Almeyda with much
civility, but afterwards thwarted him, as he refused to let him
have a ship which he had purposely prepared and fitted out
for his return to Lisbon, and was obliged to put up with
another which he had no mind to.
Don Francisco de Almeyda, now divested of the viceroyalty
which indeed he had for some time unlawfully retained, sailed
from Cochin on the 19th of November 1509, with two more
ships in company. Before leaving Cochin some of the sor-
cerers or astrologers of that place predicted that he would
not pass the Cape of Good Hope. He did pass the Cape
however, but was slain and buried at the Bay of Saldanna
only a few leagues beyond that place. Having passed the
Cape of Good Hope with fine weather, he observed to some
of his attendants, " Now God be praised ! the witches of
Cochin are liars." Near that place, he put into the Bay of
Saldanna to procure a supply of water ; and as some of the
people went on shore to exchange goods with the natives for
provisions, a servant belonging to the ex-viceroy treated two
of the Hottentots so ill that they knocked out two of his teeth
and sent him away bleeding. Some of the attendants upon
Almeyda thought proper to consider this as an affront which
ught to be avenged, and persuaded him to go on shore for
that
122 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK. in.
that purpose, when they ought to have counselled him to
punish the servant for abusing people among whom they
sought relief. Almeycla yielded to their improper suggestions,
though against his inclination, being heard to exclaim as he
went into the boat, " Ah ! whether and for what end do they
now carry my old age?" Accompanied by about 150 men,
the choice of the ships, they went to a miserable village,
whence they carried off some cattle and children. When on
their return to the boats, they were attacked by 170 natives,
who had fled to the mountains, but now took courage in
defence of their children ; and though these naked savages
were only armed with pointed stakes hardened in the fire,
they soon killed fifty of the Portuguese and Almeyda among
them, who was struck through the throat, and died kneeling
on the sea-shores with his hands and eyes raised to heaven.
Melo returned with the wounded men to the ships, and when
the natives were withdrawn from the shore, he again landed
with a party and buried Almeyda and the others who had
been slain. This was a manifest judgment of God, that so
few unarmed savages should so easily overcome those who had
performed such heroic actions in India.
Don Francisco de Almeyda was the seventh son of Don
Lope de Almeyda, Count of Abrantes, and was a knight of the
order of St Jago. He was graceful in his person, ripe in coun-
cil, continent in his actions, an enemy to avarice, liberal and
grateful for services, and obliging in his carriage. In his
ordinary dress, he wore a black coat, instead of the cloak now
used, a doublet of crimson satin of which the sleeves were seen,
and black breeches reaching from the waist to the feet. He
is represented in his portrait as carrying a truncheon in his
right hand, while the left rests on the guard of his sword,
which hangs almost directly before him as .
Among the ships which were dispatched from Lisbon for
India in 1508, were two squadrons under the command of
Duarte de Lemos and Diego Lopez de Sequeira, which were
sent upon separate services, and which could not be conve-
niently taken notice of in their proper place. After encoun-
tering a storm, Lemos arrived at a place called Medoncs de
Oro, whence he went to Madagascar, and thence to Mozam-
bique,
23 De Faria uniformly gives some description, as here, of the persons
and dress of the successive viceroys and governors of Portuguese India _;
which however has been generally omitted in the sequel. E.
CHAP. i. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 12S
bique, where he was rejoined by the rest of the"squadron, ex-
cept one ship commanded by George de Aguilar, which was
lost. He now assumed the government of the coasts of
Ethiopia and Arabia, according to his commission from the
king. From Mozambique he sailed for Melinda, whence he
proceeded to visit the several islands and towns along the
eastern coast of Africa to compel payment of the tribute they
had been in use to pay to Quiloa, and which was now consi-
dered as belonging of right to the crown of Portugal by the
conquest of that place. Monfia submitted. Zanzibar
resisted, but the inhabitants were driven to the mountains
and the town plundered. Pemba acted in a similar manner,
the inhabitants taking refuge in Mombaza, and leaving their
houses empty ; but some plunder was taken in a small fort in
which the sheikh had left such things as he had not been able
to remove. Returning to Melinda, he gave the necessary
orders for conducting the trade of Sofala.
Lemos departed from Melinda for the coast of Arabia with
seven ships, one of which was separated from the rest in the
night on the coast of Magadoxa, and carried by the current
to the port of Zeyla near the mouth of the Red Sea, and
there taken by the Moors. In his progress along the Arabian
coast, Lemos managed the towns more by cunning than force:.
Using the same conduct at Ormuz, he was well treated by
the king and Khojah Attar, and received from them the sti-
pulated tribute of 1.5,000 xerephines. From this place he
dispatched Vasco de Sylveyra to India, who was afterwards
killed at Calicut. He then went to Socotora, of which he
gave the command to Pedro Ferreira, sending Don Antonio
Noronha to India, who fell in with and took a richly laden
ship belonging to the Moors. Noronha manned the prize
with some Portuguese ; but she was cast away in a storm
between Dabul and Goa and the men made prisoners. His
own ship was stranded in the Bay of Cambaya, where he and
some others who attempted to get on shore in the boat were
all lost, while about thirty who remained in the ship were
made prisoners by the Moors and sent to the king of Cam-
baya. On his return to Melinda, Lemos took a Moorish
vessel. with a rich loading. When the winter was passed,
he returned to Socotora, where he found Francisco Pantaja,
who had come from India with provisions, and had made
prize of a rich ship belonging to Cambaya ; the great wealth
procured
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in*
procured in which he generously shared with Lemos and his
men, saying they had a right to it as being taken within the
limits of. his government. Finding himself now too weak
for any farther enterprises, Lemos sailed for India, where he
was received with much civility by Albuquerque, who was
wow in possession of the government.
Diego Lopez de Sequeira, the other captain who sailed
from Lisbon at the same time with Lemos, was entrusted with
the discovery of Madagascar and Malacca. Arriving at the
port of St Sebastian in the island of Madagascar, he run along
the coast of that island, using a Portuguese as his interpreter,
who had been left there Z4 and had acquired the language.
In the course of this part of his voyage he had some in-
tercourse with a king or prince of the natives named Dia-
man, by whom he was civilly treated ; but being unable to
procure intelligence of any spices or silver, the great object of
his voyage, and finding much trouble and no profit, he pro-
ceeded to India in the prosecution of the farther orders he had
received from the king. He was well received by Almeyda,
then viceroy, who gave him an additional ship commanded by
Garcia de Sousa, to assist in the discovery of Malacca. In
the prosecution of his voyage, he was well treated by the
kings of Pedir and Pacem 25 9 who sent him presents, and at
both places he erected crosses indicating discovery and pos-
session. He at length cast anchor in the port of Malacca,
where he terrified the people by the thunder of his cannon,
so that every one hastened on boa rd their ships to endeavour
to defend themselves from this new and unwelcome guest.
A boat came off with a message from the town, to inquire
who they were and what they wanted, to which Lopez sent
back for answer that he brought an ambassador from the
king of Portugal, to propose entering into a treaty of peace
and commerce advantageous for the king and city of Malacca.
The king sent back a message in dubious language, such as
is usual among the orientals when they mean to act treacher-
ously, as some of the Moorish merchants, from enmity to the
Portuguese, had prevailed upon him and his favourite Ban-
dara, by means of rich presents, to destroy Lopez and the
Portuguese.
24 Probably a malefactor left on purpose, as has been formerly men-
tioned from Castaneda in our second volume. E.
25 Pedier and Pi sang, as called by the English. AstL I. 70. b.
CHAP. i. SECT, iv. Conquest of India.
Portuguese. On the third day, Lopez sent Hicrom Teixeyra
in the character of ambassador, attended by a splendid re-
tinue, who was well received on shore, and conducted on an
elephant to the king, from whom he returned well pleased.
All this was only a bait to entrap the Portuguese to their
destruction ; and in addition, the king sent an invitation to
Lopez to dine with him in public. Lopez accepted this in-
vitation, but was informed by a friend of Jao-Utimuti-rajaht
that the king intended to murder him, on which he sent ail
excuse under pretence of indisposition. Credit was now
given to an advice sent- by a Persian woman to Duarte Fer-
nandez, after she had been prevented by Sequcira, from com-
ing on board under night, thinking she camx? on an amorous
errand, but which contributed to save the ships. Another
contrivance was put in practice to destroy Lopez and his
ships, by offering a lading of spice, and pretending that it
was requisite to send for it to three several places. This suc-
ceeded in part; ns while thirty men were sent on shore ac-
cording to agreement, a licet of small vessels was secretly pre-
pared under cover of a point of land, ready to assault the
ships, while the thirty men were to be murdered in the town.
At this time likewise, a son of Utimuti-rajah came on board
under pretence of a visit to Lopez, and finding him engaged
at draughts requested him to continue his game, that he might
have the better opportunity of assassinating him unobserved ;
and in fact he frequently put his hand to his dagger for that
purpose, but waited till the other branches of the intended
treachery should begin. At this time, a seaman on one of
the tops who was on the outlook, seeing a throng in the town
and hearing a considerable noi^c, called out 'Treachery ! Trea-
chery ! they kill our men/ Lopez instantly threw away the
draught board, calling out to arms j and the son of Utimuti,
perceiving the treacherous designs discovered, leapt into his
boat with his attendants in great consternation. The fleet
of boats now came round the point and attacked the Portu-
guese, who exerted themselves as well as possible in their
defence, considering the suddenness of the attack ; and after
sinking many of the enemies boats, forced the rest to retire.
Not having a sufficient force to take vengeance for this treach-
ery, Lopez was under the necessity of quitting Malacca,
where he left sixty of his men in slavery, who were made-
prisoners on shore, and having eight slain. On his way back
he took two Moorish ships bound for Malacca; and, having
arrived
126 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK 111*1
arrived at Cape Comorin, he sent on Teixeyra and Sousa
with their ships to Cochin ; resolving, though ill provided,
to return alone to Portugal, being afraid of Albuquerque, as
he had sided with Almeyda in the late disputes respecting the
government of India. He reached the island of Tercera
with much difficulty, and from thence proceeded to Lisbon.
SECTION V.
Transactions of the Portuguese in India under the Government
of Don Alfonso dc Albuquerque, from the end of 1509, to
the year 1515.
BEING put into possession of the government of India in No-
vember 1509, Albuquerque prepared for an expedition against
Calicut, in conjunction with Fernando Coutinno. The design
was kept secret, yet the zamorin and all the other princes along
the coast provided for their defence, on hearing that the Por-
tuguese were making preparations for war. Setting out from
Cochin with thirty vessels of various sizes and 1800 land
forces, besides several boats full of Malabars who followed in
hopes of plunder, he arrived at Calicut on the 2d of January
1510; and consulting on the difficulties attending the enter-
prise, it was determined that the division of the fleet belong-
ing to Albuquerque should be left in charge of Don Antonio
de Noronha, while that belonging to Coutinno was to be com-
manded by Rodrigo Rabelo. Every one strove to be so
posted as to land first, and the men were so eager for landing
that they were under arms all night, and so tired in the
morning that they were fitter for sleep than fighting, yet soon
recovered when the signal was given and the cannon began
to roar.
The troops landed in two divisions ; that under Coutinno
consisting of 800 men with some field-pieces, and that com-
manded by Albuquerque of the same number of Portuguese
troops, together with 600 Malabars. They marched in
strange confusion, each striving to be foremost. The first
attack was made on the bulwark or bastion of Ceram by
De Cunna and De Sousa, who were bravely resisted by 600
men, till on the coming up of Albuquerque, the defenders
fled and the Portuguese got possession of the bulwark. Being
fearful of some disastrous event from the confusion of his
10 men,
CHAP. I. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 12?
men, Albuquerque sent notice to Coutinno, who came with
all speed to his assistance. On seeing the Portuguese colours
flying on the bulwark, Coutinno believed he had been called
back by a contrivance of the viceroy to prevent him from
acquiring honour, and addressed him in the following terms.
" Were you ambitious, Sir, that the rabble of Lisbon should
report you were the first in storming Cochin, that you thus
recal me ? I shall tell the king that I could have entered it
with only this cane in my hand ; and since I find no one to
fight with, I am resolved to proceed to the palace of the
zamorin !" Without waiting any reply from Albuquerque,
Coutinno immediately marched his men to the palace. Being
above five leagues from the shore, and the road much encum-
bered with palm trees, and having met some opposition by
the way, Coutinno and his people were tired by their long
march, and rested some time in a plain before the palace.
He then attacked it, and though well defended, the Moors s
were forced to fly to the woods and mountains. The Portu-
guese soldiers being now possessed of the palace, quitted their
ranks and began plundering in a disorderly manner, as if they
had been close to the shore under protection of their ships,
and had no enemy to fear. But the enemy having procured
reinforcements, returned to the palace, and fell upon the dis-
ordered Portuguese, many of whom they killed while loaded
with plunder, and did much harm to Coutinno and his men,
though Vasco de Sylveira signalized himself by killing two of
three chiefs called Caymals.
In the meantime Albuquerque had got possession of the
city of Cochin, which he set on fire ; and finding no enemy
to oppose him, he thought proper to march to the palace to
see what Coutinno was about. On his arrival he found the
palace surrounded by armed men, and that Coutinno was
within in the most imminent danger. Having cleared the
way from the enemy, he sent word to Coutinno that he wait-
ed for him ; and after the third message, Coutinno sent back
word that Albuquerque might march on and he would follow,
being busy in collecting his men who were dispersed over the
palace. Albuquerque accordingly began his march, much
pressed upon by the enemy, and had not marched far when
he
1 The author here very improperly calls the Nayres^ or Malabar soldiers
of the zamorin, Moors ; though in all probability there might be some Ma-
iometans among the defenders of Calicut. E.
128 Portuguese Dicovery and PART u. BOOK in.
he received notice that Coutinno was in great danger. He
immediately endeavoured to return to his relief, but was im-
peded by the multitude of the enemy, who slew many of hifc
men, and he was himself so severely wounded by a dart in the
throat, and a stone on the head, that he was carried senseless
to the shore.
By this time Coutinno and many more were slain in the
palace, and several others on their way back to the shore ; be-
ing oppressed by the multitude of the enemy, spent with la-
bour and heat, and almost stifled by the great dust. The
whole of Coutinnos division had certainly been cut off, if
Vasconcelles and Andrada, who had been left in the city with
a reserve of 200^f men had not checked the fury of the enemy
and forced them to retire. There was now as keen a contest
about who should get first on board, as had been about land*
ing first, not considering that all their misfortunes had been
occasioned by hurry and confusion. At length they got on
board and sailed on their return to Cochin, having lost 80 3
men in this ill conducted enterprise, among whom were Cou-
tinno and many persons of note. On recovering his senses
while at sea, Albuquerque gave orders for the dispatch of the
homeward bound ships ; and on his arrival at Cochin, im-
mediately made preparations for an attempt to reduce Or-
muz.
Being recovered from his wounds, all the preparations
made for his expedition to Ormuz, and the homeward trading
ships dispatched, Albuquerque set sail from Cochin with 170O
troops in 21 vessels of various sorts and sizes. On arriving
at the river of Onor, he sent for the pirate Timoja^ who being
powerful and desirous of acquiring the friendship of the Por-
tuguese, came immediately and supplied Albuquerque with
provisions. Being skilful in the political affairs of India, Al-
buquerque consulted 'limoja respecting his intended enter-
prise against Ormuz ; but he endeavoured to dissuade him
from that attempt, endeavouring to shew that Goa would be
a more advantageous conquest, and might be easily taken as
quite
2 In Faria, this reserve is stated at 200O men, obviously a typographical
error, yet copied in Astley's Collection, without considering that the whole
original force was only 1800. E.
3 The loss acknowledged in the text is ridiculously small for so disastrous
an enterprise, and we are almost tempted to suspect the converse of the er-
ror noticed in the preceding note, and that the loss might have been 800,
E.
riiAP. i. SECT. v. Conquest of India* 129
quite unprovided for defence. This advice pleased Albu-
querque, and it was resolved upon in a council of war to
change the destination of the armament, for which Timoja
agreed to supply twelve ships, but gave out that he meant to
accompany the Portuguese to Ormuz, that the governor of
Goa might not be provided for defence. Timoja had been
dispossessed of his inheritance and ill treated by his kindred
and neighbours, and the desire of vengeance and of recover-
ing his losses caused him to embrace the alliance of the Por-
tuguese against the interest of his own countrymen.
The. small island of Ticuari, in which the city of Goa stands,
is situated in lat. 15 30' N. in a bay at the mouth of the
river Gusim on the coast of Canara, being about three leagues
long and one broad. It contains both hill and level ground,
has good water, and is fertile, pleasant, and healthy. The
city of Goa, now seated on the northern part of the island,
was formerly in its southern part. The present city was built
by a Moor named Malek Uusseyn about 4?0 years before the
arrival of the Portuguese in India. It is not known when
the old city was founded, but some authentic writings mention
that Martrasat, king of that, city above } 00 years before, be-
lieved in one God, the incarnation of the Son, and the Trinity
in Unity; besides which, a copper crucifix was found .affixed
to a wall when the city was taken. These Christians may
have been descendents from the converts to the true faith
through the ministration of the holy apostle Thomas.
About the year 1:500 the Mahometans began to conquer
India 4 . The first who attempted this with great power was
Shah Mali mud Nasraddin s , king of Delhi, who came down
with a powerful army from the north, and conquered all the
gentiles as far as the kingdom of Canara. He returned to
Delhi, leaving Habed Shah to prosecute the conquest, who
became so powerful by his valour nnd conduct that he coped
with his master; and his nephew Madura prosecuting his en-
terprise after the decease of Habed, cast off his allegiance to
VOL. vi. i the
4 From various circumstances in the context, the word India is here evi-
dently confined to the peninsula to die south of the Ntrbudda, called gene-
rally Deccan, or the south. E.
5 He was the sixth king of a dynasty of Turks from Persia, which found-
ed the kingdom of Delhi ill 1^02, or rather usurped it from the family of
. Ghaur^ who conquered it in 1155 from that of Gliazni, which had subdued
all India in 1001 as far as the Ganges. Mahmud Shah Nasr Addin began
his reign in 124G, so that the conquests mentioned in the text must hav*
happened considerably before 1300. Astl, I. 71. a.
130 Portuguese Discovery > and IART n. BOOK irr.
the king of Delhi, and having possessed himself of the king-
dom of Canara, called it the Deccan, from the various nations
composing his army, this word having that import in their
language d . Too great an empire is always in danger of fal-
ling to pieces. Mahmud Shah 7 , being aware of ^this, used
every possible precaution for his safety, which was effectual
for some time ; but at length several of the governors of this
extensive empire erected their provinces into independent
sovereignties. The greatest of these was he of Goa, the
sovereign of which about the time of the Portuguese coming
into India was named Sabayo, who died about the time that
Albuquerque went against Goa ; upon which Kufo Adel
Khan, king of Bisnagar possessed himself of Goa, and placed
it in the hands of his son Ismael. The other princes were
Nizamaluco, Mudremaluco, Melek Verido, Khojah Mozadan,
Abexeiassado, and Cotemaluco, all powerful but some of them
exceedingly so 8 . Sabayo was born of very mean parentage at
Saba in Persia, whence his name ; but having long served the
king of the Deccan with great fidelity, had a grant of the
city of Calberga, whence he extended his conquests over the
Pagans of Bisnagar, and reduced Goa which had belonged to
the Moors of On or, killing Malek Husseyn its prince or ruler
who defended it with a garrison of twelve hundred men. Goa
had several dependencies, with which and the other territories
he had acquired Sabayo, became the most powerful prince in
these parts, and was consequently hated by them all. He
maintained himself however against all his neighbours while
he lived, sometimes by means of force, and at other times by
profound policy ; but his death produced great alteration.
Having
6 Deccan or Dakshin signifies the south, and is properly that portion of
India which lies between the Nerbudda and Kistna rivers. It would far ex-
ceed the bounds of a note to illustrate the Indian history, which is very con-
fusedly and imperfectly stated in the text. E.
7 In the text of Faria named Mamud-xa, and probably the same person
named immediately before Madura. E.
8 These names are strangely corrupted in the Portuguese orthography of
Faria, and the princes are not well distinguished. Only three of them were
very considerable : Nizam Shah, or Nizam-al-Mulk, to whom belonged
Viziapour ; Koth, or Kothb-shah, or Kothb-al-Mulk, the same with Cota-
maluco of the. text, who possessed Golconda ; and Kufo Adel Khan, called
Gufo king of Hidalcan in Faria, who held Bisnagar. Astley, I. 71. d.
The great king of Narsinga is here omitted ; which Hindoo sovereignty
seems at that time to have comprised the whole of southern India, from the
western Gauts to the Bay of Bengal, now the high and low Carnatic with
Mysore. E.
CHAP. i. SECT. v. Conqx-est of India* 131
Having sailed from Oaor accompanied by Timoja, Albu-
qiK-rquc came to anchor off the bat of Goa on the 25th of
Februiirtf 1510. As it was necessary to sail up the northern
arm of the bay or river, on the bank of which the city was
situated, Albuquerque sent his nephew Antonio de Noronha,
accompanied by Timoja, to sound the channel. A light vessel
of easy draught of water which led the way gave chase to a
brigantine belonging to the Moors, which took shelter under
protection of a fort or blockhouse, erected for protecting the
entrance of the harbour, which was well provided with artil-
lery and garrisoned by 400 men, commanded by Yazu Gorji
a valiant Turk. Seeing the other vessel in chase, Noronha
pressed after him ; and though the fort seemed strong, they
attacked and took it after a stout resistance, during which
the commandant lost greater part of one of his hands, yet
persisted to defend his post till deserted by his men, when
he too retired into the city. In the mean time, in emulation
of his new allies, Timoja attacked and took another blockhouse
on the continental shore of the channel leading to Goa, which
was defended by some artillery and forty men. After these
exploits the channel was sounded without any farther obstruc-
tion.
Next day, as Albuquerque was sailing up the channel to
proceed in his enterprise, he was met by Mir Ali and other
chief men of the city, who came to surrender it to him, only
stipulating that their lives, liberties, and goods should be se-
cured. The reason of this surrender was because Gorji had
terrified them by his account of the astonishing and irresistible
prowess of the Portuguese, and because a Joghi, or native
religious saint, had predicted a short time before, that Goa
was soon to be subjected by strangers. Albuquerque readily
accepted the surrender on the terms proposed, and having
anchored before the town on the 27th of February, was
received on shore by the inhabitants with as much honour
and respect as if he had been their native prince. Mounting
on a superbly caparisoned horse which was brought for his
use, he received the keys of the city gates, and rode in great
pomp to the palace which had been built by Sabayo, where
he found a great quantity of cannon, arms, warlike ammunition,
and horses. Having issued orders and regulations which
were much to the satisfaction of the inhabitants, he dispatched
several messages or embassies to the neighbouring sovereigns,
the only effect of which was to shew his high spirit. Such of
i
the
132 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
the neighbouring towns as were dependent upon Goa, sent
deputations without delay to proffer their obedience and sub-
mission. The command of the fort or castle was given to
Don Antonio de Noronha, the government of the infidels to
fiinoja, and the other offices were disposed of to the general
satisfaction. Understanding that several ships belonging to
Ormuz and other places on the Arabian coast, were lading
in the port of Baticala, four Portuguese vessels were sent
thither, which took and carried them to Cochin, and sent an
ample supply of provisions to Goa.
About four months after the easy conquest of Goa, the fortune
of Albuquerque began to change its appearance, as those persons
in Goa on whose fidelity he had reposed most confidence, in
spite of the remonstrances of Timoja, entered into plots to de-
liver up the place to its former master Ismacl. They had
submitted so easily to Albuquerque, because unprovided for
effectual resistance, to save their properties, and to gain time
till Ismael Adel Khan was prepared to come to their relief.
Having at length completed his preparations, he sent on be-
fore him in June 1.510 his general-in-chief Kamul Khan with
1500 horse and 8000 foot, on which Albuquerque took proper
measures to defend his recent acquisition. Having detected
a conspiracy of the Moors to deliver up the city, his first step
was to secure and punish the chief conspirators ; among these
were Mir Cassem and his nephew, to whom he had confided
the command of four hundred Moors, whom he caused to be
hewed in pieces by his guards ; several others were hanged in
the most public places of the city, and the rest were rigorously
imprisoned, above 100 being convicted of participating in the
plot. By these rigid measures the city was terrified into sub-
mission.
Soon afterwards Kamul Khan approached with the van of
the army of Ismael, and attempted to pass over into the
island by means of boats which he had provided for that pur-
pose. He was courageously opposed by Noronha, who cap-
tured tw r elve of the boats; many of the enemy were killed by the
Portuguese, and many others devoured by the alligators which
swarmed in the channel round the island ; but at length
Kamul Khan effected a landing in force on the island, and
the Portuguese were obliged to take refuge within the walls
of the city. Kamul Khan then invested the city with his
army, which he began to batter with his cannon, and Albu-
querque used every possible effort to defend the place. Is-
5 mael
CHAP, r, SECT. v. Conquest of India. 133
mael Adel Khan now came up to second his general, at the
head of 60,000 men, 5000 of whom were cavalry. Part of
this great army passed over into the island to strengthen the
besiegers, and the rest took post in two divisions on the con-
tinent to prevent the introduction of provisions, one of these
being commanded by an officer of reputation, and the other
by the mother and women belonging to Ismael, who main-
tained their troops by the gain from 4000 prostitutes^ who fol-
lowed the camp. By the arrival of this vast army the city
of Goa was completely surrounded, and no opportunity was
left for Albuquerque to execute any enterprise against the
numerous assailants. Making what was necessary prudent,
he and his officers resolved to abandon the city before day,
which was accordingly executed though with much hazard,
the way being occupied by the troops of the enemy, and Al-
buquerque had his horse killed under him ; yet he got off
all his men without loss after a siege of twenty days.
After this retreat, it was resolved to spend the winter in
these seas, for which purpose the fleet came to anchor in a
bay, which although not commodious was the best that could
be had on this part of the coast ; and being incommoded by
a fort named Pangi which had a considerable number of can-
non, it became necessary to gain possession 9 . Accordingly
300 Portuguese troops were appointed for the assault, while
Noronha had the command of a body of reserve, and Albu-
querque guarded the shore. While the Portuguese pre-
pared during the night to assail the fort next morning, 500
men inarched by order of Ismael to reinforce the garrison ;
and when the Portuguese marched to the assault, both the
Moorish garrison and the relief, being all drunk, mistook the
Portuguese for friends ; the garrison believing them to be the
reinforcement, and the relief conceiving them to have been the
garrison coming out to meet them. They were soon however
fatally undeceived by the attack of the Portuguese, in which
340 of them were slain, and the rest put to the rout, while the
Portuguese only lost one man who was drowned accidentally,
A similar circumstance happened at the bulwark which had
been formerly won by Timoja at Bardes. By these two se-
vere
9 From the context it is obvious that this bay and the fort of Pangi were
in the close neighbourhood of Goa ; in fact the bay appears to have been
the channel leading to Goa, and the fort one of those bulwarks on the
continental shore which defended the navigation of that channel. E.
134 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK, in.
vere clefc-ats of his people, Ismael was so excessively alarm ed
that he left Goa, and his fear was much increased as some
conjurer had foretold that he was to be killed by a cannon-
shot near some river. He sent several ceremonious messages
to Albuquerque, on purpose to discover what was doing on
board the ships, and by the threatening answers he received
his fears were materially augmented. In consequence of this
intercourse of messages, Ismnel was prevailed on to exchange
some Portuguese, who had necessarily been left behind when
Goa was abandoned, for. the Moors engaged in the late con-
spiracy who remained prisoners with Albuquerque.
About this time Albuquerque received intelligence that
some vessels were preparing at Goa to set his ships on fire,
on which he anticipated the intentions of the Moors by send-
ing a force up the river to burn these vessels, which was
effected, but Don Antonio de Noronha was slain in this
enterprise. Noronha used to moderate the violent passions
of his uncle Albuquerque, who after his death allowed the
severity of his temper to proceed to extremities. Having-
detected a soldier in an amour with one of the female slaves
he used to call his daughters, and whom he was accustomed
to give away in marriage, he ordered him immediately to be
hanged ; and as some of his officers demanded to know by
what authority he had done this arbitrary and cruel deed,
he ordered them all below deck, and flourishing his sword
said that was his commission for punishing all who were dis-
obedient, and immediately cashiered them all. During the
continuance of this winter, the Portuguese fleet suffered ex-
treme hardships, especially from scarcity of provisions ; and
on sailing from thence after the cessation of winter 10 , they
discovered four sail which they supposed to have been Turks,
or Mamelukes rather, but on coming nearer, they were found
to be a squadron from Portugal under the command of Diego
Mendez. Besides these, the king had sent out this year other
seven ships, under Sequtira, who arrived at Cananor soon
after Albuquerque ; and a third armament of two ships to
settle a trade at Madagascar.
On the return of Albuquerque from Goa to Cananor, he
was much rejoiced at the prospect of such powerful succours,
and
10 By winter on the coast of Malabar, must only be understood, the period
of storms and excessive bad weather which occurs at the change of the mon.-
$oons, when it is imminently perilous to be at sea. E.
CHAP. i. SECT. v. Conquest of India.
and communicated his intentions of immediately resuming
his enterprise against Goa, but was overruled in the council
by Sequeira, on which Albuquerque went to Cochin, and ob-
tained a victory over the Malabars of Calicut, who endea-
voured to obstruct the Portuguese from loading pepper.
Having dispatched Sequeira with the homeward bound ships,
and soon afterwards Lemos with four more, he determined to
resume the enterprise upon Goa. As Diego Mendez, who
had formerly been favourable to this design, and several other
captains, now opposed it, because it interfered with their in-
tentions of going to Malacca, as directed by the king, Albu-
querque commanded them all under the severest penalties not
to quit the coast without his orders. Though much dissatis-
fied, they were obliged to obey. Accordingly, having fitted
out twenty-three ships at Cananor, in which he embarked
with 1500 soldiers, he proceeded to Onor to join his ally
Timoja, whom he found busied in the celebration of his
marriage with the daughter of a queen ; and being anxious
to have the honour of the viceroys presence at the wedding
he invited him to land, which proved very dangerous, as they
were kept on shore for three days in consequence of a storm,
and when Albuquerque returned to the ships a boat with thirty
men was lost. On leaving Onor for Goa, Timoja sent three
of his ships along with Albuquerque, and promised to join
him at Goa with 6000 men.
Albuquerque anchored for the second time before the bar
of Goa on the 22d of November 1510. Impressed with a
strong recollection of the dangers he had escaped from on the
former attempt, and anxious to sooth the discontent which he
well knew subsisted among some of his principal officers on
account of having been reluctantly compelled to engage in this
expedition, he addressed them in a conciliatory harangue by
which he won them over entirely to concur with him in bring-*
ing the hazardous enterprise in which he was engaged to a
favourable issue. Having made the proper dispositions for
the assault, the troops were landed at early dawn on the 25th
of November, and attacked the enemy who defended the
shore with such determined intrepidity that they were rjut to
flight with great slaughter, and without the loss of a man on
the side of the Portuguese. The enemy fled and endeavour-
ed to get into the city by one of the gates, and being closely
pursued by the Portuguese who endeavoured to enter along
with them, the fight was there renewed, till at length many
of
Portuguese Discovery and PART 11. BOOI ni,
of the Portuguese forced their way into the city doing pro-
digious execution, and the battle was transferred to the streets.
These were successively cleared of the enemy by dint of hard
lighting all the way to the palace, in which time the Portu-
guese had lost five officers of .some note, and the fight was
here renewed with much valour on both sides. Albuquerque,
who had exerted himself during the whole action with equal
courage and conduct, now came -up with the reserve, and the
Moors were completely defeated, flying in all directions from
the city and endeavouring to escape to the continent, but
through haste and confusion many of them perished in the
river. After this decisive victory, it was found that of 9000
itien who defended the city, (5000 had perished, while the
Portuguese lost fifty men. Mcdeorao 11 , or Melrao, nephew
to the king of Onore, who commanded the three ships sent
by Timoja, behaved with great courage and fidelity on
this occasion: Timoja came himself to Goa with a rein-
forcement of 3000 men, but too late to assist in the attack,
and was only a witness to the carnage which had taken place.
The booty in horses, artillery, arms, provisions, and ships,
was immense, and contributed materially to enable Albu-
querque to accomplish the great designs he had in content
plation.
The Portuguese who were slain in this brilliant exploit
were all honourably interred ; those of the enemy were made
food for the alligators who swarmed in the river. All the
Surviving Moors were expelled from the city, island, and de-
pendencies of Goa, and all the farms were restored to the
gentiles, over whom Timoja was appointed governor, and
after him Medeo-rao, formerly mentioned. While employed
In settling the affairs of his conquest, ambassadors came from
several of the princes along the coast to congratulate Albu-
querque on his brilliant success. Both then and afterwards,
inany of the officers of Adel Khan made inroads to the neigh-
bourhood of Goa, but were always repelled with loss. At
this time, Diego Mendez and other two captains belonging to
liis squadron, having been appointed by the king of Portugal
for an expedition to Malacca, stole away from the port of
Goa
11 This person is afterwards named by Faria Melrao, and is said to have
been nephew to the king of Onore ; the editor of Astley calls him Melrau*
Perhaps his real name might have been Ma deo row , and both he an$
Timoja may have been of the Mahratta nation.' .
CHAP. I. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 137
Goa under night in direct contravention of the orders of
Albuquerque, intending to proceed for Malacca. Albu-
querque sent immediately after them and had them brought
back prisoners 5 on >vhich he deprived them of their commands,
ordering them to be carried to Portugal to answer to the king
for their conduct, and condemned the two pilots who had
conducted their ships from the harbour to be immediately
hung at the yard-arm. Some alleged that Albuquerque emu-
lous! v detained Diego Mendez from going against Malacca,
which enterprise he designed for himself, while others said
that he prevented him from running into the same danger
which had been already met with by Sequeira at that place, the
force under Meudcz being altogether inadequate to the enter-
prise.
To provide for the future safety of Goa, Albuquerque laid
the foundations of a fort, which he named Manuel, after the
reigning king of Portugal. On this occasion, he caused the
names of all the captains who had been engaged in the capture
of Goa to be engraven on a stone, which he meant to have
put up as a monument to their honour; but as every one was
desirous of being named before the others, he turned down
the stone so as to hide all their names, leaving the following
inscription,
Lapiaem quern rcprobavernnt ccdijicantes.
Thus they were all pleased, rather wishing their own indivi-
dual praises to be forgotten, than that others should partake.
Albuquerque assuming all the powers of sovereignty in his
new conquest for the king of Portugal, coined money of gold,
silver, and copper, calling the first A'Ianueh y the second
ftsperas, and the third half esperas. Resolving to establish a
permanent colony at this place, he engaged several of the
Portuguese to intermarry with the women of the country,
giving them marriage portions in lands, houses, and offices as
nn encouragement. On one night that some of these mar-
riages were celebrated, the brides became so mixed and con-
founded together, that some of the bridegrooms went to bed
to those who belonged to others ; and when the mistake was
discovered next morning, each took back his own wife, all
being equal in regard to the point of honour. This gave oc-
casion to some of the gentlemen to throw ridicule on the
measures pursued by Albuquerque ; but he persisted with firmr
ness in his plans, and succeeded in establishing Goa as the
metropolis or. centre of the Portuguese power in India.
The
133 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK nu
The king of Portugal had earnestly recommended to Albu-
querque the capture of the city of Aden on the coast of Arabia
near the entrance of the Red Sea ; and being now in posses-
sion of Goa, he thought his time mispcnt when not occupied
in military expeditions, and resolved upon attempting the
conquest of Malacca^ but to cover his design, he pretended
that he meant to go against Aden, and even sent off some
ships in that direction the better to conceal his real intentions.
Leaving Don Rodrigo de Castel Branco in the command of
Goa with a garrison of 4-00 Portuguese troops, while the de-
fence of the dependencies and the collection of the revenue
was confided to Medeorao with 5000 native soldiers, Albu-
querque went to Cochin to prepare for his expedition against
Malacca.
The city of Malacca is situated on the peninsula of that
name, anciently called Atirea Chersonesus, or the Golden Pe-
ninsula, and on the coast of the channel which separates the
island of Sumatra from the continent, being about the middle
of these sti'aits. It is in somewhat more than two degrees of
north latitude IS , stretching along the shore for about a
league, and divided in two nearly equal parts by a river over
which there is a bridge. It has a fine appearance from the
sea, -but all'the buildings of the city are of wood, except the
mosque and palace which are of stone. Its port was then fre-
quented by great numbers of ships, being the universal mart
of all eastern India beyond the bay of Bengal. It was first
built by the Celates, a people who chiefly subsisted by fishing,
and who united themselves with the Malays who inhabited
the mountains. Their first chief was Paramisora, who had
been a pefson of high rank in the island of Java, whence he
was expelled by another chief who usurped his lordship, on
which occasion he fled to Cincapura, where he was well re-
ceived by the lord of that place and raised to high employ-
ment. But having rebelled against his benefactor, he was
driven from thence by the king of Siani, and was forced to
wander about Malacca, as a just punishment for his ingrati-
tude. Having drawn together a number of the before-men-
tioned natives, with whom he established a new colony, he
gave the name of Malacca to the rising city, signifying in the
language of the country a banished man, as a memorial of his
own fortunes. The first king of Malacca was Xaquc Darxa^
or
12 Jri lat. 2 25' N.
CITAP. i. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 139
or sheikh Dar-shah, called by some authors Raal Sabu, or
Ra-el-Saib, who was the son of Paramisora, and was subject
to the kings of Siam ; but from whom his successors revolted.
The country of Malacca is subject to inundations, full of thick
woods, and infested by dangerous and savage beasts, parti-
cularly tigers, so that travellers are often forced to pass the
nights on the tops of high trees, as the tigers can easily take
them off' from such as are low by leaping. The men of
Malacca are courageous, and the women very wanton. At
this time the city of Malacca was rich and populous, being
the centre of trade between the eastern and western parts of
India. Mahomet was then king of Malacca, against whom
the king of Siam had sent an army of 40,000 men, most of
Avhom perished by sundry misfortunes, but chiefly through
similar treacherous devices with those which had been put in
practice against Sequcira. But now Albuquerque approach-
ed to revenge them all. Mahomet, fearing to meet the re-
ward of his former treachery to the Portuguese, had procured
the assistance of the king of Pam 1 *, who brought an army
of 30,000 men with a great number of pieces of artillery 14 .
On the 2d of May 1511, Albuquerque sailed from Cochin
on his expedition against Malacca, with 19 ships and 1400
soldiers, 800 of whom were Portuguese, and 600 Malabars.
While off the island of Ceylon he fell in with and captured
five vessels belonging to the Moors, which were bound for
Malacca. On arriving at the island of Sumatra, the kings
of Pedier and Pisang sent friendly messages to Albuquerque,
on which occasion Juan de Yiegas, one of the men left behind
by Sequeira was restored to freedom, he and others having
made their escape from Malacca. About this time likewise,
Nehoada Bcguea, who had been one of the principal authors
of the treachery practiced against Sequeira, fled from Pedier
and being taken at sea by Ayres Pereira, to the great asto-
nishment of every one shed not one drop of blood, though
pierced by several mortal wounds; but on taking off a
bracelet of bone from his arm the blood gushed out. The
Indians, who discovered the secret, said this bracelet was
made from the bone of a certain beast which is found in Java,
and
1 3 Named Pahang or Pahan, by the editor of Astleys Collection.
14 In the text of Faria, and following him in Astley, the number of
cannon is said to have been 8000 ; a number so incredible that we have use^
a general expression only on this occasion in the text. E.
Portuguese Discovery and PART IT. BOOK in.
and has this wonderful virtue. It was esteemed a great prize
and brought to Albuquerque. After this, they fell in with
another ship in which were 300 Moors IS who made so reso-
lute a defence, that Albuquerque was obliged to come up in
person to assist in the capture, which was not accomplished
without considerable clanger. In this vessel was Gc?iiull y
tlie rightful king of Pisang, who had been banished by an
usurper. Three other vessels were taken soon after, from
one of which a minute account was procured of the military
preparations at Malacca.
On the 1st of July 1511, the Portuguese fleet cast anchor
in the roads of Malacca, infusing terror and dismay among
multitudes that covered the whole shore, by the clangour of
their warlike instruments, and the noise of repeated discharges
of cannon ; being sensible of their guilty conduct to Sequeira
and conscious that the present armament was designed for
their condign punishment. Next day a Moor came off in
great state with a message from the king, and was received
with much courtesy and ceremonious pomp by Albu-
querque I<5 , to whom he said that if he came for trade, the
king was ready to supply whatever merchandise he wanted,
Albuquerque made answer that the merchandise he sought
for was the restitution of the Portuguese who had been
left there by Sequeira, and when they were restored, he
should then say what farther demands he had to. make from
the king. On his return to the city, the Moor spread uni-
versal consternation by this answer, and it was agreed to
endeavour to avert the threatened danger, by restoring the
Portuguese, and by paying a large sum of money. But
Prince Al'oddin, the son of the king of Malacca, and his
brother-in-law the king of Pahang opposed this, and made
ready for defence. Upon this Albuquerque began some
military execution, and the king restored the captives. After
this some farther negociations ensued, as the king was desirous
of peace, which Albuquerque offered to agree to, on condition
of having permission to build a fortress at Malacca, and that
the
15 AH arc Moors with Faria, particularly Mahometans. Tlie crew of
this vessel -were probably Malays, perhaps the most ferociously desperate
people of the whole world. E.
1$ On this occasion, Faria mentions that Albuquerque wore his beard
50 long that it was fastened to his girdle ; having made a vow when he
was forced to retreat from Ormuz, that it should never be trimmed till he
sat aii the back of Khojah Attar for that purpose* E,
CHAP. I. SECT. v. Conqucsl of India. 141
the king should repay the entire charges incurred by Sequeira
and the present armament, all the damage having been occa-
sioned by his own treachery and falsehood ; but he demanded
to have an immediate answer, whether the king chose peace
or war. The king was willing to have submitted to the terms
demanded by the Portuguese viceroy, but his son and the
king of Pahang opposed him, and it was at length determined
to stand on their defence.
On the 24<th of July, being the eve of St James the apostle,
every thing being disposed in order for attack, the signal was
given for landing, by the discharge of artillery, and imme-
diately the Portuguese leapt on shore and charged the enemy
with loud shouts. The hottest of the battle was about gain-
ing and defending the bridge, which enterprise Albuquerque
undertook in person, and where the enemy after a vigorous
defence, in which great numbers of them were slain, were
forced to leap into the river, where many of them were
drowned. The prince and the king of Pahang bravely
opposed another party of the Portuguese who endeavoured
to force their way to the bridge to join the viceroy, and at
the same time King Mahomet came out oit a large elephant,
attended by two others having castles on their backs, whence
numbers of darts were launched against the Portuguese. But
the elephants being soon severely wounded, turned and fled
through among their own men, trampling many of them to
death and making way for the Portuguese to join those who
had possession of the bridge. At this place Albuquerque
fortified himself, and as considerable harm was done to his
men by poisoned arrows discharged from the tops of the
adjoining houses, he caused them to be set on fire. After
bestowing great praises on his captains for their courageous
behaviour, and perceiving that his people began to grow faint
by long exertions, excessive heat, and want of food, he with -
drew to the ships towards night. Ten of the Portuguese died
in consequence of their wounds from the poisoned arrows.
The loss of the enemy was not known. The king of Pahang
withdrew to his own country, under pretence of bringing a
reinforcement, but never returned.
While Albuquerque rested and refreshed his men on board,
Mahomet was busily employed in making every possible pre-
paration for defending the city. For this purpose he under-
mined the .streets in several places, in hopes to blow up the
assailants,
142 Portuuese jDiscoqer ctnd PART 11. BOOK
assailants, and strewed poisoned thorns in the way, covering
thorn over to prevent their being observed. He likewise
ibi-tiiied the bridge, and planted cannon in many places. As
a prelude to the second assault, Albuquerque sent Antonio do
Abreu'iu a vessel well manned to gain possession of the
bridge. On his way thither he had to pass through showers
of bullets from both sides of the river and from the battle-
ments of the bridge, and though desperately wounded,
refused to be brought off, when Deniz Fernandez Melo, who
came up to his rescue proposed sending him to the ships to
have his wounds dressed, saying, " Though he neither had
strength to fight nor voice to command, he would not quit his
post while life remained." Floats of wildfire were sent down
the river to burn the vessel ; but at length Albuquerque in
person gained possession of the bridge, and the vessel being-
freed from the fire rafts, had liberty to act against the enemy.
Having rested his men a short time on the bridge, Albu-
querque penetrated the city, through showers of bullets, darts,
and arrows ; and having been apprised of the mines in the
principal street, he took another way and gained the moscjue.
At length, after a prodigious slaughter of the enemy, he
gained entire possession of the city, having only with him in
this action 800 Portuguese and 200 Malabars.
At the end of nine days every one of the Moors who inha-
bited this great city were either slain or driven out, and it
was repeopled with strangers and some Malays, who were
permitted to take possession of the vacant houses. Among
these last was Utimuti rajah, whose son had formerly endea-
voured to assassinate Sequeira. Utimuti was a rich and
powerful native of Java, of whom more hereafter. The
soldiers were allowed to plunder the city during three days.
There were found 3000 pieces of great cannon, out of 8000 l7
which King Mahomet had relied upon for the defence of his
city, the rest having been carried off to Bintang, where the
king and prince AFoddin had fortified themselves. As it
might have been of dangerous consequence to permit these
princes to establish themselves so near the city of Malacca,
Albuquerque sent a force to dislodge them, consisting of 400
Portuguese,, 4?00 Malays belonging to Utimuti, and 300 men
belonging
17 This prodigious train of artillery is quite incredible, though twice
repeated in the same terms, but it is impossible to form any rational con-
jecture for correcting the gross error or exaggeration in the text. . .
ctlAP. I. SECT. v. Conquest <f Iitdiu. 143
belonging to the merchants of Pegu \vho resided in Malacca.
On the approach of tho^e troops, the king and prince took
flight, leaving seven elephants with all their costly trappings,
and the Portuguese returned to Malacca. Now reduced to
wander in the woods and mountains of the interior, Mahomet
so severely reflected upon the obstinacy of his son and the
king of Pahang, that he and his son quarrelled and separated,
eacli shifting for himself.
To secure this important conquest, Albuquerque built a
fort or citadel at Malacca, which from its beauty was called
Hermosa. He likewise built a church, which was dedicated
to the Visitation of our Lady ; and coined money of different
values and denominations, which was ordered to pass current
by proclamation, and some of which he caused to be scattered
among the populace. By these and other prudent measures
he gained the hearts of the people, attracted strangers to
settle in Malacca, and secured this important emporium of
trade. Although Albuquerque was perfectly conscious of thv-
deceitful character of Utimuti rajah, yet considering it to be
sometimes prudent to trust an enemy under proper precau-
tions, he gave him authority over all the Moors that remained
in Malacca. It was soon discovered however, that Utimuti
carried on a private correspondence with Prince APoddin,
under pretence of restoring him to the sovereignty of Malacca,
but in reality for the purpose of using his remaining influence
among the people to set himself up. On receiving authentic
information of these underhand practices, Albuquerque caused
Utimuti with his son and son-in-law to be apprehended, and
on conviction of their treason, he ordered them to be pub-
licly executed on the same scaffold which they had formerly
destined for Sequeira. This was the first public exertion of
sovereign justice which was attempted by the Portuguese in
India, but was soon followed by others. Pate Qtiitit\ another
native of Java, whom Albuquerque appointed to succeed
Utimuti in the government of the Moors in Malacca, wa>
gained by the widow of Utimuti, by promise of her daughter
in marriage with a portion of 100,000 ducats, to revenge
the death of her husband on the Portuguese, and to assassinate
Albuquerque. Quitir accepted her offer, meaning to seize
the city for himself. About the same time also, the king of
Campar formed a similar design, for the attainment of which
purpose he sent a congratulatory embassy to Albuquerque,
from
1 4 4- Portuguese Discovery and PART 11. BOOK in-
from whom lie demanded the office which had been conferred
on Quitir. These plots having no consequences at this time,
shall be farther explained in the sequel.
During his residence at Malacca, Albuquerque received
embassies from several princes, particularly from the king of
8ium ; and he sent likewise embassies in return to the kings
of Siam and Pegu. He sent also two ships to discover the
Molucca islands and Banda 1H , and gave orders to let it be
known in all quarters that Malacca was now under the
dominion of Portugal, and that merchants from every part of
India would be received there on more favourable terms than
formerly. Having now established every thing in Malacca to
his mind, Albuquerque determined upon returning to Cochin,
leaving Ruy de Brito Patalim to command the fort with a
garrison of 300 men. He left at the same time Fernando
Perez de Andrada with ten ships and 300 soldiers to protect
the trade, and carried four ships with himself on his return
to Cochin.
During these transactions at Malacca a rebellion broke out
among the natives at Goa, taking advantage of which, Pnlatc
K/ian, an officer in the service of Kufo Adel Khan king of
Bisnagar passed over into the island of Goa with a consider-
able army, and laid siege to the city. One of the principal
exploits during this siege was a sally made by Rodrigo
Robello de Castello Franco the governor, in which the
besiegers suffered considerable loss. But Rodrigo was soon
afterwards slain, and Diego Mendez de Vaseoncellos was
chosen to take the command by the universal suffrages of the
besieged. At this time Adel Khan became- jealous that his
general Pulate Khan intended to usurp the sovereignty over
the territory of Goa, on which account he sent his brother-
in-law, Rotzomo Khan to supersede him, who entered into a
treaty with Diego Mendez, by whose assistance he got the
mastery over Pulate Khan. Finding himself at the head of
7000 men, while there were not above 1200 troops in the city
of Goa, 4-00 only of whom were Portuguese, Rotzomo
resolved to endeavour to drive them out, and resumed the
18 According to some authors these were commanded by Lopez de
Azevedo and Antonio de Abreu, who set out in 1511 and returned in 1513 ;
but according to others Antonio de Abreu, Francisco Serrano, and Ferdi-
nand Magalhaens were the officers employed en this occasion, during which
Magalhaens projected his circumnavigation of the globe. Astley, I. 74 a.
CHAP. i. SECT. v. Conquest of India* 145
siege. Being short of provisions, the besieged began to suffer
severely from famine, and several of the men deserted to
the enemy, some of whom repented and returned to the city.
In this critical situation, Emanuel de la Cerda who had win-
tered at Cochin fortunately arrived with succours, and was
followed soon after by Diego Fernandez de Beja, who had
been sent to demolish the fort at Socotora, and to receive the
tribute at Ormuz. By these the besieged were abundantly
relieved and succoured with recruits andprovisions when almost
reduced to extremity. Soon afterwards arrived Juan Serram
who had gone from Portugal the year before with Peyo de Sa,
in order to settle a trade in the island of Madagascar, but
ineffectually ; and Christopher de Brito, who happened to be
at Cananor with a large ship and four smaller vessels, where
he heard of the distressed situation ofGoa, went immediately
thither with a strong reinforcement and an ample supply of
provisions.
On his voyage from Malacca to Cochin, the ship in which
Albuquerque was embarked struck during the night on a
rock off Cape Timia in the kingdom of Am on the coast of
Sumatra. Being completely separated a midships, the people
who had taken refuge on the poop and forecastle were unable
to communicate with each other, and the night was so
exceedingly dark that no assistance could be sent from the
other vessels. When day-light appeared next morning,
Albuquerque was seen holding a girl in his arms, whom
chance had conducted to him during the confusion. Pedro
de Alpoem came up to his relief, though with much difficulty
and danger. On this occasion some of the men were lost, and
much valuable commodities, but what Albuquerque most re-
gretted was the wonderful bone which prevented the wounded
Moor from bleeding, and some iron lions of curious work-
manship, which he had intended for supporters to his tomb.
Albuquerque continued his voyage after this disaster in the
ship commanded by Alpoem ; and on his way back took two
Moorish ships, which, though rich did not make amends for
the loss he had sustained in the wreck of his own. Imme-
diately on his arrival at Cochin, being informed of the distress
of Goa, he dispatched eight vessels to that place with men
and provisions, promising soon to repair thither in person.
There were then in the town 1000 men, who were besieged
by an army of 20,000 natives.
VOL. VT. K It
Portuguese Discovery and. PART u. BOOK ui.
It being now the year 1512, six ships arrived in India from
Portugal, having spent a whole year on the voyage without
touching at any port ; and though the men were tired and
sick, they relieved several places. At this time likewise a
fleet of thirteen ships arrived from Portugal, one of which was
lost on the island of Angoxa. This fleet, which carried 1800
soldiers, anchored off' the bar of Goa on the 15th of August
1512. They immediately drove the enemy from a fort which
they had constructed at Benistarim ; after which Don Garcia
and George de Melo passed on with their squadrons, accom-
panied by Juan Machado and others, who had been recently
delivered from slavery in Cambaya. Albuquerque was much
rejoiced at the great reinforcements brought out by his nephew
Don Garcia and Melo, and by the relief of the captives, as
they enabled him to proceed in the enterprises which he had
in contemplation. His satisfaction was much increased by
the arrival of Antonio de Saldanna with the garrison of Qui-
loa, which had been abandoned as a place of small importance.
About the same time there arrived ambassadors from Persia
and Ormuz, the latter of whom had orders from his master
to proceed to Portugal.
Having arranged every thing at Cochin, and appointed Melo
to the command of Cananor, Albuquerque proceeded to Goa,
where he was received with every demonstration of joy and
respect. After visiting the fortifications, he endeavoured to
concert measures for driving Rotzomo Khan from the works
which he had constructed for besieging Goa. On the sixth
day after his arrival, being on an eminence with several offi-
cers taking a view of the works of the enemy> 4000 Moor?,
200 of whom were horse, were seen sporting on the plain, it
being Friday, which is the sabbath of the Mahometans On
this occasion, a detachment of the Portuguese made a sudden
attack on the Moors, and after a hot skirmish drove them for
shelter to their works, having slain above an hundred of the
enemy, with the loss of one officer and one private, and several
wounded. Having resolved to take possession of a strong fort
which the enemy had erected near Goa for the protection of
their camp, Albuquerque caused it to be attacked both by sea
and land at the same time ; and thinking that the sea attack
was not conducted with sufficient vigour, he went himself in
a boat to give orders, and came so near that a cannon-shot
struck the head of a Canara who steered his boat, dashing the
blood and brains on his beard. Enraged at this incident, he
offered
CHAP. i. SECT. v. Conquest of India. J47
offered a high reward to any one who should destroy that
cannon ; on which one of his gunners aimed a shot ^o exactly
that it struck the muzzle of the cannon which flew in pieces,
and killed the Moorish cannoneer. By this fortunate circum-
stance, tiie Portuguese were able to get farther up the river
and to get close to the fort. At this time Zufolari, one of the
generals of the Moors, appeared with 700O men on the conti-
nental shore to relieve the tort ; but being unable to effectuate
his purpose, was forced to retire after sustaining some loss by a
distant cannonade. Albuquerque now closely invested the fort
with 4000 men, 3000 of whom were Portuguese. He divided
these into two bodies, one under his own immediate command,
and the other under the charge of his nephew T)^n Garcia At
first the Portuguese received some damage ; but in the end
Rotzomo Khan agreed to surrender the fort with all its cannon
and ammunition, to deliver up all the Portuguese prisoners
and deserters, and to evacuate the island oi Goa and its de-
pendencies. The Portuguese deserters were severely punished
by order of Albuquerque, having their ears, noses, right hands,
and the thumbs of their left cut off, in which mutilated con-
dition they were sent home to Portugal. One of these, named
Ferdinando Lopez, as a penance for his crimes, voluntarily
remained with a negro at the island of St Helena, where ha
began some .cultivation, and was afterwards serviceable to
several ships that called in there, by furnishing them with re-
freshments.
Having thus completely relieved Goa, Albuquerque endea-
voured to gain over Rotzomo Khan to the Portuguese service,
but unsuccessfully; but his good fortune made a great impres-
sion on many of the native princes, several of whom sent pacific
embassies to the viceroy. The king of Calicut, terrified at
the growing power of the Portuguese, concluded a treaty of
peace with Don Garcia, whom his uncle had sent to take the
command at Cochin 19 . The kings of Narsinga, Visiapour,
Bisnagar, and other districts of India, sent ambassadors to
the viceroy; who endeavoured in his answers to impress them
powerfully with the value of amity with the Portuguese, and
dread of encountering their arms, and sent back envoys of his
own to these princes, to acquire intelligence respecting their
power
19 The editor of Astleys Collection adds, with liberty to build a fort; but
this condition is not to be found in the text of Faria, which is followed
in that work literally on most occasions, though often much abridged. Y
Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in,
power and resources. There arrived likewise at Goa an am-
bassador from the Christian sovereign of Abyssinia, whom the
Europeans denominate Frester John* , who was destined to
go over to Portugal, carrying a piece of the true cross, and
letters for the king of Portugal from the queen-mother Helena,
who governed Abyssinia during the minority of her son David.
The purport of this embassy was to arrange a treaty of amity
with the king of Portugal, and to procure military akl against
the Moors who were in constant hostility with that kingdom.
This ambassador reported that there were then three Portu-
guese at the Abyssinian court, one of whom, named Juan,
called himself ambassador from the king of Portugal ; and
two others, named Juan Gomez and Juai Sanchez, who had
been lately set on shore at Cape Guardafu, by order of Albu-
querque, in order to explore the country.
Every thing at Goa being placed; in order, the viceroy now
determined upon carrying the enterprise against Aden into
execution, which had been formerly ordered by the king of
Portugal. Without communicating his intentions to any
one, he caused twenty ships to be fitted out, in which he em-
barked with 1700 Portuguese troops, and 800 native Canaras
and Malabars. When just ready to sail, he acquainted the
captains with the object of his expedition, that they might
know where to rendezvous in case of separation. Setting sail
from Goa on the 18th of February 1513, the armament arrived
safe at Aden. This city, called Modocan by Ptolemy, is situated
on the coast of Yemen or Arabia Felix, in lat. 12 45' N. near
the mouth of the Red Sea, and looks beautiful and strong from
the sea, being rich and populous owing to the resort of many
nations for trade. But immediately behind are the barren
and rocky mountains of Arzira, which present numerous cliffs
and precipices. The soil is arid, having very little water, which
is procured from a few wells and cisterns, as this part of the
country is scarcely watered from the heavens above once in
two or three years. Hence it is devoid of all trees, and has
neither gardens nor orchards.
Immediately
20 In our early volumes it will be seen that this imaginary Prete Jani,
Prester John, or the Christian Priest-king, had been sought for in vain among
the wandering tribes of eastern Tartary. The Portuguese now absurdly
gave that appellation to the Negus of Habesh, or Emperor of the .A by ssi-
nians ; where a degraded species of Christianity prevails among a barbarous
race, continually engaged in sanguinary war and interminable revolution*
, I. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 149
Immediately on the arrival of the Portuguese fleet, Mira-
Kiirzan the governor sent a complimentary message to the
viceroy with a present of provisions j but as there was no
prospect of voluntary submission or surrender, Albuquerque
resolved upon carrying the place by assault, but found the
enterprise more difficult than he expected. Having landed
his men early in the morning, the troops advanced to the
walls with scaling ladders : but after a considerable number
had got up to the top of the wall, the ladders broke under
the weight of the multitudes who pressed to get up ; so that
Albuquerque was obliged to order down those who had al-
ready -ascended, by means of a single ladder constructed out
of the broken fragments of the rest. Thus, after four hours
engagement, the Portuguese were forced to desist from the
attack with some loss, occasioned more by the insufficiency of
the ladders than by the prowess of the enemy. George Syl-
veyra and five men were killed on the spot, but several others
died afterwards of their wounds, and some from bruises oc-
casioned by falling from the walls and ladders. Submitting
to his bad fortune, and by the persuasion of his officers, Al-
buquerque resolved to abandon this enterprise, that he might
Iiave sufficient time remaining to sail for the mouth of the
Red Sea. But before leaving Aden, he took ,a redoubt or bul-
wark which defended the entrance into the harbour, where
a great many Moors, or Arabs rather, were slain, and 37
pieces of cannon taken. Having plundered the ships in the
harbour, they were all burnt ; and on the fourth day after
arriving at Aden, the fleet set sail for the mouth of the Red
Sea, on their arrival at which great rejoicings were made by
Albuquerque and the Portuguese, as being the first Europeans
who had ever navigated that celebrated sea.
The form of the Red Sea is not unlike that of a crocodile,
having its mouth at the narrow Straits of Mecca or Babelman-
deb, the head being that sea which lies between Cape Guardafu
and Fartaque, and the extremity of the tail at the town of Suez.
Its general direction is from N. N. W. to S. S. E. being 530
leagues long, and 40 over where broadest 31 . The channel
for navigation is about the middle, where it has sufficient
depth of water for the largest ships, but both sides are very
shallow,
2 1 The extreme length of the Red Sea is 400 geographical leagues, 20
to the degree, or about 1380 statute miles, and its greatest breadth 65 of the
came leagues, about 225 miles. E.
150 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK. in.
shallow, and much encumbered by sand banks and numerous
smal? islands. No river of any note falls into it during its
whole extent* It is called by the Moors or Arabs, Bahar
Corzu or the Closed Sea, ami by others the Sea of Mecca ; but
by Europeans the Arabian Gulf or the Red Sea, owing to the
red colour it derives from its bottom, as was proved by a sub-
sequent viceroy, Don Juan de Castro, who caused some of
the bottom to be dragged up in several places, when it was
found to consist of a red coralline substance ; while in other
places the bottom was green, and white in some, but mostly
red. The water itself, when taken up, is as clear as in any
other part of the sea. The Red Sea does not abound in fish,
but it produces small pearls in many places. The mouth of
the Red Sea, called the Straits of Mecca or of Bab-al-man-
deb, is in lat. 12 40' N. and is as it were locked up by seven
small islands, the largest of which, now Mehun, was called by
Ptolemy Pcrantonomasiam. On going from the straits to-
wards Suez along the eastern or Arabian shore, there are
Only a few small ports of no note for the first 4-4 leagues, till
we come to the island of Kamaran, which is subject to the
king of Aden* At 60 leagues from thence we come to Gezan
a large town ; thence 130 leagues to Yambo, all in the do-
minions of Mecca, having several good towns and harbours.
Among these are the famous and well known ports ofZiden and
Juddahy or Joda / Mecca being 15 leagues inland from the lat-
ter. From Yambo it is 60 leagues to Tor& 9 where the children
of Israel are said to have crossed the Red Sea, which at this
place is 3 leagues across. Thence to Suez is 40 leagues, and
there ends the Arabian shore. On sailing back to the straits
along the western shore of Egypt and Ethiopia, from Suez
xvhich is 20 leagues from Grand Cairo the vast metropolis of
Egypt, it is 45 leagues'to Al-cosier j thence 135 to the city
of Suakem, in which space there are many ports: From
thence 70 leagues farther on is the island and port of Massua,
and opposite to it Arkiko ; and thence other 85 leagues bring
us back to the Straits of Bab- el -man deb. Behind a ridge of
mountains which runs close along the whole coast of Ethio-
pia, lie the dominions of Prester John, which has always pre-
served Christianity after its own manner, and has of late been
much supported therein by the Portuguese arms.
Entering into the Red Sea, Albuquerque sailed along the
coast to the island of Kamaran, which he found abandoned
Iby its inhabitants from dread of his approach. He took two
10 vessels
CHAP. i. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 151
vessels by the way, and found four others at this place, one
of which belonged to the Soldan of Egypt. From this island
he visited several others ; and one day there appeared in the
sky to the whole persons in the fleet a very bright red cross,
seemingly about six feet broad, and of a proportional length.
All the Portuguese knelt down and worshipped the heavenly
sign, Albuquerque making a devout prayer ; after which the
happy omen was joytulJy r hailed by the sound of music and
cannon, till at length it was covered over by a bright cloud
and disappeared. As the trade wind failed for carrying him
to Jucldah, Albuquerque returned to Kamaran where he win-
tered, and where his people suffered extreme misery from fa-
mine and sickness. In July 1513, as soon as the weather
would permit, he sailed again for India, meaning to appeal-
again before Aden, and touched at the island of Mehun, in
the middle of the straits, to which he gave the name of Vera
Cruz, in memory of the miraculous vision with which they
had been favoured, and erected a very high cross upon an
eminence. From thence he sent two ships to examine the city
and port of Zeylu, on an island in a bay of the coast of Adel,
where they burnt two ships belonging to the Moors, and join-
ed the fleet again before Aden. He found the fortifications
of this place repaired and strengthened ; and after exchang-
ing a cannonade which did little damage on either side, and
burning some ships in the harbour, he sailed for India.
Albuquerque arrived at Diu about the middle of August
1513, and was immediately supplied with some provisions ac-
companied by a courteous message from Malek Azz the
lord of that city under the king of Cambaya, more from fear
than affection. Being aware of his duplicity, Albuquerque
dealt cautiously with this chief, and demanded permission
to erect a fort at Diu ; but Malek Azz excused himself, refer-
ring Albuquerque to the king of Cambaya, whom he secretly
advised to refuse if asked. However it was agreed to settle a
^Portuguese factor at this place to conduct the trade ; and at
parting Azz treated Albuquerque with so much artful civility,
that he said he had never seen a more perfect courtier, or one
more fitted to please and deceive a man of understanding.
Some time afterwards, the king of Cambaya gave permission
for the Portuguese to erect a fort at Diu, on condition that he
might do the same at Malacca. At this time there arrived
two ships from Portugal, a third having been cast away in
the voyage, but the men saved. Albuquerque went to.Goa,
and
Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
and sent his nephew Noronha to Cochin to dispatch the
homeward bound trade, along with which an ambassador was
sent from the zamorin to the king of Portugal, peace being
now established with that sovereign, who permitted a fort to
be erected at his capital. By these ships likewise were sent
the presents of many of the Indian princes to the king of
Portugal, together with many captives taken in war. There
went also a Portuguese Jew, who had been an inhabitant of
Jerusalem, and had been sent by the guardian of the Fran-
ciscans to acquaint Albuquerque that the Soldan of Egypt
threatened to destroy all the holy places at Jerusalem.
Pate Quitir, the native of Java, who had been preferred
by Albuquerque to the command of the native inhabitants of
Malacca, continued to carry on measures for expelling the
Portuguese, and having strengthened himself secretly, at last
broke out into rebellion. Having slain a Portuguese captain
and several men, and taken some pieces of cannon, he sud-
denly fortified the quarter of the city in which he resided,
and stood on his defence with 6000 men and two elephants.
Ferdinando Perez and Alfonso Pessoa went against him with
320 men, partly by land and partly by water, and after a long
contest forced him to flee for refuge into the woods after
many of his men were slain. A considerable quantity of ar-
tillery and ammunition was found in that part of the city
which he had fortified, which was burnt to the ground after
being plundered of much riches. Having received succour
from Java and Mahomet, the expelled king of Malacca,
Quitir, erected another fort in a convenient place at some
distance from the city, where he became powerful by sea and
land, being in hopes of usurping the sovereignty of Malacca.
Perez went out against him, but though he fought as valiant-
ly as before, he was forced to retreat after losing three cap-
tains and four soldiers. At this time Lacsamana, an offi-
cer belonging to Mahomet, entered the river of Malacca with
a great number of men and many cannon on board several
vessels, Perez attacked him with three ships, and a furious
battle took place which lasted for three hours, with much ad-*-
vantage on the side of the Portuguese, but night obliged the
combatants to desist, and Perez took a position to prevent as
Jie thought the Malayans from escaping out of the river dur-
ing the darkness. But Lacsamana threw up an intrenchment
of such respectable appearance during the night, that it was
thought too dangerous to attempt an attack, and Perez re-
tired
CHAP. I. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 153
tired to the fort. At this time three ships entered the port
from India, bringing a supply of ammunition and a reinforce-
ment of 150 soldiers ; but Lacsamana had established himself
so advantageouslyj that he intercepted all the vessels carrying
provisions for Malacca, which was reduced to such straits
that many fell down in the streets from famine. The same
plague attended Pate Quitir in his quarters 22 .
When the season became fit for navigation, Perez set out
with ten ships and a galley in quest of provisions. While
sailing towards Cincapura, the galley discovered a sail, and
stuck by it till the fleet came up. It was found to be laden
with provisions and ammunition for Pate Quitir. Perez
brought the captain and other head men on board his own
ship, where they attempted to slay the Portuguese, even
Perez being stabbed in the back by a cris or dagger. Being
foiled in this attempt, most of them leapt into the sea, but
some were taken and put to the rack who confessed there was
a son of Quitir among them, arid that they were followed by
three other vessels similarly laden. These were likewise cap-
tured and carried to Malacca. At the same time Gomez do
Cunna arrived with his ship laden with provisions from Pegu,
where he had been to settle a treaty of amity and commerce
with the king of that country. The famine being thus ap-
peased and the men recovered, Perez attacked Pate Quitir by
sea and land ; and having fortunately succeeded in the capture
of his fortified quarters, which were set on fire, that chieftain
was forced to retire to Java, and Lacsamana, on seeing this
success of the Portuguese, retired with his forces.
Java is an island to the south-east of Sumatra, from which
it is divided by a strait of fifteen leagues in breadth. This
island is almost 200 leagues in length from east to west, but
is narrow in proportion to its breadth, being divided by a
long range of mountains through its whole length, like the
Apennines of Italy, which prevents intercourse between the
two coasts. It has several ports and good cities, and its ori-
ginal inhabitants appear to have come from China. In after
times the Moors of Malacca 13 possessed themselves of the sea
coast,
22 It is probable that Mr Stevens has mistaken the sense of Faria at this
place, and that the famine in Malacca was occasioned by the joint operations
of Lacsamana and Pate Quitir, holding the city in a state of blockade. E.
23 Faria perpetually confounds all Mahometans under the general deno-
mination of Moors. These possessors of the coast of Java were unques-
tionably Malays E,
154? Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
coast, obliging the natives to take shelter in the forests and
mountains of the interior. At this period a Malay chief
named Pate Umiz was lord of the city of Japara, who be-
came afterwards king of Sunda. Indignant that the metro-
polis of the Malayan territories should be possessed by the
enemies of the Mahometan faith, he h;Ul been seven years
preparing a powerful armament of 90 sail to attempt the con-
quest of Malacca, during all which time he kept up a secret
correspondence with the Javan Malays who inhabited that
city. Several of his ships were equal in size to the largest
Portuguese galleons, and the one destined for himself was
larger than any ship then built by the Europeans. Having
completed his preparations, he embarked with 12,000 men
and a formidable train of artillery, and appeared suddenly
before the city. Ferdinando IVrez immediately embarked
with 350 Portuguese and some native troops in 17 vessels,
and attacked the Javan fleet, with which he had an obstinate
engagement, doing considerable damage to the enemy, but
night parted the combatants. Next morning Pate Unaz en-
deavoured to get into the river Maur with his fleet ; but Perez
pursued him, and penetrating into the midst of the enemy
plied his cannon and fire-works with such success, that many
of the Javan ships were sunk and set on fire. After a furious
battle of some endurance, Unuz fled and was pursued all the
way to Java, where he preserved his own Vast vessel as a me-
morial of his escape and of the grandeur of his fleet, and not
without reason, as a merchant of Malacca engaged to purchase
it of Perez for 16,000 ducats if taken. This victory cost the
Portuguese some blood, as several were slain, and few escaped
\vithout wounds. From this time forwards, the natives of
Java were for ever banished from Malacca.
Soon after this brilliant victory, Ferdinando Perez sailed
from Malacca to Cochin with a valuable cargo of spice, ac-
companied by Lope de Azevedo and Antonio de Abreu, who
came from the discovery of the Molucca islands with three
ships. After their arrival at Cochin, Antonio de Miranda
arrived there from Siam, to the great joy of Albuquerque,
who thus reaped the rich fruits of his care and labour for the
acquisition of Malacca, and the happy return of those whom
he had sent upon other discoveries.
King Mahom t had not yet lost all hope of recovering
Malacca, to which he now drew near ; and having in vain at-
tempted to succeed by force, had recourse to stratagem. For
this
CHAP. I. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 255
this purpose he prevailed on a favourite officer named Tuam
Maxeliz, to imitate the conduct of Zopirus at Babylon. Being
accordingly mutilated, Tuam fled with some companions to
Malacca, giving out that he had escaped from the tyrannical
cruelty of his sovereign. Ruy de Brito, who then command-
ed in the citadel of Malacca, credited his story and reposed
so much confidence in his fidelity that he was admitted at all
times into the fortress. At length, having appointed a par-
ticular day for the execution of his long-concerted enterprise,
on which Mahomet was to send a party to second his efforts
or to bring him off, he and his accomplices got admittance
into the fort as usual, and immediately began to assassinate
the Portuguese garrison by means of their daggers, and had
actually slain six before they were able to stand to their de-
fence. Brito, who happened to be asleep when the alarm
was given, immediately collected his men and drove the
traitor and his companions from the fort, at the very moment
when a party of armed Malays came up to second their efforts.
The commander of this party, named Tuam Calascar, on
learning the miscarriage of Tuam Maxeliz, pretended that
he came to the assistance of Brito, and by that means was
permitted to retire.
Soon after this Pedro de Faria arrived at Malacca from the
Straits of Sabani, bringing with him Abdela king of Campar,
who being no longer able to endure the insolence of his father-
in-law Mahomet, came to reside in security under the pro-
tection of the Portuguese in Malacca. This was in the month
of July 24 , shortly after the arrival of George de Albuquerque
from Goa to command at Malacca. By instructions from
the viceroy, Abdela was appointed Bcndara, or governor of
the natives, which office had till then been enjoyed by Nina-
chetu, who was now displaced on account of some miscarriage
or malversation. Ninachetu, who was a gentile, so much
resented this affront, that he resolved to give a signal demon-
stration of his fidelity and concern. He was very rich, and
gave orders to dress up a scaffold or funeral pile in the market-
place or bazar of Malacca, splendidly adorned with rich silks
and cloth of gold, the middle of the pile being composed of a
vast heap of aromatic wood of high price. The entire street
from his dwelling to the pile was strewed with sweet-scented
herbs
24 Faria omits any mention of the year, but from the context it appears
to have been in 1513. E.
156 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK nr,
herbs and flowers, and adorned with rich hangings, corres-
pondent to the magnificence of the pile. Having collected
all his friends, and clad himself and family in splendid attire,
he went in solemn procession to the bazar, where he mounted
the scaffold and made a long harangue, in which he protested
his innocence and declared that he had always served the Por-
tuguese with the utmost zeal and fidelity. Having ordered
the pile to be fired, and seeing the whole in flames, he de-
clared that he would now mount to heaven in that flame and
smoke, and immediately cast himself into the flaming pile, to
the great admiration of all the beholders.
At this time the king of Campar had gone home, intending
to return to assume his office of Bendara, but was hindered
by Mahomet and the king of Bintang, who fitted out a fleet
of 70 sail with 2500 men under the command of the king of
Linga, and besieged Campar, in the harbour of which town
there were eight Portuguese vessels and some native proas,
under the command of George Botello. Observing this squadron
to be somewhat careless, the king of Linga fell suddenly with
his galley on the ship commanded by Botello, followed by
the rest of his fleet ; but met with so warm a reception that
his galley was taken, so that he had to leap overboard, and
the rest of the enemies fleet was put to flight. The siege was
now raised, and Botello conveyed the king of Campar to
Malacca, where he exercised the office of Bendara with so
much judgment and propriety, that in four months the city
was visibly improved, great numbers of people resorting
thither who had formerly fled to Mahomet to avoid the op-
pressions of Ninachetu. Perceiving the growth of the city
under the wise administration of Abdela, Mahomet deter-
mined to put a stop to this prosperity by means of a fraud
peculiar to a Moor. He gave out secretly, yet so that it
might spread abroad, that his son-in-law had gone over to the
Portuguese at Malacca with his knowledge and consent, and
that the same thing was done by all those who seemed to fly
there from Bintang, with the design to seize upon the fort on
the first opportunity, and restore it to him who was the law-
ful prince. This secret, as intended by Mahomet, was at
length divulged at Malacca, where it produced the intended
effect, as the commandant, George de Albuquerque, gave
more credit to this false report than to the honest proceedings
of the Bendara, who was tried and condemned as a traitor,
stud had his head cut off an a public scaffold. In consequence
of
CHAP. i. SECT. v. Conquest of Indict. 157
of this event, the city was left almost desolate by the flight of
the native inhabitants, and was afterwards oppressed by fa-
mine.
During the year 1513, while these transactions were going
o,n at Malacca, the viceroy Albuquerque visited the most im-
portant places under his charge, and gave the necessary
orders for their security. He dispatched his nephew Don
Garcia to Cochin, with directions to expedite the construc-
tion of the fort then building at Calicut. He appointed a
squadron of four sail, under the command of his nephew Pe-
dro de Albuquerque, to cruise from the mouth of the Red
Sea to that of the Persian Gulf, with orders to receive the
tribute of Ormuz when it became due, and then to discover
the island of Bahrayn, the seat of the great pearl-fishery in
that gulf. He sent ambassadors well attended to several
princes. Diego Fernandez de Bejawent to the king of Cam-
baya, to treat about the erection of a fort at Diu, which had
been before consented to, but was now refused at the instiga-
tion of Malek Azz. Fernandez returned to Goa with magni-
ficent presents to Albuquerque, among which was a Rhino-
ceros or Abada, which was afterwards lost in the Mediterra-
nean on its way from king Manuel to the pope along with
other Indian rarities. Juan Gonzalez de Castello Branco was
sent to the king of Bisnagar, to demand restitution of the de-
pendencies belonging to Goa, but with little success.
In September 1513, five ships arrived at Goa from Portugal
under the command of Christopher de Brito, one of which
bound for Cambaya was lost. Having dispatched these ships
with their homeward cargoes, Albuquerque prepared for a mi-
litary expedition, but was for some time indetermined whether
to bend his course for Ormuz or the Red Sea, both expedi-
tions having been ordered by the king. In order to determine
which of these was to be undertaken, he con venedn council
of all his captains, and it was agreed that Ormuz was to be
preferred, which was in fact quite consonant to the wishes of
the viceroy. He accordingly set sail on the 20th of February
1514-, with a fleet of 27 sail, having on board a land force of
1500 Portuguese and 600 native Malabars and Canaras.
The fleet anchored in the port of Ormuz on the 26th of
March, and an immediate message of ceremony came off
from the king with rich presents ; but Albuquerque was better
pleased with finding that Michael Ferreyra, whom he had
sent
158 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.-
sent on an embassy to Ismael king of Persia, to negociate a
treaty of amity and commerce, had strong hopes of success.
Scif Addin kiig of Ormuz and his governor Khojah Attar
were now both dead, and Reis Harriet now possessed the
entire favour and confidence of the new king. Among other
things, Albuquerque sent to demand being put immediately
in possession of the fort which he had formerly begun to build
at Ormuz, and that some principal persons should be sent to
ratify and confirm the submission which the former king Self
Addin had made of the kingdom to the supremacy of the king
of Portugal. All was consented to, as there was no sufficient
power for resistance ; and Reis Noradin the governor came
to wait upon Albuquerque accompanied by his nephew, to
make the desired ratification. The viceroy made rich presents
on the occasion, and sent a splendid collar of gold to the king,
with the Portuguese standard, as a mark of the union be-
tween the two nations. Public rejoicings were made on both
sides on account of this amicable arrangement ; and Albu-
querque took possession of the fort, which had been formerly
begun, and by using every exertion it rose in a few days to a
great height, so that the viceroy and his principal officers
took up their residence in some houses in its neighbourhood.
Albuquerque now made splendid preparations to receive the
ambassador from the king of Persia, who brought a magnifi-
cent present from his sovereign, consisting of rich brocades,
precious stones, splendid golden ornaments, and many fine
silks. The ambassador was honourably received, and the
treaty concluded to mental satisfaction. This ceremony took
place on a scaffold erected in public near the residence of the
viceroy, and had been delayed for a considerable time on
purpose to be exhibited in great splendour to the people of
Ormuz, that they might see that the Portuguese friendship
was sought after by so powerful a sovereign. The king of
Ormuz was at a window to see the procession.
Reis Hamet z5 , formerly mentioned, had come to Ormuz
from Persia with the design of seizing the city and delivering
it up to the Sophi. He had insinuated himself so effectually
into the favour of the king as to govern him in all respects,
and nothing was done but by his directions. The better to
carry on his enterprise, he had gradually introduced a number
of
25 Reis or Rais signifies a chief, and is commonly given on the coasts of
Arabia and Persia to sea captains : In Faria it i? Raez. Astl. I. 75. .
CHAP. i. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 159
of his dependents into the city, and was actually preparing to
kill the king and seize the government, but deferred his in-
tentions to a more favourable opportunity. Albuquerque was
fully informed of all these secret practices, and that the king
was anxious to be delivered from the influence of Hamet; he
therefore endeavoured to devise means for effectuating the
purpose, and fortune soon gave him an opportunity* An in-
terview had been appointed to take place between the king
an./ Albuquerque ; but prompted by his fears, Hamet en-
deavoured to shun this danger, by proposing that Albu-
querque should wait upon the king, lest if the king went to
visit the viceroy, he might be obliged to attend him. But
Albuquerque insisted upon receiving the visit of the king,
which was at last agreed to, on condition that neither party
was to be armed. Some of the attendants upon Hamet were
however secretly armed, and Hamet came armed himself, and
pressed foremost into the room with much rudeness, on which
Albuquerque made a concerted signal to his captains, who
instantly dispatched him. After this the king came, and a
conference began between him and the viceroy, which was
soon interrupted by a violent clamour among the people, who
supposed their king was slain. But the people belonging to
Hamet, knowing that their master had been killed, ran and
fortified themselves in the kings palace. Albuquerque pro-
posed immediately to have dispossessed them by means of his
troops ; but the king and governor found other means of ex-
pelling these men from the city, who to the number of 700
men went to Persia.
When this tumult was appeased, the people of Ormuz were
much gratified at seeing their king conducted back to his
palace in great pomp, attended by Albuquerque and all his
officers, more especially as he was now freed from the tyranny
of Hamet, and restored to the majesty of a king* 6 . Albu-
querque now dispatched the Persian ambassador, accompa-
nied by Ferdinando Gomez, carrying a present of double the
value of that he had received, and having orders to give a
proper account of the late transactions at Ormuz, especially
in regard to Reis Hamet. Gomez was well received, and
brought
26 It is scarce possible to conceive how Faria could gravely make this
observation, when the Portuguese had imposed an annual tribute on the
king of Ormuz, and were actually building a fortress to keep the capital
under subjection. E.
160 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK nr,
brought back a favourable answer. It would require more
room than can be spared in this history to give an account
of the affairs of Persia ; it may therefore suffice to say that
the valiant prince who reigned over Persia at this time was
engaged in war with the Turks, and was desirous of taking
advantage of the Portuguese assistance against his enemy.
While the fort of Ormuz was building, or rather finishing,
Albuquerque persuaded the king that it would contribute to
the safety of the city to put all their cannon into the fort to
defend them against their enemies, but in reality to disable
them from resisting the Portuguese domination. Security is
a powerful argument with those who are in fear, so that the
king and his governor reluctantly consented to this demand.
Thus the rich and powerful kingdom of Ormuz was com-
pletely subjected to the Portuguese dominion, yet more to the
advantage than detriment of its native princes ; who were
mor oppressed before by the tyranny of their ministers, than
afterwards by the tribute they had to pay to the Portuguese,
besides the security they enjoyed under protection of the
Portuguese arms. Yet liberty is sweeter than all other con-
veniences.
Albuquerque dispatched his nephew Don Garcia de No-
ronha with most of the fleet to Cochin, with orders to send
home the ships of the season with the trade to Portugal, re-
maining behind to conclude such arrangements as seemed to
require his presence. He soon afterwards fell sick, and was
persuaded by his attendants to return to India for the reco-
very of his health, which he consented to, and left Pedro de
Albuquerque in the command of the fort at Ormuz. His
departure gave great concern to the king, who loved him as
a father. While on the voyage to Goa, he got notice that
12 ships were arrived in India from Portugal with orders for
his return to Europe, Lope Soarez who commanded that
fleet being appointed his successor. He was likewise inform-
ed that Diego Mendez and Diego Pereyra, both of whom he
had sent home as prisoners for heinous crimes, had come
back to India, the one as governor of Cochin and the other
as secretary to the new viceroy. These news gave him much
di&satisfaction, and he is reported to have vented his distress
on the occasion to the following purpose. " It is now time
for me to take sanctuary in the church, having incurred the
kings displeasure for the sake of his subjects, and their anger
for the sake of the king. Old man ! fly to the church ! Your
10 honour
CHAP. i. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 161
honour requires that you should die, and you have never yet
omitted any thing in which your honour was concerned !"
Then raising his hands and eyes to heaven, he gave God
thanks that a governor had come out so opportunely, not
doubting that he should soon die. He fell into a profound
melancholy, and arrived at Dabul almost in the arms of death,
at which place he wrote the following letter to the king.
" This, Sir ! is the last letter your highness will receive from
me, who am now under the pangs of death. I have formerly
written many to your highness full of life and vigour, being-
then free from the dread thought of this last hour, and ac-
tively employed in your service. I leave a son behind me,
Bias de Albuquerque, whom I entreat your highness to pro-
mote in recompence of my services. The affairs of India will
answer for themselves and me."
Having arrived on the bar of Goa, which he called his
Land of Promise, he expired on the 16th of December 1515,
in the sixty-third year of his age, retaining his senses to the
last, and dying as became a good Christian. Alfonso de
Albuquerque was second son to Gonzalo de Albuquerque
lord of Villaverde, by Donna Leonora de Menezes, daughter
of Alvaro Gonzalez de Atayde, first count of Atouguia. He
had been master of the horse to King John the Second. He
was of moderate stature, having a fair and pleasing counte-
nance, with a venerable beard reaching below his girdle to
which he wore it knotted. When angry his looks were ter-
rible ; but when pleased his manners were merry, pleasant,
arid witty. He was buried in a chapel which he built near
the gate of the city of Goa, dedicated to Our Lady of the
Mountain ; but, after a long resistance from the inhabitants
of Goa, his bones were transferred to the church of Our Lady
of Grace at Lisbon.
The dominion of the Portuguese in India was founded by
three great men, Duarte Pacheco, Francisco de Almeyda,
and Alfonso de Albuquerque ; after whom scarcely was there
a single successor who did not decline from their great cha-
racter, having either a mixture of timidity with their valour,
or of covetousness with their moderation, in which the vices
predominated. In gaining this Indian crown, Pacheco alone
acted with that fiery heat which melted the arms and riches
of the zamorin ; only Almeyda could have filed and polished
it, by his own and his sons sword, bringing it into form by
humbling the pride of the Egyptian fc'oldan j while Albu-
VOL, vi, L yuerque
162 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK HI
querquc gave a finish to its ornaments, by adorning it wit
three precious jewels, Goa i Malacca and Ormuz * 7 .
SECTION VI.
Portuguese Transactions in India, under several governors^
from the close 0^1515, to the year 1526.
WHILE the great Alfonso de Albuquerque was drawing
towards the last period of his life, Manuel, as if he had fore-
seen that event, sent out Don Lope Soarez de Albergaria to
succeed hini in the government, with a fleet of J 3 ships, car-
rying a force of 1 500 soldiers, many of whom were gentle-
men by birth, and still more so by their actions. Among
them was Duarte Galvam, a person of learning and judg-
ment, who was sent ambassador to Abyssinia with consider-
able presents, some for Presterjohn, and some for the church.
On his arrival at Cochin, the new governor offended many
by the reservedness of his carriage and manners, and became
particularly disagreeable to the rajah, who had been accus-
tomed to the discreet and easy civility of Albuquerque. Don
Garcia de Noronha took charge of the homeward bound ships,
and went away alter no small disagreement with Soarez. Till
this time, the Portuguese gentlemen in India had followed
the dictates of honour, esteeming arms their greatest riches ;
but henceforvvards they gave themselves entirely up to trade,
those who had been captains becoming merchants; insomuch
that command became a shame, honour a scandal and repu-
tation a reproach. Having entered upon the exercise of his
government, he visited the forts, in which he placed new cap-
tains, gave out orders, and transacted other affairs of small
moment, which serve rather to fill the page than to advance
the dignity of history.
In the year 1515, five ships sailed from Lisbon under the
command of Juan de Sylveira, three of which arrived in Lis-
bon, and the other two were lost on the sands of St .Lazarus.
By orders from the king, proceeding on information that the
Soldan
27 Portuguese Asia, II. vii. This rhetorical flourish by De Farla, gives a
specimen of what was perhaps considered fine writing in those days ; but it
strongly marks the important services gf Albuquerque, and is therefore here
inserted. E.
CHAP. i. SECT. Yi. Conquest of India.
Soldan was fitting out a great fleet at Suez, Soarez sailed from
Goa on the 8th of February J516, with 27 sail of vessels of
various sizes and descriptions, having 1200 Portuguese and
800 Malabar soldiers on board, besides 800 native seamen,
and directed his course for the Red Sea in order to oppose the
Mameluke fleet. On arriving at Aden, Miramirzan the
governor immediately offered to surrender the place, declaring
he would have done so to Albuquerque if that officer had not
at the very first proceeded to hostility. The real state of the
matter was that the place was indefensible, as Ileis Soliman,
the admiral of the Egyptian fleet of which Soarez was in search
had beaten down a part of the wall so that the town was
defenceless. Lope Soarez was so much pleased by this flatter-
ing offer that he trusted Miramirzan and declined taking-
possession of the city till his return from the Red Sea, and
went away in search of Reis Soliman ; but he nejther met
with him, nor did he take Aden on his return. While on
his voyage up the Red Sea, Don Alvaro de Castro with forty
men was lost through covetousness, as he so overloaded his
ship with goods from some captured vessels that she became
water-logged and went to the bottom. Some other ships of
the fleet received damage during this part of the voyage.
Hearing that Soliman was driven by stress of weather to
Jiddah, where he had no means of defence, Soarez determined
to sail to that place.
Jiddah or Juddah, the sea-port of Mecca, is a town and
harbour of Arabia on the eastern shore of the Red Sea in
about 22 of north latitude, situated in a most barren soil com-
posed of deep loose sand, being more calculated for commerce
than delight. The buildings are good, but the harbour very
bad, and its inhabitants consist partly of native Arabs arid
partly of foreign merchants. It was fortified by Mir Husseyn
after his defeat by Almeyda, under pretence of defending the
sepulchre of Mahomet, but in reality for his own security as
he was afraid to return defeated to the Soldan. While he
was occupied in constructing the fortifications, Reis Soliman
a low born Turk of Mitylene in the Archipelago, but a bold
and successful corsair, offered his services to the Soldan, and
was appointed admiral of the Suez fleet of 27 sail, which was
fitting out for the attack of Aden. Mir Husseyn was accord-
ingly discarded and Soliman appointed in his place. After
the failure of his attempt on Aden, where he lost a consider-
able number of men, Soliman made a descent on Zobeid in the
Tehamah
1 6 4 Portuguese Discovery and PART 11, BOOK IK,
Tehamali near the island of Kamaran, where he acquired a
considerable booty, from whence he proceeded to Jiddah,,
where he slew Mir Husseyn : And learning that the emperor
of the Turks had slain the Soldan in battle, and subverted the
sovereignty of the Mamelukes in Egypt, he sqrrendered the
Egyptian fleet and the port of Jiddah to the conqueror.
Finding the port dangerous, Soarez came to anchor about
a league from the city of Jiddah, yet so excellent were some
of the cannon of the place, that three or four pieces were able
to carry that prodigious distance. Soliman sent a message to
the Christian fleet offering a single combat man to man,
which Gaspar de Silva and Antonio de Menezes both offered
to accept, but Soarez woula not allow the combat. Soarez
now caused the channel leading up to Jiddah to be sounded,
and at this time the inhabitants were much alarmed by the
fire of one of the Portuguese vessels ^ but Soliman appeased
the tumult, and made his appearance without the walls with
Home of his men, while the walls were filled by vast multi-
tudes of the infidels, who rent the air with loud cries. After
two days of inaction, the Portuguese began to complain of
the delay j, but Soarez appeased his officers by shewing his in-
structions, in which he was ordered to fight the fleet of the
Mamelukes, which could not be accomplished, and not to
attack the city, where there might be much danger and little
chance of profit. Though the votes differed in the council
of war, it was resolved by a majority to desist from the enter-
prise against Jiddah, and accordingly Soarez and his arma-
ment retired to Kamaran, whence he detached several ships to
different parts of the Red Sea. At this place died Duarte
Gaivam, a learned and ingenious man, who had been employed
in several embassies in Europe, and though above seventy
years of age was now going ambassador to Prester John. At
the time of his death, he told his attendants that his son George
and all his men had been cast away in their vessel, and that
the inhabitants of the island of Dalac had cut off' the heads
of Lorenzo de Cosme and others that had been sent to that
place. All this was afterwards found true, yet it was utterly
impossible that the intelligence could have reached Duarte at
Kamaran before his death.
After suffering much distress from famine, of which several
men died, and losing seventeen Portuguese who were made
prisoners by the Arabs, and carried to Jiddah, Soarez set sail
from Kamaran and appeared before Zeyla in the kingdom of
10
t-HAP. i. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 165
Adel, on the north-east coast of Africa, a little way out
from the mouth of the Red Sea. This place was called
Emporium Avalite by Ptolemy, who describes it as a great
mart in ancient times. On the present occasion Zeyla was
taken with little opposition, being unprepared for defence,
and was reduced to ashes. From Zeyla, Soarez went to
Aden on the coast of Arabia, but soon found he had been to
blame for not taking possession when formerly offered it ; as
Miramirzan had repaired the wall, and now procrastinated
the surrender of his city by various affected delays. Soarez
fearing to lose the season of the trade winds for returning to
India, set sail for Barbora on the same coast with Zeyla,
which he meant likewise to destroy ; but the fleet was dis-
persed in a storm, and on its being afterwards collected, it
was found that more than eight hundred men had perished,
from famine, disease, and shipwreck, in this disastrous and
ill- conducted expedition.
While these disasters attended Soarez, the city of Goa,
where Monroy commanded, was threatened with destruction.
According to orders from Soarez, some ships had been taken
from the enemy, but with more profit than reputation,
though not without danger. One Alvaro Madureira, who
had married at Goa, fled to the enemy and turned Mahome-
tan. He afterwards repented and returned to Goa ; but again
fled to the Moors and brought them to attack the Portuguese
ships, which were in imminent danger of being captured.
About this time likewise, one Ferdinando Caldera, who was
also married at Goa, fled from that city to avoid punishment
for some crime he had committed, and joined the Moors ;
though some say that he was forced to desert by Monroy,
who was in love with his wife. However this may have been,
Caldera went to serve under Ancostan an officer of the king
of Bisnagar. Don Gutierre de Monroy demanded of
Ancostan to deliver him up, which was refused; after
which Monroy suborned another person to go over to
the enemy to assassinate Caldera; which was done, but
the assassin was instantly slain by the Moors. On the
return of Soarez to Goa, being informed of these inci-
dents, he left Monroy to take what satisfaction he thought
proper from Ancostan. Monroy accordingly sent out his
brother Don Fernando at the head of 150 Portuguese, 80 of
whom were horse, and a considerable body of natives, to
attack Ancostan. Fernando defeated the Moors at Ponda :
but the Moors having rallied defeated him hi his turn, and
obliged
166 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
obliged him to retire with the loss of 200 men killed and taken
prisoners. On these hostilities, the whole country was up in
arms, and Adel Khan the king of Bisnagar ordered his
general Sufo Lari to besiege Goa. Lari accordingly endea-
voured to cross over into the island at the head of 4000 horse
ami 26,000 foot, but was repulsed. In the mean time, as all
intercourse was cut off between the island and the continent,
the besieged became distressed by want of provisions ; but on
the arrival of three ships, one from Portugal, one from Quiloa,
and the third from China, Lari raised the blockade and the
former peace was renewed.
Similar misfortunes took place at Malacca, through the
misrule of George de Brito and others, which occasioned all
the native inhabitants to desert the city to avoid oppression.
In this situation, Mahomet, the exiled king, sent a consider-
able force to attempt recovering his capital, under the com-
mand of Cerilege Rajah his general. Ceriiege intrenched
his army, and so pressed the besieged that the Portuguese
bad assuredly been driven from Malacca, had not Don A-
lexius de Menezes arrived to assume the government with a
reinforcement of 300 men.
Antonio de Saldanna arrived in India in 1517 with six ships.
In this fleet one Alcacova came out as surveyor of the king's
revenue, invested with such power as greatly curtailed the
influence of Soarez, and having the inclination to encroach
still farther on his authority than he was warranted. This
occasioned great dissensions between the governor and sur-
veyor ; who finding himself unable to prevail, returned into
Portugal where he made loud complaints against the admini-
stration of affairs in India. Hence began the practice of
listening to complaints at home against the governors and
commanders employed in India ; and hence many took more
care in the sequel to amass riches than to acquire honour,
knowing that money is a never-failing protection from crimes.
Soarez sent Juan de Sylveira to the Maldivc islands, Alexius
de Menezes to Malacca, Manuel de la Cerda to Din, and
Antonio de Saldanna with six ships to the coast of Arabia by
orders from the king. The only exploit performed by Sal-
danna was the capture and destruction of Barbora t a town near
Zeyla but much smaller, whence the inhabitants fled. Saldan-
na then returned to India, where he found Soarez about to
sail for the island of Ceylon.
Tbe island of Ceylon, the southernmost land in India, is
CHAP. I. SECT. vi. Conquest of Ihdia. 167
to the east of Cape Comorin. It is sixteen leagues distant
from the continent ', to which some imagine that it was for-
merly joined. This island is about 80 leagues from north
to south, and about 45 leagues from east to west 3 . The
most southerly point, or Dondra Head, is in lat. 5 52' N.
The most northerly, or Point Pedro, in 9 48'. In the sea
belonging to this island there is a fishery of the most precious
pearls. By the Persians and Arabs it is called Serendib 3 . It
took the name of Ceylon from the sea by which it is sur-
rounded, owing to the loss of a great fleet of the Chinese,
who therefore named that sea Chilam, signifying danger,
somewhat resembling Scylla / and this word was corrupted to
Ceylon. This island was the Taprobana of the ancients, and
not Sumatra as some have imagined. Its productions are
numerous and valuable : Cinnamon of greatly finer quality
than in any other place ; rubies, sapphires, and other precious
stones ; much pepper and cardamoms, Brazil wood, and other
dyes, great woods of palm-trees, numbers of elephants which
are more docile than those of other countries, and abundance
of cattle. It has many good ports, and several rivers of ex-
cellent water. The mountains are covered with pleasant
woods. One of these mountains, which rises for the space of
seven leagues, has a circular plain on the top of about thirty
paces diameter, in the middle of which is a smooth rock
about six spans high, upon which is the print of a man's foot
about two spans in length. This footstep is held in great
veneration, being supposed to have been impressed there by
a holy man from Delhi, who lived many years on that moun-
tain, teaching the inhabitants the belief in the one only God.
This person returned afterwards to his own country, whence
he sent one of his teeth to the king of the island as a token of
remembrance, and it is still preserved as a holy relick, on
which they repose much confidence in time of danger, and
many pilgrims resort thither from places a thousand miles
distant. The island is divided into nine kingdoms, Columbo
on
1 The distance between Ceylon and the Carnatic across Palks Bay is
about 63 English miles ; but at Jafnapatnam and Ramiseram, this distance
is lessened to 43, by two capes, at the former projecting from, the island,,
and at the latter from the continent. E.
2 From Point Pedro in the north to Dondra Head in the south, are 265
miles, and its widest part from Negombo in the west to Poukiri Chene in
the east is 143 statute miles. E.
3 More properly Selan-dib, or the Isle of Selan. The derivation of the-
name of Ceylon m the text does not admit of commentary, E.
168 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
on the west being the chief of these. The others are Gale
en the south, Jaula, Tanavaca, Cande, Batecalon, Vilacem^
'J. rinquinimalc, and Jafanapatam 4 .
Albuquerque had established a treaty of amity and com-
merce with the king of Columbo, who furnished the Portu-
guese with cinnamon ; and Soarez went thither at this time,
by order of the king of Portugal, to construct a fort at Co-
lumbo, and to reduce the prince of that country to pay tri-
bute. On this occasion his fleet consisted of seven gallies,
two ships, and eight small vessels, carrying materials and
workmen for building the fort, and 700 Portuguese soldiers.
At first the king consented to have the fort built, but changed
his mind at the instigation of the Moors, and put Soarez to
considerable difficulty ; but in the end the Moors were put to
flight, the fort built, and the king constrained to become a
tributary vassal of Portugal, by the yearly payment of 1200
quintals of cinnamon, twelve rings of rubies and sapphires,
and six elephants.
At this time Juan de Sylveira returned from the Maldives,
where he had taken two ships belonging to Cambaya, and
had got permission of the king of the Maldives to erect a fort
at the principal harbour. Sylveira went upon a similar mis-
sion to Bengal, where he was in great danger ; as a young
man of Bengal who sailed there with him, gave notice of his
having taken these two ships, so that he was considered as a
pirate. He had fared worse than he did, but for the arrival
of Juan Coello from Pisang, sent by Andrada to the king of
Bengal. After passing the winter in Bengal with great diffi-
culty on account of famine, Sylveira set sail, being invited by
the king of Aracan to come to his port of Chittagon by a
messenger who brought him a valuable present ; but all this
kindness was only intended to decoy him to his ruin, at the
instigation of the king of Bengal. He escaped however from
the snare, and arrived at Ceylon as Soarez had finished the
fort of Columbo, of which he appointed Sylveira to the com-
mand, leaving Azevedo with four ships to guard the sea in
that neighbourhood.
About
4 All of these except Cande, Candi, or Kandi^ the central mountainous
region, still occupied by the native Hindoo race, appear to have been small
sovereignties of the Moors or Malays ; and have been long under European
rule, having been conquered by the Portuguese, Dutch, and British in suc-
cession. The topography of Ceylon will be illustrated hereafter, and docs
r.ct admit of being explained in the compass of a note. .
CHAP. i. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 169
About the same time Menezes secured the safety of Malac-
ca, as mentioned before, by supplying it with men and am-
munition, and appointed Alfonso Lopez de Costa to the go-
vernment, in place of Brito who was dying. Duarto de
Melo was left there with a naval force ; and Duarte Coello
was sent with an embassy and present to the king of Siam, to
confirm a treaty of peace and amity, and to request of him to
send a colony of his subjects to inhabit the city of Malacca,
50 that the Moors whom he hated as much as the Portu-
guese, might be for ever excluded from that place. All this
was agreed to, and as a testimonial of his friendship to the
Christians, he caused a great cross, ornamented with the arms
of Portugal, to be erected in a conspicuous part of the city of
Hudia, where he then resided. Having thus succeeded in
his mission, Coello was forced by stress of weather upon the
coast of Pahang, where he was received in a friendly manner
by the king, who voluntarily submitted to become a vassal to
the crown of Portugal, and to pay a cup of gold as an annual
tribute. This was done more from hatred to the king of
Bintang, than from love to the Portuguese.
The kingdom of Siam was at this time one of the greatest
in the east, the two others of greatest consequence being
China and Bisnagar. The great river Menam runs through
the middle of the kingdom of Siam from north to south,
having its source in the great lake of Ckiamay in lat. 30 N.
and its mouth in 13, so that the length of this kingdom is
330 leagues. On the west it joins Bengal, on the south Ma-
lacca, on the north China, and on the east Cambodia. Its
territory contains both mountains and plains, and it is inhabi-
ted by many different races of people, some of whom are ex-
tremely cruel and barbarous, and even feed on human flesh.
Among these the Guei ornament themselves with figures im-
pressed by hot irons 5 . Siam abounds in elephants, cattle,
and buffaloes. It has many sea-ports and populous cities,
Hudia being the metropolis or residence of the court. The
religion of the Siamese agrees in many considerable points
with Christianity, as they believe in one God, in heaven and
hell, and in good and bad angels that attend upon every per-
son 6 . They build sumptuous temples, in which they have
images
5 Perhaps tattooing may be here alluded to. li.
6 It is hardly possible to conceive how it could enter into the conception
of any one to compare the stupid polytheism of the worshippers of Budda,
with
170 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK m*
images of vast size. They are very religious, sparing in
their diet, much given to divination, and addicted to the study
of astrology. The country is exceedingly fertile, and abounds
in gold, silver, and other metals. The memorable services of
the subjects are recorded that they may be read to the kings.
When the king of Siam takes the field, he is able to set on
foot a force of 300,000 men and 10,000 elephants.
About this time, Fernan Perez de Andrada arrived at
Pisang, where he was well received, but lost his largest ship,
which was set on fire by the careless management of a lighted
candle, so that he was forced to return to Malacca. From
that place Juan Coello 7 , was sent to China, meeting with
furious storms and other dangers by the way. While on the
coast of Tsiompa, taking in fresh water, he was nearly lost.
At Patane and other places he established commercial trea-
ties with the native princes, and spent the winter without be-
ing able to reach China, being obliged to return to Malacca
to refit. After which he again resumed his voyage for China
with eight ships. The empire of China is the most eastern in
Asia, as Spain is the most westerly in Europe ; and opposite
to China is the island of Hainan, as that of Cadiz is to Spain.
It is almost as large as all Europe, being divided from Tar-'
tary by a wonderful wall which runs from east to west above
200 leagues, and ends at a vast mountain or promontory
which is washed by the eastern sea of Tartary. This vast
empire is divided into fifteen provinces. Along the coast are
those of Quantungi Foldcn> Chekiang, Nanking, Xantung,
and Leaotung ; those of the inland country are Queicheu y
Junnan, Quangst, Sue/men, Pfiiquang, Xensi, Kiangsi, Honan>
and Xansi, in all of which there are 244- cities. Its riches
are prodigious, and its govern merit admirable above all others.
The natives allege that they alone have two eyes, the Euro-
peans one, and that all the other nations are blind. They
certainly had both printing and cannon long before the Euro-
peans. The city of Quantung or Canton, which is the prin-
cipal sea-port, is remarkable for its size, the strength of its
fortifications, and the prodigious resort of strangers for
trade.
After
with the Christian religion : In one thing indeed the Catholic church has
contrived to establish a resemblance, by the subordinate worship of in-
numerable idols or images. E.
7 It will appear from the sequel that Fernan Perez de Andrada com-
manded on this voyage, not Coello as stated in the text. E,
CHAP. I. SECT, vi* Conquest of India. 171
After some considerable difficulties and dangers, Fenian
Perez arrived at Canton, where he had a conference with the
three governors of the city, to whom he presented Thomas
Perez as ambassador to the emperor from the king of Portu-
gal, and requested them to forward him and the present he
was charged with. Perez settled a commercial treaty with
the governors of Canton, and having concluded his traffic
there and at the neighbouring parts, he returned to Malacca,
loaded with riches. He was no less welcome there than
Menezes had been formerly, as it was reduced to a dangerous
situation in consequence of war with the king of Bintang,
of which we shall have occasion to give an account in the
sequel.
In 1518 Diego Lopez de Sequeira was sent out as gover-
nor of India, in reward for his services in Africa and for hav-
ing discovered Malacca. One of his ships was in danger of
perishing at the jCape of Good Hope in consequence of being
run against by a great fish, which stuck a long horn or beak
tw r o spans length into her side. It was afterwards found that
this was a fish called the needle. Soarcz immediately resigned
the government to Sequeira, and set sail for Portugal with
nine ships. On taking possession of the government, Se-
queira sent Alonson de Menezes to reduce Baticala in the
island of Ceylon, the king of which place had neglected to
pay the stipulated tribute ; and Juan Gomez was sent to build
a fort at the Maldivc islands. Sequeira then went from
Ccchin to Goa, whence he dispatched Antonio de Saldanna
to the coast of Arabia, and Simon de Andrada to China.
About this time the king of Bintang attacked Malacca by
land with 1500 men and many elephants, while 60 vessels
blockaded the harbour. The Portuguese garrison consisted
only of 200 men, many of whom were sick, but the danger
cured them of their fevers, and every one ran to repel the
enemy. After a severe encounter of three hours the enemy
was repulsed with great loss: He continued however before
the town for three weeks and then retired, having lost 330
men, while 18 of the Portuguese were slain. On the arrival
of reinforcements, having been much injured by frequent in-
roads from the fort of Maur not far from Malacca, the Por-
tuguese took that place by assault, killing most of the garrison
which consisted of 800 Moors, and after securing the spoil
burnt Maur to the ground. There were 300 cannon at this
place, some of which were brass. Nothing more of any note
happened
172 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
happened this year, except that Diego Pacheco with most of
his men were lost in two ships, which went in search of the
Island of Gold 8 .
In the year 1519, Antonio Correa concluded a treaty of
amity and commerce with the king of Peon, which was mu-
tually sworn to between him and the king.* ministers, assisted
by the priests of both nations. Catholic and Pagan. The
heathen priest was called the grand Rattlim, who, after the
treaty or capitulation was read, made according to their cus-
tom in the golden mine 9 , began to read from a book, and
then taking some yellow paper, a colour dedicated to holy
purposes, and some sweet-smelling leaves impressed with cer-
tain characters, set both on fire ; after which, holding the
hands of the minister over the ashes, he pronounced some
words which rendered the oath inviolable. By way of a
parallel to this solemnity, Correa ordered his priest to attend
in his surplice with his breviary ; but that was so tattered and
torn that it was unfit to be seen by these heathens, on which
he ordered a book of church music to be brought, which had
a more creditable appearance, being larger and better bound ;
and opening at the first place which appeared, the priest be-
gan the lesson Vanity of Vanities, which answered among
these ignorant people as well as if it had been the gospel I0 .
The metropolis of the kingdom is called Bagou, corruptly
called Pegu, which name is likewise given to the kingdom.
It has the Bay of Bengal on the west, Siam on the east, Ma-
lacca on the south, and Aracan on the north. This king-
dom is almost 100 leagues in length, and in some places of
the same breadth, not including the conquered provinces.
The land is plain, well watered, and very fertile, producing
abundance of provisions of all kinds, particularly cattle and
grain. It has many temples with a prodigious multitude of
images, and a vast number of ceremonies. The people be-
lieve themselves to have descended from a Chinese dog and
a woman, who alone escaped from shipwreck on that coast
and
8 Possibly Japan is here meant. E.
9 This singular expression may have been some court phrase of the
court of Pegu, meaning the royal presence. E.
10 On this trifling incident, the editor of Astley's Collection gives the
following marginal reference, A merry passage. Ludere cum sacris is ra-
ther a stale jest, and perhaps the grand Rauliin was as ingenious as Correa
and his priest, to trick the ignorant unbelievers in their sacred doctrines of
Bhudda.--E.
CHAP. i. SECT. vi. Conquest cf India. 175
and left a progeny ; owing to which circumstance in their
opinion, the men are all ugly and the women handsome. The
Peguers being much addicted to sodomy, a queen of that coun-
try named Canane, ordered the women to wear bells and open
garments, by way of inviting the men to abandon that abomi-
nable vice.
On the arrival of Antonio Correa with relief at Malacca,
Garcia de Sa resolved to take revenge on the king of Bin-
tang. He therefore gave Correa the command of 30 ships,
With 500 soldiers, 150 of whom were Portuguese, with which
armament Correa proceeded to the place where the king had
fortified himself, which was defended by a fort with a great
number of cannon and a numerous garrison. The access to
this place was extremely difficult and guarded by a great
number of armed vessels ; yet Correa attacked without hesi-
tation and carried the fort, which had 20 pieces of cannon,
the garrison being forced to retire to the town, where the
king still had a force of 2000 men and several armed ele-
phants. The Portuguese, following up their first success,
pushed up the river clearing away all that obstructed them j
after which they landed and took the town, killing many of
the enemy, and put the rest to flight, the king among the
rest fled on an elephant, arid never stopped till they came to
Bintang. The town above mentioned was plundered and
burnt by the Portuguese ; and the discomfited king remain-
ed long at Bintang unable for any new enterprise against the
Portuguese. The successes of the king of Bintang in the
beginning of this war had encouraged the kings of Pisang
and Acheen to commit some outrages against the Portuguese ;
for which reason being now victorious, Garcia de Sa deter-
mined to be revenged upon them. Having some success, he
fitted out a ship commanded by Manuel Pacheco to take
some revenge for the injuries he had sustained ; and Pacheco
had occasion to send a boat for water rowed by Malays, hav-
ing only five Portuguese on board, which fell in with three
ships belonging to Pisang each having 150 men. Finding it
impossible to escape, they boarded the commander with such
resolute fury that they soon strewed the deck with the dead
bodies of the enemy, and the remainder of the crew leapt over-
board, followed by their captain, who was seen hewing them
with his cymeter in the water in revenge for their cowardice^'
Thejfoe Portuguese thus obtained possession of the ship, and
the other two fled, on which Pacheco returned to Malacca
with
174 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK nr.
with his prize in triumph, and the captured ship was long'
preserved as a memorial of this signal exploit. The king of
Pisang was so much terrified by this action that he sued for
peace, and offered ample reparation of all the injuries he had
done to the Portuguese.
In this same year J519 Diego Gomez went to erect a fort
at the principal inland of the Maldives ; but behaved himself
with so much arrogance that the Moors killed ten or twelve of
his men. This is the chief of a thousand isles which lie in
clusters in that sea, and such is the signification of Male-dive.
They resemble a long ridge of mountains, the sea between
being as valleys and serving for communications from isle to
isle ; and about the middle of the group is the large island,
in which the king resides. The natives of these islands are
gentiles, but the government is in the hands of the Moors.
They are so close together, that in many of the channels the
yard-arms of ships passing through rub against the shores, or
on the trees on both sides. Their chief product is cocoa-nut
trees, the kernel of these nuts producing a pleasant and nutri-
tive fruit, while the outer rhind or husk is useful for making
cables. There is another sort of these trees growing at the
bottom of the sea, having larger fruit than the land cocoa-nut,
and which is a more powerful antidote against poison than
even the Bezoar stone 1 1 .
During this same year 1519, a fleet of 14- ships was sent
from Portugal to India, which was dispersed to several parts.
Some fell in with the coast of Brazil, where fifty men were
slain ; and Don Luis de Guzman, one of the captains, turned
pirate and became very rich, but afterwards met with his de-
serts. Six staid at Mozambique. George de Albuquerque
the admiral reached India with only four sail. One was dri-
ven back to Lisbon. Another watering at Matira lost some
men, and six more at O/V/, whom the king long kept with
kind entertainment ; but their ship which left them was lost
on a sand bank off Quiloa, and the Moors of that place and
of Monfia and Zanzibar slew them all except one man.
After Sequeira had dispatched the homeward bound trade
of the season, under the command of Fernan Perez de An-
drada, he sailed on the 13th of February 1520, from Goa
with 24 sail of ships of various sizes, having on board 1800
Portuguese soldiers, and about an equal number of M alabars
and
>< 1 1 This submarine cocoa-nut tree is utterly inexplicable. E.
CHAP. i. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 175
and Canarins, bound for the Red Sea. Off the coast of
Aden his ship struck on a rock and split in pieces ; but the
men were all saved, and Sequeira the governor went into the
galleon of Pedro de Faria. A Moorish ship was taken at the
entrance into the Red Sea, from which they learnt that there
were six Turkish gallies at Jiddah with 1200 men, intending
to proceed against Aden. The weather prevented the Por-
tuguese from going in quest of the Turkish squadron, and in
fact it would have been to no purpose ; as on hearing that
the Portuguese were in these seas, the Turks hauled their
gallies on shore. While Sequeira was on his voyage for
IViassua, a small black flag was seen on the disk of the sun
towards evening on the 9th of April being Easter Sunday.
On arriving at Massua they found all the inhabitants had fled,
yet they found some vessels in the port which they captured.
The inhabitants of Massua had fled to the neighbouring port
of Arkiko in the dominions of Prester John^ and the governor
of the town sent a messenger with a letter to Sequeira desir-
ing that he would make peace with the people who had fled
to him for protection ; at the same time he asked nothing for
the town where he commanded, because they were all Chris-
tians, and because they had a prophecy among them which
foretold the coming of Christians to settle a correspondence
with them, and which he now believed to be fulfilled on seeing
the Christian colours. Sequeira sent a courteous answer,
and drew nearer the shore, on which several Christians cam,e
on board. They told him that their prince had sent several
years before an ambassador named Mathew, to a king at the
other end of the world whose fleet had conquered India, on
purpose to become acquainted with these remote Christians
and to demand succour against the Moors ; but that the am-
bassador had never returned. On hearing this, Sequeira was
satisfied that they dealt ingeniously with him, as he had ac-
tually brought that ambassador along with him, and had
orders from the king of Portugal to land him safe in the do-
minions of Prester John. On this, the ambassador of whom
they spoke of was brought before them, to their great mutual
joy, as he had been ten years absent from his country. Next
day ten monks came from a neighbouring convent of the
Vision to visit Mathew, and were received in great ceremony
by the priests of the fleet dressed in their surplices. Great
rejoicings were made on occasion of this meeting between two
such distant nations agreeing in the same faith j and the con-
sequence
176 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
sequence of this meeting was, that those who from the begin-
iiing had not acknowledged the supremacy of the Roman
pontiff, now submitted to his authority lz .
The kingdom of Pr ester John , now first visited by Sylveira,
is mostly known by this appellation but improperly, as its
right name is the empire of Abyssinia, Abassia, Habesh, or
the higher Ethiopia. It received the former appellation from
the great king Jovarus, who came to it from the Christians of
Tartary, having a cross carried before him like our bishops,
and carrying a cross in his hand, with the title of Defender
of the Faith, as being a Jacobite Christian 13 . The domi-
nions of this prince are situated between the rivers Nile, As-
tabora^ and Astapus. To the east they border on the Red Sea
for 120 leagues, this being the smallest side, as their whole
extent is 670 leagues. On the west it borders on those
Negroes who possess the great mines of gold, and who pay
tribute to the sovereign of Abyssinia. On the north it is di-
vided from the Moors by a line drawn from the city ofSuakem
to the isle of Meroe in Nubia. On the south it borders on
the kingdom of Add, from the mountains of which country
the river Obi descends, and falls into the sea at the town of
Qiiilimane in the kingdom of Melinda.
The kings of Abyssinia pretend to descend from King So-
lomon by the queen of Sheba or Saba ; who being delivered
by the way, named her son Melech, and sent him to his
father, to be by him declared king of Ethiopia. Where-
upon Solomon anointed him, and gave him the name of David,
after his grandfather. Solomon likewise appointed him a
household, giving him officers of his own, and sent with him
as high priest, Azaria the son of Zadoc, who stole the tables
of the law from the temple of Jerusalem, and carried them
along with his new prince. It is affirmed that the descend-
ants of these original officers still possess the same employ-
ments. The Abyssinians had some knowledge of the law of
Christ from Queen Candace, in whom they glory as being of
their country : But their true apostles were St Philip and St
Mathew.
12 The submission of the Abyssinian church to the Roman pontiff was a
mere pretence, which afterwards produced long and bloody civil wars, and
ended in the expulsion of the Portuguese from the country. E.
13 It is not worth while to inquire whence this ridiculous legend of
king or Saint Jovarus has been derived. The origin of Christianity in
Abyssinia will be considered on an after occasion, when we come to th?
particular travels in that country, E,
CHAP. i. SECT. vr. Conquest of India. 177
Mathew. In memory of his descent, the king or emperor of
Abyssinia begins the enumeration of his many titles in this
manner: " David, beloved of God, pillar of the faith, de-
scendant of Judah, grandson of David, son of Solomon, son
of the pillar of Sion, son of the progeny of David, son of the
hand of Mary, &c. Emperor of the higher Ethiopia," &c.
He dwells for the most part in a camp, resembling a populous
city, and is frequently removing from one part of the country
to another. In his messages, he uses a style similar to that
of the kings of Portugal and Spain, beginning " I the king"
The people are very religious, having many churches and
great numbers of monasteries which belong only to two reli-
gious orders, that of St Anthony, and the Canons regular.
Those religious persons who live in convents wear long cotton
garments ; but all the others, and their priests and nuns, are
dressed in skins, hardly covering so much as modesty re-
quires. They have no considerable towns, have little learn-
ing, no skill in mechanics, and are very rude in their diet and
clothing. In such houses as assume any degree of grandeur,
all the furniture is brought from other countries. There are
as expert thieves in this country as our gypsies are in Europe.
This is the substance of what could be gathered by the first
discoverers of Abyssinia.
On the news of the arrival of the Portuguese fleet at Mas^
sua, and of the return of Mathew the ambassador, the Ba-
harnagash I4 or governor of the province in which Arkiko is
situated came there attended by "200 horse and 2000 foot.
After some difference about a proper place of meeting be-
tween him and Sequeira, they at length agreed to meet on
the sea-shore, and were seated on chairs on the sand, under
the burning heat of the sun. At this meeting, Sequeira de-
livered Mathew the Abyssinian ambassador to the Baharna-
jrash, and recommended to his protection Don Kodrigo de
Lima who was sent ambassador from King Manuel to the
emperor of Abyssinia. They treated likewise about building
a fort as a protection against the Moors, either at Katnaran
or Massua, and both swore to the sincerity of their friendly
intentions on a cross, after which they separated and presents
were mutually interchanged. Don Rodrigo de Lima set for-
wards on his journey unaccompanied by Mathew, who soon
afterwards died in the monastery of the Vision. Sequeira
VOL. vi. M erected
1 4 In Far! a called Barnagux.
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. Boofc lit.
eredted a great cross in that port, in memory of the arrival
of the Portuguese fleet, and caused many masses to be said
in the mosque of Massua. From that port he went to the
island of Dalac, where he burnt the town, previously aban-
doned by its inhabitants. He then stood over to the coast of
Arabia, where one galley was cast away in a storm and most
of her men lost. Leaving the Red Sea and sailing along the
coast of Yemen, the fleet arrived at Cape Kalayat, towards
the entrance of the Persian Gulf, where George Albuquerque
waited its arrival. Going from thence to Muscat, Albu-
querque was left to winter there with all the ships, and Se-
queira went on to Orniuz with the gallies.
In this same year 1520, during the expedition of Sequeira
to the Red Sea, Chrisna-rao king of Bisnagar collected to-
gether a vast army of 35,000 horse, 733,.000 foot, and 586
armed elephants, each of which carried a castle on its back
with four men . In th is army there were 1 2,000 water-bearers,
that all might be supplied without any being under the neces-
sity of dispersing to seek for it. The baggage wasjmmense
and the followers numberless, among whom were above
20,000 common women. This prodigious army was collect-
ed for the purpose of taking the city of Eachol then under
the power of Adel Khan king of Visiapour, but which had
belonged to the ancestors of Chrisna-rao, who had left it in
charge to their successors to attempt its recovery. The city
of Rachel was naturally almost impregnable, being situated
on a high mountain and fortified by several stone walls, with
large deep ditches and strong towers, well stored with ar-
tillery and other means of defence, and having a garrison of
400 horse, 8000 foot, 20 elephants, and a sufficient quantity
of provisions and ammunition to tire out the most patient be-
siegers. Chrisna-rao encamped his vast army around the
city, to which he gave many fruitless assaults during three
months. At length Adel Khan approached to relieve the
siege, having an army of 18,000 horse, 120,000 foot, 150
elephants, and many large pieces of cannon. After many
skirmishes, the two armies at last joined battle, in which at
the beginning Chrisna-rao received much damage ; but rally-
ing his innumerable forces, made such havoc among the
troops of Adel Khan, that only those escaped from the sword
or from captivity who at last moved pity even in their enemies.
Besides great riches in the camp of Adel Khan, the victor
got 100 elephants* 4000 horses,. 400 large cannons, and a
i o great
CHAP. i% SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 179
great many small ones. Adel Khan made his escape on an
elephant ; but forty Portuguese who served in his army were
all slain after behaving themselves with great valour.
After this great victory, Chrisna-rao resumed the siege of
Rachol, but was unable to make any impression on its walls.
At this time one Christopher de Figueredo came to his camp,
attended by twenty other Portuguese, bringing some Arabian
horses for sale to the king. In discourse with Chrisna-rao
respecting the siege, Figueredo asked permission to view the
place, and to try what he could do with his Portuguese,
which was granted. Figueredo gave two assaults, and being
seconded in the latter by the troops of Chrisna-rao, he gained
possession of the place. Soon afterwards, Adel Khan sent
an embassy to Chrisna-rao, begging the restoration of the
prisoners and plunder which had been taken in the late battle
and in the captured city. Chrisna-rao offered to restore the
whole, on condition that Adel Khan would acknowledge his
supreme authority, as emperor of Canara, and come to kiss
his foot in token of submission and vassalage. This degrad-
ing condition was accepted, but its performance was prevent-
ed by several accidents. In the mean while, however, Ruy
de Melo, who commanded in Goa, taking advantage of the
declining situation of the affairs of Adel Khan, possessed
himself of those parts of the continent adjoining to the Isle
of Goa, with a force only of 250 horse and 800 Canara foot.
In the same year 1520^ Lope de Brito went to succeed
Juan de Sylveira in the command of the fort of Columbo in
Ceylon, and carried with him 400 soldiers and many work-
men, by whose means he made the fort so strong that it
raised the jealousy of the natives of Columbo, who at the
instigation of the Moors gave over trade with the Portuguese
and besieged the fort for five months, during which the gar-
rison suffered great hardships. At length Antonio de Lemos
arrived with a reinforcement of fifty men ; with which small
additional force Brito ventured to attack the vast multitude of
the enemy, whom he completely routed, and matters were
immediately restored to their former quiet.
On the change of the monsoon, Sequeira set sail from
Ormuz and joined Albuquerque at Muscat, where he found
one ship from Lisbon of nine that sailed together, but all the
rest came safe afterwards. One of the ships of this fleet,
while sailing before the wind beyond the Cape of Good Hope,
was stepped all of a sudden. On examining into the cause,
ft
180 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
it appeared that a sea monster bore the ship on its back, the
tail appearing about the rudder and the head at the boltsprit,
spouting up streams of water. It was removed by exorcisms,
no human means being thought sufficient. By the sailors it
was called the Sambrero, or the hat-Jish^ as the head has some
resemblance to a hat. A similar fish, though less, had been
seen on the coast of Portugal near Atouguia^ where it did
much harm.
As the king had sent orders to the governor to build forts
at the Moluccas, Sumatra, Maldivc, Chaul, and Diu, Se-
queira determined upon attempting the last first. Having
dispatched the homeward ships from Cochin, he collected a
fleet of 48 vessels of various kinds and sizes, on board of
which he embarked 3000 Portuguese and 800 Malabars and
Canarins. With this great force he appeared before Diu on
the 9th of February 1.521. Malck Azz, being suspicious that
this armament was destined against him, had fortified and
intrenched the city with great care. At the arrival of the
Portuguese, Malek Azz was at the court of Cambaya, but
had left his son Malek Saca with a strong garrison and three
experienced commanders. Observing the strength of the
place, Sequeira called a council of war to consult upon what
was proper to be done, when it was concluded to desist from
the enterprise. The officers of the fleet, though they had all
concurred in this decision, and even privately allowed its
prudence and necessity, accused the governor of cowardice
on this occasion, though his valour was well known. Sequeira
accordingly retired to Ormuz for the winter, sending Alexius
de Menezes to Cochin with full power to conduct the govern-
ment during his absence, and several of the other captains
went to different ports to trade. Menezes dispatched the
homeward trade from Cochin, and sent other ships to various
parts of India, some of which went to Sumatra.
The island of Sumatra extends in length from the north-
west to the south-east, for about 220 leagues, by 70 in its
greatest breadth, and is cut nearly in two equal parts by the
equinoctial line. It is separated from Malacca by a narrow
strait, and its most southern point is parted from Java by
one still narrower. Java is above 100 leagues long by twelve
in breadth. To the east of Sumatra is the great island of
Borneo, through which likewise the equinoctial passes, leav-
ing two-thirds of ,the island on the north side of the line.
The maritime parts of Sumatra are flat, but the interior is
4 full
CHAP. I. SECT. vi. Conquest of India
full of mountains, pervaded by many large rivers, and covered
by impenetrable woods which even the rays of the sun are un-
able to pierce. Owing to these circumstances Sumatra is very
unhealthy, yet is much resorted to for its rich and valuable
productions, and particularly on account of its abounding in
gold. Besides gold, it produces white sandal-wood, benzoin,
camphor, pepper, ginger, cinnamon l5 , abundance of silk,
and abounds in fish and cattle. It has in one part a spring
of petroleum or rock oil, and one of its mountains is a volcano.
The original natives of the island are pagans ; but the Moors
who came there first as merchants, have possessed themselves
of the island as lords ever since the year 1400. Among the
inland tribes is one called JBatas, who are of most brutal
manners, and even feed on human flesh. The Moors who
dwell on the coast, use several languages, but chiefly the
Malay. Their weapons arc poisoned arrows like the natives
of Java from whom they are descended, but they likewise use
fire-arms. This island is divided into nine kingdoms; of
which Pedier was once the chief; but now that of Pacem or
Pisang is the most powerful, yet its kings only continue to
reign so long as it pleases the rabble.
At this time George Albuquerque was sent to Sumatra, on
purpose to restore a king of Pisang who had been expelled
and had fled to the Portuguese for protection and aid. On
his arrival, having secured the co-operation and assistance of
the neighbouring king of Ara, Albuquerque sent a message
to the usurper desiring him to resign the kingdom to the
lawful prince, who had submitted to the king of Portugal.
Genial, the usurper, offered to make the same submission, if
allowed to retain possession, but this offer was refused. Al-
buquerque then attacked Genial in his fort, which was scaled
and the gate broke open ; yet the usurper and thirty men
valiantly defended a tower over the gateway, till Genial was
slain by a musket-shot, on which the others immediately fled.
The Portuguese troops, about 300 in number, were opposed
by 3000 Moors in the market-place, assisted by some elephants.
Hector de Sylveira endeavoured to strike one of these in the
trunk with his lance, which the beast put aside, and laying
hold of Sylveira threy/ him into the air, yet he had the good
fortune to survive. Two other Portuguese soldiers had
Better success, as one of them killed the rider and the other
wounded
15 Probably cassia.
182 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK. in.
wounded the elephant, on which he turned among his own
party whom he trampled to death without mercy. The
Moors now returned to another post, but with the aid of the
king of Ara,they were completely defeated by the Portuguese,
2000 of them being slain. Jn this battle Albuquerque received
two wounds in his face, and four or five persons of note were
killed on the side of the Portuguese, besides a great many
wounded. Next day the dispossessed prince of Pisang was
reinstated with much ceremony, being made tributary to the
king of Portugal, and a fort was erected at his capital, as at
other places, to keep him under subjection.
At this time Antonio de Brito arrived at Pisang from
Acheen, where his brother George de Brito had been slain
by the Moors with a great number of men, in a scandalous
attempt to rob the sepulchres of the kings of that country of
a great quantity of gold they were said to contain. Antonio
was now left by Albuquerque in the command of the new fort
of Pisang, with three ships which were afterwards of great
service against a Moor who infested the coast. On his return
to Malacca, of which he had the command, Albuquerque
prepared to make war upon the king of Bintang." That
island, about 40 leagues from Malacca, is forty leagues in
circumference, having two strong castles, and its rivers
staked to prevent the access of ships, so that it was considered
as almost impregnable. Albuquerque went from Malacca
with 18 vessels and 600 men, and finding it impossible to
get his ships up, he endeavoured to land his men from boats
to attack one of the forts ; but the water being up to their
middles, and the enemy making a brave resistance, they were
forced to retire after losing twenty men, besides a great num-
ber wounded.
In the same year 1521, Antonio de Brito sailed for the
Molucca islands^ These islands are in the middle of a great
number of others under the equator, about 300 leagues east
from Malacca. There are five principal islands to which the
general name of Moluccas is applied, about 25 leagues distant
from each other, the largest not exceeding six leagues in cir-
cumference. The particular names of these are Ternate,
Ttdore, Mousell, Macquein and Bacham '*. They are
covered
16 The principal island of the Molucca group is Gilolo ; those in the
text being small islands to the west of Gilolo. The large island mentioned
m the text under the name of Batochiaa, can be no other than Gilolo. E;
I. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 183
covered with woods and subject to fogs, and are consequently
unhealthy. These five islands produce cloves, but no kind
of food ; and the large island of Bafochhia, which is 60
Jeagues long, produces food but no cloves. In some of these
islands, particularly Ternate, there are burning mountains.
Their chief subsistence is of a kind of meal made from the
bark of certain trees resembling the palm ' 7 . There are
.certain canes that have a liquor in their hollows between
the joints, which is delightful to drink. Though the coun-
try abounds in animals, the natives eat very little flesh, but
Jive chiefly on fish which their seas produce inexhaustibly.
They are very warlike and by no means affable, and are
most expert both in running and swimming. Their religion
is idolatrous, but we have no account whatever respecting
their original. The Moors had possessed themselves of this
country not long before the coming of die Portuguese, as a
Mahometan priest who had come along with the first of the
Moorish invaders was still alive at the arrival of Brito.
Antonio de Brito was sent on this occasion to build a fort
in the island of Ternate, which had been long desired by its
king Boylefe* His force consisted of six ships and 300
soldiers, and was increased at the island of Agacim by four
sail under the command of Garcia Enriquez. On arriving
at Ternate, the old king Boylefe was dead, and the king of
Tidore had admitted the Spaniards to settle on his island ;
yet seeing that the queen who governed Ternate during the
minority of her son gave a friendly reception to Brito, the
king of Tidore visited him and offered to deliver up the
Spaniards to him if he would build the fort on Tidore instead
of Ternate. But Ternate was preferred as the most conve-
nient, Brito laying the first stone on the festival of St John
the Baptist, the 28th of December 1521.
At this time a private correspondence was carried on be-
tween Francis Serram, who resided in Teruate and Ferdi-
nando de Magallanes in Portugal, which turned to the ad-
vantage of Spain and the detriment of Portugal. Magalanes,
otherwise named Magellan, was a man of note and a knight
of St Jago, who had served with reputation at Azamor in
Africa and in several parts of India. Having solicited for a
small
1 7 This is obviously an erroneous account of Sago t an alimentary sub-
stance procured from the pith of a tree of the palm tnbe, not from the
bark.E*
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m,
small allowance usually given in reward of service, and which
was refused, he left Portugal and entered into the service of
Spain. From his skill in sea affairs, and the correspondence
he held with Serram at Ternate, he concluded there might
be another way to India ; and as the Spaniards had already
tasted the fruits ot these islands, he wrote to Serram that he
hoped soon to be his guest at Ternate going thither by a
new way I8 . He accordingly got the command of five ships
with 250 men, some of whom were Portuguese. Sailing
from the port of San Lucar de Barameda on the 20th of
September 1.519, after having renounced his country by a
solemn act, he sailed towards the south along the eastern
coast of South America. When past Rio de Janeiro on
the coast of Brasil, the men began to grow mutinous, and
still more so when they had gone beyond the river of St Julian
on the coast of Patagonia, where they did not immediately
find the strait or passage to the Pacific Ocean, and found
themselves pinched by the cold of that inhospitable climate.
As they proceeded to hold disrespectful discourses against
Magellan, both reflecting upon his pretended knowledge, and
expressing doubts of his fidelity, which came to his knowledge,
he called together all the principal people in his squadron, to
whom he made a long and learned discourse. Yet a conspi-
racy was entered into to kill Magellan, by three of his cap-
tains, named Cartageiie, Quixada, and Mencloza. Their
design however was discovered, on which Mendoza was
immediately stabbed, and the other two arrested and punished
as traitors ; Quixada being quartered alive, while Cartagene
and a priest concerned in the plot were set ashore on the bar-
barous coast. Most of the men were engaged in the conspi-
racy, but it was. necessary to pardon them that there might be
seamen for prosecuting the voyage.
Magellan wintered at this place : 9 , and some men who
were sent about twenty leagues into the interior brought a few
natives
18 From the text, coupled with a consideration t>f the infallible grants of
his holiness, who had given every part of the world to the west of a certain
meridian to the Spaniards and all eastwards to the Portuguese, or all to both,
those Spaniards who had been at the Moluccas must have come from the
western coast of Mexico. Magellan proposed a new route by the south-
west, to evade the grant of the sovereign pontiff, which was actually ac-
complished, though he lived not to enjoy what may in some measure be
tqrmed the treasonable honour, E-
19 Though not directly so expressed in the text, Magellan appears t<*
have wintered at Port St Julian. E.
CHAP. I. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 185
natives to the ships, who were of a gigantic stature, being
above three yards high. After suffering much through cold,
hunger, and continual fatigue, they at length reached the
Cabo de las Firgines, in lat. 52 S. so named because dis-
covered on the diiy of the 11,000 virgins. Below this cape,
they discovered the strait of which they were in search, being
about a league wide 30 . In their progress, the strait was
found in some places wider and in others narrower than its
mouth. The land on both sides was high, partly bare, and
part covered with wood, among which were many cypress
trees. The mountains were covered with much snow, which
made them appear very high. Having advanced about 50
leagues into this strait, another was seen and Magellan sent
one of his ships to explore it ; but after waiting much .beyond
the time appointed for her return, he ordered the astrologer,
Andrew Martin to erect ajigure^ who answered that she was
gone back to Spain, and that the crew had confined the cap-
tain, Alvaro de Mesquita, for opposing that measure. This
was actually the case, and they were eight months on the
voyage. After this event, which gave much vexation to
Magellan, he continued his voyage through the straits much
against the inclination of his people, and at length got out
into the southern Pacific Ocean with three ships, that com-
manded by Juan Serrano having been wrecked and the men
saved with much difficulty.
To escape from the excessive cold of the southern extremity
of America, Magellan now shaped his course W. N. W.
and when about 1500 leagues from the straits, he found an
island in lat 18 S. and another 200 leagues farther on. Hav-
ing lost his computation for the Moluccas, he discovered
several islands in lat, 15 30' N. and at length came to the
island ofSubo in lat 10 N. being about 12 leagues in circum-
ference. He was hospitably received here, and found the
natives of so tractable a disposition, that the king and queen
of the island, with their children and above 800 of the inha*
bitants were baptised. This prince was at war with a neigh-
bour, and was assisted by Magellan. After two victories,
Magellan was slain in a third battle on the 27th of April
1521, together with his astrologer and some others. The
baptised king now entered into an agreement with his enemies,
and poisoned all the Christians who were on shore. Those
who
20 Now called the Straits of Magellan from its discoverer. E.
IS6 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m,
who remained on board, being too few in number to navigate
the three ships, burnt one, and set sail with the other two,
one of which was the famous Victory^ commanded by Juan
Sebastian Cano, being the first ship that circumnavigated the
globe. They arrived at the Moluccas, where they were well
received by the king of Tidore, who was much dissatisfied by
the Portuguese having given the preference to Ternate in
forming their establishment. At this place they took in a
loading of spice, and went thence to Ba?ida, where they com-
pleted their cargo by the assistance of a Portuguese named
Juan de Lourosa. One of the Spanish ships returned to
Ternate, many of the crew having died of a contagious
disease, and the small remnant being unable to continue the
voyage. They were hospitably received by Antonio de
Brito, who relieved and sent them to India, whence they
returned to Europe in the Portuguese ships.
The famous ship Victory returned in triumph to Spain,
after performing that wonderful Voyage round the World,
Her arrival occasioned new contests between the courts of
Spain and Portugal, Charles V. and John III. then reigning,
because the Molucca islands were considered as belonging to
Portugal, according to the former agreement respecting the
discoveries of the globe. In the year 1524, a congress of
civilians and geographers was held to determine this affair,
at a place between Badajos and Elvas ; but it was riot settled
till the year 1525 *'.
In one of the former years, Fernan Perez de Andrada had
established a trade at Quantung or Canton in China, which was
so exceedingly profitable that every one was eager to engage
in it. In the present year 1521, Simon de Andrada was sent
by Sequeira to China with five ships, and cast anchor in the.
port of the island of Tamou opposite to Canton, where his
brother had been formerly. The Portuguese ambassador to
the emperor of China still remained at that place, but set
out soon afterwards up a large river with three vessels splenr
tlidly decorated with Portuguese colours, it being a received
custom that none but those of China should be seen there,
which
21 A$ this first circumnavigation will fall to be related more at large, in a
division of our arrangement devoted expressly to that subject, it has not
been deemed necessary to elucidate this short incidental account from De
faria, by any geographical commentary. E.
CHAP. i. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 187
which are gules a lion rampant 2Z . In this manner he arrived
at the foot of a mountain from which that great river derives
its source. This mountainous ridge, called Malexam, be-
ginning at the bay of Cochin-China in the province of
Fokien * 3 , runs through the three southern provinces of
China, Quangsi, Quantung, and Fokien, dividing them from
the interior provinces, as Spain is divided from France by the
Pyrenees. Thomas Perez, leaving the vessels at this place,
travelled northwards to the city of Nanking, where the king
then was, having spent four months in the journey without
stopping at any place. The emperor however thought pro-
per to appoint his audience at Peking, a city far distant, to
which place Perez accordingly followed. While on the
journey, Simon de Andrada behaved himself so improperly
in the island of Tamou that an account of his proceedings
was sent to court, and Thomas Perez and his companions
were condemned to death as spies. The rigour of this sen-
tence was mitigated, but the embassy was not received, and
Perez was sent back as a prisoner to Canton, with orders
that the Portuguese should restore Malacca to its native king,
who was a vassal to China, in which case the embassy would
be received ; but otherwise the ambassador and his suite were
to be put to death, and the Portuguese for ever excluded
from China as enemies. Simon de Andrada conducted him-
selF with a high hand, as if he had been king of Tamou, where
he raised a fort, and set up a gallows to intimidate the people
He committed violence against the merchants who resorted
to the port, and bought young people of both sexes, giving
occasion to thieves to steal them from their parents. These
extravagant proceedings lost nothing in their transmission to
court, and were the cause of the severe orders respecting Perez
and his followers.
At this time Diego Calva arrived with one ship from Lis-
bon, and several others from Malacca, and in consequence of
this addition to their strength, the Portuguese acted still more
insolently than before, and so exasperated the governors of
the province that they apprehended several of them, and even
contrived
22 The text seems irreconcileably contradictory, perhaps from mistrans-
lation ; but the circumstance is not important. E.
28 This account of the ridge of Malexam is considerably erroneous.
The ridge of mountains in the text . begins in the west of China on the
borders of the province of Yunnan, between Koeitchoo and Quansee, and
<nds in the er.st at the province of Foo-tchien, - E,
188 Portuguese Discovery and PART j?. BOOK in-
contrived to take the last arrived ship. At the commencer
ment of hostilities Duarte Coello arrived from Malacca with
two ships well manned and armed. The Itao> or Chinese
admiral in these seas, attacked the Portuguese with fifty
ships, and though he did them some damage, he was so se-
verely handled by the artillery that he was forced to retire
and to remain at some distance, keeping up a strict blockade.
After matters had remained in this state for forty days, Am-
brose del liego arrived with two additional ships from Malac-
ca, and the Portuguese determined upon forcing their way
through the Chinese fleet. The battle on this occasion wasj
very bloody ; but in consequence of a gale of wind dispersing
the Chinese fleet, the Portuguese were enabled to get away
from the island of Tamou. The Itao revenged himself upon
such of the Portuguese as had fallen into his hands, and par-
ticulary upon Thomas Perez and his companions, who were
all slain, and their baggage robbed of the present intended
for the emperor, and of all the commodities which Perez had
purchased during his residence in China. Such was the pro-
fitableness of the China trade at this time, that Perez though
only an apothecary of mean parentage, had by this time ac-
quired 2000 weight of rhubarb, 1 600 pieces of damask, 400
pieces of other silks, above 100 ounces of gold, 2000 ounces
of silver, 84- pounds of loose musk, above 3000 purses or cods
of that perfume, callecj Pa.pos 9 and a great deal of other com-
modities.
As Mocrim king of Lasah refused to pay the tribute which
was due to the king of Ormuz for the islands of Bahrayn and
Catifa on the coast of Arabia, the king of Ormuz was back-
ward in paying the tribute to the Portuguese, alleging his
inability on account of not receiving payment from his vassal.
On this account a force had been already sent agninst the
king of Lasah, accompanied by some Portuguese auxiliaries,
but had been unsuccessful. The king of Ormuz, wishing ef-
fectually to humble his vassal, applied to Sequeira for assis-
tance, who consented on purpose to secure the tribute due to
the Portuguese. Accordingly in the year 1521, an arma-
ment of 200 vessels belonging to the king of Ormuz, having
on board 3000 Arabs and Persians, sailed for Bahrayn under
the command of Reis Xarafo or Sharatb, accompanied by
seven Portuguese ships with 400 soldiers commanded by An-
tonio Correa. On their arrival at Bahrayn, Mocrim was
found well prepared for their reception, having 300 Arab
horse,
CHAP. i. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 189
horse, 400 Persian archers, 20 Turkish musketeers besides
some natives armed with firelocks, and above 11,000 native
troops armed with different weapons. He had besides thrown
up strong intrenchments and redoubts, well provided with
f-annon, and these formidable military preparations were under
the charge of experienced commanders.
The Persian Gulf, which intervenes between Arabia and
Persia, takes its name from the latter, as the more noble
country. This famous gulf begins at Cape Jasques or Cat -
pela, in lat. 26 N. and ends at the mouth of the river Eu-
phrates, having many cities, rivers, woods, and islands along
its northern or Persian shores. On the other or Arabian
shore, beginning at Cape Mozandan or Musaldon, named As-
saborum by the ancients, and ending where it meets the other
side at the Euphrates, there are only four towns. One of
these, Catifa or Al Katif, is opposite the island of Bahrayn,
where is the pearl-fishery. This island is 30 leagues in cir-
cumference, and seven leagues long, and is 1 1 leagues from
Ormuz. The principal product of this island is tamarinds,
but it has likewise all the other fruits that grow in Spain. The
largest town is of the same name with the island, besides
which there are about 300 villages, inhabited by Arabs and
Moors Z4 . The air is very unhealthy. The pearls found here,
though not in such abundance, are more valuable than those
of Ceylon in India, or of Hainan in China. On the con-
tinent of Arabia, opposite to Bahrayn is the city of Lasah Z5 9
of which Mocrim was king.
Having formed his dispositions of attack, Correa landed at
the head of 1 70 Portuguese, giving orders to Reis Xarafo to
send assistance wherever he might see it necessary. Ayres
Correa, the brother of the Portuguese commander, led the
van or forlorn hope of fifty men, all of whom were knee deep
in water. The Portuguese assaulted the trenches with great
bravery, and were opposed with much resolution by the ene-
my, headed by the king ; and after some time both parties
were so much fatigued by the heat as to be under the neces-
sity of taking some respite, as by mutual consent. After a
short
24 It is difficult to comprehend the distinction ; and perhaps we ought
to read Arabs or Moors. E.
25 Lasah may have been the name of the territory, and perhaps applied
likewise to the capital which is named Al Katif 'in oiir maps, and the terri-
tory Bahrayn. These are two islands of Bahrayn, one of which from the
text appears to have been named Catifa. E,
190 Portuguese Discovery arid PART ii. BOOK in,
short rest, the attack was renewed, and the king being shot
through the thigh, of which wound he died six days after-
wards, his men lost heart, and great numbers of them being
killed and wounded, they fled leaving a complete victory to
the Portuguese. During the whole engagement, Reis Xara-
fo looked on from his vessel as an unconcerned spectator ;
but when afterwards the body of the deceased king was carried
over to Lasah for interment, he went there and cut off his
head, which he sent to Ormuz. In this engagement the
Portuguese hacl seven men killed and many wounded, but
the island was effectually reduced. For this exploit, Correa
had the title of Bahrayti added to his name, and was autho-
rized to bear a kings head in his co'at of arms, which is still
borne by his descendents.
In this same year 1521, the zamorin of Calicut mdde war
against Cochin at the head of 200,000 men ; and although
only forty Portuguese were in the army of Cochin, and but
thirty of these armed with muskets, the enemy retired in dis-
may. At this time likewise Diego Fernandez de Beja, who
had been left before Diu, came to join Sequeira at Ormuz,
having been attacked by some vessels belonging to Malek
Azz, whose double dealing was now apparent. To prevent
certain frauds that had been practised by the native officers
of the customs at Ormuz, Sequeira thought proper to ap-
point Portuguese officers in that charge, which so exasperated
the natives that they endeavoured to shake off the yoke, as
will appear hereafter.
Being determined to resume the plan of establishing a fort
at Diu, Sequeira sent back Beja to that place with four stout
vessels, with orders to hinder all ships from entering the port.
Beja executed these orders for some time effectually, and even
took some vessels ; but Malek Azz came against him with a
number of ships well armed with cannon, sunk one of the
Portuguese galleons and did much daimage to the others
which were becalmed ; but on the wind springing up, the
vessels of the enemy were forced to retire. While Sequeira
was on his voyage from Ormuz against Diu, he captured a
vessel by the way, and divided the Moorish crew among his
ships. Those who were put on board the ship commanded
by Antonio Correa, set fire to the powder-room, by which
the poop was blown into the air and the vessel sunk ; in which
piiserable catastrophe the brave conqueror of Bahrayri pe-
rished.
i. SECT. vi. Conquest ofliidia. 191
rished 26 . Owing to these misfortunes, Sequeira desisted from
the enterprise against Diu, and went to Chaul where he found
Ferdinando Camelo, who had brought permission from Ni-
zam al Mulk to build a fort at that place, chiefly to favour
the importation of horses for his own use, as that trade was
then confined to Goa. The building of the fort was accord-
ingly begun without delay. As Malek Azz suspected that
the establishment of the Portuguese at this place might lessen
greatly the trade of Diu, he made his appearance off' Chaul
with above fifty vessels, and sunk a large Portuguese ship just
come from Ormuz. Azz continued to blockade the port of
Chaul for three weeks, doing much damage to the squadron
which was opposed to him ; yet the construction of the fort
went on with all diligence. Learning that his successor was
arrived at Cochin, which rendered his presence necessary at
that place, Sequeira forced his way through the enemy, leav-
ing his nephew Henry de Menezes to command the fort, and
Antonio Correa with the charge of the ships.
After the departure of Sequeira for Cochin, Aga Mahomet
who commanded the fleet belonging to Malek Azz did every
thing in his power to hinder the construction of the fort. To
secure the entrance of the river, the Portuguese had erected
a redoubt or bulwark on the side opposite the fort, which was
commanded by Pedro Vaz Permeo with a garrison of thirty
men. Mahomet sent 300 of his men by night to surprise
this bulwark, but they were so valiantly opposed by the smaM
garrison, though the captain and several men were slain, that
they maintained their ground till relieved by Ruy Vaz Pe-
reira with a reinforcement of sixty men, who put the enemy
to flight after having lost a hundred men. By this success
the enemy were much daunted, and particalary one Sheikh
Mamud, a great man in the city, who pretended to be a friend
to the Portuguese, yet did every thing in his power secretly
to molest them. On occasion of the defeat of Aga Mahomet,
the sheikh sent to congratulate Antonio Correa ; who well
knowing his treachery, sent him back the heads of his mes-
sengers, and hung up their bodies along the shore. The
sheikh was astonished at this act, and now proceeded to open
hostilities, encouraging Aga Mahomet to persevere in the
blockade,
26 Yet only a few lines afterwards, Antonio Correa is found to be alive
and commanding a squadron off Chaul. Having no means to correct this
eontradiction., the text is left as published by Stevens. E.
J92 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
blockade, giving him intelligence that the Portuguese were
in want of ammunition. But Don Luis de Menezes arrived
with reinforcements and a supply of ammunition and provi-
sions, to whom Correa resigned the command.
Don Duarte de Menezes entered upon the government of
India on the 22d of January 1522, John III. being then
upon the throne of Portugal. Having dispatched his prede-
cessor with the homeward trade, and sent off commanders to
the different establishments in India, he began to experience
the bad effects of Sequeira having appointed Portuguese offi-
cers to the custom-house at Ormuz ; as he received advice
that the Moors of that place had taken arms and killed some
men, and had even besieged the fort. He immediately sent
his brother with relief, and appointed Simon de Andre to
command at Chaul, who began his career by taking two
Turkish gallics, and gaining a victory over the people of Da-
bul, by which that city was reduced to pay tribute. Malek
Azz was terrified by these successes, and withdrew his fleet
from before Chaul.
As formerly mentioned, the late governor Sequeira had
appointed Portuguese officers to collect the revenue of Ormuz,
which in fact had been done contrary to his own private judg-
ment, but by command of the king of Portugal. These officers
conducted themselves oppressively to the natives, from whom
they made many undue exactions to satisfy their own cupi-
dity, and behaved to them with much insolence and violence,
even forcing from them their wives and daughters. Unable
to endure these oppressions, the inhabitants of Ormuz and its
dependencies formed a conspiracy against the Portuguese,
and broke out into open insurrection against them suddenly
at Ormuz, Bah ray n, Muscat, Kuriat, and Zoar i7 , all in one
night by previous concert, by a private order from the king
of Ormuz. This attack was so sudden and well concerted,
that above 1 20 of the Portuguese were slain on that night,
and one Huy Boto was put to the torture by the Moors in
defence of the faith. The Portuguese at Ormuz, where Don
Garcia Coutino then commanded, exerted themselves as well
iis they could to defend themselves, and secured the ships
which happened to be at that place under the protection of
the
27 These three last mentioned places are all on the north-eastern point of
Anb a, near Cape Rasalgat, and appear to have been then dependent on
The kingdom of Ormuz. T!.
GHAP. i. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 193
the fort, which was immediately besieged. Of these events
immediate intelligence was sent by Don Garcia to Cochin
and other places ibr relief, fearing he might be constrained to
surrender tor want of provisions and water ; and in fact two
of the Portuguese vessels were burnt by the Moors under the
guns of the fort.
Tristan Vaz cle Vega and Manuel de Souza happened to
be then at Muscat in their ships, and immediately made sail
to the relief of Ormuz. Tristan Vaz arrived first, and made
his way to the fort through 160 sail of Moorish vessels by
which it was blockaded. Two days afterwards the ship com-
manded by Manuel de Souza was seen at anchor at the dis-
tance of two leagues. It was very dangerous for those at the
fort to assist him, and yet it was absolutely necessary for the
common safety that he should be relieved ; wherefore Tristan
Vaz adventured with his ship to his aid, forcing his way as
before through the vast Moorish fleet, eighty of which pur-
sued him in full sail, and even De Souza, thinking him at first
an enemy did him some harm. The king of Ormuz, to in-
spire his people to exert themselves in the capture of these
two ships, exhibited a large heap of gold as his intended re-
ward for such of his subjects as should take Tristan and
Manuel prisoners ; while at the same time he set apart a
heap of female attire, to be worn in disgrace by those who
might not behave valiantly. Actuated at the same time by
desire of reward and fear of disgrace, the Ormuzians manned
1 30 of their vessels, with which they furiously assailed the
two Portuguese ships : yet they both made their way through
showers of bullets and arrows to the fort, to the great joy and
relief of the governor and garrison. Despairing of being able
to shake off the Portuguese yoke, and dreading the punish-
ment of his revolt, the king of Ormuz abandoned his city and
retired to Ki&hom or Qiieixome, an island about 15 leagues in
length and 3 leagues from Ormuz, close to the shore of Per-
sia. This island is sufficiently fertile but very unhealthy. On
his retreat, he gave orders for all the inhabitants of Ormuz
to follow him, and to set their city on fire, which burnt furi-
ously for four days and nights. Even at this time some of
the Portuguese gentlemen in the fort of Ormuz were in pri-
vate correspondence with the king, giving him instruction^
how to conduct himself with the succeeding governor, so as to
ensure his restoration ; which they did on purpose to enrich
vox,, vr. jT" themselves
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
themselves by exacting presents from the king in recompence
of their services.
Don Luis de Menezes, as already mentioned, was sent by
his brother Duarte, the governor-general, with ten sail to
relieve and take the command of Ormuz. On arriving at
Zoar, he destroyed the town with fire and sword, and then
gave the sovereignty of it to Sheikh Husseyn, to hold it in
direct vassalage of Portugal, instead of being dependent upon
Ormuz as hitherto. In the mean time the king of Ormuz
was murdered at Kishom by his own officers, who crowned
his son Mamud Shah, a youth of thirteen. On the arrival of
Don Luis, a treaty was entered into with the new king, by
which it was agreed that the king and inhabitants were to re-
turn to Ormuz ; that the former tribute of 20,000 Xerephincs
should be continued, and all arrears paid up ; and that the
Portuguese officers should not interfere in the government of
the city or its revenues. On the conclusion of this treaty, the
king sent a present of gold, jewels, pearls, and silks for the
king of Portugal, and another for Don Luis, but which he
publicly ordered to be sent along with the other.
Some time after this, but in the same year 1522, Don
Duarte went to Ormuz to examine into the cause of the late
troubles ; but he punished those who had least influence, and
overlooked the most guilty. Reis Xarqfo, a person of great
power, who had been the most active instigator in the late
troubles, was rewarded ; and Reis Xamexir, who had killed
Reis Xahadim at the instigation of Don Luis, was banished;
instead of the promised reward. Duarte augmented the tri-
bute by adding 35,000 Xerephines to the former 25, 000 a8 ,
which could not be paid when the city was in a flourishing
condition, and yet 60,000 were now demanded when it lay
in ruins and its trade was destroyed.
At this time Don Luis was sent with nine ships to the Red
Sea. At Socotora he lost one of his ships. He took and
burnt the town Zaer 2 9 on the coast of Arabia, because the
sheikh refused to restore the goods of a Portuguese merchant
or factor who had died there. At Feruma 3o he burned some
ships, and then battered the city of Aden> after which he en-
tered the Red Sea, where he did nothing worthy of notice,
and
528 It was only called 20,000 a few lines before. E.
29 Perhaps S/iahr nearMakulIa on the coast of Yemen. E.
30 This place was probably near Aden on the coast of Arabia. E.
;HAP. i SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 195
and returned to his brother at Ormuz, but was much dissatis-
fied with the conduct of Duarte at that place.
That part of the continent of India adjoining to Goa, be-
longing to Adel Khan kingof Visiapour, which had been seized
by Ruy de Melo during the war with the king of Narsinga,
was now lost by Francisco Percy ra Pestana. Pestana was a
brave officer, and exerted himself to the utmost ; but as Adel
Khan had now no other object to employ his arms, his power
was not to be resisted. Ferdinando Rodriguez Barba indeed
obtained a signal victory over the forces of Adel Khan ; and
after this Pestana and Sotomayor, with only thirty horse and
a small number of foot, defeated 5000 foot and 400 horse.
But in the end numbers prevailed, and the country was re-
duced to the obedience of Adel Khan, and afterwards con-
firmed to him by treaty.
About this time the governor Duarte made particular in-
quiry respecting St Thomas the apostle, in consequence of
orders to that effect from the king of Portugal ; and the fol-
lowing is the substance of the information he transmitted. In
the year 1517, some Portuguese sailed in company with an
Armenian, and landed at Palicat on the coast of Coromandel,
a province of the kingdom of Bisnagar, where they were in-
vited by the Armenian to visit certain ruins of many buildings
still retaining the vestiges of much grandeur. In the middle
of these was a chapel of indifferent structure still entire, the
walls of which both outside and in were adorned with many
crosses cut in stone, resembling those of the ancient military
order of Alcantara, which ai'ejleuree and fetched 31 . A Moor
resided there, who pretended to have miraculously recovered
his sight by a visit to this holy place, and that his ancestors
had been accustomed to entertain a light in the chapel.
There was a tradition that the church, of which this small
chapel was all that remained entire, was. built by St Thomas,
when he preached Christianity to the Indians, and that he and
two of his disciples were here interred, together with a king
who had been converted by his miracles. In consequence of
this information, Don Duarte sent Emanuel de Faria, with
a priest and a mason to repair this chapel. On digging
about the foundation on one side which threatened to fall,
they found about a yard below ground a tomb -stone with an
inscription
31 Heraldic terms, implying that the three upper arms of the cross end in
the imitation of flowers, while the lower limb is pointed. E.
196 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK, iti
inscription implying " That when St Thomas built this church
the king of Meliapour gave him the duties of all merchandize
imported, which was the tenths 3 V Going still deeper, they
came to a hollow place between two stones, in which lay the
bones of a human body with the butt and head of a spear,
which were supposed to be the remains of the saint, as those
of the king and disciple were also found, but not so isohite.
They placed the bones of the saint in a China chest, and the
the other bones in another chest, and hid both under the
altar. On farther inquiry, it appeared by the ancient records
of the kingdom, That Saint Thomas had come to Meliapour
about 1500 years before, then in so flourishing a condition
that it is said by tradition to have contained 3300 stately
churches in its environs. It is farther said that Meliapour
was then twelve leagues from the coast, whereas its ruins are
now close to the shore ; and that the saint had left a predic-
tion, " That when the sea came up to the scite of the city,
a people should come from the west having the same religion
which he taught." That the saint had dragged a vast piece
of timber from the sea in a miraculous manner for the con-
struction of his church, which all the force of elephants and
the art of men had been unable to move when attempted for
the use of the king. That the bramin who was chief priest to
the king, envious of the miracles performed by the saint, had
murdered his own son and accused the saint as the murderer;
but St Thomas restored the child to life, who then bore wit-
ness against his father ; and, That in consequence of these
miracles, the king and all his family were converted.
An Armenian bishop who spent twenty years in visiting the
Christians of that part of India which is near Coulam 33 , de-
clared on oath that he found what follows in their writings :
That, when the twelve apostles were dispersed through the
world, Thomas, Bartholomew, and Judas Thaddeus went to-
gether to Babylon where they separated. Thaddeus preached
in Arabia, since possessed by the Mahometans. Bartholomew
went into Persia, where he was buried in a convent of Arme-
nian monks near Tebris. Thomas embarked at Basrah on
the
32 The strange expression in the text ought probably to have been the
tenths of the duties on importation. E.
33 Coulam is on the coast of Travancore ; in which country a remnant
of the ancient Indian Christians has been recently visited by Dr Buchannan,
which will fall to be particularly noticed In a future division of this collection
E.
CHAP. i. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 197
the Euphrates, crossed the Persian Gulf to Socotora, whence
he went to Meliapour, and thence to China where he built
several churches. That after his return to Meliapour and the
conversion of the king, he suffered martyrdom through the
malice of the bramins, who counterfeited a quarrel while he
was preaching, and at length had him run through by a lance;
upon which he was buried by his disciples as formerly related
in the church he had built at Meliapour. It was likewise
affirmed by a learned native of Coulam, that there were two
religious houses built in that part of the country by the dis-
ciples of St Thomas, one in Coulam and the other at Cran-
ganor ; in the former of which the Indian Sybil was buried,
who advised King Perimal of Ceylon to meet other two Indian
kings at Muscat, who were going to Bethlem to adore the
newly born Saviour ; and that King Perimal, at her entreaty,
brought her a picture of the Blessed Virgin, which was kept
in the same tomb. Thus was the invention of the holy relics
of the apostle of India ; which gave occasion to the Portuguese
to build the city of St Thomas, in the port of Palicat, seven
leagues from the ruins of the ancient Christian city of Melia-
pour.
In the year 1522, Antonio Miranda de Azevedo was com-
mander of the fort at Pisang in the island of Sumatra. On
the west coast of that island there are six Moorish kingdoms
of which Pedier was the chief, and to which those of Achem
and Daga were sudordinate. But in consequence of war
among themselves, Achem gained the superiority, and the
king of Pedier retired to the fort for the protection of the
Portuguese 34 . On coming to the city of Pedier with a great
force, the king of Achem endeavoured to inveigle the king
of that place into his hands, and prevailed on some of the
leading men of the city to write their king that he might come
there in safety as his enemies were expelled, and he might
easily destroy them by the assistance of the Portuguese. He
accordingly went to the city, aided by eighty Portuguese
soldiers and two hundred Moors, which went by sea in small
row boats, while the king himself went along the shore with
above a thousand armed elephants 35 . He was received at
Pedier
34 At first sight this appears to have been the fort of Pisang, but from the
sequel it would rather seem to have been another fort at or in the neighbour-
hood of Pedier. E.
35 It is hardly possible that the lord of a petty state on the coast of Su-
198 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
Pedier with feigned joy, but with a determination to make
him prisoner, which was only deferred till the arrival of the
Portuguese, that they likewise might be secured ; but being
apprized of his danger, the king fled next day to the moun-
tains with two elephants and a few faithful followers. The
Portuguese thus left on the shore unsupported were attacked
by the enemy with showers of darts and arrows, when their
commander Don Emanuel Enrique? and thirty-five soldiers
were slain, and the rest fled. Don Andres Enriquez, after
this loss, found himself unequal to defend the fort, and sent
f r relief to Raphael Perestello who was at Chittigon the chief
port of Bengal. Perestello immediately sent a ship for this
purpose under the command of Dominick Seixas, who landed
at Tcnacari to procure provisions ; but one Brito who had
succeeded Gago as captain of a band of thirty Portuguese
pirates, ran away with the vessel from that port after she
was laden, and left Seixas with seventeen other Portuguese
on shore, who were reduced to slavery by the Siamese. .Such
is the fate of those who trust persons who have violated all
human and divine laws 36 . Don Andreas Enriquez, being
reduced to great extremity, requested the governor-general
to send him a successor, who accordingly sent Lope de Aze-
vedo; but Enriquez changed his mind, as the situation was
very profitable, and refused to surrender the command, on
which Azevedo returned to India. In the mean time the
king of Achem overran the whole country with fire and
sword, and took possession of the city of Pisang with fifteen
thousand men, summoning Enriquez to surrender the fort.
Enriquez having sustained and repelled three assaults, set sai!
for India that he might save the great riches he had acquired,
leaving the command to Ayres Coeilo, who valiantly undertook
the dangerous service.
While on his voyage to India, Enriquez met two ships com-
manded by Sebastian Souza and Martin Correa, bound for
the Island of Banda to load with spices ; who learning the
dangerous situation of Pisang, went directly to that place,
Ayres
matra should have so large a number of elephants, more perhaps than the
Great Mogul in the height of the sovereignty of Hindostan. Probably Capt.
Stevens may have mistaken the original, and we ought to read "With above
a. thousand men and several armed elephants*" E.
3ti Thopgh obscurely expressed in the text, these thirty pirates appear to
have been employed in the ship commanded by Seixas ; probably pardo.ied
after the punishment of their former leader Gago. E.
CHAP, i. SECT. vi. Conquest of India* 199
Ayres Coello had just sustained a furious assault with some
Joss ; and on seeing this relief the enemy abated their fury.
Eight days afterwards, Andres was forced back by stress of
weather to Pisang. One night, above 8000 of the enemy sur-
rounded the fort, in which there were 350 Portuguese, some
of whom were sick and others disabled by wounds, but all
much spent with continual watching and fatigue. The enemy
advanced in profound silence and applied seven hundred scal-
ing ladders to the walls, on which they immediately mounted
with loud shouts. The dispute was hotly maintained on both
sides for some time ; but some ships being set on fire enabled
the Portuguese to point their cannon with such accuracy, that
many of the enemy were slain, and the rest obliged to desist
from the assault. Next morning above two thousand of the
enemy were found slain around the walls, with two elephants ;
while on the Portuguese side only one woman was slain in her
chamber by an arrow. The remaining six thousand of the
enemy immediately retired, leaving half their ladders and large
quantities of fireworks. Yet taking into consideration the
difficulty and expence of maintaining this port, it was resolved
to ship off all the men and goods, and to set it on fire, leaving
the large cannons filled with powder, that they might burst
when the fire reached them. Greater part of the fort was
destroyed ; but the enemy saved some of the cannon, which
were afterwards employed with considerable effect against the
Portuguese. Some goods were lost in shipping, as the Por-
tuguese were in a great fright, and embarked up to the neck
in water. By this abandonment of their post, the Portuguese
lost more reputation with the natives of Sumatra than they
had gained by their former valiant defence. They were fully
sensible of this, as they met a powerful reinforcement at sea
under Azevedo ; and learnt that the king of Aru was march-
ing by land to their assistance with 4000 men. The king of
Achem followed up his good fortune, and rendered himself
all-powerful in Sumatra, beyond even his hopes.
About this time 37 Malacca was much straitened by the king
of Bintang, who sent a powerful armament against it, to op-
pose
37 De Faria is often defective in dates, and always confused. The events
about this time are only vaguely stated as having happened during the govern-
ment of Duarte Menezes, between the years 1522 and 1524, both inclusive.
Among the confused mass of ill-digested and often indistinctly related events,
many of which possess hardly any interest, we have now deemed it preper,
200 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK. in.
pose which George Albuquerque sent a naval force under Don
Sancho Enriquez ; but in a violent storm 70 out of 200 Por-
tuguese were lost. Till now the king of Pahang had sided
with the Portuguese ; but seeing the tide of fortune had turned
against them, he too became their enemy. Ignorant of this
change, Albuquerque sent three ships to his port for pro-
visions, where two of his captains and thirty men were killed :
The third made his escape, but was slain with all his men at
Java. Simon de Abreu and his crew were slain on another
occasion ; and two vessels sent to prevent provisions from
getting into Biritang were lost.
In 1524, the memorable DON VASCO DE GAMA, now count
of Vidugueyra, went out to India as viceroy with 14- ships
and 3000 soldiers. During the voyage, two caravels were
lost with all their men, and a third was lost but the men
saved. Caspar Mossem, one of the captains, was basely
killed by his crew, merely because he was not a Portuguese.
While at sea near Cambaya in a dead calm, the sea tossed so
violently all of a sudden that all the people thought they
were lost : But the viceroy perceiving it was caused by an
earthquake, called out, " Courage my friends, the sea
trembles for fear of you." One great ship of Mecca, worth
60,000 crowns, was taken, and the fleet arrived at Goa.
Having visited some of the forts, and issued the necessary
orders, Gama sent three gallies from Cochin to Calicut, as
the subjects of the zamorin began to be troublesome. One
of these fought for three hours with fifty large paraos and lost
three men ; but on the coming up of the others, the enemy
were put to flight. The new viceroy had intended to execute
several important enterprises ; but he soon fell sick, and find-
ing his end fast approaching, he appointed Lope Vaz de
Sampayo to act as his successor till Don Enrique de Menezes,
then at Goa, who was next in nomination by the king, might
arrive. Vasco de Gama died on Christmas eve 1524-, having
been only three months viceroy. He was of middle stature,
somewhat gross, and had a ruddy complexion. He had a
natural boldness for any great undertaking, and was well
fitted
in the farther prosecution of this History of the Portuguese transactions in
India, to omit many trivial and uninteresting events, confining our attention
to those of some importance, and which appear worth recording. The
Portuguese Asia of De Faria minutely relates every consecutive squadron
sent to or from India^ and every trifling commercial adventure ; the in-
sertion of which in our collection would be needlesslv tedious. E,
CHAP* I. SECT. vi. Conquest of India* 201
fitted for every thing entrusted to him, as a sea captain, as
discoverer, and as viceroy ; being patient of fatigue, prompt
in the execution of justice, and terrible when angry.
Immediately after the death of the viceroy, Lope Vaz de
Sampayo dispatched Francisco de Sa to Goa, to carry infor-
mation to Don Enrique de Menezes that he had succeeded to
the government of Portuguese India. Leaving De Sa to
command in Goa, Menezes went immediately to Cochin to
assume his new situation ; having first sent his nephew George
Zelo with a galliot and five armed paraos against a fleet which
infested the coast. Zelo met 38 vessels laden with spice com-
manded by Cutiale, four of which were taken and the rest
driven on shore. These four were brought in barbarous
triumph to Goa, having many of the enemies hung upon the
shrouds. The Canarin rowers carried thirty heads, in token
of the victory, and twelve prisoners alive, who were given up
to the boys to be stoned to death. Zelo had similar success
afterwards against a ship and nine paraos. He sailed after
that to Cochin with his uncle, who, being accidentally joined
by George de Menezes, defeated 36 paraos belonging to Diu,
17 of which were taken. When at Cananor he hanged a
Moor of quality, on which many of his relations left the city
and took to robbing on the river. But, with consent of the
king of Cananor, Don Enrique sent Hector de Sylveira
against them with two gallies and a brigantine, who destroyed
four towns 38 and took all their cannon, not without consi-
derable difficulty. About the same time Christopher de Bi ito
went with fourteen row-boats and about an hundred men to
scour the coast of Canara, where he destroyed some of the
Moors ; but those of Dabul sent two galliots and seven
other vessels against him, with above three hundred men.
In the commencement of the engagement Brito was slain ;
but his people exerted themselves so valiantly to revenge the
death of their commander, that after four hours hard fighting
most of the Moors were slain, and their commander and all
the rest taken. The Moorish captain died afterwards of his
wounds at Goa, being first converted to the Christian faith.
The fort at Calicut was at this time much straitened by the
Nayres, yet the small garrison of fifty Portuguese maintain-
ed their post with much honour. Don Enrique, to punish
the
38 Perhaps instead of towns \ve ought to read tonys, a species of vessel
then used by the inhabitants of the Malabar coast. E.
202 Portuguese Discovery and PART il. BOOK in.
the hostilities of the Moors of Calicut, fitted out fifty sail of
vessels from Cochin, to which were added other fifty belong-
ing to the inhabitants of that city, twenty-seven of which be-
ionged to one individual named Arel de Porca 39 . With
these vessels, carrying 2000 soldiers, the governor arrived at
Paniani, one of the principal towns in the territory of Calicut,
which was well fortified and stored with cannon under the
command of a Portuguese renegado. Besides these fortifica-
tions on the land, the river was defended by a number of
armed vessels drawn up in order of battle. After a severe
contest, the fortifications of Paniani were carried, and the
enemy fled into the woods. The town and all the vessels in
the fort were burnt. Next day twelve ships were burnt in the
port of Calicut, and several more in some creeks near the
town. The armament proceeded in the next place to Coulete,
which was fortified in a similar manner to Paniani, with a
prodigious number of artillery, an hundred and fifty armed
ships, and a garrison of 20,000 men. The Portuguese pro-
ceeded to the attack, and after a long and obstinate contest,
drove the enemy from their works with great slaughter, and
took fifty- three vessels, most of which were laden with pepper,
with the loss of fifty-four Portuguese killed and many wound-
ed. The other vessels belonging to the enemy being much
shattered in the engagement, were all burnt, and the town
was destroyed.
Shortly after this, the zamorin of Calicut besieged the
Portuguese fort at that place with an army of 12,000 men,
and surrounded it with a broad and deep trench. Don Juan
de Lima commanded in the fort with 300 men, and did every
thing in his power to obstruct the besiegers in the construc-
tion of their lines ; but they were at length finished and plant-
ed with a vast number of cannon, some of which were so
large as to carry balls of two spans diameter. On receiving
advice of this siege, Don Enrique sent a reinforcement of
150 men in two caravels commanded by Christopher Jusarte
and Duarte Fonseca. They succeeded in forcing their way
into the fort in spite of a violent opposition by sea and land.
Immediately afterwards, the enemy endeavoured to take the
fort by escalade, but were repulsed with great slaughter. A
farther
39 These hundred vessels were probably paraos t or small native craft,
considering that they only carried 2000 soldiers, only at the rate of 20 for
each vessel. -E. 10
CHAP. i. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 203
farther reinforcement of 500 men from Cochin being unable
to reach Calicut, Don Enrique went there with all the navai
force he couid collect, being unwilling that his government
should suffer the disgrace of allowing this fortress to be taken
by the enemy. Having thrown some strong reinforcements
into the fort, Don Enrique landed with the remainder of his
troops, after clearing the shore of the enemy, by means of
his guns assisted by grenadoes and other fireworks. All the
Entrenchments and redoubts of the besiegers were successively
carried, with prodigious slaughter of the Moors and Nayres,
of whom above 3000 were slain, besides many others burnt
in their wooden forts and bulwarks. In this engagement Don
George de Menezes made great slaughter of the enemy with
i\ two-handed sword ; till losing his right hand, he took a
smaller sword in his left, and continued to fight with great
valour.
Don Enrique remained master of the field, in which he
encamped for some days : But as the fort was not considered
important in proportion to its expence, it was stripped of every
thing of value with great care and privacy, and mints and
trains laid to blow it up ; after which the whole army retired
to the ships. On seeing the fort evacuated, the Moors rush-
ed in to plunder in vast numbers ; but the mines suddenly
taking fire, blew up the whole fabric with avast explosion, in
which great numbers of the enemy perished miserably.
In the year 1526, Hector de Sylveira went with a squad-
ron to the Red Sea, and on his w r ay thither assaulted and
took the city of Dhofur on the coast of Yemen in lat. 17 N.
He then entered the Red Sea, where he reduced the islands
of Massua ajid Dallac to pay tribute ; after this he went to
Arkiko on the coast of Abyssinia, where he received Don
Rodrigo de Lima who had been on an embassy to the king of
Abyssinia, and was there waiting for a passage along with an
ambassador from Prester John to the king ot Portugal.
In this same year 1526, a small vessel was sent from
Ternate to discover the islands of Celebes, which were said to
abound in gold. The discoverer easily found the islands but
no gold. Being on his return to the Moluccas, he was carried
away by a storm to the eastward till he lost his reckoning,
and unexpectedly fell in with a large and beautiful island, in-
habited by a simple race of men who treated the Portuguese
with much civility. They were strong made and of a comely
appearance, with their complexion inclining to fair, having
long
204- Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
long lank hair and long beards, and their clothing was of
fine mats. Their food consisted chiefly of roots, cocoa nuts,
and figs. Their language was not understood, but by signs
they gave the Portuguese to understand that there was gold
in the mountains, but of which they made no use. They had
no knowledge of iron or any other metal. Leaving this
island, which they named after the pilot Diego Lopez Se-
queira, they returned to Ternate, after an absence of eight
months.
Don Enrique de Menezes, died at Cananor about the end
of January 1526, in the thirtieth year of his age. He was
a man of large stature, with a pleasing countenance, just in
all his actions, continent, free from covetousness, a true patron
of merit, and of the most unblemished honour. During his
government he refused uniformly to accept any of the numer-
ous presents offered him by the eastern princes $ and con-
ducted himself with such perfect integrity in every transaction,
that at his death his whole treasure amounted only to thirteen
rials and a half; and he had even expended the whole of his
patrimonial estate during the short continuance of his govern-
ment of Portuguese India, chiefly in rewarding the merits of
bis officers*
SECTION VII.
Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India> from
1526 to 1538.
AT his death in January 1526, Don Enrique de Menezes
left a paper sealed up, by which the succession to him in the
government was to be regulated, in case the person nominated
tor that purpose by the king should happen to be absent.
That paper was lost, yet it was known that he had named
Francisco de Sa, then commanding in Goa, as his provi-
sional successor. The second royal nomination was now
opened, in which Pedro de Mascarenas was appointed suc-
cessor to Don Enrique ; but Mascarenas commanded at
Malacca, which was at a great distance, and the season of
the year did not admit of that navigation. On opening the
third patent, Lope Vaz de Sampayo was the person there
named, who was accordingly invested in the government,
6 having
CHAP. i. SECT. vn. Conquest of India. 205
having engaged on oath to resign to Mascarenas on the ar-
rival of that officer from Malacca.
At this time George Zelo and Pedro de Faria blockaded
the port of Cananor, in which lay a fleet belonging to the
zamorin. Sampayo immediately sent orders to Antonio de
Sylveria and Christopher de Souza, then at Goa, to join the
other two officers at Cananor to prevent the escape of the
enemy, and went in person with seven ships and a consider-
able land force to endeavour to destroy them. Cutiale^ the
admiral of this fleet belonging to the zamorin, used every
effort to defend himself, both by disposing his ships in for-
midable order, and by intrenchments and batteries on shore,
where he had a land force of 10,000 men. Having made
proper dispositions, Sampayo landed with about 1300 soldiers,
leaving orders with Pedro de Faria to set theparaos belong-
ing to the enemy on fire. The trenches of the enemy were
carried after an obstinate resistance, and with great slaughter
of the Moors, and seventy paraos were destroyed. By this
signal victory, above eighty brass cannon were gained ; but
Sampayo spared the town, as it belonged to the king of
Narsinga, with whom the Portuguese were then in peace.
Having dispatched several officers on command to differ-
ent places, Sampayo sailed for Ormuz with five ships and
300 men. In his way thither he reduced the towns of Ka-
layat and Muscat, which had revolted owing to the exactions
of Diego de Melo. His only transaction at Ormuz was to
compose some differences that had arisen between Melo and
Reis Xarafo, to receive the tribute due by the king of Or-
muz, and to take along with him the ambassador whom
George de Lima had brought from Abyssinia. From Or-
muz, Sampayo dispatched Hector de Sylveira to cruise off
Diu, on purpose to intercept the ships of the Red Sea
that traded with Cambaya, of which three were taken. Syl-
veira then went to Diu, where he remained a long time
at the request of Malek Saca, who made use of him to
secure himself against the tyranny of the king of Cambaya.
Reis Soliman, the Turk who killed Mir Husseyn at
Juddah, as formerly related, recovered the favour of Sultan
Selim who had conquered Egypt from the Mamelukes, hav-
ing acquired the favour of that prince by delivering up to
him the city of Juddah which he had gained in the service of
the Soldan, and by means of a considerable present: for
even princes, though they have no need of receiving gifts,
are
206 Pwtuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK HI.
are apt to be won like other men by their means ; and a?
Soliman promised to perform wonders in India for his service,
Selim ordered twenty gallies and five galleons which were
then at Suez to be added to the fleet under Reis Soliman,
In the mean time Selim died at Cairo, and was succeeded by
his son Solirnan, who sent that large reinforcement, under
the command of Hayraddin, to Reis Soliman, who was then
fortifying the island of Kamaran. Upon some disgust, Hay-
raddin killed Reis Soliman; and in his turn was slain by Mus-
tapha the nephew of Soliman. Mustapha, being afraid of
the consequences of this action, sailed from Kamaran with a
small number of vessels, the greater part of the fleet refusing
to join him. He went first to Aden and thence to Diu, where
he put himself under the protection of the king of Carnbaya.
An account of these revolutions in the Turkish fleet, which
had given great apprehensions to the Portuguese in India,
Was carried to King John by Antonio Tenreyro over land,
to the great admiration of every one, being the first who had
performed that journey, till then thought impossible.
At this time Mascarenas, who waited in Malacca for the
proper season of sailing to Cochin to assume the government,
went against Bintang with twenty*one ships and 400 Portu-
guese soldiers, having likewise 600 Malays commanded by
Tuam Mahomet and Sinai rajah. Although the capital of
Bintang was well fortified and defended by 7000 men, Mas-
carenas surmounted every opposition and took the place.
Of the enemy 400 were slain and 2000 made prisoners. A
vast booty was made on this occasion, among which were
nearly 300 pieces of cannon, and the Portuguese lost only
three men in this glorious exploit. The king of Bitang died
of grief, and Mascarenas restored it to the lawful heir under
vassalage to Portugal, the former king having been an
usurper.
The island of Sunda is divided on the south from Java by
a very narrow channel. It produces pale gold with abun-
dance of pepper and provisions. The natives are numerous
but unwarlike, yet are curious in adorning their arms. They
worship idols, and often sell their children to supply their
necessities. The women are beautiful, those of the higher
ranks being chaste, contrary to what is usual in most parts
of the world. They have convents, as in Spain and Portu-
gal, in which they reside while virgins ; and the married
women kill themselves on the death of their husbands. This
were
CHAP. i. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 207
were a good custom to shew their duty and affection, were it
not contrary to the law of nature, and therefore a barbarous
error. Enrique Leme happening to go there, drawn by the
plenty and goodness of its pepper, he was well received by
the king of Samiam, who offered ground for a fort, and to
pay an yearly tribute of 351 quintals of pepper, to purchase
the friendship and support of the Portuguese against the
Moors, by whom he was much infested. But when Francisco
de Sa came to build the fort, he met with such opposition
from the Moors that he was obliged to return to Malacca.
In the same year 1526, Martin Iniguez de Carchisano ar-
rived in the port of Kamafo in Ticlore with a Spanish ship,
one of six which had been sent the year before from Spain to
those parts which belonged of right to the Portuguese. Don
Garcia Enriquez, who then commanded at the Moluccas, on
learning the arrival of these Spaniards, and finding that they
occasioned the spice to rise in price, went in person to expel
them, but was obliged to retire with considerable damage
from the Spanish cannon ; yet the Spanish ship afterwards
sunk. At this time Don George de Menezes, formerly men-
tioned as having lost his hand in the glorious action at Cali-
cut, arrived at the Moluccas, having discovered the island of
Borneo and many other islands by the way. Soon after-
wards two ships were sent to Borneo with presents for the
king, among which was a piece of tapestry adorned with
figures of men. On seeing these, the ignorant barbarian
cried out that they 'were enchanted men, who ivould kill him in
the night ; and no persuasions could convince him of his
error, nor would he receive the presents or permit the Por-
tuguese to remain in his port.
In the year J527, it being understood at Cochin that
Pedro de Mascarenas was on his way from Malacca to as-
sume the government, Lope Vaz de Sampayo who acted ad
interim, held a council of the principal officers, at which it
was resolved not to admit Mascarenas to that high office.
After this determination, Sampayo sailed for Goa, leaving
Alphonso Mexia to command at Cochin, with orders to exe-
cute the resolutions of the council. On landing unarmed at
Cochin, Mascarenas was opposed and wounded by Mexia ;
and proceeding afterwards to Goa, he was made prisoner and
put in irons by order of Sampayo. These violent proceed-
ings had nearly occasioned a civil war among the Portuguese
in India ; but at length, in the end of December 1527, Sam-
payo
208 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
payo was confirmed in the government, and Mascarenas
went home to Portugal, where he was appointed to the com-
mand of Azamor in Africa.
In the year 1528, Don Juan Deza was sent to cruise on
the coast of Calicut, where in several rencounters he took
fifty vessels laden with various commodities. He burnt the
town of Mangalore ; and falling in with the fleet of Calicut,
consisting of seventy paraos well manned and armed under
the command of the Chinese admiral Cutiale, Deza took
most of them killing 1500 Moors, and taking nearly as many
prisoners, among whom was Cutiale.
Antonio Miranda de Azevedo was sent in the end of
January 1528 to the Red Sea, with twenty ships and above
1000 soldiers, to endeavour to burn the Turkish gallies in the
port of Kamaran which had formerly belonged to Reis Soli-
man. After taking some prizes by the way, he met with
Enrique de Macedo in the mouth of the Red Sea, who had
engaged a large Turkish galleon. The Turks had boarded
him, and threw a burning dart which stuck in his main-sail
and began to set it on fire ; but in consequence of a strong
gust of wind shaking the sail, the dart fell back into the
Turkish vessel, where it set fire to the powder and the ship
and all her crew were blown up. Several other valuable ships
belonging to the Moors were taken, but the main object of
this expedition completely failed, as the wind did not allow
the fleet to get up the Red Sea to Kamaran.
In consequence of the civil discord among the Portuguese,
the Moors had been enabled to annoy their trade in different
parts : And as Lope Vaz understood that a successor to the
government was on his way from Portugal, he prepared to be
revenged on the Moors, wishing to deliver up the government
in prosperity, by clearing the sea from pirates. With this
view he fitted out eighteen ships at Cochin, with which he
encountered 130 armed paraos at Cananor; and as the wind
did not allow his large ships to get into action, he went against
that numerous fleet with only thirteen paraos. Even with
this disproportionate force he did considerable damage to the
Malabar fleet. On seeing two paraos coming from Cananor
to the aid of Sampayo, and that the large Portuguese ships
were enabled to make sail by means of a breeze springing up,
the Malabars fled as fast as possible. In the pursuit eighteen
of them were sunk and twenty-two taken, in which were fifty
pieces of cannon. Eight hundred of the enemy were slain,
and
CHAP. i. SECT. vn. Conquest of India. 209
and many made prisoners. Those that fled, and others who
joined: them, fell afterwards into a snare near Cochin.
With the same fleet, Sampayo went immediately in search
of Arel, lord of Porca. In this expedition, Simon de Melo
burnt twenty-six ships belonging to the enemy, and set the
town of Ckattta on fire. Afterwards with a thousand men he
assaulted Porca ; and though Arel was not there at the time,
the inhabitants made a brave but unavailing defence, as the
place was taken, plundered, and destroyed. At this place the
wife of Arel was taken, with a great spoil in gold, silver,
jewels, silks, and other valuables, and thirteen considerable
vessels. On his return to Cochin, as his successor was not
yet arrived, Sampayo went back to Cananor, whence he dis-
patched his nephew Simon de Melo against Mardbia and
Mount Dely, both of which places were taken, plundered, and
destroyed, with many piratical paraos. About this time, the
king of Cambaya fitted out a fleet of eighty barks, under the
command of a valiant Moor named Alexiath, who did much
injury to the subjects of Nizam-al-mulk, and to the Portu-
guese trade at Chaul, in consequence of which aid was de-
manded from Sampayo by both. Sampayo accordingly set
sail with forty vessels of different kinds, in which were iOOO
Portuguese soldiers, besides a considerable force of armed na-
tives. In this expedition Hector de Sylveira commanded the
small vessels that rowed ', while Sampayo took charge of
the sailing vessels. On arriving at Chaul, Sampayo sent
eighty Portuguese to the assistance of Nizam-al-Mulk, under
the command of Juan de A velar, and then sailed for Diu, as
he understood the eighty barks of Cambaya were gone thither.
Off Bombay that fleet belonging to Cambaya of which he was
in search was descried, on which- part of the ships were de-
tached to secure the entrance of the river Bandora, to pre-
vent the enemy from escaping, while Sylveira with his brigan-
tines or row-boats bore down upon Alexiath. After a furious
cannonade, the Portuguese gallantly boarded the enemy, and
Alexiath fled with seven only of his barks, all the rest being
taken. Of the 73 vessels captured on this occasion, 33 were
found serviceable and were retained, all the rest being set on
fire. In this glorious exploit, a vast number of prisoners,
VOL. vi. o much'
1 Such is the expression in the translation of the Portuguese Asia by Ste-
vens. They were probably Malabar vessels, which in the early writers are
named paraos P tonys, andcaturs, and plight perhaps be called row-boats. JE
210 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
much artillery, and abundance of ammunition were taken,
and the Portuguese did not lose one man.
Juan de Avelar, who had been detached with eighty Por-
tuguese to the assistance of Nizam-al-Mulk against the king
of Cambaya, acquired great honour in that service by his gal-
lantry. Assisted by 1 000 of the native subjects of Nizam-al-
Mulk, he scaled a fort belonging to the king of Cambaya,
till then thought impregnable, being the first who entered ;
and having slain all the defendants, he delivered it up to the
Nizam.
It was now about the beginning of the year 1529. Lope
Vaz de Sampayo was much elated by the last-mentioned suc-
cess against the fleet of Cambaya, and believed that in the
present state of dismay Diu would surrender on the first sum-
mons : He was therefore eager to have gone against that
place, but as all his captains except Sylveira were of a contrary
opinion, he was obliged to lay aside that intention and to re-
turn to Goa, leaving the valiant Hector with twenty-two row-
boats to cruise against the pirates in the north. In the south,
or on the Malabar coast, Antonio de Miranda was employed
in similar service, where he destroyed twelve paraos. Being
joined by six brigan tines and a galley, with 100 chosen men,
commanded by Christopher de Melo, the united squadron
took a very large ship laden with pepper in the river Chale,
though defended by numerous artillery and 800 men. Near
Monte Hermosa^ they defeated 50 sail of vessels belonging to
Calicut, taking three paraos with a considerable number of
cannon and many men.
Hector de Sylveira, who had been left on the coast of Cam-
baya, did much damage to the enemy. Going up the river
Nagotana of Bazain, he landed and burnt six towns belong-
ing to the king of Cambaya. The commander of Nagotana
took the field against him with five hundred horse and a large
force of infantry, endeavouring to intercept Sylveira on his
way to reimbark. An engagement took place, in which the
enemy were repulsed with some loss, and Sylveira was enabled
to embark. Going afterwards to JBazain, on a river of the
same name, he found that place well fortified and defended by
a considerable number of cannon. He entered the river how-
ever during the night, and next morning stormed the fortifi-
cations of Bazain, killing many of the defendents. After this
success, he was unexpectedly attacked by Alexiath at the head
of 3500 men ; but he bravely repelled and defeated that vast-
ly
CHAP. i. SECT. VII. Conquest of India* 211
ly superior force with great slaughter, after which he plundered
and burnt the city of Bazain. Terrified by these exploits, the
lord of the great city of Tana, not far distant, submitted to
become tributary to Portugal, and Sylveira retired to Chaul.
While these things were doing on the coast of Hindostan,
Simon de Sousa Galvam, on his way to the Moluccas in a
galley with seventy men was driven by a storm to take shelter
in the port of Acheen. Several vessels flocked immediately
about him, on pretence of giving assistance, but the natives
were no sooner on board than they fell upon the seventy Por-
tuguese, with all kinds of weapons. Recovering from their
first surprise, the Portuguese bravely drove the enemy from
their ship, although not more than twenty were left that could
stand to their arms. The king of Acheen gave orders to his
admiral to attack the Portuguese galley next morning ; when,
after a desperate resistance, most of the Portuguese were slain
and Galvam among them ; only those being spared who were
so severely wounded as to be unable to resist. Don George
de Menezes, who commanded at the Moluccas, sent a party
to Tidore against the Spaniards ; but on the rout of that
party, Menezes collected a considerable allied force, consist-
ing of the people of Ternate, the Sangages, and the subjects
of Cachil Daroez king of Bacham. With these and a small
number of Portuguese, Menezes landed in Tidore, where he
defeated the Spaniards and troops of Tidore, obliging the
former to retire into their fort after losing six men, two of
whom were slain and four taken. Menezes then assaulted and
took the city of Tidore, which he plundered and burnt ; after
which he invested the Spanish fort, and summoned Ferdi-
nando de la Torre the Spanish commander to surrender. Be-
ing unable to resist, the Spanish captain agreed to evacuate
Tidore, retiring to the city of Comafo, and engaging to
commit no hostilities upon the Portuguese or their allies, and
not to trade to any of the islands producing cloves. After
this the king of Tidore was made tributary to the Portuguese,
and Menezes returned victorious to Ternate.
During his absence, Bohaai king of Tidore had died, not
without suspicion of having been poisoned by Cachil Darocz,
and was succeeded by his brother Cachil Daialo. The new
king being suspicious of Cachil Vaiaco, fled to the fort ; but
afraid that Menezes might give him up to his enemy, threw
himself from a window. All Ternate now mutinied against
Menezes 5 and as he imagined that Cachil Vaidccct, a noble
of
212 Portuguese Discovery and PAUT n. BOOK m.
t>f Tidore, had caused the death of a Chinese sow belonging
to him, he imprisoned that nobleman, after which he set him
free, having first anointed his face with bacon, which among
that people is reckoned a most heinous affront. Not con-
tented with this violence, he sent to rob the houses cf the
Moors of their provisions, and became suddenly most out-
rageous and tyrannical. The Moors stood upon their defence,
and treated some of the Portuguese as they now deserved.
Menezes seized the chief magistrate of the town of Tabona
and two other persons of note. These two he set at liberty
after cutting off their hands ; but he let loose two fierce dogs
against the magistrate, which tore him in pieces. Becoming
odious to all by these cruelties, Cachil Daroez stirred up the
natives to expel the Portuguese ; but being made prisoner,
Menezes caused him to be beheaded. Terrified by this
tyranny, the inhabitants of Ternate fled to other places, the
city becoming entirely deserted. Don George de Menezes
was afterwards sent a prisoner to India for these enormities,
whence he was sent to Portugal, where he was condemned to
banishment. Any reward was too small for his former ser-
vices, and this punishment was too slight for his present
offences.
Nuno de Cuna, appointed governor-general of India, ar-
rived in May 15^9 at Ormuz. Setting out too late from
Lisbon in the year before with eleven ships, he had a tedious
voyage. One of his ships was lost near Cape Verd, when
150 men perished. After passing the line, the fleet was dis-
persed in a violent storm. Nuno put in at the port of St
Jago in Madagascar, where he found a naked Portuguese
soldier, who had belonged to one of two ships commanded
by Lacerdaand Abreu, which were cast away in 1527 at this
place. The people fortified themselves there, in hopes that
some ships passing that way might take them up. After
waiting a year, one ship passed but could not come to their
assistance ; and being no longer able to subsist at that place,
they marched up the country in two bodies to seek their for-
tunes, leaving this man behind sick. In consequence of in-
telligence of these events sent home to Portugal by Nuno,
Duarte arid Diego de Fonseca were sent out in search of
these men. Duarte perished in Madagascar ; and Diego
found only four Portuguese and one Frenchman, who had
belonged to three French ships that were cast away on that
island. These men said that many of their companions were
still
CHAP. i. SECT, vii. Conquest of India.
still alive in the interior, but they could not be got at. From
these it was thought had sprung a people that were found in
Madagascar about eighty years afterwards. This people al-
leged that a Portuguese captain, having suffered shipwreck
on the coast, had conquered a district of the island over which
he became sovereign ; and all his men taking wives from among
the natives, had left numerous issue, who had erred much in
matters of faith. Great indeed must have been their errors, to
have been discovered by the atheistical Hollanders ! Doubtless
these people did not descend from that shipwreck only, but
might have sprung likewise from the first discoverers, who
were never heard oj\ and among others from three ships that
sailed from Cochin in 1530 along with Francisco de Albu-
querque.
While Nuno was at Madagascar, his own ship perished in
a storm. The men were saved in the other two ships, but
much goods and arms were lost. Sailing thence to Zanzibar,
he landed 200 of his men who were sick, under the care of
Alexius de Sousa Chichorro, with orders to go to Melinda
when the people were recovered. Being unable to continue
his voyage to India, on account of tue trade wind being ad-
verse, he determined upon taking revenge upon the king of
Mom baza, who infested those of Melinda and Zanzibar from
hatred to the Portuguese. If successful, he proposed to have
raised Munho Mahomet to the throne, who was son to him
who had received De Gama on his first voyage with so much
kindness. Mahomet however objected to this honour, say-
ing, " That he was not deserving of the crown, being born of
a Kafr slave : But if Nuno wished to reward the friendship
of his father, he might confer the crown on his brother Cide
Bubac, a younger son of his father by a legitimate wife, and
who was therefore of the royal blood of the kings of Quiloa.
Nuno set off on this expedition with 800 men, accompanied
by Mahomet and Bubac, each of whom had sixty followers,
On the way he was joined by the sheikh of Otonda, a neigh-
bouring town, who offered to accompany him with a well-ap-
pointed vessel. This prince had silver chains on his legs,
which he wore as a memorial of having been wrongfully im-
prisoned by the king of Mombaza, and had sworn never to
take them off till revenged, having been so used merely be-
cause he had shew r n friendship to the Portuguese.
Having been apprized of the intended attack, the king of
Mombaza had provided for his defence, by planting cannons
on
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
on a fort or bulwark at the mouth of the river, and brought
600 expert archers into the city. Though opposed by a
heavy cannonade from the bulwark, Nuno forced his way up
the river and anchored in the evening close to the city, whence
the archers shot continual flights of arrows into the ships,
and were answered by the Portuguese cannon. Next morn-
ing early the troops were landed under Pedro Vaz, brother
to Nuno, who carried all before him, and planted the Portu-
guese colours, after killing many of the Moors and driving
the rest from the city, without losing a single Portuguese sol-
dier. To secure and repeople ike city, Nuno sent for a ne-
phew of the king of Melinda, who came with 500 men, many
of whon: were of some rank; and these were followed by the
prince of Montangue with 200 more. Many likewise of the
former inhabitants came in and submitted, so that the island
began to reassume an appearance of prosperity. The expel-
led king, sensible of the desperate situation of affairs, sent one
of his principal men to propose an accommodation, offering
to pay a ransom to preserve his city from destruction, and
to become tributary. An agreement was accordingly enter-
ed into to this effect, and the king began to make the sti-
pulated payments ; but finding sickness to prevail among the
Portuguese of whom two hundred soon died, and many more
were incapacitated from service, he began to fall off' from the
completion of the agreement, and as the prince of Melinda
durst not undertake to defend the place without a consider-
able force of Portuguese, Nuno destroyed the city by fire and
returned to Melinda, carrying with him those he had former-
ly left sick at Zanzibar. Leaving Melinda, he left 80 of his
men there sick, to be carried to India on their recovery by
Tristan Horn em : who afterwards defended Melinda with
these men against the king of Mombaza, who endeavoured
to revenge himself there for the injury he had sustained from
the Portuguese.
It has been formerly mentioned that Nuno de Cuna arrived
at Qrmuz in May 1529, into which he made a formal and
pompous entry, to the great admiration of the natives. He
immediately issued a proclamation at that place and its de-
pendencies, " That all who had cause of complaint against
the Portuguese should appear before him for redress." Many
complainers accordingly came forwards, and the offenders
were obliged to make restitution, to the great astonishment
and satisfaction of the Moors, who had not been accustomed
6 to
CHAP. i. SECT. vn. Conquest of India. 215
to see justice executed on their behalf. He found that Rets
Xarafv^ great guazil * or rather arch tyrant over the king and
people of Ormuz, though restored to that situation by Sam-
payo, was by no means clear of the great crimes he had been
formerly accused of, particularly of rapine and murder. On
a representation of this to the king of Portugal, Manuel de
Macedo had orders to bring him prisoner to Lisbon, and
accordingly had him arrested by the assistance of Nuno, who
waited upon the king of Ormuz to justify this procedure. The
king readily acquiesced, and presented the governor with a
rich present of jewels and cloth of gold, together with a fine
horse richly caparisoned in the Persian manner. As the
reigning king was implicated in the murder of his predecessor
Mahomet, Nuno imposed upon him a fine of 40,000 Xere-
phines, in addition to the tribute of 60,000 which he had to
pay yearly ; that crime being used as a pretence to overburthen
him with a tribute equal to a third part of the yearly revenue
of Ormuz 3 . Xarafo, or Ashraf, was sent to Portugal with
examinations respecting the crimes laid to his charge 5 but
he carried such riches along with him, that he was not only
able to purchase a remission of punishment, but was actually
reinstated in his former employment. While Nuno still re-
mained at Ormuz, Tavarez de Sousa came there, who had
been with forty men to assist the king of Basrah against the
lord of Gizaira 4 ; having been the first Portuguese who went
up the rivers Tigris and Euphrates. Basrah or Bazora, in
abauj; the lat. of 30 N. is about 30 leagues from the mouth
of tlie great river Euphrates, and received its name in com-
memoration of the more ancient city of Basrah, eight leagues
higher up, the ruins of which are said by eye-witnesses to be
twice as extensive as the city of Grand Cairo. The island of
Gizaira, or Jazirat, is formed by the two rivers Tigris and
Euphrates, being about 40 leagues in circumference, and is
said
2 In Astley, I. 80, this person is named Reis or Raez Ashraf^ Wcn.ir or
Visier of Ormuz. The strange title in the text, great guazil, is probably
a translation of Alguazil mayor, giving a Portuguese or rather a Spanish
denomination to an Arab officer. E.
3 On a former occasion, the Xerephine was stated as equal in value to 3s.
9d. Hence the total revenue of Ormuz was only about L. '33,750 yearly :
The tribute to Portugal L.I i, 250 ; and the fine L,7500. It is true that the
value of money was then much greater than now, and these sums for com-
parison with our present money of .account may perhaps be fairly rated at
X.337,500, L.I 12,500 and L.?^,ooo respectively, or ten times their nu-
merical amount in 1529. E.
4 Called Jazirat by the Editor of Astleys Collection.
216 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
said to contain 40,000 archers. The river Tigris rises among
the Curds in the greater Armenia, and the springs of the
Euphrates are in Turkomania. The king of Basrah received
Sousa with much state, and appeared greatly satisfied at his
assistance. Sousa accompanied him on his expedition against
the lord of Jazirat, the infantry of Basrah amounting to 5000
men, GOO of whom carried firelocks, were conveyed up the
river in 200 dalacs or large boats, accompanied by seven ves-
sels full of Turks with a considerable number of cannon. The
king went along with his infantry by water, while his nephew
marched by land at the head of 3000 horse. The king esta-
blished his camp on the right or Arabian side of the river,
opposite to the encampment of the lord of Jazirat, who was
posted on the island with 12,000 men. By order of the king of
Basrah, Sousa wrote to the lord of Jazirat, saying that he was
sent by the Portuguese commander of Ormuz, either to make
peace between the contending parties on reasonable terms,
or in case of refusal to take part with the king of Basrah.
The king of Jazirat made answer, that as this was the first
request of the captain of Ormuz, and as Sousa was the first
Portuguese who had come into these parts, he agreed to com-
ply with the terms demanded, which were merely the restora-
tion of certain forts belonging to the king of Basrah which he
had taken possession of. Persons were accordingly appoint-
ed on both sides to treat for an accommodation, which wa
satisfactorily concluded. But the king of Basrah now re-
fused to perform what he had promised to Sousa for his aid ;
which was to deliver up the seven Turkish vessels, and uot to
admit any more of that nation into his dominions, because
enemies of the Portuguese. Enraged at this breach of com-
pact, Sousa after embarking with his men, took one of the
large barks belonging to Basrah, after which he landed with
thirty-six of his men and burnt a town of 300 houses on the
Arabian side of the river, and a smaller one on the Persian
side.
In reward to Sousa for his gallantry, Nuno gave him the
command in the Persian Gulf, and sent him to Bahrayn at
the request of the king of Ormuz, to reduce Reis Barbadim
who had revolted. But as Sousa had not a sufficient force
for this purpose, Simon de Cuna was sent there with eight
vessels and 400 men, besides a native force in the barks of
the country. Joining Sousa, the fort of Bahrayn was batter-
ed for three days ; but powder running short, they had to
send
CHAP. i. SECT. vn. Conquest of India. 217
send to Ormuz for a supply, and in the mean time the Portu-
guese sickened so fast, owing to the unhealthiness of the cli-
mate that above an hundred of them died, and even the
Persian soldiers belonging to Ormuz, though accustomed to
the climate, were in very little better condition, insomuch
that they had to give up the siege and return to Ormuz,
where Simon cle Sousa died.
In the mean lime Nuno de Cuna, leaving Ormuz, arrived
at Goa in the latter end of October 1529, where he found
four ships just arrived from Lisbon after a prosperous voyage
with a reinforcement of 1500 men all in perfect health, not
having lost a man by the way except one captain. Nuno
made a solemn entry into the city, where he found a powerful
fleet of 14?0 vessels, which had all been provided by the for-
mer governor, Lope Vaz de Sampayo. The most consider-
able of these were six galleons, eight royal gallics, six caravels,
and fourteen gailiots, all well provided with cannon and mili-
tary stores; for though Sampayo had usurped the govern-
ment, he had conducted it better than many of those who
had received regular appointments. Finding it necessary to
proceed to Cochin, to dispatch the homeward trade, he stop-
ped at Cananor, where Sampayo then was, who came on
board and resigned the government with the usual solemni-
ties. Sampayo was inclined to have landed again at Cana-
nor, but Nuno ordered him to go along with him to Cochin,
and published a proclamation that all who had been wronged
by Sampayo might repair to the new governor, who would
do them justice. Sampayo complained of this as a libel a-
gainst him, as those who had complaints to make needed not
to be invited by sound of trumpet. On arriving at Cochin,
Nuno ordered Sampayo to be imprisoned and an inventory
to be taken of all his effects, all of which were directed to be
deposited in safe custody arid sent to Lisbon, to be there de-
livered as the king might direct. On being taken into cus-
tody, Sampayo desired the officer to say to Nuno, "I im-
prisoned others, you imprison me, and there will come one
who will imprison you." To this message Nuno answered,
" Doubtless I may be imprisoned ; but the difference be-
tween us will be, that Sampayo deserves it, and I shall not."
Neither was Sampayo wrong, as Nuno had certainly been
taken into custody in Portugal on his return if he had not
died by the way. Sampayo was treated with much and im-
proper severity : the worst ship in the fleet being appointed
for
218 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
for him, with only two servants, and barely as much of his
own wealth as sufficed for the expence of his voyage.
On his arrival at the Tercera islands an officer was in
waiting to put Sampayo in irons, with which he landed at
Lisbon and was carried to a dungeon in the castle, in which
was confined at the same time Reis Xarafo the visier of Or-
muz. After two years confinement, the chief crime alleged
against him being his unjust proceedings in regard to Pedro
de Mascarenas, the duke of Braganza took pity on the mis-
fortunes of this brave gentleman, and prevailed on the king
to give him a hearing in council. Accordingly, the king-
being seated in council surrounded by the judges, Sampayo
was Drought before him, having his face covered by a long
and thick white beard, and with such tokens of misery which
he had endured in almost three years imprisonment, counting
from his arrest in India, that even Mascarenas or any other of his
enemies might have thought themselves sufficiently revenged.
Being put to the bar, after receiving the kings permission,
he made a copious and comprehensive speech with an un-
daunted countenance, in his justification. After enumerat-
ing the services of his ancestors and immediate progenitors
to the crown, he particularized his own from his early youth
to the period of his imprisonment, and commented upon the
injuries which had been since done to him. He exposed the
malice of his accusers, and justified his own proceedings.
By many apt examples of others who had been guilty even
of greater crimes than those of which he was accused, and
who had been pardoned in consideration of their services, he
drew a parallel between himself and these persons, and con-
cluded by throwing himself entirely on the justice and mercy
of his majesty ; from one or other of which he trusted to re-
ceive a discharge, and hoped to have more cause of thankful-
ness for the future, than he had of complaint till then of the
hard usage he had been subjected to.
Having listened to him attentively, the king examined him
in regard to each separate article of his impeachment, forty-
three in all, to every one of which he gave apt answers.
The principal article alleged against him related to Pedro
Mascarenas, all the others being such as would never have
been thought of except to fill up the measure of accusation.
Being carried back to the castle, he sent in his defence in
writing, as is usual in such cases. In the end, he was sen-
tenced to forfeit all his allowances as governor ; to pay Mas-
carenas
CHAP. i. SECT. vn. Conquest of India. 219
carenas a compensation of 10,000 ducats ; and to be banish-
ed into Africa. He contrived however to get into Spain,
where he disnaturalized himself, as had been done by the
famous Magellan ; and wrote a letter from Badajos to the
king, in which he affirmed that his sentence was unjust, and
declared his resolution to try, by changing his country, to bet-
ter his fortune and restore his honour. In consequence of
this he was restored to his country.
We must now return to the affairs of India, where Diego
Sylveira reduced the people of Calicut to such straits that the
zamorin was constrained to sue to Nuno do Cuiia for peace.
This was granted on certain terms, part of which the zamo-
rin was willing to accept, but rejected the rest ; on which
Sylveira reduced the city to extreme distress, by intercepting
all provisions. Some relief was received however from Ca-
nanor, and Simon de Sousa being driven in his brigantine
on shore, was blown up while bravely defending himself
against the Moors.
Malek Saca 5 being expelled from Diu, found it expedient
for compassing his ends with the king of Cambaya, to em-
ploy similar artifices with Nuno de Cuna as had been former-
ly practised with Hector de Sylveira, by offering to deliver
up the city to him. Accordingly he wrote to Nuno, that al-
though he could not now deliver up Diu, he would assist him
to reduce it ; and as it was convenient that a meeting should
take place between the governor and Malek Saca, Nuno sent
him a safe conduct, and ships to transport him and his re-
tinue, commanded by Caspar Paez, who had formerly been
known to Malek Saca at Diu. On this occasion Malek
Saca granted every condition required, not meaning to per-
form any, and made use of this sham alliance to get himself
restored to the favour of the king of Cambaya, putting off
Paez with various artifices, under pretence that the safe con-
duct was not securely expressed, and that there were too
few ships. In revenge of this deceit, Paez was only able to
burn nine small barks belonging to Malek Saca. Being
much enraged at the duplicity of Malek, Nuno began to
make preparations for the reduction of Diu. In the mean
time, he visited and conciliated the rajah of Cochin, who
had been much displeased with the conduct of Lope Vaz
Sampayo
5 He Is stated on a former occasion to have been the son of Malek
Azz. E.
220 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
Sampayo and Alfonso Mexia. He went next to Goa, whence
he visited the king at Ckale, and satisfied him in all things.
About the middle of February 1530 he came to Cananor, the
king of which place he gratified by conforming to the cere-
monials of his court ; and being offered a present of jewels,
he accepted them lest he should affront that prince, but de-
livered them over to the officers of the revenue, as belonging
to the king of Portugal.
At this time a rich merchant of Mangalore did great in-
jury to the Portuguese, as he favoured the zamorin of Cali-
cut though living in the dominions of the king of Narsinga
who was in friendship with the Portuguese. Diego de Syl-
veira was ordered to punish that man, and went accordingly
against him with a force of 450 men arid sixteen vessels.
He accordingly entered the river of Mangalore, where he
was opposed by a great number of ships belonging to the
Moorish merchant, which were put to flight after a short con-
test. Sylveirathen landed with 240 men and entered the
town without opposition, after which he took the fort whence
the merchant endeavoured to escape, but was slain by a mus-
quet-ball. A vast booty fell into the hands of the Portuguese,
fait Sylveira ordered it all to be burnt, lest he might endanger
his ships by overloading them. As winter was coming on
Sylveira dismissed half of his fleet, yet afterwards had occa-
sion for them all, as he soon after encountered Pati Marcar,
a commander belonging to Calicut, who was going to Man-
galore with sixty paraos. The weather prevented him from
fighting at that time ; but Sylveira waited the return of the
Calicut fleet, to which he gave battle off Mount Dely, and
sunk six paraos, after which he returned to Cochin.
In the same year 1530, Antonio de Sylveira commanded
on the coast of Cambaya with fifty-one sail of vessels, three
of which were 'gallics and two galliots, in which were 900
Portuguese soldiers. With this force he went up the river
Taptee where he burnt Surat and Reyner, the chiefest towns
in that part of India. Surat on one side of the river con-
tained 10,000 families, mostly Banians 6 and handicrafts of
no courage ; while Reyner on the other side of the river had
six thousand houses inhabited by a warlike race, and was
well fortified. On sounding, the river was found too shallow
for
6 Called Bancanes in the text of De Faria ; perhaps an error of the
press for Banianes or Banzanes. E.
CHAP. I. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 221
for the larger vessels, which were left off the bar under the
command of Francisco de Vasconcelles ; while with the
smaller, Sylveira went up the river about four miles to Surat.
He there found 300 horse and nearly 10,000 foot drawn up
to oppose his landing, all well armed with bows and firelocks;
but after one discharge this vast multitude fled in dismay
without waiting an attack. The city of Surat was then en-
tered without farther resistance, and being plundered of every
thing worth carrying off' was set on fire with some ships that
were in its arsenal. The city of Reyner stood a little higher
up on the other side, and was inhabited by the Nayieas
Moors, a race of more courage and policy than the Banians ;
yet they fled almost at the first fire, leaving all their property
to the Portuguese, who had all been enriched if they had
been able to carry away the whole plunder. Having remov-
ed all that their ships could carry, the town was set on fire,
together with twenty ships and many small vessels. In both
actions Emanuel de Sousa was conspicuously valiant, being
the first to land with much danger, especially in the latter,
where he was opposed by a numerous artillery. On return-
ing to the mouth of the river, Sylveira found that Vasconcel-
les had taken six vessels bound with provisions for Din.
After this, Antonio de Sylveira destroyed the towns of
Daman and Agazem on the coast, at the latter of which
places 300 vessels belonging to the enemy were burnt.
On the 21st of January 1530, Hector de Sylveira sailed
from Goa for the Red Sea with ten ships and 600 men.
Spreading his fleet across the mouth of that sea, that no
enemy might escape, several rich ships were captured. Ap-
pearing afterwards before Aden, Hector induced the sheikh
of that place to submit to the crown of Portugal, and to
an yearly tribute of 12,000 Xerephines. The sheikh oZae! 9
who had only a short time before accompanied M.ustapha t a
Turkish captain, with 20,000 men to make war upon Aden,
submitted to similar terms.
Having completed his preparations for the expedition
against Diu, Nuno de Cuna sailed early in the year 1531 with
a great fleet and army for that place. In a general review at
the Island of Bombay, the fleet consisted of above 400 sail
of all kinds of vessels, many of which were large, more in-
different, and most of them small ; some being only sutlers^
fitted out by the natives for private gain. On board this fleet
were
222 Portuguese Discovery and PART II. BOOK in.
were 3600 soldiers and 14-50 seamen all Portuguese, besides
above 2000 Canara and Malabar soldiers, 8000 slaves, and
about 5000 native seamen. Landing at Daman, a fort be-
longing to the king of Cambaya, which was immediately eva-
cuated by the Moors, advice was brought that the Arabs,.
Turks, and others, to the number of 2000 men, had fortified
themselves in the Island of Beth, seven leagues from Din.
This place was so strong by art and nature, environed with
rocks and fortifications, that Nuno gave no credit to the
accounts respecting it till convinced by inspection. Coming
before Beth on the 7th of February, he summoned the gar-
rison to surrender ; but many of them shaved their heads, as
devoting themselves to death or victory, which they call mak-
ing themselves amoucos 1 . The commandant of the barbarians
gave a brutal example of determined and savage resolution,
by throwing his wife, son, and goods into a fire made on
purpose, in which they were all consumed ; that if the Portu-
guese succeeded in the enterprise, they might only gain a heap
of ashes. His example was followed by others. Being re-
solved to carry this place, Nuno made dispositions for an
assault, dividing his force into six bodies, which were ordered
to attack in six different places at the same time. After a
desperate conflict the place was taken, in which 1800 of the
enemy were slain, and sixty cannons taken.
Departing from Beth, Nuno appeared with his powerful
armament before Diu. This city is built upon rocks, and is
entirely encompassed by rocks arid water. The entrance into
the river or haven was shut up by massy chains suspended
upon vessels, behind which eighty vessels were drawn up full
of archers and musqueteers to defend the passage. The gar-
rison consisted of 10,000 men, with a prodigious number of
cannon. On the 16th of February, the signal was given for
the attack, but after fighting the whole day without gaining
any advantage, and having suffered some loss, it was deter-
mined in a council of war to desist from the enterprise as
impracticable. It was agreed by all, that if so much time
had not been fruitlessly employed in the capture of Beth,
Diu must have fallen ; as it had been reinforced only three
days before the arrival of the Portuguese by a Turk named
Mustapha, who was the principal cause of its brave and effec-
tual
7 Corruptly called by- the British in India running a muck. E,
CHAP. i. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 223
tual resistance. Nuno returned with the principal part of his
fleet and army to Goa, where he arrived on the 15th of March,
leaving Antonio de Saldanna with 60 vessels in the Bay of Cam-
baya to annoy the enemy.
After the departure of the Portuguese fleet, Mustapha pre-
sented himself before Badur king of Cambaya, who received
him honourably, giving him the command of Baroach in the
Bay of Cambaya, with the title of Rumi-khan. He was called
JRumi, as having been born in Greece ; as the Moors of India,
being ignorant of the divisions of the European provinces, call
the whole of Thrace, Greece, Sclavonia, and the adjacent
countries by the general name otRum, and the inhabitants
Rumi ; though that term ought only to be applied to Thrace,
the modern Romania, The Turks and Humes are different
nations ; the former being originally from Turkistan, and the
natives of Greece and Thrace consider themselves as of more
honourable descent than the Turks 8 . The title of Khan now
bestowed on Mustapha is a dignity among the Tartars equi-
valent to that of Duke in Europe, and is bestowed in the east
on persons of distinguished merit.
Antonio de Saldanna, who was left in command of the sea
of Cambaya, with 60 vessels and 1500 men, took and burnt
the town ofMadrefavat 9 , five leagues from Diu towards Beth.
He then went against Gogo, twenty-four leagues farther, for-
merly a strong and populous place of great trade. There were
fifteen of the largest paraos belonging to Calicut at that time
in the port laden with spice, which took shelter in a creek,
and were followed by Saldanna with 800 men in the smaller
vessels. Finding it necessary to land, he was opposed by
300 horse and 800 foot that came to defend the Malabars ;
but after a sharp rencounter, in which 200 of the enemy were
slain, they were constrained to abandon the vessels, which were
all burnt ; after which Saldanna destroyed the town of Gogo
and eight ships that were in tb& port He afterwards de-
stroyed the towns of Belsa, Tarapor, Maii, Kelme, and Aga-
sim, and lastly Surat, which was beginning to revive from its
former destruction. Having thus ravaged the coast of Cam-
baya,
8 On a former occasion, the name of Rumi has been mentioned as uni-
versally given in India to the Turks as coming in place of the Romans.
>. De Faria therefore was mistaken in deriving it from the province of Romania
> or Thrace. E.
9 Perhaps that now called Jaffrabad, E,
224 Portuguese Discovery and TART jr. BOOK m.
baya, he returned to Goa. About this time a brother of the
king of Cambaya, who was rightful heir to that crown, came
into the hands of Nuno ; who expected through his means to
obtain what had been so long desired, the possession of Din,
and the command of the trade of Cambaya.
About this time the Portuguese cruisers had taken twenty-
seven ships belonging to the zamorin, all richly laden. Bein<r
perplexed by the great losses he was continually sustaining
through the Portuguese superiority at sea, the sovereign of
Calicut made overtures towards an accommodation ; and in
a treaty of peace gave permission to the governor-general to
build a fort in the island of Chale, in a river that falls into the
sea about three leagues from Calicut, which is navigable by
boats all the way to the foot of the Gaut mountains. Urinama^
a heathen, was at this time rajah of Chale, and both he and
the neighbouring rajah of Tanore, who were subjects to the
zamorin, were anxious to throw off their subjection to that
prince, and to enter into alliance with the Portuguese, in
hopes of becoming rich by participating in their trade. Im-
mediately upon procuring the consent of the zamorin to con-
struct the fort, Nuno set out from Goa with 150 sail of vessels,
in which were 3000 Portuguese troops and 1000 native Las-
carines. So much diligence was used in carrying on the work,
even the gentlemen participating in the labour, that in twenty-
six days it was in a defensible situation, being surrounded bv
a rampart nine feet thick and of sufficient height, strengthened
by towers and bastions or bulwarks at proper places. Within
the fort a church was built, together with a house for the com-
mander, barracks for the soldiers, and store-houses for trade.
Diego de Pereira, who had negotiated the treaty- with the
zamorin, was left in command of this new fortress, with a
garrison of 250 men ; and Manuel de Sousa had orders to
secure its safety by sea, with a squadron of twenty-two vessels.
The zamorin soon repented of having allowed this fort to be
built in his dominions, and used ineffectual endeavours to
induce the rajah of Chale, Caramanlii, and Tanore to break
with the Portuguese, even going to war against them, but to
no purpose.
About the end of February 1532, Emanuel de Vasconcelles
was sent to the Red Sea with two galliots and several brigan-
tines to cruise against the Turks. Off Xael he captured
several Turkish vessels, among which was a large ship, named
Cufturca,
OAP. i. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 225
Ciifturcd) which was sent to Muscat. The king of Xael, fear-
ful of danger, made his peace with VasconceJles. Soon after-
wards Antonio de Saldanna arrived with ten ships to take the
command in the Red Sea, who was dissatisfied with the terms
entered into with the sheikh of Xael, on which that prince
sent all the valuables belonging to the town, together with the
women and children into the interior, that he might provide
for defence; but being obliged to quit the Red Sea on account
of the weather, Saldanna sailed first to Muscat and thence to
Diu, where he took several vessels belonging to the enemy,
among which was one in which he got above 60,000 Venetian
chequins. About the same time Diego de Sylveira plundered
and burnt Puttun, a city twelve leagues from Diu, and de-
stroyed four ships that were in the harbour. He acted in a
similar manner at Pate and Mangalore and other places,
and returned to Goa with above 4000 slaves and an infinite
booty.
All this encouraged Nuno de Cuna to continue hostilities
against Diu and the kingof Cambaya, in hopes of constraining
him to allow of the construction of a fort in that city. Malek
Tocam 10 , lord of Diu, was then fortifying the city of Basseen,
and as that place might prove injurious to the designs of Nuno
against Cambaya, he determined to destroy it. For this pur-
pose he fitted out a fleet of 1 50 vessels in which he embarked
with 3000 Portuguese soldiers and 200 native Canarins.
Tocam on hearing of this expedition, left a garrison of 12,000
men in Basseen and retired to Diu. Despising the danger of
attacking such superior numbers, Nuno landed his troops and
took Basseen by assault, in which action 600 of the enemy
were slain, and only eight or nine on the side of the Por-
tuguese. Having ravaged the surrounding country and
razed the fortifications of Basseen, Emanuel de Albuquerque
was sent with twelve vessels and 300 men to destroy
the fort of Daman, which he was unable to accomplish.
He burnt however all the towns upon the coast from Basseen
to Tarapor, and reduced Ta?ma, Bandora, Maii, and Bombay
to become tributary. About this time orders were sent from
Portugal that all the commanders of forts in India should
make oath of obedience to the governor-general, whence it
VOL. vi. p appears
10 The lord of Diu only a little before was named Malek Saca; but Da
Faria gives no intimation of any revolution, except by change of name,
Yet from the sequel it is evident this person was the son of Malek AZZ, E f
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m*
appears that till then they were in a great measure inde*
pendent.
Abolit this time Malek Tocam, lord of Diu, desired Nuno to
send a proper person to him with whom he might treat of an
important affair, he being at that time apprehensive that the
kingof Cambaya meant todeprive him of hisgovernment. Vasco
de Cuna was accordingly sent on this embassy, with instruc-
tions to procure the surrender of Diu, but was unsuccessful.
At the same time Tristan de Ga pressed the king of Cam-
baya to allow of building a fort at Diu, and Badur expressed
a desire of conferring with the governor-general on the subject,
though his real design was to kill him rather than grant per-
mission to build a fort. Nuno went accordingly to Diu with
a fleet of ] 00 sail and 2000 Portuguese troops ; but the king
who was then at Diu delayed the interview on various pretences*
and desired Nuno 'to send some of his principal captains to
wait upon him. They went accordingly richly dressed and
were splendidly received. While in discourse with the king,
Emanuel de Macedo took the liberty, yet in a respectful man-
ner, to say " That he wondered much his majesty should de-
prive Malek Tocam of the government of the city, who had
not only served him faithfully, but was the son of one who
had performed many signal services and had long enjoyed his
favour, and that he should bestow the command on Mustapha
Rumi Khan, whose principal merit was disloyalty to the Grand
Turk 9 his natural prince. He added, that if Mustapha denied
this, he challenged him to combat, either hand to hand, or
in any other mariner he might think fit. Rumi Khan was
present, but made no answer, till the king looking angrily
at him, he said his silence proceeded from contempt. Macedo
repeated the challenge, and the Turk, no longer able to shun
it with a good grace, agreed to fight him at sea. But this chal-
lenge took no effect, as the parties could not agree upon the
terms of combat. Being unable to come to any agreement
with the king of Cambaya, Nuno de Cuna entered into a league
with Humayun 11 padishah, or emperor of the Moguls, and
returned to Goa, dispatching several of his captains with squa-
drons to different places.
At this time, Cunale Marcar, a bold pirate, scoured the seas
about Calicut with eight vessels well equipped and full of men.
One night off Cape Comorin he surprised a Portuguese bri-
gantine
.
41 Jn De Faria called Qmewm Patxath, king of the Mogub.^-E,
CHAP. i. SECT. vn. Conquest of India. 227
gantine at anchor, in which were twenty-one Portuguese, all
so fast asleep that they were bound before they waked. He
caused their heads to be bruised to pieces, to punish them for
daring to sleep while he was at sea, a merry cruelty. From
thence Cunale went to Negapatnam on the coast of Coroman-
del, where there were forty Portuguese, who defended them-
selves to no purpose, as the degar or governor of that place (
agreed with Curiale to rob them. Khojah Marcar, though
a relation of Cunale, used his endeavours to deliver the Por-
tuguese from this danger, by instilling mutual jealousy into
the Degar and Cunale, who however took some Portuguese
vessels then in the river at Negapatnam, and shot eight of their
men. Antonio de Silva was sent against him from Cochin
with 200 musqueteers in fifteen small vessels, on which Cunale
took refuge in a bay on the coast called Lanamera,) where he
fortified himself. But Antonio forced him to make his escape
in the habit of a beggar to Calicut, leaving his vessels and
cannon, with which Antonio returned to Cochin.
In 1534- Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Portuguese admiral in
India, took the fort of Daman ; and Badur king of Cambaya,
fearing still greater losses, and finding his trade completely
.interrupted, made peace with Nuno, on the following condi-
tions. The fort of Basseen with all its dependencies was
ceded to the crown of Portugal : All ships bound from the
kingdom of Cambaya for the Red Sea, were to come in the
first place to Basseen, and to touch there on their return,
paying certain duties to the crown of Portugal : No ships
belonging to Cambaya were to trade to any other parts with-
out licence from the Portuguese government : No ships of
war were to be built in any of the ports belonging to Cam-
baya : The king of Cambaya was on no account to give any
assistance to the Rumes or Turks. There were other articles
in favour of the king of Cambaya, to render the harshness of
these more palatable ; and even these were afterwards mode-
rated when he gave permission for building a fort atDiu.
The kingdom of Guzerat, commonly called Cambaya from
the name of its metropolis, extends from Cape Jaquet or Jigat
in the west, to the river Nagotana near Chaul, within which
limits there is a large and deep bay or gulf having the same
name with the capital, in which bay the sea ebbs and flows with
wonderful rapidity, insomuch that any ship that is caught in
this tremendous bore certainly perishes. To avoid this danger,
there
228 Portuguese Discovery and PART n.
^^ m.
there is always a man stationed on an eminence, who gives
notice with a horn when he sees the approach of this torrent.
The distance between Cape Jigat and the river of Nagotana
is above 200 leagues. On the west Guzerat borders on the
Resbuti or Rajputs, a people dwelling in a mountainous coun-
try 13 . On the north it joins with the kingdom of C/iitor 13 :
On the east with that of Pale 14 . The coast is covered by
numerous towns and cities. It is watered by two famous
rivers, the Taptii r arid Tapetii 15 , and by many creeks that form
several islands. Guzerat is all plain, so that they generally
travel in waggons, as in Flanders, but lighter made, which
are easily drawn by oxen, smaller than those of Spain. The
country breeds cattle in great abundance, and plenty of pro-
visions of all sorts. The natives are of four different kinds.
The first called Baneanes Baganzariis, feed after our manner:
The second called simply Banea?ies 16 , who eat of nothing that
hath life. Their priests are called Fertias, who are clothed
in white, and never change their apparel till it falls in pieces.
These live altogether on charity ; and, like the children of
Israel in the desert, they never keep any thing for the next
day. They place their greatest hope of salvation in abstain-
ing from killing any creature whatever, and even use no light
at night, lest any moth should fly into the flame ; and always
carrv a broom to sweep the ground they tread on, that they
may not trample any worm or insect to death. The third
race consists of the Resbuti or Rajputs, who are good soldiers,
and to whom formerly the kingdom belonged. These people
acknowledge one God m three persons, and worship the blessed
rirgin, a doctrine which they have preserved ever since the
time
12 These mountains are in the middle of Guzerat, which they pervade in
a range of considerable length from N. E. to S W. E.
13 More properly Agimere<> in which is the town or city of Cheitore,
whence the name in the text. E.
14 Malwa, < ne of the kingdoms or Soubahs of Hindostan is to the east of
Guzerat. The meaning of the name in the text is not obvious. E.
15 TheTaptee is evidently one of these, but it is hard to say what river
is meant by the other. Next to the Taptee on the north, the great river
Nerbuddah flows into the Gulf of Cambay, dividing the two great Subahs
of Malwa and Candeish. The Mahie divides Guzerat from Malwa ; and
the Mehlr.dry and Puddar pervade Guzerat ; which is bounded on the west
by the C. agger, dividing it from the great sandy desert of -Stride or JesselmerCj
and from Cutch. E.
16 Banians : It would much exceed the bounds of a note to enter upon any
explanation here of the Hindoo casts, which will be fully illustrated in the.
sequel of this work. E.
CHAP. i. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 229
time of the apostles 17 . The fourth and last class of inhabitants
are the Mahometans called Lflwtefls, consistingboth of strangers
who have conquered the country, and natives who have embra-
ced that religion. The inhabitants of Guzerat are veryingenious
mechanics in works of silk, gold, ivory, mother-of-pearl, tor-
toise-shell, crystal, ebonv, and other articles. They follow
the rules of Pythagoras, killing no creature ; but rather buy
all, though even venomous, from those who take them, on
purpose to set them free. They have even a set of men
whose only employment is to go about the towns and fields
looking out for sick beasts, which are tended with great care
in hospitals built on purpose. Yet in spite of all this charity
to the brute creation, they are devoid of human kindness, and
will not reach out their hand to help a fellow creature in the
utmost need.
In the year of God 1^92, or according to the Mahometan
account the 700, a pagan king named Galacarna ruled in peace
in Guzerat ; but involved the country in war to deprive his
brother of the kingdom of hampanel or CJiampaneer, which
had been left him by their father. Galacarna employed two
generals in this war, one of whom named Madana had to wife
one of the most beautiful women of the country, of the race
ofPatkminii, who, besides their beauty, are said to have so
sweet a scent from their skin that they are esteemed beyond all
other women. It is said there are scarcely any of these women
in Guzerat, but many in Orissa. There is no mischief with-
out a woman even with an ill savour, how much more then
for one of a good scent ! King Galacarna fell in love with
the wife of Madana, and used every means to gain her but to
no purpose. But she being chaste, which was doubtless the
sweet smell, gave notice to her husband and brother of the
dishonourable conduct of the king ; on which they called in
Shah Nasr Oddin king of Delhi, who invaded the kingdom
of Guzerat and slew Galacarna in battle ; after which he left
his general Habed Shah to reduce the kingdom to subjection,
having in the first place rewarded the two brothers for their
services,
1 7 It is most wonderful, that in the grossest, most ridiculous, and most
obscene of all idolatrous polytheism, the Portuguese should have fancied any
resemblance to the pure religion of Christ ! even under its idolatrous debase-
ment of image worship, and the invocation of legions of saints. The mon-
strous superstitions of the bramihs will be discussed in a future division of
this work. E.
230 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in .
services, and made the kings of Mandou and Cheitore tribu*
tary 18 . Shah Nasr Oddin was soon afterwards killed by his
nephew, and the kingdom of Delhi was so much weakened by
civil war, that Habed-shah revolted and set himself up as king
of Guzerat.
In 1330, Hamet a Mahometan Tartar, who resided in the
city of Cambay, by the assistance of a number of Arabs,
Persians, and Rumes or Turks, usurped a great part of
Guzerat, then possessed by Deosing-rao. AH Khan succeed-
ed Hamet, and left forty sons, three of whom became kings,
The eldest Peru-shah succeeded in the kingdom of Guzerat.
The second Azeide-khan got the kingdom of Mandou or
Malwa by his wife ; and the third named Ali-khan acquired
the kingdom of Agimcre in the same manner. Peru-shah
followed the example of his father and grandfather in securing
his kingdom against foreign enemies, and built the city of
Diu in memory of a victory over a Chinese fleet. Sultan
Mahomet his son succeeded, and reigned at the time when
Vasco de Gama discovered India. He left the kingdom to
his son Modcifer, as most worthy ; but in consequence of a
civil war, Modafer was slain, and his youngest brother Ma-
homet Khan was raised to the throne. An elder brother Latisa
Khan aspired to the kingdom, but without success ; and after
a succession of civil wars it fell to Badur, or Behauder Khan,
who was king of Guzerat at this period. The former king
Modafer divided the possessions belonging to Malek Azz who
was lord of Diu among his three sons, which destination gave
great displeasure to his own sons who coveted these territories.
But Badur was chiefly dissatisfied, and even poisoned his
father Modafer Khan. After this parricide, he fled to the
king of Chitore, where he killed a person even in the presence
of the king at an entertainment, and fled to Delhi. He
there professed himself a Calendar or religious person, to
shun the punishment due to his crimes. These Calendars go
about loaded with iron chains and live abstemiously ; yet with
all their outward shew of religious austerity, they practice all
manner of lewdness and wickedness in secret. They enter
into no town, but blow a horn on the out-skirts, that people
bring them alms. Sometimes they go about in bands of
two
"as Probably Malwa and Agimere are here meant. E.
CHAP. i. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 231
two thousand or more* laying the country under contribu-
tions.
After remaining some time among the Calendars, Badur
got notice of the distractions prevailing in Guzerat, and went
there with his chains in search of the crown, and acquired
the favour of the people so strongly by his pretended religious
austerity, that he was proclaimed king. To secure his ill-
gotten power, he caused Madrern-al-Mulk to be flayed alive
for having raised his youngest brother Latisa Khan to the
throne, and put to death all his brothers. Being desirous to
take off Malek Saca lord of Din, Saca fled, and was suc-
ceeded by his brother Malek Tocam. In the year 1527, one
Stephen Diaz Brigas, a Portuguese who had fled his country
for some crime, came to India as captain of a French ship
with forty Frenchmen, and putting into Diu was there made
prisoner with all his men, who were cruelly put to death by
order of Badur.
While at Champaneer in 1527, ambassadors came from
Baber, padishah or emperor of Delhi, demanding homage and
tribute for Guzerat, as part of his dominions. At first Badur
was disposed to have slain these unwelcome messengers ; but
he dismissed them, saying that he would carry the answer in
person. He accordingly drew together an army of 100,000
men and 400 elephants, with a great train of artillery. But
he was prevented from carrying his designs into execution, in
consequence of a great town called Doitabad being taken by
Nizam-al-Mulk ; and though he recovered it, he met with
great loss of men, chiefly by the weather, it being winter,
some of his men being slain by a shower of stones as large as
oranges 19 . Certain men came to Badur, from the kingdom
of the Colii 20 , who demanded tribute; but he flayed them
alive. In 1529, Badur marched with 70,000 horse and
200,000 foot into the dominions of Nizam-al-Mulk, where he
did much damage. In the same year Baber padishah of the
Moguls of Delhi, marched with an army for the reduction of
Guzerat ;
19 The story in the text Is difficultly intelligible. I am apt to believe
that the great army belonged to Baber, the Great Mogul, designed for the
reduction of Guzerat, but turned aside for the recovery of Dowlatabad in
the Deccan, and that the shower of stones of the text is to be understood
of hail. E.
20 Who these were does not appear. E.
332 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
The 18th of April we fastened ourselves to a shoal about
four leagues past Kossir, and set sail from thence at noon.
The 19th, about hall' an hour past eight o'clock, while pro-
ceeding with fine weather, we were suddenly taken aback by
a fierce gust at N. N. W. which obliged us to take shelter
in an island called Suffange-al-ba/tar t3 or Saffanj-al-bahr^
losing 4 or 5 leagues of way that we had already advanced.
The name given to this island means in the Arabic a sea-sponge.
It is 13 leagues beyond Al Kossir, in iat 27 N. being in length
about two leagues by about a quarter in breadth, all of sand
without trees or water. Its harbour is good in all weathers ;
but upon the main land the number of bays, ports, and har-
bour j about this place are wonderful. The best channel here
is between the island and the main, along the coast of the
continent, as on the bide next the island there are some shoals.
Likewise in the northern entry to this port there are other
shoals which need not be feared in coming in by day, and in
in the southern entrance there is a large rock in the very
middle. The 20th at sunset we were about six leagues be-
yond this island of Safanj-al-bahr. From which island to a
sandy point about 1* league beyond, the coast trends N.N.W.
and S. S. E. and from this point forwards to the end of the
six leagues, the coast winds inwards to landwards forming a
large bay, within which are many islands, ports, creeks, bays,
and notable harbours. The 2 1st by day we were fast to the
shore of an island called Sheduam, and the wind being calm,
we rowed along the coast of the island, which, opposite to
Arabia or the east side, is high and craggy, all of hard rock,
three leagues long and two broad. This island is 20 leagues
beyond Al Kossir, having no water nor any trees. It is be-
tween the two coasts of Arabia and Egypt, being five leagues
from either. Beyond it to the north-west are three small low
islands with shoals among them. An hour after sunset, we
were upon the north cape or point of this island, whence we
crossed towards the Arabian coast I4 , and having no wind we
took to our oars. Within a little it began to blow fair from
the S. E. and we set sail steering N. W. At eleven next
morning,.
1 3 Safanj-al-bahr. In Arabic Safanj, Sofinj and Isfonf, all signify Sponge,
%'blch is obviously derived from the Arabic word. Ast.
1 4 Probably meaning that part of Arabia between the Gulf of Suez and the
Bahr-akkaba, called the promontory of Tor, of which Cape Mahomed forms
the S. W. extremity. E.
CHAP. in. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 333
morning, we were upon the coast of the Stony Arabia, and
soon sailed along its shore, entering two hours before sunset
into the port of Toro or Al Tor, which may be seen from
tiie island of Sheduam, distant 12 leagues, bearing N. bv W.
and S. by E.
Toro or Al Tor was of old called Elana, as may be seen in
the writings of Ptolomy, Strabo, and other ancient writers,
although our observation of the latitude differs materially from
theirs. But they shew that Elana was situated in the most
inward part of a very great gul called Sinus Elaniticus l5 9
from the name of this place Elana, and in lat. 29 15' N.
Now we know that Toro is in lat. 28 10' N, 16 and lies upon
a very long and straight coast. The cause of this great differ-
ence, if these places be the same, may have proceeded from
erroneous information given to Ptolomy and the other ancient
cosmographers. But that ancient Elana and modern Toro
are the same, appears from this, that from thence to Suez both
on the Arabian and Egyptian coasts of the Elanitic Gulf, not
only is there no memorial or remains of any other ancient
town, and the barrenness of the country, want of water, and
rough craggy mountains, make it evident that in no other
place could there be any habitation. Hence, considering that
Ptolomy places Elana on the coast of Arabia Petrea, near ad-
joiuing to mount Sinai, and makes no mention of any town
between it and the City of Het^oes on the upmost extremity of
the Elanitic Gulf where the sea ends ; and as on this shore of
Arabia there is neither town, village, nor habitation, coming so
near the position assigned to Elana as Toro, and as it is im-
possible to inhabit between Toro and Suez, it seems just to
conclude that Toro and Elana are the same place. The port
of Toro seems likewise that mentioned in holy writ under the
oameofAilan, where Solomon, king of Israel, caused the
ships to be built which sailed to Tar sis and Ophir to bring
gold and silver for the temple of Jerusalem : for taking away
the second letter from Allan, the ancient names are almost the
same,
15 Don Juan entirely mistakes this point of antiquity, in consequence of
not having learnt that there was another and eastern gulf at the head of the
Red Sea ; the Bahr-akkaba or real Sinus Elaniticus, on which is the town
of Ayla, assuredly the ancient Elana or Aylan. E,
16 If this observation be exact, the great promontory or peninsula between
the gulfs at the head of the Red Sea must be extended too far south in the
map constructed by Dr Pocock. Ast.
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK uj,
so there are likewise very large and fruitful plains, watered by
five rivers which compose the Indus. These are the Bet,
Satinague, Chanao 9 Rave, and Rea 23 . The cities of this
country are numerous and the men courageous.
The Moguls are of the Mahometan religion, using the
Turkish and Persian languages. They are of fair com-
plexions, and well made, but have small eyes like the Tartars
and Chinese. Their nobility wear rich and gay clothes,
fashioned like those of the Persians, and have long beards.
Their military dress is very costly, their arms being splendidly
gilt and highly polished, and they are singularly expert in the
use of the bow. In battle they are brave and well disciplined
and use artillery. Their padishah is treated with wonderful
majesty, seldom making his appearance in public, and has a
guard of 2000 horse, which is changed quarterly. Both
Moguls and Patans endeavoured to conquer India ; but by
treachery and the event of war, the Patans and the kingdom
of Delhi were reduced by the Moguls at the time when Baber,
the great-grandson of the great Tamerlane was their padishah.
At the period to which we have now proceeded in our his-
tory of the Portuguese in India, Omaum or Humayun^ the
son of Baber, was padishah of the Moguls, and declared war
against Badur king of Guzerat ; who immediately sent an
army of 20,000 horse and a vast multitude of foot to ravage
the frontiers of the enemy. Ingratitude never escapes unpu-
nished, as was exemplified on this occasion. Crementii queen
of Chitore, who had formerly saved the life of Badur, and
who in return had deprived her of the kingdom of Chitore,
was required by him to send her son with all the men he could
raise to assist him in the war against Humayun. The queen
required he would restore her other son, whom he kept as an
hostage
of mountains which bound Hindostan, particularly on the north-west, in-
cluding Cashmir and Cabul ; which seems probable as immediately followed
in the text by the Punjab, or country on the five ri*vers composing the
Indus. E.
25 These rivers are so strangely perverted in their orthography as hardly
to be recognisable, and some of them not at all. The true Punjab or five
rivers is entirely on the east of the Indus, Sinde or Nilab. Its five rivers
are the Behut or Hydaspes, Chunab or Acesinas, Rauvee or Hydraotes^
Setlege or Hesudrus, and a tributary stream of the last named the Hypha-
sis by the ancients. These two last are the Beyah and Setlege of the mo-
derns. The Kameh and Comul run into the Indus to the west of the Pun-
jab. E.
CHAP* i. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 235
hostage, that she might not be deprived of both, and in the
mean time raised all the forces she was able. Not aware of
her intentions, Baclur sent her son to Chitore, on which she
immediately put herself under the protection of Humayun,
Badur immediately drew together an army of 100,000 horse,
415,000 foot, 1000 cannon, 600 armed elephants, and 6000
carriages, with which he besieged Chitore, and battered its
walls with great fury. While engaged in this siege, he re-
ceived information that the army he had sent to ravage the
country of the Moguls had been defeated with the loss of
20,000 men. He at length got possession of Chitore by
policy more than force, after losing 15,000 men during the
siege ; but the queen made her escape with all her family and
wealth. He repaired the fortifications of Chitore, in which
he left Minao Husseyn with a garrison of 12,000 men. He
then marched to meet the army of the Moguls, which was
advancing through Mandou or Afaltoa in order to relieve
Chitore. On learning that Chitore had fallen, and that Badur
was intrenched with his army at Dozor, Humayun marched
to that place and took up a position with so much judgment
that the army of Badur was reduced to extremity for provi-
sions. Being unable to extricate his army from this state of
difficulty, Badur fled with all speed to Mandou, or Mundu
near the Nerbisddah on the southern frontier of Malwa, ac-
companied by Mustapha Rumi Khan and a few Portuguese.
His prodigious army was utterly destroyed or dispersed, and
his camp plundered by the Moguls ; he even escaping with
difficulty from the pursuit of 10,000 Mogul horse.
Badur fortified himself in Mundu, giving the command of
his remaining force to Rumi Khan, who soon deserted to
Humayun. The family and wealth of Rumi Khan were at
this time in the fortress of Charnpaneer^ and both Badur and
Rumi Khan strove which of them should first be able to se-
cure that place, in which Badur had deposited one of his
three treasures, which only in copper money was worth 30
millions 34 , besides pearls, precious stones, and other valu-
ables. Badur got possession of Champaneer, whence he im-
mediately sent all the treasure, and the family of Rumi Khan,
under a strong escort to Diu ; while he wasted the country
and destroyed all the artillery, that it might not fall into the
hands
24 No intimation is given by De Faria of the denomination of money
here alluded to. E.
236 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK ui.
hands of Humayun, and even did the same at Cambaya his
own capital. Seeing his women and riches in the hands of
Badur, Rumi Khan obtained five hundred horse from his new
master, with which he pursued Badur so expeditiously that
he entered one of the gates of Cambaya as Badur was going
out at the other. Finding himself so closely pursued, Badur
left the women and riches by the way, in hopes of stopping
the pursuit, which had the desired effect, as Rumi Khan
immediately returned with them to Champaneer, and Badur
got safe to Diu, leaving his entire kingdom to Humayun.
In this state of adversity, Badur at length consented to the
erection of a fort at Diu by the Portuguese. He had for-
merly given up Basseen to them, to secure their friendship
during his contest with Humayun, and was now in hopes
by their assistance to recover his dominions. Still however
his pride prompted him to temporize, and he sent an ambas-
sador to request assistance from the Turks to recover his
territories. Hearing that Humayun had taken Champaneer
he gave himself up to despair and resolved upon going to
Mecca, to wait the answer of the grand Turk ; but his mother
and friends dissuaded him, advising him to allow the Portu-
guese to erect the fort at Diu, as by their aid his affairs might
be restored. He immediately sent notice to that effect to
Martin Alfonso de Sousa, then at ChauJ, who communicated
the event to Nuno de Cuna, and went immediately to Diu
at the request of Badur, arriving on the 21st of September
1536. A league offensive and defensive was immediately
entered into between Badur and the Portuguese, in which the
former treaty was confirmed, except that the emporium of
trade was to be transferred from Basseen to Diu : The fort
was to be built where and in what manner should be judged
best by the governor-general ; and in the mean time a bul-
wark or castle upon the sea, commanding the entrance of the
port was to be delivered up. There were many other articles,
and among these that the Portuguese were not to meddle
with the kings revenues at Diu and other places. The
governor general on receiving notice of this treaty, came
immediately to Diu, where he was honourably received by
Badur.
A Jew and an Armenian were immediately sent off to carry
intelligence of this event to Portugal* 5 . At this time there
was
>
25 Though not so expressed in the text, these messengers were probably
sent over land. E,
CHAP. I. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 237
was a person named Diego Botello residing at Dili who was in
disgrace with the king of Portugal, on account of it being
reported that he intended to go over to the French in hopes
of high promotion, as he was very conversant in the affairs of
India. Knowing how earnestly King Joani had desired the
establishment of a tort at Diu, he resolved upon endeavouring
to be the first messenger of this news. For this purpose, having
procured a copy of the treaty and a draught of the intended
fort, he embarked in a small vessel, only sixteen feet and a
half long, nine feet broad, and four feet and a half deep,
manned by his own slaves, with three Portuguese and two
others, giving out that he was going to Cambaya. But when
out at sea, he informed his companions that he meant in this
frail bark to traverse the prodigious extent of ocean between
India and Portugal, and prevailed upon those along with him
to concur in his design. Being reduced to unspeakable mi-
series, the slaves, who were the only mariners on board, entered
into a conspiracy to kill him, and even killed one of his
servants, but were all slain. Being now without seaman or
pilot, he held on his course and arrived at Lisbon to the
astonishment of every one. Botello was restored to the
royal favour for this wonderful action, but received no other
reward, and the bark was immediately destroyed, that it might
not be known so small a vessel was capable of performing so
great a voyage.
Nuno de Cuna lost no time in erecting the fort at Diu, the
command of which was given to Einanucl de Sousa with
900 Portuguese troops, the ramparts being furnished with
sixty pieces of great cannon. Badiir soon found the benefit
of his alliance with the Portuguese, as Nizam-al-Mulk at the
instigation of Nuno made peace with and aided him against
Hnmayun ; and a Portuguese force under Vasco Perez reco-
vered tor him a considerable place towards the Indus named
Varivene 26 . Garcia de Sa and Antonio Galvam defended
Basseen against the Moguls, w r ho were constrained to retreat
from that place -, and Mirza Mahmoud, nephew to Badur,
recovered many places on the frontiers from the Moguls,
Being thus prosperous, solely by the assistance of the
Portuguese, 500 of whom served in his army under the
command of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, Badur repented
of having allowed them to build a fort at Diu, and even
began to build a wall or fortification between the fort and
the
25 Perhaps Warwama on the Gulf of Cutch. E.
238 Portuguese Discovery and PART 11* BOOK m,
the city, under pretence of separating the Portuguese from
the natives, to prevent differences by too free communication-
But after several strong remonstrances this was desisted
from.
In the year 1537, Badur became still more intent upon
removing the Portuguese from Diu, for which purpose he
again sent to procure assistance from the Turks, and in the
mean time used his utmost endeavours to take the fort and
to destroy Nuno de Cuna, whom he invited to Diu with that
view. Though apprized of the treacherous designs of Badur,
De Cuna omitted to avail himself of an opportunity of secur-
ing him while on a visit on board his ship, deferring it to a
future opportunity in a proposed conference in the fort.
While Badur was going on shore in his katur or barge, Emar-
nuel de Sousa the commandant of the fort of Diu followed
him in a barge and went on board the royal katur to give the
invitation from the governor-general. At this time another
Portuguese barge coming up hastily, Badur became suspicious
of some evil intention, and ordered his officers to kill De
Sousa. One Diega de Mosquita who had aided Badur in
the late war and had acquired a perfect knowledge of the
language, understood what was said by Badur, whom he im-
mediately attacked and wounded, but De Sousa was slain by
his attendants. Upon this a bloody affray took place between
the Portuguese and the attendants on Badur, in which seven
of the latter were slain. Several other boats belonging to
both parties came up, afld Badur attempted to escape in his
barge to the city, but was stopped by a cannon-shot which
killed three of his rowers ; on which he endeavoured to escape
by swimming, but being in danger of drowning he called out,
discovering who he was. Tristan de Payva reached out an
oar for him to take hold of, that he might get on board the
boat ; but a soldier struck him on the face with a halberd,
and then others, till he was slain. His body sunk, and neither
it nor the body of De Sousa could afterwards be found for
interment.
Most of the citizens of Diu were witness to this scene from
the walls, and when the intelligence of the kings death reached
the city, the inhabitants began to abandon it in such haste
and confusion that many were trampled to death in the throng,
being afraid that the Portuguese would plunder them. The
governor-general soon restored confidence by a public pro-
clamation, and the inhabitants returned quietly to their houses,
CHAP. I. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 230
He even entered the town unarmed, to reassure the inhabitant^
and to restrain the avarice of his people, so that no disorder
was committed. De Sousa being slain, as before mentioned,
De Cuna gave the command of the fortress of Diu to his
brother-in-law Antonio de Sylveira Menezes, and his gallant
conduct afterwards shewed that he was worthy of the station.
The queen-mother had retired to Navanaguer a? , and Nuno
sent a message of condolence for the death of her son, endea-
vouring to demonstrate that it had been occasioned by his
own fault ; but she refused to receive or listen to the message.
The treasure found in the palace of Diu in gold and silver was
of small value, not exceeding 200,000 pardaos 28 , but the
quantity of ammunition was exceedingly great. The number
of brass cannon was prodigious, those of iron not being
deemed worthy of account. Among the brass ordnance were
three basilisks of prodigious size, one of which was sent by De
Cuna as a curiosity to Lisbon, which was placed in the castle
of St Julian at the mouth of the Tagus, where it is known by
the name of the Gun of Diu. Among the papers belongin
to Badur and his treasurer Abd y el Coder, letters were foun
from Saf Khan, communicating the progress he had made
in his negociations for bringing the Turks upon the Portu-
guese, and copies of others from the sheikhs of Aden and
Xael to the same purpose. Having collected these and other
testimonies of the treachery of the late king, Nuno caused
Kfiqjah Zofar, a man of great reputation among the citizens
both Mahometans and Gentiles, to convene a meeting of the
principal people, merchants, and cazis, or teachers of the
Mahometan law, to whom these letters and testimonials were
produced, in justification of the conduct of the Portuguese,
and in proof of the treacherous intentions of the late king.
All the Moors and Pagans acknowledged themselves satisfied
by these documents, and accordingly gave certificates to that
effect in the Arabic and Persian languages, which were signed
by Khojah Zofar and all the leading people among the Ma-
hometans and Hindoos, which were communicated to the
kings of the Deccan, Narsinga, and Ormuz, and to all the
sheikhs along the coast of Arabia as far as Aden.
For the greater security and satisfaction of the people,
Nuno gave orders that the Mahometans should enjoy the free
exercisr
27 Probably Noanagur en the east side of the Gulf of Cutch. E.
28 At 3s. 9d. each^ worth L. 37,500 sterling. E.
240 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
exercise of their religion, and that the laws and regulations
estaolished by Badur for the government of the city and its
dependencies should continue to be executed, even continu-
ing all the salaries and pensions granted by the late king.
Among these was a Moor of Bengal who, by authentic infor-
mation was 320 years old z9 . This man had two sons, one
ninety and the other only twelve years of age. He appeared
to be only about sixty, and it was said that his beard and
teeth had fallen and been renewed four or five times. He
was rather under the middle size, and neither fat nor lean.
He pretended that before he was an hundred years old, while
herding cattle on the banks of a river, there appeared a man
to him clothed in a gray habit and girt with a cord, having
wounds on his hands and feet, who requested to be carried
by him across the river on his shoulders ; which having done,
this person said that as a reward for his charity, he should
retain all his faculties till he saw him again. Going accord-
ingly into one of the Portuguese churches in India, this old
man exclaimed on seeing the image of St Francis, This is he
whom I carried across the river o many years ago.
Mir Mahomet Zaman, a descendant of the ancient kings
of Guzerat, on learning the death of Badur, went to condole
with the queen-mother at Novanaguer ; but she, fearing he
came to rob her, refused to see him and even endeavoured to
remove to another place. Offended at her suspicions, Ma-
homet Zaman lay in wait for her with 2000 horse, and rob-
bed her of all her riches, amounting to above two millions of
gold. He then raised above 5000 horse, with which he seized
Novanaguer, and had himself proclaimed king of Guzerat. He
then sent a messenger to Nuno de Curia, giving an account
of the posture of his affairs and of his title to the crown, de-
siring his assistance, in requital for which he offered to cede
to the Portuguese all the coast from Mangalore to Beth 3 ,
including the towns of Daman and Basseen with the royal
country- house of Novanaguer, and other advantages. Nuno
accepted these offers, caused him to be proclaimed king in the
mosque of Diu, and urged him to raise forces and disperse the
other
29 Perhaps an error of the press for 120.- E.
30 This account of the matter is inexplicable. Mangalore is on the coast
of Malabar far 10 the south of Guzerat, Beth is not to be found in any map
of India in these parts, and Novanaguer or Noanagur is at the other extre-
jnity of Guzerat on the Gulf of Cutch. E.
5
CHAP. I. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 241
other pretenders. Fearing that this advice was only given to de-
ceive, Zaman procrastinated and took no effectual steps to se-
cure the crown to which he aspired, of which misconduct he
soon experienced the evil consequences; as the principal people
of Guzerat set Mahomet Khan-, a nephew of the deceased
Baduron the Musnud, and made preparations to subdue Za-
man. As Nuno was under the necessity of leaving Diu
early in 1538 to attend to the other affairs of his extensive
government, the Guzerat nobles in the interest of Mahomet
raised sixty thousand men, with which they marched against
Zaman ; and having corrupted most of his officers, he was
obliged to flee to Delhi, where he was honourably received
by the padishah of the Moguls, from whom he received the
kingdom of Bengal. The successful party in Guzerat called
Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu to account for
the death of Badur, and being satisfied on that head proposed
a treaty of peace ; but as they peremptorily refused to accede
to the condition conceded by Zaman, the negociations were
broken off.
The most inveterate enemies of the Portuguese in India
were the Moors upon the coast between Chaul and Cape Co-
morin, a space of about 200 leagues, who had flocked thither
in great numbers allured by the vast and profitable trade in
that part of India. About this time there lived in Cochin a
rich and powerful Moor named Pate Marcar, who being ir-
ritated against the Portuguese for taking some of his vessels
went to reside in Calicut to have an opportunity of being re-
venged upon them by the assistance of the zamorin, who fur-
nished him with above 50 ships, 2000 men, and 400 pieces
of cannon. With these he went to the assistance of Madune
Pandar who had revolted against his brother the king of Cey-
lon who was the ally of the Portuguese. At Coulam Mar-
car attacked a large Portuguese ship which was loading pep-
per, but was beat off after killing the captain. In another
port farther south he took a ship belonging to the Portuguese
and killed all her crew. Beyond Cape Comorin he destroyed
a town inhabited by native Christians. On hearing of these
depredations, Martin Alfonso went in 19 row-boats from
Cochin in pursuit of Marcar, whom he found in a creek
where he offered him battle ; but as Marcar declined this,
and Alfonso did not think his force sufficient to attack him,
in that situation, he returned to Cochin for a reinforcement
Setting out again with 23 row-boats and 400 men, Alfonso
TOL. vr, p found
242 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
found Marcar careening his vessels at a port or creek beyond
Cape Comorin named J3eadala 9 where he gave the Moors a
total defeat though they had gathered a force of 7000 men to
resist him. Alfonso took 23 barks, 400 cannon, 1500 fire-
locks, and many prisoners, and set free a considerable num-
ber of Portuguese slaves, having lost 30 men in the action,
chi >fly through the mistake of a signal. After this great vic-
tory, Alfonso went over to Columbo in Ceylon, the king of
which place was besieged by his rebellious brother Madune
Pandar, who at first believed the Portuguese fleet to be that
of Marcar coming to his assistance ; but hearing of the de-
struction of his ally, he raised the siege and made peace.
It is proper that we should give some account of the rich
and fertile kingdom of Bengal on the bay of that name, which
receives the waters of the famous river Ganges by two prin-
cipal mouths and many subordinate creeks. This river has
its source in the mountains of Great Tartary, whence it runs
southwards near 600 leagues, dividing India into two parts
infra et extra Gangem, or on this side and the other side of
the Ganges. On the great eastern mouth of the Ganges
stands the city of Chatigam or Chittagong, and on the west-
ern mouth the city of Satigam 3l . On the east of the Ganges,
which runs through the middle of Bengal, Caor 9 Comatii 9
Sirote, Codovascam, Cou, and Tipora were subject to that
kingdom, but the two last uniting together had thrown oft'
the yoke. On the west of the river, the country of Cospetir,
whose plain is overflowed annually by the Ganges as the land
of Egypt by the Nile, had been conquered by the Patans.
According to the Pagans, God hath granted to the kingdom
of Bengal an infinite multitude of infantry, to Orixa abun-
dance of elephants, to Bisnagar a people well skilled in using
the sword and buckler, to Delhi a prodigious number of towns,
and to Cou innumerable horses. The kingdom of Bengal,
reaching between the latitudes of 22 and 26 30' N. is well
watered and exceedingly fertile, producing abundance of fruit,
with sugar and long pepper, great quantities of cotton, which
the inhabitants manufacture with much skill, and has great
abundance of cattle and poultry. The natives are heathens
of a pusillanimous character, yet false and treacherous ; for it
is universally the case that cowardice and treachery go toge-
ther.
31 It is impossible even to guess what place is meant in the text by Sa-
tigam, unless it may have some reference to the river Sagar. E.
CHAP. i. SECT, vi r. Conquest of India. 248
ther. The king is universal heir to all his subjects. The
capita] city, named Goivro, on the banks of the Ganges, is
three leagues ill length. It contains 1,^00,000 families^ and
is well fortified. The streets are long, wide, and straight, with
rows of trees to shelter the people from the sun, and are
sometimes so thronged with passengers that many are trodden
to death.
About fifty years before the discovery of India by the Por-
tuguese, an Arabian merchant who dwelt in Gowro became
very rich rich and powerful, and having defeated the king of
Orixa in a great battle grew so much in favour with the king
of Bengal that he was made captain of his guards. But, un-
grateful to his benefactor, he killed the king and usurped the
kingdom, leaving it as an inheritance to the Moors who have
since possessed this rich and fertile kingdom. The succession
to this kingdom proceeds upon no rule of hereditary descent ;
but is often acquired by slaves who kill their masters, and
whosoever acquires the government, were it only for three
days, is looked upon as established by Providence and Di-
vine right. Hence during a period of forty years this king-
dom had been ruled by 13 successive princes. At the time
when Martin Alfonso Melo de Jusarte was prisoner in Ben-
gal, Mahomet Shah was king and held his court in Gowro
with such state that there were 10,000 women in his Zenana,
yet was he in continual apprehension of being deposed*
Martin and the other Portuguese prisoners did signal service
to Mahomet in his wars with the Patans ; and Martin and
his followers obtained their liberty through the means of one
Khojah Sabadim^ a rich Moor, who engaged to procure liber-
ty for the Portuguese to build a fort at Chittagong, if Nuno
de Cuna would carry him to Ormuz. Nuno being eager to
acquire an establishment in Bengal, granted all that was
asked, and sent Martin Alfonso with 200 men in five vessels
to Bengal, and to secure the friendship of the king sent him
a magnificent present. Thirteea men who carried the pre-
sent to Gowro, and thirty others who accompanied Martin
Alfonso to an entertainment at Chittagong were made prison-
ers. On learning this event, Nuno sent Antonio de Silva
with 350 men in nine vessels, to treat for the liberation of
Martin Alfonso and prisoners, by the assistance of Khojah
Sabadim, to whose suggestions the former unfortunate expe-
dition was owing ; and to secure the fidelity of Sabadim, a
ship belonging to him with a rich cargo was detained in
pledge.
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK nr,
pledge. From Chittagong, Silva sent a messenger to Gowra
with a letter and a present ; but as the answer was long in
coming, Silva judged that the king had detained his messen-
ger along with the rest, on which he rashly destroyed Chitta-
gong and some other places j for which proceeding the king
confined the prisoners more rigidly than before. But his ne-
cessities obliged him soon after to change his severity into
kindness.
Xerckan, or Shir Khan, a general of note among the Mo-
ls, being in disgrace with the padishah or Great Mogul,
d from Delhi to Bengal accompanied by his brother He-
dele Khan, and both of them rose to eminent rank in the
service of Mahomet. Being now at the head of a large army,
Shir Khan resolved to avenge upon Mahomet the murder of
the former infant king of Bengal ; for which purpose he re-
volted with his army to Humayun the Mogul padishah, and
turned his arms against Mahomet. In his distress, Mahomet
consulted with Martin Alfonso how best to oppose the arms
of Shir Khan. By his advice, some vessels commanded by
Portuguese were stationed in the Ganges at a pass near the
fort of Gori where the Ganges enters Bengal. These effec-
tually barred the passage of Shir Khan in that direction ; but
having discovered another ford, he advanced to Gowro, which
he invested with 40,000 horse, 200,000 foot, and 1500 ele-
phants. Shir Khan likewise brought a fleet of 300 boats
down the river, to a place where Mahomet had 800 boats to
oppose the enemy. At this place Duarte de Brito did signal
service in the sight of King Mahomet, and among other
things, accompanied by eight other Portuguese, he took an
elephant that was swimming across the river. The city of
Gowro being reduced to distress by the besieger?, Mahomet
bought a peace, and Shir Khan drew off with his army. Be-
ing now as he thought in safety, Mahomet allowed Martin
Alfonso to depart with the other Portuguese, only retaining
five as hostages for the assistance he had been promised by
Nuno.
Shir Khan returned soon afterwards to Gowro, which he
took by assault, obliging the king, who was wounded in the
assault^ to abandon the city. Mahomet died of his wounds
on his way to ask assistance from Humayun. Shir Khan
drew off from Gowro, where he acquired treasure to the
amount of 60 millions in gold. Humayun brought the dead
body of King Mahomet to Gowro, where he appointed his
own
CHAP. i. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 24-5
own brother-in-law Mir Mahomet Zaman to the vacant king-
dom, who had been lately driven from Guzerat. But on the
return of Humayun towards Delhi, Shir Khan returned to
Gowro and drove out Mahomet Zaman. Humayun then
marched against Shir Khan with 100,000 horse and 150,000
foot, with above 200,000 followers. The two armies met on
the banks of the Ganges near the city of Kanoje when Shir
Khan gained so complete a victory that Humayun made his
escape with only 25 attendants, and never stopt till he arrived
at Lahore. Shir Khan treated the women belonging to Hu-
mayun with great respect, and restored them to the padishah.
Finding himself too weak for the conquest of Bengal, Hu-
mayun determined upon endeavouring to reduce Guzerat ;
but abandoned in his distress by his own Omrahs, he went
into Persia, where the Sophi supplied him with an army of
12,000 horse, to which he was enabled to add 10,000 volun-
teers. With these allies, added to the troops that continued
to adhere to him, he invested Candahar, where his brother
Astarii Mirza had proclaimed himself king of Mogostan.
The city was taken and given up to the Persians. In the
mean time Shir Khan made himself formidable in Bengal,
having an army of 400,000 horse. He took the city of Ca-
lijor belonging to the Rajputs, meaning to plunder a vast
treasure contained in the temple at that place j but pointing
a cannon to kill an elephant belonging to the temple, the
piece burst and killed himself
The present formerly mentioned, which was sent by the
king of Guzerat to the Grand Turk to obtain his assistance,
was delivered at Constantinople, where at the same time ar-
rived news of the kings death. But the great value of the
present demonstrated the vast riches of India, and made the
Turkish emperor desirous of acquiring a footing in that coun-
try, whence he thought the Portuguese might be easily ex-
?elled, and their possessions reduced under his dominion,
n this enterprise he was greatly encouraged by a Portuguese
renegado at Constantinople, who asserted that the Turkish
power might easily supplant that of the Portuguese in India.
For this purpose, the Turkish emperor ordered a fleet to be
fitted out at Suez, the command of which was given to the
eunuch Solyman Pacha, governor of Cairo. Solyman was a
Greek janizary born in the Morea, of an ugly countenance,
-short of stature, and had so large a belly that he was more like
a beast than a man, not being able to rise up without the aid of
four
246 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
four men. At this time he was eighty years of age, and he
obtained this command more by dint of 'his wealth than me-
rit, as he offered to be at the entire charge of the expedition.
To enable him to perform this, he put many rich men to
death and seized their wealth. Among others he strangled
Mir Daud, king or bey of the Thebaid, and seized his trea-
sure. It might be said therefore that this fleet was equipped
rather by the dead than the living. It consisted of 70 sail,
most of them being large gallies, well stored with cannon,
ammunition, and provisions ; on board of which he embarked
7000 soldiers, part Turkish janizaries and part Mamelukes j
besides a great number of choice sailors and galley-slaves,
many of the latter being taken from the Venetian gallies then
at Alexandria, which were seized in consequence of a war
breaking out between the Turks and the republic of Venice.
Solyraan, who was both a tyrant and a coward, set out
from Suez on the C 2 c 2d of June 1538, ordering four hundred
of the soldiers to assist at the oars, and as they resisted this
order as contrary to their privileges, he put two hundred
of them to death. At Jiddah he endeavoured to take the
sheikh, but knowing his tyrannical character, he escaped into
the interior. At Zabid, after receiving a rich present, he put
the sheikh to death. He did the same thing at Aden ; and
arrived at Diu about the beginning of September 1538,
losing six of his vessels by the way.
When Badar king of Guzerat was killed, one Khojah
Zofar swam on shore and was well received by the Portuguese,
being the only one of the kings retinue who was saved on
that occasion. For some time he seemed grateful for his
safety ; but at length fled without any apparent reason to the
new king of Guzerat, to whom he offered his services, and
even endeavoured to prevail upon him to expel the Portu-
fuese from his dominions, asserting that this might be easily
one with the assistance of the Turks. By his instigation,
the king of Guzerat raised an army at Champaneer of 5000
horse and 10,000 foot, to which Khojah Zofar added 3000
horse and 4000 foot in his own pay. Getting notice of these
preparations, Antonio de Sylveira who commanded in Diu,
msed every precaution to provide against a long and danger-
ous siege. Khojah Zofar began the war by attacking the
town of the Humes 3 * near Diu. Francisco Pacheco defended
himself
32 This must have been some town or Tillage inhabited by Turks. E.
CHAP. i. SECT. vu. Conquest of India. 247
himself bravely in a redoubt at the place, with only fourteen
Portuguese, till relieved by Sylveira, and Zofar was forced to
draw off his troops, being himself wounded. Immediately
afterwards Ali Khan, general of the Guzerat army, joined Zo-
far with all the army, and Sylveira thought proper to evacuate
all the posts beyond Diu, that he might be able to maintain
the city and fort ; but some vessels and guns were lost in the
execution of these orders. In consequence of these losses,
and because there were many concealed enemies in the city
who only waited an opportunity of doing all the evil in their
power to the Portuguese, Sylveira deemed it expedient to
evacuate the city, giving his sole attention to the defence of
the fort. Ali Khan and Zofar immediately took possession
of the city, and began to fire upon the fort with their cannon.
Lope de Sousa, who guarded the wood and water belonging
to the garrison, had several rencounters, in which he slew
many of the enemy without any loss on his side, except being
himself severely wounded.
Hearing that the Turkish fleet was approaching, Sylveira
sent immediate notice of it to Nuiio de Cuna, who prepared
with great diligence to go in person to relieve Diu. Michael
Vaz was sent to sea by Sylveira to look out for the enemy,
and falling in with their fleet came so near on purpose to exa-
mine their force that several of their shot reached his vessel.
He got off however, and carried the news to the governor of
Goa. The Turkish fleet came at length to anchor in the port
of Diu, where it was formidable not only to the small Portu-
guese garrison in the fort, but to the Moors even who had long
expected their arrival. Next day Solyman landed 600 well
armed janizaries, who immediately entered the city and
behaved with much insolence. Drawing near the fort, they
killed six Portuguese; but 300 musqueteers attacked them
from the fort and drove them away with the loss of fifty men,
In consequence of a storm, Solyman was obliged to remove
his fleet to Madrefavat, as a safer harbour, where he remain-
ed twenty days, during which time Sylveira was diligently
occupied in strengthening the fortifications of the castle,
planting his artillery on the ramparts, and assigning every
one his proper post for the ensuing siege. At the same time,
the Turks assisted by Zofar commenced operations against
the fort, by constructing batteries, and endeavouring to ruin
the defences of a bulwark at the entrance of the harbour,
which they battered with their cannon, With this view
likewise,
Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK HI.
likewise, they built a wooden castle on a large bark, which
they filled with combustibles, meaning to send it against the
bulwark to set it on fire. But Francisco de Gouvea, who
commanded the small naval force then at Diu, went against
this floating castle under night, and contrived to destroy it
by .lire. At this time likewise some relief was sent to the
fort by Nuno de Cuna, and the garrison was much dated by
the assurance of his intention of coming speedily in person to
raise the siege.
Returning from Madrefavat, Solyman commenced a heavy
fire from his ships against the sea bulwark in which Francisco
de Gouvea commanded, but was so well answered both from
that work and the tower of St Thomas, that one of his galiies
was sunk and most of her men drowned. The greatest harm
suffered at this time by the Portuguese was from the bursting
of some of their own cannon, by which several men were kil-
led. Two brothers only were slain by the fire of the Turks.
Zofar now so furiously battered the bulwark in which Pacheco
commanded, that it became altogether indefensible, on which
seven hundred janizaries assaulted it and set up their colours
on its ruined walls ; but the Portuguese rallied and dislodged
them, killing an hundred and fifty of the enemy. The assault of
this bulwark was continued a whole day, and at night the
enemy were forced to retreat with much loss. Next day
Pacheco deeming it impossible to resist, surrendered upon
promise of life and liberty to himself and his men. Solyman
did not perform the latter stipulation, but he granted their lives
for the present and clothed them in Turkish habits. By one
of these prisoners, Solyman sent a summons to Sylveirato sur-
render, but the proposal was treated with contempt. Solyman
now planted his artillery against the fort, having among other
cannon nine pieces of vast size which carried balls of ninety
pounds weight. His artillery in all exceeded 1 30 pieces of
different sizes, and his batteries were continually guarded by
2000 Turks. This formidable train began to play against
the castle on the 4th of October 1538, and continued without
cessation for twenty days, doing great injury to the defences
of the fort, which could hardly do any injury in return to the
besiegers, neither could the garrison repair sufficiently the
most dangerous breaches, though they used every possible
exertion for that purpose. On the sixth day after the com-
mencement of this violent cannonade, perceiving that the
bulwark commanded by Gaspar de Sousa was much damaged,
the Turks endeavoured to carry it by assault, but were re-
pulsed
CHAP. I. SECT. vii. Conquest of India.
pulsed with much slaughter, two only of the defenders being
slain. Every day there were assaults by the besiegers or sal-
lies by the garrison. In one of these Gonzalo Falcam lost
his head; and Juan de Fonseca being disabled by a severe
wound of his right arm continued to wield his lance with his
left as if he had received no hurt. A youth of only nineteen
years old> named Joam Gallego, pursued a Moor into the sea
and slew him, and afterwards walked back deliberately to the
fort through showers of balls and bullets. Many singular
acts of valour were performed during this memorable siege.
At length many brave officers and men of the besiegers
were slain, powder began to wax short and provisions shorter.
The relief expected from Non Garcia Noronha, now come
out as viceroy of India, was long in making its appearance.
The remaining garrison was much weakened by a swelling in
their gums, accompanied by their teeth becoming so loose
that they were unable to eat what little food remained in the
stores. Yet the brave garrison continued to fight in defence
of their post, as if even misery and famine were unable to
conquer them. Even the women in the fort exerted them-
selves like heroines. Donna Isabella de Vega, the wife of
Manuel de Vasconcelles, had been urged by her husband to
go to her father Francisco Ferram at Goa, lest the fort might
be taken and she might fall into the hands of the Turks ; but
she refused to leave him. During the distress of the garrison,
as many of the men were obliged to work in repairing the
works, this bold-spirited lady called together all the women
who were in the fort, and exhorted them to undertake this
labour, as by that means all the men would be enabled to
stand to their arms. The women consented to this proposal,
and continued for the remainder of the siege to perform this
duty. She was even outdone by Ann Fernandez, the wife of
a physician, who used to visit the most dangerous posts by
night, and even appeared at the assault to encourage the sol-
diers. Her son happening to be slain in one of the attacks,
she immediately drew away his body, and returned to the
place of danger, and when the fight ended she went and
buried her son.
Perceiving that the Turks were undermining the bulwark
which he commanded, Gasper de Sousa made a sally with
seventy men to prevent that work and made a great slaughter
of the enemy. When retreating he missed two of his men
and returned to rescue them ; but being surrounded by the
enemy they cut the tendons of his hams, after which he fought
upon
250 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
upon his knees till he was overpowered and slain. The mine
was countermined; but the continual labour to which the
besieged were subjected became insupportable, and they were
utterly unable to repair the many breaches in their works. At
this conjuncture, four vessels arrived from the viceroy Don Gar-
cia, and ianded only a reinforcement of twenty men. Soly-
man was much concerned at this relief though small, and was
astonished the fort should hold out against so many assaults,
more especially as Zofar had assured him he might carry it in
two. At the beginning of the siege the garrison consisted of
six hundred men, many of whom were slain and several of the
cannon belonging to the fort had burst ; yet Solyman began
to lose confidence, and looked anxiously to the sea, fearful of
the Portuguese fleet which he had learnt was coming against
him. This induced him to press the siege more vigorously,
especially against the sea bulwark where Antonio de Sousa
commanded, which was furiously attacked by fifty barks, two
of which were sunk by the Portuguese cannon. The Turks
made several attempts to scale this bulwark, in all of which
they were repulsed with great slaughter, yet returned repeat-
edly to the charge with similar bad fortune. Sousa sent off his
wounded men from the rampart to have their wounds dressed.
Among these was a person named Fernando Ponteado, who
waiting his turn heard the noise of a fresh assault, and for-
getting the dressing ran immediately to his post where he
received a fresh wound. Going back to get dressed, a third
assault recalled him before the surgeon had time to attend to
his wants, and he was a third time wounded, and at length re-
turned to get all his three wounds dressed at once.
By this time, out of the original garrison of 600 men, only
250 remained that were able to stand to their arms. Solyman
was almost in despair of success, yet resolved to make a des-
perate effort to carry the place. In hopes of putting Sylveira
off his guard, and to take the place by surprise, he sent twelve
of his gallies to sea, as if he meant to raise the siege ; but Syl-
veira was not to be lulled into security, and continued to ex-
ert the utmost vigilance to provide against every danger. One
night some noise was heard at the foot of the sea-wall of the
castle, where it appeared that the enemy were applying great
numbers of scaling ladders. Every effort was made to oppose
them during the darkness of the night, and when morning
broke, the place was seen beset all round by at least 14, 000 men.
flie cannon of the fort was immediately directed against the
5 assailants,
CHAP. i. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 251
assailants, and the garrison mounted the walls in every part,
but chiefly near the governors house where the defences were
weakest, but where Sylveira had placed such people as he
could most rely upon. Being repulsed from thence with
great slaughter, the enemy made an attempt on an adjoining
bulwark, where Gouvea commanded, and poured in prodi-
gious showers of bullets and arrows. Fourteen gallies came
up against this bulwark, which they battered with their can-
non ; but Gouvea obliged them to draw off, having sunk
two of the gallies and killed many of their crews. At length
200 Turks forced their way into the bulwark and planted
their colours on its rampart. Scarcely thirty Portuguese re-
mained to oppose them, yet they charged the enemy with great
fury, who were so thick that every shot told, and they were
driven out with much loss. Fresh men succeeded and regain-
ed the bulwark, on which they planted four standards. Many
of the Portuguese who were wounded and burnt by the fire-
works of the enemy ran and dipped themselves in jars' of salt
water, where seeking ease they perished in dreadful torment.
Sylveira went continually from place to place, encouraging
all to do their duty manfully and supplying reinforcements
where most needed. The enemy had much the better in the
second assault on the bulwark commanded by Gouvea, on
which several gentlemen rushed upon them. At this time,
one Joam Rodrigues, a strong man of great bravery, ran for-
ward with a barrel of powder on his shoulder, calling out to
clear the way, as he carried his own death and that of many.
He threw the barrel among the enemy, which exploded and
blew up above an hundred of them, yet Rodriques came off
unhurt, and performed other memoriable deeds, so that he
merited the highest honours and rewards of those that were
gained in this siege. By other fireworks the four ensigns who
set up the colours were burnt to death, and two others who
went to succeed them were slain. Being again driven from
the bulwark, the enemy made a third assault : But their com-
mander being slain, who was son-in-law to Khojah Zofar,
his men were dismayed and took to flight. These reiterated
assaults lasted four hours, during which a small number of
exhausted Portuguese had to withstand vast numbers of fresh
enemies. At length, having 500 men slain and 1000 wound-
ed, the enemy retired ; while en the side of the Portuguese
fourteen were killed, and 200 were disabled from wounds.
Only forty remained who were able to wield their arms, inso-
much t^at no hope remained of being able to withstand a fresh
attack.
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
attack. The walls were shattered and ruined in every part :
No -powder remained : In fact nothing remained but the in-
vincible courage of Sylveira, who still encouraged the remnant
of his brave garrison to persist in their defence. Not know-
ing the desperate state to which the fort was reduced, and
dismayed by the bad success of all his efforts, Solyman raised
the siege and set sail with all his fleet on the 5th of Novem-
ber.
When Sylveira saw the Turkish fleet weigh anchor and de-
part he thought it was merely a feint preparatory for another
assault, for which reason he posted the forty men who still re-
mained of his garrison, determined to resist to the last man.
He even made some of the wounded men be brought to the
walls, on purpose to make a shew of a greater number than he
really had. Many even who were so badly wounded as to be
unable to rise, made themselves be carried in their beds to the
walls, saying that it was best to die in an honourable place.
Several even of the women armed themselves and appeared
on the walls. The whole night was spent in anxiously wait-
ing for the enemy ; but the morning gave comfort to the af-
flicted garrison, as Solyman was seen in full sail, and had no
thoughts of returning. Fear did much on this occasion, yet
Zofar did more towards inducing Solyman to go away. Zofar
was weary of the insupportable pride of the Turks, and had
even received orders from the king of Guzerat, in case it ap-
peared that the Turks meant to keep the city and fort of Diu,
rather to endeavour that it might remain in the hands of the
Portuguese. Zofar accordingly framed a letter which fell in-
to the hands of Solyman, saying that the viceroy of India
would be at Diu next day with a vast fleet ; on reading which
letter Solyman thought proper to hasten his departure. On
the same night, Zofar set fire to the town of Diu and march-
ed away. Thus ended the first siege of Diu, which added
new lustre to the Portuguese fame, all due to the invincible
courage of the renowned Antonio de Sylveira, and those va-
liant gentlemen who fought under his command, whose fame
will last from generation to generation.
Solyman, on his voyage back to Suez, touched at several
ports in Arabia, where he took such Portuguese as happened
TO be there, to the number of 14-0, whose heads he cut off,
salting their ears and noses to serad to the Grand Turk as me-
morials of his services against the Christians. Among these
was Francisco Pacheco, who had not the courage to die in
his bulwark, and had surrendered with some men at Diu, as
formerly
CHAP. I. SECT. vn. Conquest of India. 253
formerly related. On his return to Turkey, Solyman was not
well received, and was reduced to the necessity of killing him-
self, a fit end for such a tyrant.
This famous siege was far advanced when Don Garcia de
Noronha arrived as viceroy in India, to whom Nuno de Cuna
immediately resigned the government. His arrival with a
great reinforcement might well have enabled him immediate-
ly to relieve the deplorable situation of Diu, yet on the con-
trary contributed to augment its danger. For, if he had not
come, Nuna had certainly relieved Diu much sooner and pre-
vented so many miseries, and the death of so many brave
men, as he had prepared a fleet of eighty sail, and was ready
to have gone to Diu when Don Garcia arrived. Still fresh
advices were brought of the extremity to which the besieged
were reduced, yet still Don Garcia wasted time in considering
of proper means for their relief, without putting any into exe-
cution, and refusing to take the advice of De Curia for his
proceedings. By these means the siege was raised before he
could determine on the mode of relief, for which purpose he
had gathered 160 sail of vessels of all sorts and sizes. Don
Garcia did not want courage, of which he had given sufficient
demonstrations while under Alfonso de Albuquerque : But he
chose rather to commit an error through his own obstinacy,
than rightly to follow the advice of Nuno de Cuna. It soon
appeared indeed, that he was not at all disposed to take any
advice from De Cuna, whom he treated so disrespectfully at
Goa, that he forced him to retire to Cochin to arrange his
affairs previous to his return to Portugal. When at Cochin,
he even refused him a convenient ship which he had chosen
for his accommodation ; although he had authority from
the king to continue to act as governor while he remained in
India, and liberty to choose any vessel he thought proper,
but Don Garcia forced him to hire a merchant vessel for
himself and family. If the viceroy treated DC Cuna ill in India,
no less evil designs were entertained against him in Portugal ;
and doubtless the knowledge Don Garcia had of the evil in-
tentions of the ministers of state, was the cause of the hard
usage he gave him in India. Nuno de Cuna fell sick and
died on the voyage. He protested at his death that he had
nothing belonging to the king except five gold medals found
among the treasure of the late king Badur, which he had se-
lected for their beauty and meant to have presented to the
king in person. Being asked by a chaplain what he would
have done with his body after his death j he said, That since
it
254 Portuguese Discover?/ and PART u. BOOK. in.
it had pleased God he was to die at sea, he desired that the
sea might be his grave. Nuno de Cuna, who was an excel-
lent governor of India, died at fifty-two years of age. He was
of large stature and well proportioned, but wanted an eye.
Though of stately manners, he was extremely courteous, not
subject to passion, easily reconciled, a strict observer of jus-
tice, loved to do good to all around him, free from covetous-
ness, prudent in council, and affable in discourse. He go-
verned for ten years, all but two months, and died in the be-
ginning of the year J 539.
Don Garcia de Noronha assumed the government of In-
dia as viceroy in November 1538, having arrived from Lis-
bon with 3000 soldiers, many of whom were men of note.
Although this great armament had been principally intended
for opposing the Turks who besieged the castle of Diu, yet
the viceroy permitted them to continue their operations before
that place, and merely sent hopes of relief to the oppressed
garrison. At length however he sent a second reinforcement
under Antonio de Menezes in 24? small vessels. Though this
armament came late, yet Menezes contended in some measure
with the great Sylveira for the honour of having occasioned
the retreat of the Turks, as he valued himself much in having
witnessed their flight. The viceroy had indeed made ready
to sail for Diu with a fleet of 160 sail of vessels of different
kinds, having SOOO soldiers and 1000 pieces of cannon, when
advice came that tfye Turks had abandoned the siege. On
this intelligence he dismissed all the trading ships from his
fleet, still retaining 90 sail, with which he set out for Diu, but
proceeded so slowly as if some evil omen had threatened hi*
ruin at that place, since he not only avoided it while environ-
ed with danger, but seemed afraid to visit it in peace. Hear-
ing that it was still infested by Lur-Khan and Khojah Zo-
far, he sent Martin Alfonso de Melo against them with his
galley, together with the vessels that had been there before
under Antonio de Menezes. Melo was too weak to be able
to do any thing against the enemy, and had to seek protection
under the guns of the fort.
At length the viceroy sailed for Diu on the first of January
1539; but the fleet was dispersed by a storm to different
ports, two gallies and some other vessels being lost. He ar-
rived however at Diu with 50 sail; and having given all due
praise to Antonio de Sylveira for his valiant defence, he re-
paired the fort and confided it to the charge of Diego Lopez
de
CHAP. i. SECT, vi f. Conquest of India. 255
de Sousa, who had been nominated to the command by the
king. A treaty of peace was set on foot with the king of
Guzerat, which was concluded, but very little to the advan-
tage of the Portuguese, which was attributed by common fame
to the covetousness of the viceroy.
During this year 1539, the viceroy sent Ferdinand de
Morales with a great galleon laden on the kings account to
trade at Pegu. Morales was induced by the king of Pegu to
assist him against the king of Birmah, who had invaded the
kingdom of Pegu with so prodigious a power that the two
armies amounted to t>wo millions oj ^men and 10,000 elephants.
Morales went in a galliot having the command of the Pegu
fleet, and made great havock among the ships of the enemy.
The king of Birmah came on by land like a torrent, carrying
every thing before him, and his fleet was so numerous that it
covered the whole river, though as large as the Ganges.
Morales met this vast fleet with that which he commanded, at
the point of Ginamarreca / where, though infinitely inferior,
he fought a desperate and bloody battle. But overpowered
by the multitude of the Birmans, the Peguers deserted Mora-
les, who was left alone in his galliot amid a throng of ene-
mies, against whom he performed wonders and long main-
tained the battle, doing astonishing execution ; but at last op-
pressed by irresistible multitudes, he and all his followers were
slain : Yet the memory of his heroism was long preserved a-
mong these people.
The cause of this war and of the revolt of the king of Bir-
mah, who was tributary to Pegu, was as follows. Above
30,000 Birmans laboured in the works of the king of Pegu,
as that was one condition of their vassalage. The king of
Pegu used often to visit these labourers attended only by his
women, who were curious to see the foreigners and the great
works that were carrying on. The Birmans seized an op-
portunity on one of these visits to murder the king, after
which they plundered the women of every thing they had of
value, and fled to their own country. As many of the sub-
jects of Dacha Rupi, who succeeded to the kingdom of Pegu,
rebelled against him, Para Mandara king of the Birmans
seized this favourable opportunity to recover his independence
and to enlarge the bounds of his dominions. He accordingly
reduced with astonishing rapidity the kingdoms of the Lan-
JaoeS) Laos, Jangomas, nnd others, who like his own domi-
nions were tributary to Pegu. By these means he possessed
himself
256 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
himself of the whole ancient kingdom of Ava 9 which extends
to the length of two months of ordinary travelling, and con-
tains 62 cities. To the north-east of this, at the distance of
a months journey is the kingdom of the Turks, containing as
many cities, which the king of Pegu had conquered from the
king of Cathay* The kingdom of Bimir is west from Ava,
and is of similar extent, having 27 populous cities. North of
this is Lanjam, of equal size, with 88 cities and abounding in
gold and silver. On the east is the kingdom of Mamfrom, e-
qually large, but having only 8 cities. East again from this is
Cochin-China ; on the south is Siam, which was'afterwards
conquered by the king of Birmah ; and east of Siam is the
great kingdom of Cambodia. All the inhabitants of these
kingdoms are Pagans, and the most superstitious of all the
east : Yet they believe in one only God, but in time of need
have recourse to many idols, some of which are dedicated to
the most secret acts and necessities of nature, even in the very
form in which they are acted. They hold the immortality of
the soul, are zealous in giving alms, and hold their priests in
great veneration. These are very numerous, and live ac-
cording to rules like those of the Catholics in monasteries,
subsisting from day to day upon what is given them, without
laying any thing up for the next. These priests and monks eat
neither flesh nor fish, as they kill no creature whatever. They
observe Lent and Easter after the manner of the Christians ;
whence some have inferred that they are some remnant of the
disciples of St Thomas, though mixed with many errors*
They wear yellow cassocks and cloaks, with hats of oiled pa-
per. The whole natives of these countries are white, and
their women very beautiful ; but their bodies are all over
wrought with blue figures down to the knees made with hot
irons. In their manners they are very uncivilized and even
brutal.
CHAP.
CHAP. i. Conquest of India.
CHAPTER II.
PARTICULAR RELATION OF THE EXPEDITION OF SOLYMAN PA-
CHA FROM SUEZ TO INDIA AGAINST THE PORTUGUESE AT
DIU, WRITTEN BY A VENETIAN OFFICER WHO WAS PRES-
SED INTO THE TURKISH SERVICE ON THAT OCCASION '.
INTRODUCTION.
FOLLOWING the PORTUGUESE ASIA of Manuel de Faria
y Sousa, we have given an account of the Portuguese
transactions in India in the preceding chapter, from the year
1 505 to 1 539. We might have extended this article to a much
greater length from the same source, as De Faria continues
his history to the year 164-0 ; but his work after the year
J539is generally filled with an infinite multiplicity of unin-
teresting events, petty wars, arrivals and dispatch of trading
ships, and such minute matters, unconnected and tending to
no useful information. We now take up an original docu-
ment of much interest, and most directly connected with the
object of our collection, as an actual journal of a voyage. In
a separate future division of our arrangement, we propose to
give an abridged extract from De Faria of every thing i.is
work contains worthy of notice, as tending to discovery, but
leaving out all uninteresting details.
" There are two published copies of the voyage which con-
stitutes the essence of our present chapter. The earliest of
these was published by Aldus at Venice in 154-0, along with
other tracts of a similar nature, under the name of A Voyage
from Alexandria to India *. The other was given by Ramusio
in the first Volume of his Collection, under the title of A
Voyage written by a Venetian officer 3 of the Gallies, who was
carried prisoner from Alexandria to Diu in India, $c. These
copies differ in several respects besides the title. That by
VOL. vi. PART ii. R Ramusio
1 Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, I. 88<
% The title of the book published by Aldus in which this voyage is con-
tained, is Viaggi alia Tana, Persia, India, &c. Astley, I. 88. a.
3 The word designating the rank of this officer in Ramusio is Comito*
signifying Boatswain, or the officer who superintended the galley-slaves.
Ast. I. 88. b.
258 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
Ramusio is altered in several places both in the substance and
diction, which in many parts of that edited by Aldus is ob-
scure. Yet that edition is of use to correct some errors of the
press in Ramusio. Our translation is from the text of Aldus,
but we have marked the variations in that of Ramusio, and
have likewise divided the journal into sections, as done by
Ramusio.
" Thotigh 'not made by the Portuguese, this voyage cer-
tainly claims to be inserted in this place, as having a near
connection with their affairs ; besides which, it serves to com-
plete the information contained in the article next succeeding;
as the present voyage was made along the eastern side of the
Red Sea, while the other was along its western side: So that
the two together give a tolerable account of the whole of that
sea j and they are in fact the more valuable, as being the only
minute journals or relations extant of voyages performed
along the whole length of the Arabian Gulf; except that by
Mr Daniel in 1700, which is very superficial. Yet geogra-
phers, with the exception of M. dc Lisle, and one or two
since, seem to have made no use of these helps. It is how-
ever very surprising that neither of these two journals take
the smallest notice of that great bay or arm at the head of the
Red Sea, anciently called the Elanitic, a little to the east of
Tor or Al Tur, which passing by the foot of Mount Sinai,
penetrates a great way into Arabia. This has been described
by the Arabian geographers, and confirmed by two eminent
travellers of our own country, Dr Shaw and Dr Pococke, both
of whom have delineated it in their maps 4 .
" The present voyage shews the way of sailing in these
eastern seas by the Turks, with whom we may join the Arabs
and Indians ; and it mentions several particulars respecting
the siege of Diu, and particularly respecting the conduct of
the 'Pacha, which could not be so well known to the Portu-
guese; serving to rectify some things and elucidate others.
It must be observed that the soundings or depths of water,
though expressed in fathoms, which are reckoned at six feet
in the British marine service, are here to be understood as
paces -of five feet each. The time is expressed according to
the Italian mode of reckoning ; which begins the day at sun-
set,
4 The topography of the Red Sea has been much improved by Bruce,
in his Travels in Abyssinia, and since him by Lord Valentia in his Travels
in India. E.
CHAP. ii. SECT. i. Conquest of India. 259
set, and counts the hours successively round from one to
twenty-four ; instead of dividing the entire day into twice
twelve hours, as is customary with the English and other Eu-
ropean nations." 5 AstL
SECTION I.
The Venetian Merchants and Mariners at Alexandria are
pressed into the Turkish service., and sent to Suez. Descrip-
tion oj that place. Two thousand men desert from the
Gallies. Tor. Island of Soridan* Port of Kor.
THIS voyage was performed by compulsion, having been
forced to accompany the eunuch Solyman Pacha, who was
sent by Solyman Shah emperor of the Turks on an expedi-
tion against the Portuguese in India. At the time when the
war broke out in 1.537, between the republic of Venice and
the Turks, a fleet of trading gallies happened to be at Alex-
andria in Egypt, commanded by Antonio Barbarigo, and
remained there without opportunity of trading or taking in
goods till the 7th of September ; on that day Almaro Barbaro
the Venetian consul, the captain Antonio Barbarigo. and all
the merchants and seamen, with every thing belonging to
them, were seized and lodged in the tower of Lances. After
this, all of them that belonged to the sea, and the author of
this voyage among the rest, were taken from the tower and
sent by fifty at a time to Cairo ; whence Solyman Pacha,
having selected the gunners, rowers, carpenters, caulkers,
and officers, sent them by companies to Suez to assist in fitting-
out the fleet in that port against his own arrival.
Suez stands in a desert place, where grows no herb of any
kind. At this place the ships are built which are designed
for India. All the timber of which they are built, with the
iron work, and every kind of tackle, are brought from Sa-
talia and Constantinople to Alexandria; whence they are
carried on the Nile in jerbs or barks to Cairo, and thence on
the backs of camels to Suez, where Pharaoh was drowned.
5 The Editor of Astleys Collection does not seem aware that in the
ritish marine, the
begins at midnight.
British marine, the day begins at noon, instead of the civil day which
~ t. E.
260 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in,
On the road from Cairo to Suez, which is eighty miles, there
is not a single habitation, and no water or any thing what-
ever for eating is to be found, so that the caravans before
setting out must supply themselves with water from the Nile.
In former times, Suez was a great city well supplied with
cisterns for holding water, and had a Kalij or canal cut all the
way from the Nile, by which these cisterns were annually
filled at the overflow of the river, which served them with
water all the rest of the year. Being afterwards destroyed by
the Mahometans, the canal was filled up, and all the water
that is drank at Suez is brought upon camels from certain
ponds or wells six miles distant ; which water, though very
brackish, they are obliged to drink ; every fifty men being
allowed as much water as a camel can carry. All the timber,
iron, rigging, ammunition, and provisions for the fleet were
brought from Cairo. Suez stands on a bay of the Red Sea,
and has a small fort with mud walls, thirty paces square,
which is guarded by twenty Turks. The fleet destined for
India consisted of seventy -six sail ; of which six were Maons,
seventeen gallies, twenty-seven^o/s^, two galleons, four ships,
and the rest small craft.
On the 9th of March 1538, about 2000 men landed from
the gallies with their arms and m rched off for the mountains,
meaning to desert; but when about six miles from the shore
they were met by a Sanjiak, accompanied by 27 horse ', de-
signed for the garrison of Suez. The deserters were imme-
diately surrounded by the horse, who killed about 200 of
them, and all the rest were stripped and carried on board the
gallies, where they were chained to the oars. On the 15th
of June Solyman Pacha arrived at Suez, where he pitched his
tents and rested eight days. In the mean time the fleet was
>t in readiness, and the soldiers received their pay, being
ive gold ducats to each and ten maydim, or 215 maydins in
all. Part of the men belonging to the large Venetian galley,
in which the author of this journal served, were distributed
on board the fleet ; seventy in one half galley, seventy in
another, and eighteen in the galley of the Kiahya, who like-
wise had along with him the Venetian consul. The rest of
these
1 This is surely some mistake, it beiflg next to impossible that so few
men should surround and overpower so great a number of armed soldiers.
Astl. I. 89. d.
CHAP. if. SECT. i. Conquest of India. 261
these men were distributed in two galleons which carried the
powder, saltpetre, brimstone, ball, meal, biscuit, and other
necessaries for the fleet. The Pacha likewise snt his treasure
on board the gallies, which was contained in forty-two chests,
covered with ox hides and oil-cloth. On the 20th, he issued
orders for every one to embark in two days. On the 22d
the Pacha embarked, and dropt down four miles below Suez
to the point of Pharaoh, where he anchored in four fathoms
water on a good bottom. This place is seven miles from the
pits of Moses. Seven men died here.
On the 27th of June the whole fleet left Suez with the wind
at N. W. and before night cast anchor at a place called Ko-
rondolj 60 miles from Suez ; at which place Moses divided
the sea by stretching out his rod, and Pharaoh was drowned
with all his host. At this place, which may be considered
the commencement of the Red Sea, we had J 2 fathoms water,
and lay at anchor all night. Leaving Korondol on the 28th,
we sailed 33 leagues to the S. PI and cast anchor two hour-
before night at a place called Tor, where there are many Frans
ciscan friars who supplied the fleet with water. This place is
a days journey aud a half from Mount Sinai, where is the
church and monastery of St Catharine, in which the body of
that saint is repositexl. We remained five days at Tor, in five
fathoms water. We departed from Tor on the 3d of July,
and came behind a dry sand bank about a mile from the shore
and 40 miles from Tor, where we cast anchor in 12 fathoms
water at a place named kharas, where we remained two days
to inspect the two ships which carried the stores. Leaving
Kharas on the 5th, we came to an island named Soridan 40
miles from the coast, the whole days course from sunrise to
sunset being 1 00 miles. Continuing our voyage all night to
the S. E. we found ourselves at sunrise of the 6th to windward
of a mountain on the right hand shore, named Marzoan,
100 miles beyond Soridan. Proceeding forward on the 6th,
and still sailing S. E. we advanced 100 miles by sunrise, and
saw land on the right towards Kabisa *. We sailed 90 miles
on the 7th S. E. by E. Proceeding on the 8th at the rate of
8 miles an hour, we sailed 1 00 miles by sunrise ; and in the
9 In Ramusio this is called the land of the Abissinl. So that instead of
Kabisa or Kabisia, we should read in the text Habash or Habashia, cony*
monly called Abassia, Abissina, or Abyssinia. Astl. I. 90. a.
4
262 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
night, the wind being south-westerly, we advanced 20 miles
to the S. E. On the 9th the- winds were variable and rather
calm. To the S. E. we found a shoal under water 50 miles
from land. Our course during the day was only 10 miles to
the N. W. and in the ensuing night 20 miles S. by W. On
the 10th we sailed 70 miles S. E. and came to a port named
Kor in eight fathoms water, in a very desert country.
SECTION II.
Arrival at Jiddah, the Port of Mecca. The islands of Alfas,
Kamaran, and Tuiclie. The Straits of Bab-al-Mandub.
LEAVING Kor on the llth of July, we sailed along shore
till noon 30 miles, when we came to a city named Zidem ',
which is the emporium or landing place of all the spices from
Calicut and other parts of India. This place is a stage and a
half from Mecca ; and though there are several shoals both
above and under water, the port is good, and the town has
abundance of provisions : but no water is to be met with, ex-
cept from a few cisterns which are filled with rain water. This
place abounds in merchandize, and the country round pro-
duces dates, ginger of Mecca*, and other sorts. In a mosque
on the outside of the town is a tomb, which according to the
Mahometans is the burial-place of Eve. The inhabitants go
almost naked, and are meagre and swarthy. The sea pro-
duces abundance of fish. The natives tie three or four pieces
of timber together about six feet long, on one of which slight
rafts a man rows himself with a board, and ventures out to
sea eight or nine miles to fish in all weathers. At this place
the fleet remained four days and took in a supply of water.
At our departure on the 15th of July, five small vessels
were
1 Otherwise Jiddali or Joddah, the port of Mecca. In his map of
Egypt, Nubia, and Abyssinia, De L'Isle makes Zidem, which he also names
Gidde, doubtless a corruption of Jiddah, a distinct place a little to the south
from Jiddah. This must be a mistake ; as Jiddah has for many ages been
the port of Mecca, as Zidern is said to be in the text. This is farther con-
firmed by the mention of E*ves tomb in the text, which Pitts saw at Jiddah..
Thevenot says her tomb is at Gidde, which De L'Isle supposed to have been
a different place from Gidda, Joddah, or Jiddah, whence arose his mistake.
Astl. I. so. b*
<* Perhapt we ought to read Balsam of Mecca. E.
UHAP, ii. SECT. ii. Conquest of India. 263
were missing by chance, which we learnt from a man who
had escaped" from a foist. This day we sailed 80 miles S. W.
by S. The 16th our course was S. E. with very little wind,
making only 30 miles till night ; and before sunrise 50 miles
farther. The 17th we sailed S. E. till night 100 miles ; and
from thence till sunrise 16 miles, S. E. by S. On the 18th
we steered S. E. 14-0 3 miles during the day, which was dusky ;
and in the night 50 miles S. E. by E. The 19th sailing E.
by S. with a brisk wind till nine in the morning, we came
among certain islands called Atfas, almost entirely desert,
and only inhabited by people who come from other islands to
fish and seek for pearls, which they get by diving to the
bottom of the sea in four fathom water. They drink rain
water, which is preserved in cisterns and ponds. We re-
mained here all night, having ran 100 miles. On the 20th
we came to an island 20 miles from the land named Khamaran^
where we got provisions and good water. In this island there
was a ruinous castle, altogether unoccupied, and about fifty
houses built of boughs of trees, besides a few other huts
scattered over the island. The inhabitants were barefooted
and quite naked, of a small size, and having no head-dresses
but their hair, and merely conceal their parts of shame by
means of a clout. They are all mariners, having a few barks
and small craft, the planks of which are sewed together by
rope, and are entirely destitute of iron work, with sails curi-
ously made of mats, constructed of the barks of the -palm or
date tree, and folding together like a fan. The cordage and
cables are made of the same materials. They trade to the
main land in these barks, and bring from thence abundance
of dates, jujebs, and a sort of white buck- wheat. They make
a good quantity of Mecca ginger, and procure plenty of
frankinsence from Bista 4 . They reduce their buck- wheat to
meal on a piece of marble, about the size of the stone on
which colours are ground by painters, on which another
stone about half an ell long and like a rolling pin or roller is
made to work so as to bruise the corn. Immediately after
this it is made into a paste and baked into thin cakes. This
is their bread, which must be made fresh every day, otherwise
it becomes so dry and hard that there is no eating it. Both
fish
3 In Ramusio only 40 miles. Astl. I. 90. d.
4 This is called the land of the Abissins in the edition of Ramusio.
Astl. I. 91. a.
264? Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
fish and flesh are to be had here in sufficient abundance.
From the islands of Akhejas or At/as to this island of Khama-
ran the distance is 40 miles.
The Pacha landed at this place, making all the gallies turn
into the harbour along with him ; and sent from thence two
foists with messengers, one to the king or sheikh of Zibit or
Zabid 9 and the other to the sheikh of Aden, ordering them
to provide water and provisions for the fleet, to enable him
to proceed in his expedition to India against the Portuguese.
The messenger to Zabid was likewise ordered to tell the sheikh
of that place, which is a days journey inland, that he must
come to the shore, bringing with him the tribute due to the
grand signior, and to pay his obeisance to the Pacha. The
fleet remained ten days at the island of Khamaran, where it
was furnished with water. Leaving Khamaran on the 30th
of July with a scanty wind, we sailed S. by E. 50 miles, and
came at one in the morning to the island of Tuicce. Here
the foist sent to the sheikh of Z^bid brought a present to the
Pacha, consisting of swords in the shape of scymeters made at
Zimina, the handles and scabbards being of silver j also some
poinards of similar workmanship, the handles of which were
adorned with turquois stones, rubies, and pearls. But
the sheikh sent word that he would pay the tribute when the
Pacha returned from conquering the Portuguese, acknowledg-
ing at the same time that he was the slave of the sultan. This
day we advanced fifty miles, and fifty more during the night,
our course being S. by E. On the 1st of August, we pro-
ceeded ten miles with the wind at S. W. to a shoal named
Alontrakin s , near the mouth of the straits, having Kabisia
or Habash on the right hand. Here we hat! two fathoms
water, and staid one night.
SECTION
5 In Ramusio this shoal is called Babel, being the two first words or
syllables of Bab-el-Mandub, corruptly called Babel MandeL Bab-el-Man-
dub signifies the gate of weeping, being the name of the entry t the Red
Sea or Arabian Gulf ; so called because reckoned exceedingly dangerous
by the ancient Arabs, insomuch that they used to put on mourning for
their relations who passed them, as persons given over for lost. Ast.
I. 91. d.
CHAP, ii. SECT. in. Conquest of India* 265
SECTION III.
Arrival at Aden, where the Sheikh and four others are hanged.
Sequel of the Voyage to Diu.
ON the 2d of August, leaving the shoal of Alontrakin, we
sailed 10 miles E. by S. and got through the straits; whence
proceeding till sunrise next morning we went 80 miles farther.
On the 3d sailing 80 miles E. by N. we arrived at the city of
Adem or Aden. This city is strongly fortified, standing close
to the sea, and surrounded by lofty mountains, on the top
of which are several little forts or castles. It is encompassed
also on every side with ravelins 1 , except an opening of 300
paces wide leading from the shore to the country ; and has
strong gates and towers and well-built walls. Besides all
these, there is a fort built on a shoal before the city, having
a tower on one side to defend the port, which is to the south,
and has two fathoms water. To the north there is a large
port with good anchorage, being safe in all winds. Though
there is plenty of good water here, the soil is dry and produces
nothing. The water is all from rain, and is preserved in cis-
terns and pits 1 00 fathoms deep ; and is so hot when first
drawn up that it cannot be used till it stands to cool. This
city is provided with provisions, wood, and every other neces-
sary from other places, and has abundance of Jews a .
Immediately on the arrival of the fleet, the Pacha was waited
upon by four principal persons of the city, who brought re-
freshments. He received them courteously, and talked with
them a while in private ; after which he gave each of them
two vests of figured velvet, and sent them back with letters of
safe conduct for the sheikh, signifying that he might come
freely on board and fear nothing. The sheikh sent back word
that he would not come in person, but would readily supply
whatever
1 Perhaps redoubts or detached towers are here meant ; or the word
here translated ravelins may signify shoals, reefs, or sand-banks, encompas-
sing the harbour. E.
2 This circumstance is not in the least improbable ; yet it is possible that
the author of this journal may have mistaken Banians for Jews, as we know
that all the trade in the ports of Arabia and the Red Sea is now conducted
by Banian factors. E.
266 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
whatever was wanted. On the 5th of August, the Pacha
ordered the janizaries to land with their arms, and all the
gallies to man and arm their boats. He then sent his Kiahya
to summon the sheikh to come before him, and do homage
to the sultan. The sheikh answered, " I swear by your head
that I am the humble slave of the sultan ;" and came imme-
diately to the gallies attended by many of his principal officers.
The Kiahya presented him with a handkerchief round his neck
to the Pacha, who embraced and entertained him with much
courtesy. After a long conference, the Pacha caused two vests
of figured velvet to be brought, which he put with his own
hands on the sheikh, and made all the lords of his retinue
be clothed in a similar manner. They conferred together
afterwards for a long time, and the sheikh was dismissed with
leave to return to the city. What happened afterwards it is
not proper for me to relate 3 ; suffice it to say, that Solyman
suddenly gave orders to a sanjack with 500 janizaries to take
possession of the city, the inhabitants of which, like those of
Kharabaia 4 , are swarthy, lean, and of small stature. Aden
is a place of considerable trade, particularly with India, at
which there arrive every year three or four ships laden with
various kind of spices, which are afterwards sent to Cairo.
In these parts grow ginger of Mecca, but no other sort.
On the 8th of August, the fleet removed to the north port
of Aden, where it remained eleven days, taking in a supply
of water. On the 19th we departed, being 74? sail in all,
reckoning gallies, foists, ships, and lesser vessels ; the Pacha
leaving three foists behind to guard the port. This day our
course was 40 miles E. by N. On the 20th we went 50 miles
east with a fair wind at west ; and during the night we went
other 20 miles E. by N. The 21st we ran 30 miles east in a
calm, and by sunrise 30 more. The 22d it was quite calm
till noon, when a gentle breeze arose which carried us 20
miles east before night, and 50 more during the night in the
same direction. During the 23d, we steered 60 miles E. by
"N. and 4-0 miles in the night N. E. The 24th 40 miles N. E.
and other 40 miles in the night in the same direction. The
25th
3 In the edition of Ramusio, the author is made to relate the story
openly, in the following manner : " That same instant after dismissing the
sheikh, the Pacha caused him to be hanged by the neck at the yard-
arm, together with four of his principal officers or favourites." Ast. I.
32. a.
4 By Ramusio this word is given Arabia. Ast- I. 92. b.
CHAr. ii. SECT. in. Conquest of India. 267
25th 90 miles N. E. by E. and 100 miles in the night the
same course. The 26th 90 miles N. E. and 80 in the night.
The 27th 90 miles, and in the night 100, both N. E. The
28th 90 miles during the day, and 90 more during the night,
still N. E. The 29th still keeping the same course, 90 miles
in the day, and 90 more at night. On the 30th, we sailed
80 miles "E. by N. during the day, and 90 miles N. E. by E.
during the night, Still holding N. E. by E. on the 31st we
sailed 70 miles by day and 80 by night. Proceeding in the
same course on the 1st September we went 70 miles in the
day and 50 in the night. Holding on the same course on
the 2d we ran 30 miles ; by noon we were in 35 fathoms water,
and at night in 20 fathoms, being within 100 miles of Diu,
but 400 miles from the nearest land on the north. While
between JOO and 150 miles from the land, we saw several
snakes in the sea, the water often having a green colour,
which are sure signs of approaching the land on this
coast.
On the 3d the fleet proceeded with calm weather along the
shore, and at nine in the morning the Pacha was informed by
a- boat from the land that there were 600 Portuguese in the
castle of Diu, and six armed gallies in the port. The Pacha
made the bearers of this intelligence a present of six kaftans
or vests, and dismissed them. A Jew was afterwards taken
on shore by some of the Turkish sailors, and confirmed this
account. This day our course along shore was 30 miles, and
we made 30 more during the night. On the 4th of Septem-
ber at sunrise, we proceeded 30 miles, and cast anchor within
three miles of Diu. Before anchoring, a Portuguese foist was
seen coming out of the harbour, which was chased by a half
galley all day, but made her escape in the night.
SECTION IV.
The Castle of Diu is besieged by the Moors. The Turks plunder
the City, and the Indian Generals withdraw in resentment.
The Pacha lands. A man 300 years old. Women burn them-
selves. The Fleet removes.
THE same day on which we anchored near Diu, one Khojah
Zaffer came on board in a galley. This man was a native of
Otranto in Italy, but had turned Turk and was captain of
a
268 Portuguese Discovery and PAIIT ij. BOOK in.
a galley in the former fleet sent to India by the sultan. When
that fleet was defeated and destroyed, ZafFer entered into the
service of the king of Din or Knmbachia, who gave him lands
and made him chief governor of his kingdom. Zafter had
also insinuated himself into the confidence of the Portuguese;
but when he learnt that the Turkish fleet was coming, he and
the vizier or viceroy of the kingdom came with 8000 Indians,
took the city of Diu. from the Portuguese, and besieged them
in the castle which was now closely begirt by their troops,
not a day passing without a skirmish Zaffer was accompanied
on this visit to the Pacha by the prime vizier of Cambaya, and
both were received with much honour. They informed the
Pacha that there were 500 soldiers and 300 others in the
castle, which they had besieged for 26 4ays, and had no
doubt of being able to reduce it with their Indian troops, if
the Paqha would furnish them with artillery and ammunition.
The Pacha presented each of them with two vests ; but while
they remained on board, the Turkish troops landed with their
arms and plundered the city of Diu, doing infinite injury to
the Indian inhabitants, and not even sparing the palace of
the viceroy, whence they took three fine horses, together with
some treasure and furniture, carrying away every thing they
could lay hands upon. They likewise advanced towards the
castle, and skirmished with the Portuguese garrison. Whop
the viceroy returned and was made acquainted with the out-
rages committed by the Turks, he gave immediate orders to
his officers to have every thing in readiness, and retired from
Diu with 6000 men, going immediately to the king who was
aboirt two days journey up the country. That same night
a foist came from the city to pur fleet with a supply of fresh
bread, nuts, flesh, boiled rice ? and other things, sent in the
name of the king of Cambaya, all of which were taken into
the Pachas galley. On the 5th of September, the Pacha sent
the Moorish captain and his Kiahya to join those on shore ;
and all the gallies sent their boats filled with janizaries to assist
the native troops who were encamped round the castle, these
being now reduced to not more than 2000 men, as all the
rest had departed along with the viceroy and Khojah Zaffer.
On the 7th, the fleet removed to a very good port, thirty
miles from Diu, called Muda Burack r , where we got abun-
dance of water.
On
l This place is afterwards called Mudafar-aba, and perhaps ought to be
written Madaffer-abad. Ast.T. 93. e.
CHAP. ii. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 269
On the 8th the Pacha went on shore at Diu, where the
besiegers had begun to batter the castle, having placed some
cannons for that purpose on four maons. He sent also three
pieces of artillery on shore, which were planted on 2 a tower
standing by the water side about a cannon-shot from the great
fortress, being the place where the Indian officers used to re-
ceive the customs. It had thick walls and was defended by
four brass guns and a hundred men, but had no ditch. On
the 9th, a ship and galley which were laden with biscuit, pow-
der, and other stores for the siege, struck on a sand bank
while entering the harbour. The goods and the galley were
saved, but the ship was totally lost.
A half galley belonging to our fleet arrived at Diu on the
19th in bad condition. iShe had fallen behind the fleet, and
had been driven to a port belonging to a people of the Pagans
called Samori 3 , where she sent a boat on shore with some
janizaries, who were all cut to pieces. After which the natives
in our barge and some of their own barks, attacked the galley
and slew other sixty men of her crew, so that she had much
ado td escape. The Pacha sent for the pilot of this galley,
and caused him to be hanged for his bad management.
On the 25th an Indian who had turned Christian and be-
longed to the garrison in the castle, was made prisoner in
a sally, and being brought before the Pacha, but refusing to
answer any questions, was condemned to be cut in two. On
the same day an old man presented himself before the Pacha,
who said that he was upwards of 300 years old, which was
confirmed by the people of the country, who asserted that
there were several very old men in that neighbourhood. The
natives of this country are very lean arid live sparingly. They
eat no beef, but use their oxen for riding upon. Their
oxen are small and handsome, very tractable, and have an
easy pace. Instead of a bridle, they use a cord passed
through a hole in the nostrils of the ox. Their horns are
long and straight, and they are used as beasts of burden, like
mules in Italy. These animals are held in much veneration,
especially the cows, and they even make great rejoicings on
the birth of a calf, on which account these people are reckoned
idolaters. When any of the men of this country happens
to
* Perhaps we ought here to read against the tower by the water-
side. E.
3 Probably meaning the dominions of the zamorin of Calicut. E.
270 Portuguese Discovery and PART u* BOOK m.
to die, the widow makes a great feast for the relations ; after
which they go in procession with music and dancing to a
place where a great fire is prepared, into which the corpse is
thrown, carrying along with them many large pots full of
scalding hot grease. The widow then dances round the fire,
singing the praises of her husband, after which she distributes
her entire dress and ornaments among her relations, till she
has nothing left but a small apron. Immediately after this,
having thrown a pot of the scalding grease into the fire, she
Jeaps into the midst of the flames, and the assistants throw in
all the other pots of grease to increase the flames, so that she
is dead in an instant. All women who would be esteemed
virtuous observe this custom, and such as do not are accounted
wicked, nor will any one marry them. The country of Guzerat
is rich and fertile, producing excellent ginger of all sorts, and
cocoa nuts. Of these last the natives make oil, vinegar, flour,
cordage, and mats. The cocoa-nut tree resembles the date
palm in every thing except the fruit and leaves, those of the
palm being broader.
On the 28th the fleet removed from the port of Mudaferaba,
which has from 2 to 4- fathoms water ; and having sailed six
hours on the 29th, cast anchor about 15 miles from Diu.
Having remained at anchor all night, the fleet made sail on
the 30th with a north wind from shore, and came behind the
castle of Diu, where all the gallies discharged their artillery
in succession, after which they cast anchor about three miles
from the castle.
SECTION V.
A Bulwark Surrenders to the Turks, who make Galley-slaves of
the Portuguese Garrison ; mth several other incidents of the
siege.
ON the 1st of October, a messenger came from the lesser
castle offering to capitulate, being no longer able to hold out.
The Turks had planted three pieces of cannon against that
fort which carried balls of iron of 150 pounds weight, and
pierced the tower through and through, so that the stones
flew about and had slain twenty men out of an hundred in the
garrison. Yet these men had slain many of the Turks with
their musquets and four pieces of cannon, the fire having con-
10 tinned
CHAP. ii. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 271
tinned incessantly for eighteen or twenty days. On delivering
his message, the person sent from the fort received a rich vest,
and had a sale conduct written in the most ample form for
himself and all the garrison. When the messenger returned
to the tower, he persuaded the captain and two other persons
to wait upon the Pacha, who gave the captain a vest and con-
firmed the safe conduct, only under the express condition that
they should not go into the castle. The captain, whose name
was Juan Francisco Paduano 1 , returning to the tower which
was called Gogulc, brought off his men to the number of eighty,
all of whom the Pacha ordered to be disarmed and confined in
a house under a strong guard.
On the 3d of October, the Pacha ordered the four slave
gunners of the large gallics on shore, and gave them in charge
to batter the principal castle. He likewise ordered all the
Portuguese who had surrendered to be distributed among the
gallies and chained to the oar, captain and all. The same
day, three Portuguese gallies entered the harbour of Diu.
without opposition, for the Pacha did not send a single vessel
to hinder them. The 8th a ship arrived with provisions and
was wrecked in the road. On board were iifteen men belong-
ing to the large gallies, together with the admiral, and sixty
sailors with many galley-slaves. The 13th, the fleet remov-
ed from the west to the east side of Diu, where they anchored
two miles from the castle ; but during this change of position,
the cannon of the fortress sunk one galley and broke the
main-yard of another. On the 15th, the Pacha removed
from the maon where he resided hitherto into his half galley,
but ordered a white sail to be taken from another galley, his
own being distinguished by colours. The reason of this was
that he expected the Portuguese fleet, and did not wish they
should know what ship he was in. Being also afraid of the
shot he caused a great ring of cables and such things to be
formed on the poop, sufficient to repel cannon-shot, for he
was fearful and cowardly. He likewise ordered all the Chris-
tians to be put in irons. On the 17th, being the eve of St
Luke, he caused the head of one of the people belonging to
the Venetian gallies to be cut off, merely for saying, the sig-
nary of Venice is not dead.
On the 22ri the Pacha gave out in orders to the gunners
en shore, about 400 in number, some of whom were slain
daily,
1 It ought to be Pachefo, E.
272 Portuguese Discovery and PA JIT ir. BOOK lit,
daily, that whoever shot down the great standard of the castle
should have a reward of 1 000 maydins and receive his freedom.
This was chiefly occasioned by a desire of revenge, as his own
standard had been given to the Portuguese by a Sanjak.
Upon this, one of these Christian gunners at the third shot
broke down the standard, which stood on the top of a great
tower, on which the Turks made great rejoicings and pub-
lished the news with much exultation throughout the fleet.
The gunner was rewarded with a silken vest.
The artillery belonging to the Turks was planted against
the castle all in one line, but in six separate batteries. In the
first was an iron culverine carrying a ball of 150 pounds, and
apaderero of 200 pounds. At a small distance was an iron
passe-volant of 16 pounds, which discharged cartridge shot.
In another place was a paderero of 300 pounds, and a cul-
verine of 1 50 ; and in this second post was a passe-volant
like the former, both belonging to the great gallies. In
another place was an iron saker of 12 pounds, a small cannon
of 16 pounds, & falcon of 6 pounds, and a mortar throwing a
ball of 400 pounds. In another post was a culverine of 100
pounds. By this prodigious train of artillery, the Turks had
battered down one tower, so that they could easily mount the
breach, the tower not being very high, and the ditch not
having been dug to a sufficient depth : But as fast as the
Turks ruined the defences of this tower, the besieged repaired
the breach as well as they could with earth and rubbish. It
must also be observed that this fortress had no flanks ; and
being built upon a rock, they had made no casemates, only
erecting embrasures on the top of the wall, which were all
ruined and shaken. The main safety of the besieged con-
sisted in their bravery. Every day fifteen or twenty of them
used to sally forth like so many furious lions, killing all they
met, which struck such terror into the Turkish soldiers that
they fled in confusion as soon as they saiv the Portuguese.
On the 25th of October, the Turks caused a great number
of cotton sacks to be got ready, covered with skins and bound
with ropes, all of which were thrown into the ditch, which
they completly filled, reaching as high as the wall. This be-
ing noticed by the besieged early in the morning, before the
Turks put themselves in order for the assault, sixty of the
Portuguese made a sally from the castle, forty of whom
fought the enemy with great gallantry, while the other twenty
remained in the ditch, each of whom carried a small leather
bag
CHAP. ii. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 273
bag full of powder and a lighted match. These men cut
open the cotton bales, into each of which they put a hand-
ful of powder, which they fired, so that in a short time seve-
ral of the bags were set on fire ; and the whole continued
burning for two days. Those who sallied out upon the ene-
my maintained the fight for more than three hours, during
which time they killed 190 Turks and wounded as many
more, losing only two of their own number.
SECTION VI.
Farther particulars of the siege, to the retreat of the Turks ,
and the commencement of their Voyage Lack to Suez.
ON the 27th of October five Portuguese foists arrived at
Diu, which took a Turkish vessel of the same kind, and land-
ed succours for the besieged, but were unable to get into the
harbour, as some of the cannon formerly mentioned com-
manded its entrance, by ranging past the end of the castle.
The 29th the Pacha ordered out forty boats filled with Turks,
having some small cannon in each, in order to assault a small
fort or bulwark on the water side in the harbour at some
distance from the castle, the whole defences of which had
been ruined by the Turkish artillery, and in which there
were only five or six men, who were relieved daily from the
castle by water, the distance being less than a falcon shot.
On the approach of the Turkish boats, the men in this small
fort or bulwark lay down that they might not be seen. On
coming to the place, the Turks ran the bows of their boats on
shore, where every thing lay in ruins to the very edge of the
water, and instantly leapt on shore. The small but gallant
party of defenders immediately met them with twojire-horns,
and the cannon from the castle played against the assailants
so furiously, that the Turks soon fled. Several of their boats
were sunk, many of the men were drowned, and the garrison
of the castle took a considerable number of prisoners, coming
out in one of their barks and killing or taking them while in
confusion on the water. All those who were taken were
hanged next day on the battlements of the castle.
The whole Turkish forces were drawn out in order of bat-
tle on the 30th, and advanced to that side of the castle next
the harbour to make a general assault, for which purpose they
carried a great number of scaling-ladders. Another party of
VOL. vi. s th e
274- Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
the Turks mounted the breach on the land side of the castle,
which they could do at pleasure as the place was entirely open-
ed by the fire of the batteries. But after remaining there
three hours without sufficient courage to enter the place, the
besieged leapt upon the breach and pushed the Turks into the
ditch, killing four hundred of them. On the 31st the Movr-
hh captain l went with eleven gallies to attack the little castle,
but was forced to desist by the cannon frOrn the great castle,
which sunk some of his vessels.
On the 2d of November, the Sanjak with the janizaries and
all the rest of the Turks embarked, leaving all their artillery
behind, which they had not time to carry off. This was oc-
casioned by receiving news that the Portuguese fleet was ad-
vancing in order of battle. The 5th, twenty sail of Portuguese
vessels appeared in sight, and came to anchor twenty miles
distance from the Turkish fleet. In the morning only three
of these ships were seen at a distance, at which time the
Turks put off from the land : But at sunrise many ships were
seen, which shot off a great number of guns, though nothing
could be perceived but the flash of the powder. Upon this
the Pacha gave orders for each of his gallies to fire three
guns ; after which, the trumpets were sounded, all the
ships hoisting their foresails and plying their oars. This was
done at one o'clock at night, and at four the whole fleet de-
parted with hardly any wind, and by day-break had run 30
miles, shaping their course S. S. W.
The 7th, we sailed forty miles in the same direction, the
weather being still calm. The 8th, we proceeded 30 miles W.
during the day, and 20 in the night. The 9th, we went 20
miles W. and this day the Christians had their irons taken
off. The 10th, we made no way, the weather being a dead
calm. The llth, the wind blew from the W. S. W. We
stood to N. W. advancing 30 miles in the day and night.
The 12th, the wind being N. W. by N. we entered the gulf
of Ormuz % and then sailed W. S. W. advancing all that
day
1 This person has been several times mentioned under this title, as a prin-
cipal officer under Solyman Pacha, but we have no indications by which to
conjecture who he was. E.
2 That part of the gulf may be here understood which is on the outside of
the Straits of Ormuz, or the bay between Cape Ras-al-gat, or the coast of
Muscat, and the Persian shore : Yet, from the after part of the voyage this
could hardly be the case, and we ought perhaps to read in this part of the
text the Arabian Sea* or that part of the Indian ocean which stretches across
the mouths of the Indus, from the western coast of Guzerat towards the
coast of Arabia. E.
CHAP. ii. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 275
day and night only 30 miles. The 13th, we proceeded W.
70 miles by day and 90 during the night. The 14th, 100
miles during the day and as much in the night. The 15th,
80 by day and 80 by night. The ifith, 80 by day and 70 in
the night. The 17th, 90 in the day and 80 in the night.
The 18th, 100 in the day and 70 in the night. The 19th,
70 by day and 80 by night ; all this time the course being
due west. The 20th, we sailed W. by S. 90 miles, and saw
land to windward, and proceeded 100 miles in the night.
The 2 ] st, we sailed W. by S. 80 miles by day and 50 in the
night. The 22d, continuing the same course, we went only
10 miles during the day, and 20 in the night. The 23d it
fell a calm, and we proceeded along the coast of Arabia, 30
miles in the day and 20 in the night. On the 24th, the calm
continued and we had adverse currents, yet proceeded along
the coast of Arabia 30 miles, and came to the islands of Curia
JMuria 3 , which are very desert and thinly inhabited. We
staid here one day and took in a supply of water. The
fleet departed from these islands on the 26th, sailing along
the coast of Arabia towards the Red Sea, 30 miles in the day
and 30 at night.
SECTION VII.
Continuation of the Voyage back to Suez, from the Portuguese
factory at Aser, to Khamaran and Kubit Sharif.
AT the second hour of the night on the 2 7th of November,
the fleet cast anchor in six fathoms water off a town on the
coast of Arabia named Aser J , a barren desert place, where
both men and cattle are forced to live on fish. At this place
was found forty Portuguese with a consul or factor, who re-
sided here for trade, besides other merchants who come fre-
quently with spice and other things. But their chief trade
was
3 In the text of the Aldus this place is called by mistake the town of
Khamaran, which is a very different place within the Red Sea, but in Ra-
musio it is rightly named Curia Muria. These islands, are in lat. 17 SO'
on the oceanic coast of Yemen or Yaman, and are likewise named the islands
of Chartan and Martan.- E.
l About the distance rather vaguely indicated in the text, is a place called
Dhofar on the coast of Yemen, and perhaps the text ought to have been
D'Jcrs E.
'276 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
was in horses, which are here excellent ; being to be had at
about 100 ducats each, and sell in India for 1000 ducats.
As soon as the sheikh of this place understood that Solyman
Pacha was coming there with his fleet, he caused all the
Portuguese at the factory to be seized, and presented them to
the Pacha, who made them all be chained to the oars. We
here found a ship which had staid there by the way, being
unable to proceed to India. We remained here three days,
and the Pacha seized all the biscuit which could be procured
for the use of the fleet. It may be proper to notice, that in
every place at which the fleet touched in this return voyage,
the Turks gave out that they had conquered the whole coun-
try of India, and had cut all the Christians to pieces. The
1st December, the fleet departed, holding a course W. S. W.
along the coast of Arabia, and sailing 40 miles cast anchor be-
fore night at a place called Mikaiya^ and took in water. The
2d, continuing along the coast of Arabia, we proceeded W.
S. W. 30 miles in the day, and 10 in the night. The 3d,
40 miles by day and 50 in the night. The 4th, 70 in the
day and 30 in the night. The 5th, we went 60 miles farther,
and by nine o'clock in the night cast anchor off' the town of
Adem or Aden.
On the 6th, the Pacha sent in the morning for a renegado
Turk, formerly a Christian and a person of some note, and
without assigning any cause ordered his head to be cut off.
The reason was they all murmured, and the Pacha feared thus
man might accuse him of negligence or cowardice, and was
therefore determined to be beforehand with him. This man
had formerly been in the service of the sheikh of Aden, and
was afterwards a captain at Diu, when the former king Badur
was slain by the Portuguese. The widow of Badur being
possessed of a great treasure and desirous of retiring to Mecca,
was persuaded by this man to embark with him in a galleon,
with which he treacherously sailed to Egypt, whence he car-
ried the treasure to Constantinople and presented it to the
sultan; who, because of his conversance in the affairs of In-
dia, made him commander of a galley, and ordered him to
return to India with the- fleet under Solyman Pacha : And as
the expedition succeeded so ill it now coat him his life. Being
desirous to secure Aden, the Pacha caused JOO pieces of can-
non of different sizes to be landed from the fleet, among
which were two passe-volan ts that had been taken out of the
Venetian gallies at Alexandria. He likewise landed an ample
supply
CHAP. ii. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 277
supply of powder and ball, and left a Sanjak with 500 Turks
and five foists *. Thinking himself now out of danger from
the pursuit of the Portuguese fleet, the Pacha removed from
the half galley and returned totliemaon. On the 19th, every
thing being arranged at Aden, the fleet took in water, which
occupied them during three days ; and on the 23d we sailed
from Aden with a good wind, steering W. by S. and between
the evening and morning proceeded 100 miies. The 24th at
the 5th hour of the day, the fleet entered the straits of the
Red Sea, and lay all night at anchor. On the 25th, being
Christmas, we departed three hours before day, and sailing
to the N. W. with a scant wind, we ran 50 miles and came
to a castle called Mokha. The same day, an old Turk who
was governor of the castle came to wait upon Solyman, who
received him with great honour and gave him a caftan. In
return, the governor sent every kind of refreshment that the
place could supply to the Pacha ; and came a few days after-
wards on board with all his riches, which were very great, be-
sides many slaves of both sexes.
From Mokha the Pacha sent a messenger to the sheikh
or king of Zabid, who was a Turk named Nokoda Hamef,
commanding him to come immediately to the sea-side and
pay his obeisance to the sultan. The sheikh sent back for
answer, that he was ready to pay the tribute due to the sultan,,
and would willingly accept a Sanjak or banner if sent to him ;
but that he did not know the Pacha and would not come to
the sea-side. The Pacha was much displeased at this, yet
sent his Kiahya and some janizaries to Zabid, which is three
days journey inland, to carry a standard to the sheikh. In
return the sheikh made him a rich present, in which was a
splendid scymeter and dagger, with some beautiful pearls of
six carats forming a string above a foot in length, besides one
fine pearl of eighteen carats : for a great deal of fine orien-
tal pearls are found in this coast of Arabia. He likewise gave
each of the Turks two rich vests or caftans, and a young black
slave. The Kiahya made him many compliments, and en-
treated him to wait upon the Pacha ; but the sheikh would
on no account consent. Finding that he could not prevail
upon him, the Kiahya said, ** Since you will not go to the
Pacha,
2 These foists, so often mentioned in this chapter, were probably grabs
mjerbs, a large species of barks employed in their navagations by the Arabs
of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. E.
278 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
Pacha, he will come to you :" And so took his leave and re-
turned to Mokha.
We remained twenty-nine days at Mokha, which we left
at sunrise on the 23d of January 1539 with a brisk gale,
and sailed W. by N. till noon ; when the wind altered and
we proceeded N. W. going in all 100 miles that day. The
24-th we continued to the N. W. under easy sail with a fair
wind 30 miles during the day ; and by the sixth hour of the
night, we cast anchor at the island of Khamaran^ 20 miles
farther. The Pacha landed on the 29th, and gave pay to
all the janizaries who were willing to fight, but nothing was
given to the slaves and mariners. The 2cl of February, the
weather being calm, we left Khamaran by the help of our
oars, and came about six o'clock to a place on the coast cal-
led Kubit Sarif 3 , 20 miles from Khamaran.
SECTION VIII.
Transactions of the Pacha at Zabid, and continuation of the
Voyage from Kubit Sarif.
On the 3d of February, the day after our arrival at Kubit
Sarif, a Turk in the service of the sheikh of Zabid l revolted
with fifty horse and came to the Pacha, who received him kind-
ly and gave him presents. This man encamped with his follow-
ers on the shore, and we noticed that in this country they
had their horses in armour, to defend them against darts and
arrows which are their chief weapons. 'The Pacha landed
on the fourth, ordering his men to be got ready with provi-
sions and ammunition, in order to march for Zabid, and
directed some light pieces of artillery to be put on carriages
to accompany him. The Pacha set out on his march on the
19th, three hours before day on horseback, and was joined on
the road by another Turk with fifty horse, who had deserted
from
3 In the edition of Aldus, this place is here named Khebiccairf\ but
afterwards Kubit Sarif as in the text. In Ramusio it is named Kobbat
Sharif, signifying the noble dome, which is probably the right name.
Astl. I. 98. a.
l This name is differently written Zibit, Zebit, and Zebeyd. It is a
town of the Tehamah on the western coast of Arabia, in lat 15 20', about
so miles from the Red Sea, inland from the large bay formed by the isle nf
Khamaran . E .
CHAP. ii. SECT. vin. Conquest of India. 279
from the sheikh. Him the Pacha made free, and continued
his march. He encamped on the 20th on the outside of the
city of Zabid, and sent a message to order the sheikh to wait
upon him. Seeing himself betrayed by many of his own
people, and distrusting the fidelity of the rest, the sheikh
came forth with a cord about his neck, as the slave of the
grand signior, and presented himself before the Pacha, who
immediately commanded his head to be cut off'. On this the
people of the city, to the number of three hundred men, fled
to the mountains, among whom were three chiefs with all
their riches, which were very considerable, yet knew not
where to go. The Pacha sent to tell those who had escaped,
that they ought to return and join him, promising to enroll
them among his troops and to give them good pay. Accord-
ingly there came back 200 black Abissins *, who had been
soldiers in the service of the sheikh. These were valiant des-
perate fellows almost naked, who did not value their lives,
and were almost as swift as horses. For arms, some carried
clubs of the cornel tree headed with iron, others had pointed
stakes which they used like darts, others again had short
swords, a span shorter than those used by the Christians,
and every one had a dagger at his girdle, bent like those used
by the Moors and Arabs. The Pacha asked every one his
name, which he caused to be written down, and with higher
pay than they had received before. He then dismissed them,
with orders to return next morning without arms to receive
their pay, when they were all to be admitted to kiss his hand,
on which occasion they would have no use for their arms.
The Abissins accordingly presented themselves at the time
appointed, and being ordered to lay down their arms, they
went to wait upon the Pacha who was sitting near his tent
on the plain, surrounded by his Turks under arms. They
were no sooner within the circle, than a previously con-
certed signal was given, and they were all instantly cut to
pieces.
After this bloody scene, the Pacha placed a Sanjak with
1000 soldiers in Zabid to retain it under subjection. The
city is well built, and the country round is pleasant and fertile,
abounding in running water, delightful gardens, and abun-
dance
2 Probably negroes, imported from the coast of Abyssinia, Massua and
Arkiko, the gates or entry into that country being on the opposite coast of
the Red Sea.-E.
1380 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
dance of productions that are not to be found in any other
part of Arabia ; particularly Zibibs like those of Damascus,
which have no stones, and other excellent fruits, such as
dates. Flesh is to be had in plenty, and corn is not scarce.
On the 8th of March 1539, the Pacha returned to the
coast, whence he ordered ammunition to be sent to Zabid to
secure his acquisition, and appointed four foists to remain as
a guard for that part of the coast. The 10th the Pacha
ordered the Portuguese prisoners, to the number of 146 in
all, reckoning some Indian converts, to be brought bound
on shore ; and having distributed them among his troops,
all their heads were cut off by his command. The head of
the chief 3 was flayed, and the skin was salted and filled with
straw. The noses and ears of all the rest were cut off, and
put into bags, to be sent to the sultan. On the 13th the
Kiahya departed in company with another galley for Zadem 4 ,
whence he was to go to Constantinople by way of Mecca,
with an account of the expedition to India, carrying with
him the heads, noses, and ears, besides magnificent presents
for the sultan, to make it appear that the Pacha had perform-
ed great exploits and mighty services.
On the 15th of March we departed from Kubit Sarif, and
cast anchor at sunset at a place called Kor, five miles from
the land and 100 miles from Kubit Sarif. We departed
from the island of Kor on the 16th an hour before day with
a fair wind and pleasant breeze, and sailing along the coast
of Arabia came to anchor at sunset in 8 fathoms water at
Zerzer, 70 miles from Kor, a place subject to Mecca. At
this place the three persons who had fled from Zabid with
their riches were brought to the Pacha, who caused their
heads to be cut off, and seized their treasure, which filled
six large sacks, each of which was a sufficient load for any
single man.
The 17th we sailed along the coast with a pleasant gale,
which became contrary an hour before sunset, when we cast
anchor
3 Pacheco most probably, formerly mentioned, who surrendered in a
cowardly manner at Diu. E.
4 Formerly called Zidem, but it ought to be Jiddah, Joddah, or Juddah,
as differently pronounced : Yet Barthema, Corsali, Barbosa, and other
travellers of those times call it Zidem or Ziden ; doubtless by corruption.
Thus likewise Tamboa, Tembo, or Al Tambo, the sea port of Medinah, is
named Elioban by Barbosa, transposing the letters instead of
Astl. I. 99. a.
CHAP. IT. SECT. vin. Conquest of India. 281
anchor in 8 fathom water, at a place called Adiudi, 50 miles
from Zerzer. We departed from thence on the 18th two
hours before day, and coasted along the land till noon, when
we anchored in a good port named Mugora, in 4 fathoms
water, 50 miles from Adiudi, where we got wood and water.
An hour before day on the 19th, we departed by means of
our oars, the wind being contrary ; but at sunrise the wind
became fair, and we sailed 50 miles along shore to a place
called Darboni, where we came to anchor in 7 fathoms water.
Being calm, we coasted along by rowing till noon, when a
breeze sprang up, and then using our sails, we came to anchor
in 1 fathoms water by sunset at a place called Yasitfy be-
longing to Mecca. On the 21st we proceeded 60 miles, and
anchored in 40 fathoms, at a place called Khofadan, in the
dominions of Mecca. The 22d the navigation being much
encumbered with sand banks, so thick together and intricate
that it was hardly possible to sail in the day, the Pacha
ordered six gallies to lead the way, and we came to a shelf
or shoal called Turakh. The 23d we coasted along, still
among shoals, the channel being so narrow that only one
galley could pass at a time ; and cast anchor at a place named
Salta in 4 fathoms, having ran fifty miles. Sailing 30 miles
farther along the coast on the 24th, we anchored at noon in
the port of Mazabraiti in 6 fathoms, near a place called
Ariadan inhabited by peasants who are subject to Mecca.
On the 25th we weighed anchor early, and endeavoured to
proceed along the coast ; but the wind getting up at sun-
rise and proving contrary, we had to stand out to sea till
noon, when we again made for the land, off which we cast
anchor early in the evening.
SECTION IX.
Continuation of the Voyage to Suez, along the Ardblan Shore
of the Red Sea.
WE remained at anchor during the whole of the 26th and
proceeded two hours before day of the 27th, in very pleasant
weather, and at eight o'clock, having sailed 30 miles, we
anchored in 4 fathoms at a place called Yusuma. The 28th
we coasted along the land till noon with a fair wind, and then
entered among certain banks two miles from the shore, where
we
282 Portuguese Discov&y and PART 11. BOOK uj.
we could not let go our anchors for fear of losing them, being
off a place named Mukare, SO miles from Yusuma. The
29th, still coasting along, we came among other shoals called
Balir, thirty-five miles farther on. The 30th continuing
along shore till evening, we anchored in 12 fathoms at a place
called Mukfyij having proceeded 35 miles. Departing on the
3 1 st with a calm two hours before day, the wind springing
up at sunrise, and in the evening we came to Ziden or Jiddah
the sea-port of Mecca. The Pacha landed on the 1st of
April, and pitched his tents on the outside of the town, where
he rested four days. On the 7th he rode away for Mecca, on
pilgrimage, leaving orders for the fleet to proceed to Suez 1 .
On the 8th the fleet was driven two miles out to sea by a con-
trary wind, and was obliged to come to anchor among the
shoals. Remaining here till the llth, we made sail with a
fair wind, and at the twentieth hour came into the port of
Contror Abehin, where one of our gallies was sunk in attempt-
ing to double a point of land. At this place a carpenter be-
ionging to the Venetian gallies of Alexandria, named Mark,
turned Mahometan and remained behind. Having staid here
two days, we proceeded again with a fair wind along shore,
and cast anchor in 12 fathoms at a place called Amomuskhi,
70 miles farther. Setting sail on the 15th two hours before
day, the Moorish captains galley got aground on a bank, but
was towed off by the boats belonging to the other ships, with-
out having received any damage. We then coasted along
the land 30 miles, to a place called Raban or Robon, where
we cast anchor in 13 fathoms. From the 16th to the 20th
both inclusive, we left this place every day, and were always
forced to return by contrary winds. The 21st we departed
with an off shore wind ; but at the sixth hour of the day were
again driven towards the coast by a contrary wind, and obliged
to put in among certain banks where we remained all night.
The 22d we coasted along by favour of a land breeze ; but
the wind coming contrary were obliged to anchor at a place
called Farsi, having only advanced 16 miles. The 23d we
continued along the coast till noon, when the wind changed
full in our teeth, and we had to come to anchor at a place
named
1 It does not appear that the Pacha ever rejoined his fleet. It has been
already mentioned from De Faria,, that on his return to Turkey he was re-
duced to the necessity of killing himself. <c Cruel and tyrannical men like
him, says De Faria, should always be their own executioners."- E.
10
CHAP. ii. SECT. ix. Conquest of India. 2SS
named Sat/ian, having sailed 25 miles that day. The 24-th
we proceeded along the coast till noon, when the wind became
again contrary, and we were driven to the coast, and came to
Lorma 9 SO miles beyond Sathan. We rowed along shore
against the wind on the 25th, and came at evening to Yam-
boa z . This place affords provisions, particularly fish and
dates. Their water is kept in cisterns, and has to be brought
on camels from a place a days journey distant, as there are
no wells or springs. A days journey 3 inland from this place
is a large town named Medinah, or Medinat al Nubi, where is
the sepulchre of Mahomet, though commonly said to be at
Mecca 4 . We remained at Yamboa six days, and set sail at
four o'clock on the 1st of May ; but after proceeding only 10
miles the wind became contrary, and we had to anchor among
some shoals, where we staid two days. During the 3d and
4th, we had to stand off and on, beating up against a con-
trary wind ; and so continued for six days, advancing only
eight miles in all that time. The 10th and llth, the wind
being still contrary, we made only 10 miles, and anchored in
a different place. Proceeding along the coast on the 13th,
we came up with a galleon which left Zabid before the rest of
the fleet. The pilots name was MikoU, and some of those
on board belonged to the Venetian gallies of Alexandria.
The Hth, we sailed 10 miles 5 along the coast, and cast
anchor in 7 fathoms at a place named Sikhabo. The 15th
we sailed 70 miles N. W. and came to anchor in the open sea.
The 16th, we sailed along the coast 30 miles, and anchored
at a place named Buducktor or BubuJctor. The 17th sailing
30 miles along the coast, we anchored in 20 fathoms in the
open
2 Called Jombu in the edition of Aldus, and Jambut by Ramusio. This
is Yembo, Yambo, or Yamboa, the Italians using the J instead of the T.
Yarabea is the port of Medina, Medinah, or Medinat al Nubi, signifying
the city, or the city of the prophet. Astl. I. 100. c.
3 Medina is at least 90 miles inland from Yamboa, which cannot be less
than three ordinary days journeys. E.
4 This error has been long since corrected, yet many travellers still per-
sist in placing the tomb of Mahomet at Mecca. Astl. 1. 100. d. Christian
travellers are debarred from visiting the holy cities of Mecca and Medina.
At Mecca the grand object of pilgrimage is the Caaba or holy house* con-
taining a black stone, the remains of the ancient Pagan superstition of the
Arabians : Perhaps the same with the Lingam or Priapus of the Hindoos.
E.
5 In Ramusio this distance i made 60 miles. Astl. 1. 100. e.
284 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
open sea, near an island called Yenamani. Going 20 miles-
along shore on the 18th, we anchored for the night off
Khifafe. We proceeded 50 miles along shore on the 19th,
and anchored at Molin. The 20th, we anchored at sea 25
miles farther. Proceeding 48 miles 6 on the 21st along shore,
we anchored in the evening out at sea. The 2^d, after sailing
10 miles, we anchored again at sea. Being in a very bad an-
chorage, we proceeded again on the 24th with a tolerably
good wind. The half galley left an anchor and three cables
at this last anchorage, and one galley ran aground but was
got off. After advancing only 10 miles, we came to anchor
in 8 fathoms with good ground, and remained two days.
Proceeding 35 miles along the coast on the 26th, we came
to anchor in a road-stead.
SECTION X.
Conclusion of the Voyage to Suez, and return of the Venetians
to Cairo.
ON the 27th of May we proceeded on our voyage, sailing
W. N. W. At noon we were abreast of Tor or At for, and
continued our course for two hours after night-fall, when the
wind came foul, on which we lay too till day-light, when the
Moorish captain set sail again, and the other gallics weighed
anchor and hoisted their foresails. After running 100 miles
we came to shoal water where we cast anchor in 6 > fathoms,
and remained five days waiting for a fair wind. Leaving the
bank on the 3d of June, and holding on our course, we cast
anchor sometimes on the western coast ' and sometimes on
the eastern, having contrary winds, and on the 1 5th we ar-
rived at Korondol, where Pharaoh and his host were drowned,
and where are the baths of Moses as they are called. We
took in water at this place, where we staid two days. The
16th, the fleet sailed from Korondol, and continuing its
course for two days together, we arrived at Suez on the 17th
of May 1539, whence we had set out on the 27th of June in
the former year.
On
6 Only 40 miles, in the copy published by Ramusio. Astl. I. 100. f.
1 In the original called the Abyssinian coast, but certainly that of Egypt.
CHAP. il. SECT. x. Conquest of India. 285
On the day of our arrival, we began to draw the barks on
shore. The 2d of June we began to haul up the large galley,
and next the half galley of the Pacha, all the rest being un-
rigged and drawn up successively. On this occasion the whole
labour rested on the Christians, who acted as porters and
worked all the tackle for unloading, cleaning and unrigging
all the vessels: In short the entire fatigue lay upon their
shoulders. On the 16th, the Lemin z came and paid off all
the seamen, Christians as well as Turks, giving 180 maidans
to each. The 19th of August, the Emin, accompanied by
seven boats, went to Tor to pay off the gallies which remain-
ed behind, taking with him all the best and strongest of the
Christian mariners to navigate these gallies to Suez, as they
were in a manner disarmed, many of their crews having diet!
and others run off. At Tor all were paid off, and the Chris-
tians were distributed among the gallies, which they brought
up to Suez on the 20th of October, and were all drawn up by
the Christians, who worked hard both day and night On
the 26th, all the gallies being hauled up, the cables, rigging,
tackle, iron work, planks, small cannon, and all the other
stores were carried into the castle of Suez.
The Red Sea, from Suez to its mouth extends 1 800 miles
in length ; the coast running all the way from N. W. to S. E 3 .
This gulf is 200 miles broad, and in some places more. In
its whole length it is full of banks, shoals, and shelves, towards
the land on both sides, so that it cannot be navigated by night,
except in the middle. These obstructions are so intricately
disposed that the channels can only be discovered by the eye,
nor can the proper course be taken except by means of an ex-
perienced pilot standing constantly on the prm, and calling-
out starboard or larboard 4 according to circumstances. Owing
to this, the return voyage does not admit of being described
so
2 In Ramusio the Emtn, who is an officer of the treasury, or the pay-
master. Astley, I. 101. a. Probably Al Emm, and originally written in
Italian UEmin. E.
3 From Suez to the Straits of Bab-al-Mandub, the direct distance is about
1590 statute English miles, or 1200 geographical miles, 60 to the degree.
From the Straits to Cape Guardafu is about 433 English miles farther, or
375 geographical : Making in all 1823 of the former and 1575 of the latter.
The direction is S. S. . E.
4 In the original Italian, Orza and Poggia, being the names of the ropes
at the yard-arms which are hauled when these words are pronounced.
Astl. I. loi. b.
286 Portuguese Discovery and PART ir. BOOK in.
so accurately as the outward bound. There are two distinct
kinds of pilots for this sea ; the one being acquainted with
the middle of the gulf, which is the passage outwards ; and
the others, called Rtibani, are for ships returning from the
ocean, and navigating within the shoals. These are such ex-
cellent swimmers, that in many places where they cannot cast
anchor on account of foul ground, they will swim under water
and fix the galiies within the shoals, and will often even fasten
the prows underwater, according to the nature of the place 5 .
On the 28th of November 1539, the Christians belonging
to the Venetian galiies left Suez, and arrived at Cairo on the
1st of December, where they were lodged in the same house
that they had formerly occupied. Each of them was allowed
half a maidan daily for subsistence, which is equal to about
twopence of Venice. They here suffered great affliction and
fatigue, as whatever laborious work was to be performed was
devolved upon them. Clearing out the water-cisterns, level-
ling hills, putting gardens in order, new buildings, and such
like, all fell to their share. On the 25th of March 1540,
many of the Christians went from Cairo with a guard of
Turks to a hill or mount two miles from the Nile, which seem-
ed to have been a burying-place like the Campo Santo, where
every year, on the Friday before our Lady of August 6 , a vast
number of people assemble to see dead bodies rise out of the
ground. This resurrection begins on Thursday evening, and
lasts till Saturday at six o'clock, during which time great
numbers rise ; but after that no more appear. When they do
rise, some are rolled about with linen bandages in the manner
in which the ancients swathed their dead. It must not be
imagined that these dead bodies move, and still less that
they walk about. But, one instant you may observe and
touch the arm or the leg of one, or some other part, and going
away for a moment, you will find at your return the part you
had formerly seen and touched still more exposed, or farther
out of the ground than at first ; and this will happen as often
as you make the experiment. On that day, many tents are
pitched about this mount, and thither many persons repair,
sick as well as healthy ; and near this place there is a pond in
which
5 The expression in the text is not very obvious, but seems to indicate
that these Rubani are such excellent divers as to be able to fasten ropes or
hausers to the rocks below water. E.
6 The 1 5th of August, the Assumption of the Virgin. E.
GHAP. in. Conquest of India. 287
which the people bathe on the Friday night, in order to get
cured of their infirmities. For my mvn part, I did not see
these miracles.
CHAPTER III.
THE VOYAGE OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM GOA TO SUEZ,
IN 1540, WITH THE INTENTION OF BURNING THE TURKISH
GALLIES AT THAT PORT. WRITTEN BY DON JUAN DE
CASTRO, THEN A CAPTAIN IN THE FLEET ; AFTERWARDS
GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF PORTUGUESE INDIA '.
INTRODUCTION.
DON JUAN or JOAM DE CASTRO, the author of the fol-
lowing journal, was a Portuguese nobleman born in
1500; being the son of Don Alvaro de Castro, governor of
the Chancery, and Donna Leonora de Noronha, daughter of
Don Joam de Almeyda, Count of Abrantes. In his youth,
Don Juan de Castro served with reputation at Tangier, and
on his return home had a commandery of 500 ducats of yearly
revenue conferred upon him, which was all he was ever worth,
though a man of high birth and rare merit. He afterwards
served under the Emperor Charles V. in his expedition against
Tunis, and refused his share of a pecuniary reward from that
prince to the Portuguese officers on the expedition, saying
that he served the king of Portugal, and accepted rewards
only from his own sovereign. After this he commanded a
fleet on the coast of Barbary, and was sent to join the fleet
of Spain for the relief of Ceuta. On hearing that the Moors
were approaching, the Spaniards wished to draw off, on pre-
tence of consulting upon the manner of giving battle, but Don
Juan refused to quit his post ; and the Moors retired, not
knowing that the fleets had separated, so that he had all the
honour of relieving Ceuta.
When Don Garcia de Noronha went viceroy to India, Don
John was captain of one of the ships in his fleet; and when
about
1 Astley, 1.107, Purchas, II. 1J22.
2SS Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK m.
about to embark, the king sent him a commission by which
he was appointed governor of Ormuz, and a gift of 1000
ducats to bear his charges till he obtained possession. He
accepted the latter, because he was poor ; but refused the go-
vernment, saying that he had not yet deserved it. After the
expedition to Suez z , contained in the present chapter, he re-
turned into Portugal, and lived for some time in retirement
in a country house near Cintra, giving himself up entirely to
study. He was recalled from this retreat by the ad vice of the
infant Don Luys, and sent out governor-general to India in
1545 ; where he died with the title of viceroy in 154-8, when
48 years of age. We shall hereafter have occasion to speak
farther of this great man, who made himself illustrious in the
second siege of Diu by the forces of the king of Guzerat. In
his life, written by Jacinto Freire de Andrada^ there is a par-
ticular account of this siege, with a map to illustrate its ope-
rations. The author also treats of the Discoveries, Govern-
ment, Commerce, and affairs of the Portuguese in India.
This book was translated into English, and published in folio
at London in 1664.
Such was the illustrious author of the following journal,
which was never published in Portuguese ; but having been
found, if we are rightly informed, on board a Portuguese ship
taken by the English, was afterwards translated and published
by Purchas. Purchas tells us that the original was reported
to have been purchased by Sir Walter Raleigh for sixty pounds;
that Sir Walter got it translated, arid afterwards, as he thinks,
amended the diction and added many marginal notes. Purchas
himself reformed the style, but with caution as he had not the
original to consult, and abbreviated the whole, in which we
hope he used equal circumspection : For, as it stands in
Purchas 3 it still is most intolerably verbose, and at the same
time scarcely intelligible in many places ; owing, we appre-
hend, to the translator being not thoroughly acquainted with
the meaning of the original, if not to the fault of the abbre-
viator. These two inconveniences we have endeavoured to
remedy the best we could, and though we have not been
always
2 l)e Faria In his Portuguese Asia, says that Don Juan went up to Mount
Sinai, where his son Don Alvaro was knighted. But this does not appear
in his journal. Astl. I. 107. a.
3 Pilgrims, Vol. II. p. 1 122, under the title of A Flutter, or Journal, &c.
from India to Suez, dedicated to the Infant Don Luys. Astl. I. 107. b.
CHAP, in." Conquest of India. 289
always able to clear up the sense, we presume to have suc-
ceeded for the most part ; and by entirely changing the lan-
guage, except where the places were obscure, we have made
the journal more fit for being read, and we hope without
doing it any manner of injury 4 .
This expedition was undertaken for two important purposes.
One, to carry succours to the emperor of Habash or Abyssi-
nia ; and the other, to endeavour to destroy the Turkish ships
at Suez. For, soon after the retreat of Solyman Pacha from
Diu, it was rumoured that another fleet of the Rumes or
Turks was on its way to India ; but as Don Stefano de Gama
was afterwards informed that theTurks could not set out during
the year 1 540, he determined to be before hand with them,
in some measure to be revenged for the late siege of Diu, and
to prevent a second attack by burning the fleet they had pre-
pared for that purpose. The governors liberality brought
more men to inlist under his banners than he desired, so that
he was enabled to select the best. The fleet consisted of 80
sail of different sorts and sizes, and carried 2000 soldiers be-
sides mariners and rowers. On coming into the Red Sea, he
found most of the cities and islands abandoned, the inhabitants
having notice of his coming. At Suakem, the sheikh or king,
who had retired a league up the country, amused De Gama
with pretences of peace, that he might not destroy the town
and island. In consequence of this delay, De Gama was pre-
vented from carrying his design into execution of destroying
the ships at Suez ; as it afforded time for the Turks to receive
intelligence of the expedition. This is the account given by
De Faria ; but Bermudas gives a different reason for the want
of success in that design, as De Gama could not get at the
ships, which were all drawn up on the land, which we have al-
ready seen to have been the case, in the journal of the voyage
of Solyman Pacha, in the immediately preceding chapter.
In revenge for the duplicity and delay of the sheikh of
Suakem, De Gama marched into the interior with 1000 men,
accompanied by his brother Don Christopher, and defeated
the sheikh with great slaughter. He then plundered the city
of Suakem, where many of the private men got booty to the
VOL. vi. T value
4 On the present occasion we have followed the example of the Editor of
Astleys Collection, having employed the original abbreviated translation by
Purchas modernized in the language and endeavouring to elucidate obscuri-
ties ; using as our assistance the version in Astley. E.
290 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
value of four or five thousand ducats, and then burnt it to
the ground. From thence, he went towards Suez with only
sixteen Katurs or Malabar barges, and sent back the fleet to
Massua under the command of Lionel de Lima. On this oc-
casion, there was a great dispute, as every one strove to go on
this expedition ; whence the bay got the name of Angra dc
los Aggraviadas, or bay of the offended. Many gentlemen
went in the barges as private soldiers or volunteers, willing to
go in any capacity if only they were admitted. The number
of men on this fruitless expedition was 250. They plundered
and burnt Cossier or Al Kossir ; whence crossing to Tor or
Al Tur^ they took some vessels belonging to the enemy. At
first the Turks opposed their landing ; but some of them being
slain, the rest abandoned the city, in which nothing was found
of value. De Gama did not burn this town, in reverence for
the relics of St Catharine and the monastery and religious
men there, which he visited at their request. He was the
first European commander who had taken that city, where he
knighted several of his followers, an honour much prized by
those who received it, and which was envied afterwards even
by the emperor Charles V. From thence De Gama proceed-
ed to Suez ; and after many brave but fruitless attempts to
sound the harbour, De Gama determined to go himself in
open day to view the gallies. He accordingly landed and saw
the gallies ; but endeavouring to force his way towards them,
the enemies shot poured thick from the town, and 2000
Turkish horse broke out from an ambush, by which the Por-
tuguese were reduced to great straits. Though the Portu-
guese cannon slew a good many of the enemy, their numbers
were so much superior that the Portuguese were obliged to
retreat with some loss, and much grieved that the object of
their expedition was frustrated. Thus far we have deemed
necessary to premise, relative to the design and success of the
expedition, from De Faria and other authors; because the
journal of Don Juan de Castro is almost entirely confined to
observations respecting the places visited in the voyage, and
gives little or no information respecting these particulars.
Themtter or journal must be allowed to be very curious.
The author, like an exact and diligent navigator, has not only
given the course and distance from one place to another,
with the latitudes of the principal ports and headlands ; but
has noticed the- minute windings of the coast, and the si-
!o tuations
CHAP. in. Conquest of India. 291
tuations of islands, with observations on the tides, currents,
shoals, sand-banks, and other particulars respecting the Red
Sea. Yet, far from confining himself to mere nautical remarks,
he has given an account of all the places at which he touched,
together with accounts of the countries and the inhabitants,
so far as he was able to collect from his own observations, or
the accounts of such as he was able to converse with, particu-
larly the natives. Don John hath gone farther yet, and has
even attempted to draw a parallel between the ancient and
modern geography of this sea. If in all points of this last he
may not have succeeded, the great difficulty of the task, owing
to the obscurity of the subject, is to be considered : most of
the ancient places having been destroyed ; the ancient names
of others long since out of use and ibrgotten ; and that very
little is known of these coasts by Europeans, even at this day.
For these reasons, as the conjectures of the author are often
erroneous respecting the ancient geography, and as at best
they are very uncertain, we shall tor the most part insert
them by way of notes, with our own remarks respecting them 5 .
Whether the altitudes have been taken by Don Juan with that
precision which geography requires, may also be in some measure
questioned; since we find there was a crack in the instrument cm<-
ployedy the size of which is not mentioned ; neither were all
the observations repeated. Even if they had been, it is well
known that the observations of those times were by no means
so accurate as those made of late years. After all, however,
the observations in this journal appear to have been made with
a good deal of care, and they cannot fail to be of great service
to geography.
It is alone by the observations contained in this journal that
geographers are able to determine the extent of the Arabian
Gulf or Red Sea from north to south 6 , as well as the situation
of its principal ports on the west side. The latitude of the
straits was verified by the observations of Don Juans pilot.
But as most maps and charts give the situation of Suez, at
the northern end of the Red Sea, very different from that
marked
. In this edition, which has been taken from that by Purchas, these
conjectures of Don Juan de Castro are restored to the text : but the
remarks by the Editor of Astleys Collection are all retained in notes.
E.
6 The modern knowledge of the Red Sea has been much augmented by
the labours of Bruce, Nieubur, Lord Valentia, and others, which will be giveii
n a future d ivision of our work. E.
292 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK. in.
marked in this journal, which is 29 45' N. it may not be amiss
to examine this point.
By several very accurate observations made in 1694, M.
Chazelles of the Royal Academy of Paris found the latitude
of Cairo to be 30 2' 20". The difference of latitude there-
fore between Cairo and Suez, will be 17 minutes j which we
conceive cannot be very far from the truth, if not quite exact,
since the map published by Dr Pocock makes the difference
about 20 minutes. It is true that in Sicards map of Egypt,
and in a late 1 French chart of the eastern ocean, Suez is placed
only two or three minutes to the southward of Cairo. But
as these authors had no new observations made at Suez to
go by, and seem to have been unacquainted with those
of Don Juan de Castro, their authority can weigh very little
against an express observation, and against Dr Pococks
map, which, among other helps, was constructed upon one
made by the natives. Besides this, in his later maps
De Ulsle regulates the situation of Suez according to the la-
titude found by Don Juan. Indeed Sicard places Suez nearly
in that parallel, but egregiously mistakes the latitude of Cairo,
so that he seems to have given it that position more by chance
than design.
This may suffice to support the credit of the observations of
latitude as made by Don Juan, till new and better ones can
be made, which we are not to expect in haste, as European
ships now seldom sail any farther into the Red Sea ih&nMokha
or Zabid, for which reason this journal is the more to be prized.
In other respects it is full of variety ; and if some parts
of it be dry and unamusing, these make amends by their
usefulness to geographers and navigators, while other parts
are calculated to instruct and give pleasure on other accounts,
So far the foregoing introduction is taken from Astleys col-
lection. In our edition of the Journal of Don Juan de Castro,
\ve have used the earliest known copy as given by Purchas,
\7ol II. p. 1122 1148, under the title of A Butter or Journal
of Don John of Castro ) of the Voyage 'which the Portugals made
from India to Zoes, fyc. and here abbreviated. The original of
which is reported to have been bought by Sir Walter Raleigh,
at
1 1t is proper to remark here that the collection of Astley was published
in 1745, sixty-seven years ago. E.
CHAP. in. SECT. i. Conquest of India. 293
at sixtie pounds, and by him caused to be done into English out
of the Portugal.
Of this Journal Purchas gives the following account in a
marginal note, which is inserted in his own words : " This
" voyage being occasioned by sending the Patriarch Bermudez
" to Ethiopia, and relating how that state decayed, invaded
" by the Moores, and embroiled with civil discontents, con-
" tayning also a more full intelligence of the Red Sea, than
" any other Rutter which I have scene, I have here added ;
" and next to it, Bermudez own report, translated, it seemeth,
u by the same hand (not the most refined in his English phrase,
" which yet I durst not be too busie with, wanting the origi-
" nal) and reduced to our method ; here and there amending
" the English, which yet in part was done, as I thinke, and
" many marginall notes added, by Sir Walter Raleigh him-
" selfe." In the present edition, while we have adhered closely
to that of Purchas, with the assistance of that in Astleys Col-
lection, we have endeavoured, a little more busy than Purchas,
to reduce the language to a more intelligible modern standard ;
and have divided it into Sections^ in imitation of the editor of
Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels. On purpose to
carry on the series of events, we have inserted as a necessary
introduction, an account of the Portuguese Transactions in
India, from the discontinuance of the siege of Diu and retreat
of Solyman Pacha in November 1538, to the commencement
of the expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to the Red Sea
in December 1540, when the journal of Don Juan de Castro
begins ; whichjfrstf section of this chapter is taken from the
Portuguese Asia of De Faria. E.
SECTION I.
Portuguese Transactions in India, from the Siege of Diu by
the Turks, to the Expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to
Suez l .
SOON after the retreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu in Novem-
ber 1538, but in the beginning of the subsequent year 1539,
when the new viceroy Don Garcia deNoronha had returned from
his
I This section is added from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. 3. et seq.
to connect the history of events, E
294? Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
his tardy expedition to relieve Diti, Don Gonzalo Vaz Cwifino*
came with five small vessels from Onore, where he had been
sent by the former governor Nuno de Curia on the following
occasion. One of the gallies belonging to the fleet of Solyman
Pacha had been forced into the port of Onore 3 , and it was
thought the queen of that province, then a widow, had vio-
lated the treaty subsisting between her government and the
Portuguese, by giving protection to that vessel. Gonzalo Vaz
called her to account on this subject, when she declared that
the vessel was there against her will, as she was not in condi-
tion to prevent it, but would be glad that it w r ere taken by the
Portuguese. Gonzalo Vaz accordingly made the attempt, but
was repulsed after a sharp engagement, in which he lost fifteen
of his men, and among these his own son Diego Vaz. Gonzalo
suspected the queen of having secretly assisted the enemy, and
refused some refreshments she had sent for the wounded men,
returning a rash and resentful answer mingled with threats.
The queen cleared herself of the imputation, and again offered
a treaty of peace with the Portuguese, which was concluded,
and some Portuguese were left by Gonzalo at Onore, to ob-
serve what conduct was pursued by the queen for expelling the
Turks.
Before leaving Diu, and having repaired the fortifications
of the castle, the command of which was given to Diego Lopez
de Sousa, pursuant to a commission from the king of Portu-
gal, a treaty of pacification with the king of Guzerat was set
on foot and concluded, very little to the advantage of the Por-
tuguese, owing as was generally believed to the covetousness
of Noronha.
The late success of the Portuguese terrified all the princes
of India who had been their enemies. Nizam-al-Mulk and
Adel Khan sent ambassadors to the viceroy to renew the for-
mer treaties of peace ; and the zamorin, to obtain the more
favourable reception from the viceroy, employed the mediation
of Emanuel de Brito, commandant of the fort at Chale. Brito
accordingly promised his interest, and the zamorin sent Cutiale
as his ambassador to Goa accompanied by a splendid retinue,
where
2 The same of this commander is probably erroneous in the text, from an
error of the press, and ought to have been Coutinho. E.
3 Probably the galley already mentioned in the Venetian Journal, as having
separated from the Turkish fleet on the voyage to )iu, and for which the
pilot was executed by command of Solyman. E.
GfiAP. in. sfier. i. Conquest of India. 295
where he was received by the viceroy with much courtesy and
great pomp. Had not the viceroy fallen sick, he intended to
liave gone to Calicut, to perform the ceremony of swearing to
the observance of the articles of pacification and amity which
were agreed to upon this occasion ; but he sent his son Don
Alvaro on this errand, under the discretion of some discreet
men, as Alvaro was very young. They came to Paniany with
a numerous fleet, where they were met by the zamorin, ac-
companied by the kings of Chale and Tanor. The peace was
confirmed and ratified with great demonstrations of joy on both
sides, and lasted thirty years to the great advantage of the
Portuguese.
The illness of the viceroy became serious and threatened to
end fatally, insomuch that he could not attend to the affairs of
government j for which reason he proposed that some worthy
person might be chosen to supply his place, and even desired
that the choice might fall upon his son Don Alvaro. This
surprised all men as violating the public liberty of choice, and
might have proved of dangerous consequence, had not the
death of the viceroy prevented its adoption. On the death of
the viceroy, the^rs^ patent of succession was opened in which
Martin Alfonso de Sousa was named ; but he had gone a short
while before to Portugal. On the second being opened, Den
Stefanode Gama was therein named, who then lived in retire-
ment a short way from Goa.
Don Stefano de Gama, who was the son of Don Vasco de
Gama the discoverer of India, entered upon the government
in the beginning of April 1510. The first thing he did was
to have his whole property publicly valued, that it might not
be afterwards laid to his charge that he had acquired riches
during his government ; and indeed at his death, his fortune
was found considerably diminished. Finding the public
treasury very much exhausted, he advanced a large sum to
it from his own funds. In the next place he refitted the fleet,
which had been laid up by his predecessor after his return from
Diu. He likewise founded the college of Santa Fe 9 or St
Faith, at Goa for the education of the heathen youth who
were converted, appointing the vicar-general Michael Vaz as
finsfc rector. He sent his brotherChristopher de Gama, to at-
tend to the repair of the ships at Cochin, and gave notice to se-
veral commanders to hold themselves in readiness to oppose the
Humes or Turks, whose fleet was reported to be again pro-
ceeding
296 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK. in.
ceeding towards the western coast of India. But being af-
terwards credibly informed that the Turks would not set out
this year, he attended to other affairs.
SECTION II.
Journal of the Voyage from Goa to the Straits of Bab-al-
Mandab '.
HAVING expedited all the aifairs of his government, and
collected an armament of 80 sail of different sorts and sizes,
on board which 2000 soldiers were embarked, besides mariners
and rowers, Don Stefano de Gama set sail from the bar of
Goa, at sunrise of the 31st December 1540, on his expedi-
tion to Suez. The wind was easterly, blowing from the land,
and they advanced under an easy sail, coming to anchor-
about ten o'clock at the mouth of the river Chaparoa. Pro-
ceeding on their voyage till the 13th of January 1541, they
saw in the morning of that day great quantities of weeds
which grow on the rocks of the sea coast, and soon after-
wards a sea-snake, being indications of the neighbourhood of
land ; and when the sun was completely risen, they descried
the island of Socotora, whither they were bound in the first
place, bearing due south.
After coming to anchor at this island, I inquired at the
principal pilots of the fleet how far they had reckoned them-
selves from the land when we first came in sight. The chief
pilot was 90 leagues short ; the pilot of the Eufora galleon
100 and odd ; those who made the least were 70 leagues
short : and my own pilot, being only 65 leagues, was nearest
in his reckoning. They were all astonished at this difference,
and all affirmed in excuse for their short reckoning, that the
way was actually shorter than was expressed, on the charts ;
with them the Moorish pilots concurred in opinion, affirming
that it was only 300 leagues from Goa to Socotora z . The
island
1 We now take up the R utter or Journal of Don Juan de Castro, but
Purchas has chosen to omit the navigation from the Malabar coast to the
Island of Socotora, to avoid prolixity. E.
2 The real distance is 430 marine leagues, and the difference may be
easily accounted for by the operation of an eastern current, wot observed cr .
not sufficiently allowed for. E.
CHAP. in. SECT. ii. Conquest of India. 297
island of Socotora is 20 leagues in length from east to west,
and 9 leagues broad, being in lat. 12 40' N. on its north
side. This northern side runs east and west, somewhat in-
clined towards the north-west and south-east. The coast is
all very clear without rocks and shoals, or any other hinder-
ance to navigation. The anchoring ground in the road is
sand, stony in some places, but not of such a nature as to cut
the cables. On this side the north wind blows with such
force as to raise up great heaps of sand over the hills, even
beyond their highest craggy summits. In the whole circuit
of the island there is no other place or harbour where a ship
may winter in safety. The sea coast all around is very high,
and girt with great and high mountains, having many pyra-
midal peaks, and having a grand appearance. The tides on
the coast of this island are quite contrary to those on the op-
posite shore of India, being flood when the moon rises in the
horizon, and as the moon ascends the tide of ebb begins, and
it is dead low water when the moon comes to the meridian of
the island ; after which, as the moon descends, the tide begins
to flow ; and when set it is full sea. I made this observation
for many days by the sea side, and always found it thus.
If I am not deceived, this island of Socotora was in ancient
times named Dioscorides, and had a city of the same name,
as appears in the sixth table of Asia by Ptolemy : But by the
situation which he has given it, he appears to have had bad in-
formation from navigators 3 . The Socotorians are Christians,
their ancestors as they say having been converted by the holy
apostle Thomas. The island has many churches, in which
there is no oracle 4 except the cross of Christ. They pray
in the Chaldean tongue ; and are very ignorant, but as I was
informed they are desirous of being instructed in the dpc-
trines and ceremonies of the Romish church, which they con-
fess to be alone good and worthy of being followed. The
men have names like us, as John, Peter, Andrew, &c. that of
the women being generally Mary. The manner of life of
these people is singular, as they have no king, governor, pre-
late, or other person in authority, but live in a manner like
wild beasts, without any rule, or order of justice or policy 5
In
3 Don Juan omlt&all mention of the island of Abdal Kuria, about nine
leagues E. S. E. of Socotora, with two intersposed small islands, called Leu
Duas Hermanas, or the Two Sisters. E.
4 Probably meaning no images or Christian idols. E.
5 Since then they have been subdued by the Arabs. Astl.
298 Portuguese Discovery and PART ir. BOOK m.
In the whole island there is no city or great town, and most
of the people dwell in caves, though some have small thatched
cottages, separated from each other, more savage than pasto-
ral. Their food is flesh and wild dates, and their drink
chiefly milk, as they taste water but seldom. They are much
devoted to the cross, and you will hardly meet a single indivi-
dual without one hanging from the neck. Their dispositions
are good ; their persons tall and straight, their faces comely
but swarthy, the women being somewhat fairer, and of very
honest behaviour. They have no arms either of defence or
offence, except very short swords of dead iron. The men go
entirely naked, except a clout of a certain cloth called Cam-
bolis, a considerable quantity of which is manufactured in the
island. The country is very poor, and produces no other
merchandise than verdigris 6 and sanguis draconis ; but the
verdigris is in great abundance, and is esteemed above all.
All the island is mountainous, and breeds abundance of all
kinds of cattle like those of Europe. There is no wheat or
rice or other provisions of that kind, which J believe is not
the fault of the ground, but owing to want of skill and indus-
try in the people ; as the land within the external mountains
is fresh, and hath many vallies and plains, very convenient
for culture. They have no manner of navigation, neither do
they catch any fish, though the sea around their coast has an
infinite quantity. They have very few fruit trees, among
which the palm tree is chiefly esteemed, and produces a prin-
cipal part of their food. The land produces all kind of
garden and medicinal plants, and the mountains are cover-
ed with the herb Basil and other odoriferous herbs.
Leaving Socotora, we were very near Aden in the morn-
ing of the 27th of January 154?i, which was to the north-
west, distant from us about 6 leagues. The wind being from
the east and fair, we sailed W. S. W. and then Jmew that
the land we had seen the evening before, thinking it an island,
was the mountain of Aden. This mountain is very high
and is full of crags on every side, with some very high peaks,
like the hill of Cintra, having a noble appearance. This hill
descends to the sea, into which it projects a very great and
long cape or promontory ; on each side of which there is a
deep harbour or bay, the strong city of Aden being situated
on that which is to the east of the cape. In ancient times
the hill was called Cabubarra, famous among navigators, and
the
6 By verdigris is probably meant the Socotorine aloes. Purch.
CHAP. in. SECT. ii. Conquest of India. 1299
the city of Aden wag then known by the name of Madoca.
Within these three years, this city of Aden has fallen under
the power of the Turks, being taken by the treachery of Soly-
man Pacha, governor of Cairo, in the following manner.
At the request of the king of Cambaya and all the inhabitants
of the Straits of Mecca 7 , the grand Turk sent the governor of
Cairo, Solyman Pacha eunuch, with a great fleet of ships and
gallies for India. On coming to Aden, the king and inhabi-
tants, fearing the treachery of the Turks, refused to allow
them to come into their city, but supplied them with all kinds
of provisions and necessaries. As Solyman and his soldiers
shewed no resentment, the king became reassured, and after
many messages and declarations of friendship on both sides,
consented to an interview with the Pacha on board his galley,
that they might treat respecting the conquest on which
the Pacha was bound. But the king was made prisoner by
Solyman on board the galley ; and the Turks landing pos-
sessed themselves of the city, before the gates of which the
king was hanged next day. Whereupon Solyman left a gar-
rison to keep possession of the city, and proceeded on his voy-
age to Diu.
From the Cape of Guardafu on the coast of Africa, ancient-
ly called Aromata, and from the opposite promontory of Sia-
gros or Cape FartaJc in Asia, all the sea to the city of the
heroes, now Suez 9 is called the Arabian Gulf, vulgarly the
Red Sea. The distance between these two promontories
may be 58 leagues. From these promontories the coast on
both sides of this sea extends towards the west, nearly at the
same distance, till they come to the two cities of Aden in Ara-
bia, and Zeyla in Ethiopia or Abexi 8 ; and from thence the
two shores begin to approximate rapidly, with desert coasts
and little winding, till they almost meet in the straits which
are formed by two capes or promontories $ that on the Ara-
bian side being named Possidium by the ancients, but I could
never learn either the ancient or modern name of that on the
side of Ethiopia 9 . This strait between the promontories is
called
7 This singular expression certainly means the Red Sea, which the Arabs .
often call the Straits of Mecca, or more properly the Gulf of Mecca ; some-
times Bahr-hejaz, or the Sea of Hejaz, one of the provinces of Arabia. E,
8 Meaning Abassi, Abyssinia, or Habash. E.
9 The cape on the Arabian shore is called Arrah-morah, or of St An-
thony, and that on the African Jebul alMondub y or Mandab, which signifies
300 Portuguese Discovery and PAET ir. BOOK in,
called by the neighbouring people and those who inhabit the
coasts of the Indian ocean Albabo I0 , which signifies the gates
or mouths in the Arabic language. This strait is six leagues
across, in which space there are so many islands, little islets,
and rocks, as to occasion a suspicion that it was once stopped
up. By those straits, sluices, and channels, there entereth so
great a quantity of water, which produces so many and great
creeks, bays, gulfs, and ports, and so many islands, that we
do not seem to sail between two lands, but in the deepest and
most tempestuous lake of the great ocean. Now returning to
the mouths of the strait, which is the object of our descrip-
tion, we are to note that the land of Arabia at this place
stretches out into the sea with a long and large point or pro-
montory ; and as there is a great nook or bay, it appears on
coming from sea as if this cape were an island separate from
the continent. This is what was named the promontory of
Possidium by Ptolemy. Not more than a stones throw from
this promontory is a small islet called the Isle of the Robones.
For Roboan 1 1 in Arabic signifies a pilot, and in this isle dwell
the pilots who are in use to direct ships coming from sea to
the ports for which they are bound within the straits. This
islet is round and quite flat, about the sixth part of a league in
circuit, and the channel between it and the main land of Ara-
bia may be crossed on foot at low water; but at one quarter-
flood it becomes too deep for being waded. To seawards
from this little island about a league from the coast is an island
about a league and a half in length, which has a large haven
on the side towards Ethiopia secure in ah 1 winds, where a
large fleet of gallics may be safely harboured ; but the side of
this island towards Arabia has neither harbour nor" landing-
place IZ . This channel is easily sailed in the middle, steerino*
N. W. and by W. from S. E. and by E. having 1 1 fathoms
all through. It is all clean in every place, without flats,
shoals, or any other obstruction, so that it may be passed on
either side or in the middle. The whole ground is a soft coral
rock, with hardly any sand. Being far within the channel,
and
the Mountain of Lamentation, as formerly explained respecting Bab-al-
Mandub, the name of the straits- E.
10 In Arabic Al Bab is the gate, and Al Akwah the gates. By the Turks
it is called Bab Bogazi t a general name for all straits ; and the babs by the
English sailors. Ast.
1 1 Rather Roban or Ruban. Ast,
12 The island of Prin. E.
CHAP. in. SECT. ii. Conquest of India. 301
and going to seek the road or haven for shelter from the east
winds which are here very strong, the depth somewhat di-
minishes, but is never less than 9 fathoms.
Besides this channel of the Arabians 1 3 , there are many
others by which we may safely enter the straits ; but we shall
only mention one other, which they called the channel of
Abyssinia, between the Island of the Gates, or Prin 9 and the
promontory opposite to Possidmm, which is on the Abyssinian
shore, and is about five leagues broad ; but in this space there
are six great high islands, which being seen by sailors while
without the straits are apt to put them in fear that there is
no passage that way ; but between ah 1 these islands there are
large channels of great depth all of which may be taken with-
out danger, or leaving them all on the right hand, we may
pass in safety between them and the coast of Abyssinia. At
noon on the 29th of January 1541, I took the altitude of the
sun, which at its great height rose 62-|- degrees above the hori-
zon, the declination of this day being 15 degrees, whence the
latitude of the promontory Possidium and mouth of the
straits is 12 15' N. The pilot took the same altitude with
me, and being taken on the land, it cannot but be accurate.
SECTION III.
Continuation of the Voyage^ from the Straits of Bab-el- Man-
dub, to Massua,
ON the same night, two hours after midnight, we set sail
from the mouth of the straits, and by day-light on the 30th
we saw the land of both the Arabian and African coasts, be-
ing nearer to the latter. The wind blew hard at E. S. E.
till noon, and we sailed to the N. W. and by W. making
our way by a channel between the first islands and the coast
of Abyssinia, till that day unknown to the Portuguese, beino-
about 4 leagues distant from that coast, An hour after sm
rise, we saw a range of islands along the coast, most of them
low, stretching from S. E. to N. W. and which extended
about 60 leagues. Continuing our course in this channel
with
13 From this expression it is probable that Don Juan had described the
Channel between the island of Prin and the shore of Arabia, or rather the
pilot island.!:;.
302 Portuguese Discovery and I>ART n. BOOK m.
with a fair wind, we saw many little islands on either side,
at whatsoever part we cast our eyes. In this channel of the
Abyssins, as it is called, it is not proper to sail by night, nor
unless the wind is in the poop, as if the wind should change
there is not room to turn to windward, neither can we come
to anchor till so far forward as thejirst of thejirst islands,
when we shall observe to sea-wards nine little islands, and
from thence forwards the sea remains free and open to sea-
ward, but towards the land there still are many islands. Some
of these islands are about two leagues distant from the coast,
but the greatest part of them are close to the land. The
length of this channel, between the three first islands and the
coast of Abyssinia is about 8 leagues, and the safest naviga-
tion is nearer the continent than the islands : But in my o-
pinion no one ought to venture upon this passage without a
pilot of the country.
On the 31st day of January we came to a shoal with six
fathoms water, and to sea- wards of which, over against certain
islands called the Seven Sisters, there is a very dangerous rock
as I was told by the Moorish pilots ; so that the safe naviga-
tions in this part is to go between the shoal and the land,
and in no case to pass to seawards of the shoal. At night
we came to anchor in a haven named Sarbo, or Sorbo, in 9^
fathoms water ; having all this day seen many little islands
close to the coast. On the 1 st of February I landed at the
port in this island of Sarbo taking the pilot and master along
with me, that we might all three take the altitude of the sun.
At its greatest height it was scarce 71 above the horizon, and
the declination of that day being 13 56', the latitude was 15
7' N. About 24? leagues short of Massua, and 4- leagues from
the Abyssinian coast, in lat. 15 N. there is a great cluster
or archipelago of islands, some of which hardly rise above the
surface of the sea, while others are so lofty that they seem to
touch the clouds ; and between these there are so many bays,
ports, and harbours, that no wind can annoy us. All of these
islands want water, except one very high island, called Whale
Island by the Portuguese, because it very much resembles one,
in which there is water and plenty of cattle, with a large haven
in which ships may winter. Of all these islands that which is
most out to sea is called in Arabic Sorbo, where we now lay
at anchor. The island of Sarbo is about a league in length
and half a league broad, all low land with many low barren
trees, and covered with grass. In every place we found th e
mark*
CHAP. Hi. SECT. in. Conquest of India. SOS
marks of men and cattle, but we only saw one camel, for
which reason our men called it the Island of the Camel.
Though we sought the whole island with much diligence we
could find no water, except in one well dug in a stone which
seemed intended to contain rain water. Between these islands
there are numerous arms of the sea, reaches, and channels.
At sunrise on the 4th of February, we set sail from the port of
Sarbo. February ?th we sailed along many islands about
three or four leagues distant from the main land, most of them
very low, almost even with the sea. We passed to sea- ward
of them all about a league, and about even-song time, we saw
to sea-wards of us a very long range of islands about 5 leagues
in extent and about four leagues from us, which lay N. W.
and S. W. as far as 1 could discern. The coast all this day
trended N. W. and by W. and S. E. and by E. so that the
channel in which we sailed this day was about 5 leagues broad.
The greatest part of this day I caused the lead to be constant-
ly thrown, always having 25 fathoms on an ouze bottom.
Two hours after sunrise on the 8th of February we set sail,
steering mostly to the N. W. and at sunset we were nearly
entered into the channel between that point of Dallac which
looks to the continent, and an island called Shamoa *. But as
night was coming on, and many of the galleons were far a-
stern, so that it might be difficult for them to hit the channel,
and as besides the wind was now scarce, we took in our sails,
and with our foresails only we went rum-more a , sailing to the
south-east, and two hours after night- fall we cast anchor in
40 fathoms water the ground ouzing. All this day we saw
many islands along the coast, so low and flat that they seem-
ed to have no surface above water. The coast stretched N".
W. and S. E. to a low point which is as far forward as the
island of Dallac. On doubling this point, a great bay or
creek penetrates ten or twelve leagues into the land.
The Island of Dallac is very low land, almost level with the
sea, having no mountain or any other height. In the common
opinion
1 In Purchas these two last mentioned places are named Dalaqua and
Xamea, the Portuguese expressing our k by qu, and our sh by x ; but we
have preferred the more ordinary mode of spelling in modern geography.
'"' ' JLj
2 This expression is absolutely unintelligible, but in the context the ship
is said to have returned to the south-east. It is used on a subsequent occasion
apparently in the same sense, and perhaps means beating to windwards or
drifting to leeward. E.
304? Portuguese Discovery and PART u, BOOK in,
opinion it is 25 leagues long by 12 in breadth. The side of
the island opposite to the south stretches E. S. E. and W. N.W.
being all the coast which I could see, and along the coast lay
great numbers of little islands, all very low, and having the
same direction with the coast. I only went along this coast
of the island seven leagues, at two leagues from the land, and
though the lead was often cast I never found ground. The
metropolitan city or chief town is situated almost on the point
of the island which lieth on the west side, and is a frontier to
Abyssinia. It is called Dallaca, whence the island took its
name. Dallac, in the Arabic language signifies ten lacs, be-
cause in former times the custom-house of this city yielded
that sum yearly to the king. Every Arabian lac is 10,000
Xerephines ; so that ten lacs are worth 40,000 crusadoes 3 .
The west point of the island, opposite to Abyssinia, is distant
from the continent about 6 or 7 leagues, arid in this space
there are five very flat islands. The first of these, one league
from the point, called Shamoa, is two leagues in circuit, and
contains some springs and wells. Between this island of
Shamoa and the western point of Dallac, is the principal and
most frequented channel for going to Massua. In this channel
the water is 70 fathoms deep. The land of this island is red,
and produces few trees, but plenty of grass. The king of it
and all his people are Moors. He resides most part of the
year at Massua, because of the trade which he carries on with
the Abyssinians. At present this island and Dallac yields very
little profit ; for since the rise of Suakem, Massua, Aden, and
Jiddah, it has lost its trade and reputation.
The 1 2th of February the whole of our fleet came into the
harbour of Massua. Massua is a small island very low and
flat, in which anciently stood the city of Ptolomaida of the wild
beasts. This island is in length about the fifth part of a
league, and a caliver-shot in breadth, being situated in a large
crooked nook or bay of the sea, and near the north-west head-
land of the bay. The channel which divides it from the main
land is about a falcon-shot across, and in some parts not so
much, in which channel the harbour is situated, which is safe
}n all weathers, as all the winds that blow must come over the
Jand, and it has not much current. The depth of water is
eight or nine fathom with an ouze bottom. The proper
entrance
3 A Xerephine being 5s. 9d., a lac is 187 5 stealing, and ten lacs are
consequently L. 1 8,7^0. E,
<;HAP. in. SECT. ur. Conquest of India. 305
entrance into this port is on the north-east by the middle of
the channel, between the island and the main ; because from
the point which runneth to the E. N. E. a shoal projects to-
wards the land, and the continental point of the bay hath
another projecting towards the point of the island, both of
which make it necessary for ships to avoid the land and to
keep the mid-channel, which is very narrow and runs N. E.and
S. VV. Very near this island of Massua, towards the south
and the south-west, there are two other islands, that nearest
the main land being the larger, and that more out to sea
being smaller and very round. These three islands form a
triangle, being all very flat and barren, having no wells or
springs ; but in Massua are many cisterns for the usv of the
inhabitants. There are many shoals interspersed among these
islands, but there is a channel through among them, through
which gallies and rowing vessels may pass at full sea. This
island of Massua, with all the coast from Cape Guardafu to
Swakem, was only a short time before under the dominion
of Prester John ; but within these few years the king or sheikh
of Dallac hath usurped it, and resides there the greater part
of the year, because of the trade which he carries on with the
Abyssinians, from whom he procures great quantities of gold
and ivory. In the months of May and June, in consequence
of excessive calm weather, the air of this island is exceedingly
intemperate and unhealthy ; at which season the sheikh and
the other inhabitants go all to Dallac, leaving Massua entirely
empty. All the coast of the bay of Massua on the main-land
is extremely mountainous, till you come to a place called
Arkiko* by the sea-side, where there are many wells of water,
where the coast is more clear and open, with many fields and
plains. Arkiko is about a league from Massua to the south,
and through all these mountains and fields there are many
wild beasts, as elephants, tygers, wolves, wild boars, stags,
and elks, besides others not known to us ; whence Massua
was called Ptolomaida of the mid beasts, which is farther con-
firmed, as the latitude of Massua is the same as that assigned
to Ptolomaida 5 .
VOL. vi. u SECTION
4 Arkiko, Arkoko, or Erkoko, by some erroneously called Erocco, and by
DeL'Isle, Arcua. In the edition of this journal by Purchas it is called Arquito.
Ast.
5 These are no proofs that Massua is on the spot formerly occupied by
Ptolomaida ; for the whole coast of Abyssinia is full of wild beast3> and since
Ptolomr
306 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
SECTION IV,
Digression respecting the History, Customs 9 and State of
Abyssinia.
Presbyter or Prester John y otherwise called Prete Jani^ who
is the king or emperor of the Abyssinians, is lord of all the
land called anciently Ethiopia sub Egypto r , or Lower Ethi-
opia ; which is one of the most extensive dominions we know
of in the world. This empire begins at Cape Guardqfu, called
anciently Aromata, whence running along the Red Sea, with
desert and not very crooked coasts, it reaches to the boundaries
of the rich city of SivaJcem. On the north side it borders on
the warlike people of the Nubys, Nuba, or Nubians, who in-
tervene between Abyssinia and the Theabaid or Upper Egypt.
From thence it reaches, a great way inland to the kingdom of
ManicongO) including part of Lyhia Inferior, and other in-
terior parts of Africa towards the west ; whence turning be-
hind the springs and lakes of the Nile through burning and
unknown regions, it endeth in the south upon the Barbarian
Gulf, now known to the Portuguese who navigate that gulf,
as the coasts of Melinda and Magadoxa. The Nile is still
known by its ancient name, being called Nil by the Abyssi-
nians, Egyptians, Arabians, and Indians. The springs and
lakes of this river are on the confines which separate the land
of the Abyssinians from the Cafres that inhabit the continent
behind Melinda and Mozambique, as I was informed by some
great lords and other persons of Abyssinia, whence it appears
that the ancients had little knowledge respecting the origin of
this river. Inquiring irom these people, if it were true that
this river did sink in many places into the earth, and came
out again at the distance of many days journey, I was assured
there
Ptolomy fixed the latitude solely by computed distances, it is next to impos-
sible that these should exactly agree with real observations. Ast.
1 That is Ethiopia below Egypt, or more properly to the south of Egypt.
The expression below seems ridiculous, as Abyssinia or Ethiopia containing
the sources of the Nile must be higher than Egypt at its mouth. But among
Greek and Roman geographers, above and below meant respectively to the
north and to the south* E.
CUAP. in. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 307
there was no such thing, but that during its whole course
it was seen on the surface, having great breadth and depth,
notwithstanding of what we read in the fifth book of the
Natural History of Pliny. I made many inquiries respecting
the causes of increase and overflowings of this river, which
has been so much disputed by all the ancient philosophers,
and received the most satisfactory solution of this question
never before determined. Thus almost jestingly, and by
means of very simple questions, I came to learn that which
the greatest philosophers of antiquity were ignorant of.
The principal lords of Abyssinia informed me, that in their
country the winter began in May, and lasted all June and
July and part of August, in which latter month the weather
becomes mild atid pleasant. In June and July it is a great
wonder if the sun ever make his appearance ; and in these
two months so great and continual are the rains that the fields
and low grounds are entirely overflown, so that the people
cannot go from one place to another. That this prodigious
quantity of water hath no other issue or gathering-place ex-
cepting the Nile ; as towards the Red Sea the country is en-
tirely skirted by very high mountains. Hence that river must
necessarily swell prodigiously and go beyond its ordinary
bounds, as unable to contain such vast quantities of water,
and overflows therefore both in Egypt and the other lands
through which it passes. And as 'the territories of Egypt
are the most plain of these, of necessity the overflowing there
must be the more copious, as the river has there more scope and
freedom to spread out its waters than in the high and moun-
tainous lands of Abyssinia. Now, it is manifest that the in-
undations of the Nile in Egypt always begin when the sun
is in the summer solstice, which is in June, while in July the
river increases in greater abundance, and in August, when the
rains diminish in Abyssinia, the river decreases by similar
degrees to its former increase. Hence the manifest cause of
the increase of the Nile is from the great and continual rains
that fall in Abyssinia during the months of June and July.
I was myself in Massua in" the month of June and part of
July, where 1 saw great storms of thunder and rain ; and we
saw within the continent great and constant black clouds;
though the Abyssinians said what we saw was little in com-
parison of what it was in the inland country. We likewise
know that the months of June and July are the winter season
at the Cape of Good Hope and all the coast of Africa, where
the
308 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK m.
the rains are continual. I was likewise told that the Nile
formed many islands, especially one exceedingly large, in
which was a great and rich city ; which on due consideration
must be the Island of Meroe. They told me also that on this
great island, and all through the river, there were great num-
bers of fierce and pestiferous animals, which doubtless must
be crocodiles. Enquiring if the river in a certain place fell
from such a height, that with the noise of the fall those who
inhabited the neighbouring towns were born deaf; they said
that certainly in one place the river did fall over a great rock
with a prodigious noise, but had no such effects.
As an extended account of the manners and customs of the
Abyssinians would interfere with this journal, I must touch
them only shortly, though most worthy of being known ; more
especially the causes of the overthrow and ruin of this empire
in these our own days.
Atini Tingill, afterwards named David, Pretejani or Empe-
ror of Ethiopia, reigning in the year 1530, became so cruel and
tyrannized so much over his subjects that he incurred their uni-
versal hatred. At that time Gradamet, king of Zeyla, made war
on Abyssinia, encouraged by the great enmity of the people a-
gainst their sovereign, and perhaps secretly invited by some of
thegreatlords of the kingdom. On entering into Abyssinia, and
having reduced some towns and districts, Gradamet divided
liberally the spoils among his warriors, among whom he had
300 Turkish arquebusseers, who formed the main strength of
his army. He likewise enfranchised all the inhabitants of the
towns through which he passed, exempting the inhabitants
from the taxes and impositions they had to pay to their so-
vereign, by which he gained to his party all the common
people, and even many of the principal nobles of the king-
dom z .
King David sent an army against the king of Zeyla ; but
when the Turks began to shoot their calivers or arquebusses,
among the Abyssinians, by which some of them were slain,
they
5? Of the cruelties of David, several examples are given in the journal of
Alvarez, such as the death of two Betudetes, the chief justice, two Tigrs ma-
/ions or governors of Tigre, and four Barnagassoes or governors of the ma-
ritime country, in six years. This disposition increased with his years, and
perhaps he intended to force some alteration in the religion of the country ;
which indeed sufficiently appears by his sending Alvarez and Bermudez as his
ambassadors to the Pope. Purchas*
10
CHAP. in. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 309
they were seized with an universal panic and took flight. Proud
of this victory, the king of Zeyla overrun the country, accom-
panied by a great number of Abyssinians, and advanced into
that part of the south, towards Magadoxa and Melinda, where
the vast treasures of the former kings of Abyssinia were secured
on the top of an almost inaccessible mountain. Seeing every
day the Abyssinians revolting to the Moors, David gathered
a new army with which he marched against Gradamet and
joined battle, but was again completely defeated, chiefly by
means of the Turkish musqueteers : On which David with-
drew to a strong post on a mountain, where in u few days he
died, in the year 1539. After this great victory Gradamet
marched immediately to the mountain where the treasure was
deposited, which he assaulted and look, gaining possession of
the largest treasure that ever was known in the world. On the
death of David, those of the nobles who had continued to adhere
to him, elected his eldest son in his stead, who was a young man
under age ; and that nothing might be wanting to assist the
ruin of the kingdom, already almost irrecoverably reduced by
the Moors, another party of the nobles appointed a different son
of the late king to succeed to the throne. In this hopeless con-
dition of his affairs, the unfortunate youth, having to contend
at the same time against foreign invasion and domestic divi-
sion, withdrew for personal safety to the mountain of the
Jews.
In the interior of Abyssinia there is a very large and high
mountain which can only be ascended by one very difficult
path, and on its summit there is a large plain, having abun-
dance of springs, with numerous cattle, and even some cul-
tivation. The inhabitants of this mountain observe the law
of Moses. Though I have carefully inquired, I could never
learn how this people came into Abyssinia, and wherefore
they have never descended from their mountain to mix with
the other inhabitants of the country. The young king received
a friendly entertainment from these Jews, who acknowledged
him as their sovereign, and defended him against the king of
Zeyla, who was unable to force his way up the mountain^
aud had to retire. About this time we arrived at Massua,
which put the Moors in great fear, and inspired new courage
into the hearts of the Abyssinians, insomuch that the young-
king left the mountain of the Jews and took up his quarters
with his adherents in other mountains towards the sea coast
and nearer to Massua, whence he wrote many pitiful and im
ploring
310 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
ploring letters for assistance, to which favourable answers
were returned giving him hopes of succour. We proceeded
on our expedition to Suez ; and being returned again to
Massua, it was ordained to send an auxiliary force of 500
men under a captain, which was accordingly done and we
set sail on our way back to India. Since that time, I have
not learnt any intelligence whatever respecting the affairs of
Ethiopia 3 .
The Abyssinians are naturally ceremonious men, and full of
points of honour. Their only weapons are darts, in which
they figure to themselves the lance with which our Saviour
was wounded, and the cross on which he died, though some
wear short swords. They are very expert horsemen, but
badly apparelled ; and are much given to lying and theft.
Among them riches are not computed by money, but by the
possession of cattle and camels, yet gold is much valued. In
their own country they are dastardly cowards, but in other
countries valiant ; insomuch that in India they say that a
good Lascarin, or what we call a soldier, must be an Abyssi-
nian ; and they are so much esteemed in Ballagayat, Cam-
baya, Bengal, anil other places, that they are always made
captains and principal officers in the army. Their clothing
is vile and poor. They wear linen shirts, and the great per-
sonages have a kind of upper garment called Bcden. The
vulgar people are almost quite naked. They eat bollemus and
raw flesh ; or if held to the fire, it is so little done that the
blood runs from it. In the whole land there are no cities or
towns, so that they live in the field under tents and pavilions
like the Arabs 4 . They pride themselves on believing that
the queen of Sheba was of their country, alleging that she took
shipping at Massua, though others say at Swakem, carrying
with her jewels of great value when she went to Jerusalem to
visit Solomon, making him great gifts, and returned with
child by him.
It is alleged in the history of Abyssinia, that when one of
the Soldans of Babylon in Egypt made war many years ago
upon their emperor, he gathered a multitude of people and
tinned the course or' the Nile, so that it might not run into
E^ypt 5 . The Soldan, amazed at this vast enterprize, which
he
3 The circumstances and fate of this Portuguese expedition into Abyssi-
nia will be found in the next chapter of this work. E.
4 The word used here in the edition of Purchas is Alarbes. E.
5 According to Bermudez, this attempt was begun by Ale JBeafe) pre*
Onadinguel or dtine-tingil. AstJ.
CHAP. in. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 311
he believed would entirely ruin the land of Egypt, sent am-
bassadors with great gifts, and made peace with the emperor,
giving a privilege to the Abyssinians to pass through his coun-
try without paying tribute, when on their way to visit the holy
sepulchre at Jerusalem, and the shrine of St Catharine on
Mount Sinai. Some learned Moors whom I conversed with
while in the Red Sea confirmed the truth of this relation.
SECTION V.
Continuation of the Journal of De Castro from Massua to
Swakem.
WE set sail at sun-rising on the 19th of February from the
bay which is half a league beyond Massua and half a league
from the land. This day was very close and rainy, and
numbering our fleet I found 64? rowing vessels; that is 3
galliots, eight small gallies, and 35 foists ". By night our
north-west wind lulled, and it blew a little from the west.
In the second watch it came on to rain ; and in the middle
of the morning watch we weighed anchor and rowed along
shore till morning, during which time it rained hard. By
evening of the 20th we were as far as the extreme point of
the range of islands on the north side, about 14 leagues from
Massua. The coast from Massua hither stretched N. N. W.
and S. S. E. for these 14? leagues, and in some of the islands
which lay to seaward we knew that there were cattle and
water, with some few poor dwellings. The distance from
these islands to the African coast might be about four
leagues. The islands in this range having cattle and water
are Plarate, Dohull, and Dajnanill, which are all low and
surrounded with shoals and flats. All the first watch of the
night, having the wind fair at east, we sailed N. N. W, At
the beginning of the second watch we came suddenly to
certain very white spots, which threw out flames like light-
ning. Wondering at this strange event, we took in our
sails believing we were upon some banks or shoals ; but on
casting the lead I found 26 fathoms. A c this great novelty
to us made no impression on the native pilots, and being in
deep
1 The particular enumeration comes only to 46 vessels, so that the
number of 64 in the text seems an oversight or transposition. E.
312 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
deep water, we made sail again. On the 2 1st at day light, we
saw off to seawards a low island of which the Moorish pilot
had been afraid in the night.
At day light on the 22d we again set sail, and at noon my
pilot took the altitude of the sun, and found our latitude 18
30' N. At this time we were abreast of a very long point of
sand projecting from the main- land. After doubling this
point, we found the sea very free, and sailed N. W. and by
W. One hour after noon we came to a haven called Marate.
All the coast on our left hand during this day stretched N.
N. W. and S. S. E. the land by the sea shore being very low
with not even a hillock ; but within the land the mountains
rise to such a height that they seem to reach the clouds.
Marate is a very low desert island and without water, 66
leagues beyond Massua, of a roundish figure, and a league
and a half in circuit. It is about three leagues from the
main, and on the S. W. side which fronts the Ethiopean
coast it has a very good harbour, safe in all winds, especially
those from the eastern points ; as on this side two long points
stretch out from the island east and west, one quarter N. W.
and S. E. between which the land straitens much on both
eides, forming a very great and hollow bosom or bay, in the
mouth and Iront of which there is a long and very low
island, and some sands and shoals, so that no sea can come
in. This haven has two entries, one to the east and the
other to the west, both near the points of the island which
form the harbour. The channel on the east stretches N. and
8. one quarter N. W. and S. E. having three fathoms water
in the shallowest place, after which it immediately deepens,
and within the haven we have four and five fathoms near the
shore, with a mud bottom. During the night the wind was
from the east, but less than in the day, and we rode at
anchor all night.
At sunrise on the 23d of February, we set sail from the
island and port of Marate, finding seven fathom water and a
sandy bottom *. At eleven o'clock we came to two small
islands far to seawards, one called Darata and the other Dol-
cofallar 3 , from whence to Swakem is a days sail. From noon
we sailed N. W. by W. till even-song time, when we en-
tered
2 Perhaps this refers to the west channel of the harbour, though not so
expressed in the text. E.
3 Named Daratata and Dolkefallar in Astley.
CHAP. in. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 313
tered the channel of Swakem, in which, after sailing a league
N. W. we had certain shoals a-head, on which account we
altered our course to W. one quarter N. W. and sometimes
W. to keep free of these shoals. We continued in this course
about three leagues, till we saw a great island a-head of us,
when we immediately tacked towards the land, and came to
an anchor between certain great shoals of stone or sunken
rocks, forming a good harbour named Xabaque 4 , which in
the Arabic means a net. It might be an hour before sunset
when we came to anchor. This day my pilot took the sun at
noon, and found our latitude scarce 19 N 5 . The shoals of
Swakem are so many and so intermingled, that no picture or
information were sufficient to understand them, much less to
sail through among them ; the islands, shoals, banks, rocks,
arid channels are so numerous and intricate. At the entrance
among these shoals, there is to seaward a shoal under water
on which the sea breaks very much, and to landward a small
island, these two ranging N. E. and S. W. a quarter more
E. and W. the distance between being three quarters of a
league. Immediately on entering, the channel seemed large
and spacious, and the farther we advanced so much more to
seaward there appeared to us an infinite number of very flat
islands, shoals, sand-banks and rocks, that they could not be
reckoned. Towards the land side these were not so numer-
ous ; but it is the foulest and most unnavigable channel that
ever was seen, in comparison with any other sea. What
ought chiefly to be attended to in this channel, is always to
keep nearer to the shoals that are to seawards, and as far as
possible from those to landward. The breadth of this channel
in some places is about half a league, in others a quarter, and
in others less than a gun-shot. In the entry to this channel
we had six fathoms, and from thence to the port of Shabak
never less, and never more than 12. From the beginning of
the shoals to Shabak may be about five leagues, and their
whole length eight or nine. We have then another channel,
more secure for ships and great vessels ; and we may likewise
pass these shoals leaving them all to seaward, going very close
to the main-land, which is the best and most pleasant way.
On
4 More properly Shabak. Ast.
5 Purchas in a side-note makes this the latitude of the harbour of Xaba-
que ; but it is obvious that they had sailed a long way between noon, when
the altitude was taken, and an hour before sunset, when they entered the
harbour. E.
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
On the 24th, at sunrise, we set sail from the port
and rowed by so narrow a channel that our fleet had to follow
each other in single line a-head, being only about a cross-bow
shot over in the widest parts. In this narrow channel we
were never more than a cannon shot from the main-land, and
sometimes little more than a cross-bow shot ; having shoals,
rocks and banks on every side of us, all under water, yet we had
always sufficient indications to avoid them ; as wherever they
lay, the water over them appeared very red or very green,
and where neither of these colours appeared we were sure of
the clearest channel, the water being there dark. Continuing
by this channel among so many difficulties, we came to anchor
at half an hour past eleven at a little low round island, in lat.
19* N. In this latitude Ptolomy places the mountain of the
Satyrs 6 . Of this mountain the native pilots had no know-
ledge ; but going about half a league into the land, I found
the footsteps of so many kind of beasts, and such great flocks
ofcpianets 7 as was wonderful. All these tracks came till they
set their feet in the sea, and they occupied the greatest part
of the field. I believe the fable of the Satyrs to have arisen
from thenee, and that they were said to inhabit these hills and
mountains. It is to be noted that in the channel of four
leagues from the harbour of Shahak to this island, the water
is, never less than two and a half fathoms nor deeper than eleven,
and also that the tide at this island does not ebb and flow
above half a yard. It begins to flow as soon as the moon
begins to ascend towards the horizon, in the same order as
already mentioned respecting Socotora.
The 26th at sunrise we departed from the island, rowing
along a reef of rocks that ran between us and the land to
which it was almost parallel, all the sea between it and the
land being full of shoals and banks ; but to seawards there
were neither shoals nor "banks nor any other impediment. At
nine o'clock we came to anchor at a small island encompassed
by many flats and shoals, where there was a good haven.
This island was a league and a half from that we left in the
morning, and 5 leagues short of Swakem. The 27th at sun-
rise
This mountain of the Satyrs may more properly be generally referred
to the high range of mountains on this part of the coast, perhaps from
abounding in the baboon called Simla Satyrus, or the Mandrill. E.
7 I know not what to make of the planets ; but the footsteps of beasts
reaching to the edge of the water may probably refer to amphibious animals,
while the flocks of planets may have been water-fowl of some Hind. E.
CHAP. in. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 315
rise, we set sail from this second island, and two hours within
the night we came to anchor a league and a half farther on in
28 fathoms water. The !2Sth we bridled our oar^t and set sail.
At nine o'clock we anchored about two leagues from the land
in 23 fathom.*, on soft sand, like ouze or mud. This morning
we found some shoals under water, but the sea always shew-
ed itself very cjreen or red over them. Two hours after noon
we set sail again, and anchored at night in 37 fathoms on a
sanely bottom, hard by an island a league and a half short of
Swakem. The coast runs N. N. W. and S. S. E. having all
along a shoal which extends near half a league into the sea.
This land differs in nothing from that formerly described.
The 1st March 154-1, departing from this anchorage, and
having doubled a point of land made by the shoal, we ap-
proached the land inwards by a channel, and came to anchor
in the haven of the city of Swakem*
Swakem was called by the ancients the port of Aspi, as
may be seen in the third table of Africa by Ptolemy. At
this day it is one of the richest cities in the East B . It is
situated within the Arabian Gulf or Red Sea, on the coast
of Ethiopia sub Egypto, now called the land and coast of the
Abexii or Abyssinians. Among famous places, this may be reck-
oned equal or superior to them all in joitr things. ThejErstf
is the goodness and safety of the haven. The second in the
facility and good service ior hiding and unlading ships. The
third in its traffic with very strange and remote people of va-
rious manners and customs. The fourth in the strength and
situation of the city. As touching the goodness and security
of the port I shall first speak. Nature hath so iormed this
port that no storm from the sea can enter it in any direction.
Within the haven the sea is so quiet, and runs so insensibly,
that scarcely can we perceive it to have any tide. The ground
is mud. Thtv road in all places has five or six fathoms, and
seven in some places ; and is so large that two hundred ships
may ride commodiously at anchor, besides rowing-vessels
without number. The water is so clear that you may plainly
perceive the bottom ; and where that is not seen the depth is
at least ten or twelve fathoms. The ships can be laden or
unladen all round the city, merely by laying a plank from
them into the warehouses of the merchants ; while gallies fas-
ten
8 This is to be understood of 1541, when visited by De Castro. Since
fclie Turkish conquest, Mokha and other places have greater trade. Purch*
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. HOOK in.
ten themselves to stones at the doors of the houses, laying
their prows over the quays as so many bridges. Now touch-
ing the trade and navigation of this port with many sorts of
people, and with strange and remote countries, I know not
what city can compare with it except Lisbon : as this city
trades with all India, both on this side and beyond the Gan-
ges; with Cambaya, Tanacerim,Pegu, Malacca; and within the
Straits with Jiddah, Cairo >, and Alexandria. From all Ethi-
opia and Abyssinia it procures great quantities of gold and
ivory. As to the strength and situation of this city enough can
hardly be said $ since to come to it, the inconveniences, dif-
ficulties, and dangers are so great, that it seems almost im-
possible : as for fifteen leagues about, the shoals, flats,
islands, channels, rocks, banks, and sands, and surges of the
sea, are so many and intricate that they put the sailors in great
fear and almost in despair. The situation of the city is this :
In the middle of a great nook or bay, is a perfectly flat island
almost level with the sea and exactly round, being about a
quarter of a league in circuit, upon which the city of Swakem
is built ; not one foot of ground on the whole island but is re-
plenished with houses and in habitants, so that the whole island,
is a city. On two sides this insular city comes within a bow-
shot of the main land, that is on the E. S. E. and S W. sides,
but all the rest is farther from the land. The road, haven, or
bay surrounds the city on every side to the distance of a cross-
bow shot, in all of which space, ships may anchor in six or
seven fathoms on a mud bottom. All around this bay there
is a great shoal ; so that the deep water is from the edge
of the city all round to the distance of a bow- shot, and all
beyond is full of shoals. In this bay there are three other
islands on the land side to the north- west. The two which
lie farthest in are small, but that nearest to the channel is
about as large as the city. Between this island and the main
sea, there is a large and very long channel, having seven fa-
thoms water, all along which a great navy might safely ride
at anchor, without any danger of annoyance from the city,
whence only their masts could be seen. When the moon
appears in the horizon it is full sea, and as the moon advances
it ebbs till the moon comes to the meridian, when it is dead
low water ; and thence it begins again to flow till the moon
sets, when it is again full sea. The entire ebb and flow of
the sea at this city does not exceed a quarter of a yard. The
most that it rises along the coast is a yard and a half, and in
some
CHAP. in. SECT. vi. Conquest of India.
some places less than three quarters of a yard. But when I
made this observation it was neap tide.
SECTION VI.
Continuation of the Voyage from Svoakem to Comoi.
WE remained in the haven of Swakem from the 1st to the
9th of March 1541, when an hour before sunset we weighed
from before the city, and anchored for the night at the mouth
of the channel. We weighed again on the 10th, and came
r*n to anchor at night, when the dew was wonderfully great
the llth it blew a storm from the north, so violent that
it raised great mountains of sand along the sea coast, after
which it dispersed them, and the air remained obscured by
the sand as if it had been a great mist or smoke. We re-
mained at anchor all this day, and on the 12th we left this
channel two leagues beyond Stvakem, and being without the
channel we made sail. About a league and a half from the
coast there were so many rocks, shoals, and flats, op which
the sea continually broke, that we had to take in our sails
and row for three hours, till we got beyond these shoals, after
which we again made sail. At evening we came to anchor
within the bank by a very narrow channel, a league beyond
that we had been last in, and three leagues from Swakem, but
the channel within the entrance was large, with clean ground,
and perfectly secure in all winds.
The 13th we went out of this channel an hour before day,
and about a cannon-shot to seaward we saw a long range
of shoals with broken water, seeming to stretch in the same
direction with the coast. At eleven o'clock the wind turned
to the N. N. W". and as our course was N. W. we were unable
to make way, and had to fasten our vessels to the rocks on
these shoals, where we lay about three hours. About two
o'clock afternoon the wind freshened at N. N. E. and we made
sail N. W. But coming to the bank landward, we took in
our sails and rowed into a channel within the bank, where we
came to anchor. This channel is very narrow and winding,
being about seven leagues beyond Swakem, whence the coast
to this place runs N. and S, and then N by W and S, by E.
I went ashore on the 1 5th to observe the order and flowing of
the
318 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK Jii,
the tide, and found it was full sea when the moon was two
hours past the meridian, and was dead ebb two hours after
the moon set. I found likewise that the ebb and flow of the
tide at this place was 22 cubits 1 . The 16th we left this
channel, with the wind at north, and cast anchor half a league
out at sea. The 17th we entered a very good harbour named
Dradate or Tractate, the coast from Swakem here winding N.
by W. and S. by E. distance 10 leagues. The land behind
the shore is all very low in that space, but three leagues back
from the coast it rises into great and high mountains. This
harbour of Tractate, in lat. 19 50' N. 10 leagues beyond .Swa-
kem, is one of the best in the world. The entrance is about
a falcon-shot across, and grows narrower inwards, but has 2O
fathoms water in its whole length with a mud bottom ; and
a quarter of a league \\ithin the land there is a famous water-
ing-place at certain wells, where is the best water and in
greatest plenty of any place on all these coasts. The 19th we
sailed at day-light, and advanced 3^- leagues that day, having
many shoals to seaward of us, and the coast for these 3,V
ieagues trended N. and S. On the 20th at sunrise the wind
blew from the N. and the sea was rough, for which reason
we had to seek shelter within the shoal, entering by a very
narrow and difficult channel. After we were in, the wine-
came N. N. E. and we remained all day at anchor. The 21st
we left the shoal with fine weather, the wind being at W.N. W.
and sailed N. keeping about half a league from the land ; and
an hour after sunrise we came to a long and fair point of land
called by Ptolomy the promontory of Diogenes. On the north
side of this point is a large fine bay named Doroo, and at the
extremity of this long bare point there is a large round tower
like a pillar. At the entrance of this harbour or channel
there are six fathoms water, which diminishes gradually in-
wards to three. The ground is hard clay, and the bay is
very large with many creeks and nooks within, and many
islands ; many of these creeks penetrating deep into the main-
land, so that in every place there may be many vessels hidden
without being observed from the other branches of the harbour.
A quarter of a league off to sea from the mouth of this
harbour there is a shoal which defends it completely from the
admission of any sea, as this shoal is above water, and has
no
1 Considering the verv small rise and fall of the tide at Swakem, the text
in this place ought perhaps only to have been inches. E.
CHAP. ni SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 319
no passage except by the entrance already mentioned, which
trends E. by N. and W. by S. A cannon-shot from this bay
there is a great well, but the water is very brackish.
On the 2 c 2d we left this harbour of Doroo at day light, pro-
ceeding by means of our oars, and found the sea very full of
rocks, s^o thai escaping from some we got foul of others, and
at half past ten o'clock we had to fasten our vessels to the
rocks. Proceeding onwards, we got towards evening in with
the land, and having doubled a point we entered a very large
bay named Fuxaa, or Fushaa, three leagues and a half be-
yond Doroo, the coast between stretching N. and E. with a
tendency towards ]S T . W. and S. E. This bay of Fushaa is
remarkable by a very high sharp peaked hill, in lat. 20 15' N.
In the very mouth of the harbour there are two very low
points, lying N. by E. and S. by W. from each other, distant
a league and half. As no great sea can enter here it is a very
good harbour, having 10 and 12 fathoms water on a mud
bottom, diminishing inwards to five fathoms. Along the
land within the bay on the south side there are nine small
islands in a row, and in other places there are some scattered
islets, all very low arid encompassed by shoals. The land at
this bay is very dry and barren, and it has no water.
On the 25th we continued along the coast, having many
rocks to seawards about a league off; and at ten o'clock we
entered a very large harbour named AreJcca^ four leagues
beyond Fushaa, the coast between running N. and S. with
some tendence to N. W. and 8. E. Arekea 9 the strongest
and most defensible harbour I have ever seen, is 22 leagues
beyond Swakem. In ancient times it was called Dioscori ac-
cording to Pliny. In the middle of the entry to this port
there is a considerable island, about a cross-bow shot in
length and breadth, having a bank or shoal running from it
on the south side to the main land, so shallow that nothing
can pass over it. But on the north side of this island the
channel is about a cross-bow shot in breadth and 15 fathoms
deep, running N. W. and S. E. and on both sides this
channel is very shallow and full of rocks, the fair way being
in the middle. This channel is about a gun-shot in length,
after which the coasts on both sides recede and form within a
large fine and secure harbour, about a league long and half a
league broad, deep in the middle but full of shoals near the
land, and it hath no fresh water. At this place it was agreed
to
320 Portuguese Discovery and FART n. BOOK in.
to send back all the ships to Massua, and to proceed with only
sixteen small gallies or row boats.
Arrangements being accordingly formed, we set sail from
ArcJcea on the 30th at noon, and came to an anchor in a port
called Salaka four leagues beyond Arekea and 96 from Swafom,
the coast trending N. and S. with a slight deviation to N. E.
and S. W. The land next the sea has many risings or
hillocks,' behind which there are high mountains. It must
be noted that all the land from Arekea onwards close behind
the shore puts on this uneven appearance, whereas before
that it was all plain, till in the inland it rises in both into high
mountains. The 3 1st we sailed from Salaka, and an hour
before sunset we made fast to tfie rocks of a shoal a league
from the land and 17 leagues from Salaka^ being 43 leagues
from Swakem. From the port of Salaka the coast begins to
wind very much ; and from Raseldoaer or Ras al Dwaer, it
runs very low to the N. N. E. ending in a sandy point where
there are 13 little hillocks or knobs of stone, which the
Moorish pilots said were graves. From this point of the
Calmes * about two leagues, the coast runneth N. N. W. to a
shoal which is 43 leagues from Swakem. This point is the
most noted in all these seas, as whoever sails from Massua,
Swakem, and other places for Jiddah, Al Cossir, and Toro,
must necessarily make this point. The sea for the last seven-
teen leagues is of such a nature that no rules or experience
can suffice for sailing it in safety, so that the skilful as well as
the unskilful must pass it at all hazards, and save themselves
as it were by chance, for it is so full of numerous and great
shoals, so interspersed everywhere with rocks, and so many
and continual banks, that it seems better fitted for being tra-
velled on foot than sailed even in small boats. In the space
between Salaka and Ras-al-Dwaer, but nearer to the latter,
there are three islands forming a triangle, the largest of which
is called Magarzawn, about two leagues long and very high
ground, but has no water. This island bears N. and S. with
*Ras-al-Dwaer distant three leagues. The second island lies
considerably out to sea, and is called Al Mante^ and is high
land without water ; the third island is all sand and quite low,
being four leagues from Salaka towards Ras-al-Dwaer, but I
did not learn its name.
On
2 Meaning perhaps the sandy point near Ras-al-Dwaer. This 'para-
graph is very obscure, and seems to want something, omitted perhaps by
the abbreviates Astl.
CHAP. in. SECT. vr. Conquest of India. 321
On the 2d of April 1541, casting loose from the before-
mentioned shoal, which is 43 leagues beyond Swakem, we
rowed along the coast, and entered a river called Farate,
about four leagues from the shoal ; whence setting our sails
we got into a fine haven a league from thence called Kilfit.
All this day we saw no rocks to landward, but there was a
shoal to seaward. Farate is a large and fair river, the mouth
of which is in lat. 21 40' N. Its mouth is formed by two
low points about a gunshot apart, from each of which a shoal
stretches towards the middle, where only there is any passage.
The river runs from the west to the east, having very low
land on both sides, without either tree or shrub or bush of
any kind. At the entrance it is 30 fathoms deep, and from
thence diminishes to 18 fathoms. Kilfit is a fine harbour and
very safe, as when once in, no wind whatever need be feared.
There are at the entry two very low points bearing N. W. J N.
and S. E. ~ S. distant near a quarter of a league. It is rather
more than three leagues in circuit, and every part of it is safe
anchorage, having 1 2 fathoms water throughout ; the shore
is however rocky. This harbour is rather more than a league
from the river of Farate, between which is a range of moun-
tains, one of which is higher than the others. We left Kilfit
on the 3d, an hour before clay, and rowed along the coast till
an hour before sunset, when we anchored in a haven called
Ras al Jidid, or the new cape, about nine leagues from Kilfit.
This day we saw a few shoals to seawards, but fewer than be-
fore. Two leagues from Kiljit there is a very good haven
named Moamaa ,- and from the point of the shrubs to another
very long sandy point, about two leagues distant, before the
port of Ras-al-Jidid, the coast runs N. and S. with a small
deviation to the N. W. and S. E. the distance being about
three and a half leagues 3 . Ras-al-Jidid 4 is a small but very
pleasant haven, 57 leagues beyond Swakem, and so exactly
circular that it resembles a great cauldron. There are two
points at its entrance bearing N. and S. and on the inside the
eastern winds only can do harm. All the ground is very clean,
having 18 fathoms at the mouth and 13 within ; and half a
league inland there is a well of water, though not very plen-
VOL. vi. x tiful,
3 This paragraph is likewise obscurely worded, and is perhaps left im-
perfect by the abbreviator. Astl.
4 In some subsequent passages this harbour is called Igidid, probably to
distinguish it from the point of Ras-a.l- Jidid. Astl.
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK. in.
tiful, and bitterish. This port is a large half league in circuit.
It is a singularity in all the rivers or harbours which I have
seen on this coast, that they have no bars or banks at their
mouths, which are generally deeper than within. On the
land round this port, I found certain trees which in their
trunk and bark resembled cork-trees, but very different in all
other respects. Their leaves were very large, wonderfully
thick, and of a deep green, crossed with large veins. They
were then in flower, and their flowers in the bud resembled
the flowers of the mallow when in that state : But such as
were opened were white, and like the white cockle. On
cutting a bough or leaf there run out a great stream of milk,
as from the dug of a goat. On all this coast I saw no other
trees, except a grove a little beyond Massua, in some marshy
ground near the sea. Besides these trees, there are some
valleys inland producing a few capers, the leaves of which are
eaten by the Moors, who say they be appropriate to thejoynts.
On the 4th of April, from sunrise till eleven o'clock, the
wind blew a storm from the N. W. after which there was
much and loud thunder, accompanied with hail, the stones
being the largest I ever saw. With the thunder the wind
veered about to every point of the compass, and at last it
settled in the north. This day I carried my instruments on
shore, when I found the variation 1^ degree north-east 5 ,
and the latitude by many observations 22 N. Though these
observations were made on shore with great care, so that I
never stirred the instrument when once set till the end of my
observations, I am satisfied there must be some error ; be-
cause the great heat cracked the plate of ivory in the middle,
so that there remained a great cleft as thick as a gold portague.
On the 6th, an hour before day, we weighed from the port of
Ras-al-Jidid, and advanced about three and a half leagues.
The 7th in the morning, the wind blew fresh at N. W. and
we rowed to the shore, where at eight o'clock we fastened our
barks to certain stones of a shoal or reef, lying before a long
point which hereafter I shall name Starta. We went in this
space about three leagues. About noon we made sail and
proceeded in our voyage, but in no small doubts, as we saw on
both sides of our course a prodigious number of shelves ; we
were
5 It is therefore probable that in all the bearings get down in this voyage,
when applied to practice, either for the uses of geography or navigation,,
this allowance of l too much to the east ought to be deducted. E.
CHAP. in. SECT. vi. Conquest of India>
were therefore obliged to take in our sails and use our oar,
by means of which we came about sunset to a good haven
named Comol, in which we anchored.
From a point two leagues beyond the harbour of Igidid, or
Ras-al-Jidid, to another very long and flat point may be
about four leagues, these two points bearing N. W. arid $. E.
between which there is a large bay ; within which towards the
long point at the N. W is a deep haven so close on all sides
that it is safe from every wind. This point is an island;
from which circumstance and its latitude it seems certainly
the island named Starta by Ptolomy. From thence to a
great point of land over the harbour of Comol the distance
may be five leagues ; these two points bearing N. W. by W.
and S. E. by E. and between them is a large fair bay. From
the port of Igidid till half a league short of the harbour of
Comol, the land close to the shore is all raised in small hills
very close together, behind which, about a league farther in-
land, are very high mountains rising into many high and sharp
peaks j and as we come nearer to Comol these hills approach
the sea, and in coming within half a league of Comol they are
close to the shore. Comol is eleven leagues beyond Igidid,
and 68 from Swaketu, and is in lat. 22 30' N. This port is
in the second bay, very near the face of the point which juts
out from the coast on the north-west side of this second bay.
Though not large, the port of Comol is very secure, as towards
the seaward it has certain reefs or shoals above water which
effectually defend it from all winds. The land around it is
very plain and pleasant, and is inhabited by many Badwis 6 .
The north-west point which ends the bay and covers this port
is very long and fair, being all low and level, being what was
named by Ptolomy the promontory of Prionoto in his third
table of Africa, since the great mountains which range along
the whole of this coast end here.
SECTION
6 Named Badols in the edition of Purchas, but certainly the Badwis or
Bedouins, signifying the People of the Desert, being the name by which the
Arabs who dwell in tents are distinguished from those who inhabit towns.
Astf.
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
SECTION VII.
Continuation of the Voyage from the Harbour of Comol to
Toro or Al Tor.
THREE hours after midnight of the 7th April 1541 ', we left
the harbour of Comol, using our oars for a small way, and
then hoisting sail we proceeded along the coast j but an hour
before day-light some of our barks struck upon certain rocks
and shoals, on which we again struck sails and took to our
oars till day-light. At day-light, being then the 8th, we
came to a spacious bay, of which to the north and north-west
we could see no termination, neither any cape or head-land
in that direction. We accordingly sailed forwards in that
open sea or bay, but which had so many shoals on each side
that it was wonderful we could make any profit of a large
"wind ; for, now going roamour, and now upon a tack, some-
times in the way and sometimes out of it, there was no way
for us to take certain and quiet *. About sunset we came to
a very great shelf or reef, and fastening our barks to its rocks
we remained there for the night. The morning of the 9th
being clear, we set sail from this shelf, and took harbour
within a great shelf called Shaab-al- Yadayn 3 . After coming
to anchor, we noticed an island to seaward, called Zeniorjete.
This port and shelf trend N. E. by E. and S. W. by W.
From the cape of the mountains 4 , to another cape beyond it
on which there are a quantity of shrubs or furzes ; the coast
runs N. E. by N. and S- W. by S. the distance between these
capes being about three and a half or four leagues. From
this last point the coast of the great bay or nook winds inwards
to the west, and afterwards turns out again, making a great
circuit
1 In our mode of counting time, three in the morning of the 8th. E.
2 This nautical language is so different from that of the present day as
to be almost unintelligible. They appear to have sailed in a winding chan-
nel, in which the wind was sometimes scant, sometimes large and sometimes
contrary ; so that occasionally they had to tack or turn to windward. The
strange word roamour, which has occurred once before, may be conjectured
to mean that operation in beating to windward, in which the vessel sails
contrary to the direction of her voyage, called in ordinary nautical language
the short leg of the tack. E.
3 Signifying in Arabic the shelf of the two hands. Astl.
4 Probably that just before named Prionoto from Ptolomy, and called
cape of the mountains, because the Abyssinian mountains there end E.
CHAP. in. SECT, vi r. Conquest of India. 325
circuit with many windings, and ends in a great and notable
point called Ras-al-Nashef, or the dry cape, called by Ptolomy
the promontory Pentadactilus in his third table of Africa. The
island Zetnorjete is about eight leagues E. from this cape ; and
from that island, according to the Moorish pilots, the two
shores of the gulf are first seen at one time, but that of Arabia
is a great deal farther off than the African coast. This island,
which is very high and barren, is named Agathon by Ptolomy.
It has another very small island close to it, which is not men-
tioned in Ptoloray. Now respecting the shelf Shaab-al-Yadayn,
it is to be noted that it is a great shelf far to seaward of the
northern end of the great bay, all of it above water, like two
extended arms with their hands wide open, whence its Arabic
name which signifies shelf of the hands. The port of this
shelf is to landward, as on that side it winds very much, so as
to shut up the haven from all winds from the sea. This haven
and cape Ras-al-Nashef bear from each other E. S. E. and
W. S. W. distant about four leagues.
At sunrise on the 10th we set sail to the N. N. E. the wind
being fresh and the sea appearing clear and navigable. When
about half a league from the point we saw, as every one
thought, a ship under sail, but on drawing nearer it was a
white rock in the sea, which we were told deceives all navi-
gators as it did us. After this we stood N. by E. By nine
o'clock we reached an island named Connaka, and passed be-
tween it and the mainland of Africa. This island is small and
barren, about half a league in circuit, and is about a league
and a half from the main. It resembles a vast crocodile with
its legs stretched out, and is a noted land-mark among navi-
gators. Connaka and Zamorjete bear from each other N. W.
by W. and S. E. by E. distant about six small leagues. About
half an hour past ten, we reached a very long point of sand
stretching far out to sea, called Ras~al-ne/, which signifies in
Arabic the point or cape of the nose. There is no high land
whatever about this cape, but a vast plain field without tree
or any green thing, and in the very face of the point stands a
great temple without any other buildings, and on each side of
it is a very clear sandy coast in manner of a bay. This cape
of Ras-al-nefis famous among navigators, as all their trouble
and danger ends on reaching it, when they consider them-
selves at home and secure. We continued our course from
this cape along the coast with the wind at S. E. At noon my
pilot took the altitude, and found our latitude 24- 10' N. at
which
326 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
which time we were beyond Ras-al-nef about three leagues,
whence the latitude of that cape is 24- N. From this it ap-
pears that the ancient city of Berenice was built upon this
cape Ras-al-nef, as Ptolomy places it on this coast under the
tropic of Cancer, making the greatest declination of the sun
at this place almost 23 50'. Likewise Pliny says that at
Berenice the sun at noon in the summer solstice gives no
shadow to the gnomon, by which that city appears to have
stood under the tropic 5 .
Half an hour before sunset, we came to an island called
Skwaritj but passing onwards a quarter of a league we came
to some shelves of sand and others of rock, and anchored be-
tween them in a good harbour called Sial. These shelves and
this port are 103 leagues beyond SwaJcem. On these shelves
we saw a much greater quantity of sea-fowl than had been
seen in any part of the Red Sea. From Ras-al-Nashcflo the
island of Shwarit may be between 16 and 17 leagues. After
passing Cape Ras-al-NashcJ^ or the N. W. point of the great
bay, the coast winds very much, running into the land, and
pushing out again a very long point of land called llas-al-ncf,
which two points bear fron* each other N. E. and S. W. al-
most -J more N. and S. distant about six leagues large. From
Ras-al-nef forwards, the coast winds directly to the N. W.
till we come to Swarit, the distance being between 1 and 1 1
leagues. In this distance the sea is only in three places foul
with shoals; Jirst to seaward of the island of Connaka, where
there is a large fair shoal rising above water in a great ridge
of large rocks, and running a long way toward the land ; the
second place is at the island of Shwarit, as both to the east and
west of this island great shoals and flats stretch towards the
main-land, so as apparently to shut up the sea entirely be-
tween that island and the main ; the third is at this harbour
of Sial where we anchored, where the sea is studded thick
with innumerable shoals and flats, so that no part remains
free. The island of Shwarit is a gun-shot in length and nearly
as much in breadth, all low land, with a great green bush in
the middle, and opposite to its east side there is a great rock
like an island. Shwarit is little more than half a league from
the main-land.
From
5 It may be presumed that the position given by Ptolomy is merely ac-
cidental, resulting from computed distances ; and Pliny only speaks from
the authority of Ptolomy. In all probability Al Kossir, to be afterwards
mentioned, is the Berenice of the ancients. Astl.
CHAP. in. SECT. vu. Conquest of India. 327
From Swakem all the way to Ras-al-nef, the countries are
all inhabited by Badivis or Bedouins, who follow the law of
Mahomet, and from Ras-al-nef, upwards to Suez and the
end of this sea, the coast all belongs to Egypt, the inhabit-
ants of which dwell between the coast of the Red Sea and the
river Nile. Cosmographers in general call the inhabitants of
both these regions Ethiopians. Ptolomy calls them Egyptian
Arabs: Pomporiius Mela and other cosmographers name
them in general Arabs ; but we ought to follow Ptolomy,
as he was the prince of cosmographers. These Egyptian
Arabs, who inhabit the whole country from the mountains to
the sea, are commonly called Bedivis or Bedouins, of whose
customs and manner of life we shall treat in another place.
We took in our sails on the 1 1th of April, and proceeded
on our way by rowing. At nine o'clock we entered a great
bay called Gadenauhi 6 , about 4- leagues From Sial, the coast
between trending N. W. and 8. E- rather more to the N. and
and S. The iand over the sea, which for some way had the
appearance of a wall or trench, becomes now very mountain-
ous and doubled, shewing so many mountains and so close
that it was wonderful. The port or bay of Gadenauhi is 107
leagues beyond Swakem, in lat. 24 40' N. It was low water
one hour after high noon 7 , and full sea when the moon rose
above the horizon ; and as the moon ascended it began to ebb,
till the moon was an hour past the meridian, when it began
to flow, and was full sea an hour after the moon set. By night
the wind was N. W. Two or three hours after midnight we
departed from Gadenauhi prosecuting our voyage. In pas-
sing between the shoal which comes from the N. W. point of
the bay and the island of Bahuto, we stuck fast upon the
shoal, and were much troubled, believing ourselves in a net
or cul-de-sac ; but we had no hurt or danger, and presently
got into the right channel and rowed along shore, against the
wind at N. W. till day. The 12th we rowed along shore,
and came an hour after sunrise into a haven called X.armeel-
qidman or S/iarm-al-Kiman, meaning in the Arabic a cleft or
opening in the mountains. This is a small but excellent
harbour, 1^ league beyond Gadenauhi, and 108 leagues be-
yond Swakem, very much like the port of Igidid.
The 12th of April we set sail along shore, the wind being
fresher
6 Perhaps Wad-annawi. AstL
7 This strange expression, as connected with the tide which is depen-
dent on the moon, may possibly mean when the moon was ia opposition to
the north ; or mid-way between her setting and rising. .
Portuguese Discovery and PART n, BOOK in.
fresher and more large, at E. S. E. About noon it blew very
hard with such impetuous gusts that it drove the sands of the
coast very high, raising them up to the heavens in vast whirls
like great smokes. About evening when the barks draw to-
gether, the wind was entirely calm to some, while others a
little behind or before, or more towards the land or the sea,
had it still so violent that they could not carry sail, the dis-
tance between those becalmed and those having the wind very
fresh, being often no more than a stones throw. Presently
after, the wind would assail those before becalmed, while
those that went very swift were left in a calm. Being all close
together, this seemed as if done in sport. Some of these gales
came from the E. and E. N. E. so hot and scorching that they
seemed like flames of fire. The sand raised by these winds
went sometimes one way and sometimes another; and we
could sometimes see one cloud or pillar of sand driven in
three or four different directions before it fell down. These
singular changes would not have been wonderful among hills ;
but were very singular where we were at such a distance from
the coast. When these winds assailed us in this manner we
were at a port named Shaona, or Shawna ; and going on in
this manner, sometimes hoisting and at other times striking
our sails, sometimes laughing at what we saw, and other
times in dread, we went on till near sunset, when we entered
a port named Gualibo 8 , signifying in Arabic the port of trou-
ble, having advanced this day and part of the former night
about 13 leagues.
From Gadenauhi to a port named SJiakara, which is encom-
passed by a very red hill, the coast trends N. W. by N. and
S. E. by S. the distance about 10 leagues ; and from this red
hill to a point about a league beyond Gualibo, the coast runs
N. N. W. and S. S. E. distance about 6 leagues. In these
16 leagues, the coast is very clear, only that a league beyond
the Red Hill there is a shoal half a large league from the land.
In these 16 leagues there are many excellent ports, more
numerous than I have ever seen in so short a space. At one
of these named : Shawiia, which is very large, the Moors and
native inhabitants say there formerly stood a famous city of
the gentiles, which I believe to have been that named Neche-
sia by Ptolomy in his third book of Africa. Along the sea
there runs a long range of great hills very close together and
doubling
8 Perhaps Kalabon. Astl.
CHAP. in. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 329
doubling on each other, and far inland behind these great
mountains are seen to rise above them. In this range there
are two mountains larger than the rest, or even than any on
the whole coast, one of which is black as though it had been
burnt, and the other is yellow, and between them are great
heaps of sand. From the black mountain inwards 1 saw
an open field in which were many large and tall trees with
spreading tops, being the first I had seen on the coast that
seemed planted by man ; for those a little beyond Massua
are of the kind pertaining to marshes on the borders of the
sea or of rivers ; as those at the port of Sharm-al-Kiman and
at the harbour of Igidid are wild and pitiful, naked and dry,
without boughs or fruit. These two mountains are about
two leagues short of the port of Sharm-al-Kiman. Gualibo,
which is 122 leagues beyond Swakem, is very like the port of
Sharm-al-Kiman ; except that the one is environed by many
mountains, while the land round the other is an extensive
plain. The entry to this port is between certain rocks or
shoals on which the sea breaks with much force, but the entry
is deep and large. After sunrise on the 13th we left the port
of Gualibo, and as the wind was strong at N. W. making a
heavy sea, we rowed along shore, and at ten in the morning
went into a port named Tuna, a league and half beyond
Gualibo. Tuna is a small foul haven, beyond Swakem 123
leagues and a half, in lat. 25 30' N. The entrance is be-
tween rocks, and within it is so much encumbered with shoals
and rocks that it is a small and sorry harbour ; but round the
point forming the north side of this harbour, there is a good
haven and road- stead against the wind at N. W. the land
round it being barren sand. To the N. W. of thjs there are
three sharp mountains of rock, as if to indicate the situation
of the harbour. One hour before sunset we fastened our-
selves to a shoal a league beyond Tuna. This coast, from a
league beyond Gualibo, to another point a league and a half
beyond this shoal, trends N. N. W. and S. S. E distance four
leagues.
The 14-th April we rowed along shore, th6 sea running very
high so as to distress the rowers ; but beating up against wind
and sea till past noon, we came into a fine bay, in the bottom
of which we came to anchor in an excellent haven. This day
and night we went about 5 leagues, and were now about 129
leagues beyond Swakem. For these five leagues the coast ex-
tends N.W. and S.E, the land within the coast being in some
places
330 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
places low and plain, while it is mountainous in others. By
day-light on the 15th we were a league short of Al Kossir,
which we reached an hour and half after sunrise, and cast
anchor in the harbour. During the past night and the short
part of this day we had advanced about seven leagues, the
coast extending N. N. W. and S. S. E. According to Pliny,
in the sixth book of his Natural History, and Ptolomy in his
third book of Africa, this place of Al Kossir was anciently
named Phlloteras 9 . All the land from hence to Arsinoe, at
the northern extremity of the Red Sea, was anciently called
Enco. This placeis about 15 or 16 days journey from the
nearest part of the (Nile, directly west. This is the only port
on all this coast to which provisions are brought from the land
of Egypt, now called Riffa ; and from this port of Kossir all
the towns on the coast of the Red Sea are provided. In old
times the town of Kossir was built two leagues farther up the
coast; but beingfound incommodious, especially as the harbour
at that place was too small, it was removed to this place. To
this day the ruins of old Kossir are still visible, and there I
believe was Pkiloteras. New Kossir by observations twice
verified is in lat. 26 15' N. being 136 leagues beyong Swakem.
The port is a large bay quite open to the eastern winds, which
on this coast blow with great force. Right over against the
town there are some small shoals on which the sea breaks,
between which and the shore is the anchorage for frigates
and ships coming here for a loading. The town is very small
and perhaps in the most miserable and barren spot in the
world. The houses are more like hovels for cattle, some
built of stone and clay, and others of sod, having no roofs
except a few matts which defend the inhabitants from the sun,
and from rain if any happen now and then to fall as it were
by chance, as in this place it so seldom rains as to be looked
upon as a wonder. In the whole neighbouring country on
the coast, fields, mountains, or hills, there groweth no kind
pf herb, grass, tree, or bush $ and nothing is to be seen but
black
9 In Purchas, Al Kossir is named Alcocer. Don John thinks this place
to be the Philoteras of Ptolemy,* but DrPocock places ft 2 40' more to the
north, making Kossir Berenice, which is highly probable, as it is still the port
of Kept, anciently Coptos, or of Kus near it, both on the Nile, as well as the
nearest port to the Nile on all that coast, which Berenice was. Dr Pocock
supposes old Kossir to have been Myos Hormoj : but we rather believe it to
have been Berenice. Ast.
10
CHAP. ii. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 331
black scorched mountains and a number of barehillocks, which
environ the whole place from sea to sea, like an amphitheatre
of barrenness and sterility, most melancholy to behold. Any
flat ground there is, is a mere dry barren sand mixed with
gravel. The port even is the worst 1 have seen on all this
coast, and has no fish, though all the other ports and channels
through which we came have abundance and variety. It has
no kind of cattle ; and the people are supplied from three
wells near the town, the water of which differs very little from
that of the sea.
The most experienced of the Moors had never heard of the
name of Egypt 10 , but call the whole land from Al Kossir to
Alexandria by the name of /^a 11 , which abounds in all
kinds of victuals and provisions more than any other part of
the world, together with great abundance of cattle, horses, and
camels, there not being a single foot of waste land in the whole
country. According to the information I received, their lan-
guage and customs are entirely Arabic. The land, as I was
told, is entirely plain, on which it never rains except for a
wonder ; but God hath provided a remedy by ordaining that
the Nile should twice a year 12 overflow its natural bounds to
water the fields. They said likewise that the Nile from op-
posite to Al Kossir, and far above that towards the bounds of
Abyssinia, was navigable all the way to Alexandria ; but hav-
ing many islands and rocks, either it was necessary to have
good pilots or to sail only by day. They told me likewise
that the natives inhabited this barren spot of Al Kossir, as
being the nearest harbour on the coast of the Red Sea to the
Nile, whence provisions were transported ; and that the in-
habitants were satisfied with slight matts instead of roofs to
their houses because not troubled with rain, and the matts
were a sufficient protection from the sun : but made their
walls of stone to defend themselves against the malignity and
rapaciousness of the Badwis, a perverse people, void of all
goodness, who often suddenly assaulted the place in hope of
plunder, and frequently pillaged the caravans coming across
from the Nile with provisions and other commodities.
The
10 No wonder, as Messr is the name by which Egypt is known to the
Arabs. E.
1 1 More properly Al Rif, which name more particularly belongs to part
of Lower Egypt. Ast.
12 This is erroneous, as the Nile only overflows ones yearly. E.
332 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
The 18th of April we fastened ourselves to a shoal about
four leagues past Kossir, and set sail from thence at noon.
The 19th, about halt' an hour past eight o'clock, while pro-
ceeding with fine weather, we were suddenly taken aback by
a fierce gust at N. N. W. which obliged us to take shelter
in an island called Suffange-al-ba/iar l3 or Saffanj~al-bahr>
losing 4 or 5 leagues of way that we had already advanced.
The name given to this island means in the Arabic a sea-sponge.
It is 13 leagues beyond Al Kossir, in lat 27 N. being in length
about two leagues by about a quarter in breadth, all of sand
without trees or water. Its harbour is good in all weathers ;
but upon the main land the number of bays, ports, and har-
bouro about this place are wonderful. The best channel here
is between the island and the main, along the coast of the
continent, as on the side next the island there are some shoals.
Likewise in the northern entry to this port there are other
shoals which need not be feared in coming in by day, and in
in the southern entrance there is a large rock in the very
middle. The 20th at sunset we were about six leagues be-
yond this island of Safanj-al-bahr. From which island to a
sandy point about H league beyond, the coast trends N.N.W.
and S. S. E. and from this point forwards to the end of the
six leagues, the coast winds inwards to landwards forming a
large bay, within which are many islands, ports, creeks, bays,
and notable harbours. The 21st by day we were fast to the
shore of an island called Sheduam, and the wind being calm,
we rowed along the coast of the island, which, opposite to
Arabia or the east side, is high and craggy, all of hard rock,
three leagues long and two broad. This island is 20 leagues
beyond AL Kossir, having no water nor any trees. It is be-
tween the two coasts of Arabia and Egypt, being five leagues
from either. Beyond it to the north-west are three small low
islands with shoals among them. An hour after sunset, we
were upon the north cape or point of this island, whence we
crossed towards the Arabian coast I4 , and having no wind we
took to our oars. Within a little it began to blow fair from
the S. E. and we set sail steering N. W. At eleven next
morningv
1 3 Safanj-al-bahr. In Arabic Safanj, Sofinj and Isfonj^ all signify Sponge,
\vhich is obviously derived from the Arabic word. Ast.
1 4 Probably meaning that part of Arabia between the Gulf of Suez and the
Bahr-akkaba, called the promontory of Tor, of which Cape Mahomed forms
the S. W. extremity. J.
CHAP. in. SECT. vu. Conquest of India. 333
morning, we, were upon the coast of the Stony Arabia, and
soon sailed along its shore, entering two hours before sunset
into the port of Toro or Al Tor, which may be seen from
the island of Sheduam, distant 12 leagues, bearing N. by W.
and S. by E.
Toro or Al Tor was of old called Elana, as may be seen in
the writings of Ptolomy, Strabo, and other ancient writers,
although our observation of the latitude differs materially from
theirs. But they shew that Elana was situated in the most
inward part of a very great gultj called Sinus Elaniticus 15 ,
from the name of this place Elana, and in lat. 29 15' N.
Now we know that Toro is in lat. 28 10' N, I<5 and lies upon
a very long and straight coast. The cause of this great differ-
ence, if these places be the same, may have proceeded from
erroneous information given to Ptolomy and the other ancient
cosmographers. But that ancient Elana and modern Toro
are the same, appears from this, that from thence to Suez both
on the Arabian and Egyptian coasts of the EJanitic Gulf, not
only is there no memorial or remains of any other ancient
town, and the barrenness of the country, want of water, and
rough craggy mountains, make it evident that in no other
place could there be any habitation. Hence, considering that
Ptolomy places Elana on the coast of Arabia Petrea, near ad-
joihing to mount Sinai, and makes no mention of any town
between it and the City of Heroes on the upmost extremity of
the Elanitic Gulf where the sea ends ; and as on this shore of
Arabia there is neither town, village, nor habitation, coming so
near the position assigned to Elana as Toro, and as it is im-
possible to inhabit between Toro and Suez, it seems just to
conclude that Toro and Elana are the same place. The port
of Toro seems likewise that mentioned in holy writ under the
name of Allan, where Solomon, king of Israel, caused the
ships to be built which sailed to Tar sis and Ophir to bring
gold and silver for the temple of Jerusalem : for taking away
the second letter from Ailan, the ancient names are almost the
same.
15 Don Juan entirely mistakes this point of antiquity, in consequence of
not having learnt that there was another and eastern gulf at the head of the
Red Sea ; the Bahr-akkaba or real Sinus Elaniticus, on which is the town
of Ayla, assuredly the ancient Elana or Aylan. E.
16 If this observation be exact, the great promontory or peninsula between
the gulfs at the head of the Red Sea must be extended too far south in the
map constructed by Dr Pocock. Ast.
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
same. Nor is it reasonable that it should be in any other
place, as the timber for the navy of Solomon was brought from
Lebanon and Antelibanus; and to avoid expences they would
necessarily carry it to the nearest port, especially as the Jews
then possessed the region of Idumea, and that part of the coast
of Arabia Petrea which is between Toro and Suez. Strabo
holds that Elana and Allan are the same city; and when treat-
ing of this city in another place, he says, that from the port
of Gaza it is 1260 furlongs to the city of Ailan, which i?
situated on the inwardest part of the Arabic Gulf 17 ; " and
" there are two, one towards Gaza and Arabia, called the
" Sinus Elaniticus, from the city Elana which stands upon it ;
" the other on the Egyptian side towards the City of Heroes,
" and the way from Pelusium to this gulf is very small."
This is what I would pick out from ancient authors.
" As this is a point of great moment in geography, it de-
serves to be examined l8 . It is observable that Don Juan
admits that both Ptolomy and Strabo make the Red Sea
terminate to the north in two large gulfs, one towards Egypt
and the other towards Arabia, at the end of which latter they
place Elana. Yet here he rejects the authority of both geo-
graphers, alleging that both were mistaken, because Tor is
situated on a very long and straight coast. He likewise cites
Ptolomy as making the latitude of Eiana 29 15' N 19 . yet ac-
counts the difference between that position and the altitude
found at Al Tor, 20 1 0', as of no significance here, though
in former instances he had held the tables of Ptolomy as in-
fallible. It is stiJl stranger that Don Juan should after all
admit of a gulf of Elana, as will be seen presently, and yet
place it at a great distance, and at the opposite side of the sea
from that on which Elana stands, However this may be, it
is
17 Had Don Juan de Castro been acquainted with the eastern gulf at the
head of the Red Sea, called the Bahr-akkaba, he would have more readily
chosen Aylafor the seatof^/7<7, and the dock-yard of the navy of Solomon,
being at the inwardest part of the Red Sea, and the port nearest to Gaza.
Besides, the portion of the text marked with inverted commas, seems a quo-
tation by Don Juan from Strabo, which distinctly indicates the eastern or
Elanitic Gulf, and points to Ayla as the seat of Elana and Allan^ and dis-
tinctly marks the other or western gulf, now that of Suez. E.
18 This paragraph, marked by inverted commas, is a dissertation by the
editor of Astleys Collection, too important to be omitted, and too long for
a note. E.
19 The latitude of Ayla in modern maps is about 29 P 10' N. having a
near coincidence. E.
CHAP. ill. SECT. vii. Conquest df India. 335
is certain that Don Juan, and not the ancients, has been mis-
informed on this matter ; for not only the Arab geographers
give a particular account of this eastern gulf, as will appear
from the description of the Red Sea by Abulfcda^ but its ex-
istence has been proved by two English travellers, Dr Shaw
and Dr Pocock. The errors which Don Juan has here fallen
into, has been owing to not having examined the coast on the
side of Arabia ; for until the fleet came to the island of She-
duam, it had sailed entirely along the African shore ; and
then, leaving the north part of that island, it passed over to
the coast of Arabia* for the first time, where it may be pre-
sumed that they fell in with the land some way to the north
of the S. W. point of the great peninsula between the two
gulfs. This cape in the maps by De LTsle and Dr Pocock
is called Cape Mahomet. Still however as the island of She-
duam seems to lie nearer the eastern gul its north end
being at least eighteen or twenty miles to the southward of
Cape Mahomet, it is surprising that Don Juan and the whole
fleet should overlook that gulf, which indeed was done before
by the Venetian who sailed along the Arabian shore in the
fleet of Solyman Pacha. What Don Juan says about the
identity of Elana and Allan or Aylan we shall not contend
about, as the authority of Strabo, and the similarity of names
are strong proofs. But we shall presently see that the ^Arabs
place Aylan at the head of a great gulf; and the distance he
cites from Strabo, 1260 stadia from Gaza to Aylan, supposing
it to be exact, is a proof that Aylan cannot be the same with
Toro. We shall only observe farther, that the positive denial
by Don Juan of tiiere being any such gulf as the Elanitic on
the east or side of Arabia, may have been the reason why it,
was not laid down in the maps of Sanson, or by any geogra-
pher before De Vide." Ast. I. 124. a.
The city of Toro or Al Tor is built on the sea-side along
an extensive and fair strand or beach, and about a cannon-shot
before coming to it we saw twelve palm-trees close together
very near the sea ; and from these a plain field extends to
the foot of some high hills. These hills are part of a chain
which extends from the straits of Ormuz or Persian Gulf, and
which extend hither along the coast very high above the sea
as far as Toro, where they leave the coast, "and with a great
and
20 Properly speaking only to the Arabian coast of the Gulf of Suez, n<rt
at all to the Arabian coast of the Red Sea. E.
336 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
and sudden violence return from thence to the main towards
the north-east, as an^ry and wearied by so long neighbourhood
of the waters." Arabia Petrea is divided by three mountains
from Arabia Felix^ and on the highest tops of them some
Christians lead holy and quiet lives. A little way beyond Toro,
on the borders of the sea, a mountain begins to rise by little
and little; and thrusting out a large high cape or promontory,
seems to those in the town like three great and mighty separate
mountains. This town of Tor is small but well situated, all
its inhabitants being Christians who speak Arabic. It has a
monastery of friars of the order of Monserrat, in which is the
oracle or image of Santa Catalina of Mount Sinai or St Ca-
tharine. These friars are all Greeks. The harbour of Toro
is not large, but very secure, having opposite to the shore a
long stony bank, between which and the shore is the harbour.
At this place both the coasts of the gulf are only about three
leagues distant.
Being desirous to learn some particulars concerning this
country, I made myself acquainted with the friars, from whom
I had the following information. They told me that Mount
Sinai was thirteen small days journey into the land, or about
18 leagues * ! . The mountain is very high, the country around
being plain and open, having on its borders a great town in-
habited by Christians, into which no Mahometan can enter
except he who gathers the rents and duties belonging to the
Turks. On the top of the mountain is a monastery having
many friars, where the body of the blessed Virgin St Catha-
rine lay buried. According to Anthony bishop of Florence,
the body of this Holy Virgin was carried away by the angels
from the city of Alexandria and buried on Mount Sinai.
They told me farther that about four months before our ar-
rival this most blessed and holy body was carried from the
mountain with great pomp, on a triumphal chariot all gilt,
to the city of Cairo, where the Christians of that city, which
are the bulk of the inhabitants, came out to receive it in solemn
procession, and set it with great honour in a monastery. The
cause of this strange removal was the many insults which the
monastery on Mount Sinai suffered from the Arabs, from
whom the friars and pilgrims had often to redeem themselves
with money ; of which the Christians of Cairo complained
to the Turkish governor, and received permission to bring
the
21 Surely this passage should be only three short days journey, E.
CHAP. m. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 337
the blessed and holy body to their city, which was done ac*
cordingly, in spite of a strenuous opposition from the friars of
Mount Sinai. I am somewhat doubtful of the truth of this
transportation, suspecting that the friars may have trumped
up this story lest we might have taken the holy body from
them, as they expected us with an army of 10,000 men : Yet
they affirmed it for truth, expressing great sorrow for the re-
moval. These friars told me likewise that several hermits
lead a solitary and holy life in these mountains over against
the town ; and that all through the Stony Arabia, there are
many towns of Christians* I asked if they knew where the
Jews had passed the Red Sea ; but they knew of no certain
place, only that it must have been somewhere between Toro
and Suez. They said likewise, that on the Arabian coast of
the Gulf, two or three leagues short of Suez, was the fountain
which Moses caused to spring from the rock by striking it
with his rod, being still called by the Arabs the fountain of
Moses, the water of which is purer and more pleasant than
any other. They said that from Toro to Cairo by land was
seven ordinary days journey, in which the best and most di-
rect way was through Suez : But that since the Turkish gal-
lies came to Suez they had changed the road, going two
leagues round to avoid Suez, after which they turned to the
west.
I afterwards conversed with a very honest, learned and
curious Mahometan, whom I asked if he could tell where
the Jews crossed the Red Sea ; on which he told me that both
in tradition and in some old writings it was said $}at the
Jews, fleeing from the Egyptians, arrived on the coast of E-
gypt directly opposite to Toro, where Moses prayed to God
for deliverance, and struck the sea twelve times with his rod,
on which it opened in twelve several paths, by which the
Jews parsed over to the other side to where Toro now stands ;
after which the Egyptians entering into these paths were all
de>troyed to the number of about 600,000 men. That from
Toro Moses led the Israelites to Mount Sinai, where Moses
spake many times with God. I approved much of this
opinion 5 for if the passage had been at Suez, as some insist,
the Egyptians had no occasion to have entered into the
sea for persecuting the Jews, as they could have gone
round the bay and got before them, more especially as they
were horsemen and the Jews all on foot. For though all
these things came about, by a miracle, we see always on like
VOL. vi. Y occasions
3 58 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
occasions there is a, shew and manner of reason. I asked of
this Moor if it were true that the Christians of Cairo had
carried away the body of St Catharine from Mount Sinai ;
but he said he had never heard of it, neither did he believe
the story ; and that only four months before he had been in
Cairo, which city they call Mecara ZZ 9 where he heard of no
such thing. He thought likewise that the Christians about
Mount Sinai would never have permitted such a thing, as
they all considered that woman as a saint, and held her body
in great reverence. Fie told me also that two or three leagues
before coming to Suez there is a fountain which was given
to the Jews at the intercession of Moses, whom they call
Jlfuzaa, the water of which surpasses all others in goodness.
On inquiring what kind of a place was the town of Suez, he
said he had never been there, as no person could enter that
town except those appointed by the governor of Cairo for
taking care of the gallies, nor come nearer than two leagues
under pain of death.
SECTION VIII.
Continuation of the Voyage from Toro cr al Tor to Suez.
WE set sail the day after our arrival at Toro, being the 23d
of April 154-1, and on the 24th we were in the lat. of 27 17'
N. At this place, which is 20 leagues beyond Toro and 52
league#)from al Kossir, the land of Egypt, or that coast of the
Red oea which continueth all the way from Abyssinia, conies
out into the sea with a very long and low point, which winds
a great way inwards to the land and more crooked than any
other I have seen. After forming a large fine bay, it juts out
into a large high cape or point, which is three short leagues
from Suez, at the other extremity of this bay, and from
that first promontory to Suez the knd bears N. W. by N.
and S. E. by S. 1 he shore of this bay is very high and rough,
and at the same time entirely parched and barren.
The whole of this large bay, except very near the shore,
is so deep that we had no ground with fifty fathom, and the
bottom is a soft sand like ouze. This bay I hold to have
been
22 Mecara, perhaps by mistake for Megara or Mezara, which is very
near Mesr as it is called by the Turks. Cairo is an Italian corruption of
Kahera or al Kahira.- Astl.
CHAP. Hi. SECT. vni. Conquest of India. 839
been undoubtedly the Sinus Elaniticus of the ancients, though
Strabo and Ptolemy, being both deceived in regard to its
situation, placed it on the coast of Stony Arabia at Toro.
Tiiis I mentioned before, when describing Toro, that Strabo
says the Arabian Gulf ends in two bays, one called Elaniticus
on the Arabian side, and the other on the Egyptian side
where stands the Citij of Heroes l . Ptolemy evidently fixes
the elanitic sinus on the coast of Arabia, where Toro now
stands ; which is very wonderful, considering that Ptolemy
was born in Alexandria, where he wrote his Cosmography
and resided all his life, and which city is so very near these
places.
The 26th of April we set sail, and at eleven o'clock we
lowered our sails, rowing along shore, where we cast anchor.
Two hours before sunset we weighed again with the wind at
north arid rowed along shore ; and before the sun set we an-
chored behind a point of land on the Arabian shore, which
sheltered us effectually from the north wind, having advanced
only a league and a half this day. This point is three small
leagues short of Suez, and is directly east of the N. W. point
of the Great Gulf, distance about a league. From this point,
about half a league inland, is the fountain of Moses already
mentioned. As soon as we had cast anchor we went on shore,
whence we saw the end of this sea, which we had hitherto
thought without end, and could plainly see the masts of the
Turkish ships. All this gave us much satisfaction, yet mix-
ed with much anxiety. As the wind blew hard all night from
the north, we remained at anchor behind the point till day.
On the morning of the 27th, the wind blowing hard at N.
N. W. we remained at anchor till ten, when we departed from
the point and made for Suez with our oars. When about a
league from the end of the sea, I went before with two catures
to examine the situation of Suez and to look out for a proper
landing-place. We got close up to Suez about three o'clock
in the afternoon, where we saw many troops of horse in the
field, and two great bands of foot-soldiers in the town, who
made many shots at us from a blockhouse. The Turkish
navy at this place consisted of forty-one large gall ies, and nine
great ships. Having completed the examination, and re-
turned to our fleet, we all went to the point of land to the
west
1 No description can be more explicit : but Don John unfortunately
knew not of the eastern sinus, and found himself constrained to fiud both
in one gulf. E.
Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
west of the bay, and came to anchor near the shore in five
fathoms water, in an excellent harbour, the bottom a fine soft
sand.
It is certain that in ancient times Suez was called the City
ofl-jeroes> for it differs in nothing as to latitude situation and
bearings from what is said in Ptolomy, Table III. of Africa.
More especially as Suez is seated on the uttermost coast of
the nook or bay where the sea of Mecca ends, on which the
City of Heroes was situated, as Strabo writes in his XVII book
thus : " The city of Heroes, or of Cleopatra, by some called
Arsinoe, is in the uttermost bounds of the Sinus Arabicus^
which is towards Egypt." Pliny, in the VI. book of his
Natural History, seems to call the port of Suez Danao, on
account of the trench or canal opened between the Nile and
the Red Sea. The latitude of Suez is 29 45' N. being the
nearest town and port of the Red Sea to the great city of
Cairo, called anciently Babylon of Egypt. From Suez to
the Levant Sea or Mediterranean, at that mouth of one of
the seven branches of the Nile which is called Pelusium, is
about 40 leagues by land, which space is called the isthmus,
r narrow neck of land between the two seas. On this sub-
ject Strabo writes in his XVII. book, " The isthmus be-
tween Pelusium and the extreme point of the Arabian Gulf
where stands the City of Heroes, is 900 stadia." This is the
port of the Red Sea to which Cleopatra Queen of Egypt,
after the victory obtained by Augustus over Antony, com-
manded ships to be carried by land from the Nile, that they
might flee to the Indians.
Sesostris King of Egypt and Darius King of Persia under-
took at different periods to dig a canal between the Nile and
the Red Sea, on purpose to open a navigable communication
between the Mediterranean and the Indian ocean ; but as
neither of them completed the work, Ptolomy made a trench
100 feet broad and 30 feet deep, which being nearly finished,
he discontinued lest the sea -water from the Arabian Gulf
might render the water of the Nile salt and unfit for use.
Others say that, on taking the level, the architects and
masters of the work found that the Sea of Arabia was three
cubits higher than the land of Egypt, whence it was feared
that all the country would be inundated and destroyed.
The ancient authors on this subject are Diodorus Siculus,
Pliny,
CHAP. in. SECT. vni. Conquest of India. 34-1
Pliny, Pomponius Mela, Strabo, and many other cosmo-
graphers 2 .
Although the town of Suez had a great name of old, it is
small enough at this time, and I believe had been utterly
ruined and abandoned if the Turkish navy had not been
stationed here. In the front of the land which faces the
south where this sea ends there is the mouth of a rmall
creek or arm of the sea entering a short way into the land,
which extends towards the west till stopped by a hillock, the
only one that rises in these parts : Between which creek and
the bay or ending of the sea is a very long and narrow
tongue or spit of sand, on which the gallies and ships of the
Turks lie aground ; and on which the ancient and warlike
City of the Heroes is seated 3 . There still remains a small
castle, without which are two high ancient towers, the re-
mains of the City of Heroes which stood here in old times.
But on the point of land where the creek enters there is a
great and mighty bulwark of modern structure, which de-
fends the entry of the creek, and scours the coast behind the
sterns of the gallies if any one should attempt to land in that
place. Besides this, there runs between the gallies and the
strand, an entrenchment like a ridge or long hill, making the
place very strong and defensible. Having considered this
place attentively, it seemed to me impossible to land in any
part except behind the little mountain on the west at the
head of the creek, as we should be there free from the Turk-
ish artillery, and likewise the possession of this hillock might
contribute to our success against the enemy. But it is neces-
sary to consider that all along this strand the water is shoaly
for the breadth of a bow-shot, and the ground a soft sticking
clay or sinking sand, as I perceived by examining the ground
from the foist or cature, which would be very prejudicial to
the men in landing.
In
2 This communication was actually opened about A. D. 6S5 9 byjfmru 9 who
conquered Egypt for Moa<wiah t the first Qmmiyan Khalifah of' Damascus.
It was called al Khalij al Amir al Momenein> or the canal of the comman-
der of the faithful, the title of the Caliphs. It was shut up about 140
years afterwards by Abu Jafar al Mansur. Astl.
3 This description does not agree with the map or relation of Dr
Pocock ; which makes the sea terminate in two bays, divided by the tongue
of land on which Suez stands. That to tjie N. W. is very wide at the
mouth, and is properly the termination of the western gulf of the Red Sea.
The other on tbe N. E. is narrow at the entrance, and is divided by
another tongue of land into two parts. Astl.
342 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
In regard to the particulars which I learnt concerning
Suez, as told me by some of the men I met with, especially
the Moor formerly mentioned whom I conversed with at
Toro, I was informed that at the fountain of Moses, form-
erly mentioned as three leagues from Suez towards Toro,
there had been a great city in old times, of which they say
some buildings or ruins are still to be seen ; but they could
not say what had been its name. They told me also that
the remains of the canal attempted to be made in old times
from the Nile at the city of Cairo to Suez were still to be seen,
though much defaced and filled by length of time, and that
those who travel from Suez to Cairo have necessarily to pass
these remains. Some alleged that this trench was not intend-
ed for navigation between the Nile and the Red sea, but
merely to bring water from the Nile for the supply of Suez.
They told me that the whole country from Suez to Cairo was
a sandy plain, quite barren and without water, being three
days journey going at leisure, or about 15 leagues. That in
Suez and the country round it seldom rained, but when it
did at any time it was very heavy ; and that the north-wind
blew at Suez the whole year with great force.
From Toro to Suez it is 28 leagues, without any island
bank or shoal in the whole way that can impede the naviga-
tion. Departing from Toro by the middle of the channel,
the run for the first 16 leagues is N. W. by N. from S. E. by
S. in all of which space the two coasts are about an equal
distance from each other, or about three leagues asunder.
At the end of these 16 or 17 leagues, the coasts begin to close
very much, so that the opposite shores are only one league
distant, which narrowness continues for two leagues ; after
which the Egyptian coast withdraws very much towards the
west, making the large fine bay formerly mentioned. The
mid channel from the end of the before mentioned 16 or 17
leagues, till we come to the N. W. point of this bay trends
N. N. W. and S. S. E. the distance being 8 leagues. In this
place the lands again approach very much, as the Arabian
shore thrusts out a very long low point, and the Egyptian
coast sends out a very large and high point at the end of the
bay on the N. W. side, these points being only a little more
than one league asunder. From these points to Suez and
the end of this sea, the coasts wind inwards on each side,
making another bay somewhat more than two leagues and a
half long and one league and a half broad, where this sea, so
celebrated
CIIAP. in. SECT. viii. Conquest of India. 343
celebrated in holy scripture and by profane authors, has its
end. The middle of this bay extends N. and S. with some
deflection to W. and E. respectively, distance two leagues
and a half. On the coast between Toro and Suez, on the
Arabian side, a hill rises about a gunshot above Toro very
near the sea, which is all bespotted with red streaks from side
to side, giving it a curious appearance. This hill continues
along the coast for 15 or 16 leagues, but the red streaks do
not continue more than six leagues beyond Toro. At the
end of the 15 or 16 leagues this ridge rises into a great and
high knoll, after which the ridge gradually recedes from the
sea, and ends about a league short of Suez. Between the
high knoll and Suez along the sea there is a very low plain, in
some places a league in breadth, and in others nearer Suez
a league and half. Beside this hill towards Toro I saw great
heaps of sand, reaching in some places to the top of the hill,
yet were there no sands between the hill and the sea:
" Likewise by the clefts and breaches many broken sands
were driven," whence may be understood how violent the
cross winds blow here, as they snatch up and drive the sand
from out of the sea and lift it to the tops of the hills. These
cross winds, as I noticed by the lying of the sands, were from
the W. and the W. N. W.
On the other or Egyptian side of this gulf, between Toro
and Suez, there run certain great and very high hills or
mountains appearing over the sea coast; which about 17
leagues above Toro open in the middle as low as the plain
field, after which they rise as high as before, and continue
along the shore to within a league of Suez, where they entire-
ly cease. I found the ebb and flow of the sea between Toro
and Suez quite conformable with what has been already said
respecting other parts of the coast, and neither higher nor
lower : Whence appears the falsehood of some writers, who
pretend that no path was opened through this sea for the
Israelites by miracle ; but merely that the sea ebbed so much
in this place that they waited the ebb and passed over dry.
I observed that there were only two places in which it could
have been possible for Sesostris and Ptolomy kings of Egypt,
to have dug canals from the Nile to the Red- Sea: One of
these by the breach of the mountains on the Egyptian coast
17 leagues above Toro, and 1 1 short of Suez ; and the other
by the end of the nook or bay on which Suez stands ; as at
this place the hills on both sides end, and all the land re*
mains
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
_ ii
tnains quite plain and low, without hillocks or auy other im-
pediment. This second appears to me to be much more
conv enient for so great a work than the other, because the
land is very low, the distance shorter, and there is a haven
at Suez. All the rest of the coast is lined by great and high
mountains of hard rock. Hence Suez must be the place to
which Cleopatra commanded the ships to be brought across
the isthmus, a thing of such great labour that shortness
was of most material importance: Here likewise for the
same reason must have been the trench or canal from the
Nile to the Red Sea ; more especially as all the coast from
Toro upwards is waste, and without any port till we come to
Suez.
During all the time which we spent between Toro and
Suez, the heaven was constantly overcast with thick black
clouds, which seemed contrary to the usual nature of Egypt;
as all concur in saying that it never rains in that country,
and that the heavens are never obscured by clouds or vapours:
ISut perhaps the sea raises these clouds at this place, and
farther inland the sky might be clear ; as we often see in
Portugal that we have clear pleasant weather at Lisbon,
while at Cintra only four leagues distant, there are great
clouds mists and rain. The sea between Toro and Suez is
subject to sudden and violent tempests ; as when the wind
blows from the north, which is the prevailing wind here, al-
though not very great, the sea is wonderfully raised, the
waves being everywhere so coupled together and broken that
they are very dangerous. This is not occasioned by shallow
water, as this channel is very deep, only that on the Egyp-
tian side it is somewhat shoaly close to the shore. " About
this place I saw certain sea foams otherwise called evil waters,
the largest I had ever seen, being as large as a target, of a
whitish dun colour. These do not pass lower than Toro ;
but below that there are infinite small ones, which like the
other are bred in and go about the sea 4 ." While between
Toro and Suez, though the days were insufferably hot, the
nights were colder than any I ever m?t with.
SECTION
4 This passage respecting sea foams or evil waters is altogether unin-
telligible, unless perhaps some obscure allusion to water-spouts maybe supi
/posed. -E.
CHAP. in. SECT. ix. Conquest of India. 345
SECTION IX.
Return Voyage from Suez to Massua.
In the morning of the 28th of April 1541 we departed
from before Suez on our return to Massua l . At sunset we
were one league short of a sharp red peak on the coast, 20
leagues from Suez. At night we took in our sails and con-
tinued along shore under our foresails only, the wind blowing
hard at N. N. W. Two hours within the night, we came to
anchor near the shore in '6 fathoms, the heavens being very
dark and covered by many thick black clouds. The 29th we
weighed in the morning, and came into the port of Toro at
nine o'clock, but soon weighed again, and came to anchor a
league farther on, in a haven called Soli/mans watering place,
where we took in water, digging pits in the sand a stones
throw from the sea, where we got abundance of brackish
water. Leaving this place in the morning of the 30th, we
anchored at 10 in the morning at the first of the three islands,
which are two leagues N. W. of the island of Sheduam. I
went on shore here with my pilot, when we took the suns
altitude a little less than 80 ; and as the declination that day
was 17 36' the latitude of this island is 27 4-0' N. At sun-
set on the 1 st of May we set sail, and by even-song time we
came to an island two leagues long, which thrusts out a point
very close to the main land, between which and the island is
a singularly good harbour for all weathers, fit for all the
ships in the world. The 2d at sunset we came to anchor in
the port of Goclma a , which is safe from N. and N. W.
winds, but only fit for small vessels. A short space within
the land is the dry bed of a brook, having water during the
floods of winter descending from the mountains. Digging a
little way we found fresh water. There is a well here also f
but
1 The fleet seems only to have been before Suez from 3 o'clock on the
afternoon of the 27th of April till the morning of next day the 28th, or
rather Don Juan only went forwards to examine the possibility of landing.
Yet De Faria says, II. 23. <f That after many brave attempts made by
several to view and sound the harbour, Don Stefano landed with 'his men,
and being repulsed, chiefly by means of an ambush of 2000 horse, was
obliged to retire." The silence of Don John respecting any military opera-
tions, and the shortness of time, leaves hardly room to suppose that any
were attempted. E.
2 Rather Kallama or Kalla'lma. -Astl.
34-6 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK. in.
but not abundant in water. This port, the name of which
signifies in Arabic the port of water, is N. N. W. of al Kessir,
distant 4 leagues.
The 4th of May we rowed along shore, and came to anchor
near sunset, in a small but excellent harbour named Azallaihe,
two leagues S. E. beyond Shakara between that place and the
black hillock. We lay at anchor all night, the wind at N. N.
W. Bohalel Shame is a deep, safe, and capacious port, in
which many ships may ride at anchor. It was named from
one BohaleJ, a rich chief of the Badwis who dwelt in the in-
land country, and used to sell cattle to the ships frequenting
this port. Shame signifies land or country j so that Bohalel
Shame signifies the Land of Bohalel 3 . At this place we
found an honourable tomb within a house like a chapel, in
which hung a silk flag or standard, with many arrows or darts
round the grave, and the walls were hung round with many
bulls 4 . On an upright slab or table at the head of the grave
there was a long inscription or epitaph, and about the house
there were many sweet-scented waters and other perfumes.
From the Moors and Arabs I was informed that an Arabian
of high rank of the lineage of Mahomet was here buried ;
and that the Sharijs of Jiddah and other great prelates gave
indulgences and pardons to all who visited his sepulchre :
But the Portuguese sacked the house and afterwards burnt it,
so that no vestige was left. On the shore of this harbour we
saw many footsteps of tigers and goats, as if they had come
here in search of water.
Having often occasion to mention the Badwis or Bedouins
while voyaging along the coasts of their country, it may be
proper to give some account of that people. These Badwis
are properly the Troglodites ophiojagi, of whom Ptolemy,
Pomponius Mela, and other ancient writers make mention.
These Badwis or Troglodites live on the mountains and sea-^
coasts from Melinda and Magadoxa to Cape Guardafu, and
thence all along the coasts of the Red Sea on both sides, and
along the outer coast of Arabia through the whole coast of the
Persian Gulf; all of which land they may be more properly
said to occupy than to inhabit. In Good Arabic, Badwi sig-
nifies one who lives only by cattle 5 . Those who dwell along
the
3 Father perhaps Bohalel Shomeh, meaning the lot or portion of Boha-
lel. Astl.
4 Perhaps Belts. E.
5 Badwi, or more properly Badawi, signifies a dweller in the field or in,
the desert, corruptly called by us Bedouin. Astl.
CHAP. in. SECT. ix. Conquest of India. 34?7
tlie Red Sea from Zeyla to SwaJcem, and thence to al Kossir,
are continually at war with the Nubii or Nubians ; while
those from Kossir to Suez perpetually molest the Egyptians.
On the eastern coast of the Red Sea the Badwis have inces-
sant contests with the Arabians. They are wild men, among
whom there is no king or great lord, but they live in tribes or
factions, allowing of no towns in their country, neither have
they any fixed habitations, but live a vagabond life, wander-
ing from place to place with their cattle. They abhor all
laws and ordinances, neither will they admit of their differen-
ces being judged of by any permanent customs or traditions,
but rather that their sheiks or chiefs shall determine accord-
ing to their pleasure. They dwell in caves and holes, but most
of them in tents or huts. In colour they are very black, and
their language is Arabic. They worship Mahomet, but are
very bad Mahometans, being addicted beyond all other people
on earth to thievery and rapine. They eat raw flesh, and
milk is their usual drink. Their habits are vile and filthy ;
but they run with wonderful swiftness. They fight afoot or
on horseback, darts being their chief weapons, and are almost
continually at war with their neighbours.
By day-light of the 10th May we weighed anchor from the
port of Igidid 6 , and an hour before sunset we fastened our
barks to a shoal about four leagues south of Farate. In this
shoal there is an excellent harbour, lying almost E. S. E. and
W. N. W. but very crooked and winding, so large that we
could not see to the other end. The 22d of May 7 , by day-
break, we were a league short of the grove which stands four
leagues north of Massua, having the wind from the land. At
nine o'clock it began to blow fair from the N. N. E. and we
entered the port of Massua at noon, where we were joyfully
received by the fleet and army. From the 22d of May, when
we entered Massua, the winds were always from the easterly
points, either E. or S. E. or E. S. E. often with great storms.
On the last day of June we had so violent a gale from S. E.
that the galleons drifted and were in great danger of ground-
ing. This storm was attended by heavy rain and fearful
thunders, and a thunderbolt struck the mast of one of our gal-
leons, which furrowed it in its whole length. On the 2d of
July
6 Either Don Juan or his abbreviation has omitted part of the Journal al
this place, from the port of Azallaihe to that of Igidid. E.
7Here again a considerable portion of the Journal is osaitted. E.
34*8 Portuguese Discovery and PART ir. BOOK HI.
July we had another great storm from the east which lasted
most of the day, and drove many of our vessels from their
anchors. From thence to the 7th of July we had other storms,
but small in comparison. On the 8th and 9th we had two
desperate gales from the land.
SECTION X.
Return of the Expedition from Massua to India.
HAVING remained 48 days at Massua, we set sail from
thence on our return to India on the 9th of July 154-i, one
hour before sunrise, and by day-break we were two or three
leagues short of the north point of Dallak, and among some
flat islands that have some woods, which islands are scattered
in the sea to the north of Dallak. We sailed through a chan-
nel between two of these islands, having a fair wind almost
N. W. our course being N. E. by N. After doubling a shoal
we came to anchor, and at two in the afternoon we sailed again
with a fair wind at N. N. E. coasting the island of Dallak.
An hour before sun- set we came to a very flat sandy island,
called Dorat Melkuna, from which on all sides extended great
shoals. When the sun set we were a league short of the
island of Shamoa, between which and the west side of Dallak,
opposite the Abyssinian coast, is the most frequented chan-
nel for such as sail to Massua. All the coast of Dallak which
we sailed along this day trends N. N. W. and S. S. E. and
is very low. The 18th of July by daybreak we saw the
mouth of the straits % about three leagues distant, " and we
saw all the fleet lye at hull, and presently we set sail alto-
gether 2 ."
Before leaving the Gulf of Arabia or of Mecca, it may be
proper to consider the reason why the ancients called this
Gulf the Red Sea, and to give my own opinion founded on
what I actually saw, whether it differ in colour from the great
ocean. In the sixth book of his Natural History, Pliny
quotes several opinions as the origin of the name Erythros
given
1 A large portion of the Journal is again omitted at this place, either by
Don Juan or his abbreviator, Purchas. E.
.2 Perhaps in coming in sight of the Strait, the ship of Don Juan was so
much in advance as barely to see die hulls of the rest j and Jay to till the
rest came up. E.
CHAP. in. SECT. x. Conquest of India. 349
given to this sea by the ancients 3 . The first is, that it took
its name from Erythra, a king who once reigned on its bor-
ders, whence came Erythros which signifies red in the Greek.
Another opinion was that the reflexion of the sun-beams gave
a red colour to this sea. Some hold that the red colour pro-
ceeds from the sand and ground along the sea coast, and
others that the water was red itself. Of these opinions every
writer chose that he liked best. The Portuguese who for-
merly navigated this sea affirmed that it was spotted or streak-
ed with red, arising as they alleged from the following circum-
stances. They say that the coast of Arabia is naturally very
red, and as there are many great storms in this country, which
raise great clouds of dust towards the skies, which are driven
by the wind into the sea, and the dust being red tinges the
water of that colour, whence it got the nanje of the Red Sea.
From leaving Socotora, till I had coasted the whole of this
sea all the way to Suez, I continually and carefully observed
this sea, and the colour and appearance of its shores, the result
of which I shall now state. First then, it is altogether false
that the colour of this sea is red, as it does not differ in any
respect from the colour of other seas. As to the dust driven
by the winds firm the land to the sea staining the water ; we
saw many storms raise great clouds of dust and drive them to
the sea, but the colour of its water was never changed by these.
Those who have said that the land on the coast is red, have
not well observed the coats and strands: for generally on both
sides the land by the sea is brown and very dark, as if scorched.
In some places it appears black and in others white, and the
sands are of these colours. In three places only there are certain
parts of the mountains having veins or streaks of a red colour $
and at these places the Portuguese had never been before the
present voyage. These three places are all far beyond Swa-
kem towaras Suez, and the three hills having these red streaks
or veins are all of very hard rock, and all the land round a-
bout
3 By Dr Hyde, in his notes on Peritsol, and Dr Cumberland, in his re-
marks on Sanchoniatho, and by other writers, Erythros or Red is supposed
to be a translation of Edom, the name of Esau ; whence it is conjectured
that this sea, as well as the country of Idumea, took their denominations
from Edom. But this does not seem probable for two reasons : First, be-
cause the Jews do not call it the Red Sea but Tarn Suf, or the Sea of Weeds ;
and, second, the ancients included all the ocean between the coasts of Arabia
and India under the name of the Erythrean or Red Sea, of which the Per*
sian and the Arabian Gulfs were reckoned branches,- Ast. I. 129. c.
550 Portuguese Discdveiy and PART n. BOOK IIF,
bout that we could see are of the ordinary colour and appear-
ance. Now, although substantially the water of this sea has;
no difference in colour from that of other seas, yet in many
places its waves by accident seem very red, from the following
cause. From Swakem to Kossir, which is 136 leagues, the
sea is thickly beset with shoals and shelves or reefs, composed
of coral stone, which grows like clustered trees spreading its
branches on all sides as is done by real coral, to which this
stone bears so strong resemblance that it deceives many who
are not very skilful respecting the growth and nature of coral.
This coral stone is of two sorts, one of which is a very pure
white, and the other very red. In some places this coral stone is
covered by great quantities of green ouze or sleech, and in
other places it is free from this growth. In some places this
ouze or sleech is very bright green, and in others of an orange-
tawny colour. From Swakem upwards, the water of this sea
is so exceedingly clear, that in many places the bottom may
be distinctly seen at the depth of 20 fathoms. Hence, where-
ever these shoals and shelves are, the water over them is of
three several colours, according to the colour of these rocks
or shelves, red, green, or white, proceeding from the colour of
the ground below, as I have many times experienced. Thus
when the ground of the shoals is sand, the sea over it appears
white; where the coral-stone is covered with green ouze or
sleech, the water above is greener even than the weeds ; but
where the shoals are of red coral, or coral-stone covered by
red weeds, all the sea over them appears very red. And, as
this red colour comprehends larger spaces of the sea than
either the green or the white * because the stone of the shoals
is mostly of red coral, I am convinced that on this account it
has got the name of the Red Sea, and not the green sea or the
white sea, though these latter colours are likewise to be seen
in perfection.
The means I used for ascertaining this secret of nature were
these. I oftentimes fastened my bark upon shoals where the
sea appeared red, and commanded divers to bring me up
stones from the bottom. Mostly it was so shallow over these
shoals, that the bark touched ; and in other places the mari-
ners could wade for half a league with the water only breast
high. On these occasions most of the stones brought up were
of red coral, arid others were covered by orange-tawny
weeds. Whether the sea appeared green, I found the stones
at the bottom were white coral covered with green weeds ;
and
CHAP. in. SECT, x. Conquest of India.
351
and where the sea was white I found a very white sand. I
have conversed often with the Moorish pilots, and with per-
sons curious in antiquities, who dwelt on this sea, who assur-
ed me that it was never stained red by the dust brought from
the land by the winds : I do not, however reprove the opinion
of former Portuguese navigators ; but I affirm, that hav-
ing gone through this sea oftener than they, and having seen
its whole extent, while they only saw small portions, I never
saw any such thing. Every person with whom I conversed
wondered much at our calling it the Red Sea, as they knew
no other name for it than the sea of Mecca 4 . On the 9th of
August 154-1, we entered the port of Anchediva, where we
remained till the 21st of that month, whdh we went in foists
or barks and entered the port of Goa, whence we set out on
this expedition on the 31st of December 1540, almost eight
months before.
Table of Latitudes obsewed in the Journal of Don Juan 5 .
Deg. Min.
Swairt island - - 24 1 o
Gaudenauchi, port 24 4O
Tuna, haven - - 25 SO
Kossir* - - 26 15
Safanj-al-bahr, island 27
Island, 2 leagues N. W.
from Sheduan - 27 40
Toro, town - 28 1O
Anchorage, 20 leagues
farther - - 29 17
Suez 29 45
Deg.
Min.
Socotora, - - -
12
40
Bab-al-Mondub * -
12
15
Sarbo port, "j"
15
76
Shaback, scarcely
19
A nameless island,
19
Tradate, harbour -
19
50
Fushaa, bay
20
15
Farate, river
21
40
Ras-al-Jidid, port f
22
O
Comol, port
22
30
Ra^al-Kef, Cape -
24
SECTION
4 This might have been the case among the pilots at this time ; but
among Arabic geographers it is likewise called the Sea of fiejaz, the Sea of
Yaman, and the Sea of Kolzum. Astl.
5 In this Table * denotes two observations having been made at the
place ; "J" indicates more observations than two ; and all the rest only one.
All of course north. E.
6 In the enumeration of latitudes in Astleys Collection this is set down
as 15 deg. 17 min. but in the text of Purchas it is stated as here. E.
352 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK m,
SECTION XL
Description of the Sea of Kolzum, otherwise called the Ara-
bian Gulf, or the Red Sea. Extracted from the Geography
of Abulfeda \
THE following description of the Red Sea was written by
Ismael Abulfeda prince of Hamah in Syria, the ancient Epi-
phama t who died in the 7334 year of the Hcjirah or Maho-
metan era, corresponding with the year 1332 of the Christian
computation, after having lived sixty-one years, twenty two
of which he was sovereign of that principality. Greaves has
mistaken both the length of his reign, which he makes only
three years, and the time of his death *. Abulfeda was much
addicted to the study of geography and history, and wrote
books on both of these subjects, which are in great estimation
in the East. His geography written in 721, A. D, 1321, con-
sists of tables of the latitudes and longitudes of places, in imi-
tation of Ptolemy, with descriptions, under the title of Tak-
vvin al Boldan. No fewer than five or six translations have
been made of this work, but by some accident or other none
of these have ever been published. The only parts of this work
that have been printed are the tables of Send and Hend, or
India, published in the French collection of Voyages and Tra-
vels by Thevenot ; and those of K/wwarazm or Karazm, Ma-
wardl-nahar, or Great Bukharia, and Arabia. The two for-
mer were published in 1650, with a Latin translation by Dr
Greaves ; and all the three by Hudson, in the third volume of
the Lesser Greek Geographers, in 1712; from which latter
work this description of the Red Sea is extracted, on pur-
pose to illustrate the two preceding journals, and to shew that
there
1 Astley, I- ISO). We have adopted this article from Astleys Collection,
that nothing useful or curious may be omitted. In the present time, when
the trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope is about to be thrown open, it
might be highly useful to publish a series of Charts of all the coasts and
islands of the great Eastern Ocean ; and among others, a Chart of the Red
Sea, with a dissertation on its geography and navigation, might be made of
singular interest and utility, E.
i> See Gagnier's preface to the life of Mahomet by Abu'lfeda; and the
preface of Shulten to that of Saladin Astl. I. 1 30. d.
CHAP. in. SECT. xi. Conquest of India. 353
there really is such a gulf on the coast of Arabia as that men-
tioned by the ancients, that geographers may not be misled by
the mistake of Don Juan de Castro. In this edition, the words
inserted between parenthesis are added on purposeto accommo-
date the names to the English orthography, or to make the de-
scription more strictly conformable to the Arabic. The situa-
tions or geographical positions are here thrown out of the text,
to avoid embarrassment, and formed into a table at the end.
We cannot however warrant any of them, as those which may
have been settled by actual observation are not distinguished
from such as may not have had that advantage ; which indeed
is the general fault of oriental tables of latitude and longitude.
The latitude of Al Kossir comes pretty near that formed by
Don Juan de Castro ; but that of Al Kolzum must err above
one degree, while that of Swakem is more than two degrees er-
roneous. Ast.
The author begins his description of the sea of Kolzum or of
Yaman at Al Kolzum 3 , a small city at the north end of this
sea ; which from thence runs south, inclining a little towards
the east, as far as al Kasir (al Kossir} the port of Kus 4 .
Hence it continues its course south, bending somewhat west-
ward to about Aidab (Aydhab 5 .) The coast passes afterwards
directly south to Sawakan (Swakem), a small city in the
land of the blacks, (or al Sudan). Proceeding thence south,
it encompasses the island of Daklak, which is not far from
VOL. vi. z the
3 Or al Kolzom, which signifies the swallowing up. Here, according
to Albufeda in his description of Mesr or Egypt, Pharaoh was drowned, and
the town and the sea took this name from that event. Kolzum is doubtless
the ancient Clysma, as indicated both by the similarity of names, and the
agreement of situation. It was in the road of the pilgrims from Egypt to
Mecca, but is now destroyed. Dr Pocock places Clysma on his map about
13 min. south from Suez. Ast. I. ISi.b.
4 Kus is a town near the Nile, a little way south of Kept, the an-
cient Koptos ; which shews that Kossir must be the ancient Berenice, as
formerly observed in a note on the Journal of de Castro. Astl. I. 131. c.
5 In this name o Aydhab, the dh is pronounced with a kind of lisp, like
the English th in the words the, then, &c. About 1150, in the time of al
Edrisi, this was a famous port, and carried on a great trade. Both the king
of Bejah or Bajah, a port of Nubia, and the Soldan of Egypt, had officers
here to receive the customs, which were divided between these sovereigns.
There was a regular ferry here to Jiddah, the port ofMecca, which lies
opposite, the passage occupying a day and a night, through a sea full of shoals
and rocks. In his description of Egypt, Abulfeda says Aydhab belonged to
Egypt, and was frequented by the merchants of Yamanj and by the pilgrims
from Egypt to Mecca. Astl, I. 131. d.
Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK UK
the western shore. Afterwards advancing in the same direc-
tion, it washes the shores of al Habash (Ethiopia or Abyssi-
nia), as far as the cape or mountain of al Mandab (or al
MondubJ, at the mouth of the Bahr al Kolzum or Red Sea,
which here terminates ; the Bahr al Hind, or Indian Sea
flowing into it at this place. The cape or mountain of al
Mandub and the desert of Aden approach very near, being
separated only by so narrow a strait that two persons on the
opposite sides may see each other across. These Straits are
named Bab al Mandab. By some travellers the author was
informed that these Straits lie on this side of Aden to the north-
west, a day and nights sail. The mountains of al Mandab
are in the country of the negroes, and may be seen from the
mountains of Aden, though at a great distance. Thus much
for the western side of this sea. Let us now pass over to the
eastern coast.
The coast of Bahr al Kolzum runs northward from Aden 5 ,
and proceeds thence round the coast of al Yaman (or Arabia
Felix), till it comes to the borders thereof. Thence it runs
north to Joddah. From Joddah it declines a little to the
west, as far as aljahafah, a station of the people of Mesr (E-
gypt), when on pilgrimage to Mecca. Thence advancing
north, with a small inclination towards the west, it washes the
coast of Yanbaak (YamboaJ. Here it turns off north- west-
wards, and having passed Madyan it comes to Aylah. Thence
descending southwards it comes to the mountain al Tur 7 ,
which thrusting forwards separates two arms of the sea.
Thence returning to the north, it passes on to al Kolzum,
where the description began, which is situated to the west of
Aylah> and almost in the same latitude.
Al Kolzum and Aylah are situated on two arms or gulfs of
the sea, between which the land interposes, running to the
South ; which land is the mountain al Tur almost in the same
longitude with Aylah > which stands at the northern extremity
of
6 From Aden the coast leading to the Straits of Bab al Mandab runs
almost due west, with a slight northern inclination, about 115 statute miles,
or 1 deg. 45 min. of longitude to Cape Arah> which with Cape al Mandab
from the two sides of the Straits of Mecca or Bab al Mandab., having the
island of Prin interposed, considerably nearer to the Arabian than the Afri-
can shore. E.
7 A mountain so called near Sinai, which likewise goes by that name.
Ast: I. 131. h. This mountain of al Tur forms the separation between the
Gulf of Suez and that of Akkaba, its western extremity forming Cape
Mahomed. E.
CHAP. in. SECT. xi. Conquest of India. 355
of the eastern bay, while al Kolzum is at the northern extre-
mity of the western gulf, so that Aylah is more to the east, and
mount al Tur more to the south than al Kolzam. Aylah is si-
tuated on the inmost part of the promontary which extends
into the sea. Between alTur and the coast of Mesr (Egypt),
that arm of the sea or gulf extends on which al Kolzum stands.
In like manner that arm of the sea on which Aylah is situated
extends between al Tur and Hejaz. From this mountain of
al Tur the distance to either of the opposite coasts is small by
sea, but longer about by the desert of Fakiijah, as those who
travel by land from al Tur to Mesr are under the necessity of
going round by al Kolzum, and those who go by Jand from
al Tur to Hejaz must go round by way of Aylah. Al Tur
joins the continent on the north, but its other three sides are
washed by the sea. The sea of al Kolzum, after passing some
way to the south-east from al Tur begins to widen on either
side, till it becomes seventy 8 miles broad. This wider part is
called Barkah al GorondaL
Table of Situations, from Abulfeda 9 .
tat.
deg. min. deg. min
Kolzum, - . . 28 20 N. 5* 15 E.
by some - - 56 30
AlKossir, 26 59
Aydhab - - 21 O 58
Swakem, 17 O 58
Aden, - - -110 66
Borders of Yaman, - -190 67
Jiddah, - 21 66
Jahafah, 22 65 O
Yamboa, 26 O 64 O
Aylah, - 29 55 O
- 28 50 56 4O
POSTSCRIPT
8 These are to be understood as Arabian miles, 56| to the degree, or
each equal to l^ English miles according to Norwoods measure, 69^ to the
degree. Astl. I. 132. b.
This would only give 8O English miles for the breadth of the Red Sea;
whereas, immediately below the junction of the two northern gulfs, it is 104
miles broad, and its greatest breadth for a long way is 208 miles. E.
9 The longitude is reckoned by Abulfeda from the most western shores
356 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK. in.
POSTSCRIPT.- Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssi-
nia, under Don Christopher de Gama ! .
WHILE the Portuguese fleet was at Massua, between the
22d of May and 9th of July 1541, a considerable detachment
of soldiers was landed at Arkiko on the coast of Abyssinia
under the command of Don Christopher de Gama, brother
to the governor-general, for the assistance of the Christian
sovereign of the Abyssinians against Grada Hamed king of
Adel or Zeyla, an Arab sovereignty at the north-eastern point
of Africa, without the Red Sea, and to the south of Abyssinia.
In the journal of Don Juan de Castro, this force is stated at
500 men, while in the following notices from De Faria, 400
men are said to have formed the whole number of auxiliaries
furnished by the Portuguese z . This account of the first in-
terferrence of the Portuguese in the affairs of Abyssinia by De
Faria, is rather meagre and unsatisfactory, and the names of
places are often so. disguised by faulty orthography as to be
scarcely intelligible. In a future division of our work more
ample accounts will be given both of this Portuguese expedi-
tion, and of other matters respecting Abyssinia. E.
Some time before the expedition of De Gama into the Red
Sea, Grada Hamed the Mahometan king of Adel or Zeyla,
the country called Trogloditis by some geographers, submit-
ted himself to the supremacy of the Turkish empire in order
to obtain some assistance of men, and throwing off his allegi-
ance
on the Atlantic Ocean, at the pillars of Hercules ; supposed to be 10 deg. E.
of the Juzair alKhaladat* or the Fortunate Islands. Ast. 1. 134;
These latitudes and longitudes are so exceedingly erroneous as to defy all
useful criticism, and are therefore left as in the collection of Astley without
any commentary ; indeed the whole of this extract from Abulfeda is of no
manner of use, except as a curiosity. E.
1 From the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. 24.
2 In an account of this expedition of the Portuguese into Abyssinia, by
the Catholic Patriarch, Juan Bermudez, who accompanied them, this dif-
ference of the number of men is partly accounted for. According to Ber-
mudez, the force was 400 men, among whom were many gentlemen and
persons of note, who carried servants along with them, which increased the
number considerably. E.
CHAP. in. SECT. xi. Conquest of India. 357
ance to the Christian emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, im
mediately invaded that country with a numerous and power-
ful army. On this occasion lie took advantage offered by the
sovereign of Abyssinia, to whom he owed allegiance, being
in extreme youth, and made such progress in the country that
the emperor Atanad Sagad, otherwise named Claudius, was
obliged to retire into the kingdom or province of Gojam,
while his mother, Saban or Elizabeth, who administered the
government in his minority, took refuge with the Baharnagash
in the rugged mountains of Dama, a place naturally impreg-
nable, which rising to a prodigious height from a large plain,
has a plain on its summit about a league in diameter, on
which is an indifferent town with sufficient cattle and other
provisions for its scanty population. On one side of this
mountain there is a road of difficult ascent to near the top $
but at the last part of the ascent people have to be drawn up
and let down on planks by means of ropes.
While in this helpless condition, the queen got notice that
Don Stefano de Gama was in the Red Sea, and sent the Ba-
harnagash to him, desiring his assistance against the tjrant,
who had overrun the country, destroyed many ancient chur-
ches, and carried off numbers of priests and monks into sla-
very. The embassador was favourably listened to ; and it was
resolved by the governor-general, in a council of his officers,
to grant the assistance required. Accordingly Don Christo-
pher de Gama, brother to the governor- general, was named
to the command on this occasion, who was landed with 400
men and eight field -pieces, with many firelocks and abun-
dance of ammunition. He was accompanied by Don Juan
Bermudez, Patriarch of Ethiopia, whose presence was much
desired by the Abyssinian emperor, on purpose to introduce
the ceremonies of the Roman church.
Don Christopher de Gama and his men set out on their
inarch from Arkiko under the guidance of the Baharnagash
for the interior of Abyssinia, and the men endured incredible
fatigue from the excessive heat, though they rested by day
and marched only in the night. A whole week was spei>t in
passing over a rugged mountain, whence they descended into
a very pleasant flat country, watered by many rivulets, through
which they marched for two days to the city of Barua, the
metropolis or residence of the Baharnagash. Though much
damaged in the late invasion, yet this place had several sight*
358 Portuguese Discovery and FART n. BOOK in.
ly buildings, divided by a large river, with goodly villages and
country houses in the environs. The Portuguese were received
at the gates by a procession of several monks singing a litany,
one of whom made a speech to welcome them, extoling their
generosity in coming to the aid of their distressed country :
After which the Portuguese visited the church and encamp-
ed.
Don Christopher sent immediate notice of his arrival to the
Emperor, who was at a great distance, and to the queen
mother who was near, upon the mountain of Dama already
mentioned. The Baharnagash was sent to conduct her from
the mountain, having along with him two companies of the
Portuguese as an escort, and brought her to Bam a attended
by a great retinue of women and servants. On her arrival,
the Portuguese troops received her under arms, and the can-
non were fired off to do her honour. The queen was seated
on a mule, whose trappings reached to the ground, and she
was hidden from view by curtains fixed to the saddle. She
was clothed in white, having a short black c]oak or mantle
with gold fringes on her shoulders. From her white head
dress a flowing white veil fell down that concealed her face.
The Baharnagash led her mule by the bridle, having his arms
bare in token of respect, while his shoulders were covered by
a tigers skin ; and on each side of her walked a nobleman in
similar attire. She opened the curtains that surrounded her
that she might see the Portuguese troops ; and on Don
Christopher going up to pay his compliments, she lifted her
veil that he might see her. The reception on both sides was
courteous. Don Christopher went afterwards to visit her
and consult with her, when it was resolved by the advice of
the Abyssinians to winter at that place, and to wait an an-
swer from the Emperor. The answer came accordingly,
expressing his joy for the arrival of the Portuguese succours,
and desiring Don Christopher to march in the beginning of
summer.
The Portuguese accordingly marched at the time appointed,
and in the following order. Some light horse led the van, to
explore the road : Then followed the artillery and baggage :
After which came the queen and her attendants, with a guard
of fifty Portuguese musqueteers : Don Christopher brought up
the rear with the remainder of the Portuguese troops ; and the
Baharnagash with his officers secured the flanks. Jn eight
days, the army came to the mountain of Gam of most dif-
ficult
CHAP. ill. SECT. xi. Conquest of India. 359
ficult ascent, on the top of which was a city, and on the
highest cliff a chapel, near which was a house hung round
with three hundred embalmed bodies sewed up in hides. These
external coverings were much rent with age, and discovered
the bodies within still white and uncorrupted. Some suppos-
ed these were the Roman conquerors of the country ; while
others, and among them the patriarch, supposed them to
have been martyrs. Encouraged by the presence of the Por-
tuguese auxiliaries, m ^ny of the natives resorted to the queen.
Don Christopher marched on to the mountain of Canete,
well watered and having abundance of cattle, which, almost
impregnable by nature was still farther strengthened by arti-
ficial fortifications. The emperors of Abyssinia used formerly
to be crowned at this place, which was now held for the tyrant
by a thousand men, who used often to come down from the
mountain and ravage the open country.
Contrary to the advice of the queen and her councillors,
Don Christopher determined to commence his military ope-
rations by assaulting this den of thieves. For this purpose
he divided his force into three bodies, one of which he led in
person, and courageously endeavoured to force his way by
the three several passes which led to the summit. But after
the most valiant efforts, the Portuguese were forced to desist
from the attack, in consequence of great numbers of large
stones being rolled down upon them by the enemy. After
hearing mass on Candlemas day, the 2d of February 1 542,
the Portuguese returned to the attack, playing their cannon
against the enemy ; and though they lost some men by the
great stones rolled down among them from the mountain,
they at length made their way to the first gates, which they
broke open, and forced their way to the second gates with
great slaughter of the enemy, and the loss of three Portu-
guese. The enemy within the second and third gates, seeing
only a few men of the vanguard, opened their gates, on which
the Portuguese rushed in and maintained a hot contest with
the enemy till Don Christopher came up with the main body,
aid pressed the enemy so hard that many of them threw them-
selves headlong from the rocks. Many women and children
were made prisoners, and much plunder was taken. The
queen and her retinue went up to the mountain, expressing
freat admiration of the Portuguese prowess, as the fortress
ad always been deemed impregnable by the Ethiopians. The
patriarch purified a mosque, which he dedicated to the blessed
virgin.
360 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
virgin, and in which mass was celebrated to the great joy both
of the Portuguese and Abyssinians.
Placing a garrison of Abyssinians in this place under a
native officer, the army inarched on into the country of a rebel
named Jarse, who now submitted to the queen and brought
his men to her service, thinking nothing could withstand men
who had conquered nature, so highly did they esteem the
conquest of the mountain Canete. The king of Zeyla came
on now with his army, covering the plains and mountains
with his numbers, and exulting in the hopes of an easy victory
over so small a number of men. Don Christopher encamped
in good order near a mountain in full sight of the enemy.
Palm Sunday and Monday were spent in skirmishing, with
nearly equal loss on both sides, but the Portuguese had so far
the advantage as to compel the enemy to retreat to their
camp. Don Christopher found it necessary to remove his
camp, being in want of some necessaries, particularly water;
and on the king of Zeyla observing the Portuguese in motion
from his position on the high grounds, he came down and
surrounded the Portuguese in the plain, who marched in good
order, keeping off the enemy by continual discharges of their
artillery and small arms. The enemy still pressing on, Don
Christopher ordered Emanuel de Cuna to face about with his
company, which he did so effectually, that he obliged a body
of Turks to retire after losing many of their men. The Turks
rallied and renewed their attack, in which they distressed De
Cuna considerably, so that Don Christopher was obliged to
come in person to his relief, and fought with so much reso-
lution that he was for a considerable time unconscious of being
wounded in the leg. At this time the king of Zevla came on
in person, thinking to put a favourable end to the action, but
it turned to his own loss, as many of his men were cut off by
the Portuguese cannon. Don Christopher was in great
danger of being slain, yet continued the action with great re-
solution, till at length the tyrant was struck down by a shot
which pierced his thigh. His men immediately furled their
colours and fled, carrying him off whom they believed slain
though he was still alive. This victory cost the Portuguese
eleven men, two of whom were of note. After the battle, the
queen herself attended Don Christopher and all the wounded
men with the utmost alacrity and attention.
After the respite of a week, the Portuguese army marched
towards the enemy, who came to meet them, the king of
Zeyla
CHAP. in. SECT. xi. Conquest of India. 861
Zeyla being carried in an open chair or litter. This battle
was resolutely contested on both sides. A Turkish captain,
thinking to recover the honour which had been lost in the
former action, made a charge with the men he commanded
into the very middle of the Portuguese, and was entirely cut
off with all his followers. Don Christopher on horseback,
led his men with such fury into the heat of the action, that at
length he compelled the enemy to turn their backs and seek
safety in flight. The king of Zeyla had infallibly been taken
in the pursuit, had there been a sufficient body of horse to
pursue and follow up the victory. In this battle the Portu-
guese lost eight men. After the victory, the allied army of
the Portuguese and Abyssinians, on marching down to a
pleasant river found it possessed by the enemy, who imme-
diately fled with their king. At this time the king of Zeyla
sent an embassy to the Pacha of Zabit acquainting him with
the distress to which he was reduced, and prevailed upon him
by a large subsidy to send him a reinforcement of almost 1000
Turkish musqueteers.
Don Christopher wintered in the city of Ofar, waiting the
arrival of the Abyssinian emperor. While there a Jew pro-
posed to him, if he were in want of horses and mules, to shew
him a mountain at no great distance, inhabited by Jews,
where he might find a large supply of both. On that moun-
tain the king of Zeyla had a garrison of 400 men. Having
inquired into the truth of this information, and found that it
was to be depended upon, Don Christopher marched thither
with two companies of Portuguese and some Abyssinians, and
came to the foot of the mountain which is twelve leagues in
compass. Some Moors who guarded the passes were slain in
the ascent, and on the top the Moorish commander met him
with all his men, but Don Christopher running at him with
his lance thrust him through the body. The shot of the Por-
tuguese soon constrained the Moors to make a precipitate
flight, after losing a great number of men, and the mountain
was completely reduced. Great numbers of horses and mules
were found in this place, which was inhabited by about 800
Jews in six or seven villages, who were reduced to obedience.
According to tradition, these Jews, and many others who are
dispersed over Ethiopia and Nubia, a,re descended from some
part of the dispersion of the ten tribes. The Jew who acted
as guide to the Portuguese on this occasion, was so astonish-
ed at their valour that he was converted and baptised, and by
common,
362 Portuguese Discovert/ and PART ir. BOOK in.
Common consent was appointed governor of this mountain.
Before this it had the name of Caloa, but was ever afterwards
known by the name of the Jews mountain.
On the second day after the return of Don Christopher to
x the army, the king of Zeyla began to shew himself more bold
than usual, trusting to the great reinforcement of Turkish
musqueteers he had procured from Zabid. The youth and
inexperience of Don Christopher allowed his valour to trans-
port him far beyond the bounds of prudence. He ought to
have retired to some strong position on the mountains, till
joined by the emperor with the military power of Abyssinia,
as it was impossible for him to contend against such great su-
periority, now that the king of Zeyla had so strong a body of
musqueteers : But he never permitted himself to consider of
these circumstances, till too late. On the 29th of August,
the Turks made an attack upon the camp, and were repulsed,
on which occasion Don Christopher was wounded in the leg
and lost four men. In that part of the entrenchments de-
fended by Emanuel de Cuna, the Turks were likewise repelled,
with the loss of three men on the side of the Portuguese^ In
another part Francisco de Abreu was killed while fighting like
a lion, and his brother Humphrey going to fetch off his body
was slain and fell beside that he went to rescue. On this Don
Christopher came up to relieve his men and performed wonders,
till his arm was broken by a musquet-ball and he was carried
off by a brave soldier- He was scarcely dressed when news
xvas brought that the enemy had entered the entrenchments,
and had slain Fonseca and Velio, two of his officers, on which
he ordered himself to be carried to the place of danger. As
the enemy were now decidedly victorious, some of the Portu-
guese abandoned their ranks and fled, as did the queen and
the patriarch, both being mounted on fleet mares, each taking
a different way, he from fear not knowing where he went,
but she from choice as being well acquainted with the country.
Don Christopher sent immediately to bring back the queen,
as her flight was entirely ruinous, occasioning the disbanding
of all the Abyssinian troops. But at length, seeing that all
was lost, he grasped in despair a sword in his left hand,
saying, Let who mil follow me to die like heroes in the midst
of the enemy. He was carried however from the field by mere
force, with only fourteen men, accompanied by the queen and
Baharnagash, seeking some place of safety. The night being
excessively dark they lost their way and separated, the queen
and
CHAP. in. SECT. XT. Conquest of India. 36S
and Baharnagash being fortunate enough to get up a mountain
as they were better acquainted with the country ; but Don
Christopher wandering with some companions, fell into the
hands of the enemy, who carried him to the tyrant who was
quite elated with his prize. The victors used their good for-
tune with the utmost barbarity, cruelly cutting down every
one who fell in their way, which occasioned one to set a quan-
tity of powder on fire that was in one of the tents belonging
to the queen, by which all who were in or near it were blown
up.
The king of Zeyla was quite elated by the capture of Don
Christopher, whom he caused to be brought into his presence,
and questioned him as to what he would have done with him,
if defeated and made prisoner. " I would have cut off your
head," answered Don Christopher, u and dividing your
body into quarters, would have exposed them as a terror and
warning to other tyrants." The king caused him to be buffet-
ed with the buskins of his slaves ; his body to be immersed in
melted wax, and his beard interwoven with waxed threads,
which were set on fire, and in this manner he was led through
the army as a spectacle. Being brought back, the king cut
off his head with his own hand, and caused the body to be
quartered and exposed on poles. Where the head fell, it i?
said that there gushed out a spring of water which cured
many diseases. On the same hour, a tree was torn out by the
roots in the garden of a certain convent of monks, though the
air was at the time perfectly calm. Afterwards, at the same
hour, the emperor of Abyssinia having vanquished the tyrant
and caused his head to be struck off, the tree which was then
dry replanted itself in the former place, and became covered
with leaves.
Most of the Portuguese who were taken on occasion of this
defeat, perished in slavery. Alfonso Chaldeira followed the
queen with thirty men. Emanuel de Cuna with forty got
away to the Baharnagash and was well received. Sixty more
followed the Patriarch Bermudez, making in all 130 men.
Ninety of these went to the emperor, who was then near at;
hand, and very much lamented the slaughter among that va-
liant body of auxiliaries, and the loss of their brave com-
mander. De Cuna with his forty men were too far off to join
the Abyssinian emperor at this time. The emperor marched
soon afterwards against the king of Zeyla, accompanied by
ninety of the Portuguese who had joined him after the former
defeat,
364? Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK ni,
defeat, to whom he gave the vanguard of his army, in con-
sideration of the high opinion he had of their valour. At the
foot of the mountain of Oenadias in the province of- Ambea y
they met a body of 700 horse and 2000 foot going to join the
king of Zeyla. Fifty Portuguese horse went immediately to
attack them, and Antonio Cardoso who was foremost killed
the commander of the enemy at the first thrust of his lance.
The rest of the Portuguese followed this brave example, and
slew many of the enemy, and being seconded by the Abyssi-
nians, first under the Baharnagash and afterwards by the king
in person, eight hundred of the enemy were slain and the rest
put to flight, when they went rather to terrify the tyrant with
an account of their defeat, than to reinforce him by their re-
maining numbers.
The king of Zeyla was only at the distance of a league with
his army in order of battle, consisting of two bodies of foot
of three thousand men in each, while he was himself station-
ed in the front at the head of five hundred horse. The em-
peror of Abyssinia met him with a similar number, and in the
same order. The ninety Portuguese, being the forlorn hope,
made a furious charge on the advanced five hundred of the
enemy, of whom they slew many, with the loss of two only
on their own side. The emperor in person behaved with the
utmost bravery, and at length the horse of the enemy being
defeated fled to the wings of their infantry. The king of
Zeyla acted with the utmost resolution, even shewing his sou
to the army, a boy of only ten years old, to stir up his men
to fight valiantly against the Christians. The battle was re-
newed, and continued for long in doubt, the emperor being-
even in great danger of fuffering a defeat ; but at length a
Portuguese shot the king of Zeyla in the beliy by which he
died, but his horse carried him dangling about the field, as
he was tied to the saddle, and his army took to flight. Only
a few Turks stood firm, determined rather to die honourably
than seek safety in flight, and made great slaughter among
the Abys&inians: But Juan Fernandez, page to the unfortu-
nate Don Christopher, slew the Turkish commander with his
lance. In fine, few of the enemy escaped by flight. The
head of the king of Zeyla was cut off, and his son made pri-
soner. Being highly sensible of the great merit of the Por-
tuguese to whom he chiefly owed this and the former victories
over his enemies, the emperor conferred great favours upon
them. De Cuna returned to Goa with only fifty men ; and
the
CHAP. iv. SECT. I. Conquest of India. 365
the other survivors of the Portuguese remained in Abyssinia,
where they intermarried with women of that country, and
where their progeny still remains.
CHAPTER IV.
CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA,
AFTER THE RETURN OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM
SUEZ IN 1541, TO THE REDUCTION OF PORTUGAL UNDER
THE DOMINION OF SPAIN IN 1581.
IN our remaining account of the early Transactions of the
Portuguese in India, taken chiefly from the Portuguese
Asia of De Faria, we have not deemed it necessary or proper
to confine ourselves rigidly to the arrangement of that author,
nor to give his entire narrative, which often contains a
number of trifling incidents confusedly related. We have
therefore selected such incidents only from that work as ap-
peared important or curious : And, as has been already done
in the two immediately preceding chapters, containing the
Voyages of Solyman Pacha, and Don Stefano de Gama, we
propose in the sequel to make such additions from other au-
thentic and original sources, as may appear proper and con-
sistent with our plan of arrangement. These additions will
be found distinctly referred to their respective authors as we
proceed. E.
SECTION I.
Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de
Gama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea.
DURING the expedition of Don Stephano de Gama up the
Red Sea, some circumstances are related by De Faria which
are not noticed in the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, who
either thought proper to confine his narrative to nautical af-
fairs, or his abreviator Purchas has omitted such as were
military. On his voyage up the Red Sea, De Gama found
most
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
most of the islands and cities abandoned, as the people had
received notice of the expedition. The chief island was
Massua, and the principality Swakem, in about 19 of north
latitude 1 9 which was well built and rich. The sheikh or
king had withdrawn a league into the interior, and endea-
voured to amuse De Garna with proposals of peace and amity,
that he might save his insular city from being destroyed.
The greatest injury occasioned by this delay was that it pre-
vented De Gama from destroying the ships at Suez, the
main object of his expedition, as so much time was gained
that the news of his approach was carried to Suez, and the
Turks were fully prepared for his reception. In revenge, De
Gama marched into the interior with 1000 men, accom-
panied by his brother Don Christopher, and defeated the
sheikh with great slaughter, making a considerable booty.
Then returning to Swakem, that city was plundered ; on
which occasion many of the private men got to the value of
five or six thousand ducats, after which the city was burnt
to the ground.
Sending back the large ships from thence to Massua under
the command of Lionel de Lima, de Gama proceeded on his
expedition to Suez with 250 men in 16 catures or barks. At
Al-Kossir, in lat. 25 N. z that place was destroyed. Crossing
over to Toro, some vessels belonging to the enemy were
taken. The Turks first opposed their landing ; but some of
them being slain, the rest fled and abandoned the city, in
which nothing of value was found ; but De Gama refrained
from burning the city from reverence to St Catharine, as
there was a monastery at that place dedicated to her, which
he visited at the instance of the friars. Being to his great
glory the first European commander who took that city, he
knighted several officers, who very justly held this honour in
great esteem, which was even envied afterwards by the em-
peror Charles V. The friars of this monastry of St Catha-
rines at Toro are of the Greek church, and of the order of
St Basil. The city of Toro is in lat. 28 N. 3 and is thought
by learned cosmographers to be the ancient Elana.
Proceeding onwards to Suez, after many brave attempts to
sound and examine the harbour, all of which failed, De Ga-
rna resolved in person and in open day to view the Turkish
galiies. He accordingly landed with his soldiers; but the
enemies
1 Lat, 19 40'. 2 Lat. 265 15'. Lat. 283 15'.
CHAP. iv. SECT. I. Conquest of India. 367
enemies shot from the town was well kept up, and 2000 Turk-
ish horse broke out from an ambush ; and, though some of
the enemy were slain by the Portuguese cannon, De Gama
and his men were forced to retire, much grieved in being
unable to accomplish the great object of the expedition.
On his return to the fleet at Massua, he there found that
owing to the severity of Emanual de Gama 4 a mutiny had
taken place, and that 80 men had run away with a ship, de-
signing to go into Ethiopia. They were met however by a
captain belonging to the king of Zeyla, and most of them
slain after a vigorous resistance. Five of the mutineers were
found hanging on a gallows, executed by order of Emanuel
de Gama, for having concealed the design of the other 80
who deserted. At their execution, thsee men cited De Ga-
ma to answer before the great tribunal^ and within a month
De Gama died raving mad.
About July 154-1, while on its return from Massua to In-
dia, the fleet commanded by the governor Don Stefano de
Gama encountered so severe a storm that one of the galliots
sunk bodily, a bark was lost, and all the other vessels dispers-
ed. During the continuance of this dreadful tempest, many
religious vows were made by the people ; but that made by
one of the soldiers afterwards occasioned much mirth. He
vowed, if he survived the tempest, that he would marry
Donna Isabel de Sa, daughter to Don Garcia de Sa after-
wards governor of India, which lady was one of the most
celebrated beauties of the time. At length De Gama ar-
rived at Goa ; and as the ships from Portugal did not ar-
rive at the expected time, and the public treasure was much
exhausted by the late charges, he loaded the goods provided
for the home voyage in four galleons, and dispatched them for
Lisbon.
About this time Nizamoxa s wished to gain possession of
the forts of Sangaza and Carnala, held by two subjects of
Carnbaya, on the frontiers of that kingdom, which were for-
midable from their strength and situation, and took them by-
assault
4 In a preceding passage, Lionel de Lima is mentioned as commanding
the fleet ; Emanuel de Gama may therefore be supposed to have command-
ed the ship that mutinied. E.
5 In Portuguese x has the power of *h in English orthography ; hence
the name of this prince was perhaps Nizam Shah, and may be the same
prince called in other places of De Faria Nazamaluco or biizam alMulk,~~-
B.
568 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
assault in the absence of their commanders, who applied to
Don Francisco de Menezes, the commander at Basseen to
assist in their recovery, offering to hold them of the Portu-
guese. Menezes went accordingly with 300 Portuguese and
a party of native troops, accompanied by the two proprietors,
each of whom had 200 men. The fort of Carnala was taken
by assault, and the garrison of Sangaza abandoned it on the
approach of De Menezes. Having thus restored both com-
manders to their forts, De Menezes left Portuguese garrisons
with both for their protection. Nizamoxa sent immediately
5000 men who ruined both districts, and the owners in des-
pair resigned their titles to the Portuguese, and withdrew to
Basseen, whence De Menezes sent supplies to the two forts,
meaning to defend them. Nizamoxa sent an additional force
of 6000 men, of which 1000 were musqueteers and 800 well
equipped horse. This great force besieged Sangaza, to
which they gave two assaults in one day, and were repulsed
with great slaughter. Menezes went immediately to relieve
the place with 160 Portuguese, 20 of whom were horse,
together with several naigs and 2000 Indians. After a sharp
encounter, in which the Portuguese were nearly defeated, the
enemy fled from Sangaza, leaving all the ground about the
fort strewed with arms and ammunition. In this engage-
ment the enemy lost 500 men and the Portuguese 20.
During the action a Portuguese soldier of prodigious strength,
named Trancoso, laid hold of a Moor wrapped up in a large
veil as if he had been a buckler, and carried him before his
breast, receiving upon him all the strokes from the enemies
weapons, and continued to use this strange shield to the end
of the battle.
The governor Don Stefano de Gama happened at this
time to be in Chaul^ visiting the northern forts ; and consider-
ing that the maintenance of Sangaza and Carnala cost more
than they produced, and besides that Nizamoxa was in
alliance with the Portuguese, delivered them to that prince
for 5000 pardaos, in addition to the 2000 he paid before, to
the great regret of De Menezes. Soon afterwards a fleet ar-
rived from Portugal under Martin Alfonso de Sousa, who
was sent to succeed Don Stephano de Gama in the govern-
ment. This fleet had the honour to bring out to India the
famous St Francisco Xaviar, one of the first fathers of the
society of Jesus, both in respect to true piety and virtue. He
was the first ecclesiastic who had the dignity of Apostolic
5 Legate
'.JHAP. iv. SECT. i. Conquest of India. 369
Legate of all Asia, and was very successful in converting the
infidels : But we shall afterwards have occasion to enlarge
upon his great virtues and wonderful actions.
On his arrival in the port of Goa, Martin Alfonso de Sousa
sent notice to Don Stefano de Gama at the dead hour of the
night, which induced De Gama to return an answer un-
worthy of them both. Martin Alfonso found nothing to lay
to the charge of Don Stefano, as those desired who instigat-
ed him to seek for offences ; for Alfonso was a gentleman of
much honour, and could never have thought of any such thing
of himself. But* though he ought now to have checked him-
self, finding nothing against De Gama, he became the more
inveterate; as it is natural for men when they are in the wrong
to persist with obstinacy. Alfonzo vented his malice by re-
fusing conveniences to De Gama for the voyage home, which
so disgusted him that he never waited upon Alfonso after re-
signing to him the sword of command.
Don Stefano arrived safe in Portugal, where he was re-
ceived with much honour by the court, and with favour by
the king ; but refusing a wife offered by his majesty, he
was disgraced, on which he went to reside at Venice. The
Emperor Charels V, persuaded him to return to Portugal, as-
suring him of the kings favour; but he found none; for princes
are more fixed in punishing a little omitted to please, than in
rewarding much done for their service. On assuming the
government of India, Don Stefano made an inventory of all
he was worth, being 200,000 crowns ; and when he left the
government his fortune was found 40,000 crowns diminished.
He was of middle stature, thick and strong built, with a
thick beard and black hair, and a ruddy complexion. On
his tomb was inscribed at his own desire, He who made knights
on Mount Sinai ended here.
SECTION II.
Exploits of Antonio de Farm y Sousa in Eastern India *.
WE have placed these exploits in a separate Section, be-
cause, although they appear in the Portuguese Asia as having
taken place during the government of Don Stefano de Gama,
VOL. vi. A a yet
1 De Faria, II. 29 & seq.
370 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
yet is their chronology by no means well defined : and like-
wise because their authenticity is even more than problema-
tical. In themselves they appear to carry evidence of over-
stepping the modest bounds of history ; and there is reason,
to believe that they rest principally, if not altogether, on the
authority of Fernan Mendez de Pinto, of notorious character.
Yet they seem sufficiently curious to warrant insertion in this
work ; and it is not at all improbable that Antonio de Faria
may have been a successful freebooter in the Chinese seas,
and that he may have actually performed many of the ex-
ploits here recorded, though exaggerated, and mixed in-
some places with palpable romance. E.
About this time Pedro de Faria, who was governor of
Malacca, sent his factor MENDEZ DE PINTO with a let-
ter and a present to the king of Patane, desiring him to
procure the liberty of five Portuguese who were then slaves
to his brother-in-law at Siam. Pinto was also entrusted with
goods to the value of 10,000 ducats, to be delivered to the
factor of De Faria at Pam. Having at that place made up a
valuable cargo of diamonds pearls and gold, to the extent of
50,000 crowns, it was all lost one night in a tumult, occasioned
by the following circumstance. There resided in Pam an am-
bassador from the king of Borneo, who one night detected the
king of Pam in bed with his wife, and immediately slew him.
On the death of the king becoming public, the people rose in
commotion, more for the purpose of plunder than revenge.
In this tumult about 4000 men were slain, and the Portuguese
factors were robbed, and some of their companions slain. They
made their escape to Patane^ where they and other Portuguese
asked leave of the king to make reprisals on three vessels belong-
ing to merchants of Pam, which were then riding at anchor
in the river Calantam 18 leagues off, richly laden from China.
Getting the kings permission, they set out to the number of
80 persons in three vessels, and after a sharp engagement
took and brought in these ships to Patane, where their
cargoes were valued at 300,000 ducats. The people of
Patane urged the king to take these ships from the Portu-
guese ; but he decided that the 50,000 crowns should be
made good to them of which they had been plundered at
Pam ; on which the merchants paid that sum and were al-
lowed to continue their voyage.
About the same period, Pedro de Faria y Sousa sent his
kinsman Antonio de Faria y Sousa to treat of important affairs
with
CHAP. iv. SECT. ii. Conquest of India. 371
with the king of Patane, and in particular to preserve peace
with that prince. Antonio carried goods with him to the
value of 12,000 ducats, and finding no sale for them at that
place, he sent them to the port of Lugor in the kingdom of
Siam, a place of great trade, where he was informed they
would sell to great advantage. He intrusted the charge of
this valuable cargo to Christopher Boralfo, who was surprised
while at anchor in the mouth of the Lugor river by, Khodjah
Husseyn, a Moor of Guzerat, who commanded a vessel well
stored with artillery, and manned with 80 Turks and Moors.
Borallo thought himself happy in escaping from these pirates
by swimming on shore, and brought the news of this disaster
to Antonio de Faria at Patane, who vowed that he would
never desist till he had destroyed Husseyn, in revenge for this
loss. Husseyn was equally inveterate against the Portuguese,
ever since Hector de Silveyra had taken a ship belonging to
him in the sea of Guzerat, kill ing his father and two brothers,
and had continually exerted himself in robbing and murdering
the Portuguese. Owing to this loss and his determination
of revenge, Antonio de Faria was led to the performance of
those brave actions which I now mean to relate with all my
usual sincerity, without affection for my kindred.
Antonio accordingly fitted out a small vessel with 50 men,
in which he sailed from Patane on Saturday the 8th May
154-0, and steered north-east towards the kingdom of Champa
or Tsiompa, to examine that coast. He here saw the island
of Pulo Condor > in lat. 3 C 20' N z . and then to the eastwards
rounded one six leagues from the coast of Cambodia. Enter-
ing the port of Bralapisam, he found there a vessel of the
JLequiiy having on board an ambassador from the prince of
the island of Lossa 3 in 36 of north latitude, for the king of
Siam. As soon as this vessel espied the Portuguese ship, it
weighed anchor and sailed away. Faria sent after them a
Chinese pilot with a civil message, who brought back this re-
markable answer, " We return thanks : The time will come
" when our nation shall have commerce with that captain in
" real friendship, through the law of the supreme God, whose
" clemency is boundless, since by his death he gave life to all
" mankind, and remains an everlasting faith in the house of
"the
2 Pulo Condor, off the mouths of the Japanese river, is in lat. 8 40' N.
perhaps the figure 3 in the text is a typographical error. E.
3 Possibly Luzon in lat. 1 6" N. may be here meant. Unless we can sup-
pose some part of Japan may be intended, which is in the latitude of the
text. E.
372 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
" the good. We confidently hold that this will be when half
" the times are past 4 ." The pilot also brought back a rich
cy meter in a scabbard of beaten gold, with a handle of the
same, splendidly ornamented with pearls of great value. An-
tonio would have made a return, but the vessel could not be
overtaken. From thence Antonio proceeded to the river Pulo
Cambier, which divides the kingdoms of Cambodia and Tsiompa.
At the town of Catimparu, he was informed that great river
took its rise in the lake of Finator, 260 leagues westwards in
the kingdom of Quitirvam, encompassed with high mountains,
around which lake there are 38 towns, 1 3 of which are consider-
able, where was a gold mine that yielded 22 millions of crowns
yearly. It belonged to Jour lords, who were engaged in con-
tinual wars for its possession. At Bauquerim likewise there
is a mine of the finest diamonds : and from the disposition
of the people they might easily be conquered by the Portu-
guese.
Coasting along, Antonio came to anchor in the mouth of
the river Toobasoy, fearing to go up. At this place he espied
a large vessel to which he made signs of peace, but received
a rude answer. As night drew on, it was thought proper to
wait for day; but in the dark first one vessel and then three
more were descried coming towards them, and forty men
from the first vessel boarded them, but were all slain, their
vessel taken and the others burnt. A black, who was ta-
ken on this occasion, declared himself a Christian, saying
he had been slave to Gaspar de Melo, who had been taken by
the pirate Similau along with 26 other Portuguese, all of whom
he had barbarously put to death. The black said that Similau
had another vessel in the port richly laden, having only a few
men on board. Similau with the other prisoners were put to the
same death they had used to inflict on others. As soon as
day appeared that other vessel was taken, and the booty in
silver only amounted to 60,000 ducats, besides other goods.
Thus enriched, Antonio went on to the river Tinacoreu or
Varela r where the ships of Siam and Malacca, trading with
China, barter their goods for gold, calamba, and ivory, with
which
4 This strange oracular message, and indeed most of the wonderful deeds
of Antonio de Faria, smells strongly of Mendez. de Pinto, the factor of Pedro
tie Faria, who has been characterised as the prince of liars. Indeed the
editor of Astleys Collection says that his name ought to be Mendax de Pinto*
.
CHAP. iv. SECT. ii. Conquest of India. 373
which that country abounds. He anchored off a small town
called Tayqmleu,ihe inhabitants of which called the Portuguese
the bearded people ; for though these people had beards, theirs
were short and thin, whereas those of the Portuguese were
at their full growth, many of them reaching to their girdles.
By the inhabitants of this place, Antonio was informed that
their river was formerly called Tauralachim or the Great Stock,
to express its greatness : That it is deep and navigable for
80 leagues, up to a town named Moncalor, and then becomes
wide and shallow, coming from the great country of Chinta-
IcuJio, where the country for eight days journey had been de-
populated 40 years before by a multitude of birds ! In the
middle of that country is the great lake of Cunabetee or Chia-
may, whence spring four great rivers. That lake is 180
leagues in circumference, and the country round abounds in
mines of silver, copper, tin, and lead.
From thence Antonio proceeded to the island of Hainan,
passing in sight of Champiloo, in lat. 13 N. at the entrance of
the bay of Cochin China. Farther on he discovered the pro-
montory of Pulocampas, whence the island of Hainan may be
seen. To the west of this they found a river, up which
Borallo was sent in a small vessel with 16 men, who dis-
covered at least 2000 sail of vessels and a large walled town.
On their return they saw a large vessel at anchor. The cap-
tain supposing this might be Husseyn took it; but learnt from
an ancient Christian of Mount Sinai, who was among the pri-
soners, that it belonged to a pirate named Quioy 'layjam, who
had killed above an hundred Portuguese, and now lay hid in
the forecastle with six or seven others, all of whom were drawn
from their hiding place and slain. In this vessel were found
60,000 quintals 5 of pepper, with a great deal of other spices,
besides ivory, tin, wax, and powder, the whole valued at
60,000 crowns ; besides several good cannon, some valuable
baggage, and silver. In the hold were nine children, the
biggest only about nine years old, all loaded with irons, and
starving of hunger.
Coasting along the island of Hainan, Antonio met some
fishers of pearls, whom he used courteously. They told him
that the island belonged to China. Hence he went to the
river Tananquir, where he was suddenly attacked by two lar^e
vessels
5 This is either an enormous exaggeration, or a gross error. The quantity
in the text is equal to 3560 tons. ,
374> Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
vessels, both of which were taken, after a long struggle, in
which 80 of the enemy were slain, with the loss of 14? men
belonging to Antonio, only one of whom was a Portuguese.
After a while they heard lamentable cries in the hold of one
of these ships, in which 17 prisoners were found, two of whom
were Portuguese. From one of these Antonio was informed
that these vessels had belonged to Necoda Xicaidem, who,
after becoming a Christian at Malacca and marrying a Por-
tuguese woman, had killed her and many more of her nation.
The booty in these two ships was valued at 50,000 crowns.
One of the vessels was burnt, as Antonio hud not a sufficient
number of men to navigate her. In both vessels there were
seventeen brass guns, most of whjch had the arms of Portugal.
Antonio anchored at Cape Tilaumere, where four vessels came
up to his squadron likewise now consisting of four vessels, and
in one of these was the bride of a young nobleman, who had
engaged to meet her at that place with a like number of ships,
owing to which they had come up to the Portuguese vessels.
Three of these ships were taken, in one of which was the bride.
Some of the seamen were retained, and all the others were set
on shore. Antonio then went to Mutipinam, as a convenient
place for selling his prizes ; but as the governor of that city
somewhat obstructed the sale, Antonio was obliged to hasten
it, and received in payment of the goods he had to dispose
of to the value of 200,000 crowns in uncoined silver.
In the beginning of the year 1541, Antonio sailed in search
of the port of Model in the island of Hainan, and by the way
took some prizes. Here he met with Hinymilau, a bold pirate
and a great enemy to the Christians, whom he delighted to
put to cruel deaths. With him they had a desperate engage-
ment, and at last took him. He gave a bold account of the
many cruelties he had practised upon the Portuguese, and
was therefore immediately slain with four more. The prize
was valued at 70,000 ducats. This action struck such terror
into all who were in that river, that they sent a message to
Antonio, calling him King of the Seas, offering him 30,000
crowns to take them under his protection, and desiring to
have passes for their safe trading. He accepted the money
and gave the passes, only for writing which his servant re-
ceived 6000 crowns in the space of twelve days. So great a
reputation had he acquired in these parts, that the governor
of the city offered to make him admiral of those seas for the
emperor
CHAP. iv. SECT. ii. Conquest of India. 3VJ
emperor of China, with a salary of 9000 crowns yearly.
Antonio ran all along this coast without any remarkable
occurrence, only that he saw many towns, none of which
were large, and a fruitful country, and was informed that
there were mines of silver, tin, saltpetre, and brimstone.
Being now weary of looking out for the pirate Husseyn, the
soldiers demanded their shares of the prizes and to be dis-
charged. This was agreed to, and their course was directed
towards Siam ; but by a furious storm they were cast away
upon the Ladrones, where out of 500 men, only 86 got on
shore naked, 28 of whom were Portuguese. At this place
they were fifteen days with hardly any thing to eat. While
in titter despair, as the island was uninhabited, they discover-
ed a small vessel making for the shore where it cast anchor,
and presently thirty Chinese landed, some of whom went to
procure wood and water, while the others diverted themselves.
Our men ran furiously and possessed themselves of the vessel
and put to sea as quickly as possible. In this vessel they
found only an old man and a child, but were quite delighted
upon finding plenty of provisions and much silk. Sailing for
Xamoy in Liampo^ they took another Chinese vessel and went
to the island of Luxitay 6 , where they remained fifteen days
refitting both vessels, and then proceeded on their voyage.
On the coast of Lamau they discovered a large vessel having
fifteen guns, which began to fire upon them as soon as within
range ; but on coming close it was observed to have several
crosses and some men in Portuguese habits, on which they
hailed each other, and the vessel was found to belong to Quiay
Panjau a Chinese and a great friend of the Portuguese, hav-
ing thirty soldiers of that nation on board. He came on
board of Antdnios vessel, bringing a present of amber, pearls,
gold, and silver, worth 2000 ducats. Among other discourse,
Antonio told him that he was bound for Liampo to furnish
himself with necessaries, meaning to attempt the mines of
Quamj&parv, where he was told he might get much treasure.
Qutay Panjau offered to accompany him, demanding only a
third part of what might be taken, which was agreed to.
They refitted at the river Amay, and going from there to
Chinc/ieO) Faria hired 35 Portuguese whom he found at that
place. Soon after putting again to sea he found eight Portu-
guese,
6 The names in this strange relation of the adventures of Antonio de
jJFaria are so extremely corrupt as to defy even conjectural commentary. E.
376 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
guese, almost naked and all wounded in a fishing-boat, who
told him that the pirate Khojah Husseyn had taken their
ship, worth 200,000 ducats, in the harbour of the isle of Cum-
bor, and that they had escaped with difficulty in that miser-
able condition. Faria was quite rejoieed to hear of that pir-
ate, and immediately turned back eight leagues to Layloo to
prepare for engaging him. He there changed his old vessels
ibr new ones, and provided men arms and ammunition, pay-
ing generously for every thing. In four vessels which he
there fitted out, he had 40 pieces of cannon, 160 muskets,
6000 darts, with abundance of other arms and ammunition,
and a force of 500 men, 95 of whom were Portuguese. In
a day and a half sail from Layloo he came to the fisheries
where those Portuguese had been robbed, and was informed
by some fishermen that Husseyn was only at the distance of
two leagues in the river Tinlau. To make quite sure, he sent
a person to see if that were the case, and finding the informa-
tion accurate he proceeded immediately to the place. The
engagement began before day-light upon four ships belonging
to the pirate, which were soon reduced to great straits, when
four small vessels came up to their assistance One of the
Portuguese cannon was so well pointed that it sunk the first
of these at the first fire, and killed several men in another
vessel. At length Antonio boarded Husseyns vessel, and
gave him such a cut over the head as struck him down on
the deck, and by another stroke cut his hamstrings so that he
could not rise. The pirates wounded Antonio in three places ;
but being succoured by his men the victory was complete, al-
most 400 of the enemy being slain or drowned by leaping
overboard, while it cost 43 men on the side of Antonio, 8 of
whom were Portuguese. Antonio immediately landed to
bury his dead, and finding 96 men belonging to Husseyn in
a house where they were left to be cured, he set the house on
fire and destroyed them all. He here restored the Portu-
guese ship to her owners, and gave liberty to all the slaves,
as he vowed on going upon this enterprize, paying their mas-
ters the value. After all this generosity, the remaining booty
was worth 100,000 crowns.
On the night after sailing from Tinlau so violent a storm
arose that two of the ships were cast away, and most of the
goods in the others had to be thrown overboard, to the value
of 200,000 ducats. One hundred and eleven men were lost,
eleven
CHAP. iv. SECT. ii. Conquest of India. 377
eleven of whom were Portuguese. Thirteen men who escap-
ed the shipwreck were carried prisoners to Nauday, where
Faria came with the five remaining ships to anchor. He im-
mediately offered 3000 crowns to the governor of the city for
the liberty of the prisoners, and meeting with an unfavourable
answer, lie determined to liberate them by force. His men
were fearful of the issue of so dangerous an enterprize ; but
he so encouraged them, that they agreed. He had at this
time, which was in the beginning of the year 1542, a force. of
4-70 men in all, 60 of whom were Portuguese. Of these he
chose 300 men to accompany him on shore. After sending
another civil message to the governor, who answered by hang-
ing the messenger, he landed with his small but resolute
band. While marching towards the city, 12,000 foot and
100 horse came out to meet him. His musqueteers killed at
least 300 of them, and pursued the rest to a bridge which
led into the city. The governor was on the inside with 600
men, and defended the passage of the bridge till he was slain
by a musquet shot, immediately on which his men fled, and
were pursued with great slaughter till they ran out at the op-
posite side of the city. The city was plundered, on which
occasion he who even got least was enriched, after which the
place was reduced to ashes. Having thus gloriously redeem-
ed his prisoners, Antonio returned to his ships with many
beautiful female captives, having only lost eight men, one of
whom was a Portuguese.
Antonio now resumed his intended expedition for the mines,
but in the first place went to pass the winter at Pulo Hindor,
an inhabited island fifteen leagues from Nauday. When near
the islands of Commolem, he was attacked by two large ships
in which were 200 resolute men commanded by a pirate name-
ed Premata Gttndel, a mortal enemy to the Portuguese, to
whom he had done much harm, but thought now he had on-
ly to encounter Chinese merchant ships. One of the pirate
ships came up to board one of those belonging to Antonio,
but Qiay Panjau came up against her in full sail and ran so
furiously upon the pirate ship that both went down instantly,
but Quiaij and most of his men were saved. The other pir-
ate ship commanded by Premata in person boarded Faria,
who was in great danger of being taken, but was at length
victorious and slew 90 of the enemy ; then boarding in his
turn, he put the whole to the sword. This action cost Anto-
nio
378 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
BIO 17 men, 5 of whom were Portuguese, and above 40 were
wounded, among whom Antonio himself had two great cuts
and a thrust of a spear. The prize was valued at r20,000
ducats. After staying 20 days in the island of Bnncalen to
cure the wounded men, they steered for the gates of Liampo,
which are two islands three leagues from the city of that name
which was built by the Portuguese who there governed in the
nature of a commonwealth.
Anchoring at the gates of Liampo, Antonio sent to a^k
leave to come into the port, when he received a courteous an-
swer, praying him to wait six days till the inhabitants had
prepared a house for his reception. On Sunday morning, the
time being expired, he hoisted sail and went up the river ac-
companied by many boats sent to receive him, in which were
3000 of the citizens, who saluted him with the sound of mu-
sical instruments. About 200 ships then in the port were
ranged in two lines forming a lane through which de Faria
passed, all the cannons in the vessels and on shore firing a
salute. Some Chinese who saw this magnificent reception
asked whether this was a brother or near kinsman to the king
of Portugal, and being answered he was only his smiths son,
they concluded that Portugal must be the greatest kingdom
in the world. From his ship, Antonio was received into a
barge shaded by a natural chesnut tree full of ripe fruit, and
was seated on a silver chair raised on six steps adorned with
gold, six beautiful maids richly clad standing on each side,
who played and sang melodiously. When he landed on the
quay, he was placed in a still richer chair on mens shoulders
under a canopy, guarded by 60 halberdiers, and preceded
by 16 men on fine horses, and before these eight with silver
rnaces, all in splendid attire. In this manner he was conduct-
ed to a large scaffold covered with fine tapestry, where being
placed in his chair of state^ he received the compliments of
the magistracy and principal inhabitants of the city. From
the quay to the city, which was a considerable distance, there
was a closely covered Jane formed of chesnut, pine, and laurel
trees, and the ground was strewed with flowers. And ail the
way, at regular distances, there were companies of dancers,
2nd perfumes burning, with astonishing multitudes of people
the whole Wcty.
At the entrance into the city, a temporary castle was built
for the occasion, having the arms of the Faria family in front,
being Sanguin, a tower argent ; in base, a man torn in pieces.
A
CHAP. iv. SECT. ir. Conquest of India. 379
At this place he was received by a reverend old man, attend-
ed by four mace-bearers, and after some ceremonies the old
man made a long speech in praise of the family, concluding
with a panegyric on his own actions, and bidding him welcome
to the city. The orator then offered him, in the name of the
city, five chests full of silver in bars, worth twenty thousand
pieces of eight, which he refused, saying he would endeavour
to deserve in some measure the honours which were heaped
on him. From thence he walked on foot, passing through
many splendid arches, to the church of our Lady, where he
assisted at mass under a canopy, and heard a sermon full of
his own praises. After this he was conducted by above 1000
Portuguese to a large open space before the house in which
he was to reside, shaded by a variety of fine tree?, the ground
strewed with flowers and sweet herbs, where three long tables
were splendidly decorated and richly covered with a sumptu-
ous entertainment. When Antonio was seated, the whole
multitude departed, except about 80 of the principal citizens
who were to dine along with him, and 50 soldiers who attend-
ed, while the halberdiers stood at a distance to keep off the
people. As soon as the company was seated, the music began
to play, and eight beautiful maids came forwards playing on
instruments and dancing, eight others being placed beside An-
tonio singing. The dishes were brought in by a number of
fine women, and set upon the tables by men, the abundance
and costliness of the entertainment being wonderful. After
dinner the company adjourned to another place, where there
was a bull-feast, with several wild horses among them, and at
the death of each animal there followed dancing music and
other entertainments.
De Faria continued here five months, entertained in great
splendour, having dogs and horses to go a hunting, as the
environs abounded in game. The time being come for going
to the mines of Qjiamgiparu, Quiay Panjau who was to have
accompanied him thither was carried off by sickness. After
this another Chinese named Similar dissuaded Antonio from
attempting the adventure of the mines, as attended with too
much difficulty and danger, and proposed to him to undertake
an expedition to the island of Calempluy, in which were the
tombs of the ancient kings of China, which were said to con"
tain great treasures. To this Antonio gave ear, as covetous-
ness had great sway even upon his generous mind. Happy
380 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
had it been for him if he had returned to India, satisfied with
the victories he had already atchieved. About the middle of
May 1542, he set sail accompanied by Similau in. two galliots
with 146 men, 52 of whom were Portuguese, and among these
the priest Diego Labato* Next day they discovered the is-
lands of Nangnitur, and then entered upon seas till then un-
known by the Portuguese. Having crossed a gulf of 40
leagues, they discovered the high mountain of Nangalaci, and
held on their course northwards. At the end of ten days
they anchored in a river where they saw white people like the
Chinese, but differing in language, and could never prevail to
have any intercourse with them. After eight days sailing
they entered the strait of Silcapaquim, in which they spent five
days in sight of many populous towns. But this course ap-
pearing dangerous, they steered up the river Humbepadam by
the advice of Similauj passing to the east of the mountain
Fangus, and came thirteen days afterwards to the bay of Bux-
ipalem in the latitude of 30, which produces fish, serpents, and
crocodiles of wohderous size, and many sea-horses. Farther
on they came to the bay of Calmclam^ surrounded with high
mountains, whence four great rivers fall into the sea. They
next sailed under the great mountain Botinasora, abounding
in lions, rhinoceroses, tigers, ounces, and other wild beasts,
and then past Gangitami, inhabited by the Gigakui, a wild gi-
gantic people, some ten and some eleven spans high, of whom
they saw fourteen of both sexes. They have good complex-
ions, being white and red, but very ill-favoured features.
Antonio gave them some procelain dishes and silk, for which
they seemed thankful, and brought some cows and deer in re-
turn, but their language could not be understood.
At length they arrived in the bay of Nanking, and six days
afterwards to the great city of Pamor, whose bay was almost
hid under three thousand vessels. Fearing danger here they
stood off and came to Tanquilcm, where Similau and 36
Chinese seamen ran away lor fear ; because Antonio, weary
of the voyage, and finding that Similau could give no good
account of where they were, threatened to kill him. Similau
was not indeed ignorant, but he was so terrified by the ill us-
age of the Portuguese that he knew not what he said, and
they were afraid that either he knew not the coast or meant
to betray them. It was a great error to believe him at Liam-
po, and to use him ill at Nanking where they had most need
of him. In fine the Portuguese gave themselves up for lost,
not
CHAP. iv. SECT. ii. Conquest of India* 381
not knowing where they were till some of the natives informed
them that they were only ten leagues from the island of Cal-
empluy, on which they sore repented the ill usage they had
given to Similau. Doubling Cape Guinaytarau, after a te-
dious voyage of two months and a half, they discovered the
island of which they were in search in the middle of the river.
This island is quite plain and seemed four miles round Next
morning Antonio sailed round it in his galliots, and found it
surrounded by a wall of jasper so closely built that it seemed
all one stone. The wall rose 19 feet above the surface of the
water, and was terrassed on the inside. On the top of the
wall was a massy twist, on which was a brass rail, having little
columns at regular distances, on which were the statues of
women having balls in their hands, all likewise of brass. At
some distance from these were figures of iron, of monstrous
shapes, that seemed to give each other their hands ; and far-
ther on were several curious arches of stones of various col-
ours. On the inside there were afterwards seen a delightful
assemblage of small groves of orange trees, among which were
366 chapels dedicated to the gods of the year. On one side
was a great building, not all of a piece, but divided into
seven parts, all over splendidly ornamented with gold.
In the evening Antonio entered the island by one of its
eight gates, accompanied by sixty men, four of whom were
Portuguese. On entering one of the chapels, they saw a man
who seemed an hundred years of age, who fell down with fear;
but, on recovering, rebuked the soldiers for taking the bars
of silver from the tombs. Having received information of
what was in the other chapels, Antonio went on board with
a considerable quantity of silver taken from the first chape),
meaning to return next day to plunder them all. About mid-
night, lights were seen on the top of the great building, and
numbers of bell were heard all over the island. Antonio went
again on shore, though advised to make off* as the alarm was
given. He brought away two old men with some candlesticks
and a silver idol, and was informed that the island would soon
be relieved, as the first hermit had given the alarm ; on which
Antonio found that he had erred in not bringing away that
old man as he was advised. He departed therefore from the
island, much dissatisfied at having missed the acquisition of
so much treasure by his own fault. After sailing a month,
there arose so great a storm on the 5th of August, that his
galliot was swallowed up. The other galliot perished a few
davs
382 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK nr.
days afterwards, and only fourteen of the crew escaped. Thus
perished the brave Antonio de Faria ; a just judgment, doubt-
less, for the sacrilegious robbery he intended to have com-
mitted.
No less unfortunate was the end of the city of Liampo,
where Antonio had been so nobly received, falling a sacrifice
to the base and insatiable avarice of its inhabitants. Lancelot
Pereyra, judge of that city, having lost a thousand ducats by
some Chinese, went out with a body of troops to rob and
plunder others in satisfaction of the debt. This unadvised
and barbarous procedure brought the governor of the province
against the city with 80,000 men, and in four hours burnt it
to the ground, together with 80 ships that were in the port.
Twelve thousand men were slain, among whom were J 000
Portuguese, and three millions of gold were lost. Thus
scarce any thing was left of Liampo but the name ; and thus
what the Portuguese gained by their valour was lost by their
covetousness. Liampo had above three thousand catholic
inhabitants, almost the half of whom were Portuguese. Those
who survived this cruel execution, obtained leave in 1547,
by great presents, to settle in the province of Chincheo, in a
village which began to flourish in consequence of a rich trade,
but it came to the same end with the other.
SECTION III.
Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de
Sousa,from 1542 to 1543.
In the year 1542, but whether under the government of
De Gama or De Sousa is uncertain, Antonio de Mota, Fran-
cisco Zeymoto, and Antonio Peixoto, while on a voyage to
China, were driven by a storm among the islands of Nipongi
or Nifon, called Gipon by the Chinese, and known in Europe
by the name of Japan They were well received in one of
these islands, of which they had the honour to be the first dis-
coverers, though accidentally. These islands of Japan are
far to the eastward of all India, being even beyond China, and
He between the latitudes of 30 and 40 N '. These islands
are
l More rigidly from lat. 31 28' to 40 30' N. and between the longi-
.tudes of m* 47' and 142* 33* E. from Greenwich, E.
CHAP. iv. SECT. in. Conquest of India. 383
are numerous, the principal and largest island being that pe-
culiarly called Niphon, Nifon, Nipongi, or Japan, which gives
name to the group, and in which is the city of Meaco the
imperial residence. According to the natives this principal
island is 366 leagues in length, but by our computation only
266 *. The chief islands around the large one, are Cikoko,
Toksosi, Sando, Msime Bacasa, Vuoki, Taqnixima> or Takis-
hima, and Firando 3 . Fernan Mendez Pinto in his travels
assumes the merit of this discovery to himself, pretending that
he came to the island of Tanixima, by which I suppose he
meant Taquixima, not by stress of weather, but by design, in
the service of a pirate who had relieved him and his compa-
nions when cast away, naming Christopher Borallo and Diego
Zeymoto as those who accompanied him. In both relations
three names are mentioned as the discoverers of Japan, one
only, %cymoto y being the same in both, and both agree in the
date of the discovery being in 154-2. According to Pinto, the
prince of the island of Tanixima was named Nautaquim who
stood amazed on seeing the three Portuguese strangers, and
uttered the following mysterious words : " These are certainly
" the C/iinchicogtcs, spoken of in our records ; who, flying
" over the waters, shall come to be lords of the lands where
5 God has placed the greatest riches of the world. It will be
" fortunate for us if they come as friends ! "
The first action of the new governor De Sousa was to di-
minish the pay of the soldiers. The saving of charges is a
great means of gaining the favour of princes ; yet ministers
never express their zeal by retrenchingtkeir own large allowances,
but by cutting off the small ones from the poor ; and, as was
natural, this alteration occasioned much discontent among the
troops
2 Meaning probably a different denomination of measure. The island of
Niphon measures 824 English miles in extreme length, from S. W. to N. E.
in a somewhat bent line. Its breadth varies from 55 to 240 miles, averaging
about 100 ; but it is extremely irregular, owing to many deep bays and
considerable peninsulas. Jedo is now the capital and residence of the tem-
poral sovereign, Meaco of the once spiritual sovereign, now reduced to chief
priest of the national religion. E.
3 The only islands of magnitude besides Niphon, are Kiusiu y which does
not appear to have any representative in the text, and Sicocf, probably the
Cikoko of De Faria. The other numerous islands are of little importance,
and several of the names in the text cannot be referred to any of the islands.
Firando and Taquix'wia remain unchanged, and the others cannot be tracer 1
384 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
troops. At this time the qiteen of Batecala, a well-built city
on the banks of a river, on the coast of Canara, in a fertile
country, refused to pay her tribute, and entertained pirates
in her port to the great prejudice of trade ; on which account
De Sousa went with 2000 men in 60 vessels of different kinds
to reduce her to obedience. On entering the port of Bate*
cala, where he demanded payment of the tribute, and that the
pirate ships should be delivered up, the queen endeavoured to
procrastinate till such time as she knew it would be necessary
for the governor to retire with his armament to Cochin. But
being aware of this artifice, the governor landed with 1200
men in two battalions, and ordered twenty light vessels to go
up the river to attack the city on that side, while he assailed
it on the land side. While marching through a wood, the
governor was opposed by a body of musqueteers $ but his
troops drove them to the gates of the city, which they entered
along with the fugitives, in spite of every opposition from the
enemy who were encouraged by the queen in person. It was
night when the Portuguese got possession of the city ; and in
the morning they began to plunder, not even sparing the Por-
tuguese who were settled there. They even fell out among
themselves, and came to blows, in which all were hurt and
none enriched. The enemy noticed this contention among
the Portuguese from a neighbouring hill to which they had
retired, and endeavoured to take advantage of this circum-
stance, by discharging incessant flights of arrows into the
town. On receiving orders from De Sousa to march against
the enemy, the discontented troops exclaimed, " That the
rich gentry might march if they would ; but that they only
carne to make up by plunder for the pay of which they had
been unjustly deprived." Gracia de Sa went out against the
enemy with a few lances ; but after several charges, almost the
whole of the Portuguese shamefully took to flight, endeavour-
ing in such haste to reimbark that several were drowned in
the confusion. Indignant at this cowardice, the governor
reproached them as not being the same brave men he had left
in India only two years before. To this they answered, think-
ino* he meant it as a reflection on his predecessor, " That the
men were the same, but the governor was changed ; and that
this was the fruit of lessening their pay, to enable him to give
gratuities to those who knew better how to beg favours than
to deserve them." De Sousa retired to the ships for the night,
but landed next day, when he utterly destroyed the city and
surrounding
CHAP. iv. SECT. in. Conquest of India. 383
surrounding country with fire and sword, and made all the
woods be cat down 4 . Unable any longer to resist, the queen,
purchased peace by submitting to a heavier subjection than
before.
The king of Ormuz had fallen into arrears of his tribute s
and was due 500,000 ducats, which he was unable to pay ;
tor the tribute had been successively raised from 12,000 ducats
originally imposed by Albuquerque, to 100,000, so that from
a tributary he became a slave, not having even a competent
maintenance remaining. Finding him unable to discharge
the debt, De Sousa proposed to him to make over the customs
of Ormuz to the Portuguese, which he agreed to, that he might
get rid of the oppression. But the Persians soon afterwards
deprived them of this source of revenue, which they had un-
justly appropriated to themselves.
In the year 1544, De Sousa fitted out a fleet of 45 sail, in
which were embarked 3000 seamen and soldiers. The de-
sign of this armament was kept a profound secret, which was
to rob tne pagoda of Tremele 9 12 miles inland from St Thomas
of JVieliapour, in the kingdom of Bisnagar, for which express
orders had been given by King John, under pretence that India
was wasted, as if any pretence could justify robbery. The design
was however discovered, or as others say it was disappointed by
contrary winds. Yet the governor was persuaded to plunder
other pagodas, where it was thought there were equal riches.
By the way, he sent a message to the kingof Jafnapatam in the
island of Ceylon, commanding him either to become tributary
to the crown of Portugal, or to prepare for opposing the ar-
mament. The king agreed to pay 4000 ducats yearly, glad to
get off so easily. A king called Grande near Cape Comorin,
being in fear of the Portuguese, sent a present to the governor.
De Sousa proceeded to a pagoda named Tebelicate s , near
Calecoulum^ although the Portuguese were at peace with the
king of that country, and went into it with a small number of
his confidants, whence they brought out two casks so heavy
that they loaded many men. These casks were reported to
contain water, though some affirmed that it was gold and
jewels ; but the truth was never known. It has been alleged
VOL- vi. B b by
4 The cutting down of the woods mentioned in. the text, probably refers
to cocoa nut trees, on which the natives of the coast of India appear to have
greatly depended for food. E.
5 Called afterwards Tebilicare-
386 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
by some writers that nothing was found but a golden vessel
worth 4000 crowns, in which the idol used to be bathed, and
which was ordered to be restored by the king of Portugal,
who was much displeased at the conduct of De Sousa on this
occasion ; as if it were a greater crime to rob the pagoda
of Tebilicare without orders, than that of Tremele with orders.
While the Portuguese were returning to their ships, the town
and pagoda were set on fire, and they were attacked in a
narrow defile by 200 Nayres, who killed 30 of them ; but on
getting into the open field, the Nayres were put to flight. No
danger terrifies avarice. The Portuguese went on to another
pagoda, from which a chest was brought out and opened
publicly, and some silver money which it contained was dis-
tributed among the troops; but of so small account, that many
believed the liberality was owing to that circumstance.
De Sousa was obliged to return in all haste to Goa, owing
to the following circumstance, communicated to him by a mes-
sage from Don Garcia de Castro. Ace da Khan, lord of the
lands around Goa, intending to di-pose Adel Khan, prevailed
on Don Garcia by means of presents to deliver up to him
Meale Khan the brother of Adel Khan, pretending that he
held the kingdom wrongfully. This gave just cause of com-
plaint to Adel Khan, and occasioned considerable danger to
the Portuguese. The governor listened to the arguments and
offers of both sides ; but inclined more to favour Aceda Khan,
who offered to cede the kingdom of Concan, giving a revenue
of about a million, then possessed by Abraham, a good man
and a friend of the Portuguese. As this ten itory was very
valuable, particularly from its neighbourhood to Goa, the
governor declared in favour of Meale Khan, and prepared
to possess himself of the Concan which was offered by Aceda
Khan. This was a notorious act of injustice ; and as De
Sousa was naturally of a haughty disposition, none of his
officers dared to remonstrate ; but Pedro de Faria, then four-
score years of age, trusting to his quality and the great offices
he had held, repaired late one night to the governors tent,
arid prevailed upon him to desist from so unjust an undertaking.
Next day the governor abandoned his design, pretending
various reasons of delay, and returned to Goa, carrying Meale
Khan along with him.
At this time Aceda Khan died, who was the contriver of this
discord, and Adel Khan descended the gaut mountains with
CHAP. TV. SECT. in. Conquest of India. 387
a powerful army to reduce the rebels, recovering possession
of the Concan in a few days. But as Adel Khan was still
fearful of Meale Khan, he offered the lands of Salsete and
Bnrdez to De Sousa, on condition of delivering him up, which
were valued at 50,000 ducats of yearly revenue. De Sousa
refused to give up this man who had confided in him for pro-
tection; but offered, if put in possession of these districts, that
he would remove Meale to some place where he could give
no disturbance to Adel Khan. These conditions were agreed
to and performed by Adel Khan, but evaded by De Sousa,
who sent Meale to Cananor and brought him back to Goa.
Some alleged that this was done to overawe Adel Khan, while
others said it was meant as a bait to extort presents ; and it
was certain that some were actually sent.
In this treaty, Adel Khan had agreed that De Sousa was
to be put into possession of the vast treasures which had been
left by the rebel Aceda Khan, said to amount to ten millions
of ducats, and which at his death had fallen into the hands of
Khojah Zemaz-oddin, who persuaded De Sousa that it was
only one million, and delivered that sum to him. Adel Khan
afterwards gave notice to De Sousa of the vast fraud which had
been used in the pretended delivery of the treasure; but all his
efforts to secure the defaulter were in vain.
Sultan Mahmud, sovereign of Cambaya or puzerat, was
desirous of recovering possession of the castle built by the
Portuguese at Diu, and of freeing himself by that means from
the trammels which had been thrown in the way of the trade
of his dominions. In the late treaty between him and the
Portuguese, it had been stipulated, with the consent of the
viceroy Don Garcia, that the government of Cambaya might
erect a wall between the city of Diu and the castle. This wall
was accordingly commenced ; but as Emanuel de Sousa, who
commanded in the castle of Diu, considered that the wall now
building was of a very different description from a mere boun-
dary, as intended in the treaty, and appeared to be destined
for hostile purposes, he drove away the workmen, threw down
the wall, and made use of the materials for strengthening the
defences of the castle. Mahmud was highly offended at this
procedure, and at the instigation of his great minister Khojah
Zofar, he secretly used every possible means to stir up enemies
to the Portuguese, endeavouring to form an union of the Indian
princes to expel them not only from Diu but from all India.
In
U8S Portuguese Discovery and PAT n. BOOK m
In the course of this year 1544, the great Khan of the
Tartars invaded China and besieged Peking with a prodigi-
ous army, amounting to millions of men. A large detach-
ment from this vast army, among which were 60,000 horse,
was sent against the city of Quamsi, which was plundered,
and an immense number of the inhabitants put to the sword.
While on his return with this part of the army, Nauticor the
Tartar general attempted to reduce the fortress of Nixiancoo,
but was repulsed with the loss of 3000 men, on which he was
disposed to desist from the enterprise, deeming the place im-
pregnable. Among the prisoners taken at Quamsi were nine
Portuguese, one of whom named George Mendez made offer
to the Tartar general to put him on a plan for gaining the
fortress of Nixiancoo, on condition that he and his companions
were restored to liberty. The general agreed to his proposal,
and gained the fort by the advice of Mendez, with the slaughter
of 2000 Chinese and Moguls. In pursuance of his promise,
the general obtained the liberty of the Portuguese from his
sovereign, but prevailed on Mendez to continue in his service
by a pension of 6000 ducats. The Tartar emperor was con-
strained to raise the siege of Peking and retire to Tuymican
his residence in Tartary, after having closely invested the
metropolis of China for almost seven months, with the loss of
450,000 men^ mostly cut off by pestilence, besides 300,000
that deserted to the Chinese.
In 1545, Martin Alfonso de Sousa became exceedingly dis-
satisfied with his situation as governor-general in India, being
threatened on every side by a combination of the native princes,
and having no adequate means of defence either in men or
money. Only a few days before the arrival of his successor,
he declared to Diego Silveyra who was going to sail for Por-
tugal, that if the king did "not immediately send out a succes-
sor, he would open the patents of succession, and resign the
government to whoever he might find nominated for that
purpose. He was soon afterwards relieved by Don Juan de
Castro, whose journal of the expedition into the Red Sea we
have laid before our readers in the preceding chapter, and who
arrived at Goa in August or September 1545, to assume the
government of India.
10 SECTION
CHAP. iv. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 889
SECTION IV.
Governme?it of India by Don Juan de Castro, from 1545 to
1548.
KHOJAH ZOFAR, who was now chief minister and favourite
to the king of Cambaya, though he continued to keep up a
fair correspondence with the Portuguese, yet, with the perfidy
so natural to a Moor, never ceased persuading his sovereign
to endeavour to shake off the yoke by a second attempt to re-
duce the castle of Diu. For this purpose he collected a
powerful army, yet endeavoured in the first place to attain
his ends by the most infamous means of secret policy. With
this view he gained over a Portuguese of a base character,
named Ruy Frcirc, to poison the great cistern or reservoir of
water, to set the magazine of the castle on fire, and to admit
him by a concerted signal into the place. But this treacher-
ous design was frustrated by the iniormation of an Ethiopian,
a -Turk and a female slave, who revealed the plot to the com-
mander, Don Juan Mascarenhas, who had succeeded Emanuel
de Sousa. As Mascarenhas became aware of the storm that
was gathering against him, he prepared to meet it as well as
possible, and sent notice of his danger to the governor-general,
Don Juan de Castro, and to all the neighbouring Portuguese
commanders. The garrison in the castle of Diu at this time
amounted only to 2 1 men : Of these Mascarenhas assigned
30 for the defence of each of the four bastions ; his lieutenant
had charge of a tower or bulwark over the gate with 20 men ;
other 20 were placed in a small detached work ; and he re-
tained 50 men as a body of reserve under his own imifrediate
command, to act wherever the greatest danger might call for
his presence.
By this time a considerable number of men were collected
by the enemy in the city of Diu, among whom were 500
Turks sent from Mokha by the king of Zabid, and Khojah
Zolar came on with all his power, resolving to attack the sea
bastion by means of three castles well stored with cannon and
ammunition, which were built upon a ship of vast size ; within
the castles were 200 Turks, who were intended to distract the
attention of the defendants by continually pouring in all sorts
of artificial fireworks. This device was however abortive, as
Jacome
390 Portuguese Discovery and PAUT ir. BOOK HI.
Jacome Leite went by Viight in two small vessels with twenty
men, and though discovered he succeeded in setting the
floating castle on fire, a great part of which blew up with all
the Turks, and the remainder of the ship burnt with so great
a flame that the enemy was seen in whole battalions running
to quench the fire. Seeing the enemy in clusters, Jacome
pointed his cannon among them and killed many: After this
exploit, he proceeded to the mouth of the river, where he
took some vessels loaded with provisions belonging to the
enemy, with w Inch he returned to the fort to the great admi-
ration of the whole garrison, having seven of his men
wounded in this gallant and successful exploit.
Though frustrated in this design, Khojah Zofar persisted
in his intentions of besieging the castle, for which purpose he
began to rebuild the wall which had been destroyed by J)e
Sousa *. This could not be prevented, though many of the
workmen were killed by the cannon of the fort, and being at
last brought to perfection Zofar planted upon it sixty pieces
of large cannon, besides many of a small size. One of these
cannons was of such extraordinary magnitude that it shook
the whole island every time it was discharged, and it was
managed with much expertness by a renegado Frenchman in
the service of Zofar. At this time Don Ferdinand de Castro,
son to the governor arrived with a reinforcement. Masca-
renhas having expressed a desire of acquiring some intelli-
gence from the enemys camp, one Diego de Anaya Coutinno.
a gentleman of note and of great strength, put on a helmet
with a sword by his side and a spear in his hand, and let him-
self down from the wall under night. He soon discovered
two Moors at some distance from the fort, one of whom he
slew with his spear, and taking up the other in his arms ran
with him to the gate of the fort, calling out for admission,
and threw him in, to the great surprise and admiration of his
companions. Coutinno had borrowed a helmet, which he had
engaged his word to restore or die in its defence. It happened
to fall off in the scuffle, and he did not miss it till demanded
by its owner. He immediately let himself down again from
the wall to look for the helmet, which he found and restored.
Shortly afterwards an extraordinary movement was observ-
ed in the besieging army, of which Mascarenhas was desirous to
know
1 This second siege of Diu appears to have commenced about the begin-
ning of March 1545. E.
CHAP. IV. SECT. iv Conquest of India. 391
know the cause. On this account six men sallied out at night
from the castle, and tell upon an advanced party of sixty
Moors, some of whom they killed ; but the rest awaking, and
being joined by others, the Portuguese were forced to retreat
after losing two of their number ; but the remaining four
brought in a prisoner along with them, who reported that the
king of Cambaya was arrived from (Jhampanel with 10,000
horse, on purpose to see the capture of the castle, which he
was assured by Zofar must soon fall. This exploit so incens-
ed the king and Zofar, that they pre-sed the siege with the
utmost fury, and did much harm to the works of the castle by
incessant discharges from their numerous artillery. But the
renegado Frenchman, who managed their greatest gun, was
slain by a chance shot, and the gunner who succeeded him
was so ignorant that he did more harm to his own party than
to the Portuguese. All the neighbourhood continually re-
sounded with the incessant noise of the cannon, mixed with
the cries and groans of dying men ; when a ball from the tort
happened to go through the kings tent, and sprinkled him all
over with the blood of one of his favourites, who was torn to
pieces close by him. This so terrified the king, that he im*
mediately abandoned Diu, leaving the command of the horse
to Juzar Khan a valiant Abyssinian.
Khojah Zofar continued to press the siege, and there was
much slaughter and destruction on both sides ; but this was
more evident and prejudicial in the castle, owing to the small
space and the weakness of the garrison. Mascarenhas on his
part exerted every means for defence, always repairing to
wherever there was most danger, as desirous of gaining equal
honour with Silveyra who had so gallantly defended the same
place only a few years before. He was no less fortunate in
courageous women than Silveyra, as those now in the castle
encouraged the men to fight valiantly, and both assisted and
relieved them in the labour of repairing the w r alls. On one
occasion that some Turks had got within the walls and had
taken post in a house, one of these valiant females ran there
with a spear and fought against the enemy, till Mascarenhas
came up with his reserve and put them all to the sword. Zofar
used every effort and device to fill up the ditches and to batter
down the walls of the castle ; but equal industry was exerted
by the besieged to repair the breaches and to clear out the
ditches, the prime gentry doing as much duty on those oc-
casions as the private soldiers and masons ; repairing every
night
K Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
night such parts of the walls and bastions as had been ruined
in the day.
Astonished to see all the defences thus restored, and angry
at the obstinate resistance of so small a garrison, Zofar made
a furious assault upon the cattle, but had his head carried off
by a cannon-ball. ** In thi^ violent death he fulfilled the pre-
diction of his mother at Otranto^ who having in vain endea-
voured to prevail upon him to return into the bosom of the
church, used to superscribe her letters to him in the following
manner. To Khujah Zofar my son, at the gates of hell" Ke
was succeeded by his son Rumi Khan, who inherited hit,
fortune and command, arid was as eager as his father to re-
duce the castle of Diu. Being in great straits, Mascarenhas
was under the necessity of applying to the governor-general
at Goa and the commanders of the neighbouring garrisons
for reinforcements, on which occasion a priest was employed,
who run great danger, as the sea was at this season scarcely
navigable: But then Portugal had some decii and reguli,
while it now has only the grief of wanting such patriots *.
In the mean time Rumi Khan and Juzar Khan gave a ge-
neral assault, particularly directing their efforts against the
bastions of St John and St Thomas, where they found a vi-
gorous resistance and lost a prodigious number of men. Yet
numbers at length prevailed, and the enemy gained a tempo-
rary possession of the bastion of St Thomas. The garrison
adding fury to despair, made so desperate an tnvrt to recover
the bastion, that they made a wonderful slaughter of the nu-
merous assailants who had penetrated their works, throwing
headlong from the wall such as had escaped the sword, inso-
much that the bastion and the ditch below were heaped with
dead bodies. Rumi Khan spent the succeeding night in
prayers and processions to propitiate Mahomet, nd next
morning renewed the assault with equal fury. But after
mounting the two bastions, he was at length iorced to retreat
with the loss of near 2000 men, among whom was Ju/ar Khan
the Abyssinian general, who was succeeded in his command
by his uncle of the same name. In this action the Portuguese
lost seven men. Several other assaults were given with similar
success. In one of these the fire was so close and furious that
several
2 It is hardly necfs??ry to observe that this is the expression of D-; FarJa.
in the seventeenth t entury, when Portugal groaned under the yoke of the
Austrian sovereigns of i^ain. E.
CHAP. iv. SECT, iv. Conquest of India.
several of the Portuguese who were clad in cotton garments
had their clothes set on fire, on which they ran and dipt
themselves in water, after which they returned to their posts.
Such as happened to have skin coats escaped this danger ; ai*d
as Mascarenhas noticed thi circumstance, he caused the gilt
leather hangings of his apartments to be made into coats for
his soldiers.
As the enemy had raised a mount near the castle which
overlooked the walls, whence they greatly annoyed the enemy,
Don Juan and Don Pedro de A'meyda sallied out with an
hundred men and destroyed that work, killing 300 Moors.
At another time Martin Botello went out with ten men to
endeavour to make some prisoners, to procure intelligence.
This party fell upon a post of the enemy occupied by
eighteen men, all of whom fled except one Nubian, who
bravely endeavoured to defend himself againsr the whole
eleven. Botello closed with him, and finding him hard
to overcome while he touched the ground with his feet,
raised him in his arms as Hercules did Anteus, and carried
him to the fort by main strength. The assaults were fre-
quently renewed, and the besieged were worn out with fatigue
and reduced to the last extremity by famine, being forced to
feed even upon naseous vermin. A crow or a vulture taken
while feeding upon the dead bodies was so great a dainty for
the sick that it sold for five crowns. Even the ammunition
tvas almost spent. In this extremity, the enemy gave a fresh
assault and forced their way into the bastion of St John,
whence they were driven out. Scarcely had they retired
when the bastion blew up with a vast explosion, carrying up
73 of the garrison into the air, ten of whom came down alive.
Among these was Diego de Sotomayor, who fell into the fort
with his spear still in his hand. One soldier fell in a similar
manner among the enemy, and was immediately slain. li
was no fable that armed men were seen in the air on this occa-
sion 3 . Foreseeing the danger, as he believed from the re-
tirement of the enemy so suddenly that they had secretly caus-
ed it to be undermined, Mascarenhas gave orders for the
Portuguese soldiers to retire from the bastion ; but one
Reynoso prevented them from doing so, unaware of what was
intended, upbraiding them for cowardice.
Thirteen
3 This is an evident allusion of De Faria to the ridiculous reports so
often propagated among the Portuguese and Spaniards of those days, f
heavenly champions aiding them in battle against the infidels. -E.
394* Portuguese Discover!/ and PART u. BOOK nr.
Thirteen thousand of the enemy immediately attacked the
breach which was formed by the explosion, and were at first
resisted only by five men, till Mascarenhas came up with fifteen
more. Even the women came forward to assist in defending
the breach : and the priest, who had returned from carrying
advice to the neighbouring Portuguese forts, appeared carry-
ing a crucifix aloft, and encouraging the men to behave them-
selves manfully. After a long and furious contest, the enemy
retired on the approach of night, after losing 300 men, and
Mascarenhas employed the whole night in repairing the
breach. The enemy renewed their attacks every day, but
with no better success, trusting to their vast superiority in
numbers, that they would at last wear out and destroy the gar-
rison. Rumi Khan began again to undermine the works,
even piercing through rocks that were in the way ; but Mar-
carenhas by means of a countermine disappointed his expec-
tations, as the mine exploded back upon the enemy and killed
many of their own men.
Don Alvaro de Castro, son to the governor-general, was
at this time sent with supplies and reinforcements, and had to
contend against the winds and waves through almost incredi-
ble storms, yet arrived at Bassen without loss. From thence
Antonio Moniz Baretto with eight gentlemen crossed over to
Dili in a boat, being the first reinforcement ; who though few
were no small comfort to the besieged by their bravery. Next
came Luis de Melo with nine men ; then Don George and
Don Duarte de Menezes with seventeen ; after them Anto-
nio de Ataide and Francisco Guillerme with fifty each ; and
Ruy Freyre the factor of Chaul with twenty-four. With
these reinforcements Mascarenhas fell upon the enemy who
then possessed some of the works of the castle, and had even
established themselves in the bastion of St James. The ene-
mey had now lost 5000 men and the besieged 200, but hav-
ing as many more left, scarcely half of whom were fit for duty,
when Don Alvaro de Castro arrived with 400 men and a suf-
ficient supply of ammunition, having taken by the way a ship
belonging to Cambaya richiy laden.
The joy of this relief was soon damped by the mutinous
disposition of the soldiers brought by Don Alvaro ; who fear-
ful of the mines of the enemy, clamorously demanded to be
led into the field against the enemy ; and when the governor
prudently refused compliance, they broke out into open mu-
tiny in defiance of all discipline, then scarce known or at least
not
GHAP. iv. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 395
not respected by the Portuguese. Being in danger of perish-
ing in the castle by his own men, Mascarenhas chose rather
to die in the field among the enemy, and made a sally with
almost 500 men in three bodies. At the first push the ad-
vanced post of the enemy was gained, and they were forced to
retire to their main works. Those who had insolently com-
pelled their commander to this extravagant measure, uow
stood heartless at the foot of the trenches, while others who
had taken no part in the mutiny acted courageously. After
a severe reproof from Mascarenhas they took heart and mount-
ed the works, but the whole army of the enemy attacking
them, the Portuguese were forced to retire in disorder. The
enemy followed up the runaways, and 5000 of them under
Mojate Khan endeavoured to gain possession of the bastion
of St Thomas, but were bravely repulsed by Luis de Sousa.
In this action sixty men were slain on the side of the Portu-
guese, among whom were Don Alvaro de Castro, who was
mortally wounded in the head. About this time likewise the
enemy gained temporary possession of the bastion of St James
and even turned its cannon against the garrison, but were
driven out by Vasco de Cuna and Luis de Almeida, who had
just arrived with a reinforcement. The latter went out soon
afterwards with Payo Rodriguez and Pedro Alfonso in three
cnravels, and soon returned with two great ships belonging to
Mecca and several other vessels, whose cargoes were worth
50,000 ducats.
In the beginning of October 154-5, when the siege had lasted
eight months, Don Juande Castro set out fromGoa with a pow-
erful armament for its relief. As the fleet, consisting of above
90 vessels, was scattered during the voyage, Don Juan put in
at Baseen to wait for its reunion, and sent in the mean time
Don Einanuel de Lima with a squadron to scour the coast,
who took several vessels. At length the Portuguese fleet
made its appearance in the sea of Diu, to the great amaze-
ment and dismay of the enemy, who had recently received a
supply of 5000 men from the king of Cambaya. Having
landed his troops, it was resolved by Don Juan de Castro to
march and attack the enemy, chiefly on the suggestion of the
experienced Don Garcia de Sa. The Portuguese army was
accordingly marshalled in the following order. Don Juan
Mascarenhas, the valiant defender of the castle, led the van
consisting of 500 men. Two other bodies of equal force were
led
396 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK HI.
led by Don Alvaro de Castro 4 , and Don Emanuel de Lima.
Don Juan de Castro led the reserve,, composed of 1 000 Por-
tuguese and a body of Indian soldiers. Among the men
were several Portuguese women in men's clothes, who went
principally to assist those that might be wounded. The
lieutenant-governor was left in charge of the fort with 300
men.
Having prepared for battle by the sacraments of the church,
this small army marched out at break of day of the llth No-
vember 1545, to attack the numerous forces of the enemy,
who were strongly entrenched and defended by a powerful
train of artillery. At this time two Portuguese gentlemen
who had challenged each other, agreed that he who first
mounted the works of the enemy should be deemed conque-
ror: both honourably strove to gain the victory, and both
died gloriously in the attempt. After a severe conflict, in
which the Portuguese sustained some loss, they at length
mounted the works, and Mascarenhas and Don Alvaro de
Castro, having each gained possession of a tower or bulwark,
made room for the army drawing up in the open field in the
rear of the hostile works. Twice was the ensign carrying
the royal standard thrown down from the enemy's works, and
twice remounted. Rumi Khan used every effort, backed by
his numerous army, to drive the Portuguese from his en-
trenchments, but unsuccessfully. Being joined by Juzar
Khan, who had been worsted by Mascarenhas, they united
their troops and renewed their fight, and distressed the Por-
tuguese exceedingly, when father Antonio de Cazal appeared
in the rank:* carrying a crucifix aloft on the point of a lance,
encouraging the troops to behave courageously. By great and
valiant exertions, after covering the field with dead and
wounded Moors, Rumi Khan was constrained to retreat in
disorder ; but having rallied his troops, the Portuguese in their
turn were thrown into disorder. Don Juan, however exerted
himself to admiration, and restoring his men to order renewed
the battle. At this time a stone or bullet broke off an arm
from the crucifix, and the priest calling on the soldiers to
avenge the sacrilege, they fell on with such fury, that after in-
credible
4 This gentleman has been said only a little way before, to have been
mortally wounded. He must only have been severely wounded on that
former occasion ; or perhaps it might have been Don Ferdinand, another
son of the governor, who was killed. K.
CHAP.IV.SECT.IV. Conquest of India. 397
credible efforts they drove the enemy into the city with vast
slaughter. Mascarenhas, Don Alvaro de Lima, and Don
Juan de Castro, successively forced their way into the city with
their respective battalions, by several avenues, making the
streets and houses run with blood. The women shared the
fate of the men, and even children were slain at their mothers
breasts. In plundering the houses, gold, silver, and jewels
were alone attended to by the soldiery, other things though
of value being slighted as cumbrous.
Rumi Khan and the other officers of the enemy sallied
with about 8000 men, against whom Don Juan de Castro, with
the assistance of his son and Mascarenhas again engaged,
and after a bloody battle gained a complete victory. In this
last engagement, Gabriel Teixeyra killed the standard-bearer
of the enemy, and dragged the standard of Cambaya about the
iield proclaiming victory. George Nunez brought out the head
of Rumi Khan from among the dead, and presented it to Don
Juan. Juzar Khan was wounded and made prisoner. In
this great battle the enemy lost 5000 men, among whom, be-
sides Rumi Khan, Azede Khan, Lu Khan, and other men of
note were slain. The Portuguese, according to one account,
lost 100 men, while others say only 34. Many thousands
were taken, with forty pieces of cannon of extraordinary size,
besides 160 others, and a prodigious quantity of ammunition.
Free plunder was allowed to the troops, by which man^ ac-
quired great riches and all were satisfied. Many of the Por-
tuguese signalized their valour in this action. The governor-
general acted the part of a valiant soldier, as well us that of
a prudent general. Mascarenhas, after sustaining a siege of
eight months, distinguished himself above all others. Of Don
Alvaro de Castro, it is sufficient to say that he acted like his
father. The ensign Barbado, though several times thrown
down, as often remounted the works of the enemy. Father
Antonio del Cazal, by presenting to view the image of life
banished the fear of death. Many others distinguished their
valour, some of whom survived and others were slain. The
enemy confessed that, one day during the siege, they saw over
the church in the castle a beautiful woman in the air, clothed
in white, and so brilliantly illuminated with rays of light that
they could not look upon her ; and that this day there were
some men in the field armed with lances who did them much
harm. The king of Cambaya was so enraged with the loss
hq
398 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in,
he had sustained in this siege, that he ordered twenty-eight
Portuguese prisoners to be torn in pieces in his presence.
Great was the joy at Goa on the news being received of
the events at Diu, which were carried thither by Diego Ro-
driguez de Azevedo, who likewise carried a message from Don
Juan de Castro requesting the city to lend him 20,000 pardaos
for the use of the army, sending a lock of his whiskers in
pawn for the faithful repayment of the money. The city re-
spectfully returned the proposed pledge, and sent him more
money than he wanted, and even the ladies of Goa on this
occasion sent him their earrings, necklaces, bracelets, and other
jewels to be applied to the public service. But the governor
punctually restored all exactly as sent, having been amply
supplied by the capture of a rich ship of Cambaya. Having
restored the castle to a better condition than before the siege,
Don Juan de Castro sailed for Goa, leaving a garrison of 500
men in the castle under Don George tie Menezes, with six
ships to secure the coast. The city aLo was now better in-
habited than ever, through the good usage of the governor
to the Moors.
Don Juan de Castro returned from Diu to Goa on the 1 1th
of April 1546, where he was received with universal demon-
strations of joy, and was conducted into the city in a splendid
triumph, prepared on purpose after the manner of the ancient
Romans. The city gates and the houses of the streets he had
to pass through were hung with silk, all the windows were
thronged with women splendidly dressed, and every part of
the city resounded with music and the din of cannon, all the
ships in the bay being richly adorned with numerous fla^s and
streamers. Don Juan entered the citv under a splendid ca-
nopy ; and at the gates his hat was taken off, and his brows
adorned by a crown of laurel, of which likewise a branch was
put into his hand. Before him went the priest, carrying the
crucifix, as he had done in the late battle, and next to him
was the royal standard. Juzar Khan followed with his eyes
fixed on the ground, perhaps that he might not see the stand-
ard of his sovereign trailing in the dust, while those of the
Portuguese floated triumphant in the air. After him came
600 prisoners in chains. In the front were all the captured
cannon, and great quantities of arms of all sorts in carts arti-
ficially disposed. The governor walked upon leaves of gold
and silver and rich silks, all the ladies as he passed sprinkling
him from their windows with odoriferous waters, and strewing
him
CHAP. iv. SECT. iv. Conquest of India. 399
him with flowers. On hearing an account of this triumph,
queen Catharine said " That Don Juan had overcome like a
Christian, but had triumphed like a heathen."
Scarcely was this triumph ended when the governor found
it necessary to send a force of 120 horse, 800 foot, and 1000
Indians, to expel some troops sent by Adel Khan to possess
the districts of Salsete and Bardcs, because the conditions oil
which he had ceded these to the Portuguese had not been
fulfilled. Diego de Almcyda, who commanded these troops,
easily executed his commission, as 4-000 men belongingto Adel
Khan, who were stationed at Co^lii fled at his approach. Adel
Khan however sent them back again, with 9000 additional
men, together with a company of renegado Portuguese, com-
manded by Gonzalo Vaz Coutinno, who, to avoid the punish-
ment due to his crimes, had deserted to the enemy. As
Almeyda found himself too weak to resist this great force, he
was forced to retire; on which the governor marched in person
against the enemy with 3000 men in five battalions, and was
soon afterwards joined by Francisco de Melo with about 1500
more. On the approach of this force the enemy retired to the
fort of Ponda followed by the Portuguese army, on which
occasion Don Alvaro de Castro, who led the van, gained pos-
session of a ford defended by 2000 musqueteers. The main
body of the enemy, twelve or thirteen thousand strong, were
drawn up in good order about the fort, but fled at the first
fire, leaving the fort entirely empty.
The victorious are sure to find friends. Cidoza king of
Canara sent to congratulate Don Juan de Castro upon this
victory, and to propose a new alliance with the Portuguese,
which was accordingly concluded upon advantageous terms,
as always happens upon such occasions. This kingdom of
Charnataca, corruptly named Canara, had no sovereign prince
before the year 1200, when one Boca, a shepherd, assumed
the government, styling himself .Red which signifies emperor,
a title that has been continued by all his successors. This
king, in memorial of a victory gained by him over the king
of Delhi, built the famous city of Visajanagur, corruptly called
Bisnagar. The crown continued in his line till usurped by
Narsinga, from whom the kingdom took that name, having
been formerly called Bisnagar from that of the city. After-
wards king Malek sent aleo to confirm the peace between
him and the Portuguese, more through hatred to Adel Khan
who
400 Portuguese Discovery and PART 11. BOOK in.
who was defeated, than from love to the victorious Portu-
guese.
Hearing in 1546 that the king of Cambaya intended again
to be&iege Diu with a larger army than ever, Don .Juan de
Castro prepared with all diligence to relieve it, borrowing
money from the city of Goa for the expences of the expedition;
and on this occasion the women of Goa sent him their jewels
by the hands of their young daughters, complaining that he
had not used them before, and requesting him to do so now ;
but he sent all back accompanied with presents. Having
fitted out 16O sail of various kinds of vessels with a large mi-
litary force, Don Juan sailed for Basseen and thence to Surat,
where Don Alvaro had arrived before the fleet, and had taken
3L work with several cannon- from the Moors. Sailing thence
tc* Baroch, the army of the kingof Cambaya was seen covering
the whole plain, to the amount of 150,000 men, with 80 large
cannon in front* Don John was anxious to land with his small
army of 3000 men to give battle to the king, but was dissuaded
from the rash attempt by his most experienced officers. He
went on therefore to Diu, where he appointed Luis Falcam
to command the castle, as Mascarenhas was then about to re-
turn to Portugal. After this he went along the coast of the
Guzerat dominions, landing in many places, and destroying
every thing with fire and sword. The strong and beautiful
cities of Pale and Patanc y being abandoned by the inhabitants,
were utterly destroyed ; two hundred vessels were destroyed
in their ports, and a prodigious booty was obtained. Dabul
alsoy though in the dominions of Adel Khan, was treated in
a similar manner, in revenge for the ravages commited by the
orders of that sovereign in the districts of Salsete and Bardes,
which were occupied by Calabate Khan at the head of 20,000
men.
As Calabate Khan seemed disposed to retain possession of
these districts, Don Juan went against him with 150O horse
and 4000 foot ; but the enemy fled in all haste to the gauts,
leaving their tents and baggage behind. The Portuguese army
pursued; and being resisted by Calabate Khan in person, with
2000 horse at a ford or pass, that general was unhorsed and
slain by a Portuguese officer named Almeyda, after which the
enemy were defeated with great slaughter. The cymeter,
dagger, chain, and rings of the slain general were estimated
at the value of 80,000 crowns. After this victory, Don Juan
ravaged the whole country below the gauts belonging to Adel
Khan,
CHAP.iV.SECT.lv. Conquest of India. 401
Khan, destroying every thing before him, burning all the towns
and woods, and carrying off the cattle and provisions. From
this destructive expedition he returned to Goa, which he again
entered in triumph.
About this time the king of Acheen in Sumatra, an irrecon-
cilable enemy to the Portuguese, sent a fleet of sixty vessels
against Malacca with 5000 soldiers, among whom were 500
men called Orobalones or the golden bracelets, from wearing
that ornament in distinction of their bravery ; but the prin-
cipal force consisted of a regiment of Turkish janisaries com-
manded by a valiant Moor. This man landed in the night
near Malacca, and it is said that the garrison was alarmed
and put on their guard by a flock of geese, as the capitol was
in ancient times. The garrison of Malacca was then very
weak, yet the enemy were forced to reimbark, after burning
two Portuguese ships then ready to sail. On returning from
their intended attack on Malacca, the enemy took seven poor
fishermen, whose noses, ears, and feet they cut off, and sent
them in that mutilated condition to the commander at Malacca,
George de Melo, with a letter written with their blood, chal-
lenging him to come out and fight them at sea. Melo was
by no means disposed to accept this challenge, having a very
inadequate force, and because he had only eight small vessels
which lay aground in a state unfit for service. But the great
St Francis Xavier, who was then in Malacca, prevailed on some
merchants to be at the expence of fitting out these vessels, and
upon Melo to go out against the enemy, promising that two
galliots would come by a, certain time to his aid. When the
time was near expired, two galliots actually made their ap-
pearance and came into the harbour, though intended upon
a different course. The saint went on board, and found that
they were commanded by Diego Suarez de Melo, commonly
called the Gallego, and his son Baltazar, whom he prevailed
upon to join in the attack of the Acheenese. The ten small
vessels were accordingly fitted out and manned by 230 men,
and set sail in search of the enemy under the command of
Don Francisco Deza. After ranging about for two months in
search of the Acheen fleet, when at length about to return to
Malacca, Deza found them in the river Paries, where he re-
solutely attacked them one Sunday morning, and, after an
obstinate engagement, gained a complete victory, in which
4000 of the enemy were slain. Several of the Acheen ships
were sunk, and almost all the rest taken, of which the Portu-
vi. c c guese
4r02 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK 11^
guese brought in twenty-five to Malacca, with 300 pieces of
cannon and about 1000 firelocks, having only lost twenty-five
men according to one account, while some said only four. St
Francis was preaching at Malacca when this battle took place,
and suddenly pausing in the middle of his discourse, he dis-
tinctly related all the particulars of the victory to his auditors,
who were in great anxiety for the fate of their ships, having
received no news of them during two months. His prophecy
was verified a few days afterwards by their triumphant ar-
rival.
Don Juan de Castro began his operations in January 154-8,
by the entire destruction of all that part of the western coast
of India which belonged to Adel Khan. From the river
Charopa two leagues from Goa, to that of Cifardam, which
divides the dominions of Adel Khan from that of the Nizam,
he spared neither living creature, vegetable, nor dwelling of
any kind.
When the news of the glorious termination of the siege of
Diu was received at Lisbon, the king sent out a greater fleet
than usual to India, and honoured Don Juan with extraor-
dinary favours for his good services. Besides a present in
money, he continued him in the government, raising his rank
from governor-general to the dignity of viceroy, and appointed
his son Don Alvaro admiral of the Indian seas. But Don
Juan was almost dead when these honours reached him, being
sick of a disease which now-a-days kills no one, for even dis-
eases die ! He was heart-broken by the cowardly behaviour
of a Portuguese force that had been sent to Aden, and the
rash conduct of his son at Xael, in both of which they had
suffered severe losses. Finding himself dying, he publicly asked
pardon of many for having written against them to the king ;
and being unable to manage the affairs of government, he ap-
appointed a select council to supply his place. Calling the
members into his presence, he said "Though he neither hoped
nor wished to live, yet it behoved him to be at some expence
while he remained alive ; and having no money, he entreated
they would order him a small supply from the royal revenues,
that he might not die for want." Then laying his hand on a
missal, with his eyes lifted up to heaven, he solemnly swore,
"That he had on no occasion converted the money belonging
to the king, or to any other person, to his own use ; and that
he had never engaged in trade to increase his own fortune."
He desired that this his solemn declaration might be recorded.
He
CHAP. iv. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 403
He soon afterwards expired in the arms of St Francis Xavier,
on the 6th of June 1548, in the 48th year of his age. All
the treasure found in his private cabinet was three ryals and
a bloody scourge.
Don Juan was an excellent scholar, being particularly skilled
in Latin and the mathematics. During hisgovernment of India
he did not allow himself to be actuated by pride, as other? had
done before and after him, and always valued and promoted
his officers for their merits. He so much loved that everyone
should act becomingly, that seeing one day a fine suit of clothes
on passing a tailors shop, and being told that it was intended
for his son, he cut it in pieces, desiring some one to tell the
young man to provide arms, not fine clothes.
SECTION V.
Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1548ft? 1564,
under several Governors 1 .
IMMEDIATELY on the death of Don Juan the first patent of
succession was opened, in which Don Juan Mascarenhas was
named ; but he had gone to Lisbon to seek the reward of his
gallant defence of Diu, which he now missed. The second
named Don George Telo, who was also absent. In the third,
Gracia de Sa was nominated to the succession, an officer of
much experience in the affairs of India. Soon afterwards he
received an embassy from Add Khan to solicit peace, which
was concluded much to the advantage of the Portuguese.
The Zamorin, Nizam-al-mulk, Kothb-al-mulk king of Golcon-
da, the Rajah of Canara, and several other princes of India
sent splendid embassies to confirm the peace ; and at length,
Sultan Mahmud king of Guzerat or Cambaya, tired of the
unfortunate war in which he had been long engaged with the
Portuguese, made pacific overtures, and a treaty was concluded
to the credit and advantage of the Portuguese.
In the course of this year, 1548, a bloody war broke out
between the kings of Siam and Pegu on the following occasion:
The king of biam happened to possess a white elephant, a sin-
gular
1 The transactions of this period are of so little importance, and related
in so desultory a manner, that in the present sectio.n we have only thought
it necessary to give an abreviated selection. E.
404? Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK HI.
gular curiosity, much coveted by all the princes of the east,
and the king of Pegu demanded that it should be given up to
him >n token of superiority. This was refused by the king
of Siam, and the king of Pegu invaded Siam with a numerous
army, reducing the king of Siam to such straits that he was
willing to make peace on any conditions, except delivering up
the white elephant, even agreeing to give up one of his own
daughters, and to send a woman of noble birth yearly as an
acknowledgement of vassalage. But as the terms were not
performed, the kingof Pegu again marched into the kingdom
of Siam with a prodigious army of a million and a half of men
and 4-000 elephants. Above 2000 workmen preceded the king,
and set up every night for his lodgment a stately wooden palace,
richly painted and adorned with gold. On this march the
king of Pegu constructed a prodigious bridge of boats over the
rapid river Menam 9 a full league in length, for the passage of
his army.
In the course of this march, the army of Pegu was ob-
structed by a strong entrenchment defended by 25,000 Sia-
mese troops. Diego Suarez de Melo, who served in the army
of Pegu with IbO Portuguese', went against this entrenchment
with his own small battalion and 30,000 Peguers, and carried
the work with a prodigious slaughter of the Siamese. The
army of Pegu at length besieged the city of Odia, in which
the king of Siam resided. Oelia is eight leagues in circum-
ference, and was surrounded by a strong wall on which 4000
cannon were mounted, and was farther defended by a wide
and deep wet ditch, and by a garrison of tO,000 combatants,
among whom were 50 Portuguese commanded by Diego Pe-
reyra. After continuing the sirge for some time, being un-
able to prevail on the Portuguese under Pereyra to desert
the service of the king of Siam, the king of Pegu abandon-
ed Odia, and besieged the city of Caniantbee, in which the
treasun s of Siam were deposited. That place was strongly
fortified, and defended by 20,000 men with so much valour
that the Peguers were again obliged to desist. At th;s time
Xemihdoo rebelled against the king of Pegu, who sent Diego
Suarez against him with 200 Portuguese. Suarez pursued the
rebel to the city of Cevadi, but Xemindoo slipped past him
and took possession of the city of Pegu, where he was favoured
by the inhabitants. The queen fled into the castle, where
she was defended by twenty Portuguese, till the king came
up with his army and put the rebels to flight. The army then
entere d
CHAP. iv. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 405
entered the city, and put all to the sword, men, women, and
children, and every living thing, sparing those only who took
refuge in the house of Suarez, which the king had ordered to
be exempted from this military execution, and in which above
12,000 saved themselves. The plunder on this occasion was
immense, of which three millions fell to the share of Suarez,
who was so much in favour with the king, that he pardoned
a Portuguese at his intercession who had supplied the rebels
with ammunition.
The king of Pegu was soon afterwards murdered in the
beautiful chy ofZatan by the Ximi or governor of that place,
who immediately had himself proclaimed king ; but was in
his turn taken and beheaded by the former rebel Xemindoo,
who usurped the crown. One Mandaragri, who had married
a sister ot the former king, raised an army and claimed the
crown in right of his wife; and having defeated that first
rebel in battle, he fled to the mountains, where he married the
daughter of a peasant, to whom he revealed his name and rank.
She communicated this intelligence to her father, who delivered
him up to the new king by whom he was beheaded. Being
much displeased with the people of Pegu, Mandaragri built a
new city near that place. He soon afterwards raised an im-
mense army, wiih which he reduced many of the neighbouring
provinces. But a new rebellion broke out at Pegu in his
absence, by which the queen was forced to take refuge in the
castle, \vhtre she chiefly owed her safety to about forty Portu-
guese, who defended her till the king came up and vanquished
the rebels ; after which he rewarded the brave Portuguese
with riches and honour.
About this time likewise, the inhabitants of Chincheo> the
second Portuguese colony in China, being in a flourishing con-
dition, became forgetful of the sad fate of Liamjpo, formerly
mentioned, which had been destroyed through their insolence
and cupidity. Ayres Coello de Sou^a, who was judge of the
orphans and provedttor for the dead, comriiitted many villgnies
to get hold of 12,000 ducats belonging to an Armenian mer-
chant who had died there, and of 8000 ducats, from some
Chinese merchants, under pretence that this sum was due by
them to the deceased. By these and other insoknties, the
Chinese were o provoked that they destroyed Chincheo, as
they had formerly done I^iampo, only 30 Portuguese escaping
out of 500 who lived there. These and some other Portu-
guese
406 Portuguese Discovery and PART ir. BOOK in.
guese went over to the island of Lampazau ; and they after-
wards, in 1557, obtained leave to settle in the island of Goaxam,
where they built the city of Macao.
While endeavouring to devise means for the relief of the
soldiers, who were in great want, Gracia de Sa died suddenly
in July 1549, at 70 years of age, being much regretted for
his prudence, affability, and integrity. On the patents of suc-
cession being opened, George Cabral was found first in nomi-
nation. This officer was a man of good birth and known
worth, and had gone a short while before to assume the com-
mand at Basseen. He was very unwilling to assume the go-
vernment, as it deprived him of the command which he was
to have held for four years, and was afraid that another
would soon come from Portugal to supersede him in the
supreme authority ; but his lady Donna Lucretia Fiallo, pre-
vailed upon him to accept the honour to which he seemed so
averse, and which she ardently desired ; and he accordingly
returned to Goa to assume the high office. Cabral deserved
to have long enjoyed the post of governor-general, and Por-
tuguese India was indebted to his wife for the short period of
his rule. Soon after his installation, news was brought that the
Turks were fitting out an hundred sail at Suez to transport an
army to Tndia ; on which Cabral diligently prepared to meet
the storm, by collecting ships from the different ports.
At this time the zamorin and the rajah of Pimienta entered
into a league against the rajah of Cochin. The rajah of Pimi-
enta took the field with 10,000 Nay res, and was opposed by
the rajah of Cochin with his men, assisted by 600 Portuguese
troops under Francisco de Sylva, who commanded in the fort
at Cochin. Sylva pressed for an accommodation, which was
consented to by the rajah on reasonable terms ; but the treaty
was broken off by the rash and violent conduct of Sylva. The
armies engaged in battle, in which the rajah of Pimienta was
mortally wounded and carried off the field, upon which his
troops fled and were pursued into their city with great slaugh-
ter, ahd the royal palace set on fire. This was considered as
a heinous affront by the Nayres of Pimienta, who rallied and
fell with such fury on the victors that they were forced to a
disorderly retreat, in which Sylva and above fifty Portuguese
were slain. About 5000 of the Pimienta Nayres, who had
taken an oath to revenge the death of their rajah or to die
in the attempt, made an irruption into the territory of Cochin
where they did much damage 5 and while engaged with the
5 Cochin
CHAP. iv. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 407
Cochin troops, Henry de Sousa marched against them with
some Portuguese troops, and defeated them with great slaughter.
The joy occasioned by this victory was soon damped by the
approach of the zamorin at the head of 140,000 men. The
zamorin encamped with 100,000 of these atChembe, while the
tributary or allied Malabar princes with the other 40,000 took
post in the island of Bardela.
Upon the first advice of this invasion, Cabral collected the
armament which had been destined against the Turks, con-
sisting of above 100 sail of different kinds, with 4000 soldiers.
He sent on Emanuel de Sousa with four ships, ordering him
with these and the force already at Cochin to use every effort
to confine the Malabar princes to the island of Bardela, till he
should be able to get there with the main army, which orders
he effectually executed. Having destroyed Tiracole, Coulete 9
and Paniane, Cabral landed at Cochin, where his army was
increased to 6000 men, and where the Rajah was ready with
40,000 of his subjects. Being ready to attack the island, the
Malabar princes hung out a white flag for a parley, and even
agreed to put themselves into the hands of the governor on
promise of their lives ; but they delayed, and Cabral resolved
to attack them next day. When next day came, he was again
hindered by a violent flood. And the next day after, when
on the point of performing one of the most brilliant actions
that had ever been done in India, he was stopt by the sudden
arrival at Cochin of Don Alfonso de Noronha as viceroy of
India ; who would neither allow him to proceed, nor would
he execute what was so well begun, but allowed the Malabar
princes to escape with their whole army*.
While Cabral remained at Cochin, waiting for an oppor-
tunity to embark fpr Portugal in the homeward bound ships,
there was a report one night about the middle of February
1550, that 8000 sworn Nayres were on their march to assault
the city. He hastened to the gates with Emanuel de Sousa,
intending to march against the enemy at day-break; but being
hindered by the council of Cochin, he remained with a com-
petent force to defend the city, and sent Emanuel with the
native troops and 1500 Portuguese against the invaders, who
were doing every thing that rage and malice could suggest in
2 We only learn incidentally from De Faria that this happened in the year
1550. E.
408 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK. m.
a neighbouring town. After a desperate engagement, the
amoudis or devoted Nayres were defeated with great slaughter
with the loss of 50 Portuguese. Cabral embarked well-pleased
with this successful exploit against the sworn Nayres, and was
well r. ceived in Portugal, as he justly merited, though contrary
to the usual custom of that court.
This year there was born at Goa, of Canarin parents, a
hairy monster like a monkey, havinga round head and only one
eye in the forehead, over which it had horns, and its ears were
like those of a kid. When received by the midwife, it cried
with a loud voice, and stood up on its feet. The father put it
into a hencoop, whence it got out and flew upon its mother ;
on which the father killed it by pouring scalding water on its
head, and could scarcely cut off the head it was so hard.
He burnt it. But when the story came to be known, he was
punished for the murder, and the body was exposed to public
view 3 .
Don Alfonso deNoronh a was promoted to the viceroyalty of
India from being governor of Ceuta, but was subjected to the
control of a council, by whose advice he was ordered to con-
duct the goverment of India. He had orders from court to
send back to Portugal all the new Christians or converted Jews^
many of whom had gone out to India with their families. It
had been better to have banishexl them from both countries.
The new viceroy was received at Goa with universal joy, more
owing perhaps to the general dislike towards him who lays
down authority than from love for him who takes it up. The
Arabs of Cat zf a in the Persian Gulf had admitted the Turks
to take possession of the fort in that city, to the great displea-
sure of the King of Ormuz, on whom it had been dependent,
and who therefore applied for aid to the viceroy to reduce the
refractory or revolted vassals. The king of Basrah had also
been expelled from his kingdom by the Turks, yet kept the
field with an army of 30,000 men, and sent for assistance from
the viceroy, to whom he offered leave to erect a fort at his
capital, and to grant many valuable privileges to the Portu-
guese. The viceroy accordingly sent his nephew, Antonio
de Norcnha, to the assistance of these two kings with 1200
men
3 This silly story has been retained, perhaps very unnecessarily. It is
perhaps an instance of embellishment founded on the love of the marvellous,
and the whole truth may lie in a very narrow compass " an infant coming
into the world covered (with hair" while all the rest is fiction. E.
CHAP. IV. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 409
men in nineteen vessels. Antonio was joined at Ormuz by
3000 native troops, in conjunction with whom he besieged
Catifa, which was defended by 400 Turks. After a brave but
unavailing resistance, the garrison fled by night, but were
pursued and routed. As the general of the troops of Ormuz
was unwilling to engage for the future defence of this fort,
it was undermined for the purpose of destroying it ; but being
unskilfully managed, the mine exploded unexpectedly, and
forty of the Portuguese were buried under its ruins. Noronha
then sailed to the mouth of the Euphrates, on purpose to
assist the king of Basrah; but he was induced to believe, by a
cunning Turkish pacha, that the king of Basrah meant to
betray him, on which he ingloriously returned to Ormuz,
where he learnt the deceit when too laie.
The sultan of the Turks was so much displeased with the
Portuguese for what they had done at Catifa and attempted at
Basrah, that he sent an expedition against Ormuz of 16,000
men, commanded by an old pirate named Pirbec. The Turk
in the first place besieged Muscat for near a month, and at
length obliged the garrison to capitulate; but broke the ar-
ticles and chained the captain and sixty men to the oars. He
afterwards proceeded against Ormuz, where Don Alvaro de
Noronha commanded with nine hundred men in the fort,
where he had provided ammunition and provisions for a long
siege, and into which the king with his wife and children and
some of the chief people of the court had gone for shelter.
The Turk landed his men and raised batteries against the
fort, which he cannonaded incessantly for a whole month ;
but finding that he lost many of his men and had no prospect
of success, he plundered the city, and went over to the island
of Kishom, to which many of the principal people of Ormuz
had withdrawn, where he got a considerable booty and then
retired to Basrah. The viceroy had been informed of the
danger to which Ormuz was exposed, and fitted out a fleet in
which he embarked in person for its relief; but hearing at
Diu, on his way to the Persian Gulf, that Ormuz was out of
danger, he sailed back to Goa. On his return unsuccessful
from Ormuz, Pirbec was beheaded for having acted beyond
his instructions, and Morad-beg was sent in 1553 with fifteen
gallies to cruise in the Persian Gulf against the Portuguese.
An encounter took place between this Turkish squadron and
one belonging to the Portuguese under Don Diego de Noronha,
*vhich ended without material loss on either side 5 but the
Turks
410 Portuguese Discovery and PART 11. BOOK in.
Turks were forced to take shelter in the Euphrates, where the
water was too shallow to admit the Portuguese galleons. In
the course of this year 1553, Luis Camoens, the admirable
Portuguese poet, went out to India, to endeavour to advance
his fortune by the sword , which had been so little favoured by
his pen.
About this time new troubles took place at Diu in conse-
quence of the death of Sultan Mali mud, king of Guzerat or
Cambaya. Like Mithridates, he had accustomed himself to
the use of poison, to guard against being poisoned. When any
of his women happened to be near their delivery, he used to
open them to take out their children. Being one day out
hunting accompanied by some of his women, he fell from his
horse and was dragged by the stirrup, when one of his women
boldly made up to his horse and cut the girth with a cymeter ;
in requital for this service he killed her, saying "that a woman
of such courage had enough to kill him." He was at length
murdered by a page in whom he had great confidence. For
tyrants always die by the hands of those in whom they repose
most trust. He was succeeded by a child who was his reputed
son; but the nobility of the kingdom, offended by the insolence
of Madrem-al-mulk who acted as governor of the kingdom,
rebelled in several places. Abex Khan, who commanded in
the city of Diu, was one of these, and in consequence of some
disagreement between his soldiers and the Portuguese garrison,
Don Diego de Almeyda made an assault on the city with 500
men, in which many of the Moors were slain anql their houses
plundered. Though late, Abex Khan saw his error, and made
proper concessions. Soon afterwards, when Don Diego de
Noronha succeeded Almeyda in the command of the castle of
Diu, fresh troubles broke out at Diu, which were not appeased
till a good many men had been slain on both sides, chiefly
owing to the rashness and obstinacy of Diego de Noronha, for
which he was afterwards excluded from the appointment to the
\iceroyalty of India
In 1554- Don Alfonso de Noronha was superseded in the
government of Portuguese India by Don Pedro de Mascaren^
has, who was 70 years of age when appointed viceroy. Soon
after his arrival at Goa, some of the great subjects of A del
Khan, king of Visiapour, made proposals for raising Meale
Khan, who had long resided at Goa, to the musnud, and
offered to cede the Concan to the crown of Portugal, in re-
ward
CHAP. iv. SECT. v. Conquest of India, 411
ward for assistance in bringing about that revolution. That
province, which produced a million of yearly revenue, was so
great a bait, that the enterprise was engaged in without con-
sideration of its difficulties. Mcale Khan was immediately
proclaimed king of Visiapour, and. a force of 3000 Portuguese
infantry with 2(X) horse and a body of Malabars and Canarins
was immediately sent to reduce the fort of Pandas after which,
leaving his family in Goa as hostages for the faithful perform-
ance of the treaty, Meale Khan was conducted thither by the
viceroy and placed at the head of his new subjects. Leaving
Fonda under the charge of Don Antonio de Noronha, with a
garrison of 600 men, the viceroy returned to Goa, where he
soon afterwards died, having enjoyed the viceroyalty of India
only ten months.
On the death of Mascarenhas, which happened some time
in 1555, Francisco de Barreto succeeded to the government bv
virtue of a patent of succession. He immediately proceeded
to Fonda to support the cause of Meale Khan, who was soon
afterwards taken prisoner, and the Portuguese were utterly
disappointed in the hopes of profiting by this intended revo-
lution.
In the beginning of 1556, Juan Peixoto sailed with two
gallies for the Red Sea, to examine if the Turks were making
any preparations at Suez for attacking the Portuguese in In-
dia. Finding every thing quiet, he landed unperceived during
the night in the island of Svvakem, whence he carried off a
considerable booty and many prisoners, and returned to Goa
with much honour.
About this time the king of Sinde sent an embassy to the go-
vernor general, desiring assistance in a war against one of his
neighbours, and 700 men were dispatched for that purpose in
28 vessels under the command of Pedro Barreto, who arrived
safe at Tatta in the delta of the Indus, the residence of the
king of Sinde. The prince immediately visited the Portuguese
commander, and sent notice of his arrival to the kinghis father
who was absent in the field against the enemy. As the king
made peace with his enemy, Barreto desired leave to depart,
and required that the Portuguese should be reimbursed for
the expences of the expedition, as had been agreed upon by
the ambassador who solicited it. Receiving an unsatisfactory
answer, Baretto landed his men and entered the city, where
fce slew above 8000 persons, destroyed to the value of above
eight
Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK HI.
eight millions in gold 4 , and loaded his vessels with the richest
booly that had ever been made in India, without losing a
single man. He afterwards spent eight days destroy ing every
thing within reach on both sides of the river. ( )n this occasion
one Gaspar de Monterroyo, going accidentally into a wood,
killed a monstrous serpent thirty feet in length and of pro-
digious bigness, which had just devoured a bullock. Thus vic-
torious over men and monsters, Barreto returned to Chaul,
whence he and Antonio PereyraBrandam went and destroyed
Dabul in revenge for the injury done by Adel Khan to the
Portuguese possessions on the coast.
In the year 1557, Nazer-al-mulk, the general of Ad el Khan,
invaded the districts of Salsete and Bardes with 2000 horse
and 81,000 foot. Francisco Barreto, the governor-general,
went against him with 3 000 Portuguese iniantry, 1000 Ca-
narins, and 200 horse, and defeated him in the plain country
near Ponda. In the district of Bardes, Juan Peixoto was op-
posed to another general of the enemy named iMurad Khan,
and being much incommoded by a Portuguese renegado who
had fortified himself, assaulted and routed him twice with con-
siderable slaughter. As the governor -general had retired to
Goa after his late victory, Nazer-al-mulk returned to the flat
country and intrenched his army near Ponda. About the
same time an officer of Adel Khan waded the ford or Zacorla
into the island ot Choram with 500 men, and did considerable
damage ; but on the arrival of assistance from other parts was
repulsed with considerable loss, and Francisco de Mascarenhas
was left for the defence of the island with 300 men. Being
desirous to secure the promontory of Chaul, the governor asked
leave to fortify that place from Nizam Shah 5 , who not only
refused permission, but sent 30,000 of his own men with
orders to build there an impregnable fort. On this the gover-
nor went there in person with 4-000 Portuguese troops besides
natives, and a pacific arrangement was entered into, but with-
out liberty to build the fort. A miracle was seen at this
place, as the Moors had been utterly unable to cut down a
small
4 On many occasions, as here, De Faria, or his translator, gives no inti-
mation of the species of coin to v.hich he al udes. E.
5 Named Nizamuxa in /e Faria, and perhaps the same prince called
Nizamaluco on former occasions, whom we have always designated Nizam
al Mulk. The Indian officers named in the text a little before INazer al
Mulk and Murad Khan, are called Nazar Maluco and Mostecan by De
Faria, whose orthography of eastern name* is continually vicious. E.
CHAP. iv. SECT. r. Conquest of India. 4-13
small wooden cross fixed upon a stone, or even to remove it
by the force of elephants. Likewise about this time a Portu-
guese soldier bought for a trifle from ajogue in Ceylon, a brown
pebble about the size of an egg, on which the heavens where
represented in several colours, and in the midst of them the
image of the holy Virgin with the Saviour in her arms ; this
precious jewel fell into the hands of Franciso Barreto, who
presented it to Queen Catharine, and through its virtues God
wrought many miracles both in India and Portugal.
About thf end of the government of Franciso Barreto, Joam
III. king of Portugal died, in whom ended the good fortune
of the Portuguese. In 1558 the regency, during the minority
of King Sebastian, sent out Don Constantin de Braganza as
viceroy to India. Don Constantin was younger brother of
Theodosius duke of Braganza, and was only 30 years of age
when appointed to thaf; high office. He arrived at Goa in the
beginning of September 1.558, with four ships and 2000 men,
having performed the voyage with unusually favourable weather ;
and, contrary to the usual practice, he assumed thegovernment
without affronting in any way the person whom he superseded.
Soon after his arrival he went upon an expedition against Da-
man, which had been ceded to the former governor by the
king of Guzerat, but which was still retained by Side Bofata,
who was in rebellion against his own prince. On the arrival
of the Portuguese armament, Bofata abandoned the city and
fort, which the viceroy took possession of, as a post of im-
portance to secure the district of Basseen, and converted the
mosque into a Christian church. Bofata encamped at a place
named Parnel, two leagues from Daman, whence with 2000
horse he infested the Portuguese in their new possession ; but
was driven from his encampment by Antonio Moniz Barreto,
leaving thirty-six pieces of cannon, several cart-loads of copper
money, and other plunder. The viceroy behaved with such
liberality and discretion, that he soon attracted abundance of
inhabitants to this new acquisition, and reduced the neighbour-
ing island of Balzar, which he deemed necessary for the security
of Daman, of which he gave the command to Don Diego de
Noronha with a garrison of 1200, appointing Alvaro Gon-
zales Pinto to command in Balzar with 120 men and some
cannon.
In L560, the viceroy went against Jafnapatam in the island
of Ceylon, because the king of that place, who was likewise
lord of the isle of Manar, persecuted the Christians, and had
usurped
414- Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK lit.
usurped the throne from his brother, who fled to Goa, and
was there baptised by the name of Alfonso. After some con-
siderable successes, and having even forced the king of Jafna-
patam to cede the island of Manar, and to submit to the
vassalage of Portugal, the viceroy was obliged to desist from
the enterprise with considerable loss, but retained the island of
Manar, where he built a fort. Among the treasure belono-incr
to the king of Jafnapatam, taken in this expedition, was an
idol, or relic rather, which was held in high estimation by all
the idolaters on the coast of India, and, in particular, by the
king of Pegu, who used to send ambassadors yearly with rich
presents, merely to get a print of the precious relic. This
holy relic was nothing more than the tooth of a white monkey ;
and some say that the cause of its being so much admired
was owing to the rarity of the colour, like the white elephant
of Siam. Others say that the monkey was held in such vene-
ration for having discovered the wife of an ancient Indian
king who had eloped from her husband. Some again alleged
that it was the tooth of a man who had performed that service.
However this may have been, when the king of Pegu heard
that this tooth was in possession of the viceroy, he made an
offer of 300,000 ducats for it, and it was believed his zeal
would extend to a million if the bargain was well managed.
Most of the Portuguese were for taking the money, and some
wished to be employed in carrying the tooth to Pegu, expecting
to derive great profit by shewing so precious a treasure by the
way. But in a meeting of the principal clergy and laity of
Goa, held on purpose, it was determined that the tooth should
be destroyed ; and it was accordingly pounded in a mortar
in presence of the assembly, and reduced to ashes. All men
applauded this act ; but, not long afterwards, two teeth were
set up instead of one.
Madrem al Mulk, king of Cambaya, desirous of recovering
Daman, was ready to march against that place with a nume-
rous army ; but Don Diego de Noronha, getting intelligence
of the design, contrived to persuade Cedeme Khan, lord of
Snrat, that the expedition was intended against him. Cedeme
Khan, giving credit to this fiction, went to visit his brother-
in-law, Madrem al Mulk, and persuaded him, with the prin-
cipal leaders of his army, to visit him in the city of Surat ?
where he killed them all, and falling upon the camp put the
Guzerat army to the rout with great slaughter. Zingis Khan,
the son and successor of Madrem al Mulk, marched with a
numerous
CHAP. iv. SECT. v. Conquest of India. 415
numerous army to Surat to revenge the death of his father.
Cedeme Khan abandoned the city and retired into the fort,
where he was besieged by Zingis Khan, and reduced to great
extremity ; but hearing that his dominions were invaded by
a new enemy, Zingis Khan patched up an agreement with
Cedeme Khan, aod returned to defend his own country.
Soon afterwards, Don Diego de Noronha, commandant of
Daman, died poor, having expended all his substance in the
service of his king and country. Don Antonio de Noronha,
who was afterwards viceroy, used to say (( That a man must
be mad who practised that kind of liberality." Now-a-days
all men are very wise in that respect.
Some time afterwards, Cedeme Khan sent notice to the
viceroy, that Zingis Khan was again marching against Surat,
which he was in no condition to defend, and offered to deliver
up the fort at that place to the Portuguese, on condition of
being carried with his family and treasure to such place as he
should appoint. The viceroy accordingly sent fourteen ships
under the command of Don Antonio de Noronha to Surat,
accompanied by Luis de Melo, who was appointed to succeed
Diego de Noronha in the command of Daman. Coming to
Surat, they forced their way up the river through showers of
bullets, and landing with only 500 Portuguese troops, defeated
Zingis Khan, who had an army of 20,000 men, but were un-
able to drive him from the city of Surat. Cedeme Khan
however refused to deliver up the fort of Surat according to
agreement, alledging that his own men would kill him if he
did so. This is very likely; for, on the retirement of Antonio
to Goa, Cedeme Khan was forced to make his escape from
his own people, and, being made prisoner by Zingis Khan,
was put to death. Caracen, who succeeded Cedeme Khan,
contrived to patch up an agreement with Zingis Zhan, who
left him in possession of Surat.
The conduct of Don Constantin de Braganza gave so much
satisfaction to King Sebastian, that he offered to continue him
as viceroy of India for life; but on his refusal, Don Francisco
de Cotinho, count of Redondo, was appointed his successor.
This nobleman, who was no less distinguished for his witty
sayings than for his conduct in peace and war, arrived at
Goa in the beginning of September 1561. Nothing worth
relating happened during his government of India, which lasted
two years and five months, except the ordinary occurrences of
petty
416 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK. in.
petty wars on the Malabar coast, in Ceylon, Malacca, and the
Moluccas, not worth relating. In his time, the famous poet
Camoens was in Goa, where he had been favoured by the two
last viceroys. The former governor, Francisco Birreto, had
imprisoned and banished him for getting into debt, and other
youthful extravagancies; and, being given up to the law by the
count towards the end of his government, he was thrown into
prison. We shall afterwards see him deceitfully carried to
Sofala, and there sold as a slave. About the end of February
1564, the viceroy died suddenly, much lamented by all, being
a great lover of justice, and so happy in his witticisms that
all pleasant sayings were fathered upon him.
SECTION VI.
Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from
1 564 to the year 1571.
ON the death of the count of Redondo, Juan de Mendoza
late governor of Malacca succeeded to the command in India
with the title of governor. A *hort while before his accession,
some Malabar pirates had committed hostilities on the coast
of Calicut upon the Portuguese; and when complaints were
carried to the zamorin, he alleged that these had been done
contrary to his authority by rebels, and that the Portuguese
where welcome to punish them at their pleasure. The late
viceroy had accordingly sent Dominic de Mosquita to make
reprisals, who took above twenty sail of Malabar vessels, the
crews of which he barbarously put to death. Immediately
after the accession of Mendoza to the government an ambas-
sador was sent to him from the zamorin, complaining of the
conduct of Mosquita ; when the governor, in imitation of the
answer given on a similar occasion by the zamorin, said that
it had probably been done by Portuguese rebels whom he
might punish if taken. As Mosquita came to Goa while
the Calicut ambassadors were still there, the governor thought
it expedient to apprehend him in their presence ; but as soon
as they were departed, he released Mosquita and rewarded him.
His conduct, however, soon afterwards occasioned a long
war with the zamorin. Mendoza only enjoyed the govern-
ment
CHAP. iv. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 417
merit for six months, as, in the beginning of September 1564,
Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa with the title of
viceroy.
It is the received opinion in India, that the apostle St
Thomas was slain at Antenodur, a mountain about a league
and half from Meliapour, where were two caves into which he
used to retire for prayer and meditation. The nearest of
these caves now belongs to the Jesuits, and the other has been
coverted into a church dedicated to our Lady of the Mount.
According to the legend, the apostle being one day at prayers
in the former of these caves, opposite to a cleft which let in the
light, a bramin thrust in a spear at the hole and gave the saint
a mortal wound, part of the spear breaking off and remaining
in his body. The saint had just strength enough remaining
to go into the other cave, where he died embracing a stone on
which a representation of the cross was engraved. His dis-
ciples removed his body, and buried it in the church which he
had built, where the body was afterwards found by Emanuel
de Faria and the priest Antonio Penteado, who were sent
thither on purpose by king Emanuel. When, in the year
1547, the Portuguese were clearing out the cave or oratory in
which the apostle died, a stone was found which seems to have
been that he clung to at his death. This stone is about a yard
long and three quarters broad, of a grey colour with some red
spots. On its middle there is a carved porch, having letters
between two borders, and within two banisters, on which
are two twisted figures resembling dogs in a sitting posture.
From their heads springs a graceful arch of five borders, be-
tween every two of which are knobs resembling beads. In
the hollow of this arch or portal is a pedestal of two steps,
from the upper of which rises a branch on each side, and over
these, as if hung in the air, is a cross, said to resemble that
of the military order of Alcantara ; but in the print the ends
resemble three crescents with their convex sides outwards and
their points meeting, like those in many old churches in Eu~
rope. Over all is a dove on the wing, as if descending to
touch the cross with its beak.
When, in the year 1551, this oratory was repaired and
beautified, this stone was solemnly set up and consecrated j
and when the priest was reading the gospel, it began to turn
black and shining, then sweated, and returned to its original
colour, and plainly discovered the red spots pf blood, which
VOL. vi, D d were
4-18 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
were before obscure. The letters on this stone could not be
understood till the year 1561, when a learned bramin said
they consisted of 36 hieroglyphic characters, each containing
a sentence* and explained them to this effect: " In the time
" of the son of Sagad the gentile, who reigned 30 years, the
" one only GOD came upon earth, and was incarnate in the
*' womb of a virgin. He abolished the law of the Jews, whom
" he punished for the sins of men 6 , after he had been thirty-
" three years in the world, and had instructed twelve servants
** in the truth which he preached. A king of three crowns
" Cheralacone, Indalacone, Cuspindiad, and Alexander, king
" of Ertinabarad, with Catharine his daughter, and many vir-
" gins, with six families, voluntarily folio wed the law of Thomas,
" because the law of truth, and he gave them the sign of the
" cross to adore. Going up to the place of Antenodur, a
" bramin thrust him through with a larice, and he died em-
< bracing this cross which was stained with his blood. His
ic disciples carried him to Maialc, where they buried him in
" his own church with the lance still in his body. And as
<4 we, the above mentioned kings, saw this, we carved these
" letters." Hence it may be inferred, that Maiale was the
ancient name of Meliapour, now called St Thomas. This stone
afterwards sweated sometimes, which, till the year 1561, was
a good omen, but has since been a bad one.
There were likewise found three brass plates, about a span
long and half a span broad, shaped like scutcheons, having
rings on the top. On one side was engraven a cross and
-peacock, the ancient arms of Meliapour, and on the other side
certain characters which were explained by another learned
bramin to the following effect : " Boca Rajah son of Campula
" Rajah, and grandson of Atela Rajah, who confesses one
" GOD without beginning, creator of all things, who is
" greater than the beast Lhigsan, and one of five kings who
" has conquered ninety and nine, who is strong as one
" of the eight elephants that support the world, and hath
*' conquered the kingdoms of Otia, Tulcan, and Canara, cut-
" ting his enemies to pieces with his sword." This is the
inscription on one of these plates. The others contain grants
of
Probably Mr Stephens may have mistranslated this passage, which might
be more appropriately read, (who put him to death for the sins of men. This
clumsy legend of St Thomas may amuse our readers ; but probably derivet
its principal features from the contrivances of the Jesuits. -E.
CHAP. rv. SECT. vr. Conquest of India. 419
of lands to St Thomas, directed by the king to himself, and
call ing him Abidarra Modeliar ; whence it maybe inferred,
that these kings reigned at the time when Christ was crucified.
One of the.se grants begins thus: " After the year 1259, in
" the first year called Lcarana Rachan, and on the 12th day
" of the new moon of the good year, I give in alms to the
" saint Abidarra Modeliar ," &c. The other begins in this
manner: "This is a token of alms-deeds to purchase Paradise.
" All kings that perform them shall obtain much more than
" they give and he who disannuls them shall remain 60,000
" years with the worms in hell," &c.
It has bt^en disputed by what road St Thomas came into
India. The heathen history says, that he and Thaddeus being
in Mesopotamia, they parted at the city of Edessa, whence St
Thomas sailed with certain merchants to the island of Socotora
where he converted the people, and then passed over to Mogo-
dover Patana, a city of Paru, in Malabar, where he built a
church. When at this place, a heathen, who had struck St
Thomas in the king's presence, going to fetch water had his
hand bitten off by a tiger ; and running to the palace to tell
his misfortune, a dog followed him with the hand in his mouth,
on which the saint set on his hand again, so that no mark
remained. He went afterwards to Calicut, where he converted
king Perimal. There is an account that he went to the Moguls
country, where Chesitrigal then reigned, whence going into
China, he returned through Thibet into India, and went to
Meliapour, where he ended his days.
In the year 800, a rich Armenian Christian, named Thomas
Cananeus, arrived at Mogodover or Patana. Having acquired
the favour of the king by his presents, he received a grant of
Cranganor and the city of Patana, in which there were scarcely
any vestiges remaining of the church there established by St
Thomas. On these foundations the Armenian built a new-
church, and another at Cranganor, which he dedicated to St
Thomas, and which is still standing on the outside of the
Portuguese fort. He likewise built two other churches, one
dedicated to the Holy Virgin, and the other to St Cyriacus.
All of these have been erroneously ascribed to St Thomas,
when in fact they were the works of Thomas Cananeus, the
Armenian. It may reasonably be believed that the temple
or pagoda, into which Vasco de Gama entered, as he went
from Calicut to the palace of the zamorin, may have been one
of these churches, because the image of the Virgin was there
called
4/20 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in ,
called Mary by the heathens. It is believed that one of the
the three kings who went to Bethlem, at the nativity of our
Lord, was king of Malabar. The heathens celebrate yearly
a festival in honour of St Thomas, for the preservation of
their ships, because formerly, every year, many of them used
to be lost while sailing to Parvi.
From this long digression we return to the government of the
viceroy Don Antonio de Noronha, who arrived in the begin-
ning of September 1564, as formerly mentioned. In conse-
quence of the cruelties exercised on the Moors of Malabar by
Mesquita, as formerly mentioned, those of Cananor had be-
sieged the Portuguese fort at that place, and had destroyed
above thirty vessels which were under its protection. After
a siege of some endurance, the Portuguese fleet destroyed many
of the paraos belonging to the enemy, while the besieged gar-
rison of Cananor killed gre;;t numbers of their assailants, be-
sides cutting down above 40,000 palm trees 7 to the infinite
injury of the natives, who depend upon these trees as their
principal sustenance. The natives were so exasperated at this
that, collecting forces from all the surrounding districts, to the
amount of 90,000 men, they assaulted and even scaled the walls
of the fort and city; but after fighting from day- break to sun-
set, during which time they lost about 5000 men, they were
forced to retire to their camp, resolving to protract the siege,
or rather to convert the siege into a strict blockade. In the
farther prosecution of this war, the Portuguese utterly destroyed
the city belonging to Adderajao 8 , who commanded the be-
sieging enemy, and cut down a large wood of palm trees,
making great slaughter of the enemy, without any loss on
their own side, so that the natives were constrained to raise
the siege.
About this time the fort of Daman, towards the frontier
of Guzerat, was threatened by a detachment of 3000 Mogul
horse. Juan de Sousa stood immediately on his defence, and
sent advice to the viceroy and the neighbouring commanders
of his danger, trusting however to the strength of his defences,
and
7 Assuredly cocoa-nut trees. This explains a circumstance repeatedly
mentioned on former occasions, of the Portuguese anxiously cutting down the
woods in their war with the natives on the coast of India. E.
8 From the name of the commander of the enemy, probably Adde Rajah,
and other circumstances, they were most likely Nayres, and other native
Malabars, though called Moors in the text of De Faria, E,
CHAP. iv. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 4-21
and particularly to a pallisade or bound hedge, which he had
made of the plant named kchera or the milk plant, which
throws out when cut a milky liquor which is sure to blind
any one if it touches their eyes. On receiving reinforcements,
De Sousa marched out against the Moguls, who were en*
camped about three leagues from Daman ; but they fled pre-
cipitately, leaving their camp and baggage, in which the Por-
tuguese found a rich booty.
During the year 1566, the trade of India was reduced to
a very low ebb, owing to a desolating war in the rich and
extensive kingdom of Bisnagar, which then reached from the
frontiers of Bengal to that of Sinde. The kings of the
Decan, Nizam al Mulk, Adel Khan ? and Cuttub Shah, en-
vious of the power and grandeur of the king of Bisnagar,
entered into a league to partition his dominions among them-
selves, and took the field with 50,000 horse and 500,000 foot. ,
To repel this formidable invasion, the king of Bisnagar, who
was then ninety-six years of age, met his enemies with an
army double their numbers. At first the confederates seemed
to have the worst of the war ; but fortune favoured them in
the end, and the ancient king oi Bisnagar was defeated and
slain. The confederates spent five months in plundering the
capital of Bisnagar, although the natives had previously car-
ried off 1550 elephants loaded with money and jewels to the
value of above an hundred millions of gold, besides the royal
chair of state, which was of inestimable value. Among his
share of the plunder Adel Khan got a diamond as large as an
ordinary egg, with another of extraordinary size though
smaller, and other jewels of prodigious value. The dominions
of the old king were partitioned by the victors among his sons
and nephews.
In the year 1.567, the great poet Camoens being extremely
poor though he had served sixteen years in India, was prevail-
ed upon to go to Sofala along with Pedro Barreto, who was
going there with the command, and promised to do great things
for him; but after waiting long and receiving nothing, Camo-
ens resolved to return to Portugal in a ship which put in at
Sofak, in which was Hector de Silveyra and other gentlemen.
Barreto, however, opposed his departure, having promised him
promotion without any intentions of doing so, but only to
procure his company for his own gratification, and now
detained him under pretence of a debt of two hundred
ducats
422 Portuguese Discovery and PAKT n. BOOK in,
ducats. Silveyra and the other Portuguese gentlemen paid
this money and brought Camoens away, so that it may be said,
that the person of Camoens and the honour of Barreto were
both sold for that money. Camoens arrived at Lisbon in
1569, at which time the plague raged in that city ; so that in
flying from one plague our great and famous poet i'ell into
another.
In 1568, Don Antonio de Noronha was succeeded as vice-
roy of India by Don Luis de Ataide, count of Atougaia, who
arrived at Goa in the October of that year. At this time
ItimiKhan held the administration of the kingdom of Guzerat,
having by great artifice persuaded the chiefs that his own son
was son of the former king ; but the kingdom was in great
confusion. One Rustum Khan had usurped Baroch, in which
he was besieged by the Moguls, and being in alliance with the
Portuguese, a force was sent to his assistance, which succeeded
in obliging the Moguls to raise the siege; but Rustum now
forgot his promises, and refused to become tributary. At
Surat the government had been usurped by one Agalu Khan,
who was loading two large ships at that port without licence
from the Portuguese viceroy; on which the commander of the
Portuguese fort at Daman seized both ships, which were valued
at 100,000 ducats. Nunno Velio de Percy ra, who had gone
from Daman to clear the bay of Cambaya from pirates that
infested the Portuguese trade, burnt two villages and several
vessels, and carried away many prisoners. He then landed
with 400 men, and went against a body of Moguls who had
taken post on the mountain of Parnel, about three leagues
from Daman, a place almost impregnable by its situation and
the strength of its works. Although unacquainted \vith the
strength of the place or the number of its defenders, who
exceeded 8000 men, Nunno immediately began to climb up
the steep ascent, whence the enemy rolled down great stones
upon the assailants. The soldiers however clambered up on
their hands and knees, and reached the first entrenchment
which they carried after a vigorous opposition ; but were
forced to retire from the fort after a desperate assault, in
which the Portuguese lost seven men. In their retreat the
Portuguese carried off a considerable quantity of provisions,
with fifty horses and several camels and oxen, and were pur-
sued on their retreat by .500 of the enemy, 100 of whom were
cavalry. From Daman, to which he had retreated, Nunno
5 marched
CHAP. iv. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 423
marched again against the enemy, having now 100 Portuguese
and 50 native horse, with 650 foot, half Portuguese and half
native, and three pieces of cannon. In this new attempt,
they had to climb the mountain by roads never trod before,
and against considerable opposition from the enemy, who had
five pieces of cannon. Alter three days of severe labour and
almost continual fighting, in which he lost eight men, six of
whom were slain and two made prisoners, Nunno at length
gained the summit of the mountain, and planted his cannon
against the fort, which he battered with such fury, that the
enemy abandoned it on the sixth night, and the fort was
razed.
In the year 1580, a dangerous war broke out in India
against the Portuguese, by a confederacy which had been ne-
gotiating for five years with wonderful secrecy. The confe-
derated princes wereAdel Khan, Nizam al Mulk, the Zamorin,
and the king of Acheen, and they flattered themselves in the
hope of extirpating the Portuguese from India, making them-
selves so sure of success, that they agreed beforehand on the
division of their expected conquests. Adel Khan was to have
Goa, Onor, and Barcalor ; Nizam al Mulk to have Chaul,
Daman, and Basseen ; and Cananor, Mangalor, Cochin, and
Chale were to become the share of the Zamorin. At die same
time, the kingof Acheen was to attack Malacca, that the Por-
tuguese, assailed at once on every important point, might be
incapable of sending succours to the different places. Adel
Khan was so confident of success, that he had assigned the
different offices at Goa among his chiefs, and had even allotted
among them certain Portuguese ladies, who were celebrated
for their beauty.
In pursuance of this league, Adel Khan took the field to
besiege Goa, and Nizam al Mulk marched against Chaul. In
this great emergency, it was recommended by many to abandon
Chaul for the greater security of Goa $ but the viceroy un-
dauntedly resolved to defend both. Don Francisco Masai-
renhas was sent with six hundred men in four gallies and
five small vessels for the relief of Chaul, about the beginning
pf September, and the viceroy took proper precautions for the
defence of Goa. The pass of Benastarim was committed to
the care of Ferdinand de Sousa y Castellobranco with i20
men. Paul de Lima had charge of Rachol with sixty, and
fifteen hundred native troops were distributed in different parts
of
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in,
of the island under approved commanders. At this time
there were only 700 Portuguese troops in Goa, which were
kept as a body of reserve, wherever their services might be
most wanted. The defence of the city was confided to the
monks and clergy, to the number of 300, assisted by 1000
slaves. Juan de Sousa with 50 horse was ready to give assist-
ance where wanted. Don George de Menezes had the de-
fence of the river with 25 vessels ; and the viceroy, having
procured ammunition and provisions from all quarters, took
post about the middle of December on the bank of the
river.
These measures of defence were hardly completed, when
several bodies of the enemy were seen descending from the
gauts, and taking up a camp at Ponda, under the command
of Nori Khan, general of the army of Adel Khan. About
the end of December, Nori Khan advanced from Ponda, and
encamped facing the pass of Benastarim, where he pitched
the royal tents of Adel Khan, who spent eight days in des-
cending the gauts, so vast was the army which now came
against Goa. At night, so many fires were lighted up to
illuminate the passes of the mountain, that, though at a great
distance, the multitudes of the enemy could be distinctly seen
from the island. The army of Adel Khan, on this occc^sion,
amounted to 100,000 fighting men, of whom 35,000 were
horse, with 2140 war-elephants, and 350 pieces of cannon,
most of which were of an extraordinary size; and some barks
were brought upon mules to be launched into the river to assist
in getting into the island. The chief commanders of this
vast army were Nori Khan, Rumer Khan, and Coger Khan ;
the former of whom commanded in chief under the king, and
the other two had charge of advanced posts on the side of
the river. Their encampment was so extensive and regularly
arranged that it resembled a regularly built city. Adel Khan
took up his quarters at Ponda with 4000 horse, 6000 mus-
queteers, 300 elephants, and 220 pieces of cannon. Rumer
Khan, Coger Khan, and Mortaz Khan were stationed near
the mouth of the Ganja channel, with 3000 horse, 130 ele-
phants, and nine cannon. Nori Khan commanded opposite
the island ofJuanLopez with 7000 horse, 180 elephants, and
eight large cannon. Camil Khan and Delirru Khan faced
the pass of Benastarim with QOOO horse, 200 elephants, and
32 pieces of battering artillery. Solyman Aga took post on
a
CHAP. iv. SECT. vi. Conquest of India.
a hill above Benastarim with 1500 horse and two field-pieces.
Anjoz Khan, opposite the island of Juan Rangcl, with 2500
horse, 50 elephants, and six cannon. Xatiarviatan in sight
of Sapal, with 1500 horse, six elephants, arid six cannon.
Daulate Khan, Xetiatimanaique, Chiti Khan, and Codemena
Khan faced the pass of Agazaim with 9000, 200 elephants, and
26 cannon. The rest of the army, with innumerable followers,
covered the mountains to a vstet extent, sufficient to strike
terror into the boldest spirits.
Having carefully examined the dispositions of the enenry,
and naturally considering the means he possessed for defence,
now somewhat increased by the arrival of reinforcements from
different quarters, the viceroy made a new distribution of his
force to various posts, his force in all amounting to 1600 men ;
besides several small armed vessels, which were directed to
guard the river, and to relieve the several posts as occasion
offered or required 9 . The enemy spent their first efforts
against the fort at the pass of Benastarim, where they did con-
siderable damage by the constant fire of their heavy guns; but
whatever injury they did during the day was repaired in the en-
suing night. Such was the extent of their cannonade, that
only in one small post, occupied by Alvarode Mendoza with ten
men, 600 bullets were picked up, some of which were two spans
diameter. The Portuguese were unable to answer with any
thing like a correspondent fire, but, being well directed, their
shot did great execution, and the small armed vessels plied
from place to place with much diligence, doing great injury
with their small guns. One night an officer of the enemy was
seen with a great number of torches passing a height opposite
the fort of Benastarim, having a number of young women
dancing before him. On this occasion, Ferdinand tie Sousa
caused a cannon to be so exactly pointed among them, that the
officer, with several of his torch-bearers and two couple of the
dancers were seen to fly into the air. As this was the time
for dispatching the homeward-bound trade to Portugal, the
governor was anxiously advised to stop that fleet, as it would
deprive him of 400 men, who might be of great use in defend-
yig Goa ; but ambitious of acquiring greater glory by con-
quering
9 In the original, there is a long enumeration of twenty-four several posts,
with the names of the officers commanding each, and the numbers in their
respective detachments ; all here omitted as uninteresting. E.
426 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
quering every difficulty, he ordered the ships to sail at their
usual time, alleging that their cargoes were much wanted in
Portugal, and that he trusted he should have a sufficient force
remaining to defend the seat of government.
The Portuguese had often the boldness to cross over and
attack the enemy in their posts in the mainland, whence they
brought away many prisoners and many heads of those they
slew, with various arms and standards. On one occasion, Don
George de Menezes who commanded the armed vessels, and
Don Pedro de Castro who landed with 200 Portuguese, made
so great slaughter that the viceroy sent two carts loaded
with heads to the city, to animate the inhabitants with this
barbarous proof of the energy of the defence. One night
Caspar and Lancelot Diaz penetrated four or five miles up
the country with eighty men, burnt two villages with many
detached houses, and brought away many prisoners, many
heads of the slain enemy, and much cattle. At another time
these two brothers, with one hundred and thirty men, attacked
the quarters of Coger Khan and Rumer Khan, where they
made great havock, and destroyed all the preparations they had
made for passing over into the island of Juan Lopez. The enemy
were astonished at ihe exploits performed by such small num-
bers, and still more so when they learnt that the viceroy had
sent off Don Diego de Menezes with his squadron to the
Malabar coast, and Don Ferdinand de Vasconcellos with four
gallies and two small vessels, on an expedition to destroy
J)abul.
Don Ferdinand burnt two large ships belonging to Mecca
at that place, where he likewise landed and destroyed several
villages, and would even have done the same to Dabul if he
had not been opposed by his officers. On his return to Goa
he attacked the quarters of Anjoz Khan, which were three
miles from the post of the viceroy. He forced an entrance
with great slaughter of the enemy ; but his men falling into
confusion for the sake of plunder, the enemy rallied and fell
upon them, so that they were constrained to seek their safety
in flight, with some loss, while Don Ferdinand was weakened
with loss of blood and wearied by the weight of his armour,
so that he was surrounded and slain. On this occasion 40
of the Portuguese were slain, and the ship of Don Ferdinand
was taken by the enemy ; but the viceroy sent Don George
cle Menezes with 100 men, who set the ship on fire, and
brought away her guns.
CHAP. iv. SECT. vi. Conquest of India, 427
At this time the zamorin made proposals for renewing
the peace, either in hopes of deriving some advantage during
(he present state of affairs, or of covering his real -designs of
hostility ; but the viceroy replied, that he would not yield a
single point of difference, and even persisted in that resolution,
although the queen of Qimrcopa declared war at Onor. Even
under all the difficulties of his situation, the viceroy sent suc-
cours to Onor to oposo this new enemy, to the great astonish-
ment of Add Khan, who thought the force in Goa had been
already too small for defence against his numerous army.
At this time likewise, the viceroy sent reinforcements to the
Moluccas and Mozambique, both of which places were much
straitened by the enemy. The grand object of the enemy
was to get across into the island of Goa, for which purpose
the great general Nori Khan began to construct a bridge, in
which he employed a vast number of workmen ; but the vice-
roy fell upon the'm and made great havock, destroying all their
preparations and materials. It was reported that Adel Khan
designed to go over into the island in person, and that he
was extremely desirous to get possession of a fine horse be-
longing to the viceroy, for which he had formerly offered a
large sum of money. On this being made known to the
viceroy, he sent the horse as a present to Adel Khan, with
a complimentary message, saying " that it would give him
much satisfaction to see his majesty on the island. " Adel
Khan accepted the horse, a,nd caused him to be bedded with
silken quilts, under a canopy of cloth of gold, to be covered
with embroidered damask, and all his caparisons to be orna-
mented with massy gold, while his provender was mixed with
preserves and other dainties. But the horse was soon after-
wards killed by a cannon-ball.
After the siege had continued above two months to the be-
ginning of March, during which time many of the buildings
in the island had been beaten down by the cannon of the
enemy, who had lost numbers of their men, Adel Khan began
to despair of success, especially as the Portuguese were now
considerably increased in strength by the arrival of several
squadrons from different places. He wished, therefore, for
peace, yet was loath to propose it himself; but the viceroy
was acquainted with his most secret councils, as he used all
possible means to procure intelligence from the hostile camp,
where he had in his pay several renegade Portuguese who
served.
42S Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
served under Adel ban and had even corrupted the favourite
wife of Adel Khan. He so converted these secret advices to
advantage, that he contrived to get a treaty of pacification
begun without its appearing who was its author, and at length
even Adel Khan stooped to make proposals. Still, however,
the siege was continued unto the month of April, at which
time considerable reinforcements arrived at Goa, under Don
George de Menezes, who brought back 1500 men from the
Moluccas, and Lorenzo de Barbuda from Cochin, At one
time, 3000 of the enemy began to enter the island of Juan
Lopez, but were repulsed with gr tat slaughter by 120 men
under two Portuguese commanders. In many expeditions
from the island, the Portuguese attacked the various posts of
the enemy on the main-land, mostly by night, ruining the
ivorks they had thrown up, burning the villages, and destroy-
ing great numbers of their men. Yet though Adel Khan had
hardly any hopes of ultimate success, he caused gardens to be
laid out at his quarters, and made such other demonstrations
as if he had resolved to dwell in his present camp till Goa were
reduced.
Winter being near at hand, Adel Khan determined upon a
great effort to gain possession of the island ; for which purpose
9000 men were brought to the pass of Mercantor, which had
not been fortified by the Portuguese as the river was very wide
at that place. Fortunately the Portuguese heard the sound
of a great drum in that direction, which is never beat but
when the king marches in person ; upon which they ran thither
and saw Adel Khan on the opposite side encouraging his men.
Advice of this was immediately conveyed to the viceroy, who
sent several parties to defend the pass, and marched thither
himself, sending orders for assistance to the various posts and
quarters. In spite of every opposition, five thousand of the
enemy got over under the command of Solyman Aga, a Turk
who was captain of the guards of Adel Khan. By the time
the viceroy got to the place, he had collected a force of 2000
men, with which he immediately attacked the enemy. The
battle continued the whole of the 13th of April from morning
to night, and from the morning of the 14th to that of the
following day. During all this time, Adel Khan surveyed the
engagement from the opposite side of the river, often cursing
his prophet and throwing his turban on the ground in his rage ;
and at length had the mortification of seeing his troops entirely
defeated,
CHAP. iv. SECT. vr. Conquest of India. 429
defeated, with the loss of Solyman Aga and 4000 men, while
the Portuguese scarcely lost twenty. Though in public he
vowed never to stir from before Goa still it was taken, he pri-
vately made overtures for peace, in which he even ridiculously
demanded the surrender of Goa. About this time, the vice-
roy secretly entered into a treaty with Nori Khan, the grand
general of Ad el Khan, whom he instigated to kill the king,
offering to support him in assuming the crown, or at least in
acquiring a preponderating influence in the government under
the successor. Nori Khan agreed to these proposals ; but
when the conspiracy was ripe for execution it was detected,
and Nori Khan, with all his adherents, were secured.
When the siege had continued to the middle of July, the
viceroy endeavoured to stir up other princes to invade the
dominions of Adel Khan, that he might be constrained to
abandon the siege. Both he and the king were desirous of
peace, but both endeavoured to conceal their wishes ; the vice-
roy giving out that he cared not how long the king continued
the siege, and the king pretending that he would persevere
till he gained the place. At length, towards the end of Au-
gust 1571, when the summer or fine weather had begun, and
when the enemy might still better have been able to keep the
field, and to recommence active operations, the number of the
hostile tents could be seen plainly to decrease, then the can-
non were drawn off from the posts of the enemy, and at last
the men entirely disappeared ; Adel Khan having abandon-
ed the siege without coming to any accommodation, after a
siege of ten months, in which he lost 12,000 men, 300 ele-
phants, 4-000 horses, and 6000 draught bullocks, partly by
the sword and partly by the weather.
Exactly at the same time when Adel Khan invested Goa,
Nizam al Mulk sat down before Chaul. Being suspicious of
each other, the two sovereigns kept time exactly in their pre-
parations, in the commencement of their march, and in all
their subsequent operations. Farete Khan the general of
Nizam al Mulk sat down before Chaul with 8000 horse, 20
elephants and 20,00* ) foot, on the last day of November 1570,
breaking ground with a prodigious noise of warlike instru-
ments of music. At this time Chaul was under the command
of Luis Fereiyra de Andrada, an officer well deserving of
such a charge, who long laboured under great want of almost
every necessary for conducting the defence, supplying these
defects
Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK m,
defects by his own genius and the valour of his men, till re-
inforced by Don Francisco Mascarenhas, who brought him
50O men in four gallies and provisions. Desirous of dis-
tinguishing himself before the arrival of Nizam his sovereign,
Farete Khan resolved upon giving an assault, in which he
employed his elephants with castles on their backs, and with
scythes tied to their trunks. The fight lasted three hours ;
but the Moors were repulsed with great slaughter, both by
sea and land, and (breed to retire to the church of Madre de
Dios. Nothing remarkable happened after this till the com-
mencement of the year 1571, when some Moors were observ-
ed gathering fruit in an orchard at a short distance from the
garrison, on which Nuno Velio went out against them with
only five soldiers and killed one of the Moors. Both parties
were gradually increased till the enemy amounted to 6000
men, and the Portuguese to 200; but notwithstanding this
disparity of force, the Portuguese drove that vast multitude to
flight and slew 180 of them, only losing two of their own
number.
In the beginning of January 1571, Nizam al Mulk came
before Chaul with his whole army, now consisting of 34,000
horse, 100,000 infantry, 16,000 pioneers, 4000 smiths, ma-
sons, carpenters, and other trades, and of sundry different na-
tions, as Turks, Chorassans, Persians, and Ethiopians,
with 360 elephants, an infinite number of buffaloes and bul-
locks, and 40 pieces of cannon, mostly of prodigious size,
some of which carried balls of 100, some of 200, and some
even of 300 pounds weight. These cannon had all appropri-
ate names, as the cruel, the butcher, the devourer, the furious,
and the like I0 . Thus an army of 150,000 men sat down to
besiege a town that was defended merely by a single wall, a
fort not much larger than a house, and a handful of men.
Farete Khan took up his quarters near the church of Madre
cJe Dios with 7000 horse and 20 elephants ; Agalas Khan in
the house of Juan Lopez with 6000 horse; Ximiri Khan be-
tween that and upper Chaul with 2000 horse ; so that the city
was beset from sea to sea. The Nizam encamped with the
main
1O These names are of course to be considered as translations of the na-
tive or Persian names. That named the furious in the text, is called the Or-
lando furioso in the translation of I)e Fariaby Stevens ; but it is not easy to
guess how the subjects of the Nizam should have known any thing of that
hero of Christian romance.--E.
CHAP. iv. SECT. vf. Conquest of India. 431
main body of the army at the farther end of the town, where
the ground was covered with tents for the space of two
leagues ; arid 5000 horse were detached to ravage the dis-
trict of Basseen.
At the commencement of the siege the Portuguese gar-
rison was a mere handful of men, and the works being very
slight no particular posts were assigned, all acting wherever
their services were most wanted. Soon afterwards, the news of
the siege having spread abroad, many officers and gentlemen
flocked thither with reinforcements, so that in a short time the
garrison was augmented to 2000 men. It was then resolved
to maintain particular points besides the general circuit of the
walls. The monastery of St Francis was committed to the
charge of Alexander de Sousa j Nunno Alvarez Pereyra was
entrusted to defend some houses near the shore ; those be-
tween the Misericordia and the church of St Dominic were
confided to Gonzalo de Menezes ; others in that neighbour-
bourhood to Nuno Velio Perreyra ; and so in other places.
In the mean while it was generally recommended at Goa that
Chaul ought to be abandoned, but the viceroy thought other-
wise, in which opinion he was only seconded by Ferdinand de
Castellobranco, and he immediately sent succours under Fer-
dinand Tellez and Duarte de Lima. Before their arrival,
Zimiri Khan, who had promised the Nizam that he would
be the first person to enter Chaul, vigorously assaulted the
ports of Henry De Betancour and Ferdinand de Miranda,
who resisted him with great gallantry, and on receiving rein-
forcements repulsed him with the slaughter of 300 of his men,
losing seven on their side.
The enemy erected a battery against the monastery of St
Francis where the Portuguese had some cannon; and as the
gunners on both sides used their utmost endeavour to burst
or dismount the opposite guns, the bullets were sometimes
seen to meet by the way. On the eve of St Sebastian, the
Portuguese made a sally upon some houses which were occu-
pied by the Moors, and slew a great number of them with-
out the loss of one man. Enraged at this affront and the
late repulse, the enemy made that same night an assault on the
fort or monastery of St Francis with 5000 men, expecting to
snrprise the Portuguese, but were soon undeceived by losing
many of their men. This assault lasted with great fury for
five hours ; and as the Portuguese supected the enemy
were
4-32 Portuguese Discovery and PAJIT n. BOOK nr,
were undermining the wall, and could not see by reason of the
darkness, one Christopher Curvo thrust himself several times
out from a window, with a torch in one hand and a buckler
in the other to discover if possible what they were doing. Dur-
ing this assault those in the town sent out assistance to the
garrison in the monastery, though with much hazard. When
morning broke and the the assailants had retired, the mo-
nastery was all stuck full of arrows, and the dead bodies of
300 Moors were seen around its walls, while the defenders
had not lost a single man. The enemy renewed the assault
on this post for five successive days, and were every time re-
pulsed by the Portuguese with vast slaughter, the garrison
often sallying out and strewing the field with slain enemies.
It was at length judged expedient to withdraw the men from
this place into the town, lest its loss might occasion greater
injury than its defence could do service. Seventeen of the
Portuguese were here slain. One of these used to stand on a
high place to notice when the enemy fired their cannon, and
on one occasion said to the men below ; " If these fellows
should now fire Raspadillo, a cannon 1 8 feet long to which
that name was given, it will send me to sup with Christ, to
whom I commend my soul, for it points directly at me." He
had hardly spoken these words when he was torn in pieces by
a ball from that very gun. On getting possession of the mo-
nastery of St Francis, the Moors fired a whole street in the
town of Chaul, but on attempting to take post in some houses,
they were driven out with the loss of 400 men. At this time
Gonzalez de Camera went to Goa for reinforcements, as the
garrison was much pressed, and brought a relief in two
galleys.
About this period the 5000 men that had been detached
by the Nizam to ravage the district of Basseen attempted to
get possession of some of the Portuguese garrisons. Being
beaten off at Azarim and Daman, they invested Caranja, a
small work between Chaul and Daman on the water-side, and
almost an island, as it is surrounded by several small brooks.
It was at this time commanded by Stephen Perestrello with a
garrison of only 40 men, but was reinforced on the reappear-
ance of the enemy by Emanuel de Melo with 30 more. With
this small band of only 70 soldiers, Perestrello sallied out
against the enemy, and with such success, that after covering
the little island with dead bodies, the rest fled leaving their
cannon
CHAP. iv. SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 433
cannon^ and a considerable quantity of ammunition and pro-
visions.
in the mean time the Moors continued to batter Chaul
without intermission for a whole month with 70 pieces of
large cannon, every day expending against its weak defences
at least 160 balls. This tremendous cannonade did much da-
mage to the houses of the town, in which many of the brave
defenders were slain. On one occasion six persons who
were eating together were destroyed by a single ball. This
furious battery was commenced against the bastion of the
holy cross, and was carried on for a considerable way along
the defences of that front of the town, levelling every thing
with the ground. The besieged used every precaution to
shelter themselves by digging trenches j but the hostile gun-
ners were so expert ll that they elevated their guns and made
their balls plunge among those who considered themselves in
safety. Observing that one of the enemies batteries beyond
the church of St Dominic never ceased its destructive fire,
Perestrello detached 120 men under Alexander de Sousa and
Augustino Nunnez, who drove the enemy after a vigorous
resistance from the battery with great slaughter, and set their
works on fire, and levelled them with the ground, without sus-
taining any loss. Among the arms taken in this successful
sortie was a cymeter inscribed, Jesus save me.
Having ruined the defences of the town, the enemy attack-
ed several large houses in which they endeavoured to establish
themselves, but were repulsed from some of these with consi-
derable loss, while the defenders lost but one man. On at-
tacking the house of Hector de Sampayio, which was under-
mined by the Portuguese with the intention of blowing it up
when occupied by the enemy, some fire accidentally commu-
nicated to the mine during the conflict, and blew it up while
still occupied by the Portuguese, by which 4-2 of their soldiers
were destroyed, and without injury to the Moors, who planted
their colours on the ruins. Ximiri Khan made an assault by
night with 600 men upon the bastion of the holy cross, in
which Ferdinand Pereyra was posted with 30 men, who was
VOL. vi. E e reinforced
1 1 To fexpert modern gunners It would be an easy matter so discharge as
many balls in one day, as were expended in this siege in a whole month*
De Faria mentions that an expedient was fallen upon by which the danger
from the plunging fire was avoided, but gives us no intimation of its na*
ture. E.
434- Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
reinforced by Henry de Betancourt with a few more. The
assailants were beaten off and five of their colours taken whicfy
they had planted on the work. In this action Betancourt
fought with his left hand, having previously lost the right 5
and Dominic del Alama, being lame, caused himself to be
brought out in a chair. April 1571 was now begun, and the
enemy were employed in constructing new works as if deter-
mined to continue the siege all winter. Alexander de Sousa
and Gonzalo de Memzes were appoinU d to head a sally upon
these netv works, but their men ran out without orders to the
number of 200, and made a furious assault upon the enemy,
whom they drove from the works after killing fifty of them
and losing a few of their own number. The two commanders
hastened to join their men, and then directed them to destroy
the works they had so gallantly won. Perplexed with so ma-
ny losses, the Nizam made a general assault under night with
his whole army, attacking all the posts at one time, every one
of which almost they penetrated ; but the garrison exerted
themselves with so much vigour that they drove the Moors
from every point of attack, and in the morning above 500 of
the enemy were found slain in and about the ruined defences,
while the Portuguese had only lost four or five men. About
this time the defenders received a reinforcement of above 200
men from Goa, Diu, and Basseen, with a large supply of am-
munition and provisions; but at this time they were much
afflicted by a troublesome though not mortal disease, by which
they became swelled all over so as to lose the use ol their
limbs.
Having ineffectually endeavoured to stir up enemies against
the Portuguese in Cambaya on purpose to prevent relief being
sent to the brave defenders of Chaul, the Nizam used every
effort to bring his arduous enterprizeto a fivourable conclu-
sion. The house of Nuno Alvarez Pereyra being used as a
strong-hold by the Portuguese, was battered during forty-two
days by the enemy, who then assaulted it with 5000 men. At
first the defenders of this post were only forty in numbtr, but
twenty more came to their assistance immediately, and several
others afterwards. The Moors were repulsed with the loss of
50 men, while the Portuguese only lost one. Thv house of
Nuno Velio was battered for thirty days and assaulted with
the same success, only the Portuguese lost ten men in its -de-
fence. Judging it no longer expedient to defend this house,
it
CHAP. iv. SECT. vr. Conquest of India. 4$ 5
it was undermined and evacuated, on which the enemy hast-
ened to take possession and it was blown up, doing consider-
able execution among the enemy, but not so much as was ex-
pected. The summer was now almost spent ; above 600^
cannon-balls had been thrown into the town, some of which
were of prodigious size, and the Nizam seemed determined to
continue the siege during the winter. About 200 Portu-
guese, appalled by the dangers of the siege, had already de-
serted ; but instead of them 300 men had come from Goa,
so that the garrison was even stronger than before. On the
llth of April, Gonzalez de Camara made a sortie upon 500
Moors in an orchard, only fifty of whom escaped.
Fortune could not be always favourable to the besieged. By
a chance ball from the enemy, one of the galleys which brought
relief was sunk downright with 40 men and goods to the value
of 4-0,000 ducats. But, next day, Ferdinand Tellez made a
sally with 400 men, and gained a victory equal to that of
Gonzalez de Camara, and brought away one piece of cannon
with some ammunition, arms, and other booty. This action
was seen by the Nizam in person, who mounted his horse and
threatened to join in it in person, for which purpose he seized
a lance, which he soon changed for a whip, with which he
threatened to chastise his men, and upbraided them as cow-
ards. The Portuguese were now so inured to danger that
nothing could terrify them, and they seemed to court death
instead of shunning it on all occasions. Some of them being
employed to level some works from which the enemy had
been driven near the monastery of St Francis, and being
more handy at the sword than the spade, drew upon them-
selves a large party of the enemy of whom they slew above
200, yet not without some loss on their side. About this
time Farete Khan, one of the Nizams generals, made some
overtures towards peace, but without any apparent authority
from his sovereign, who caused him to be arrested on sus-
picion of being corrupted by the Portuguese, though assured-
ly he had secret orders for what he had done. Indeed it was
not wonderful that the Nizam should be desirous of peace, as
he had now lain seven months before Chaul to no purpose,
and had lost many thousand men ; neither was it strange in
the Portuguese to have the same wish, as they had lost 400
men besides Indians.
When the siege had continued to the begining of June the
attack*
4?36 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
attacks and batteries were carried on by both sides with as much
obstinacy and vigour as if then only begun. The house of
Nunno Alvarez was at this time taken by the enemy through
the carelessness of the defenders, and on an attempt to re-
cover it 20 of the Portuguese lost their lives without doing
much injury to the enemy. The Moors in the next place
got possession of the monastery of St Dominic, but not with-
out a heavy loss j and then gained the house of Gonzalo de
Menezes, in which the Portuguese suffered severely. The
hostile batteries kept up a constant fire from the end of May
to the end of June, as the Nizam had resolved to make a
breach fit for the whole army to try its fortune in a general
assault. On the 28th of June, every thing being in readi-
ness, the Nizams whole army was drawn out for the assault,
all his elephants appearing in the front with castles on their
backs full of armed men. While the whole army stood in
expectation of the signal of assault, an officer of note belong-
ing to the enemy was slain by a random shot from one of the
Portuguese cannon, which the Nizam considered as an evil
omen, and ordered the attack to be deferred till next day.
On this occasion six of the garrison ventured beyond the
works and drew a multitude of the enemy within reach of
the Portuguese fire, which was so well bestowed that 118 of
the enemy were slain and 5QO wounded, without any loss
on the side of the defenders.
About noon on the 29th of June 1571, the Nizam gave the
signal of assault, when the whole of his men and elephants
moved forwards with horrible cries and a prodigious noise of
warlike instruments. The Portuguese were drawn up in
their several posts to defend the ruined works, and Don
Francisco Mascarenhas, the commander in chief IZ 9 placed
himself opposite the Nizam with a body of reserve to relieve
the posts wherever he might see necessary. The day was
darkened with smoke, and alternately lighted up with ftames.
The slaughter and confusion was great on both sides. Some
of the colours of the enemy were planted on the works, but
were soon taken or thrown down along with those who had
set them up. The elephants were made drunk by the nayres
who
12 At the commencement of this siege, according to De Faria, Luis Fe<<-
reyra de Andrada commanded in Chaul, and Mascarenhas is said to have
brought a reinforcement of 600 men ; it would now appear that he had
assumed the command. E.
CHAP. iv. SECT, vi. Conquest of India.
who conducted them that they might be the fiercer ; but
being burnt and wounded, many of them ran madly about
the field. One that was much valued by the Nizam, having
his housings all in flames, plunged into the sea and swam
over the bar, where he was killed by a cannon ball from one
of the Portuguese vessels. The Moors continued the assault
till night, unable to gain possession of any of the works, and
then drew off, after losing above 3000 men, among whom
were many officers of note. On the side of the Portuguese
eight gentleman were slain and a small number of private
soldiers.
Next day the Moors asked leave to bury their dead, and a
truce was granted for that purpose. While employed in re-
moving their dead, some of the Moors asked the Portuguese,
What woman it was that went before them in the jght, and if
she were alive ? One of the Portuguese answered, Certainly
she was alive for she was immortal ! On this the Moors ob-
served that it must have been the Lady Marian^ for so they
call the blessed Virgin. Many of them delared that they saw
her at the house of Lorenzo de Brito, and that she was so
bright that she blinded them. Some of them even went to
see her image in the churches of Chaul, where they were,
converted and remained in the town. The Nizam was now
seriously disposed for peace, and the Portuguese commander
equally so, yet neither wished to make the first overture. At
length however advances were made and a treaty set on foot.
Farete Khan and Azaf Khan were commissioners from the.
Nizam, while Pedro de Silva and Antonio de Teyva werede*
puted by the Portuguese commander in chief, and Francisco,
Mascarenhas by the captain of the city. Accordingly 3
league offensive and defensive was concluded in the name of
the Nizam and the king of Portugal, which was celebrated by
great rejoicings on both sides and the interchange of rich
presents. This however might easily have been accomplish*
ed without the effusion of so much blood. The Nizam now
raised his camp and returned to his own dominions.
The zamorin of Calicut, who was one of the contracting
parties in this extensive confederacy for driving the Portu-
guese from India, performed his part of the agreement very
coldly. After Goa and Chauj had been besieged for near q,
month, instead of sending his fleet to sea according to his
engagements, he sent to treat with the viceroy for a separate
peace, either on purpose to mislead him, or in expectation of
gaining
438 Portuguese Discovery and PA&T n. BOOK in,
gaining some advantages for himself in the present emer-
gency. Few princes follow the dictates of honour, when it
interferes with their interest. When this affair was laid be-
fore the council at Goa, it was their unanimous opinion to
agree to peace with the zamorin even on hard terms ; but
the viceroy was determined to lose all or nothing, and de-
clared he would make no peace unless on such terms as he
could expect when in the most flourishing condition. Find-
ing his designs fail, the zamorin sent out a fleet about the
end of February under the command of Catiproca, who made
his appearance before Chaul with 2 1 sail, having on board a
large land force, of which above 1000 were armed with fire-
Jocks. Though the harbour of Chaul was then occupied by
a considerable number of Portuguese galleys and galliots,
Catiproca and his fleet entered the harbour under night
without opposition. The Nizam was much pleased with the
arrival of this naval force, and having ordered a great number
of his small vessels named calemutes to join the Malabar fleet,
he prevailed on Catiproca to attack the Portuguese ships,
which were commanded by Lionel de Sousa. They accord-
ingly made the attempt, but were so warmly received by De
Sousa and his gallies as to be beat off with considerable loss.
The Nizam, who had witnessed this naval battle from an ad-
joining eminence, used every argument to prevail upon Cati-
proca to make another attempt, but to no purpose ; for after
remaining twenty days in the harbour, he stole away one
night, and got away as fortunately as he had got in.
While on his return, Catiproca was applied to by the
queen of Mangalore to assist her in surprizing the Portuguese
fort at that place, which she alleged might be easily taken.
Catiproca agreed to this, in hopes of regaining the reputa-
tion he had lost at Chaul. He accordingly landed his men
secretly, and made an attempt under night to scale the walls.
While his men were mounting the ladders some servants of
Antonio Pereyra, who commanded in that fort, were awaken-
ed by the noise, and seeing the enemy on the ladders threw
out of a window the first thing that came to hand, which
happened to be a chest of silver, with which they beat down
those who were on the ladder. Pereyra waking with the
noise, threw down those who had mounted, and the rest fled
carrying his chest of silver on board their ships. W T hile
passing Cananor, Don Diego de Menezes fell upon the Mala-
ba* squadron, which he totally routed and drove up the river
Tiracole,
IV, SECT. vi. Conquest of India. 439
Tiracole, where every one of th< ships were taken or destroy-
ed, the admiral Catiproca slain, his nephew Cutiale made
prisoner, and the chest of money belonging to Pereyra re-
cov red.
Even by the fitting out of this unfortunate fleet, the zamo-
rin did not fulfil the conditions of the confederacy against the
Portuguese, as each of the high contracting parties had en-
gaged to undertake some considerable enterprize against them
in person ; but he had been hitherto deterred by the pre-
sence of Diego de Menezes with a squadron in their seas,
who burned several of his maritime towns and took many of
his ships. Towards the nd of June 1571, Diego de Mene-
zes having withdrawn from the coast with his squadron, and
when Adel Khan and the Nizam were both about to desist
from their enterprises upon Goa ,and Chaul, the zamorin
took the field with an army of 100,000 men, most of them
armed with firelocks, with which he invested the fort of
Chale about two leagues from Calicut, which was then under
the command of Don George de Castro. Having planted
forty pieces of brass cannon against the fort and straitly in-
vested it with his numerous army so as to shut out all ap-
parent hope of relief, a small reinforcement under Noronha
was unable to penetrate ; but soon afterwards Francisco
Pereyra succeeded by an effort of astonishing bravery to
force his way into Chale with a few men.
Advice being sent to the viceroy of the dangerous situation
of Chale, Diego de Menezes was sent with 18 sail to carry
supplies and reinforcements to the besieged. De Menezes
got to Chale with great difficulty about the end of September,
at which time the besieged were reduced to great extremity,
having not above 70 men able to bear arms out of 600 persons
then in the fort. The relief of the fort seemed impracticable,
as the mouth of the harbour was very narrow, and was com-
manded on all sides by numbers of cannon on surrounding
eminences. Diego resolved however to surmount all diffi-
culties. A large ship was filled with sufficient provisions to
serve the garrison for two months, and carried likewise fifty
soldiers as a reinforcement. One galley preceded to clear the
way and two others followed the large ship to defend her
against the enemy. By this means, but with incredible dif-
ficulty and danger, the relief was thrown in, but it was found
impossible to bring away the useless people from the fort as
had been intended. Thus, by the valour and good fortune
1 of
440 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOQK. in.
of tlie viceroy, this formidable confederacy was dissipated,
which had threatened to subvert the Portuguese power in
India, and their reputation was restored among the native;
princes.
SECTION VII.
Portuguese Transactions in India from 1571 to 1576.
At this period Sebastian king of Portugal made a great
alteration in the government of the Portuguese possessions in
the east, which he deemed too extensive to be under the
management of one person. He divided them therefore into
three separate governments, which were designated respec-
tively, India, Monomotapa, and Malacca. The first, or.
India, extended from Cape Guardafu, or the north-east ex-
tremity of Africa on the Indian ocean, to the island of Cey-
lon inclusive. The second, or Monomotapa, from Cape Cor-
rientes to Cape Guardafu ; and the third, or Malacca, from
Pegu to China both inclusive. To the command of the first,
or India., Don Antonio de Noronha was sent with the title of
viceroy. Francisco de Barreto was appointed to Monomo-
tapa, and Antonio Moniz Barreto to Malacca, both stilecl
governors. It will be necessary therefore to treat of these
governments separately, though by this we must necessarily
m some measure neglect the consideration of regular chrono-
logy in the distribution of events. We begin therefore with
the viceroyalty of Noronha.
Don Antonio de Noronha arrived at Goa in the beginning
of September 1571, having lost 2000 men by sickness out of
4000 with whom he sailed from Lisbon. Don Luis de
Ataide, who surrendered to him the sword of command, was
a nobleman of great valour and military experience, and so
free from avarice that instead of the vast riches which others
brought from India to Portugal, he carried over four jars of
water from the four famous rivers, the Indus, Ganges, Tigris,
and Euphrates, which were long preserved in his castle of
Peniche. After serving both in Europe and Africa, he went
out to India, where at twenty-two years of age he was knight-
ed on Mount Sinai by Don Stefano de Gama. Returning
to Portugal, he went ambassador to the Emperor Charles V.
was present in the battle in which that emperor defeated
5 ' ":""' the
CHAP. iv. SECT. vir. Conquest of India. 441
the Lutherans under the Landgrave and the Duke of Saxony.
He behaved so bravely in that battle, that the emperor offered
to knight him ; but having already received that honour on
Mount Sinai, he could not again accept the offer, on which
the emperor declared in public that he envied that honour
beyond the victory he had just gained. On his return to Lis-
faon from administering the government of India with such
high reputation, he was received with much honour by King
Sebastian, yet was afterwards much slighted, as Pacheco had
been formerly by King Emanuel, as will be seen afterwards,
when appointed a second time to the viceroyalty.
The first attention of the new viceroy was bestowed for the
relief of Chale, to which Diego de Menezes was sent with
1500 men ; but he came too late, as the fort had been already
surrendered to the zamorin upon conditions. This surren-
der had been made by the commander Don George de Cas-
tro, contrary to the opinion of the majority of his officers,
overcome by the tears and entreaties of his wife and other
ladies, forgetting that he who was now eighty years of age ought
to have preferred an honourable death to a short and infa-
mous addition to his life. Neither was this his only fault, for
the provisions had lasted longer if he had not committed
them to the care of his wife, who dissipated them among her
slaves. Owing to this unforeseen event, Diego de Menezes
could only conduct the people who had surrendered at Chale
to Cochin. He then divided his fleet with Matthew de Al-
buquerque, and cleared the seas of pirates.
When Norhonha accepted the viceroyalty of India, now so
much lessened by the division into three governments, his great
aim was to acquire riches, as he was poor, and had several
children. With this view he endeavoured to prevail on An-
tonio Moniz Barreto, the newly appointed governor of Ma-
lacca, to be satisfied with a smaller force than had been order-
ed for him on going to assume that government, alleging that
India was not then in a condition to give what was promis-
ed j but Moniz refused to go unless supplied with the force
agreed on, as the posture of Malacca was then too dangerous
to admit of being governed by a person who considered his
reputation, unless supported by a considerable force. Moniz
therefore wrote home to Portugal, complaining against the
viceroy, and malicious whispers are for the most part grateful-
ly received by princes and ministers: and the Portuguese
pinistry, on the sole information of Moniz, committed the
weakest
Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
weakest act that ever was heard of, as will appear in the se-
quel : Unhappy is that kingdom whose sovereign is a child,
About this time Akbar Shah ', emperor of the Moguls
had acquired the sovereignty of Cam bay a or Guzerat. Sul-
tan Mahmud the heir of the late king had been left under the
tuition of three great men, Ali Khan, Itimiti-Khan, and Ma-
drem-al-Mulk,each of whom envious of the other- endeavoured
to acquire the entire direction of the young king. He, con-
sidering himself in danger, fled from Madrem-al-Mulk to the
protection of Itimiti Khan, the worst of all his guardians, who
immediately offered to deliver up the king and kingdom to
the great Mogul, on condition of being appointed viceroy or
Soubah in reward of his treachery. Akbar accordingly
marched to Amedabad, where the traitor delivered up to him
the young king, and the Mogul was seated on the musnud or
throne of Guzerat without drawing a sword. Not satisfied
with this great acquisition, Alkbar resolved to recover the town
and districts of Basseen and Daman y which had formerly be-
longed toCambaya, and were now possessed by the Portuguese ;
and as this intention became known to Luis de Almeyda who
commanded at Daman, he sent notice to the viceroy, who
immediately sent him succours and prepared to follow there in
person, going accordingly from Goa about the end of Decem-
ber 1571, with nine gallies, five gallions, eight galliots, and
ninety smaller vessels. On his arrival with this large arma-
ment in the river of Daman, the Mogul, who was encamped
at the distance of two leagues from that place, was so much
dismayed by the power and military reputation of the Portu-
guese, that he sent an ambassador to the viceroy to treat of
peace. The viceroy received the Mogul ambassador in his
gallery with great state, and after listening to his proposals
sent Antonio Cabral along with him to Akbar, on which a
peace was concluded to the satisfaction of both parties. The
viceroy then returned to Goa, and the great Mogul settled
the government of his new kingdom of Guzerat, cutting off
the head of the traitor Itimiti Khan, a just reward of his
villany.
The king of Acheen was one of the Indian princes who had
entered into the grand confederacy against the Portuguese,
and had agreed to lay siege to Malacca, but did not execute
his
l Named by De Faria, Gelalde Mamet Hecbar Taxa ; probably a cor-
ruption of Gelal 'oddin Mahomet Akbar Shah. E.
CHAP. iv. SECT. VIT. Conquest of India. 443
his part of the league till about the middle of October 1571,
when he appeared before Malacca with a fleet of near iOO
sail, in which he had 7000 soldiers with a large train of artil-
lery and a vast quantity of ammunition. Landing on the
night of his arrival, he set fire to the town of Iller, which was
saved from total destruction by a sudden and violent shower
of rain. He next endeavoured to burn the Portuguese ships
in the harbour ; but failing in this and some minor enterprizes
he sat down before the city, intending to take it by a regular
siege, having been disappointed in his expectations of carry-
ing it by a coup de main. At this time Malacca was in a mi-
serable condition, excessively poor, having very few men and
these unhealthy and dispirited, having suffered much by ship-
wreck, sickness, and scarcity of provisions, not without deserv-
ing these calamities; for Malacca was then the Portuguese
Nineveh in India, I know not if it be so now. In this de-
plorable situation, incessantly battered by the enemy, cut off
from all supplies of provisions, Malacca had no adequate
means and hardly any hopes of defence. In this extremity
Tristan Vaz accidentally entered the port with a single ship,
in which he had been to Sunda for a cargo of pepper. Being
earnestly intreated by the besieged to assist them, he agreed
to do every thing in his power, though it seemed a rash at-
tempt to engage a fleet of 100 sail with only ten vessels, nine
of which were almost rotten and destitute of rigging. Among
these he distributed 300 naked and hungry wretches ; and
though confident in his own valour, he trusted only in the
mercy of God, and caused all his men to prepare for battle by
confession, of which he set them the example.
He sailed from Malacca with this armament about the end
of November 1571, and soon discovered the formidable fleet
of the enemy in the river Fermoso. Giving the command of
his own ship to Emanuel Ferreyra, Tristam Vaz de Vega
went sword in hand into a galliot, to encourage his men to
behave valiantly by exposing himself to the brunt of battle
along with them. On the signal being given by a furious
discharge of cannon, Tristan instantly boarded the admiral
ship of the enemy, making great havock in her crew of 20O
men and even carried away her ensign. Ferdinand Perez
with only 13 men in a small vessel took a galley of the enemy.
Ferdinand de Lemos ran down and sunk one of the enemies
ships. Francisco de Lima having taken another set her on
fire, that he might be at liberty to continue the fight. Emanuel
Ferreyra
444? Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m*
Ferreyra sank three vessels, unrigged several others, and slew
great numbers of the enemy. In short, every one fought ad-
mirably, and the whole hostile fleet fled, except four gallies
and seven smaller vessels that were burnt or sunk. Seven
hundred of the enemy were taken or slain, with the loss only
of five men on the side of the victors. The Portuguese ships
waited three days in the river to see if the enemy would return,
and then carried the joyful news to Malacca, where it could
hardly be believed 3 .
Sometime in the year 1573, four ships arrived at Goafrom
Portugal, under the command of Francisco de Sousa, who
immediately on landing went to the archbishop Don Gaspar,
to whom he delivered a packet from the king. The royal
orders contained in this packet were read by a cryer in the
archiepiscopal church, and announced that Don Antonio de
Noronha was deposed from the dignity of viceroy, to whom
Antonio Moniz Barreto was immediately to succeed with the
title of governor. By another order, Gonzalo Pereyra was
appointed to the government of Malacca, in default of whom
I)on Leonis Pereyra was substituted, and accordingly suc-
ceeded as the other was dead.
Advice was now brought to Goa that Malacca was again
in danger, as the king oi Acheen was before it a second time,
assisted by the queen of Japara. On this intelligence, Moniz
desired Leonis Pereyra to set out for his government, and
Leonis demanded of him to be supplied with the same force
which Moniz had formerly required from Noronha ; yet Mo-
niz, without considering what he had himself wrote on that
subject to the king, and that India was now free from danger,
refused his request. Leonis, to leave the new governor no
excuse for his conduct, would even have been satisfied with a
much smaller force than that formerly required by Moniz,
but even that was refused him, and he went away to Por-
tugal refusing to assume the government of Malacca. About
the end of this year 1573, orders came from Portugal for the
trial and execution of Don George de Castro for surrender-
ing Chale to the zamorin. He was accordingly beheaded
publicly : Yet in the year following a commission was sent out
from Portugal for employing him in another command.
Scarcely had India begun to enjoy some respite after the
late
2 Though not mentioned by De Farla, the king of Acheen appears to
have raised the siege of Malacca after this naval victory. E.
CHAP. iv. SECT. vii. Conquest of India. 445
late troubles, when the queen of Japara sent her general
Quiaidaman to besiege Malacca with 15,000 chosen natives
of Java, in a fleet of 80 large galleons and above 220 smaller
vessels. Tristan Vaz de Vega happened to be then at Ma-
lacca, and was chosen by common consent to assume the
command, Francisco Enriquez the former commandant being
dead. Tristan Vaz sent immediate notice to Goa of his
danger ; on which Moniz issued orders to all the neighbour-
ing places to send succours, and began to fit out a fleet for its
relief. In the mean time the Javanese army landed and be-
sieged Malacca. Vaz sent Juan Pereyra and Martin Ferreyra
with 150 men to drive the enemy from a post. After killing
70 of the enemy, they levelled the work and brought off 'seven
pieces of cannon. Pereyra afterwards burnt 30 of their gal-
leons, and destroyed some great engines which they had con-
structed for attacking a bastion. Two other officers in a
sortie burnt the pallisades which the enemy had erected for
straitening the garrison and defending their own quarters.
After this, Pereyra going out of the river with the Portuguese
vessels, besieged the besiegers, and at Jor took a large quan-
tity of provisions that were going to the Javanese army.
Upon these repeated misfortunes, the Javanese embarked in
great consternation, and withdrew under night ; but were
pursued by Pereyra, who cut off many of their vessels in the
rear. Almost half of this great army perished by the sword
or sickness in this siege, which lasted three months.
Hardly was the army of the queen of Japara gone from.
Malacca when the king of Acheen arrived before it with 4-0
gallies, and several ships and smaller vessels, to the number
of 100 in all, with a great train of artillery. Tristan Vaz
gave orders to Juan Pereyra in a galley, Bernardin de Silva
in a caravel, and Ferdinand de Palares in a ship, having each
40 men, to go out of the harbour on purpose to protect a
convoy of provisions then in its way to Malacca, of which the
city was in great want. The fleet of the enemy immediately
attacked them, and soon battered all three ships to pieces.
Seventy-five of the Portuguese were slain or drowned on this
occasion, forty were made prisoners, and only five saved
themselves by swimming. Only 150 men now remained in
Malacca, of whom 100 were sick or aged. Being in want
both of men and ammunition Tristan Vaz was under the ne-
cessity of remaining very quiet ; but the enemy fearing he was
preparing some stratagem against them, raised the siege in a
panic
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
panic of terror when they might easily have carried the city,
after remaining before it from the beginning to the end of
January 1575. The priests, women and children of the dis-
tressed city had implored the mercy of God with sighs and
tears ; and next to God, the city owed its safety to the cour-
age of Tristan Vaz, and to his generosity likewise, as he spent
above 20,000 ducats in its defence.
At this period Juan de Costa cruised upon the Malabar
coast with two gallies and twenty-four other vessels. The
town of Gaipar near Bracalore being in rebellion, he landed
there and set the town on fire after killing 1500 of the inha-
bitants. He likewise cut down the woods 3 in revenge for
the rebellion of the natives. After this he destroyed an island
belonging to the zamorin in the river of Chale, and ruined
the city of Parapangulem belonging to the same sovereign,
where the heir of the kingdom was slain with 200 of his fol-
lowers. At Capocate 300 of the natives were slain with the
loss of two only of the Portuguese. The town of Nilacharim
near mount Dely was destroyed by fire. In the intervals
between these exploits on the land, several vessels belonging
to the enemy were taken, by which the fleet was supplied with
slaves and provisions.
At this period, after long petty wars occasioned by the in-
justice and tyranny of the Portuguese, they were expelled
from the Molucca islands, and their fort in the island of
Ternate was forced to surrender to the king, who protested
in presence of the Portuguese that he took possession of it in
trust for the king of Portugal, and would deliver it up to any
one having authority for that purpose as soon as the murder
of his father was punished 4 .
In the year 1576, Antonio Moniz Barreto was succeeded
in the government of India by Don Diego de Menezes; but
it may be proper to suspend for a time our account of the
affairs of India, to give some account of the transactions in
Monomotapa under the government of Francisco Barreto
and his successor Vasco Fernandez Homem.
SECTION
3 Probably the groves of cocoa-nut trees are here alluded to. E.
4 A great number of trifling incidents in the misgovernment and ty-
ranny of the Portuguese in the Moluccas, have been omitted at this and
other parts the history of Portuguese Asia in our version. E .
10
CHAP. iv. SECT. vin. Conquest of India. 44?7
SECTION VIII.
Transactions of the Portuguese in Monomotapa, from 1569 to
the end oj that separate government l .
ON the return of Francisco Barreto from the government
of India in 1 5 ,38, as formerly mentioned, he was appointed
admiral of the gallies, in which employment he gained great
honour in the memorable action of Pennon ; and on his re-
turn to Lisbon, king Sebastian, who had determined upon
making the division of the Portuguese governments in the
east already mentioned, appointed Barreto to that of Mono-
motapa z , with the additional title of Conqueror of the Mines.
The great inducement for this enterprise was from the large
quantities of gold said to be found in that country, and par-
ticularly at Manica in the kingdom of Mocaranga. Francisco
Barreto sailed from Lisbon in April 1569, with three ships
and 1000 soldiers. He might easily have had more men if
the vessels could have contained them , as the reports of gold
banished all idea of danger, and volunteers eagerly pressed
forwards for the expedition, among whom were many gentle-
men and veterans who had served in Africa.
On his arrival at Mozambique, Barreto went to subdue the
king of Pate, who had revolted against the Portuguese au-
thority. In his instructions, Barreto was ordered to under-
take nothing of importance without the advice and concur-
rence of Francisco de Monclaros, a Jesuit, which was the
cause of the failure of this enterprise. It was a great error to
subject a soldier to the authority of a priest, and a most pre-
sumptuous folly in the priest to undertake a commission so
foreign to his profession. There were two roads to the mines,
one of which was through the dominions of Monomotapa,
and the other by way of Sofala. Barreto was disposed to
have taken the latter, but Monclaros insisted upon the former,
and carried his point against the unanimous votes of the
council
1 In De Faria no dates are given of these transactions, except that Barreto
sailed from Lisbon in April 15G9. E.
2 In modern geography the country called Monomotapa in the text is
known by the name of Mocaranga, while Monomotapa is understood to be
the title of the sovereign. It is sometimes called Senna by the Portuguese,
from the name of a fort possessed by them in the interior. E.
448 Portuguese Discove ry and PART n. BOOK m.
council of war ; so that the first step in this expedition led to
its ruin. But before entering upon the narrative of events,
it may be proper to give some account of the climate, quality,
and extent of the country.
From Cape Delgado in lat. 10 10' S. to Mozambique in
14 50 l , the coast is somewhat bent in the form of a bow, in
which space are the islands of Pajaros, Amice, Mocoloe,
Matembo, Querimba, Cabras, and others, with the rivers
Paudagi, Menluane, Mucutii, Mucululo, Situ, Habe, Xanga,
Samoco, Veloso, Pinda, Quisimaluco and Quintagone, with
the bays of Xanga and Fuego, and the sands of Pinda. From
Mozambique in lat. 14 50' S. to the port or bay of Asuca in
21 SO', the coast falls off to the westwards, opposite to the
Pracel de Sofala or great bank of Pracel, on the coast of
Madagascar, the dangerous Scylla and Charibdis of those
seas. On this coast are the rivers Mocambo, Angoxa, or
Bayones, Mossige, Mojuncoate, Sangage, and others, with
many islands, and the ports of Quilimane and Luabo; the
rivers Tendanculo, Quiloe, Sabam, Bagoe, Miaue, and So*
fala, with the opposite islands of Inbausato, Quiloane, Mam-
bone, Molimon, and Quilamancohi. Between Cape Bosiqua
or St Sebastian in lat. 2140 / S. and Cape Corientesin 24- S.
is the great bay of Sauca, into which falls the river Inhambane,
where there is a great trade for ivory. From the frequent
recurrence of the soft letters L and M in these names, it may
be inferred that the language of that country is by no means
harsh.
From the mouth of the Cuama or Zambeze in the east, the
empire of Monomotapa extends 250 leagues into the interior
of Africa, being divided by the great river Zambeze, into which
falls the Chiri or CJiircira, running through the country of Bo-
roro 3 , in which country are many other large rivers, on the
banks of which dwell many kings, some of whom are inde-
pendent, and others are subject to Monomotopa. The most
powerful of the independent kings is he of Mongas, bordering
on the Cuama or Zambeze, which falls into the sea by four
mouths between Mozambique and Soi'ala. The first or most
northerly of these mouths is that of Quilimane, ninety leagues
from Mozambique; the second or Cuama is five leagues farther
south j
3 According to modern maps, the Zambeze divides the empire of Moca-
ranga, the sovereign of which is called Monoraotapa, from the empire of
the Bororos ; and the river Chireira or Manzara on the south of the Zan>
beze, which it joins, is entirely confined to the country of Mocaranga. E
CHAP. iv. SECT. vni. Conquest of India. 449
south ; the third Lnabo five leagues lower 5 and the fourth named
Luabol five leagues more to the south. Between these mouths
are three large and fertile islands ; the middle one, named
Chingoma, is sixty leagues in circumference. This great river
is navigable for sixty leagues upwards to the town of Sena 9
inhabited by the Portuguese, and as much farther to Tete 9
another Portuguese colony 4 . The richest mines are those
of Massapa, called Anfur 5 , the Ophir whence the queen of
Sheba had the riches she carried to Jerusalem. In these mines
it is said, that one lump of gold has been found worth 12,000
ducats, and another worth 40,000. The gold is not only found
among the earth and stones, but even grows up within the
bark of several trees as high as where the branches spread out
to form the tops. The mines of Manchica and Butica are not
much inferior to those of Massapa and Fura, and there are
many others not so considerable. There are three fairs or
markets which the Portuguese frequent for this trade of gold
from the castle of Tete on the river Zambeze. The first of these
is Luanze, four days journey inland from that place 6 . The
second is Bacuto 1 farther off; and the third Massapa still far-
ther 8 . At these fairs the gold is procured in exchange for
coarse cloth, glass beads, and other articles of small value
among us. A Portuguese officer, appointed by the comman-
der of Mozambique, resides at Massapa with the permission
of the emperor of Monomotapa, but under the express con-
dition of not going into the country, under pain of death.
He acts as judge of the differences that arise there. There
are churches belonging to the Dominicans at Massapa, Bacuto,
and Luanze.
The origin, number, and chronology of the kings of Mono-
motapa are not known, though it is believed there were kings
VOL. vi. F f here
4 Sena is 220 English miles from the sea; Tete is 260 miles higher up 2
so that this great river is navigable for 480 miles, probably for small vessels
only. E.
5 Massapa is the name of a Portuguese fort or settlement on the river
Mocaras, a branch of the Chireira, in the interior of Mocaranga. Anfur or
Fura is a mountain about 100 miles from Massapa, said to contain rich gold
mines. E.
6 Luanze is about 100 miles south from Tete, on one of the branches of
the Chireira. E.
7 Bacuto is 40 miles south of Luanze. E.
8 Massapa is about 45 miles S-S. W. from Buenfc) or Bacuto, or 170 miles
'in that direction from Tete. E.
450 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
here in the time of the queen of Sbeba, and that they were sub-
ject to her, as .she got her gold from thence. In the mountain
of Anfur or Fura, near Massapa, there are the ruins of stately
buildings, supposed to be those of palaces and castles. In
process of time this great empire was divided into three king-
doms, called Qidtcve, Sabanda, and Chicanga 9 , which last is
the most powerful, as possessing the mines of Manica, Butua,
and others. It is believed that the negroes of Butua, in the
kingdom of Chicanga, are those who bring gold to Angola,
as these two countries are supposed to be only one hundred
leagues distance from each other I0 . The country of Mo-
nomotapa produces rice and maize, and has plenty of cattle
and poultry, the inhabitants addicting themselves to pasturage
and tilhige, and even cultivating gardens. It is divided into
25 kingdoms or provinces, named Mongas, Baroe, Manica,
Boese, Macingo, Remo, Chique, Chiria, Chidima, Boquizo,
Inhanzo, Chiruvia, Condesaca, Daburia, Macurumbe, Mun-
gussi, Antiovaza, Chove, Chungue, Dvia, liomba, lla&sini,
Chirao, Mocaranga, and llemo-de-Beza.
The emperor 1 1 has a large wooden palace, the three chief
apartments of which are, one for himself, another for his wife,
and the third for his menial servants. It has three doors
opening into a large court, one appropriated for the queen
and her attendants, one for the king and the servants attached
to his person, and the third for the two head cooks, who are
great men and relations of the king, and for the under-cooks
who are all men of quality below twenty years of age, as none
so young are supposed to have any commerce with women,
or otherwise they are severely punished. After serving in the
palace, these young men are preferred to high employments.
The
9 Quiteve is that kingdom or province of Mocaranga, now named Sofala
from the river of that name by which it is pervaded. Sabanda is probably
the kingdom or province of Sabia, on the river of that name, the southern
province of Mocaranga. Chicanga is what is now called Manica, the south-
west province of Mocaranga, the king or chief of which province is named
Chicanga. E.
10 The Butua of the text is probably the kingdom of Abutua of modern
maps, in the interior of Africa, directly west from the northern part of Moca-
ranga. The distance between Abutua and the eastern confines of Benguela,
one of the provinces of Angola or Congo, is about HOO or 900 miles. E.
1 1 The chief of Mocaranga is named Monomotapa, which latter is often
used as the name of the country. His residence is said to be at Zimbao
near the northern frontiers, between the Portuguese forts of Sena and Tete-
E.
CHAP. iv. SECT. viii. Conquest of India. 4-51
The servants within the palace, and those without, are com-
manded by two captains or high officers, resembling the Alcalde
dc los Donzelcs, or governor of the noble youths, formerly at
the court of Spain. The principal officers of the crown are,
the Ningomoaxci or governor of the kingdom, Mocomoaxa qr
captain-general, Ambuya or high steward, whose office it is to
procure a successor, when the Mazanra or principal wife of
the king dies, who must always be chosen from among the
sisters or nearest relations of the king. The next great officer
is the Inbantovo or chief musician, who has many musicians
under his charge ; the Nurucao, or captain of the vanguard ;
Bucurumo, which signifies the king's right hand ; Magcwde,
or the chief conjurer ; Netambe, or chief apothecary, who has
charge of the ointments and utensils for sorcery ; and lastly,
the Nehono or chief porter. All these offices are discharged
by great lords. They use no delicacy in cookery, having all
their meats roasted or boiled ; and they eat of such articles
as are used by the Europeans, with the addition of rats and
mice, which they reckon delicacies, as we do partridges and
rabbits.
The king has many wives, nine of whom only are reckoned
queens, and are all his sisters or near relations; the rest being
the daughters of noblemen. The chief wife is called Mazarira,
or the mother of the Portuguese, who frequently make presents
to her, as she solicits their affairs with the king, and he sends
no messengers to them but accompanied by some of her ser-
vants. The second queen is called InaJianda, who solicits for
the Moors. The others Nabuiza, Nemangore, Nizingoapangi,
Navembo, Nemongoro, Nessani, and Necarunda. Every one
of these lives apart in as great state as the king, having certain,
revenues and districts appointed for their expences. When
any of these die, another is appointed to her place and name,
and they have all the power of rewards and punishments, as
well as the king. Sometimes he goes to them, and, at other
times they come to him ; all of them having many female
attendants, whom the king makes use of when he thinks
proper.
The principal nation of Monomotapa is called the Moca-
rangi, and of which the emperor is a native. They are by
no means warlike, and their only weapons are bows, arrows,
and javelins. In regard to religion, they acknowledge one
only God, and believe in a devil or evil spirit, called Muzuco,
but they have no idols. They believe that their deceased kings
452 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK ni.
go to heaven, and invoke these under the appellation of Mu-
simos, as the saints are invoked by the catholics. Having no
letters, their only knowledge of past events is preserved by
tradition. The lame and blind are called the king's poor,
because they are charitably maintained by him ; and when
any of these travel, the towns through -which they pass are
obliged to maintain them and furnish them with guides from
place to place, an excellent example for Christians. The
months are divided into three weeks of ten days each, and
have several festivals. The first day of each month is the
festival of the new moon; and the fourth and fifth day of every
week are kept as festivals. On these days all the natives dress
in their best apparel, and the king gives public audience to
all who present themselves, on which occasion he holds a
truncheon about three quarters of a yard long in each hand,
using them to lean upon. Those who speak to him pros-
strate themselves on the ground, and his audience lasts from
morning till evening. When the king is indisposed, the
Ningomoaxa, or governor of the kingdom, stands in his place.
No one must speak to the king, or even go to the palace, on
the eighth day of the moon, as that day is reckoned unlucky.
On the day of the new moon, the king runs about the palace
with two javelins in his hand, as if fighting, all the great men
being present at this pastime. When this is ended, a pot
full of maize, boiled whole, is brought in, which the king
scatters about, desiring the nobles to eat, and every one strives
to gather most to please him, and eat it greedily as if it were
the most savoury dainty. Their greatest festival is held on
the new moon in May, which they call Chuavo. On this day
all the great men of the empire, who are very numerous, resort
to court, where they run about with javelins in their hand, as
in a mock fight. This sport lasts the whole day, at the end
of which the king withdraws, and is not seen for eight days
afterwards, during all which time the drums beat incessantly.
He then reappears on the ninth day, and orders the noble for
whom he has least affection to be slain, as a sacrifice to his
ancestors, or the Muzimos. When this is done, the drums
cease, and every one goes home. The Mumbos 12 eat human
flesh, which is publicly sold in the shambles. This may suffice
for the customs of the natives in the empire of Monomotapa,
as it would be endless to recount the whole.
After
12 This savage race are said to inhabit on the north western frontiers of
Mocaranga. E.
CHAP. iv. SECT. viii. Conquest of India. 453
After some stay at Mozambique, Barreto set out on his
expedition for the mines of Monomotapa, with men, horses,
camels, and other necessaries for war, and with proper tools
for working the mines which he expected to conquer. He
sailed up the river Cuama, called Rio de los buenos Sen?iales 9
or river of Good Signs, by the first discoverers, and came to
Sena or the fort ot St Marzalis, according to the desire of
father Monclaros ; whence he proceeded to the town of Ina-
parapala, near which is another town belonging to the Moors,
who, being always professed enemies to the Christians, began
to thwart the designs of the Portuguese as they had formerly
done in India. They even attempted to poison the Portu-
guese army, and some of the men and horses actually died
in consequence ; but the cause being discovered by one of the
Moors, they were all put to the sword, their chiefs being
blown from the mouths of cannon, the informer only being
pardoned. After this Barreto sent an embassy to the king,
desiring permission to march against the chief of the Mongas,
who was then in rebellion, and from thence to continue his
march to the mines ofJiuttia and Mancica. The rst of these
requests was a piece of flattery to obtain leave for the other,
as the province of the Mongas lay between Sena and the mines,
and it was necessary to march thither by force of arms. The
king gave his consent to both requests, and even offered to
send 100,000 of his own men along with the Portuguese ; but
Barreto declined any assistance, wishing to have the whole
honour of the war to himself, and thinking by that means to
gain favour with the king. He accordingly marched with 23
horse and 560 foot armed with muskets ; and after a march
of ten days, mostly along the rapid river Zambeze, in which
the troops suffered excessively from hunger and thirst, the
enemy were descried covering the hills and vallies with armed
men. Though the multitude of the enemy was so great that
the extremity of their army could not be seen, Barreto march-
ed on giving the command of the van to Vasco Fernandez
Homem, while he led the rear in person, the baggage and a
few field pieces being in the centre. On coming up to engage
the cannon were removed to the front and flanks.
The enemy were drawn up in the form of a crescent ; and
as the Portuguese marched to the charge, an old woman
came forward to meet them scattering some powder towards
them, having persuaded the enemy that she alone would gain
the victory by virtue of that powder. Barreto understood the
meaning
454? Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK HI.
meaning of this superstitious act, having seen similar things
in India, and gave orders to level a field piece at the notori-
ous witch, which was so well pointed that she was blown to
atoms, at which the Kafrs were astonished, as they believed
her immortal. The enemy however advanced, but without
any order, either from ignorance or because they relied on
their immense numbers, and discharged clouds of arrows and
darts against the Portuguese ; but finding that the musque-
teers slew them by hundreds at every discharge, they took to
flight, and great numbers of them were slain in the pursuit.
Barreto continued his march for the city of the Mongas, and
was opposed by another multitude similar to the former which
was put to flight with equal facility, above 6000 of the Kafrs
being slain with the loss of only two Portuguese soldiers. The
city was abandoned by the enemy and taken possession of by
Barreto without opposition, in which he entrenched his small
army. Next morning a multitude of Kafrs as large as either
of the former appeared to assail the Portuguese ; but being
again routed with prodigious slaughter, a messenger arrived
to beg for peace. Barreto answered that he would wait upon
the king, when .ill matters might be adjusted. He accord-
ingly marched next day, and having encamped in a conve-
nient place, a new embassy came from the king to solicit peace.
While the Kafr ambassadors were conferring with Barreto,
one of the camels belonging to the Portuguese happened to
break loose and came up to where Barreto was, who stopped
it till those who were seeking for it came up. The Kafr am-
bassadors had never before seen a camel, and were astonished
to see it come up to the governor, at whom they asked many
questions concerning the strange animal. Taking advantage
of their ignorance and credulity, Barreto told them that those
animals led only on human flesh, devouring all that were slain
in battle ; and that this camel had come to him from the rest
to desire that he would not make peace as they would then
have no food. Astonished at this intelligence, they intreated
him to desire the camels to be satisfied with good beef, and
they would immediately supply him with great, numbers of
cattle. He granted their request and marched on, still in
much distress for provisions.
At this time news was brought of some transactions at Mo-
zambique which rendered his presence there necessary, on
which he assigned the command of the army to Vasco Fer-
nandez Homem, and departed for Mozambique. Antonio
Pereyra
CHAP. iv. SECT. viii. Conquest of India. 455
Pereyra Brandam had committed certain crimes at the Mo-
luccas, for which on his return to Portugal he was banished
into Africa, on which he requested Barreto to take him to
Mozambique, which he did accordingly, and even gave him
the command of the fort at that place. Though eighty years
of age, Brandarn wished to secure himself in the command ot
the fort by sending false informations to the king against Barreto
his benefactor. By some means these papers were intercept-
ed and sent to Barreto, who on his arrival at Mozambique
immediately shewed them to Brandam, who fell on his knees
and asked pardon in the most humble manner. Barreto
forgave him, but deprived him of the command over the fort
at Mozambique, which he committed to the charge of Lorenzo
Godino, and returned to prosecute the expedition in Mono-
inotapa.
On his arrival at Sena, where Homem had halted with the
army, Monclaros accosted him in a violent manner, com-
manding him to desist from that wild enterprise of conquering
the mines, in which he had imposed on the king, declaring
that he should be held responsible for all who had died or
might die in future in this wild and impracticable design. It
is certain that Barreto was not the promoter of this intended
conquest, and that Monclaros was actually to blame for the
miscarriage; yet Barreto took the insolence of this proud
priest so much to heart that he died in two days without any
other sickness. Assuredly the Jesuit had more to answer tor
on account of the death of the governor, than he for the un-
fortunate result of the expedition, which was all owing to the
arrogant ignorance of the Jesuit in forcing it into a wrong
direction. Thus fell, by the angry words of a priest, a great
man who had escaped from many bullets among the Indians,
from numerous darts and arrows of the Mongas, and from
the malice of a villain. King Sebastian greatly lamented his
untimely end, which he expressed by giving an honourable
reception to his body when brought to Lisbon.
After the death of Barreto, a royal order w r as found among
his papers by which Vasco Fernandez Homem was appointed
his successor. By the persuasions of Monclaros, who was
now disgusted with the expedition of Monomotapa, Homem
returned with the troops to Mozambique, abandoning the pro-
jected conquest of the mines. At that place some judicious
persons, and particularly Francisco Pinto Pimentel, urged
him to resume the execution of the orders which had been
given
456 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK ui.
given by the king to Barreto, and he determined upon re-
suming the enterprise for the conquest of Monomotapa ; but
as Monclaros was now gone back to Portugal, he found himself
at liberty to take the route for the mines through Sofala, as
Barreto wished to have done originally. Landing therefore
at Sofala, he marched directly inland towards the mines of
jbfanica in the kingdom of Chicanga, bordering by the inland
with the kingdom of Qiiiteve which is next in power to Mo-
nomotapa x 3 . To conciliate the king of Quiteve, Homem
sent messengers with presents to request the liberty of passing
through his dominions, but being jealous of his intentions,
that king received his propositions very coldly. Homem ad-
vanced however, having nearly a similar force with that which
accompanied Barreto on the former expedition into the king-
dom of Monomotapa, and several bodies of Kafrs that at-
tempted to stop his progress were easily routed with great
slaughter. Finding himself unable to defend himself against
the invaders by force of arms, the king of Quiteve had re-
course to policy, and caused all the people and provisions to
be removed from the towns, so that the Portuguese suffered
extreme distress till they arrived at Zimlao 1 *, the residence
of the king, whence he had fled and taken refuge in inacces-
sible mountains. Homem burnt the city, and marched on to
the kingdom of Chicanga, where he was received by the king
rather through fear than love, was supplied with provisions,
and allowed a free passage to the mines. At these the Por-
tuguese vainly expected that they would be able to gather
gold in great abundance ; but seeing that the natives procured
only very small quantities in a long time and with much dif-
ficulty, and being themselves very inexpert in that labour,
they soon abandoned the place which they had so long and
anxiously sought for, and returned towards the coast, parting
from
13 In modern geography, which indeed is mainly ignorant of the foreign
possessions of the Portuguese, the dominion of Sofala on both sides of the
river of that name, extend about 320 miles from east to west, in lat. 20 C S.
from the Mozambique channel, by about 100 miles in breadth. The com-
mercial station of Sofala belonging to the Portuguese is at the mouth of the
river ; and about 220 miles from the sea is a town called Zimbao of Quiteve.
Manica the kingdom of Chicanga is an inland district to the west of the
kingdoms of Sofala and Sabia ; all three dependent upon Monomotapa. E.
14 This Zimbao of Quiteve is to be carefully distinguished from a town
of the same name in Monomotapa. The former is nearly in lat. 20 S. on
the river of Sofala, the latter is about 16? 20' S. near the'river Zambezi or
Cuama. E.
CHAP. iv. SECT. vui. Conquest of India. 457
from the king of Chicanga in much friendship. Thus,
though disappointed in their main design of acquiring ricli
gold mines, the ease with which they had penetrated to the
place evinced how great an error had been formerly com-
mitted by subjecting Barreto to ttie direction of Monclaros,
who had led him by a tedious and dangerous way merely to
gratify his own extravagant humour.
Homem returned to the kingdom of Quiteve, and the king
of that country now permitted him to march for the mines of
Maninnas l5 , on condition that the Portuguese should pay
him twenty crowns yearly. Homem accordingly marched for
the kingdom of Chicova I<5 , which borders upon the inland
frontier of Monomotapa towards the north, having heard that
there were rich mines of silver in that country. Having pe-
netrated to Chicova, he inquired among the natives for the
way to the mines ; and as they saw that it was in vain for
them to resist, while they feared the discovery of the mines
would prove their ruin, they scattered some ore at a place far
distant from the mines, and shewing this to the Portuguese
told them that this was the place of which they were in search.
By this contrivance the Kafrs gained time to escape, as the
Portuguese permitted them to go away, perhaps because they
were unwilling the natives should see what treasure they pro-
cured. Homem accordingly caused all the environs to be
carefully dug up, and after a vast deal of fruitless labour was
obliged to desist, as provisions grew scarce. Thus finding no
advantage after all his fatigues and dangers, Homem marched
away towards the coast with part of his troops, intending to
return to his government at Mozambique, and left Antonio
Cardoso de Almeyda with 200 men to continue the researches
for some time for the treasures that were said to abound in
that country. Cardoso suffered himself to be again deceived
by the Kafrs who had before imposed upon Homem, as they
now offered to conduct him to where he might find a vein of
silver. But they led him the way of death rather than of the
mines, and killed him and all his men after defending them-
selves with incredible bravery.
Thus
1 5 No such place is laid down in modern maps, but rich gold mines are
mentioned in Mocaranga near mount Fura, which is nearly in the route in-
dicated in ike text, between Sofala or Quiteve and Chicova. E.
1 6 Chicova is a territory and town of Mocaranga or Monomotapa, in
lat. 19 N. at the north-west boundary of that empire on the Zambeze;
nd is said to abound in mines of silver. .
458 Portuguese Discovery and PART ir. BOOK in.
Thus ended the government and conquest of Monomotapa
shortly after its commencement, under two successive gover-
nors, who lost their object almost as soon as it was seen. The
first killed by a few rash words, and the second expelled by a
prudent stratagem. Yet peace and trade continued between
the Portuguese and the empire of Monomotapa. These ac-
tions of Barreto and Homem took place during the time when
Luis de Ataide, Antonio de Noronha, and Antonio Moniz
Barreto l7 , were governors of India ; but we have never been
able to ascertain when the former died and the latter aban-
doned the projected conquest of the mines.
SECTION IX.
Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from
1576 to 1581 ; 'when the Crown of Portugal was usurped by
Philip II. of Spain, on the Death of the Cardinal King
Henry.
IN 1576 Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora went out as viceroy of
Portuguese India ; but dying on the voyage, at Mozambique,
T)on Diego de Menezes assumed the government in virtue of
a royal patent of succession. Nothing extraordinary hap-
pened during his government of nearly two years, when he
was superseded by the arrival of Don Luis de Ataide count
of Atougaia as viceroy of India for the second time. Ataide
had been appointed general in chief of the Portuguese forces
by king Sebastian, who had resolved to bury the i>lory of his
kingdom in the burning sands of Africa ; and finding his own
youthful impetuosity unable to conform with the prudent
councils of the count, he constituted him viceroy of India as
a plausible means of removing him. The count arrived at
Goa about the end of August 1577, where he immediately
fitted out a mighty fleet which struck terror into all the neigh-
bouring princes. After continuing the war for some time
-against Adel Khan, a peace was concluded with that prince.
Soon afterwards news was brought to India of the melan-
17 The commencement of the government of Barreto has been already
stated as having taken place in 1569. Antonio Moniz Barreto governed
India from 1573 to 1576: Hence the consecutive governments of Francisco
Barreto and Vasco Fernandez Homem in Monomotapa could not be less
than^/oar or more than seven years/ E,
<JHAP. iv. SECT. ix. Conquest of India. 459
choly catastrophe which had befallen king Sebastian in Africa,
and that the Cardinal Don Henry had succeeded to the
throne ; but he soon afterwards died, and the kingdom of
Portugal came under the direction of a council of regency
consisting of five members. The viceroy Don Luis died soon
afterwards at Goa in the beginning of the year 1580, after
governing India this second time for two years and seven
months. He seemed to have had a presentiment of his death ;
for being applied to for leave to bury his cousin Antonio
Botello beside his brother Don Juan de Ataide, he refused it,
saying that he had long designed that situation for himself.
He was a man of most undaunted courage, of which the fol-
lowing instance may be adduced. At the attack of Qiwre, he
sailed in a brigantine sitting in a chair, having a famous mu-
sician beside him playing on the harp. When the balls from
the enemy began to whistle past the ears of the musician he
stopt playing, on which the count desired him to proceed as
the tune was excellent. One of the gentlemen near him,
seeing his unconcernedness, requested him to expose himself
less to the danger, as if he were slain all would be lost : " No
such thing, answered he, for if I am killed there are men
enough who are fit to succeed me."
On his death, which appears to have happened in March
1580, he was succeeded as governor by Ferdinand Tellez de
Menezes, pursuant to a patent of succession sent out by the
regency in the year before. On this occasion the new gover-
nor was installed with as much demonstration of joy as if there
had been no cause of sorrow among the subjects of Portugal
for the melancholy state of their country. While the affairs
of Portugal were in a miserable state of distraction, those of
Visiapour were in no better condition, in consequence of the
death of Adel Khan without heirs, in the 23d year of his reign
and 50th of his age. Being adicted to unnatural practices,
a youth of eighteen years of age who had too much honour to
submit to his base desires, stabbed him as he was endeavour-
ing to allure him to comply with his brutal purposes. Ibra-
him Khan, the son of Shah Tamas, one of two brothers whom
Adel Khan had put to death, succeeded to the sovereignty ;
but was soon afterwards seized by a powerful Omrah, named
Quisbale Khan, who made himself master of the city of Vi-
siapour. Soon afterwards the Ethiopian guards revolted
under three leaders of their own choice, Acala Khan, Armi
Khan,
10
460 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK ur
Khan, and Delarna Khan, the last of whom secured the other
two and usurped the whole power.
About this time new instructions came from the regency of
Portugal, announcing that Philip II, of Spain had been ad-
mitted as king of Portugal, and enjoining the governor and
all the Portuguese in India to take the oath of allegiance to
the new sovereign.
At this period Mirazenam Pacha, a native of Otranto, and
born of Christian parents, was governor of all that part of
Arabia which is called Yemen by the natives, and resided in
Sanaa or Zenan, a city in the inland part of Yeman or Ara-
bia Felix, 60 leagues north of Mokha *. Sanaa stands upon
a hill encompassed with a good wall, and is thought to have
been founded by Ham the son of Noah, and to have been the
residence of the famous queen of Sheba. The fruitful pro-
vince in which it stands was called by the ancients Stria Jkfu-
mifera, because it produces frankincense, myrrh, and storax.
Being desirous to plunder Maskat near Cape Ras-al-gat,
Mirazenam sent three Turkish gallies on that errand under
Ali Beg, who took possession of Maskat, whence most of the
Portuguese residents saved themselves by flight, leaving their
goods to be plundered by Ali Beg. The fugitives took refuge
in Mataro, a town only a league distant, whence they went to
Bruxel, a fort about four leagues inland, belonging to Catani
the sheikh or chief of a horde or tribe of Arabs. The Arab
officer who commanded there received the Portuguese with
much kindness and hospitality, and protected them till the
departure of Ali Beg, when they returned to Maskat. On
learning the ruin of Maskat, Gonzalo de Menezes, who then
commanded at Ormuz, sent Luis de Almeyda with a squadron
consisting of a galleon, a galley, and six other vessels, with
400 good men, to attack Ali Beg. But Almeyda neglected
the orders of his superior, and sailed to the coast of the Nay-
taques, intending to surprise and plunder the beautiful and
rich city of Pesani z . But the inhabitants got notice of their
danger and fled, after which Almeyda dishonourably plun-
dered the city, to which he set fire, together with near fifty
sail
1 Sanaa is about 80 marine leagues, or 278 English miles N. E. from
Mokha, and 30 leagues, or about 100 miles nearly north from MakulJa,, the
nearest port of Arabia on the Indian ocean. E.
2 Perhaps Posino on the oceanic coast of Makran, one of the provinces
of Persia, is here meant, nearly north from Maskat, on the opposite coast of
jhe entrance towards the Persian Gulf. E.
CHAP. iv. SECT. x. by the Spaniards. 461
sail of vessels which were in the bay. He did the same thing
to Guadel or Gad,t>r, a city not inferior to Pesani, and to
Teis or Tesse belonging to the barbarous tribe of the Abindos
who dwell on the river Calamen in Gedrosia 3 , and who
join with the Naytaqiies in their piracies.
SECTION X.
Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1581 to
1597 '.
DON Francisco Mascarcnhas, count of Santa Cruz, was the
first viceroy sent out to India after the revolution by which
Philip II. of Spain acquired the sovereignty of Portugal.
The honour and advantages conferred upon him on receiving
this important office were greater than had ever been enjoyed
by any of his predecessors. He well deserved all rewards of ho-
nour and profit, having served with great reputation in India,
particularly in the brave defence of Chaul, with an incompe-
tent garrison, and hardly any fortifications, against the power
of the Nizam, who besieged it with 150,000 men. Yet his
advancement on this occasion proceeded more from the policy
of the king of Spain than the merit of Mascarenhas, to en-
deavour to gain the hearts of the Portuguese in India by his
bounty. On his arrival at Goa in 1581, the new viceroy
found that all the Portuguese had already submitted to the
government of the king of Spain, so that he had only to at-
tend to the usual affairs of his viceroyalty.
Sultan Amodifar, the lawful king of Guzerat, after being
long kept prisoner by the Mogul who had usurped his king-
dom, made his escape by the assistance of some women
and came in disguise to a Banian at Cambaya, by whom he
was
3 Gedrosia the ancient name of that province of Persia on the Indian
Ocean between the mouth of the Persian Gulf and the Indus, now called
Mekran or Makran. E.
1 We have here omitted from de Faria several long and confused disser-
tations on subjects that will be treated of more satisfactorily in the sequel of
this work, from better sources of information. These are, 1. Of the religion
of Hindostan. 2. Of the empire of Ethiopia, or Abyssinia. 3. Of Japan.
4. Of China. 5. Of the traditions respecting the preaching of Christianity
in India by St Thomas. Likewise, in the sequel of the Portuguese transac-
tions in India from de Faria, we have omitted a vast deal of uninteresting
events, confining our attention only to such as are of some relative impor-
tance.^
4-62 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
was conveyed to Jambo 9 a person who bad secured himself in a
portion of the kingdom of Guzcrat in the late revolution.
Jambo not only acknowledged Amodifar as his legitimate so-
vereign, but procured the submission of many other chiefs and
great men, so that he was soon at the head of a large army, in.
which there were above 30,000 horse, and in a short time
Amodifar recovered possession of almost all Guzerat, either by
force or consent. In hopes of profiting by these confusions,
and in particular expecting to acquire possession of Surat,
the viceroy went with 40 sail to Chaul, whence he sent some
intelligent agents to B a roach, which was then besieged by A-
modifar, the wife and children of Cotub oddin Khan having
taken refuge in that place. These agents had instructions to
treat secretly both with Amodifar and the wife of Cotub,
without letting either of them know the correspondence with
the other, that the Portuguese interest might be secured with
the party that ultimately prevailed. But a large Mogul ar-
my invaded Guzerat and recovered possession of the whole
country, so that the negociations of the viceroy fell to nothing,
and he returned to Goa. While absent from that city, the
subjects of the new king of Visiapour, provoked by the inso-
lences of Larva Khan the favourite minister, wished to set
up Cufo Khan the son of Meale Khan, who had been
long kept prisoner at Goa ; but on this coming to the know-
ledge of Larva Khan, he contrived, by means of an infamous
Portuguese, named Diego Lopez Bayam, to inveigle Cufo
Khan into his power, who thinking to gain a crown was
made prisoner by Larva Khan and deprived of his eyes.
After Don Francisco de Mascarenhas had enjoyed the
viceroy alty for three years, Don Duarte de Menezes came
out in 1581- as his successor. His first measure was to re-
store peace at Cochin, where a revolt was threatened by the
natives in consequence of the Portuguese having usurped the
management of the custom-house to the prejudice of the Ra-
jah ; but an accommodation was now entered into, and the
people appeased by restoring matters to their ancient footing.
The naik of Sanguicer, a place dependent upon the king of
Visiapour, having converted hi* place of residence into a nest
of pirates, to the great injury of the Portuguese trade on the
coast of Canara, an agreement was entered into with the king
of Visiapour for his punishment ; the governor of Ponda
named Kosti Khan being to march against him by land with
40,000 men,, while the Portuguese were to attack the naik by
CHAP. iv. SECT. x. Conquest of India.
sea. This was accordingly executed, and the naik being-
driven to take refuge in the woods, implored mercy, and was
restored to his ruined district.
Some years before the present period a prodigious inunda-
tion of Kafi s or Negro barbarians from the interior of Africa
invaded the country of Monomotapa, in multitudes that were
utterly innumerabie. They came from that part of the inte-
rior in which the great lake of Mar am is situated, out of which
springs the great rivers whose source was formerly unknown.
Along with this innumerable multitude, a part of whom were
of the tribes called Macabires and Ambei> bordering upon A-
byssiiiia, came their wives, children, and old people, as if
emigrating bodily in search of new habitations, from their own
being unable to contain them. They were a rude and savage
people, whose chosen food was human flesh, only using that
of beasts in defect of the other ; and such was the direful effect
of their passage through any part of the country, that they
marked their way by tne utter ruin of the habitations, leaving
nothing behind but the bones of the inhabitants. When
these tailed them, they supplied their craving hunger by feed-
ing on their own people, beginning with the sick and aged.
Even their women, though ugly and deformed, were as hardy
and warlike as their husbands, carrying their children and
household goods on their backs, and going armed with bows
and arrows, which they used with as much courage and dex-
terity as the men. These barbarians used defensive armour,
and even employed the precaution of fortifying their camp
wherever they happened to halt. While passing the castle of
Tete upon the Zambeze in the interior of Mocaranga, Jerome
de Andrada who commanded the Portuguese garrison sent
out against them a party of musketeers, and in two encoun-
ters killed above 5000 of them, while the multitude fled in
the utmost dismay, having never before experienced the effects
of fire arms. Passing onwards from thence, the barbarous
multitude came to the neighbourhood of Mozambique, de-
stroying every thing in their course like an inundation of fire;
and as the situation appeared inviting to one of their chiefs
named Mambea, who commanded about 6000 warriors, he
built a fort and some towns on the main, about two leagues
from Mozambique. As the fort of Cuama, where Nuno Vel-
io Pereyra commanded, was much incommoded by the neigh-
bourhood of these barbarians, he sent out Antonio Pimentel
against them with 400 men, four only of whom were Portu-
guese,
464* Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
guese, who falling unexpectedly on the barbarians slew many
of them and burnt the fort ; but retiring in disorder, the ene-
my fell upon Pimentel and his men, all of whom they slew ex-
cept three Portuguese and a small number of negroes. All the
slain were devoured by the victorious Kafrs, except their
heads, hands, and feet.
The country about Mozambique is full of orchards and
fruit trees, especially citrons, lemons, and oranges, and has
all kinds of wild and tame beasts like those in Europe, toge-
ther with prodigious numbers of elephants. The principal
food of the people is maize. The woods mostly consist of
ebony, being a very lofty tree with leaves like those of our
apple trees, and fruit resembling medlars, but not eatable,
the whole stem and branches being thickly covered with
thorns. The bark is as susceptible of fire as tinder, and
when one of these trees is cut down it never springs up again.
Ihere is another sort of a yellowish colour, which is reckoned
valuable. The best manna is produced in this country.
Among the fish of this river is one equally voracious with
the crocodile, from which no man escapes that gets within
their reach, but they never injure women. One of these of
a prodigious size was caught having gold rings in its ears,
which was supposed to have been done as some species of
witchcraft or incantation by the Kafrs to clear the river from
these dangerous animals. In confirmation of this opinion,
we read in an Arabian author named Matude, giving an ac-
count of prodigies, that about the year 863 a brazen crocodile
was found under the ruins of an Egyptian temple, on which
certain characters or symbolical letters were impressed, and
when this image was broken in pieces the crocodiles of the
Nile began again to devour men.
During the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de Menezes fresh
troubles broke out in the kingdom of Visiapour, in conse-
quence of which the Moguls invaded the country, and after
laying it waste to a great extent possessed themselves of many
of its towns cities and districts. The occasions of these trou-
bles was this : The king being ill of a contagious distemper,
his two favourite ministers, Acede Khan and Calabate Khan,
kept him concealed in the palace, so that no person was allow-
ed to see him. The prince and the people had recourse to
arms, in order to force these tyrants to admit them into the
kings presence ; on which they persuaded the infirm king that
the prince wished to depose him, so that the king went to war
against the prince,, and defeated him with great slaughter,
6 upon
jv. SECT. x. Conquest of India. 465
upon which the Moguls were called in to their assistance, and
used the opportunity to plunder the country and appropriate
it to themselves.
Towards the close of the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de
Menezes, Raju who had usurped the sovereignty of Ceylon,
determined upon making a conquest of the Portuguese fortress
of Columbo, with a view of expelling them from that island.
For this purpose he collected an immense army, in which
were 50,000 soldiers, 60,000 pioneers, and nearly as many
artificers of various descriptions, with 2200 elephants, 40,000
oxen, J50 pieces of cannon, and 50,000 intrenching tools,
axes, shovels, spades, and mattocks, with an innumerable
quantity of spare arms and ammunition ; among which were
two wooden castles built upon enormous carriages, each of
which had nine wheels. Added to all which he had nearly
500 craft of different kinds. Before proceeding upon this ex-
pedition, he deemed it proper to consult the idols respecting
its success ; and on this occasion he secretly placed men be-
hind the idols, who answered to his supplications for a favour-
able termination to his great design, If you would take Colum-
bo you must shed innocent blood ! The people were astonished
at this familiar and direct intercourse between their idols and
their prince ; and he, pretending obedience to the divine
commands which they had all heard, caused 500 children to
be taken from the arms of their mothers, all of whom were
sacrificed, and the idols sprinkled with their blood.
After all his preparations were completed, he marched with
his prodigious army and invested Columbo, choosing the
ground which he deemed most advantageous, as the garrison
was not sufficiently strong to contend with him in the field.
Joam de Britto, who then commanded in Columbo, had sent
intimation of his danger to the other Portuguese possessions,
and had arranged every thing for defence as well as he could.
To defend the place against the vast army by which he was
now assailed, he hud only 300 Portuguese, a third of whom
were useless, as being old men or children ; besides whom he
had 700 armed natives and slaves. This incompetent force
he posted to the best advantage around the walls, which were
far too extensive, reserving 50 picked men to attend upon him-
self to give relief wherever it was most needed. After the
commencement of the siege, Raju spent a whole month in
draining a lake which secured one side of Columbo from be-
ing assailed, and as the Portuguese had several boats on the
VOL. vi. G g lake
4?66 Portuguese Discovery and PART xi. BOOK in,
lake, there were frequ -nt skirmishes in which the enemy suf~
fered considerable loss. The side of the fort which had been
covered by the lake was much weakened by the drawing off"
it 1 - water, which had been its chief defence on that side. In
consequence of the advices sent by Brito to the commanders
of the neighbouring forts, reinforcements were prepared at
different quarters. The first relief, consisting of 4-0 men, was
sent by Juan de Melo the commander of Manaar, under the
command of his nephew Ferdinand de Melo, who likewise
brought a supply of ammunition ; and Ferdinand was posted
with his men to strengthen the defence upon the side towards
the drained lake.
On the ith of August before day-light z , Raju advanced in
silence to give the first assault, but was discovered by the
lighted matches of his musqueteers. The enemy applied their
scaling ladders at the same time to the three bastions of St
Michael, St Gonzalo, and St Francisco, while 2000 pioneers
fell to work belpw to undermine the works. Many of the as-
sailants were thrown down Irom their ladders on the heads of
the workmen employed below, while numbers of the enemy
who were drawn up in the field before the town were destroy-
ed by the cannons from the walls. Everywhere both within
and without, the fort resounded with the cries of women and
children, and the groans of the wounded, joined to the noise of
the cannon and musquetry and the shrill cries of elephants,
which, forced to the walls by their conductors, were driven
back smarting with many wounds, and did vast injury in the
ranks of the besiegers. Such was the multitude of the enemy
that they did nc seem lessened by slaughter, fresh men stiil
pressing on to supply the places of the killed and wounded.
Brito was present in every place of danger, giving orders and
conveying relief, and after a long and arduous contest, the
enemy at length gave way, leaving 400 men dead or dying
at the foot of the walls. During this assault, some Chinga-
lese who had retired into the fort to escape the tyranny of
Raju, fought with as much bravery as the Portuguese. Twice
afterwards, Raju made repeated* attempts to carry the place
by escalade, but was both times repulsed with much slaughter.
After
2 The date of the year is omitted by De Faria, who, always rather ne*
gligent of dates, now hardly ever gives any more light on this subject than
the years in which the respective viceroys and governors assumed and laid
down their authorities. The siege therefore must have happened betweerj
1084 and 1588 ? during the government of Duarte de Menezes. E
iv. SfECT. x. Conquest of India. 467
After which he repaired his entrenchments, and prepared to
renew the assaults.
After the commencement of the siege Diego Fernandez
Pessoa came from Negapatnam with a ship of his own, and
Antonio de Aguilar brought another ship, by means of which
the besieged were much encouraged. Don Joain de Austria
the Mudeliar of Candea 3 , and the Arache Don Alfonzo, did
at this time eminent service against the enemy ; and a soldier
of vast strength, named Jos- Fernandez, having broken his
spear, threw several of the enemy behind him to be slain by
those in his rear. On learning the danger of Columbo, the
city of Cochin fitted out six ships for its relief, with a supply
of men and ammunition, which were placed under the com-
mand of Nuno Alvarez de Atouguia. Before their arrival,
Raju gave another general assault by sea and land, in which
the danger was so pressing that even the religious were forced
to act as officers and soldiers to defend the walls, and the
enemy were again repulsed with great slaughter. Immediate-
ly after this the relief arrived under Atouguia from Cochin, and
nearly at the same time arrived from Si Thomases and other
places several ships brought by private individuals of their
own accord ; and in September six ships and a galley arrived
with reinforcements from Goa under Bernardin de Carvallo.
On the arrival of such numerous reinforcements, Raju, giving
up all hopes of carrying the place by assault, endeavoured to
undermine the walls ; but this attempt was effectually coun-
teracted by Thomas de Sousa, who found out a way of de-
stroying the miners while engaged in the work.
Foiled in all his attempts to gain possession of Columbo,
Raju now endeavoured to attain his end by treachery, and
prevailed on some of his wizards to pretend discontent, and
desert to the town, that they might poison the water in the
garrison and bewitch the defenders. Being suspected, these
men were put to the torture, on which they confessed their
intentions, and were put to oleath. " While one of the wizards
was on the rack, he uttered certain mysterious words which
deprived the executioners of their senses, and left them strug-
gling under convulsions for twenty-four hours." Treachery
failing, Raju had again recourse to open force, and ordered
his
3 It will be afterwards seen in the particular history and travels in Ceylon,
t)iat this person was the native sovereign of the the central region or king-
dom of Ceylon, called Car.dy or Candea from the name of the capital, who
had acquired the name in the text in baptism. E.
468 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK. in.
his fleet to attack that of the Portuguese comanded by Thomas
de Sousa ; but two of the Ceylon ships were sunk and two
taken, in which most of the men were slain, and those" who sur-
vived were hanged at the yard arms. In this naval battle 300
of the enemy were slain, with the loss of two men only on the
side of the Portuguese. Raju was so enraged at the bad success
of this naval attack, that he ordered two of his principal sea-
officers to be beheaded. Soon after this a ship arrived with
ammunition sent by the viceroy, and the enemy made another
assault by night on the works, in which, as in all the others,
they were beat off' with great slaughter. After this, Juan de
Gamboa arrived in a galley with a reinforcement of 150 men;
and De Brito finding himself now confident in the strength
of his garrison, sent out Pedro Alfonzo with a squadron to
destroy the towns on the coast belonging to the enemy. In
this expedition, the towns of Belicot, Berberii, and Beligao
were plundered and burnt, and the Portuguese in their haste
to get possession of the pendents and bracelets of the women
barbarously cut off' their hands and ears. After making pro-
digious havock in many other places, Alfonzo returned to
Columbo with much spoil and many prisoners.
At this time sickness attacked the garrison of Columbo,
and threatened to do more for Raju than all his force had
been able to effect. The disease, which began in the neigh-
bouring towns and spread to Columbo, baffled every attempt
of the physicians for its cure. On opening some who died of
it, the entrails were found impostumated, which was suppos-
ed owing to uncommon heat and drought, which had pre-
vailed that year beyond any other in remembrance of the
people. By the application of cold and dnj remedies the
disease decreased. In the begining of January 4 Raju made
two other attempts to gain Columbo by assault, in the last of
which the bastions of St Sebastian, St Gonzalo, and St Jago
were in great danger, but the enemy were repulsed in both
with great slaughter. In the meanwhile the fleet was again
sent out under the command of Thomas de Sousa, who
ravaged the coast of Ceylon, and destroyed the villages of
Coscore, Madania, Guinclerem, Gale, Beligao, Mature, and
Tanavar. To this last place the idolaters had imagined the
Portuguese arms could never penetrate, as protected by the
supposed
4 Probably of the year 1588, as the death of the viceroy, who died in
that year, is soon afterwards mentioned by De Faria. F.
CHAP. iv. SECT. x. Conquest of India. 469
supposed sanctity of a pagoda in its neighbourhood. This
pagoda was situated on a hill near the town, and appeared
from sea like a city. It was above a league in circumference,
ornamented with numerous domes, all of which were covered
with copper splendidly gilt. In this pagoda there were above
1000 idols in the several chapels or large cloisters; the temple
being surrounded with streets full of shops for the supply of
the pilgrims and votaries who resorted thither from all quar-
ters. Taking possession of this temple, Sousa cast down and
destroyed all the idols, demolished all the curious workman-
ship of the pagoda, and carried away every thing that could
be removed, after which he killed some cows in its most
sacred recesses, which is the greatest possible profanation in
the opinion of the idolaters.
Among the prisoners taken at Cascore was a young
woman who happened to be a bride. When the ships were
about to weigh anchor, a young man came hastily to the
place where the young woman was, and embraced her with
much affection. By means of an interpreter, it was learned
that this man was her destined husband, who had been absent
when the town was attacked, and came now to offer himself
for a slave rather than live free in separation from the wo-
man of his affections. When this was told to Sousa, he de-
termined not to part such true lovers, and ordered them to be
both set at liberty ; but they were so much affected by this
act of generosity, that they requested to remain in his service.
They lived afterwards in Columbo, where the man faithfully
served the Portuguese on many occasions.
Scarcely had Sousa returned to Columbo from this last ex-
pedition, when Raju decamped, and began to march away,
but the Portuguese fell upon the rear of his army, and cut off
many of his men. In the course of this siege, some say that
Raju lost 10,000 men, while others restrict the loss to half of
that number. Besides the destruction of many towns, villages,
and ships, burnt, plundered, and destroyed, the cannon, pri-
soners, and booty taken during this siege from the enemy
were of considerable value. By these losses, and his inability
to gain possession of Columbo with so large an army, Raju
lost much reputation among the neighbouring princes, who
waited the success of his preparations to declare for either
side. The loss on the side of the Portuguese during this
siege, consisted of HO men slain, SO only of whom were Por-
tuguese ; but 500 died of the sickness formerly mentioned.
On
470 Portuguese Discovery and TART 11. BOOK in.
On the clay after the siege was raised, Don Paul de Lima
came to Columbo with a powerful reinforcement from the
viceroy. Eight days were spent in levelling the works which
Raju had thrown up, after which the damage done to the fort
was repaired, and it was furnished with a garrison of 600
men, plentifully supplied with arms and ammunition. Soon
after receiving the joyful news of the glorious and successful
defence of Columbo, the viceroy, Duarte de Menezes, died of
a violent sickness in the beginning of May 1588, to whom
succeeded Emanticl de Sousa Coutinno, in virtue of a patent
of succession, being every way well qualified for the office by
his singular bravery and thorough experience in the affairs of
India.
In the homeward fleet of this season Don Paul de Lim'a
embarked for Portugal in the ship called the St Thome, of
which Stefano de Vega was captain. While off the coast of
Natal the ship sprung^ a leak in the stern during a storm, and
though all' the rich commodities with which she was freighted
were thrown overboard, it was found impossible to keep her
afloat. In this extremity 120 persons took to* the boat, and
had hardly put off' when the ship was swallowed up by the
waves. Finding the boat overloaded, it was found necessary
to throw some of the people into the sea. At length the boat
reached the shore, on which ninety-eight persons landed,
several of whom were men of note with thfeir wives, and some
friars, one of whom after confessing the people who remained
in the ship wished to have staid with them that he might aid
their devotions to the list. After landing, the women put
themselves iAto \nens habits, after the Indian manner, lor the
greater ease in travelling, and the whole company set off" on
Their march in good ordt r, a friar going before carrying a
crucifix on high. The place where they landed was on that
part of the coast of Natal called by the Portuguese the country
of the Pumas, but by the natives the country of Macomates,
being inhabited by Kafrs of that name. It is in the latitude
of 27 20' S. beyond the river of Semiti Dote, 50 leagues
south of the bay of Lorenzo Marquez 5 . All the lands of the
Fumos
5 If the latitude in the text could be depended on, this shipwreck seems
to have taken place on the coast now occupied by the Hambonaas, near the
small river Bagasie, 85 miles south from the en 1 ranee into Dtla*oa bay.
The river of Semin Dote is probably that now called Mafumo, which agrees
with the country of Fumos in the text ; and the bay of Lorenzo Marquez
may
CHAP. iv. SECT. X. Conquest of India. 47 i
JFumos belongs to the king of Virangune 6 , and extends 30
leagues into the interior, bordering on the south with the
country of Mocalapata, which again extends to the river St
Lucia, in lat. 28 15' & and to the kingdom of Vambe, which
contains a great part of the Terra de Natal 7 . From thence
to the Cape of Good Hope, the natives have no king, being
ruled only by ancozes or chiefs of villages. Next to the king-
dom of Virangune to the north is that of Innacu, towards the
N, E. to the point of the bay of St Laurence, in lat. 25 4-5' S.
opposite to which are two i>lands, named Choamhone and
Setimuro, the latter of which is uninhabited, and is the station
of the Portuguese who resort to this bay to purchase ivory*
About this bay many great rivers fall into the sea, as those
named Beligane, Mannica, Spiritu Santo, I'umo, Anzate, and
j/ingomane 8 . Anzate runs along the edge of vast inaccessi-
ble mountains, covered with herds of elephants, and inhabit-
ed by a gigantic race of people 9 . In the latitude of 25 S.
the river De los Reyes, or Del Ouro, likewise named the river
Inhampura falls into the sea, to the west of which in the in-
terior are the kingdoms of Innapvla and Mannuco. From
this place to Cape Corientes, the sea makes a great bay, along
which inhabit the Mocaranges, a nation much addicted to
thieving I0 , Opposite to Cape St Sebastian are the islands of
Bazaruto or Bocica, and not far from it the kingdom of In"
may possibly be De/agoa t though only 2fc leagues north from the latitude o
the teit, but there is no other bay of any importance for 400 miles farther
along this coast. E.
6 In modern maps, the country along the south side of the river Ma-
fumo, is said to be the dominions of Capellah. E.
7 To the south of the Hambonaas at Delagoa bay, the coast of Natal is
inhabited by the Tambookies and Koiusis. The river St Lucia still remains
in our maps in the latitude indicated, but the other names in the text are
unknown in modern geography, E.
8 Of these rivers only that of Manica, called likewise Spiritu Santo, re-
tains the name in the text. That circumstance and the latitude indicated,
point out Delagoa bay as that called St Lawrence by De Faria ; unless w*
may suppose St Lawrence bay includes the whole bend inwards of the coast
from Cape Corientes to point St Lucia on the coast of Natal, and that De-
lagoa bay, in the bottom of this large sweep, is that formerly called the bay
of Lorenzo Marquez. E.
9 No trace of Anzate can be found in modern maps. E.
10 The text in this place is assuredly erroneous, as the Mocarange^ have
been formerly described by De Faria as the ruling nation in Monomotapa,
which runs along the great bay of Sofalato the north of Cape Coriente*. E.
i72 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
nabuze which reaches to the river Innarigue 1 f . After which
is the country of Pa?ide, bordering on Monnibc, which last
extends to Zavara in the interior. Near these are the king-
doms of Gamba and Mocuraba, which last is near Cape Co-
rientes l *.
After suffering much from hunger thirst and fatigue, the
survivors from the San Thome arrived at the town of Manica,
where they were courteously received by the king, who offered
them permission either to live in his town or in the island
where we have formerly said the Portuguese used to reside
during their trade for ivory on this coast, at which place they
might remain till the arrival of the Portuguese merchants 1 3 .
They preferred the island, where some of them died j and as
they were ill accommodated here, they passed over in boats
to the continent and renewed their weary pilgrimage to the
northward, but separated. Some got to the fort of Sofala,
and others to the town of the king of Innaca, where they
found some Portuguese traders who like themselves had suf-
fered shipwreck. After enduring great hardships, many of
them died, and among these was Don Paul de Lima. Those
who survived, returned after a long time to Goa, among
whom were three ladies. Two of these, Donna Mariana and
Donna Joanna Mendoza dedicated themselves to a religious
life; but Donna Beatrix, the widow of Don Paul de Lima,
having conveyed her husbands remains to Goa, returned into
Portugal, and was afterwards married at Oporto.
In May 1591, Matthew de Albuquerque arrived in India as
viceroy. About this time the Portuguese met with a heavy
loss in Monomotapa in a war with the Muzwibas, a savage
nation of Kafrs. Tete, a fort belonging to the Portuguese
high up the river Zambeze, has the command of all the neigh-
bouring district for three leagues round, which is divided
among eleven native chiefs, who are all obliged to repair with
their armed followers to the fort when ordered by the Portu-
guese commandant, to the number of 2000 men. Pedro
Fernandez de Chaves, who commanded in Tete, with these
Kafrs
1 1 Probably the country arid river now called Inhambane. E.
12 These five last mentioned kingdoms, probably named from the bar-
barous chiefs of roving savage tribes, are now unknown to geography. E.
13 Manic a is far inland, but the place indicated iti the text was probably
near the mouth of the river of that name, on the north side of Delagoa
bay. E.
10
CHAP. iv. SECT. x. Conquest of India. 473
Kafrs and some Portuguese marched against Qituura chief of
the Mwnbos at Chicarotiga, a town on the north of the Znm-
bcze about 30 miles from Tete. He defeated these Mumbos
in battle and relieved many prisoners who would otherwise
have been slaughtered like cattle for the shambles, as the
Mumbos feed on human flesh. The chief Quisura was slain,
who used to pave the way to his dwelling with the skulls of
those he had overcome. About the same time Andrew de
Santiago, who commanded in Si'?ia, another Portuguese fort
lower down the Zambeze, marched against the Muzimbas a
barbarous race of Kafrs on the river buabo which runs into
the northern side of the Zambeze ; but found them so strongly
fortified that he sent to Chavcs for aid. C haves accordingly
marched from Tete with some Portuguese and the Kafrs
under his command ; but the Muzimbas fell upon him unex-
pectedly and slew him and all his Portuguese, being advanced
a considerable way before the Kafrs, who got time to escape.
The victorious Muzimbas quartered the slain for food, and
returned to their fortified post. Next day the Muzimbas
marched out against Santiago, carrying the head of Chaves
on a spear. Santiago was so astonished at this sight that he
endeavoured to retire in the night, but was attacked by the
Muzimbas in his retreat, and he and most of his men slain.
In these two unfortunate actions, above J 30 of the Portu-
guese were cut in pieces and buried in the bellies of these
savage cannibals.
Don Pedro de Sousa commanded at this time in Mozam-
bique ; and as Tete and Sena were under his jurisdiction, he
set out with 200 Portuguese soldiers and 1500 armed Kafrs
to take revenge upon the Muzimbas and succour the two forts
on the Zambeze. He battered the entrenchments of the bar-
barians to no purpose, and was repulsed in an attempt to
take them by assault. Having nearly succeeded by raising a
mount of fascines as high as the works of the enemy, he was
induced to desist by some cowards among his men, who pre-
tended that the fort of Sena was in danger of being taken.
He drew off therefore to its relief, and was attacked by the
Muzimbas who slew many of his men, and took all his cannon
and baggage. Yet the enemy offered peace, which was con-
cluded, ^oon afterwards one of the chiefs of the Muzimbas,
having gathered about 15,000 men, marched to the south
wards destroying every thing in the way that had life, and
invested Qjtiloa, which he gained possession of through she
treachery
474? Portuguese Discovery and PART 11. BOOK nj.
treachery of one of the inhabitants, and put all to the sword.
After this he caused the traitor and all his family to be thrown
into the river, saying that those who had betrayed their
country deserved to die, yet were unfit to be eaten, as they
were venomous, and therefore fit food for the fishes. The
Mozimba chief endeavoured to destroy Melinda in the same
manner, but the sheikh was assisted by 30 Portuguese, which
enabled him to hold out till 3000 Mosseguejo Kafrs came to his
relief, when the Mozinibas were defeated wiih such slaughter
that only 1 00 of them escaped along with their chief, after
they had ravaged 300 leagues of country.
We now return to the affairs of India, where Chaul was
again besieged. Malek I4 had erected a new city opposite to
Chaul and bearing the same name* well peopled with Moors
who carried on an extensive trade, as it had an excellent port
and the inhabitants were famous silk-weavers. The comman-
der of this new city was an eunuch* who had been formerly a
slave to the Portuguese and now to Malek. Immediately to
the north of the Portuguese fortress of Chaul, from which it
was divided by the river of that name, is a noted promontory
called Morro, on which the eunuch took post with 4000 horse
and 7000 foot, and cannonaded the Portuguese fort of Chaul
from that commanding ground with 65 pieces of large cannon.
These hostilities were countenanced by the Nizam, though
contrary to the peace which had been established when Fran-
cisco Barreto was governor, but were now justified by some
complaints against the conduct of Albuquerque the present
viceroy, and in addition to the siege of Chaul several military
parties belonging to the Nizam infested the districts depen-
dent upon the Portuguese forts of Basseen and Chaul. As
the Moors considered the capture of Chaul to be near at
hand, seeing that their cannon had made considerable im-
pression on its walls, fourteen Mogul chiefs came to be present
at its reduction ; but in a sortie made by the Portuguese,
nine of these were slain and two taken. Talador the eunuch
commander of the besiegers was wounded, and died soon af-
terwards, as did a Turk who was next in command, on which
Farete Khan succeeded in the conduct of the siege, and gave
the Portuguese no respite by day or night, continually bat-
tering their works with his powerful artillery. The garrison
in
14 This unusual name seems from the context to be here given to the
Nizam-al-mulk or sovereign of the Decau. E.
CHAP. IV. SECT. XI. Conquest of India.
in Chaul consisted of 1000 men, to which place Alvaro de
Abranches brought 300 from Bass^en and 200 from Salcete ;
and being now at the head of 1500 Portuguese troops and an
equal number of natives, so brave and faithful that they ofteii
voluntarily interposed their own bodies to protect their
masters, Abranches appointed a day for making an attack
upon the enemy. Having all confessed, the Portuguese em-
barked in a number of small vessels and crossed the river,
after which they forced their way to the plain of Morro on
the top of the promontory, where the battle was renewed.
Ten elephants were turned loose by the Moors, in expecta-
tion that they would force the Portuguese troops into disorder j-
but one of these being severely wounded by a Portuguese
soldier, turned back and trampled down the enemy, till falling
into the ditch he made a way like a bridge for passing over.
Another of the elephants forcing his way in at a wicket in the
works of the enemy, enabled the Portuguese to enter likewise,
where they slaughtered the enemy almost without opposition.
Some accounts say that 1 0,000 men were slain on this occa-
sion, and others say no less than 60,000. Farate Khan with
his wife and daughter were made prisoners, and only 21 Por-
tuguese were slain in this decisive action. The principal'
booty consisted of 75 pieces of cannon of extraordinary size,
a vast quantity of ammunition, many horses, and five ele-
phants. Farate Khan became a Christian before he died, as
did his daughter, who was sent to Portugal, but his wife was
ransomed.
SECTION XL
Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from
1597 to 16 12.
IN May 1597, Don Francisco de Gama, count of Vidu-
gueyra, grandson to the discoverer, arrived at Goa as viceroy
of India, but carried himself with so much haughty state that
he gained the dislike of all men. During his government the
scourge of the pride and covetousness of the Portuguese came
first into India, as in the month of September news was
brought to Goa that the two first ships of the Hollanders that
had ventured to navigate the Indian seas had been in the port
of Titangone and were bound for the island of Sunda. In a
grand
4-76 Portuguese Discover!/ and PART n. BOOK in.
grand council held upon this important event, it was ordered
to fit out a squadron of two galleons, three gallies, and nine
other vessels to attack the intruders, and the command was
given on this occasion to Lorenzo de Brito, an ancient and
experienced officer. The two Holland ships did some small
damage on the coast of Malabar and other places, and when
off Malacca fell in with six ships bound from that place for
India, commanded by Francisco de Silva. They imme-
diately engaged and fought the whole of that afternoon and
part of the night. Next morning the engagement was re-
newed, and was repeated for eight successive days ; till finding
themselves too weak, the Hollanders drew off and made for
the port of Qui'da, many of their men being slain and most
of the rest wounded. At that place they quitted the smallest
of their ships for want of men, and the other was afterwards
cast away on the coast of Pegu.
In this same year 1.597 the Hollanders fitted out a squadron
of eight ships at Amsterdam for India, with 800 men and
provisions for three years, under the command of the admiral
Jacob Cornelius van Nee. The object of this expedition,
besides hostility to the king of Spain, was that they might
purchase the spices and other commodities of Asia at a cheap-
er rate than they had hitherto been accustomed to in Por-
tugal. The fleet sailed from Amsterdam on the 13th of
May 1598 ; arrived at Madeira on the 15th, and at the Ca-
naries on the 17th, where they both took in wine. On the
29th they were in the latitude of 6 S. and passed the line on
the 8th of June 5 a wonderful swiftness, to me incredible ! On
the 24th July they saw the Cape of Good Hope, where three
of the ships were separated in a violent storm and arrived
at the island of Banda in April *. The other four ships under
the admiral discovered the island of Madagascar on the 24th
of August, coming to Cape St Julian on the 30th of that
month. On the 20th of September they came to the island
of Cerne or Cisne^ in lat. 21 S. to which they gave the name
of Mauritius. Here they found tortoises of such magnitude
that one of them carried two men on its back, and birds
which were so tame as to allow themselves to be killed with
sticks,
1 We have no means of correcting the strange chronology of this voy-
age, ivonderfu/ even in the opinion of De Faria. He names the Dutch
Admiral Neque ; but as qu in Portuguese is used to mark the sound of k or
hard c, we have ventured to give this first successful rival of the Portuguese
trade in India the name of Van Nee. E.
CHAP. iv. SECT. xr. Conquest of India. 4-77
sticks, whence they concluded that the island was not inhabit-
ed. At Banda they joined the other three ships, and having
laded four with spices they were sent away to Holland, while
the other three went on to the Moluccas. On the 21st Ja-
nuary 1598, they discovered the Great Java*, and touched
at the port of Tuban ; after which they came to Madura an
island in lat. 2 30 S. on the 27th of that month. At this
place they endeavoured to ransom some of their countrymen
who had been cast away in their former ships, and some
others who had been made prisoners for endeavouring to pass
false money ; but as the natives demanded too high a ransom,
they attempted to rescue them by force ; but two boats full of
armed men being sunk in the attempt, they were forced to
comply with the terms demanded. They settled a trade at
Amboina, and two of the ships opened a factory at Banda,
where they loaded with spice and returned into Holland on
the 20th of April 1600. Those who were left in the re-
maining ship at Amboina went to Ternate in the Moluccas
where they were well received by the king, and after procur-
ing a lading of cloves returned home.
Don Alexius de Menezes archbishop of Goa went about this
time to vi.sit the Christians of St Thomas, who lived dis-
persedly in the mountains of Malabar, in Muli, Turubuli,
Maota, Batimena, Diamper, Pimienta, Tetemute, Porca,
Paru, and Cartuti. These Christians continued stedfast in
the faith till about the year 750, yet with some tincture of er-
ror. About the year cSlO the second Thomas, formerly men-
tioned, came to this country, where he repaired the churches
that had been erected by the apostle and restored the true
doctrine ; but about the year 900 this church was overrun
by the Nestorian heresy. In the year 890 two Chaldeans
came here from Babylon , named Mar Xarsio and Mar Prod,
who divided the district into two bishoprics, and were ever
afterwards prayed to as saints, till our archbishop ordered this
to be discontinued, as he much suspected they had not been
legitimately canonized. After these Chaldeans came one
Mar Joanne, who was sent by the Greek Patriarch, and re-
sided at Cranganor where he introduced the Chaldean ritual.
His successor was Mar Jacob, who died in 1 500, and was
succeeded by Mar Joannato. Thus the bishops and heresies
continued
2 Borneo is probably here meant, as they could not have been in Ban-
^la without seeing both Sumatra and Java, E.
4-78 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK nr.
continued among the Thomists till 1536, when Pope Paul IV.
appointed Juan Bermudez patriarch of Ethiopia, Simon 8u-
lacca bishop of Caheremit the metropolis of Mesopotamia,
M.ar Elias as patriarch of Mosul, arid Mar Joseph bishop of
Nineveh, whom he ordered to govern the Christians of Mala-
bar, with the bishop Ambrose Montecelli for his coadjutor.
By this interference of the Pope there were two patriarchs of
the East, one orthodox at Mosul, and the other heretical at
Antioch. Joseph and Ambrose went over to the mountains
of Malabar, to assume the pastoral charge of the Thorn ists ;
but the latter separated from the former and went to Goa,
where after reading divinity for some time hr> died a,t Cochin
in the year 1557. As Don George Temudo bishop of Cochin
perceived that Joseph spread the poison of Nestorius among
his flock in Malabar, he contrived to have him apprehended
and sent in chains to Portugal, were he was permitted to re-
turn to his bishopric ,on promise of amendment 3 . On his
return lie found Mar Abraham officiating as bishop of the
Thomists, who had chosen him in the absence of Joseph ;
and as Abraham found himself persecuted, or disturbed in the
exercise of his functions by Joseph, he went to Rome where
he got a brief from Paul IV. appointing him bishop of the
Thomists, having engaged to reduce that people to the ortho-
dox faith. Yet neither he nor Joseph adhered to their en-
gagements, but continued in their heresies. Arter this one
Mar Simon came to Malabar, saying that he was sent by
the patriarch of Babylon to officiate as bishop of Malabar.
He was received by the queen of Pimienta and placed at
Cartuse, where he exercised episcopal functions; till being
carried to Lisbon he was sent thence to Rome, where he
was condemned by Pope Sixtus Qinntus as a mere Nestorian
and not even a priest. After the death of Mar Abraham his
archdeacon governed the diocese, as no Babylonian prelates
dared to come to Malabar, Don Alexius, the archbishop of
<3oa, using his utmost endeavours to keep out all such here-
tical
3 Pander this story we may presume without any lack of Christian cha-
rity, that these promises were extorted by means best known to the inquisi-
sition, that diabolical instrument of the pretended disciples of the Prince of
Peace, and eternal opprobrium of the Peninsula. With regard to Joseph
there was some shadow of excuse, as he seems to have accepted his appoint-
ment from the orthodox pope, though secretly attached to the heretical
Neatorian patriarch. E.
CTIAI?. iv. SECT. xi. Conquest of India. 479
tical prelates, which was the particular occasion of his pre-
sent visitation.
This prelate found that, among other errors, the Thomists
denied the virginity of our blessed lady 4 : ihey rejected the
use of images : they believed the souls of the just did not en-
joy the beatific presence of God till after the general judg-
ment: they allowed only ot three sacraments, baptism, ordi-
nation and the eucharist: instead of confession they used per-
fuming in their churches : the wine employed in the sacra-
ment was made from cocoas : their host was a cake made
with oil and salt : their priests were ordained at seventeen
years of age, and were permitted to marry after ordination :
lathers, sons, and grandsons administered the sacrament in
the same church : the Catatorias or C<affane?*as 9 so they called
the wives of priests, wore a distinguishing mark to be known
by : in matrimony, they used no other formalities except the
consent of parties and consummation : the women observed
the time prescribed by the law of Moses in regard to church-
ing : no sacraments were administered gratuitously : holy
water was mixed with some powder of frankincense, and some
of the soil on which St Thomas was supposed to have trod-
den : they used sorcery and witchcraft : Ip fine, that ajl was
error, confusion, and heresy,
Don Alexius with much labour and toil convinced them of
their errors and converted them to the true faith, so that
whole towns were baptised and reconciled to the Roman see.
He even held a provincial synod at Diampcr, all the decrees
of which were confirmed by the Pope ; and Francisco Rod-
riguez, a Jesuit who had assisted the archbishop on this
important visitation, was made bishop of that diocese. On
the breaking up of the synod, Don Alexius visited all the
churches in these parts, While in the country of the queen
of Changanate, visiting the church of Talavecare, one of the
most ancient in those parts, they shewed him three plates on
which were engraven certain privileges and revenues granted
by the king of Ceylon, at the time when the Babylonians
Zabro and Proo s , were in that country. At {his place like-
wise
4 This probably refers to her supposed immaculate purky $ven after
the birth of the Saviour. E.
5 Only a few pages before these men are named Xarsio and Prod; but
we have no means of ascertaining which are the right na.mes.-E.
4-80 Portuguese Discover?/ and PART u. BOOK in.
wise Don Alexius met Topamuta Pandora, king of Gundara 6
in the neighbourhood of Changanate ', to whom he presented
a letter from king Philip giving him the title of brother, for
having allowed liberty for the exercise of the Christian reli-
gion in his dominions 7 .
In the year 159t>, a Moor, named Pate Mar car obtained
leave from the zamorin to build a fort in the peninsula of
Pudepatam, 77 leagues from Goa and 33 from Cochin, where
was a most convenient station for piratical paraoa, to annoy the
trade of the Malabar coast; and having built a square fort at this
place, he went thither with all his kinsmen and followers, and
did much injury to the Portuguese and their allies, even making
incursions upon their maritime possessions, whence, on several
occasions, he carried off much spoil. Pate Marcar soon died,
and was succeeded in the sovereignty of the fort by his nephew
Mahomet Cuneale Marcar, who added greatly to the strength
of the fort; and foreseeing that the Portuguese might seek to
be revenged for the injuries they had sustained, he fortified the
town both by sea and land, which he named Cuneale after
himself. On the land side he made a deep ditch with a double
wall above seven feet thick, flanked at regular distances with
towers called zarames, all of which were mounted with small
cannon. Between the two creeks forming the peninsula, he
built a strong wall with two towers to secure the town, and
lined the sea-shore with strong palisades, flanked by two bas-
tions, one of which, considerably larger than the other, was
mounted with heavy cannon to defend the entrance of the
harbour, which was farther secured by a boom of masts
strongly chained together. Having thus, as he thought, pro-
vided a secure retreat, he continued his uncle's enterprises
against the Portuguese with much success, assisting all their
enemies against them, even robbing the Malabar traders on
the
6 These petty kings of small districts in the South of India are now
known by the titles of Polygars ; and the hereditary female chiefs are stiled
Rana. It is prostituting the dignity of king to give that denomination to
the chiefs of small villages and trifling districts, often not so large asparishes
in Europe. They are mere temporary chiefs, occasionally hereditary by suf-
ferance ; indeed such could not possibly be otherwise, when all the larger
dominions and even empires have been in perpetual fluctuation from revo-
lution and conquest for at least 3000 years. E.
7 The history of this ancient Christian church of Malabar has been late-
ly illustrated by the Christian Researches of Dr Buchannan, who seems to
have opened a door for the propagation of the gospel in India infinitely
promising, if judiciously taken advantage of. E.
CHAP. iv. SECT. xi. Conquest of India. 481
the coast, and filled his residence with rich plunder. The
viceroy Albuquerque had endeavoured to destroy this nest of
pirates, so prejudicial to the Portuguese trade, and had even
prevailed on the zamorin to concur in the destruction of Cu-
neale, so that a treaty had been entered into, by which the
zamorin engaged to besiege Cuneale by land, while the Por-
tuguese fleet attacked him by sea. Both parties provided
according to stipulation for this joint expedition ; but it was
postponed for some time, in consequence of the change in the
government by the arrival of the Count of Vidigueyra as vice-
roy, and even by the secret concurrence of the zamorin in
the piracies of Cuneale, who communicated to him a share of
the plunder.
At length, however, the zamorin became incensed against
Cuneale, who assumed the title of king of the Malabar Moors,
and lord of the Indian Sea; but chiefly because he had caused
the tail of one of his elephants to be cut off', and had used
one of his Nayres in a cruel and scandalous manner. Laying
hold of this favourable opportunity, the viceroy, De Gama,
probably in 1598, renewed the league with the zamorin against
Cuneale, and sent some light vessels under Ferdinand de No-
ronha to blockade the entrance into the port of Cuneale, till a
larger force could be provided to co-operate with the zamorin,
who was marching to besiege it by land with 20,000 men and
some cannon.
That part of the western coast of India, which is properly
called the coast of Malabar, extends from Cananor to Cochin
for the space of 42 leagues. From Cananor it is two leagues
to the small island of Tremapatan, within which is a good
river ; thence half a league to the river of Sal; thence one and
a half to the river Maim; one to the town of Cvmena, a small
distance beyond which are the towns of Motangue, Curiare,
and Barrgare ,- thence to the river Pudepatan , two leagues
farther the town of Tiracole ; other two leagues the town of
Cotulete ; one league from this the river Capocate; one league
farther Calicut ; two more to the river Chale ; two to the city
Pananor ; two thence to Tanor ,- two more to Paranora ; one
more to the famous river Paniane / thence nine to Paliporto;
four to the river of Cranganor ; and five more to Cochin. At
the mouth of the river Pudepatan the fort of Cuneale is seated
in a square peninsula formed by several creeks, and joined to
the land on the south side, the length of the four sides being
about a cannon shot each. Just within the bar there is sufli-
VOL. vi. H h cient
482 Portuguese Discovery and PAHT u. BOOK m,
cient water for ships of some size, which may go about half
way up the port ; beyond that it is only fit for almadias or
boats. The river runs first towards the north-east, then
turning to the south forms the peninsula in which the fort is
built, the isthmus being secured by a strong wall about a mus-
ket-shot in length, reaching between the creek and the river,
at the mouth of which is the small island Finale. The fort
was large, strongly built, well manned, and had abundance of
cannon, ammunition, and provisions.
In this emergency, Cunealc was well provided for defence,
having a force of 1500 choice Moors, well armed, whom he
distributed to the different post?. The small vessels under
Noronha cannonaded the fort, principally on purpose to draw
off the attention of the Moors, that they might not interrupt
the zamorin on the land sidej who was establishing his camp
for the purpose of the siege. At the same time, Noronha
scoured the coast, taking some of the piratical vessels belong-
ing to Cuneale, and preventing the introduction of provisions
into the fort. After some time, Don Luis de Gama, brother
to the viceroy, arrived with four gallies and 35 smaller vessels,
ten more being brought by private gentlemen at their own
charge, and three full of men and ammunition sent by the
city of Cochin. Besides these, there were two large barks
mounted with heavy cannon to batter the fort.
The rajah of Cochin, being apprehensive that the great
power which was now employed against Cuneale might prove
his ruin, by uniting the zamorin hi* ancient enemy with the
Portuguese, circulated a report that the zamorin had entered
into a secret agreement with Cuneale to cut off the whole Por-
tuguese when engaged in the assault on the fort. The arch-
bishop of Goa, who was then at Cochin on his way to the
Malabar mountains to visit the Thcmist churches, was at first
inuch alarmed by this report, fearing it might be true j but
on mature consideration was satisfied that it was only a poli-
tical contrivance of the rajah, and prudently advised the ra-
jah to desist from the propagation of any such false reports.
He then assured the principal persons of Cochin that their
ghips might safely proceed against Cuneale, yet recommended
that they should conduct themselves with much caution. All
the fleet being now united before the fort, it was found that
Cuneale had drawn up a line of armed galliots on the edge of
the water under the wall of his fort, in case of being attacked
that way. It was xcsolvcd in a council of war to force an en-
i trance
CHAP. iv. SECT. xr. Conquest of India. 483
trance into the river, after which to draw up the Portuguese
vessels in a line with their bows to the shore, that they might
cover the debarkation of the troops for the purpose of assault-
ing the fort. This proposition was transmitted to Goa and
approved by the viceroy, yet Don Luis was persuaded by
some gentlemen who wished to disgrace him, to attack on the
side of Ariole, under pretence that the passage of the bar
might prove fatal. At this time the zamorin was battering
the walls of the town or.petak, and desired that some Portu^
guese might be sent to his assistance. Don Luis being suspi-
cious, demanded hostages for their safety, and accordingly six
principal nayres were sent, among whom were the rajahs of
anor, Ckale, and Carnere, and the chief judge of Calicut.
Don Luis then sent 300 Portuguese under the command of
Belchior Ferreyra.
By previous concert, a combined assault was to be made on
the night of the 3d of May, the troops of the zamorin attack-
ing on the land side, and the Portuguese on the sea front, at
the same time, the signal for both to commence at once being
by means of a flaming lance. But Belchior Calaca, who was
appointed to give the signal, mistook the hour, and gave it
too soon, so that every thing fell into confusion. Immediate-
ly on seeing the signal, Ferreyra, who commanded the Portu-
guese troops along with the zamorin, fell on with his men
and 5000 Nayres, but lost 28 of his men at the first onset.
Luis de Silva, who was appointed to lead the van of the Por-
tuguese sea attack with 6 00 men, though ready and observing
the concerted signal, did not move till past midnight, which
was the appointed hour, by which the enemy were left free to
resist the land attack with their forces undivided. At length
when it was towards morning, de Silva passed the creek of
Balyzupe with 500 men in 60 almadias or native boats. But
immediately on landing de Silva was slain, and his ensign An-
tonio Diaz concealed his death by covering his body with the
colours, which he stripped for that purpose from the staff.
Thus landing without commander or colours, the Portuguese
fell into confusion, and the two next in command were both
slain. Don Luis de Gama, leaving his fleet under the next
officer, had landed with a reserve on the other side of the ri-
ver opposite the fort, but for want of boats was unable either
to cross to assume the command, or to send assistance. The
Portuguese troops were forced to retreat disgracefully with
the loss of 300 men, most of whom were drowned; though
even
Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK ui.
even in this confusion a part of them forced their way into the
fort and burnt the mosque and part of the town, where they
slew 500 Moors and Malabars, above 20 of whom were men
of note. After this discomfiture, Don Luis de Gama retired
to Cochin with the greater part of the fleet, leaving Francisco
de Sousa to continue the blockade, who persuaded the za-
morin to assault the town, as he believed the defenders had
been so much weakened by the late slaughter that it might be
easily carried. But though the zamorin gave the assault with
2000 men, he was repulsed.
On the receipt of these bad tidings at Goa, Don Luis de
Gama was ordered back to Cuneale, to settle a treaty with the
zamorin, and to continue the siege during the winter, till the
Portuguese fleet could return at the commencement of the
next fine season. A treaty to this effect was accordingly con-
cluded, by one of the articles of which the zamorin consented
that the Christian religion might be preached in his dominions,
and churches erected. After this Don Luis returned to Goa,
whence he went to command at Ormuz, and Ferdinand de
Noronha remained before Cuneale with twelve ships to pre-
vent the introduction of provisions or other supplies.
Cuneale was so much elated by his success in repelling the
Portuguese, that, in addition to his former title*, he stiled him-
self Defender oj the Mahometan Faith and Conqueror of the
Portuguese ; but when the season returned for maritime ope-
rations on the coast, the viceroy sent Andrew Furtado against
him with three gallies, 54 other vessels, ai>d a powerful mili-
tary force. In the mean time Antonio de Noronha continued
to blockade the port all winter, taking several vessels laden
with provisions, and on different occasions slew above 100
Moors who opposed him in taking fresh water for his ships.
While on his way from Goa, Furtado dissuaded the rajah of
Banguel and the queen or rana of Olala from sending aid to
Cuneale as they intended, and cut off five ships from Mecca
that were going with relief to the enemy. When Furtado
came to anchor in the port of Cuneale, he sent to treat with
the zamorin, who had continued the siege on the land side
all winter according to his ^engagement, and an interview took
place between them on the shore where the zamorin came to
meet him. The zamorin was naked from the waist upwards.
Round his middle a piece of cloth of gold was wrapped, hang-
ing to his knees and fastened by a girdle of inestimable value,
about the breadth of a hand. His arms were covered from
s the
CHAP. iv. SECT. XT. Conquest of India. 485
the elbows to the wrists with golden bracelets adorned with
rich jewels, and so heavily laden that two men supported his
arms. He wore an extraordinarily rich chain about his neck,
and so many diamonds and rubies hung from his ears that
they were stretched down almost to his shoulders by their
weight. He seemed about 30 years of age, and had a majes-
tic presence. A little on one side stood the prince, carrying
a naked sword. Behind him were many of his nobles ; among
whom was father Francisco Rodriquez, the new bishop of the
Thomists in Malabar. The zamorin and Furtado embraced
in token of friendship, on which all the cannon in the fleet
fired a salvo. After this friendly meeting they retired into
the tent of the zamoriri, where they had a long conference a-
bout their future operations ; and on taking leave, Furtado
put a rich collar about the neck of the zamorin, and they
parted in a most amicable manner.
The rajah of Tanor and other great men were sent by the
zamorin on board the admiral ship, having full powers from
their sovereign to treat and conclude on all things concerning
the joint interests of both parties, and every thing was settled
to mutual satisfaction. There now arrived from Goa and
other places, a galley and galleon, with 11 ships and 21 smal-
ler vessels, bringing ammunition and 790 soldiers, upon which
Furtado commenced the active operations of the siege, rais-
ing entrenchments and batteries, and taking absolute posses-
sion of every avenue leading to the fort and peninsula by wa-
ter. He likewise caused some advanced works belonging to
the enemy to be assaulted, on which Cuneale came in person
to assist in their defence, and for a time repulsed the assail-
ants, till Furtado landed with a reinforcement, on which the
Portuguese remained victorious, slaying 600 of the Moors,
with the loss of two officers and nine privates on their side.
Fort Blanco or the white tower was next assaulted, but with
more bravery than success. Yet Cuneale seeing that he could
not much longer hold out, offered rich presents to the zama-
rin to admit him to surrender upon security of his own life
and the safety of his garrison. But on this secret negocia-
tion coining to the knowledge of Furtado, he made a furious
assault on the works, which were at the same time assailed on
the land side by 6000 Nayres, by which joint attack the lower
town or petah was taken, plundered, and burnt. Batteries
were immediately erected against the upper town and fort,
and as their fire soon ruined the defences, Cuneale was con-
strained
486 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
strained to surrender at discretion, merely bargaining that his
life should be saved. He accordingly marched out having a
black veil on his head, and carrying his sword with the point
downwards, which he surrendered to the zamorin, who imme-
diately delivered it to Furtado. According to one of the articles
of agreement the spoil was to have been equally divided ; but
Furtado dealt generously by the zamorin, alleging that this
was to be understood only in respect to the artillery, and ap-
peased his own soldiers who expected that reward of their la-
bour. The fort and all other works were levelled with the
ground, and Furtado returned with the fleet and army to
Goa.
Cuneale was about 50 years of age, of a low stalure, but
strong and well made. He arid his nephew Cinale, with other
forty Moors of note, were sent as prisoners on board the fleet,
where they well treated ; but as soon as some of them were
set on shore at Goa, they were torn in pieces by the rabble j
and Cuneale and his nephew were both publicly beheaded by
order of the viceroy, so that the government and the mob went
hand and hand to commit murder and a flagrant breach of
faith. How can those who are guilty of such enormities give
the name of barbarians to the much more honourable In-
dians !
In the year 1600, Ayrcs de Saldanna arrived at Goa as
viceroy to supersede the Count de Vidugueira, who was uni-
versally disliked by the Portuguese inhabitants. The marble
statue of the great Vasco de Gama, his grandfather, stood
over the principal gate of the city, fastened to the wall by a
strong bar of iron. At the instigation of some enemies to the
count, a French engineer named Sebastian Tibao applied to
the iron bar during the night a certain herb that has the
quality of eating iron, so that the statue fell down next night,
and its quarters were hung up in different parts of the city.
On the day when the count was to embark for his return to
Portugal, a party of armed men went on board before him,
and hung up his effigy at the yard arm, made exactly like him
both in face and habit. Just as he was going on board they
returned 5 and on seeing the efligy he asked what it was, when
some one answered, " It is your lordship, whom these men
have hung up." He made no reply, but ordered the figure
to be thrown into the sea and immediately set sail ; but two
days afterwards had to return to port for a new stock of
fowls, as all these he took with him were poisoned. He was
better
CHAP, iv. SECT. xi. Conquest of India. 487
better beloved by the elements than by those whom he had
governed ; for he went all the way from India to Lisbon with-
out once needing to furl a sail. By the constant chafing of
the yards on the masts, it was found impossible to lower the
yards in the usual way when the ship arrived at Lisbon, inso-
much that they had to be cut down. Sailing from Goa on
the 25th December 1600, he arrived at Lisbon on the 27th
May 1601, having spent only five months on the voyage.
During the administration of Ay res de Saldana, Xilimixa
king of Aracan, who had possessed himself of the kingdom of
Pegu, gave the port of Siriam to the Portuguese in grateful
acknowledgment of their services. That town and port is at
the mouth of the river Siriam which flows within a league of
the city of Bagou, the capital of Pegu. This grant was ob-
tained by Philip Brito de Nicote, who proved false and un-
grateful to the king of Aracan, who had raised him from the
lowest rank to his favour and esteem. By his persuasion, Xi-
limixa erected a custom-house at the entry to the river Siri-
am to increase his revenues ; which Brito meant afterwards
to seize, and to build a fort there, on purpose to give a footing
for the Portuguese to conquer the kingdom. Xilimixa ac-
cordingly built the custom-house, which he gave in charge to
one Bannadala who fortified himself and suffered no Portu-
guse to enter there, except a Dominican named Belchior de
Luz. Nicote, seeing his purposes likely to be defeated by
Bannadala, determined to gain possession by force before the
works were completed. He had along with him at this time
three Portuguese officers and fifty men, whom he ordered to
surprize the fort and turn out Bannadala, trusting to his
great credit with Xilimixa to bear him out in this procedure.
The Portuguese officers accordingly executed their orders so
effectually, that they used to be called the Founders of the
Portuguese dominion in Pegu, and Salvador Ribeyro their
commander was like to have got the whole credit of the ex-
ploit, as some even affirmed that he was its author, though in
reality all was due to Nicote. Bannadala being expelK d from hie
fort, fortified himself with 1000 men in a neighbouring island
of the river Siriam, and seized the treasures of the pagoda of Di-
gan to maintain his troops. Xiiimixa was much offended by the
conduct of thePortuguese in this affair, and resolved to sup-
port Bannadala, but was disuaded by the contrivances of Ni-
cote, who represented that he was about to favour a sacrile-
gious robber, and offered to arrange matters with the Portu-
guese
488 Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK in.
guese to his entire satisfaction. He accordingly went to Si-
riam, where he ordered every thing to his own mind ; and
when the fort was nearly finished, he went to Goa, where he
offered to deliver up the fort to the viceroy, whence the Por-
tuguese might easily conquer the kingdom of his master, to
whom he represented his voyage to Goa as intended to pro-
cure an auxiliary force which would enable him to make a
conquest of Bengal. At the same time Nicote negociated with
all the princes in the provinces adjoining the dominions of
Xilimixa, persuading them to confederate with the Portu-
guese viceroy, by which means they might easily conquer the
kingdom of Pegu ; and several of them sent ambassadors a-
long with him to Goa for this purpose.
Hardly had Nicote set sail for Goa, when Xilimixa became
sensible of his error in. confiding in him, and sent a fleet of
war boats down the river Siriam with 6000 men under Ban-
nadala to expell the Portuguese from their fort. Salvador
Ribeyra, met this great armament with only three small ves-
sels and thirty men, and, without the loss of one man, took
forty vessels of the enemy and put the rest to flight. Then
calling in the aid of the king of Pram, Xilimixa beset the fort
with 1200 vessels by water, while 40,000 men surrounded it
by land ; but as Ribeyra learnt that the enemy observed no
order or discipline, he boldly fell upon them with his handful
of men, and having slain their general put that army to flight.
Bannadala rallied 8000 of the fugitives, A\ith which he again be-
sieged the fort, lodging his men in good order, and having bat-
tered the place for some days, he ventured to make a fierce as-
sault in the dead of night; but he was bravely repelled by the
Portuguese, and above 1000 of his men were found dead next
morning in the ditch. The enemy continued the siege how-
ever for eight months, and though some of the garrison de-
serted, Ribeyra defended the place with great resolution ; and
to take away all hopes of escape from his men, burnt all the
vessels that were in the port. Hearing of these proceedings,
Ayres de Saldanna the viceroy, sent a considerable reinforce-
ment, along with which came so many volunteers, ambitious
either of honour or profit, that Ribeyra found himself at the
head of 800 men. With these he attacked the enemy, whom
he drove from their works with great slaughter, and Banna-
dala had the mortification to see the works which he had been
constructing for almost a year destroyed in a day. After this
success, the Portuguese volunteers withdrew, only 200 that
had
CHAP. iv. SECT. XT. Conquest of India. 489
had been sent by the viceroy remaining in the fort with Ri-
beyra.
The enemy returned a fourth time against the fort, which
they now assailed with many moving castles and various kinds
of fireworks, and soon reduced the fort to great extremity ;
but were so terrified by a fiery meteor, that they fled leaving
their castles behind, which were soon reduced to ashes by the
garrison. Soon afterwards the Portuguese obtained a great
victory over king Massinga in the province of Camelan , after
which the natives flocked to their standard to the number of
above 20,000 men, and proclaimed Nicote king of Pegu, cal-
ling him C/ianga, which signifies good man. Nicote was at
this time absent, but Ribeyra accepted the proffered crown in
his name, on which account it was reported in Spain that Ri-
beyra had been proclaimed king. Nicote afterwards, as a
loyal subject, received the kingdom in the name of his sove-
reign, and was the first of the Portuguese that rose to such
high fortune in Asia. Rodrigo Alvarez de Sequeyra succeed-
ed Ribeyra in command of the fort of Siriam, and defended
it bravely till it took fire by accident, only the bare walls being
left standing.
In the mean time Nicote solicited succours at Goa, where
the viceroy married him to a niece he had born in Goa of a
woman of Java ; after which he gave him powerful succours,
and sent him to Siriam with six ships, with the title of Com-
mander of Siriam, and General for the conquest of Pegu. On
his arrival at Siriam, Nicote repaired the fort, built a church,
and sent a splendid present to the king of Aracan who had
sent a complimentary message on his arrival. At Siriam Ni-
cote regulated the custom-house pursuant to the instructions
of the viceroy, obliging all vessels that traded on the coast of
Pegu to make entry at Siriam, and pay certain duties. As
some of the Coromandel traders refused obedience to these or-
ders, Nicote sent Francisco de Moura against them with six
vessels, who took two ships of Acheen on the coast of Tana-
cerim richly laden. As the king of Aracan was desirous of
recovering possession of the fort and custom-house of Siriam,
he sent an ambassador to the king of 1'angu with twenty ja-
lias or small ships, to prevail upon him to join in that enter-
prize. But Nicote sent Bartholomew Ferreyra, who com-
mand the small craft, who put them to flight, and they were
forced to take refuge in the < ominions of the king of Jangona.
Upon this, the enemy collected 700 small vessels and 40,000
men,
490 Portuguese Discovery and ART n. BOOK m.
men, under the command of the son of the king of Aracan,
accompanied by Ximicalia and Marquetam, sons to the reign-
ing emperor of 'Pegu. Paul del Rego went against them with
seven ships and a number of war boats, and defeated the prince
with great loss, taking all his vessels, and obliging him to
make his escape by land. After this Paul took the fort of
Chinim with a great number of prisoners, among whom was
the wife of Bannadala.
At this time Nicote was abroad with fourteen small vessels,
in which were 60 Portuguese, and 200 Peguers ; and learn-
ing that the prince was on shore with 4-000 men, 900 of whom
were armed with firelocks, he landed and attacked him, gain-
ing a complete victory, and even taking the prince. When
the Peguers saw their prince carried off, they were all eager
to have accompanied him into captivity, and entreated to be
received into the Portuguese vessels, such as were refused be-
wailing that they could not follow, as prisoners, him whom
they had served faithfully while at liberty. On this occasion
Nicote gave a notable example how brave men ought to
Use their victories. Remembering that he had former-
ly been slave to the prince who was now his prisoner, he
served him with as much respect as he had done former-
ly; watching him while asleep, and holding his buskins
in his hands with his arms across, as is done by the meanest
servants of princes in that country, and continually attended
him on all occasions.
While these transactions were going on in Pegu, Don
Martin Alfbnzo de Castro came to Goa as viceroy, to replace
Ayres de &aldanria, in 1604. Ximilixa, king of Aracan,
sent to treat with Nicote for the ransom of the prince, his
son, and accordingly paid 50,000 crowns on that account,
although Nicote was ordered by the viceroy to set the prince
free without any ransom. Ximilixa afterwards besieged Siriam
in conjunction with the king of Tangu, who brought a great
army against the town by land, while Ximilixa shut it up by
sea with 800 sail, in which he had 10,000 men. Paul del
Rego went against him with 80 small vessels ; and failing of
his former success, set fire to the powder and blew up his ship,
rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. The siege con-
tinued so long, that the garrison was reduced to extremity,
and on the point of surrendering, when the king of Tangu
retired one night with his army upon some sudden suspicion,
on which Ximilixa was likewise obliged to draw off with his
fleet.
CHAP. iv. SECT. xi. Conquest of India.
fleet. Several of the neighbouring princes were now so much
alarmed by the success of Nicote, that they solicited his
friendship, and to be admitted into alliance with the king of
Portugal. The first of these was the king of Tangu, and
afterwards the king of Martavan, who gave one of his daugh-
ters as a wife to Simon the son of Nicote. Soon after, the
king of Tangu being overcome in battle by the king of Ova,
and rendered tributary, Nicote united with the king of Mar-
tavan, and invaded the dominions of Tangu, though in alli-
ance with that prince, took him prisoner and plundered him
of above a million in gold, although he protested that he was
a faithful vassal to the king of Portugal.
About this time another low adventurer, Sebastian Gonzalez
Tibao, raised himself by similar arts to great power in Aracan.
In the year 1605, Gonzalez embarked from Portugal for In-
dia, and going to Bengal, listed as a soldier. By dealing in
salt, which is an important article of trade in that country, he
soon gained a sufficient sum to purchase a Jalia, or small ves-
sel, in which he went with salt to Dianga, a great port in
Aracan. At this period, Nicote, who had possessed himself
of Siriam, as before related, wishing to acquire Dianga like-
wise, sent his son with several small vessels thither on an
embassy to the king of Aracan, to endeavour to procure a
grant of that port. Some Portuguese who then resided at
the court of Aracan, persuaded the king that the object of Ni-
cote in this demand, was to enable him to usurp the kingdom ;
upon which insinuation the son of Nicote, and all his attend-
ants were slain, after which the same was done with the crews
of his vessels, and all the Portuguese inhabitants at Dianga,
to the number of about 600 were put to death, except a few
who escaped on board nine or ten small vessels and put out
to sea. Among these was the vessel belonging to Sebastian
Gonzalez, who assumed the command ; and as the fugitives
were reduced to great distress, they subsisted by plunder
on the coasts of Aracan, carrying their booty to the ports
of the king of Bacala, who was in friendship with the Portu-
guese.
Not long before this had died Emanuel de Mattos, who had
been commander of Eandel of Dianga , and lord of Sundiva 8 ,
an island about 70 leagues in compass, the subordinate com-
mand
8 It is highly probable, though not mentioned by De Faria, that this
Portuguese was in the service of the king of Aracan, under whom he had
held these offices, Sundiva cr Sundeep is a considerable island to the south
east
492 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK m.
mand of which he had confided to a valiant Moor named
Fate Khan. On learning the death of Mattos, Fatecan mur-
dered all the Portuguese on the island of Sundiva, with their
wives and children, and all the Christian natives ; and gather-
ing a considerable force of Moors and Patans, fitted out a
fleet of 40 small vessels, which he maintained by means of the
ample revenue of the island he had now usurped. Under-
standing that Sebastian Gonzalez and his small squadron was
cruizing near Sundiva, Fatecan went out to seek them with
such assurance of success, that he inscribed upon his colours,
" Fate Khan, by the grace of God, Lord of Sundiva, Shed-
der of Christian Blood, and Destroyer of the Portuguese Na-
tion." Sebastian and his companions had put into a river
called Xavaspur, where they quarrelled about the division of
their spoil, and one Pinto sailed away from the rest in dis-
quiet ; but meeting the fleet of Fatecan, who had hoped to
surprize the Christians he returned and gave his companions
notice of their danger. After a severe conflict, the 10 small
vessels in which were only 80 Portuguese, proved victorious
over the 40 vessels belonging to Fatecan, though manned
with 600 Moors, not a single vessel or man escaping. After
this great victory, the Portuguese agreed to appoint Sebastian
Gonzalez to command over the rest. Sebastian entered into
a treaty with the king of Bacala for his assistance to reduce
the island of Sundiva, engaging to pay him half the revenues
of that island, and accordingly procured from him some ves-
sels, and 200 auxiliary horse. Having likewise gathered a
number of Portuguese from Bengal and other parts, he saw
himself, in March 1609, at the head of 400 Portuguese
troops, and had mustered a fleet of 40 small ships. In con-
sequence of the delay necessary for making these preparations,
the island of Sundiva was provided for defence, under a bro-
ther of the late Fatecan, who had raised a respectable force of
Moors. Sebastian, however, attempted its conquest, and had
nearly been forced to desist for want of provisions and am-
munition, when he was reinforced by a Spaniard named Gas-
par de Pina, who brought 50 men to his aid, after which they
carried the fort by assault, and put all its garrison to the
sword. Having formerly been subject to the Portuguese
under de Mattos, the islanders immediately submitted to Gon-
zalez, to whom they delivered upwards of 1000 Moors who
were
east of the mouth of the Burrampooter, near the coast of Chittagong, and t
the east of the Sunderbunds or Delta of the Ganges. .
CHAP. iv. SECT. xi. Conquest of India. 493
were scattered about the country, all of whom he r put to
death. Thus Gonzalez became absolute master of the island,
and was obeyed by the natives and Portuguese like an inde-
pendent prince.
Gonzalez having now a considerable revenue at his com-
mand, raised a respectable military force of 1000 Portuguese,
2000 well armed natives, and 200 horse, with above 80 sail of
small vessels well provided with cannon. He erected a cus-
tom-house, and encouraged the resort of merchants to his do-
minions, and became so formidable that the neighbouring
princes courted his alliance. Insolent and ungrateful in the
progress of his power, he not only refused to give half the reve-
nue of the island to the king of Bactila according to agreement,
but made war upon his benefactor, from whom he conquered
the islands of Xanaspur 9 and Patelabanga^ and other lands
from other neighbouring princes ; so that he became suddenly
possessed of vast riches and great power, and acted as an in-
dependent sovereign, having many brave men at his com-
mand. But such monsters are like comets that threaten
extensive ruin, yet last only for a short time, or like the light-
ning, which no sooner expends its flash but it is gone for
ever.
Soon after the elevation of Gonzalez to the sovereignty of
Sundiva, a civil war broke out between the king of Aracan
and his brother Anaporam, because the latter refused to re-
sign a remarkable elephant, to which all the other elephants
of the country were said to allow a kind of superiority.
Being unsuccessful in the contest, Anaporam fled to Gonza-
lez for assistance and protection, who demanded his sister as
an hostage. Gonzalez and Anaporam endeavoured, in con-
junction, to fight the king of Aracan, who had an army of
80,000 men, and 700 war elephants ; but being unsuccessful,
were obliged to retreat to Sundiva, into which Anaporam
brought his wife and family, with all hi-> treasure, and became
a subject of Gonzalez, who soon afterwards had the sister of
Anaporam baptized, and took her to wife. Anaporam soon
died, not without suspicion of poison ; and Gonzalez imme-
diately seized all his treasures and effects, though he had left
a wife and son. To stop the mouths of the people on this
violent and unjust procedure, he wished to have married the
widow of Anaporam to his brother Antonio Tibao, who was
admiral
9 Shabapour is an island to the west of Sundeep, at the principal moutk
f the Barrampooter. E.
Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK m.
admiral of his fleet, but she refused to become a Christian.
Sebastian continued the war against the king of Aracan with
considerable success; insomuch that on one occasion his
brother Antonio, with only five sail, defeated and captured
100 sail belonging to Aracan. At length the king of Aracan
concluded peace, and procured the restoration of his bro-
ther's widow, whom he married to the rajah of Chittigong.
At this time, the Moguls undertook the conquest of the
kingdom of Balua I0 , and as Gonzalez considered this conquest
might prove dangerous to his ill-got power, Balua being ad-
joining to his own territories, he entered into a league with
the king of Aracan for the defence of that country. Accord-
ingly, the king of Aracan took the field with an immense army,
having 80,000 of his own native subjects, mostly armed with
firelocks, 10,000 Peguers who fought with sword and bucklers,
and 700 elephants with castles carrying armed men. Besides
these, he sent 200 sail of vessels to sea, carrying 4000 men,
ordering this fleet to join that of Gonzalez, and to be under
his command. According to the treaty, Gonzalez, with the
combined fleet, was to prevent the Moguls from passing to the
kingdom of Balua, till the king of Aracan could march there
with his army for its protection ; besides which it was agreed,
when the Moguls were expelled from Balua, that half the king-
dom was to be given up to Gonzalez ; who, on this occasion,
gave as hostages, for the safety of the Aracan fleet, and the
faithful performance of his part of the treaty, a nephew of his
own, and the sons of some of the Portuguese inhabitants of
Sundiva.
According to treaty, the king of Aracan entered the king-
dom of Balua with his army, and expelled the Moguls ; but
Gonzalez did not perform his part of the agreement in pre-
venting the Moguls from penetrating into that kingdom, some
alleging that he had been bribed by the Moguls to allow them
a free passage, while, according to others, he did so from re-
venge against the king of Aracan, for the Portuguese who had
been slain by that king in Banguel of Dianga IX . However
this may have been, Gonzalez was guilty of a most execrable
treachery, as, by leaving open the mouth of the river Dangatiar,
he left a free passage to the Moguls. After this he went with his
fleet
10 There still Is a town named Bulloah, to the east of the Barrampooter and
directly north of Sundeep, which may then have given name to a province
or small principality, of which Comillah is now the chief town. E.
1 1 Perhaps the island now called Balonga on the coast of Aracan. E,
CHAP. iv. SECT. xi. Conquest of India. 495
fleet into a creek of the island Desierta I2f , and assembling all
the captains of the Aracan vessels on board his ship, he mur-
dered them all, seized all their vessels, and killed or made
slaves of all their men, after which he returned to Sundiva.
Soon afterwards the Moguls returned in great force to the
kingdom of Balua, where they reduced the king of Aracan
to such straits that he made his escape with great difficulty on
an elephant, and came almost alone to Chittigong. Imme-
diately upon this discomfiture of the Aracan army, which was
utterly destroyed by the Moguls in Balua, Gonzalez plundered
and destroyed all the forts on the coast of Aracan, which were
then unprovided for defence, as depending on the peace and
alliance between their king and Gonzalez ; he even went against
the city of Aracan, where he burnt many merchant vessels, and
acquired great plunder, and destroyed a vessel of great size,
richly adorned, and containing several spleri<Jid apartments
like a palace, all covered with gold and ivory, which the king
kept as a pleasure-yacht for his own use. Exasperated against
Gonzalez for his treachery, the king ordered the nephew of
that lawless ruffian, who was in his power as a hostage, to be
be impaled. But Gonzalez, being a person utterly devoid of
honour, en red not at whose cost he advanced his own interests;
yet the guilt of so many viUanies began to prey upon his con-
science, and he became apprehensive of some heavy punish-
ment falling upon him, which he had little means to avert, as
all men considered him a traitor unworthy of favour ; those of
Aracan, because he had betrayed them to the Moguls; and the
Moguls, because he had been false to those that trusted him.
He afterwards met his just reward under the government of
Don Jerom de Azevedo 1 3 .
The Hollanders, becoming powerful at the Molucca islands,
and forming an alliance with these islanders, who were weary
of the avarice and tyranny of the Portuguese, expelled them
from Amboyna and established themselves at Ternate, whence
the
12 Probably a desert or uninhabited island among the Sunderbunds, in the
Delta of the Ganges. Indeed the whole geography of this singular story is
obscure, owing to the prodigious change in dominion and names that have
eince taken place in this part of India. E.
1 S Owing to the want of interest in the transactions of these times, as related
in the Portuguese Asia, and the confused arrangement of De Faria, we have
in this place thrown together the principal incidents in the extraordinary
rise of these two successful adventurers, IS'icote and Gonzalez, leaving their
fate to be mentioned in the succeeding section. E.
469 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.'
the Portuguese had been formerly expelled by the natives. By
the aid of the king of Ternate, the Hollanders likewise, about
1604, got possession of the fort of Tidore, whence about 400
Portuguese were permitted to retire by sea to the Phillipine
islands, where they were hospitably received by Don Pedro de
Cunna, who commanded there for the Spaniards. In Feb-
ruary 1605, Cunna sailed (rom the Philippines with 1000
Spanish and 400 native troops, and recovered the fort of
Ternate, chiefly owing to the bravery of Joam Rodriguez Ca-
inelo, who commanded a company of Portuguese in this ex-
pedition. De Cunna thence proceeded for Tidore, which he
likewise reduced, by which conquest the Molucca islands be-
came subject to Spain.
The viceroy, Don Alfonso de Castro, dying in 1607, was
succeeded as governor by Alexias de Menezes, archbishop of
Goa, pursuant to a patent of succession. Next year, 1608,
Don Joam Pereyra Frojas, count de Feyra, was sent out from
Portugal as viceroy of India, but died on the voyage. After
administering the government for two years and a half, the
archbishop was succeeded as governor by Andrew Furtado de
Mendoza in 160y, who was soon afterwards superseded in
the same year by Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora, who came out from
Portugal as viceroy. At this time, Don Jerome de Azevedo
commanded in Ceylon, who, with an army of 700 Portuguese
troops and 2/>,000 Cingalese took and burnt the city of Candy,
on which the sovereign of that central dominion made peace
with the Portuguese, consenting to the ministry of the Fran-
ciscans in his dominions, and even placed two of his sons
in their hands, to be instructed in the Christian religion.
About this time, a large English ship and a ketch had an
engagement with two Portuguese ships beyond the Cape of
Good Hope, which escaped after suffering a severe loss. These
English ships went afterwards to Surat, where they were found
by Nunno de Cunna, who had four well-manned galleons, but
ill provided with gunners, who were ignorant and cowardly.
On descrying these large ships, though the English had reason
to be afraid of their number, they undervalued them as heavy
sailors, and immediately engaged and fought them till evening,
killing 30 of the Portuguese. The engagement recommenced
at daylight next morning, and two of the Portuguese galleons,
endeavouring to run on board the large English ship, got
aground, on which the pink or ketch, belonging to the enemy,
kept firing its cannon upon one of the grounded galleons, till
it
CHAP. iv. SECT. xir. Conquest of India. 497
it floated off with the evening tide. The other two galleons
fought the large English ship all day. On the third day,
all the four galleons being afloat, endeavoured to board the
enemy, who relied on their cannon and swiftness, and sailed
away to Castelete, a bay of the pirates near Diu. De Cunna
followed them thither, and again fought them for two days, in
all which time the Portuguese ships could never board them
by reason of their unwieldy bulk. At length the English
stood away, shewing black colours in token that their captain,
was slain. In these long indecisive actions, the English and
Portuguese both lost a number of men. The English made
for Surat, followed still by De Cunna ; on which they left that
port, and De Cunna returned to Goa.
SECTION XII.
Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions, from 1512 to
1517.
Towards the close of 1 5 1 1 , orders came to India for Don
Jerome de Azevedo to succeed Tavora as viceroy. Azevedo
had acquired a high character by many years service, eighteen
years of which he had spent in Ceylon, where he had acquired
great riches, and yet preserved a good name. The report of
his riches contributed, as much as the fame of his valour, to
his present promotion, as it was thought that he who had so
much already, would be less inclined to covetousness ; though
experience shews, that those who have much still covet more.
Azevedo had likewise offered to serve the office of viceroy
without the usual salary, but afterwards accepted it. Among
the first actions of his administration was to send home Danish
Beg, ambassador from Shah Abbas, king of Persia, who had
been in Spain at the court of King Philip. Shah Abbas
treated, at the same time, both with King Philip, and James
king of England, endeavouring to influence both to the fur-
therance orhis own designs ; having taken the island of Bah-
rayn from the Portuguese, and was now endeavouring to gain
Ormuz. Along with this Persian ambassador, Antonio de Gu-
ovea, titular bishop of Sirene, went for the purpose of propa-
gating Christianity in Persia ; but, finding that the Persian
government was inimical to his mission, he went no farther
than Ormuz, Shah Abbas was so much displeased with his
VOL, vi, I i ambassador
Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
ambassador for not succeeding in his negociation for the sur-
render of Ormuz, that he caused him to be beheaded; and was
so much exasperated against the Christians, that he forced
many of his Armenian subjects to renounce the faith.
The fortune of Nicote in Pegu now declined as swiftly as it
had risen. In 1513, the king of Ova, being provoked at the
violence which Nicote had been guilty of against the king of
,Tangu, who was under his protection, made a vow that he
would revenge his injuries. Having assembled an army of
120,000 men, and 400 vessels of considerable strength, in
.which were above 6000 of those Moors so noted for valour,
called Caperuzas from their wearing caps, he inarched against
Siriam, where he burnt every thing beyond the walls of the
fort. Nicote made a brave resistance though taken unawares,
as he had suffered most of his men to go to India, and was
very scarce of powder. In this distress, he sent a soldier to
purchase powder at Bengal, who ran away with the money ;
and sent likewise to San Thoma for the same commodity, but
was refused any supply. For want of powder he was unable
to fire his cannon against the enemy, and was reduced to the
expedient of pouring boiling pitch and oil on their heads. At
Jength, Nicote was taken and carried to the king of Ova, who
ordered him to be impaled on an eminence in view of the fort,
where he lived two days in torment. His wife, Donna Luisa
de Saldanna, was kept three days in the river to be purified, as
the king designed her for himself; but when brought before
him, she upbraided him for his cruelty, and he ordered her
leg to be bored, and that she should be sent to Ova along with
the other slaves. A native named Banna who had betrayed
Nicote, demanding his reward from the king of Ova, was
ordered to be torn in pieces, the king alleging, that he who
had been false to his benefactor would never be true to him.
The son of Nicote resided, at that time, in Martavan, having
married the daughter of the king of that place ; but the king
of Ova caused him to be put to death, that no one of the
race might remain alive. Thus ended Nicote, who, from the
Jowest poverty, had raised himself to great power and prodi-
gious riches, being worth three millions '. The enemy allowed
of having lost 30,000 men in this siege. The viceroy on hear-
ing of the danger of Siriam, had dispatched Diego de Mendoza
to
l Probably ducats are here meant.
CHAP. iv. SECT, xi r. Conquest of India. 499
to its relief with five galliots; but having put off his time jby
the way on other objects, he was too late.
In the year 1614, the viceroy resolved to go in person to
the sea of Guzerate to meet the English and Hollanders, who
were then strong in these seas. He sent before him Emanuel
de Azevedo with 22 sail, who was joined at Surat by two other
squadrons* after which he landed and destroyed the lands of
Cifandam and Diva. The towns of Earoack and Goga were
plundered, with six large ships in the bay, as was likewise
the city of Patane. Having completed his preparations, the
viceroy sailed from Goa with seven galleons, one of which
was so large that it easily carried 230 men besides mariners,
30 of them being gentlemen. Besides the galleons, there
were two pints, one galley, one caravel, and rive other vessels,
on board of which were 1400 Portuguese soldiers, with a
great number of cannon, but the gunners were very unskilful.
At Surat the viceroy was joined by the squadron under Ema-
nuel de Azevedo, the chief design of this large armament
being to destroy four English vessels then in that port. The
preparations for this purpose seemed disproportionately large,
yet the event proved the contrary. Being come in sight of
the English, the viceroy ordered the two pinks with the ca-
ravel and other smaller vessels to close with one of the English
vessels which lay at some distance from the rest. Having all
grappled with the enemy and almost carried her by boarding,
the other three ships came up and drove them all off. The
first of the three vessels which had attacked the English ship
took fire, and being attempted to be steered on board the
English ship to set her on fire was destroyed without doing
the enemy any harm. In this manner the first day was ex-
pended to no purpose, and next day, on proposing to attack
jthe English ships, they were found riding in a place to which
the entrance was so narrow that one galleon only could come
at them at once, which might therefore have been disabled by
the English cannon, for which reason no attempt was made to
attack them ; but some alleged that this was only a pretence
set up by those who had no mind for the enterprise. A fruit-
less endeavour was made to destroy them by means of fire-ships.
Perceiving that he only lost his labour fit this place, the
viceroy went to Diu, whence he .dispatched relief to Qrmuz;
and on his return from Diu towards Goa, the four English
ships were seen at a great distance from Surat in full sail to
the south. The viceroy pursued, and towards evening came
500 Portuguese Discovery and PART n. BOOK in.
up with the sternmost, having left his own fleet far behind.
The head gunner offered to sink the English ship by means
of two 40 pounders ; but the officers who accompanied the
viceroy opposed this, alleging that the other three English
ships would come upon him while alone and the galleon might
be lost. The viceroy accordingly submitted to their opinion,
but neglected to make them give it under their hands ; and
when he was afterwards accused for having neglected to do
what the gunner proposed, they denied having ever given
him any such advice. The English were so thankful for this
forbearance, that they fired their cannons without ball as if
saluting.
In the year 1615, Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao, formerly men-
tioned, who had raised himself from a poor dealer in salt to
be an absolute sovereign by treachery and ingratitude, and
who had neglected to submit himself to the Portuguese vice-
roy in the height of his prosperity, finding himself now in
danger of losing his ill got power, sent to request succour ;
but even now proposed terms like an independent prince, and
offered in return for assistance and protection to deliver a
large ship load of rice yearly at Goa as an acknowledgement
of vassalage. He urged that all he had done was to revenge
the murder of the Portuguese in Banguel of Dianga by the
king of Aracan, and hinted that the vast treasures of the king
might easily be taken by a very moderate effort. This blind-
ed the viceroy, who immediately fitted out 14- of the largest
galliots with a fliboat and a pink, and sent them to Aracan
under the command of Francisco de Menezes Roxo, who had
formerly commanded in Ceylon. Roxo sailed from Goa
about the middle of September 1615. On the 2d of October
he arrived at Aracan, the chief port and residence of the king,
having detached a galleon to Sundiva to give notice to Gon-
zalez of his arrival and intentions. Having opened his in-
structions in presence of all the captains, they directed him to
proceed against Aracan without waiting for Gonzalez ; which
was highly improper, as that man knew the country and was
acquainted with their manner of fighting, besides that the
force he was able to bring was of importance. But God con-
founded their councils, having decreed the ruin of that vile
wretch, and of the unjust succours that were now sent to his
aid.
On the 15th of October, the Aracan fleet was observed
coming down the river to attack, so numerous that they could
not
CHAP. iv. SECT. xii. Conquest of India. 501
not be counted. The foremost vessel was a Dutch pink, and
many of the other vessels were commanded by Hollanders.
All that could be seen appeared full of men well armed and
equipped, and seemed a prodigious overmatch for the small
number the Portuguese had to oppose them, as besides the
galliot sent to Sundiva another had been dispatched in search
of the pink, so that only 12 galliots remained and the fliboat.
The Dutch pink fired the first gun, and then the fight began
with great fury, the Portuguese galliots bravely advancing
against the vast hostile fleet. Four of the galliots got before
the rest, and in the very beginning of the action their captains
and many of their men were slain, but the other eight came
up to their rescue, and great execution was done among the
enemy, many of whom were drowned by oversetting their
vessels in their haste to escape from the destructive fire of the
Portuguese. The battle raged the whole day, but the enemy
drew off in the evening, thinking that a reinforcement was
coming to the Portuguese, as they saw the galliot approach-
ing which had been sent in search of the pink. In this en*
gagement the Portuguese lost 25 men of note besides others:
Next morning the pink joined the fleet, on board of which
all the wounded men were put, and those that were fit for
service in that vessel were distributed among the others. Roxo
now resolved to remain at anchor at the mouth of the river
till Gonzalez came to join him, and then to attack the enemy.
At length Gonzalez made his appearance, with 50 vessels well
manned and equipped, and on being told the orders of the
viceroy and what had been already done, he expressed much
displeasure at the viceroy for giving such orders, and at Roxo
for imprudently fighting before his arrival. About the middle
of November the combined fleets sailed up the river and dis-
covered the vast fleet of Aracan at anchor in a well chosen
situation, where it was resolved immediately to attack them-,
Roxo took half of the ships belonging to Gonzalez under his
immediate command, giving Gonzalez half of these he had
brought from Goa, so as to make two equal squadrons. Thus
arranged they advanced against the enemy, firing against
those vessels they could reach, but none of the enemy ven-<
tured to advance. The king of Aracan viewed the engage-
ment from the shore to encourage his people, and caused the
heads of such as fled to be cut off and exposed on spears as a
terror to the rest. About noon when the heat of the sun was
so great as to scorch the Portuguese, the Aracan ships came
502 Portuguese Discovery and PART ii. BOOK lit.
on in three numerous squadrons. Sebastian Gonzalez put to 1
flight these of the enemy that were opposed to him, and the 1
Portuguese pink compelled that belonging to the Hollanders
to draw off; On that side where Roxo commanded there
was much Slaughter on both sides without any evident supe-
riority j but about sunset, when the advantage was obviously
leaning to the Portuguese, Roxo was slain; Being informed
by signal of this mischance, Gonzalez was obliged to discon-
tinue following up his good fortune ; and on the tide ebbing
the fleet separated, one of the Portuguese galliots being left
aground among the eriemy^ who tore her to pieces and slew
all her crew"; The Portuguese fleet retired to the mouth of
the river, where care was taken of the wounded men, and
above zOO dead bodies were thrown into the sea. Don Luis
de Azevedo succeeded in the command of the Portuguese
squadron, and they all retired to Sundiva, whence Don Luis
sailed back to Goa, in spite of everything that Gonzalez could
say to detain him. Soon after the departure of the Portuguese
ships, the king of Aracan invaded and conquered the island
of Sundiva, by which Sebastian Gonzalez was reduced to his
original poverty$ his sovereignty passing away like a dream,
his pride humbled in the dust, arid his villainous conduct
deservedly punished.
In 1616, Don Nunno Alvarez Pereyra succeeded Enuinuel
Mascarennas Homem as general of tile Portuguese in Ceylon,
and made several successful inroads into the kingdom of
Candy> whence he brought off many prisoners and great
numbers of cattle. From the commencement of the Portu-
guese dominion in that island, they had been engaged in
almost perpetual wars with the different petty sovereigns who
ruled over its various small maritime divisions, and with the
central kingdom of Canea, most of which have been omitted
in this work as not possessing sufficient interest. At this
time a dangerous commotion took place in the island, occa-
sioned by a circumstance which, though not new in the world,
is still admired though often repeated. Some years before,
Nicapeti the converted king of Ceylon died without issue, and
left the king of Portugal heir to his dominions. A poor
fellow of the same name got admittance to one of the queens
of Valgamcme from whom he learnt several particulars re-
specting the deceased king, taking advantage of which he de-
termined to assume the character of the late sovereign, and to
endeavour to persuade the people that he was their prince who
10 had
CHAP; iv. SECT. xii. Conquest of India. 503
had come again to life. For this purpose he feigned himself a
jogue, similar to a hermit among the Christians 5 and making
his appearance in the neighbourhood of Mareguepora, he
gave out that he came to free his country from the tyranny of
the Portuguese. Finding credit among the people, many of
whom flocked to him, he entered the seven corlas during the
absence of the Dissuva Philip de Oiiveyra, and being assisted
by 2000 men sent to him by the king of Candy, he was ac-
knowledged as king by most of the country. Hearing of this
commotion, Pereyra sent a force under Emanuel Cesar to
suppress the insurrection. Cesar encountered the false Nica-
peti at Gandola a village on the river JLaoa, where the insur-
gents had collected a force of 6000 men. In the heat of the
battle, 1 000 Chingalese troops who served under Luis Gomez
Pinto deserted to the enemy ; but Don Constantino, a native
Christian of the blood royal who served the Portuguese, called
them back by declaring himself their lawful king, on which
they immediately returned arid proclaimed him their sove-
reign. After a long engagement the enemy was defeated and
fled across the river.
Philip de Oiiveyra returned at this time from Candy to his
command in the seven corlas, having heard of the insurrec-
tion but not of the victory at Gandola, to which place he im-
mediately marched with about 800 Chingalese lascarins. On
reaching the field of battle above 1000 men were found slain,
but no indication by which he could ascertain which party
had gained the victory. An inscription was found on a tree,
signifying that all the Portuguese were slain, none of that
nation remaining in Ceylon, and that Columbo had surren-
dered to Nicapeti, which startled the Portuguese who accom-
panied Oiiveyra, and gave great satisfaction to his Chingalese
troops. Continuing his march he was attacked in the rear by
300 of the enemy, but on facing about they all fled ; soon
after which he joined Emanuel Cesar on the river Laoa, and
the insurgents fled to the woods. Cesar and Oiiveyra by way
of obliging the insurgents to return to their duty, seized above
400 of their Women and children ; but it had the contrary
effect, as all their Chingalese troops immediately deserted
with their arms, leaving only about 200 Portuguese. In
this dilemma Cesar marched to the pagoda of Atanagala^ not
far from Maluana where the general resided, who sent him a
reinforcement of 500 men, 200 of whom were Portuguese.
Nicapeti had so much success with the natives that he col-
lected
504? Portuguese Discovery and PART u. BOOK m.
lected an army of 24,000 men, with which he marched against
Columbo, and was so vain of his good fortune that he caused
himself to be proclaimed emperor of Ceylon, and transmitted
an order to the king of Candy to send him one of his two
wives. The answer on this occasion was, That it should be
done when the Portuguese were subdued. Nicapeti was so
enraged at this answer, that he threatened to use the king of
Candy like the Portuguese ; and on this threat coming to the
knowledge of the 2000 auxiliaries from Candy, they imme-
diately returned home. By these means the two enemies of
the Portuguese became at variance with each other, to the
great benefit of the Portuguese interests. Emanuel Cesar
being joined by a considerable reinforcement, marched against
Nicapeti, and found the road by which Nicapeti intended to
march clean swept and strewed with flowers. A Chingalese
who carried intelligence of the approach of Cesar to Nicapeti,
was ordered to be impaled, the tyrant declaring there were no
Portuguese in Ceylon ; but he was soon undeceived, as the
van guards of the two armies came in sight of each other.
Nicapeti immediately took possession of a hill with 7000 men,
where he entrenched himself; but his works were soon carried,
1000 of his men slain, and the usurper was forced to flee into
the woods, laying aside his regal ornaments for better conceal-
ment The rest of the insurgent army immediately fled on
seeing their chief defeated, and the morning after the battle
500 of the Chingalese deserted from the enemy and joined
the victors.
At this time a native Chingalese of low birth, named Antonio
Barreto, who had been a Christian and in the service of the
Portuguese, but had gone over to the king of Candy, who
appointed him general of his forces with the title of prince
and governor of the kingdom of Uva, took advantage of the
revolt of Nicapeti to seize upon the Portuguese fort of Sq/ragan 9
which he got possession of by treachery and slew the Portu-
guese garrison. This was a severe but just retribution upon
the Portuguese, as they had slain an ambassador sent by the
king of Candy to treat of an accommodation, tHat they might
jointly carry on the war against Nicapeti. After this the king
of Candy inarched against the Portuguese fort of Balane,
which he reduced ; yet immediately sent a message to the ge-
neral Pereyra, offering to treat of peace.
In 1617, the Portuguese affairs were in a dangerous situa-
tion in Ceylon, having at the same time to make war on the
king
CHAP. iv. SECT. xii. Conquest of India. 505
king of Candy, Antonio Barreto, and Nicapeti, who was still
in considerable strength notwithstanding his late defeat. Pe-
reyra divided his forces with considerable hazard, and put all
to* the sword in the revolted districts, sparing neither age nor
sex ; but neither will mercy and kind usage conciliate the
Chingalese, nor cruelty terrify them into submission. Part
of the forces pursued Nicapeti from Pelandu to Catugambala,
JDevamede and Cornagal, taking several forts, killing many of
the enemy, and making 600 prisoners. The usurper retired
to Talampeti his usual refuge, and the Portuguese advanced
to Polpeti where they came in sight of the enemys camp, and
forcing their works passed on to Balapane of Religiam 9
whence they sent away the prisoners and wounded men. At
this time the Portuguese force was divided, one part marching
against Barreto while the other continued to follow Nicapeti,
but were able to effect very little, and after being quite spent
with fatigue went into quarters at Botale.
Having received reinforcements, Pereyra marched in person
with a considerable force to drive Barreto from Sofragam and
Matura, leaving Gomez Pinto with his regiment to secure
Alicur and oppose Nicapeti, while Cesar stayed to defend
Botale with 100 men. The Portuguese were successful on all
sides, driving the enemy from their works and slaughtering
great numbers of them in the woods. In May the army ad-
vanced against Nicapeti, who was strongly entrenched at
Moratena, yet fled towards Candy with such speed that he
could not be got up with. He was at length overtaken in the
desert of Anorajapure^ when after losing 60 men his troops
dispersed and fled into the woods. On this occasion the wives .
of the usurper, a grandson of Raju, and the nephew of
Madune were all made prisoners. The fame of this victory
induced the inhabitants of the Corlas to submit, and they
plentifully supplied the army then at Malvana with rice. The
news of this victory induced the king of Candy * to sue for
peace, sending by his ambassadors 32 Portuguese who had
been made prisoners during the war. The terms agreed
upon were, that he was to repair and restore the fort at Ba-
lane, and permit another to be constructed at Candy, and
was to deliver yearly as tribute to the crown of Portugal four
elephants
2 In the translation of the Portuguese Asia, this sovereign is here named
Anaras Pandar king of Pandar ; but from every circumstance in the con-
text it appears that we ought to read Anaras Pandar king of Candy > ]E.
30& Portuguese Discovery, &c. PART u. BOOK in*
elephants and a certain stipulated quantity of cinnamon.
Finding afterwards that the Portuguese affairs in Ceylon were
less prosperous, he receded from these conditions and would
only agree to give two elephants as the yearly tribute, but the
peace. wa,s concluded.
END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.
Punted by George Rainsuy & Co.
Edinburgh, 1812.
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