WORKS ISSUED BY Society. THE TRAVELS PEDRO TEIXEIRA. SECOND SERIES. No. IX. THE TRAVELS PEDRO TEIXEIRA "KINGS OF HARMUZ," AND EXTRACTS FROM HIS KINGS OF PERSIA." (Translate!! ant) annotated tnj WILLIAM F. SINCLAIR, BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE (RETD.) J further fiotes anfc an Introduction to DONALD FERGUSON, LONDON : PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY \ t\ / MDCCCCfl, \ V G I (ol LONDON : PRINTED AT THE BEDFORD PRESS, 2O AND 21, BEDFORDBURY, W.C. COUNCIL THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S., President. THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, Vice- President. REAR-ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., Vice-President. CHARLES RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A. COMMR. B. M. CHAMBERS, R.N. COLONEL GEORGE EARL CHURCH. SIR WILLIAM MARTIN CONWAY. WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A. F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.A., M.D. EDWARD HEAWOOD, M.A. JOHN SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D. FREDERICK WILLIAM LUCAS. ALFRED PERCIVAL MAUDSLAY. MOWBRAY MORRIS. EDWARD JOHN PAYNE, M.A. ERNEST GEORGE RAVENSTEIN. HOWARD SAUNDERS. HENRY WILLIAM TRINDER. CHARLES WELCH, F.S.A. RICHARD STEPHEN WHITEWAY. BASIL H. SOULSBY, B.A., Honorary Secretary. CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTION : I. Pedro Teixeira . ... . i II. The First Coming of the English and Dutch to the East xxv III. Teixeira's Book . . . . xc CAPTAIN STEVENS'S PREFACE to his Translation of the " Kings of Persia" and " Kings of Harmuz," including TKIXEIRA'S PREFACE to his whole work . . . ci CERTIFICATE of Orthodoxy and Licence to Print . . cviii THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA APPENDICES : A. A Short Narrative of the ORIGIN OF THE KINGDOM OF HARMUZ . . . . . 153 B. Extracts from the " KINGS OF PERSIA" . . 196 C. An Account of the most notable PROVINCES OF PERSIA 240 D. Relation of the CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF HARMUZ 256 INDEX ...... 270 INTRODUCTION. I i, PEDRO TEIXEIRA. EGARDING Pedro Teixeira we know very little beyond what he himself tells us in his book. 1 Dr. M. Kayserling, in his Introduction to I. J. Benjamin's Eight Years in Asia and Africa (Hanover, 1863), says: "Our Pedro Teixeira^ be- longed to 'one of those Portuguese-Jewish families who dared not openly avow their religion, or educate their child- ren in the faith of their fathers .... Although born of Jewish parents, who in all probability resided in Lisbon, he was yet not educated in the Jewish faith. Notwithstanding his submission to the will of the Almighty, which seemed to have been innate in him, and which may be traced in almost every leaf of his book of travels, ... we still think 1 The best biographical notice of Teixeira that I have seen is that in the Biographic Universelle, torn, xli, p. 206. 2 Dr. Kayserling refers to the fact that there were several noted men of this same name ; and this is also pointed out in a footnote on p. 29 of the Viaje del capitdn Pedro Teixeira aguas arriba del rio de las Amazonas (1638-1639), by Mancos Jimenez de la Espada( Madrid, 1889). A celebrated family of cartographers of the same surname were contemporaries, and possibly relatives, of our traveller (see Sousa Viterbo's Trabalhos Nauticos dos Portugueses, Lisbon, 1898, pp. 294-299). b ii INTRODUCTION. that we are able to infer from his narrative, that during a great part of his life during his travels that preceded his arrival in Antwerp, he was a Christian, and even a devout Catholic." 1 As to his parentage, birth, and early life, Pedro Teixeira himself, however, is silent : except that he tells us, in the prefatory note to his book, that he was in his youth much addicted to the study of history. To what profession or trade he was trained we do not know ; and it is not easy to ascertain from his narratives what was his occupation while in the East. 2 Nor does Teixeira tell us the cause of his going to India, or even the year in which he first sailed from Europe to Asia. The earliest date that he mentions in connection with his travels is I587, 3 and we may therefore conclude that he arrived in India from Portugal in one of the ships of the fleet of 1586. Regarding this fleet, Couto gives us details in his Decada Deri-ma, Liv. VIII, cap. vi. He says : The King was advised that a fleet was being got ready in England, 4 its destination being unknown ; and because, in case 1 In a letter to me Mr. Sinclair says : " I take Teixeira never to have been a Christian but ' from the teeth out. 3 " 2 Judging by his frequent references to drugs and their effects, and by the fact of his being present on the occasion mentioned on p. 233, infra, I cannot help thinking that he was a physician. This seems to be supported by the incident related in chap, ix of the Viage (p. 96, infra). Moreover, in his Kings of Persia (Bk. I, chap, xxxv) Teixeira describes at some length the practices of physicians in different countries of the East, mostly from his own experience. I think it is probable that Teixeira accompanied the various expeditions mentioned below in a medical capacity. Mr. Sinclair, writing to me, says : " I agree with you in supposing him to have been a physician rather an ' irregular practitioner" probably, and concerned in the drug trade, and probably a speculator in gems." 3 The sea-flood mentioned by him at p. 230 infra, as having occurred in 1585, I take to be described from hearsay report on his visit to Ceylon in February, 1588. 4 This was doubtless the fleet of three ships that sailed on July 2ist under the command of Thomas Cavendish, on a voyage round the world by the Straits of Magellan and the Malayan Archipelago (see the references to it in Calendar of State Papers in the Archives of Simancas, vol. iii, 1580-86, pp. 578, 600, 610). INTRODUCTION. ill they sought to go out to India to the parts about Malaca, he wished to advise the captain of that fortress, in order that he might get ready, and the Viceroy of India, that he might send him help : therefore he ordered speed to be made with the galleon Reys Magos, which was being got ready for Malaca, as captain of which had been nominated Joao Gago de Andrade, a fidalgo, and a man that had been very long in India ; x and on 5th January, 1586,2 she set sail. 3 And the King ordered to embark therein Estevao da Veiga, with letters for the Viceroy D. Duarte, and one for the captain of Mogambique, in which he told him that on that ship's arriving there he was at once to get ready some vessel for Estevao da Veiga to go in to India, to fulfil his mission. . . . The rest of the fleet, which was to go to India, left during the whole of March, 4 and there went as captain-major thereof D. Jeronymo Coutinho, 5 who embarked in the ship S. Thome', the other captains of his company were Antonio Gomes of the galleon Bom Jesus, otherwise called Caranjaf in which embarked Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, full of honors and rewards, because he carried the captaincy of Malaca, and a voyage to Japao, and the captaincy of Bagaim, with which he had been provided some years before on the marriage of a daughter, and the habit of Christ 7 with a good allowance ; and, as was afterwards known, he came in the second succession to the government of India, to which he soon 1 Couto first mentions him in his Dec. VIII, cap. vii, as making a voyage from Goa to Maluco in April, 1565. * Fr. Joao dos Santos gives this same date {Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. I, Liv. II, cap. xvii ; Theal's Records of South-Eastern Africa, vol. xvii, p. 342). Luiz de Figueiredo Falcao, however, in his Livro em que se contim toda a fazenda, etc., says (p. 177) that the Reys Magos sailed on December 29th, 1585. 1 On February I4th she encountered an English ship and pinnace, with which she had a severe fight, but succeeded in beating them oft after considerable damage. Couto, who gives a graphic description of the affair, says that Joao Gago, who was old and gouty, issued his orders seated on a chair on the poop. It is not surprising to learn that the old captain died soon after his ship reached Malacca in October. 4 Figueiredo Falcao (op. cit., p. 178) says that the fleet sailed on the nth of April ; and to the ships here named he adds the Concepqao, Captain Dom Jeronimo Mascarenhas. Friar Joao dos Santos, who went to Mozambique in the Sdo Thome, says that they all left Lisbon on April I3th, 1586 (Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. I, Liv. I, cap. i ; Pt. II, Liv. II, cap. xviii ; Theal's Records of South-Eastern Africa, vol. xvii, pp. 184, 343). 5 See infra regarding him. 6 This ship was broken up on arriving in India (see Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 189). 7 That is, of the Order of Christ. IV INTRODUCTION. succeeded by the death of the Viceroy D. Duarte, 1 as we shall tell in its place, a thing that has seldom occurred in India. The other ships were the Salvador? Captain Miguel de Abreu, of the Reliquias* Francisco Cavalleiro, and of the S. Filippe^ Joao Trigueiros, and all together took their course with great caution and vigilance on account of the report that there was of English. If Pedro Teixeira was on board one of these ships, 5 he must have reached Goa in September, 1586. What his first impressions of India were we do not know ; but what Goa, the capital of Portuguese India, was like when our traveller first set foot therein, we fortunately do know, having had left us a graphic description from the pen of that talented young Netherlander, Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, 7 who had been a resident there for some years when Teixeira arrived. Just before our traveller's arrival at Goa, news reached that city of the humiliating defeat that had resulted to the fleet dispatched in the previous May, under the command of Ruy Gonsalves da Camara, to the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, 8 and of the visit of the Turks to the north- eastern coasts of Africa, which had resulted in the carry- ing away captive of a number of Portuguese, and acts of bad faith on the part of several of the rulers of those 1 See infra, p. xi. 2 Regarding this ship, see infra, p. vi. 3 The fate of this ship is described by Linschoten (vol. ii, pp. 191- 193)- 4 This ship returned from Mozambique, and was captured by Drake off the Azores (see Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 123 ; Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 167 ; Calendar of State Papers in the Archives of Simancas, vol. iv, 1587- 1603, pp. xxiii, 124 et seq.}. 6 Perhaps he was on the Bom Jesus, alias Caranja, with Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, whom he afterwards (apparently) accompanied to Ceylon (see infra, p. ix). 6 See Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 189. 7 See Hakluyt Society's edition of Linschoten, vol. i, p. 175 et seq. 8 See Linschoten, vol ii, pp. 183-189 ; Couto, Dec. X, Liv. vn, caps, vii, xv-xviii ; also the King's censure of the expedition in Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 119-120. Ruy Gonsalves da Camara was uncle to the Viceroy D. Duarte de Menezes. INTRODUCTION. V parts. 1 On the receipt of this intelligence the Viceroy in Council resolved to dispatch another fleet to punish these treaty-breakers, and to prevent the Turks from repeating their aggressions ; and probably one of the first sights that met Teixeira's view on reaching Goa was some of the vessels being got ready for this expedition. Learning that this fleet, after accomplishing its purpose, was to proceed to Hormuz, where the captain of one of the ships, Belchior Calaga, was to consult with the captain of that place regarding the building of a fort at Maskat to defend it from the Turks, 2 Teixeira appears to have thought that it would be well for him to take this opportunity of seeing several places that he might not again have the chance of visiting. Accordingly, he applied for and obtained per- mission to accompany this punitive expedition, which, con- sisting of two galleons, three galleys, and thirteen foists, under the command of Martim Affonso de Mello, set sail from Goa on Qth January, ISS/. 3 The first place to which the fleet came was Ampaza, 4 which was stormed, the king and his followers being put to the sword, and the town and its environs entirely de- stroyed. Thence the ships proceeded to Pate, the ruler of which threw himself on the mercy of the Portuguese, and was forgiven. The island of Lamo was next visited, the king of which place was the betrayer of Roque de Brito and his companions into the hands of the Turks. This traitor, on hearing of the approach of the avenging 1 See Couto, Dec. X, Liv. Vll, cap. viii ; J. de Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. I, Liv. v, caps, iii-vi (translated in Pinkerton's Collec- tion, vol. xvi, pp. 725-728). 2 On this fort see Geographical Journal, vol. x, pp. 609-612, vol. xi, pp. 187-190, 35, 306. 3 See Couto, Dec. X, Liv. Vll, cap. x. Linschoten (vol. ii, p. 194) says that it left in December, 1586. 4 Regarding the situation of this place, see Burton's Camoens : Life and Lusiads, vol. ii, p. 508. vi INTRODUCTION. fleet, had fled inland, leaving the widow of the former ruler to face the Portuguese. This woman having been recognised as ruler in place of the fugitive usurper, the Portuguese went on to Malindi, where they were received with all honour by the king, who asked and was granted permission to accompany the fleet to Mombasa. The latter place had been strongly garrisoned and mounted with ordnance ; but after first making a show of resistance, and then soliciting terms of peace, the king and all his people vacated the town, which the Portuguese entered, looted, and burnt. Seeing this destruction from the mainland, the king of Mombasa once more wrote asking for peace, and confessing his faults. The king of Malindi acted as intermediary, but, as a satisfactory agreement could not be arrived at, Martim Affonso resolved to leave for the Persian Gulf. First, however, he dispatched a vessel with letters for the Viceroy, and the salted head of the late king of Ampaza 1 as a present for him. Just as Martim Affonso de Mello was about to set sail with his fleet for Hormuz, there arrived at Mombasa, in a sorely storm-shattered condition, the ship Salvador, which had left Cochin for Europe at the end of 1586, or early in 1587, laden with pepper and other commodities. Owing to the valuable cargo that the Salvador had on board, Martim Affonso resolved to take the ship along with him to Hormuz, where she was broken up, and the cargo tran- shipped to another vessel. On the way to Hormuz the fleet called at Malindi, where the king supplied it with provisions ; at Socotra, where it watered ; at the aguada (watering-place) of Teive (Taiwa), south of Maskat ; and then, according to Teixeira's statement (p. 223 infra], at Maskat itself, where our traveller was astonished at the 1 Linschoten (vol. ii, p. 195) says (erroneously) that it was the head of the king of Pate, and describes what was done with the gruesome object. INTRODUCTION. vii abundance of fish and the curious way by which the galley- slaves caught them. After a few days' stay at Hormuz, the fleet sailed for the Strait of Hormuz ; but, on arriving at Kishm, Martim Affonso became so ill that the ships returned to Hormuz, where the commander died and was buried. The fleet remained in the Strait until September, when it once more returned to Hormuz, whence it sailed, under the command of Simao da Costa, 1 Martim Affonso's father-in-law, for Goa, where it arrived in October, 1587.* Apparently, Pedro Teixeira had been with Martim Affonso's fleet from the time of its departure from Goa ; and, as far as we know, he returned thither with Simao da Costa. But, except for his experience at Maskat, he passes over this expedition in silence. Not long after the departure of Martim Affonso's fleet, news reached Goa (at the end of March, 1587), from Malacca, of the desperate condition to which that city had been reduced by the action of " Rajale," the king of Johor, who had blockaded the Straits of Malacca, thus preventing the Portuguese ships from passing between India and China, and also causing the unfortunate inhabitants of Malacca to suffer the horrors of famine by the stoppage of supplies. On receipt of these tidings the Viceroy sum- moned his Council, and it was resolved that loans should be raised from the citizens of Goa, Bassein, and Chaul, to provide succour for the distressed city. This was done ; and on 28th April, a fleet of three galleons, two galleys, four galliots and seven foists, with five hundred men and abundant munitions, under the command of D. Paulo de 1 This man was valuer of the Hormuz custom-house, and had for many years acted as vedor da fazenda (comptroller of revenue) of that place. There are several references to him in the Arch. Port.- Or., fasc. iii. 2 See Couto, Dec. X, Liv. vill, cap. x, Liv. IX, caps, i, iii ; Archive Portuguez- Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 170-171. Cf. also Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 194-196. Viii INTRODUCTION. Lima, set sail for Malacca, which place was relieved ; and the city of Johor, after a short siege, was stormed, burnt, and sacked. 1 But Malacca was not the only Portuguese possession that needed relief. Since the early part of 1586, the fort- ress of Columbo, in Ceylon, had been besieged by the arch-enemy of the Portuguese, the " tyrant Raju " (Raja Sinha I), with an immense force, 2 and, though occasional help had been sent to them from India, the defenders had barely been able to hold their own. 3 At length, in September, 1587, urgent appeals for reinforcements reached the Viceroy from the captain of Columbo, Joao Correa de Brito ; 4 and after dispatching thither what ships and men were available, as also provisions, Dom Duarte and his Council resolved to get ready and send to Columbo a large fleet, which was to be joined there by the fleet of D. Paulo de Lima, to whom word had already been sent that he was to sail as soon as possible for Ceylon. For the command of this fleet the Viceroy chose Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, 6 on whom he bestowed the title of Captain-major of the Indian Sea. Just when steps were being taken for the preparation of this fleet, the ships of Affonso de Mello's expedition, under 1 Full and very graphic details of these events are given by Couto (Dec. X, Liv. Viii, caps, xiii-xvii, Liv. IX, caps, vi-xii). Linschoten's account (vol. ii, pp. 193-194, 197, 198-200) contains a number of in- accuracies. (See also Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 177- 178, 274-276, 380.) 2 Cf. infra, pp. 221, 235. 3 Full details of this siege are given by Couto (Dec. X, Liv. VII, caps, xiii-xiv, Liv. vin, cap. xii, Liv. IX, caps, iv-v, Liv. x, caps, i-xvii). See also Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 196. * See infra, pp. 232 n., 235 . 6 He was chosen to command this expedition because, when him- self captain of Columbo some five or six years previously, he had successfully stood a similar siege by the same " Raju," whom he had driven off with great loss (see Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 197). Couto's Ninth Decade, containing details of this siege, is unhappily lost. INTRODUCTION. ix the command of Simao da Costa, arrived from Hormuz ; and Pedro Teixeira, ever ready to take advantage of oppor- tunities that offered themselves, succeeded in obtaining permission to accompany Manoel de Sousa to Ceylon. On 4th February, 1588, this fleet, consisting of two galleys, captained respectively by Manoel de Sousa Coutinho and D. Jeronymo de Azevedo, 1 and sixteen foists, with six hundred men, set sail from Goa, and rounding Cape Comorin coasted as far as Ramesvaram Island, 2 whence it crossed over, and, passing the island of Mannar, came to anchor off Karaittivu. Thence a message was dis- patched to the captain of Columbo, asking him to send two officers with native troops to join Manoel de Sousa's forces, as it was intended to devastate the country between that place and Columbo. These two officers set off from Columbo with eighty Portuguese and the native lascarins, in a foist and nine doneys ; and, after carrying out various punitive and aggressive operations on their own account, came to where the relieving fleet lay. Having been informed of what they had done, of the state of Colombo, and that the town of Chilaw was strongly garrisoned, Manoel de Sousa Coutinho weighed anchor, and came with his fleet before Chilaw. Here a large force under D. Jeronymo de Azevedo was disembarked, the enemy was routed, no quarter being given, and the town was sacked and burnt. Departing thence, the fleet reached Columbo on 1 8th February, decked with flags, and saluting the fort with salvos from its cannon and arquebuses. At this time also the ships of D. Paulo de Lima's fleet began to arrive, so that the citizens of Columbo were overjoyed at the sight of such an array of vessels. Manoel de Sousa and 1 Afterwards (1594-1612) captain-general of Ceylon, where he com- mitted frightful atrocities (cf. Hakluyt Soc. Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 143, .) and Viceroy of India (1612-1617), from which position he was taken back a prisoner to Portugal, where he ended his days in prison. 2 Couto calls it the Ilha dejogues (Island of Jogis). X INTRODUCTION. the other captains having landed, a council of war was held to decide what action should be taken against the enemy. Naturally, Manoel de Sousa, anxious to have the whole credit of the affair for himself, and knowing that D. Paulo de Lima might arrive at any moment, was urgent for an immediate attack, while D. Paulo's captains coun- selled delay. Meanwhile ambassadors arrived from Raja Sinha, asking for an armistice to allow him to observe a religious festival at his capital, Si'tavaka. 1 At the same time, however, spies reported that this was only a blind, as " Raju " was really preparing to retire. It was therefore agreed to make a general assault on the enemy that night (2 ist February), and this was carried into effect, the king's army being routed with great loss. On 22nd or 23rd February, D. Paulo de Lima arrived from Malacca ; and after Raja Sinha's extensive and elaborate siege works had been destroyed, and an adequate force left for the defence of Columbo, the two fleets set sail for Goa at the beginning of March, 1588. Of these stirring events Teixeira tells us nothing, and he makes only casual references in his Kings of Persia to matters connected with this journey. 2 But one incident in his return voyage he describes at some length. Couto tells us that " Manoel de Sousa, who came in a light fleet, arrived in Cochim, and left in that city D. Jeronymo de Azevedo in his galley, and two foists as well, to meet the ships from China and convoy them as far as Goa, whilst he went on, visiting the fortresses of Cananor and Canara." One of the fortresses of Kanara at which Manoel de Sousa called was " Barselor," and, landing here, Teixeira tells us something of what he saw (pp. 210-213 infra}. At the end of March, Manoel de Sousa Coutinho reached Goa, where \ \ \ 1 See infra, pp. 221 and 235. 1 See infra, pp. 221, 233, 235, 237 ; also cf. pp. I77-I79> 222. INTRODUCTION. xi he was received by the Viceroy and the whole city with many tokens of honour and general rejoicing. A few days later (early in April), D. Paulo de Lima arrived, and was accorded still greater honour in fact, all that a Viceroy was entitled to, except the pallium. 1 Probably as a result of the strain and anxiety he had experienced, 2 D. Duarte de Menezes shortly afterwards fell sick of a fever, and after only a few weeks' illness died on May 4th, 3 1588. He was buried with great pomp in the church of the Keys Magos, his bones being subsequently transferred to the Convent of the Trinity at Santarem. 4 When the vias, 5 or letters of succession, were opened, it was found that Mathias de Albuquerque was nominated to the government of India ; but, in his absence, 6 the office fell to Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, 7 who was recognised as Governor with the customary ceremonies. 8 All these events, however, Teixeira passes over with merely a casual reference (p. 210 infra). After his return from Ceylon, our traveller seems to have spent the remainder of the year 1588 in Goa. 9 But it was 1 Couto, Dec. X, Liv. x, cap. xviii (see also Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 197-198). * Linschoten (vol. ii, p. 201) suggests another cause. 3 Linschoten (u. s.) says that it was on the i$th ; but Couto is more likely to be right. 4 Couto, Dec. X, Liv. IV, cap. xix. For an account of the sad fate of D. Paulo de Lima, see Total's Beginnings of South African History, pp. 291-295. 5 Regarding these, see the details given by Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 201-203 5 also Whiteway's Rise of Portuguese Power in India, p. 214. 6 He had left for Portugal in January, 1587, in the same ship with Linschoten's master, the Archbishop of Goa (Couto, Dec. X, Liv. vin, cap. ix). 7 Cf. supra, p. iii. 8 See Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 203. 9 Linschoten left Goa for Cochin in November, 1 588, and sailed for Europe in January, 1589. In view of the loss of Couto's Eleventh Decade, covering the years 1588-1596, it is all the more to be regretted that Teixeira did not, like the young Netherlander, record the chief events of each year during his stay in India. xii INTRODUCTION. not long before he was off again with another naval expedition. Mir Alf Bey, the captain of the Turkish fleet that had given such a blow to Portuguese prestige on the east coast of Africa in 1586, had ever since been preparing for a second descent upon those parts ; and, being urged thereto in letters from the Moors, he set sail from the Red Sea at the end of 1588 or beginning of 1589,* with a fleet of four galleys and the foist that he had captured from Roque de Brito two years before. He ran down the Somali coast as far as Magadosho, where he landed and was well received ; and thence he continued his course southwards, getting money contributions at all the ports at which he called, until he came to Malindi, where he anchored late one night, intending next morning to bombard the town. The captain of the fort, Matheus Mendes de Vasconcellos, had, however, been forewarned of Mir All's coming ; and, placing some guns on a sandhill commanding the galleys, he played upon them until they were forced to weigh anchor and sail for Mombasa, where Mir All proposed to erect forts, from which he could sally out and destroy Malindi on some future occasion. Meanwhile, by a foist that Matheus Mendes had dis- patched to Goa on the first news of the intended descent of Mfr All, the Governor had been apprised of the threatened danger. Accordingly, after the departure of the home- ward-bound ships for Cochin, Martim Affonso set about preparing a fleet to be sent to the East African coast. This fleet, the command of which he gave to his brother, Thome" de Sousa Coutinho, 2 and which consisted of two 1 Fr. Joao dos Santos, whose account of these events appears to be the only one extant, gives the year as 1589 ; but the correctness of this seems doubtful. 2 Not to be confused with Thome de Sousa d'Arronches, a man of a brutal character (see Archivo Porluguez- Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 857- 861), who has earned eternal infamy by his wanton destruction, in 1588, of the ancient and famous temple at Dondra, in the south of Ceylon (see Couto, Dec. X, Liv. x, cap. xv). INTRODUCTION. xiii galliasses, five galleys, six foremasted galliots, 1 six smaller vessels, 2 and a manchucP as tender, and carrying nine hundred men-at-arms, set sail from Goa on January 3Oth, 1589. Soon after getting out to sea, the ships encountered such severe weather that one of the galleys began to leak and had to return to Goa, while the other vessels had to jettison a good deal of their cargo ; finally, the two galliasses were lost sight of. The rest of the fleet, after many perils, sighted land on February 2oth, and soon after reached Brava, where they learned of the arrival and doings of Mir Alf. Weighing anchor on February 23rd, the ships came to Ampaza, which had been rebuilt by the prince, who was promised security by Thome" de Sousa on con- dition of having nothing to do with the Turks. The next place of call was Lamo, where the fleet watered, and a message was received from Matheus Mendes announcing the withdrawal of Mir All to Mombasa, and begging Thome" de Sousa to make all speed lest the enemy should escape before his arrival. Upon this, the ships at once made sail, and on March 3rd arrived at Malindi, where they were heartily welcomed. Having increased his fleet by two ships that lay there Thom de Sousa left Malindi, accompanied by the king of that place, the king and prince of Pemba, and Matheus Mendes, and on Sunday, March 5th, arrived before Mombasa. At first some show of resistance was made by the Turks ; but this soon collapsed, and on- March 7th the Portuguese entered the city, to find it abandoned, the enemy having taken to the woods. The place was there- upon sacked and burnt. It must be here mentioned that, before the arrival of Thome de Sousa's fleet, Mombasa was 1 Orig., galeotas de traquete. Ordinary galliots had no foremast. 1 Orig., navios. The compiler of the makeshift Decada Undecima, which is largely taken from Dos Santos's work, here substitutes fustas (foists). 3 See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. xiv INTRODUCTION. already besieged from the land side by an immense force of cannibal blacks, called Zimbas, who, advancing from the south, had spread terror and devastation wherever they had come. 1 These savages now gaining an entrance to the island, a terrible slaughter began, many of the unhappy Turks being drowned in their attempts to escape. To the credit of Thome" de Sousa it must be said that he saved as many as he could by means of his boats, among them the leader, Mir All Bey. On the same day (March 1 5th) the two missing galliasses arrived at Mombasa. After restoring the king of Pemba to his throne (from which he had been driven by his people), Thome" de Sousa left Mombasa, on March 22nd, with his fleet and the vessels captured from the Turks, and arrived two days later at Malindi. Here he left Matheus Mendes de Vasconcellos, and two of the vessels of the fleet and some soldiers, to protect the place from the Zimbas, who were expected to pay it a visit shortly. 2 Calling at Lamo, Thome" de Sousa carried the king of that place a prisoner to Pate, where he was formally beheaded for his betrayal of Roque de Brito and the other Portuguese in 1586; while other offenders also suffered the same fate. Having devastated the island of Mandra, and bound the prince of Ampaza and the kings of Pate and Sio by solemn treaty to be faithful to the crown of Portugal, Thome* de Sousa set sail on April I5th, called at Socotra on the 28th for 1 Regarding these people, see Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. I, Liv. II, caps, xvii-xxi (English translation in Theal's Records of South- Eastern Africa, vol. xvii, pp. 290-304) ; and Theal's Beginnings of South African History, pp. 268-274. (Cf. also Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell, p. 150.) * For a description of their attack on Malindi, and their utter destruction by the force of three thousand " Mosseguejos," who came to the help of the garrison, see Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. I, Liv. II, cap. xxi (English translation in Theal's Records of South- Eastern Africa, vol. xvii, pp. 302-304). See also Theal's Beginnings of South African History, p. 268. For Teixeira's reference to this event, see infra, p. xv, n., and p. 237. INTRODUCTION. XV * water and provisions, and arrived on May i6th at Goa, where he was welcomed by his brother, the Governor, who also received Mfr Alf with great cordiality. 1 Now, although Teixeira does not, as in the case of the two previous expeditions, tell us even casually that he ac- companied this one, I think it is absolutely certain that he did so (see his statements on pp. 6, 237, 238, and 223, infra? and the references on pp. 198, 202, 204, 227). How or where he spent the remainder of 1589 we know not ; 3 but during the next two years, 1590 and 1591, he seems, from his own statement (p. 205 infra}, to have been resident in Cochin, which city, he tells us (p. 231 infra], was during those two years devastated by a terrible epidemic of the " Chinese Death," or Asiatic cholera. 4 On May I5th, 1591, the new Viceroy of India, Mathias de Albuquerque, arrived at Goa in the Bom Jesus, which had left Lisbon in May, 1590, with four other ships, all of which had, however, returned to port shortly afterwards owing to unfavourable weather. Manoel de Sousa Coutinho 1 Details of this expedition are given by Fr. Joao dos Santos in his Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. I, Liv. v, caps, vii-xii. These have been reproduced, with verbal alterations, in the makeshift Decada Undecima, caps. v-x. A faulty English translation, from the French version of Dos Santos, is printed in Pinkerton's Collection, vol. xvi, pp. 728-735. * In the passage referred to on p. 237 Teixeira says : " And less evil is this than to devour human flesh, as ... do the black Zinbas to- day, not sparing their own people, as was seen ten or twelve years ago, when seventy or eighty thousand of them went in a body through the interior of Africa in search of the lands of India, or of the Cloths \Pannos~\, as they said : and when any of them fell sick they killed and divided them amongst them and ate them : these came to an end before Malinde and Monbasa at the hands of the Portuguese." Regarding the " Mocegueios," whom Teixeira must have met at Malindi in 1589, see, in addition to the authorities referred to in the footnote on p. 237, Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. I, Liv. v, cap. xiii. * Ralph Fitch, according to his own account, was in Cochin from March 22nd to November 2nd, 1589, when he left for Goa (see infra, p. xxvii). 4 It is very possible that (if he was a physician, as I suspect) it was this outbreak that brought Teixeira to Cochin. X vi INTRODUCTION. at once delivered over the sword of office to his successor, who placed at his disposal for his homeward voyage the ship he himself had come out in. In this vessel, the largest and most richly-laden that had ever sailed from India, Manoel de Sousa, with his wife and all his possessions, left for Portugal on January loth, 1592 ; but, in attempting to make Mozambique, the snip was lost on the shoals of Garajao, and all on board perished. 1 How or where Teixeira spent the year 1592 he gives no hint ; but it was probably somewhere on the west coast of India. 2 Judging by casual references in his book, it appears prob- able that in or about the year 1593 our author left India for Hormuz, 3 where he seems to have resided until 1597 (see infra, pp. 241, 208, 209, 166). Whatever the object of his visit, he evidently devoted considerable time to the acquisition of the Persian language, to the study of the histories of Persia and Hormuz, and to the translation, in a summarised form, of the chronicles of Mir Khwand and Turan Shah. Regarding this, Teixeira tells us something in the prefatory note to his book (see infra] ; and scattered throughout the latter are to be found references to occur- rences of which he was eye-witness while in Hormuz, or which took place during his residence there (see infra, pp. 192, 201, 206, 210, 221, 234, 238).* He also, in his Kings 1 The S. Bartholomeu, one of the same fleet, was lost at sea. The Madre de Deos, and the Santa Cruz, which left India at the same time, were attacked near the Azores by an English fleet under Sir John Burrough, who captured the former, while the latter was burnt by her captain. 2 So far as can be gathered from his book, Teixeira never visited the Coromandel coast or Bengal. 3 He may possibly have called at Diu on his way : a statement in the Kings of Persia, Bk. I, chap, xxii, is so worded as to leave it doubtful if Teixeira ever was in Diu. 4 The captain of Hormuz, during most of the time that Teixeira was resident there, was Diogo Lopes Coutinho. The latter was suc- ceeded by Antonio de Azevedo (regarding whose romantic marriage see Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 187) ; but he died soon afterwards, in 1597 (see Couto, Dec. XII, Liv. I, cap. viii). The loss of Couto's INTRODUCTION. XVl'i of Hormuz, gives a brief description of the island as it appeared during his residence there (see infra, pp. 164-168, and cf. p. 252). In 1597 our author paid a visit to the city of " Mazan- daron " (Sari), in the north of Persia (see infra, p. 204), and in the same year he must have left Hormuz for India, since he himself informs us that in that year he sailed from Goa for Malacca (see infra, p. 226). We may reasonably con- clude that Teixeira accompanied the fleet under the command of Lourenc_o de Brito, which left Goa on 24th September, 1597, for Malacca, in consequence of the tidings received in India of an intended attack by the Dutch on the Portuguese possessions in the Far East. 1 The becalming of the fleet in the Strait of Malacca, gave Teixeira the opportunity of going ashore on Pulo Jarak, and adding to his store of information in the field of natural history. Reaching Malacca, our author apparently remained there for the next two years and a half, 2 utilising his stay in acquiring knowledge regarding the fauna and flora of the Malayan Archipelago (see infra, pp. 198, 215, 222, 224, 225-226, 230, 232, 235-236.) Thus far we have had to rely on casual and sometimes vague references for our information regarding Pedro Teixeira's wanderings, but now we come to solid ground. In the first chapter of his Narrative of my Journey from Decada XI has deprived us of any detailed account of events in or near Hormuz at this period ; but the royal letters in the Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, supply this want to a certain extent (see, for instance, pp. 415, 432, 446, 450, 458, 482, 505-506, 574, 586, 592, 678-679, 689, 704, 711, 786-791, 808, 813). 1 See infra. . * The captain of Malacca during Teixeira's residence was Martim Affonso de Mello Coutinho (see infra, pp. i, ., and 225, ., where " 1 599" should be " 1 598"). Some of the stirring events that took place in the Malayan Archipelago while Teixeira was in Malacca, but regarding which he is silent, will be found recorded further on. xviii INTRODUCTION. India to Italy (see infra, p. i), he tells us, that being in Malacca, and wishing to return to Portugal, he resolved to do so by way of the Philippine Isles. He therefore took advantage of a pinnace that was being dispatched by the captain of Malacca to warn the Spanish Governor of the Philippines of the coming of the Dutch into that sea, 1 and accordingly left Malacca on ist May, 1600. As the succinct account that our author gives of his journey is translated below, I need here only mention the chief incidents. After calling at Brunei, in Borneo, Teixeira arrived on 22nd June at Manila. Here he obtained from the Governor, Dom Francisco Tello de Menezes, the necessary permit to proceed to New Spain, and on i8th July our traveller set sail in one of a fleet of four new ships bound for America. After a brief stay for provisioning at the Strait of San Bernardino, the ship's course was set in a north-easterly direction ; and, escaping a dreaded encounter with a Dutch fleet, but falling in with some Spanish ships that had been sent out by the Viceroy of Peru to look for the Hollanders, the ship with Teixeira on board reached Acapulco on ist December. Having rested here a few days, our author set out 2 on horseback for the city of Mexico, where he arrived at midnight on Christmas Day. In this city Teixeira remained until 2nd May, 1601, on which day, just a year after he had sailed from Malacca, he resumed his journey towards his native land. Passing through La Puebla and other towns, our traveller came to San Juan de Ulua (Vera Cruz), 1 This must mean, that the Governor was to be informed of the departure from Holland of the fleets of Jacques Mahu and Olivier van Noort for the Straits of Magellan, with the object of reaching the Malayan Archipelago by way of the Philippines. How these ships fared is related below. 8 With Teixeira's account of this land journey may be compared that of Dom Fernandez Navarrete, who travelled in the opposite direction in 1647 (see Churchill's Collection, vol. i, pp. 231-233). INTRODUCTION. xix whence he sailed in the fleet for Spain on 3ist May. After being nearly wrecked in a storm off the coast of Cuba, Teixeira's ship put into the port of Havana, whence she again sailed on I5th July for Spain by Florida, Bermuda, and the Newfoundland banks ; and after escaping from the unwelcome attentions of a corsair 1 off the coast of Algarve, the fleet cast anchor in San Lucar on 6th September. Two days later our traveller reached Seville, and finally, by a circuitous route, arrived at Lisbon on 8th October, 1601. Before leaving Malacca, Teixeira had entrusted to friends there a considerable sum of money to be remitted to Portugal in the usual way by the homeward ships from India. When he reached Lisbon, however, he was dis- appointed to learn that the money had, for some reason, failed to arrive ; and, therefore, after waiting in vain for nearly a year and a half, 2 our author, much against his inclination, made up his mind to set out for the East once more. Accordingly, on March 28th, 1603, ne went aboard one of the fleet of five sail leaving for India under the command of Pero Furtado de Mendoga, and on October ri4th arrived safely at Goa. Presumably Teixeira here attained the object of his journey ; for in less than four months he was once more homeward-bound. Weary of seafaring, and anxious to view fresh scenes, our traveller resolved to make a land journey to Europe by way of the Euphrates valley. 3 On 1 The fleet also managed to evade capture by the English ships, which were at this time scouring the seas in search of Spanish prizes (see Calendar of State Papers ; Domestic Series, 1601, passim), 2 Dr. Kayserling (op. tit.) erroneously says : " After a residence of two years a half in Lisbon, he started on a second journey of scien- tific research [!] to India, Persia, and other countries." 3 Regarding this route, see Linschoten, vol. i, pp. 48-51, vol. ii, p. 159. C 2 XX INTRODUCTION. February 9th, 1604, therefore, he left Goa, and on the nth embarked on a Portuguese ship bound for the Persian Gulf. Sailing the same day, the ship took a straight course for the coast of Arabia, making landfall on March 2nd, near the Bay of Masfrah ; thence running northwards, she rounded Cape Ras-el-Had, and entered the Gulf of Oman. Here many vessels were sighted, and in a collision with one of these the arrogant folly of a ship's clerk nearly caused a terrible disaster. Escaping from this danger, the ship pursued her course, anchoring a couple of days at Sffa, taking in wood and water at Maskat, and at length reaching Hormuz on March I7th. On April I4th Teixeira set sail for Basra, in a little ship belonging to the Portuguese captain of Hormuz, which, after passing through the strait between Kishm and the mainland, coasted north-westerly along the eastern shore of the Persian Gulf, having frequently to cast anchor owing to the strong currents. Off the island of Lar (Shaikh Shuwaib) the ship suffered somewhat from bad weather, and proved a friend in need to a native vessel that had been attacked by " Nihhelus." After sailing along this rugged coast for thirty-five days, provisions began to fail, and on reaching Shilu the head-wind in- creased to such an extent that the captain of the ship gave orders to set the course for Hormuz, at which place our traveller found himself back again on May 2 1 St. Disappointed but not daunted by his ill-success, Teixeira once more embarked in the same ship, which, having refitted and revictualled, sailed from Hormuz on June i/th, this time keeping south of Kishm island. This voyage proved more fortunate, and, after apparently an unin- terrupted run along the eastern coast of the Persian Gulf, the ship anchored on July 2 5th at the island of Kharag, where it lay wind-bound for four days. Leaving this INTRODUCTION. XXI place the ship took a westerly course, and, after being nearly stranded in a shallow channel by the Moorish pilot who had been taken on board at Kharag, at length cast anchor on August ist in the Shat-el-Arab, and on the 6th reached the terminus of her voyage at " Serrage," where ships of burden were wont to discharge their cargoes for Basra. To this town our traveller proceeded the same day by boat along a canal. Of Basra, as he saw it, Teixeira gives a graphic and interesting description. In this town he lodged in the house of a Venetian merchant, 1 in whose company and that of two Portuguese gentlemen our traveller had come from Hormuz, all having apparently arranged to journey to Europe together. But finding that the river would be un- navigable for some months, Teixeira, learning that a kafila was fitted out to make the land journey through the Arabian desert, resolved to join it. Accordingly, on September 2nd, he and Diego de Melo, one of the aforesaid Portuguese gentlemen (who had, at the last moment, begged permis- sion to accompany our traveller), bade farewell to their friends in Basra, and proceeded to the plain outside the town, whence the kafila was to start. 2 1 Regarding this man, Santo Fonte, Father Antonio Gouvea, in his Relaqam, etc., Liv. I, cap. vii, relates an incident, showing how severely Shdh Abbas punished the King of Ldr and his accomplices for the murder and robbery of a factor of this Venetian merchant's. 2 It was not customary, I believe, for Europeans to travel by this desert route. Antonio Tenreiro was the first Portuguese to undertake the journey in 1523, and again in 1528 ; and Couto (Dec. IV, Liv. v, cap. vii) describes the sensation caused in Portugal by the narrative of his adventures (which was not printed, however, before 1560, at Coimbra). Some forty years later (in 1565 apparently), a certain Antonio Teixeira made the journey from Basra to Bagdad, and thence to the Mediterranean and Galata (Couto, Dec. VIII, cap. v). Fr. Caspar de Sao Bernardino, who made the land journey from Basra to Aleppo a few years after Teixeira, took a somewhat different route. On the subject of these land journeys see the interesting account in Whiteway's Rise of Portuguese Power in India PP- 53-57- XXli INTRODUCTION. After a somewhat trying journey, in which Diego de Melo proved a troublesome companion, the kafila arrived at Mashad 'AH on September i8th; and, having rested four days, set out again on the 23rd. On the 25th the caravan reached Mashad Husain (Karbala), where the captain of the kafila got married, and invited our traveller to the wedding. On the 29th most of the merchants in the kafila set off for Bagdad in charge of certain officials, who had been sent thence for that purpose ; but Teixeira, Diego de Melo, and a few others remained behind for lack of camels. This want being at last supplied, our traveller and his companions left Mashad Husain on October 2nd ; on the 3rd they crossed the Euphrates ; and on the 4th they entered Bagdad. At Bagdad, Teixeira was welcomed by a young Ham- burger whom he had known in India, and who did all he could to repay some service our traveller had done him on a former occasion. Of the city of Bagdad we are given a very detailed description. In consequence of the siege of Aleppo and other disturbances, Teixeira had perforce to remain a couple of months here ; but on December I2th he once more set forth on his journey, accompanied by the young German, Diego Fernandes, and Diego de Melo, and crossing the Euphrates on the 24th entered the town of Ana. At this place, which as usual he describes graphically, Teixeira and his companions were detained, much to their annoyance, until January I3th, 1605, when they set out for Aleppo, travelling, as they had done from Bagdad, in camel panniers. At the village of Sukana, which they reached on January 3ist, and where they stayed five days, Diego de Melo once more nearly brought trouble upon himself and his\ x companions by his hot-headedness. On February 9th the\ caravan was attacked by robbers ; but Teixeira and his friends escaped scatheless. At length, on INTRODUCTION. xxiii February I2th, at sunset, our traveller and his companions reached Aleppo in safety. To a description of Aleppo, its inhabitants, trade and commerce, foreign merchants, &c., our author devotes a whole chapter full of interesting details. After a stay of two months in this town, learning that a ship was about to sail from Scanderoon (Alexandretta) for Venice, Teixeira took his departure from Aleppo on April 5th, accompanied by two Venetian gentlemen and by Diego de Melo, who once more proved a source of trouble to the company. On Good Friday, April 8th, 1605, the party reached Alexandretta, and on the I2th they went aboard a Venetian ship bound for Venice, in which city our author had, he says, some special business to transact. After calling at Salinas (near Larnaca) in Cyprus for cargo, the ships fell in with some Maltese galleys, to one of which Diego de Melo, in a characteristic fit of ill-humour, transferred him- self, much to the relief, doubtless, of our long-suffering author. Another call for cargo was made at the island of ante, where eight days were spent ; and after a tedious voyage, owing to contrary winds, the ship arrived on July 9th at " Istria." Here Teixeira and his companions went ashore, and next day sailed in a bark for Venice, where they arrived, after a stormy voyage, on July nth, 1605. Of his doings in Venice, where he " rested a while," Teixeira tells us nothing, and, though he " saw somewhat of the many wonders of that city," his only comment thereon is to agree with a certain wise man, who, he re- marks, had " wisely said," that it was " an impossible work in an impossible place." Having visited " no small part of Italy," our author came to Piedmont, crossed the Alps and saw Savoy ; traversed France, and came to the (then) Spanish Netherlands, where he settled down in the famous city of Antwerp. What length of time was occupied in xxiv INTRODUCTION. these European wanderings, and when he came to Antwerp, Teixeira does not inform us, and we have no means (at present) of ascertaining. Dr. Kayserling, in the work already quoted, says : " It was at Antwerp, the oldest Dutch settlement of the Spanish-Portuguese exiles, that Pedro took up his abode after the termination of his journey. There he published his valuable work on the origin and order of succession of the kings of Persia and Hormez [sic] ; there he wrote his Travels from India to Italy ; and there, not at Verona, 1 most probably towards the middle of the seventeenth century, he died in the Jewish faith, and was gathered to his fathers in a better world." For the statements in the latter part of this extract Dr. Kayserling gives no proofs, and I am unable to confirm or to contradict them. 2 1 In a footnote Dr. Kayserling states that Daniel Levi de Barrios, Wolff, Zunz, and Steinschneider all mention Verona as the place of Pedro Teixeira's death ; but he thinks that more credence is to be given to Barbosa Machado, who, in his Bibliotheca Lusitana (Lisbon, 1747), torn, iii, p. 622, says of Teixeira : " Vizitou Veneza, donde por terra veyo a Anveres e nesta cidade fez o seu domicilio ate a morte." In his Biblioteca. Espanola-Portuguesa-Judaica (1890), however, Dr. Kayserling leaves the place of Teixeira's death a moot point. J Dr. Kayserling, to whom I wrote, was unable to add any infor- mation to that given above ; nor has Dr. M. Caster, who kindly made inquiries for me, succeeded in eliciting any further details regarding Teixeira. INTRODUCTION. xxv II. THE FIRST COMING OF THE ENGLISH AND THE DUTCH TO THE EAST. 1 THE period covered by the travels of Pedro Teixeira (1586-1605) was a critical one in the history of the Portu- guese in the East. In 1580 Philip II of Spain had been proclaimed King of Portugal, and this country had entered upon the " sixty years' captivity" that proved one of the prime factors in the loss of nearly the whole of its Eastern possessions. In that same year, also, Drake had returned to England from his famous voyage round the world, 2 which gave rise to a " diplomatic wrangle" that eventuated in a rupture of relations and a bitter maritime war between England and Spain. Shortly before Drake's return, John Newbery 8 had sailed (on September ipth, 1580) for Tripoli, in Syria, whence he journeyed by way of the Euphrates Valley and the Persian Gulf to Hormuz, returning thence through Persia, Armenia, etc., to Constantinople, and then across Europe, reaching London in August, 1582.* Within six 1 The subject of the early English and Dutch voyages to the East has been ably dealt with by Sir George Birdwood, in his Report on the Old Records of the India Office (second reprint, 1891), pp. 183-199 ; and Sir W. W. Hunter, in his History of British India, vol. i, chaps, v-vii. My object here has been to bring together in a connected form various particulars relating to some of these voyages, mostly from Portuguese sources, that have been hitherto overlooked by English writers on the subject. They will enable the reader, I think, to gain a fairly accurate idea of how the position appeared from a Portuguese standpoint. 1 See The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, edited for the Hakluyt Society by Mr. W. S. W. Vaux. 3 Regarding this man, see J. Horton Ryley's Ralph Fitch, pp. 202- 211. 4 Details of this journey are given in Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. ii. Xxvi INTRODUCTION. months of his return Newbery once more sailed for Tripoli, on this occasion accompanied by Ralph Fitch, William Leedes, and James Story. 1 These four Englishmen, following the same route as that taken by Newbery on his former journey, reached Hormuz on September 5th, 1583, and were at once arrested and imprisoned by the captain of Hormuz, 2 on suspicion of being emissaries of Dom Antonio, the pretender to the throne of Portugal. 3 In October they were shipped to Goa, arriving there on the 2Oth of November, and being again incarcerated. However, through the good offices of the English Jesuit, Father Thomas Stevens, 4 Fitch and his companions were soon released on bail, and settled to trade or other occupa- tions in Goa. Being still, however, treated with suspicion by the authorities, on April 5th, 1585, Fitch, Newbery and Leedes made their escape from Portuguese territory, and succeeded in reaching the court of the " Great Mogul," Akbar, 5 at Fatehpur Sikri. Here Leedes remained in Akbar's service; but on September 28th, 1585, Newbery left for Lahore, intending to return by Persia to Aleppo or Constantinople ; while Fitch set out in a fleet of boats 1 Fitch's narrative of this journey was first printed by Hakluyt (Principall Navigations, vol. ii, Pt. l), and was reprinted by Purchas (Pilgrimes, vol. ii). It has recently been reproduced, with a wealth of illustrative matter, by Mr. J. Horton Ryley, a member of this Society, under the title of Ralph Fitch : England's Pioneer to India and Burma (London, 1899). 2 Mathias de Albuquerque (see infra). By a strange error, Lin- schoten says that the captain of Hormuz was then " Don Gonsalo de Meneses" (Hakluyt Soc. ed. of Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 160 ; and cf. pp. 187, 202). Mathias de Albuquerque took over the office from D. Gongalo de Menezes in January, 1583 (see Couto, Dec. X, Liv. in, cap. ix, and Liv. vi, cap. x). 3 Regarding whom see Hunter's History of British India, vol. i, pp. 21 1-2 12, and footnote. 4 Respecting this man see Dictionary of Natural Biography, s. v. t and Ralph Fitch, pp. 211-213. 6 In Hakluyt he is everywhere called " Zelabdim Echebar," the former name being apparently a misprint for "Zelaledim" = Jaldluddfn. ' Leedes appears to have died in India ; while a mystery hangs over the fate of Newbery (see Ralph Fitch, pp. 77, 100, 205). INTRODUCTION. XXvii down the Jumna and Ganges to Bengal, whence he sailed to Chittagong, and then on to Pegu, where he made a stay of a year. Leaving Pegu on January loth, I588, 1 Fitch reached Malacca on February 8th. This was the terminus of his travels, and his stay in Malacca was very brief. Setting sail again on March 29th, 1588, Fitch returned by Pegu to Bengal, whence he took ship to Cochin, reaching that port on March 22nd, 1589, and staying there until November 2nd, when he left for Goa. At Goa his stay was, for good reasons, a very short one, and he had soon sailed for Chaul, Hormuz and Basra, whence he returned by the usual route to Aleppo, and so back to England, arriving there on April 2pth, 1591. I have given the above summary of Ralph Fitch's travels for two reasons. The first is : that the latter portion of those travels synchronises with the earlier parts of Teixeira's voyages and wanderings in the East. In fact, Fitch and Teixeira were probably at Goa at the same time, in 1589. Neither, however, mentions the other. Another reason I have for referring specially to Fitch's travels is to emphasise the audacity displayed by him in visiting such Portuguese settlements as Malacca and Cochin (where he stayed over seven months), and returning to Goa and Hormuz (where he had to wait fifty days for a passage to Basra), after having escaped from Goa while still a suspect. That he ran considerable risks, the following extracts from Portuguese official documents show. On February 25th, 1585, the King of Spain wrote 2 1 Fitch does not mention the year of his departure from Pegu and his arrival at Malacca ; but it must have been 1588, since, as we have seen above (p. vii), during a great part of 1 587 Malacca was enduring the horrors of famine. Probably Fitch prolonged his stay in Pegu until he learnt of the relief of Malacca and the destruction of Johor. 2 I translate what follows from a copy (the only one extant ?) of a royal letter contained in British Museum Addit. MS. 20,861 (tomo I of Collec$am de Or dens da India, No. 5). This letter does not appear in the Archive Portuguez-Orienial. XXVlil INTRODUCTION. from Lisbon to the Viceroy of India (D. Duarte de Menezes) : And the said Viceroy 1 also wrote to me, that Mathias de Albuquerque, 2 captain of the fortress of Ormuz, 3 had sent him four Englishmen, 4 who had arrived at that fortress by way of BaQora ; and that it was presumed that they carried some letters from Dom Antonio, Prior of Crato, although none were found on them, 5 and they came in the garb of merchants and with goods : who had been imprisoned pending such confirmation as he should think right to advise me of. Wherefore I enjoin on you, that if these Englishmen are still prisoners, and you have not punished them, you do so according to the offences of which they shall have been found guilty, of which you shall order a private inquiry to be made ; and you shall take great heed that neither these people nor other similar ones be allowed in those parts, the which you shall order to be specially guarded against at the fortress of Ormuz, which is the gateway by which they are chiefly likely to enter. And of what you shall do in this matter you shall advise me. As I have mentioned, a few weeks after the above was written, and just two months after the arrival at Goa of the Viceroy to whom the letter was addressed, three of the four Englishmen had escaped from Portuguese jurisdiction. What King Philip thought of this occurrence is shown by the following extract 6 from a letter written by him to the Viceroy from Lisbon on February I3th, 1587 : I am displeased at the escape of the four Englishmen whom you wrote me that Mathias Dalbuquerque sent as prisoners from Ormuz to that city of Goa in the time of the Count Dom Francisco Mascarenhas, and that they have gone to different parts, and that you had information that two of them were dead, and the other two living. 7 And since it is necessary to learn the 1 D. Francisco Mascarenhas (see Ralph Fitch, pp. 56, 85). 2 Afterwards (1591-1597) Viceroy of India (see supra, p. xv). * From 1583 to 1586. 4 Linschoten gives a curious (and certainly erroneous) reason for their being sent to the Viceroy (op. at., vol. ii, p. 160). 5 Cf. Ralph Fitch, pp. 62, 75, 77. ' I translate from Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, p. 95. T One of those known to be living was, of course, Story, who had settled in Goa as a painter (see infra, p. xxix), and the other was INTRODUCTION. XXIX cause of their going to those parts, I enjoin upon you to endea- vour to lay hold of them, and that they be kept well guarded ; and that you order an examination of the persons incriminated in their escape, and take proceedings against them ; and of what you shall do in this matter you shall inform me. Two years later, on February 2nd, 1589, the King writes 1 thus to tke Viceroy : And regarding what you write me of the advice that you have had respecting Dom Antonio, the former Prior of Crato, I have ordered a private letter 2 to be written to you on this matter. You also tell me that, by way of Dyo and other parts, you have sent to spy the strait of Meca in order that before the winter sets in you may learn if any galleys set out and what they do, which was prudent, and so will it be of you to manage by all ways to be ever advised of the affairs of this strait. And regarding the four Englishmen who in the time of the Count Dom Francisco Mascarenhas went to India, of whom you gave me an account that they were merchants, and went out to those parts solely with that intention, and that three of them are dead, 3 and that the one that remained was a painter and was married there, 4 nevertheless in addition to this information that you give me I again enjoin upon you that you make further efforts to find out the intent of their going, and of those inculpated in the escape of the three, as I ordered to be written to you by the fleet of the past year, 5 in which you will already have taken pro- ceedings. The last reference to this matter of Fitch and his corn- possibly Leedes, who had taken service under Akbar (see supra). The information regarding Newbery's death may have been correct, but with respect to Fitch it was happily false. (Cf. the incorrect statements regarding the four in Hunter's History of British India, vol. i, p. 232.) 1 I translate from Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, p. 175. 2 The letter referred to, dated January 24th, 1589, and nearly all in cypher, is printed in Archivo Portiiguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 166- 167. It appears from it that a report had reached the Viceroy that Dom Antonio had left England intending to go by Venice to Constan- tinople ; whereupon the Viceroy had secretly sent a Venetian named Miser Antonio to Bagdad and Aleppo to find out the truth. This action the King commends, but warns him to be chary of receiving news through Venetians, as it is understood that as regards Turkish affairs they never report them correctly. 3 Possibly Leedes may have died meanwhile. 4 To a mestiqa, according to Linschoten (vol. ii. p. 166). 5 I have found no letter of 1589 referring to this matter. XXX INTRODUCTION. panions is in a royal letter dated January I2th, 1591, in which the King writes 1 to the Viceroy as follows : And he 2 also writes to me that of the three Englishmen who went out to those parts in the time of the Count Dom Francisco Mascarenhas two of them were dead, 3 and the other was in Goa practising the profession of a painter, without there being any suspicion of any other design in him ; and nevertheless since it is forbidden that any strangers go to those parts, nor are they allowed there, 4 I do not consider it to my service that he remain, being an Englishman, and you shall send him free in the first ship to this kingdom that he may go hence to his own country if he desire. 5 In view of the above royal instructions, it certainly seems strange that in 1588 Fitch should have spent seven weeks in Malacca unmolested, and that in 1589 he should have stayed between seven and eight months at Cochin, and then gone to Goa and Hormuz ; at either of which places, one would think, he would certainly have been re-arrested. But his motto seems to have been " De 1'audace, encore de 1'audace, toujours de 1'audace." Two months after the departure from England of Ralph Fitch and his companions, namely, on April 8th, 1583, there sailed from Lisbon for India a man whose name will for ever be famous the young Dutchman, Jan Huyghen van Linschoten. As the old English translation of his epoch-making Itinerario has been so admirably edited for our Society by Dr. Burnell and Mr. Tiele, I need here only 1 I translate from Archivo Portuguez- Oriental, fasc. iii, p. 277. 2 The Governor, Manoel de Sousa Coutinho. 3 I do no know who is responsible for this reduction in the numbers. 4 Cf. Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 166. 6 Whether or not this order was carried out I have not been able to discover. If it was obeyed, poor Story probably perished in one of the two ships that was lost on the homeward voyage in 1592 (see supra, p. xvi). Had he been on board the Madre de Deos, which was captured by Sir John Burrough, there would doubtless have been a record of the fact by Hakluyt or some other writer. INTRODUCTION. xxxi say that it seems evident that Teixeira had read the work (doubtless the Latin translation of 1599) before writing his own book. 1 I would also point out, that though in 1588 Teixeira and Linschoten must have been in Goa at the same time, neither makes the slightest allusion to the other by name. Had Linschoten not written his comprehensive work on the East, it is possible that we might have had a somewhat similar one from the pen of Teixeira. Though Linschoten sailed for Europe from Cochin a couple of months before Fitch arrived there from Bengal, he did not reach Lisbon until January 2nd, 1592, nearly three years after his departure from India; 2 while Fitch, on the other hand, arrived in London on April 29th, 1591. Less than three weeks before this there had sailed from London for the East 3 three ships under the command of Captain Raymond, only one of which, the Edward Bonaventure, Captain James Lancaster, was destined to complete the voyage. The history of this expedition is given in The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, edited for our Society by Sir Clements Markham. It was perhaps the report of the approaching departure of these vessels that led to the writing of a letter to the Viceroy of India by the King of Spain on March 26th, 1591, in which he says 4 : " I had advice a few days ago that in England were being got ready some vessels with the object of going to the island of Santa Ylena to wait for the ships that come from those parts to this kingdom." The writer therefore 1 See the references to Linschoten's work in the footnotes to the Kings of Persia, infra. 2 He spent two years in the island of Terceira. 3 Before this (in 1586-88) Thomas Cavendish had followed the example of Drake, and circumnavigated the world by way of Magellan Straits and the Eastern Archipelago (see the narrative of the voyage in Hakluyt, Prin. Nav., 1589, and the curious report of an English expedition to the East in 1588 recorded by Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 302). 4 Archive Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, p. 317- xxxii INTRODUCTION. advises that the homeward-bound ships should carry as much water as possible so as to obviate calling at St. Helena, and orders that if they were obliged to call at some port it should be at Angola ; x while the captains were to be instructed to rendezvous at Corvo, in the Azores, where a fleet would be waiting to escort them to Lisbon. The only Portuguese documents that I have found, how- ever, undoubtedly referring to Lancaster's voyage are the two following. The first is a royal letter, written more than two years later, and, in fact, just at the time that Lancaster's troubles were coming to a culmination off the coast of North America. The letter 2 runs : Friend Viceroy. I, the King, send you all greeting. Luis Fernandes Duarte, 3 who is at the court of the King Xariffe, wrote to me that in Marrocos was an English merchant 4 of credit in those parts who spoke of the affairs of that State like one who has some experience thereof although he has not been there, and that to the effect that in Samatra and Pegii, which are places remote from that State and in which I have no fortresses, are to be established factories, and that commerce is to be carried on with the inhabitants thereof; and that for this purpose he is endeavouring to obtain authentic instruments from the said Xariffe, to the effect that the English are capital enemies of the Spaniards and great friends of the Moors, and that wherever they find them they treat them like companions, and that any Moors they find captives they ransom and convey to the ports of Berberia and give them their liberty : in order with these credentials to go to England and put into execution this voyage which he designs to make beyond the Cape of Good Hope and not to Mogambique ; for which purpose he has made a ruttier of which 1 A similar letter of March isth, 1593 (in Archive Poriuguez- Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 389-390), orders the ships to call at the watering- place of Saldanha (i.e., Table Bay). 2 Printed in Archive Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 400-401. 3 This may possibly be the same man as the unnamed " Spaniard who has been living in Morocco for many years, not as a foreigner, but as a well-known subject of the King," the capture of whose richly- laden vessel by English ships is reported in a letter of March 2Oth, 1603, from the Venetian Secretary in England to the Doge and Senate (Calendar of State Papers, Venice, vol. ix, 1592-1603, p. 555). 4 I cannot identify this man. INTRODUCTION. XXXlii the said Luis Fernandas sent me a copy. 1 And because this matter is of the importance that you have been advised of, although in what this Englishman intends there are many difficulties in the way of his being able to carry it into effect, yet it is to be believed that in so far as is possible the English will attempt everything from which they will gain some profit even though it be in remote parts, because of their lack of commerce there, I thought that I ought at once to advise you by land, 2 as also I commanded to be done by the fleet of the coming year, in order that you may observe great vigilance in this particular, taking all necessary precautions in the places mentioned and in any others that you consider needful, and providing in every way so that by no means may these English set foot on land ; 3 keep- ing the kings of those parts in the friendship that they have with that State, and in the case of those that have it not you shall arrange that this good office shall be performed towards them by the nearest king who is friendly to that State. . . Written in Lisbon the 6th of August, 1593. It is also proper that you should know that through the same Englishman it was understood, that it may be a little over two years ago there left England for those parts Captain Timbertoe, 4 regarding whom they had advice by land of his having arrived there, and that he had captured two galleons. 5 You will there- fore well see how important it is to intervene ; and you shall advise me of everything. 1 This ruttier may possibly be still in existence among the archives at Madrid. 1 According to a note in Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, p. 400, " On the margin of the paper is this statement in contemporary writing : ' Copy of what was written in cypher by land.' " Whether the original reached India does not appear. 3 Cf. the statement in a letter from Seville, quoted by Hunter, History of British India, vol. i, p. 234. 4 Orig., " o capitao P de pa'o." This seems to have been a nick- name acquired by Lancaster during his service as a soldier in Portugal ; but the reason for it is not evident. 6 The Venetian Ambassador in Spain, writing to the Doge and Senate from Madrid on August 3oth, 1593, says : " News has come from Lisbon that two ships of the East India fleet have arrived, and that they only saved themselves from the attack of four English corsairs with the greatest difficulty. These English ships followed them up for a long while. They report that in the China seas an Englishman seized a ship with a cargo worth upwards of a million ; and that as there is no word of the two ships of last year it is thought certain that they are either sunk or captured by the English" (Calendar of State Papers, Venice, vol. ix, 1592-1603). See also infra, p. Ixi. d XXXIV INTRODUCTION. The other reference to Lancaster's voyage occurs in a royal letter to the Viceroy of India, written in Lisbon on March ist, 1594, one paragraph 1 of which runs as follows : And with respect to what you tell me, that an English ship put into Titangone, six leagues from Mozambique, 2 and that Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo, who was stationed as captain of that fortress, 3 prevented her taking in water, 4 as she was doing, I consider myself well served by the manner in which he proceeded therein, and also by the order that you gave with a view to allay the excitement that might inconsiderately be created in that State by the news set about by that ship, of many others coming thither ; and since these corsairs have begun to go to those parts, it is very important that by every means you shall think of you shall cause great vigilance to be observed in this matter, in order to succeed in every way that is possible to you in capturing those that shall put into the ports of that State, or to defeat them in such a manner that not only will they not be able to proceed with their designs, but that they will greatly regret having entertained them, and will not dare to take them up again ; as I feel confident that you will do. Lancaster's voyage resulted so disastrously as to give pause to English designs on the East ; 5 but another rival nation was now to appear on the scene. 6 On April 2nd, 1595, a fleet of four Dutch vessels, 7 under the command of 1 Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 430-431. * See infra, p. xlvii. 3 I cannot find the date of his taking up this post, but it was probably in 1590. From a royal letter of March ist, 1594, in Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii (p. 421), it seems that while occupying this position D. Jeronymo killed his wife for adultery (and her paramour also, judging by a later letter), for which crime he was tried and acquitted ; and in 1592 he appears to have returned to India and been appointed captain-major of the Malabar coast. 4 This was not the fact (see infra, p. xlviii). 5 See, however, Hunter, History of British India, vol. i, p. 234. 6 For details of the early Dutch voyages, see Prince Roland Bona- parte's Les Premiers Voyages des Nterlandais dans Vlnsulinde (/50J- i6o2\ and especially J. K. J. de Jonge's De Opkomst van het Neder- landsch Gezag in Oost-Indie (/jpj-zd/o). Other works dealing with these voyages are cited below. T They were the three ships Mauritius, Hollandia and Amsterdam, and the pinnace Duifken. INTRODUCTION. XXXV Cornelis de Houtman, sailed out of the Texel for the Eastern Archipelago, carrying with them, for their guidance, copies of Linschoten's Sailing Directory, which was published in Amsterdam the same year. 1 Of this expedition, 2 which resulted in little but disaster 3 and disappointment, 4 I find no mention in the Portuguese records until the beginning of ISQ8 5 (although the surviving ships of the fleet had returned in August, 1597). The first reference occurs in a royal letter 6 to the Viceroy of India, written from Lisbon on January I3th, 1598, in which the King says : 1 See Tide's Introduction to Hakluyt Soc. ed. of Linschoten, p. xxxvi. * The first Dutch account of which appeared at Middelburg in 1597 (see Tiele's Memoire Bibliographique sur les Journaux des Navigateurs Nterlandais, pp. 116-136). An English translation by W. Phillip was printed in London by John Wolfe in 1598 under the title The Description of a Voyage made by certaine Ships of Holland into the East Indies. See also J. K. J. de Jonge, op. tit., pp. 187-203, and 285-374 ; Prince Roland Bonaparte's Les Premiers Voyages, etc., p. 6 et seq. 3 The small quantity of spices brought back was insufficient to pay the cost of the expedition. On January ist, 1597, the Amsterdam was burnt, owing to its leaky condition and the lack of men, dead of disease or killed by the natives. When the other three vessels set sail homewards on February 26th, 1 597, they carried, instead of the two hundred and forty-nine Hollanders that had left with the fleet, but eighty-nine, besides two Malabars, two Malagasy, a Chinese, a Malay, and a Gujarati. 4 Sir Wm. Hunter, in his History of British India, vol. i, p. 230, says: "Houtman returned in 1597, having lost two-thirds of his crews, done little in actual trade, but bringing back a treaty with the King of Bantam, which opened up the Indian Archipelago with Holland." Apparently Hunter has here been misled by the autho- rities he refers to. The king of Bantam had recently been killed, and his successor was an infant. It was the governor and council at Bantam that made the agreement with the Dutch (see de Jonge, op. tit., vol. ii, pp. 197-198, 372-374 ; The Description of a Voyage, etc., pp. 15 and 1 6). 6 Except the casual reference by the Goa Chamber in their letter of December 1597, quoted from below (p. xlvi). 6 The only extant copy of which appears to be that forming No. 45 in torn, i of the Collecqam de Ordens da India (British Museum Addit. MS. 20,861). d* XXXVI INTRODUCTION. From various letters written to me from that State, 1 I learnt that the ambassadors sent by the Dachem 2 to the Viceroy, Mathias de Albuquerque, regarding terms of peace and other matters, departed from him ill content, it being only a short time previously that this king released the Bishop of China, whom he had in his power, and the rest of the Portuguese who were wrecked in the ship in which he was going, with great demonstration of desiring the friendship of that State. But I am not inclined to believe in this matter except what I shall learn from the letters of Mathias de Albuquerque and from yours ; and therefore I enjoin upon you to write particularly regarding this. 3 I have advised you by land by letters that went by different ways after the arrival here of the four ships 4 of the past year 1 Estado, i.e., India ; just as Portugal was referred to by writers from India as " that kingdom" (aquelle reino). 2 That is, the king of Achin. (On the form " Dachem," see Hobson- Jobson, s.v, "Acheen.")j 3 Couto doubtless recorded these events in his lost Onzena Decada ; but in the makeshift Decada Undecima there is no mention of them. The earliest reference to the subject that I have found is in the annual letter of the Goa Chamber to the King, written December igth, 1596 (printed in Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. i, Pt. Il), in which they say that their predecessors had informed the King of the matter in the foregoing year (which appears to be incorrect). In his reply of February I3th, 1597 (printed in Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. i, Pt. i), the King just mentions the topic, with which he deals more fully in a letter to the Count Viceroy, dated February 5th, r 597 (printed in Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii). From these letters it seems that the captain-major of the wrecked ship was D. Francisco d'E9a, whose brother, for some unexplained reason, was kept a prisoner by the king of Achin when he released the other Portuguese. The Goa Chamber express their agreeable surprise at the action of the Achinese chief, after the past experience of the Portuguese with him and his predecessors, and their regret at the bad treatment of his ambas- sadors ; and they complain that the Viceroy would accede to neither of their requests, viz., either to send a present to conciliate the king of Achin, or to dispatch a fleet to protect Malacca in case he should attack it in revenge for the insult to his ambassadors. From the King's letter we gather that Mathias de Albuquerque was averse to making formal terms of peace with the Achinese, lest they should come in such numbers to Malacca as to prove a menace to that place ; also, that the treatment of the ambassadors had been better than reported. 4 The four ships were the Sao Simao, the Sao Francisco, the Sao Phelippe, and the N. S. de Vencimento, all of which arrived at Lisbon on August 27th, 1597. None of the letters said by the King to have been sent overland to India after the arrival of these ships are extant ; but the Venetian ambassador in Spain wrote from Madrid to the Doge and Senate on October 2oth, 1597 : "Some days ago an Armenian was despatched from here to Ormuz, vid Venice and Alexandria. He bore letters to the Viceroy, calling his attention to the progress of INTRODUCTION. XXXV11 regarding various matters of my service, and especially how that the Hollanders who came from those parts that same year encountered at Santa Elena the said ships 1 with some pepper and drugs, which it is understood that they loaded in ports of the island of Samatra and of Jaoa. And because I now have advice that this year are being got ready many ships of the said Hollanders for the purpose of again making that journey, 2 as I have commanded to be written to you more particularly by these vias 3 (and I have also commanded it to be done by land) ; and it may happen that this king of Dachem, disgusted at the bad English commerce in those parts, and charging him to hinder it by all the means ,in his power. These orders are thought to be difficult to execute : for the English will not readily abandon that trade. Three of their ships a few months ago made a great profit in spices ; with the result that in Lisbon the price of drugs has gone down. I also hear that the King of Denmark and the Free Cities have been invited to interrupt English and Dutch trade" (Calendar of State Papers, Venice, vol. ix, 1592-1603, pp. 291-292). The Armenian referred to above is doubtless the one mentioned by Couto as having been dis- patched by the captain of Hormuz in 1596 (see note infra, p. xl). 1 This was on May 24th-25th, 1597 (see letter of March loth, 1598, infra ; F. van der Does, in De Jonge, op. tit., vol. ii, pp. 369-371). In The Description of a Voyage, etc., we read (p. 37) : " The 24. of May in the morning wee discouered a Portingall ship, that stayed for vs, and put out a flagge of truce, and because our flagge of truce was not so readie as theirs, and we hauing the wind of him, therefore he shot two shootes at vs, and put forth a flagge out of his maine top, and we shot 5. or 6. times at him, and so held on our course without speaking to him, hauing a South easte winde, holding our course West and by South to find the Island of S. Helena, which the Portingall likewise sought. The 25. of May we discouered the Island of S. Helena, but we could not see the Porlingal ship, still sayling with a stiffe Southeast wind, & about euening we were vnder the Island, which is very high lande, and may be scene at the least 14. or 75. miles off, and as we sayled about the North point, there lay three other great Portingal ships, we being not aboue half a mile from them, wherevpon we helde in the weather and to seawarde Northeast as much as we might. The Portingalles perceyuing vs, the Admiral of their fleet shot off a pece to call their men that were on land to come a borde, and then wee saw foure of their shippes together, that were worth a great summe of money, at the least 300. tunnes of gold, for they were all laden with spices, precious stones, and other rich wares, and therefore wee durst not anker vnder the Island, but lay all night Northeastwarde, staying for our company." (The next day this ship, the Hollandia, met her two companions, after a month's separation, and the three sailed homewards, having plenty of fresh water on board.) 2 Regarding these ships, see further on. 3 The word via (meaning way, road, route) was used in a special sense in connection with the royal dispatches to India (see also supra, p. xi). xxxviii INTRODUCTION. treatment of his ambassadors (if it be as was written to me, which I cannot believe), will grasp at 1 the friendship of these Hollanders, 2 I enjoin upon you, and command, that you arrange to have in the Sea of Malaca a fleet such as there used to be, reinforcing it according to the present greater need, in order to prevent them from going to those ports, 3 and to give them the chastisement that they deserve, whereby they will not be so impudent as to return again ; and even if the many inconveniences that will arise from their acting thus be prevented, there cannot fail to be damage and discredit to that State. And for all these reasons and others, I again enjoin on you that you set greater store on the friendship of the Dachem, and with services, as necessity in every way requires. In another letter, dated January 26th, 1598, the King again refers to the matter of the Achin ambassadors, and impresses upon the Viceroy the importance of retaining the friendship of the king of " Dachem," " because it is not fitting to have him as an open enemy, especially at a time when the ships of Holland are going to those parts." Writing on March 5th, the King once more reverts to the subject, as follows : 4 And because I am informed that the ambassadors of the Dachem, who were waiting in Goa hoping for a reply to the terms of peace which he wishes to conclude with the State, returned disgusted at the time that the Viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque was in the North, it appears to me that it would be of service to me to send him an embassy conformable to the state of affairs and to the information that you shall have of the fleet of the Hollanders that is going to those parts, of which I have com- manded to advise you by others of my letters, and if they attempt to transact any commerce in that island of Samatra, it not appearing to you that anything else is advisable, of which you shall inform me ; and meanwhile you shall proceed as you shall decide in Council is of most importance to my service. 5 1 The orig. has " deste mao," which makes nonsense. I take the words to be an error of the copyist's for " deile a mdo" 2 This surmise proved incorrect (see infra). 3 Orig., " aquelles portos" which is, I think, a copyist's error for " aquellas parted (those parts), the expression used in other letters dealing with this subject. * Archive Portuguez*Oriental, fasc. iii, p. 848. 6 From another royal letter, of November 2ist, 1598 (also printed in Archive Portuguez-Oriental^ fasc. iii), we learn that the Viceroy INTRODUCTION. XXXIX In a letter of March loth, 1598, dealing with the revised instructions to captains of homeward-bound ships, the King writes 1 to the Viceroy : . . . And although formerly it was customary for the ships to wait for one another at Santa Ylena a short period, which did not go beyond the 2oth of May, it was well shown during the past year of what importance it was to extend that period to the end of May * for this was the cause of the ship Vencimento, which was delayed linger than others, coming in company of those that arrived first at that island; and because the said ship there encountered those of the Hollander corsairs that were coming from the parts of the South ; 3 and it is probable that those that again make that voyage will always call at Santa Ylena, both from the necessity of watering there and to see if they can encounter any ship from India ; it is now more than ever necessary that they come with all preparation and caution, as of those that may there find enemies or meet them afterwards ; . . . . A week later the King writes 4 as follows, showing his increasing apprehension of the gravity of the situation : Count Admiral, friend Viceroy. I the King send you all greeting, as to him I love. After having written to you by these vias what you will see regarding the matter of the Hollanders' sailing to the parts of the South of that State, whence they returned last year, it appeared to me that, although I feel certain that on receipt of the news that reached you from Malaca of this voyage of the said Hollanders, you will have taken steps to send at once to those parts a fleet sufficient to destroy them if they had written by Lourengo de Brito (see infra, p. xlvl) to the king of Achin in a conciliatory manner, begging for a continuance of his friendship : this King Philip approves of, and enjoins all means to bring about amity. The result of this policy towards the Achinese king and his ambassadors is described below. 1 Archi-vo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, p. 865. 2 An order to this effect was given by the King in a letter to the Viceroy, dated March 7th, 1596 (see Archive Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 602-603). Fa. Joao dos Santos describes (in his Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. II, Liv. IV, cap. xxii) how, when the ship in which he was returning to Portugal had passed the Cape of Good Hope, the sealed instructions received by the captain from the Viceroy were opened and read aloud by the ship's clerk, one of these being that the ships of the fleet were to wait for each other at St. Helena until the end of May. s See supra, p. xxxvii and note. * Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 873-874. xl INTRODUCTION. plan to return thither, as I am informed that they are seeking to accomplish, it would be greatly to my service to send this year a ship to Malaca, and that it would be better that there should be two if they were available (for to take two of the five that are going this year 1 did not seem to me proper), and that Cosmo de Lafeta 2 (who this year is returning to those parts, 3 as I am writing to you in another letter in reply to the memorandum regarding him that you made in yours from Monbac.a) 4 should go in the said Malaca ship commissioned to assist in this emergency so pressing and of such importance as the chastisement of the said Hollanders, which must cause you the anxiety that you owe to my service ; whereby you will have the satisfaction of not being deprived of one of the five ships that should all arrive at the bar of Goa ; only that, having to reinforce the parts of the South in this so important emergency, you will have already there the succour of the said ship, and with a good captain and the men she carries in less time than could have been the case if the said ship had called first at Goa instead of at Malaca ; and in order that you may have complete information of what I have com- manded shall all be referred to your orders, there shall go with this the copy (signed by the Secretary Diogo Velho) of the 1 They were the Sao Rogue, the Conceicdo, the N. S. da Paz, the Sao Simao, and the Sao Matheus, the captain-major being D. Jeronymo Coutinho. As is stated in the note below, they were not able to leave the Tagus. 2 This man, whose name is sometimes spelt Lafeitar, took a promi- nent part in the defence of Chaul and the capture of the Morro in 1594 (see Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, p. 61), and commanded in various naval engagements. He was later made a Councillor of India, which office he held until his death, which is mentioned in a royal letter of February 28th, 1612 (Documentos Remettidos, torn, ii, p. 185). His name is mis-spelt "Laseta" in Hunter's History of British India, vol. i, pp. 238, 312, nn. 3 He was to have gone in command of the Sao Sima.0 ; but, for some reason, he did not leave for India in 1599 (when the ships actually sailed), but in 1600, in one of the ships of the company of the new Viceroy, Aires de Saldanha (in connection with which fact Couto tells a curious story, in his Dec. XII, Liv. v, cap. viii). 4 Couto (Dec. XII, Liv. I, cap. ii) records the dispatch in April, 1597, from Mombasa, by D. Francisco da Gama, of Miguel de Macedo to Hormuz with important letters for the King, which the captain of Hormuz sent to Spain by an Armenian, who arrived at the court at Castille at the beginning of December, 1597 (cf. footnote, supra, p. xxxvi). The King, however, writing to the Viceroy on February loth, 1598, says that he has just received the latter's letters of April 8th, 1 597, from Mombasa, confirming similar news he had had a few days before by way of Venice and Flanders (Archivo Portuguez- Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 829-830). INTRODUCTION xli Instruction 1 that I commanded to be given to him. Wherefore I enjoin upon you that, in conformity therewith, and with anything else that appears to you profitable to my service, without taking into consideration in this matter anything but what is entirely of importance to that same service of mine, you assist, favour, and encourage Como \sic\ de Lafeta, sending to him as soon as these ships shall arrive in the monsoon of September all that you shall consider he is in need of, of vessels, men, and munitions, orcters and messages, in addition to what you shall have provided ; being assured that this will be one of the most special services that you can do me in your time ; in order to extinguish and destroy the novelty of this navigation so prejudicial to my service and to that State, on which subject I need say no more to you than what this matter says of itself. Written in Lisbon, the i;th of March, 1598. THE PRINCE. 2 Finally, on the 5th of April, 1598, when the fleet was all ready to sail, 3 and the dispatches had been sealed up, a supplementary letter was written by the Secretary, Diogo Velho, by order of the Governors of Portugal, in which the following 4 occurs : Now on the eve of departure of these ships there has come from the island of Madeira, where it had arrived, the ruttier 5 of the voyage that the Hollanders made to the parts of the South, 1 This document is not in the Archivo Portuguez-Oriental ; but it is in the archives in Portugal, and there is a transcript in the India Office in London (see Hunter's History of British India, vol. i, p. 238, .). 2 King Philip II was at this time seriously ill (he died on September 1 3th) ; and the Prince therefore signed for him. 3 It was unable to leave, however, owing to the mouth of the Tagus being blockaded by the Earl of Cumberland. The Venetian ambas- sador in Spain, writing from Madrid to the Doge and Senate on April 24th, 1598, says: "The East India fleet is blockaded in the port of Lisbon, and we are informed that the Dutch have given a large present to the Earl of Cumberland on condition that he prevents it from leaving that port, in order that their ships, which are already despatched to the East Indies, may meet with fewer obstacles to the completion of their designs. The merchants who had put their money on board ship have now withdrawn it in despair of the fleet sailing this season" (Calendar ef State Papers, Venice, vol. ix, 1592-1603, P- 3*9)- 4 Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 884. 6 It does not appear how this ruttier came into Portuguese hands or who sent it from Madeira. xlii INTRODUCTION. from which have been extracted the most important points, of which it appeared to the Governors that your Excellency should be advised, and they therefore go with this letter in all the four mas of these ships ; and in the first paragraph which treats of the bay of Antao Gil in the Island of Sao LourenO it appears to them that your Excellency should take heed, whenever an oppor- tunity offers, to send and have prompt measures taken there ; and that as regards what is said in the last paragraph, of faults com- mitted by the Portuguese in Greater Jaoa, your Excellency must already have received information and sent to put a stop to this, and to proceed against the culprits, and especially the one named in the last paragraph; but that nevertheless they remind and advise your Excellency thereof on the part of his Majesty, to whom they are writing on this subject, and of this dispatch being sent to your Excellency ; and another copy like that which goes herewith, which was extracted from the said ruttier, has been given to Cosmo de Lafeta for him on his part to do what he was ordered in this matter, and to advise your Excellency. The document referred to in the above letter is as follows : l Extract from the Ruttier of the Voyage of the Hollanders. In this Ruttier of the voyage that the Hollanders made to Jaoa the following is of importance. The Bay of Antao Gil 2 in the Island of S. Lourenc,o, which is in an altitude of 16 degrees on the east coast of the said Island, and is very large and capacious, having a breadth of 10 leagues, and within it several small islands, and among them a larger one very high, behind which is a good anchorage-ground ; this island is inhabited, has many fruits, oranges, lemons and cit- rons, and fowls, cattle, sheep and goats ; from the mountain top descends a stream of water, and a quarter of a league above it is a village of two hundred houses, and other lesser ones. Outside of this Bay is the island of Santa Maria, in which the Hollanders found the same fruits and provisions and much fish. 3 In the strait that lies between Lesser Jaoa and the island of 1 Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. iii, pp. 885-886. 2 Cf. Frank van der Does's description, in De Jonge, op. cit. vol. ii, p. 317 ; The Description of a Voyage, etc., p. 8. (See also Voyages of Sir Jas. Lancaster, p. 67.) 3 Cf. F. van der Does in De Jonge, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 312-314 ; The Description of a Voyage, etc., p. 7. (See also Voyage of Sir J. Lancaster, p. 67.) INTRODUCTION. xliii Bale they experienced such a strong current of water to the north j that they disembarked with great trouble. 1 From the island of Bale they set their course steadily to the west-south-west without making land, 2 so that Great Jaoa cannot be as broad as the ordinary descriptions of those parts make it, the south coast of this island of Greater Jaoa not having hitherto been discovered. On arriving at the city of Bantao rn Greater Jaoa (where they loaded what they brought back), they found there many Portu- guese, who welcomed and banqueted them, and gave them infor- mation regarding the pepper that there was in the country, and of the novelty that was hoped for in the loading of their ships ; 3 and among these Portuguese was one, Pedro de Attaide by name, from Malaca, 4 who advised them of all that was plotted in that city against them, and counselled them to take in their cargo speedily before the Jaos should carry into effect their evil inten- tions, the which maybe they would have put into execution, and these Hollanders would not have returned to their own land if this Portuguese had not been there, and others that are not named in this Ruttier. 5 I must now refer to another English expedition, which ended even more disastrously than Lancaster's, and the fate of whose participants has hitherto been involved in mystery. The publication of Linschoten's Reys- gheschrift and the departure of de Houtman's expedition may have been the prime factors in inducing Queen Elizabeth to sanction the dispatch, in 1 596, of an expedi- tion of three ships, at the charge of Sir Robert Dudley and 1 Cf. F. van der Does, in De Jonge, op. tit., vol. ii, p. 348 ; The Description of a Voyage, etc., p. 31. 2 Cf. F. van der Does, in De Jonge, op. tit., vol. ii, p. 365 ; The Description of a Voyage, etc., p. 34. 3 Cf. F. van der Does, in De Jonge, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 325 ; The Description of a Voyage, etc., p. 14 v (which does not mention the banqueting, as does van der Does). 4 Cf. F. van der Does, in De Jonge, op. tit., vol. ii, p. 327 ; The Description of a Voyage, etc., p. 19. The former says that he was born in Goa ; the latter says Malacca, and calls him " Pedro Truide." Both writers speak highly of him as a skilled pilot and good friend of the Dutch, and recount his murder in Bantam, on August i6th, 1596, by some slaves at the instigation of the Portuguese. * As a matter of fact, the ill-success of the Dutch was largely due to the opposition of the Portuguese. xliv INTRODUCTION. others, and to send by it a letter to the Emperor of China. 1 The three ships the Bear, the Bear's Whelp, and the Benjamin, under the command of Captain Benjamin 1 See Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, East Indies, etc., 1513-1616, p. 98 ; The Voyage of Robert Dudley, etc. (Hakluyt Soc.), pp. xx, xxvii, 8, and notes ; and Hakluyt, vol. iii, pp. 852-854, where the letter (in Latin) is printed, with an English translation. The only existing details of the fitting out of this expedition are the meagre ones prefixed by Hakluyt to the Queen's letter, as follows : " The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent in the yere 1596 unto the great Emperor of China by M. Richard Allot [read Allen] and M. Thomas Bromefield marchants of the citie of London, who were embarqued in a fleet of 3 ships, to wit, The Beare, The Beares Whelp, and the Beniamin j set forth principally at the charges of the honourable knight Sir Robert Duddeley, and committed vnto the command and conduct of M. Beniamin Wood, a man of approued skill in nauigation : who, together with his ships and company (because we haue heard no certaine newes of them since the moneth of February next after their departure) we do suppose, may be arriued vpon some port of the coast of China, and may there be stayed by the said Emperour, or perhaps may haue some treacherie wrought against them by the Portugales of Macao, or the Spaniards of the Philippinas." As the Queen's letter is dated July nth, 1596, the ships must have sailed after that date ; and it appears from Hakluyt's statement that news of them reached England in February, 1597. This is confirmed by Thomas Masham, who, in his account of the third voyage set forth by Sir Walter Raleigh to Guiana in 1596, says : "The 28 of Januarie [1597] wee made the furthermost part of Barbaric; and this morning we met with M. Beniamin Woodvnfa his fleete of 3 sailes bound for the straights of Magellan and China, to wit, The Beare, The Whelpe, and the Beniamin : who told us that there was no good to be done in the river Doro." Masham then relates how the five English ships kept together to Cape Blanco, where they found two French ships in a bay, in which they stayed and refreshed. From Cape Blanco the English and French ships set out "to take the Isle of Fogo, if God would giue us leaue." On February 8th, they came to the island of Sal, in the Canaries, where the French admiral and the caravel stayed behind, the other ships (five English and two French) leaving on the loth for Mayo, but the Frenchmen deserting them in the night. Next day the five English ships anchored on the south of Mayo, where they found six Flemish ships lading salt. " Here," says Masham, " ended our determination concerning the invading of Fogo. And here wee left the flie-boat of Dartmouth lading sake, and the C^zVza-fleete to refresh themselues with goates, who as I haue heard since had at the village . . . great store of dryed goates which they carried along with them : which were like to bee a great helpe vnto them in their long voyage. So vpon Saturday the 12 of Februarie at night wee set saile and stood for the coast of Wiana, which wee were bound for'' (Hakluyt, vol. iii, pp. 692-693). The river Doro mentioned by Masham is evidently the Rio Oro, on the coast of north-west Africa, just north of the Tropic of Cancer ; and it would seem as if Wood's ships had been there before falling in with the other two Englishmen. It will be INTRODUCTION. xlv Wood, left England in the latter half of 1596; and apparently one of them was lost off the coast of South Africa ; for when we first hear of the fleet from Portuguese sources only two ships are mentioned. The earliest certain reference occurs in the annual letter of the Chamber of Goa to the King, written in December, 1 597, in which the writers say : l r The Count Viceroy wintered in Mombaga. 2 He arrived at this city on the 22nd of May last in rowing vessels. . . . He found everything necessary for war in a state of decay, and with little remedy ; he strove with all speed to remedy everything, ordering the repair of galley? that time had put into disrepair, and then in the winter he ordered to be made in the north many light rowing vessels, and many crews of sailors for them, which were lacking ; and having advice on the 2oth of August from the captain of Mozambique that in July there passed within sight of the said fortress two English ships, the Count, in respect to this, with great speed prepared a large fleet of two galleons, one of which he purchased for sixteen thousand five hundred parddos, two royal galleys, and nine foists, which he bought because of there being none of your Majesty's in the dockyard 3 that could be made use of ; going down to the dockyard, dining, supping, and sleeping there ; the whole of this fleet well supplied with munitions and artillery, the greater part of which he ordered to be made, because noticed that Masham speaks of Wood's ships as "bound for the straights of Magellan." If they ever intended to go to China by that route they must have abandoned the idea after Masham parted from them, as will be seen by the Portuguese accounts of their doings, which I have translated. The Venetian ambassador in Spain, writing from Madrid to the Doge and Senate on January 8th, 1597, says: " News from Lisbon that two English ships have sacked Pineda, the principal emporium of the Congo. This causes still greater anxiety to the Portuguese, when they see that the enemy not only infests the shores of Spain and Portugal, but appears in distant regions where the navigation is very difficult" (Calendar of State Papers, Venice, vol. ix, 1592-1603, p. 251). This can hardly, however, have reference to Capt. Wood's ships, nor can I find any confirmation of the reported sack of Mpinda by English ships (cf. Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell, pp. 13, n., 165). For later tidings of Wood's vessels received in England through Lisbon, see footnote infra, p. li. 1 Archi-vo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. i, Pt. I, pp. 50-51. 2 See supra, p. xl and note. 3 Orig., ribeira nv&r, river-bank ; but I have here, and in the extract from Couto below, translated it "dockyard," which better conveys the sense. For a description of the ribeira at Goa, see Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 45. xlvi INTRODUCTION. of there being none large or small, and six hundred paid soldiers, and as captain-major thereof Lourengo de Brito, an old fidalgo, and one of experience, 1 who ordered sail to be set on the 2oth of September in the direction of Malaqua; on account of its being understood that the enemies would be going there, and because of having had news during the past year that in Sunda were sailing about three other ships and a pinnace f God grant that the fleet may encounter and disperse them, so that they may not return to those parts to carry on the commerce in drugs that they aim at. ... We call your Majesty's attention to the fact that the necessities and novelties under which the Count Viceroy assumed the government of this State are great and extraordinary, because . . . the English are coming into the South Sea, and during this present year have captured on this coast two of our ships that were going to Bengalla, 3 an unheard-of thing, wherefore it is most important that your Majesty should command with urgency that this State be provided with men, and arms, and money, since these matters do not admit of delay. Father Joao dos Santos, who was at Mozambique at the time, thus describes the visit of the two English ships (in his Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. II, Liv. Ill, cap. xviii) : At this time, when we arrived at Mogambique, 4 the people of this island were all uneasy owing to the news they had had, that the English were coming to it, which was sent by Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, Governor of India, 5 to the captain of Mogam- bique, advising him to prepare for their arrival, because he had received word by land from Portugal, that a large fleet of English was going out to India, and that they might perchance call at 1 Couto mentions him among those that took a prominent part in the defence of Chaul during the siege of 1570-71 {Dec. VIII, cap. xxxiii). For his later history, see infra. 2 These were the four vessels of Cornells de Houtman's fleet (see supra, p. xxxiv). They arrived at Bantam in June, 1596; but the news of their presence in those waters appears not to have reached Goa through Malacca until after the homeward ships of 1 597 had sailed. 3 See Couto's account of this, infra, p. li. 4 On May 26th, 1595, from Quirimba and Sofala, where Dos Santos had been making a stay. ' A strange error : Manoel de Sousa Coutinho ceased to be Governor of India on May iSth, 1591, when Mathias de Albuquerque arrived at Goa as Viceroy (see supra, p. xv). But Dos Santos throughout confuses the 1591 and 1597 visits of the English ships to Titangone (cf. supra, p. xxxiv). This is the more curious, in that he was at Mozambique ori both occasions. INTRODUCTION. xlvii Mozambique on the way. On account of which the residents of this island brought all the food and goods that they possessed inside the fortress, which thus became overcrowded. Dom Hieronymo de Azevedo, who was at that time captain, 1 advised the captain of the coast of Melinde, Bras d'Aguiar, to withdraw to Mozambique. The latter at once came there with two foists full of soldiers, and in addition two pangayos laden with pro- visions. 2 All of which might then have been dispensed with, because the English did not come until two years afterwards in two ships only. The which came in sight of Mozambique on the 1 3th of June, 3 1597, and passed by, pursuing their voyage for Malaca, where, it was afterwards learnt, they arrived. 4 And already in the year 1591, six years before these two ships came, there had come a single ship of English to Mozambique, which was the first that went out to India since Francisco Drach. 5 The which ship cast anchor in front of Titangbne (a very famous spring, five miles from Mozambique), 6 where she watered on the 27th of October 7 of the said year, and thence took her course for Malaca. 8 Couto's account of these events is as follows. After recording (in Dec. XII, Liv. I, cap. vii) the arrival at Goa on August iQth, 1597, of a galliot from Mozambique, he proceeds : This captain brought letters from Nuno da Cunha, captain of that fortress, 9 in which he stated, that in the past July there were 1 Another error : D. Jeronymo de Azevedo had left Mozambique for India some years before, and was at this time (1595) captain of the conquest of Ceylon. From Couto's account, given below, it will be seen that the captain of Mozambique at this time was Nuno da Cunha. 8 The English ships appear to have captured one or both of these vessels (see Voyages of SirJ. Lancaster, pp. 5, 26). 3 Both the Goa Chamber and Couto say that the ships passed in July. * They arrived only in the Straits of Malacca, and not at Malacca itself (see below). 5 Francis Drake (see supra, p. xxv). 6 Quitangonha island at the northern end of Conducia Bay (see Voyages of Sir Jas. Lancaster, pp. 5, 26 ; also Dos Santos, op. cit., Pt. I, Liv. in, cap. iv, and English translation in Theal's Records o South- Eastern Africa, vol. vii, p. 317). T The month is correct, and possibly the day also. (Neither Barker nor May, in their accounts of this voyage, gives the exact date.) 8 She did not get as far as Malacca, however. 9 See Theal's Beginnings of South African History, p. 276, and p. 361. xlviii INTRODUCTION. two Dutch [English] 1 ships in the port of Titangone, 2 five leagues from Mogambique, a little more or less, taking in water ; and that it seemed to him that they were going to set their course for Sunda. At this news the Count was troubled, and all the city, because of its being a new thing, those people having never come round to these parts f and he at once summoned a council of the Archbishop, D. Fr. Aleixo de Menezes, and all the old captains, and showed them the letter, pointing out to them, that if these ships went where they were said to be going they might do great harm to our fortress at Malaca by stirring up the neigh- bouring peoples against it, and by damaging the trade of those parts, which was the largest in India, and by capturing the ships from China and Japan, in which there always came more than two millions of gold of all the inhabitants of the cities of India : 4 that he was quite ready to do all that might be voted in that council, because for that purpose he had much money, galleons, galleys, foists, artillery, and everything else that might be neces- sary ; and above all much spirit, zeal, and willingness to assist in whatever should be for the service of the King ; because he had not come to India to rest, but to defend it, and to extend it, as his predecessors had done : that he begged them to give him their opinions in writing, in order that they might more freely 1 It will be seen that Couto persistently describes these ships as " Dutch," although the Goa Chamber and Dos Santos correctly desig- nate them English. I cannot account for Couto's error, which has the appearance of deliberate falsification. a Wood's ships called at " Titangone" evidently on the advice of Captain Lancaster, who watered here in 1591, as mentioned above. 3 An erroneous statement, whether it refer to the Dutch or to the English. Faria y Sousa relates, and moralizes on, this event as follows : " From this time there appears in India the vile and unexpected scourge of Portuguese arrogance, and covetousness, and carelessness. Yet were it imprudent not to expect it to be vile : because rarely does God chastise any great people, but He does it by a humble hand. In this month of September [sic] there came news to Goa, of there having been the year before [sic] in the port of Titangone the first two ships from Holland [sic], bold to sound those waters, which had remained in long possession through not being ploughed by other keels than ours. It was understood that they had their bows directed towards the Island of Sunda [sic: see Hobson- Jobson, s.v. ' Sunda']. It was at once recognised what a great con- flagration this little spark portended to our navigation, and hopes, and even possessions, because by this time they nearly all sustained them- selves more by credit than by foresight : a thing common in those that possess without caution and with covetousness, and the chief weapon of those that come in with pretensions with new covetousness and without carelessness" (Asia Portugueses, torn. Ill, Pt. II, cap. i). 4 Cf. Whiteway's Rise oj Portuguese Power in India, p. 74 ; Hunter's History of British India, vol. i, pp. 173-174. INTRODUCTION. xlix say what they thought was proper for the service of God and the King, since to these he had, by their means, to give an account. In accordance with this proposal they brought him next day all their opinions in writing; and in these most were agreed that there should be sent two galleons, three galleys, and ten foists, with five hundred men, which was a fleet sufficient to secure those parts, and to search for the Dutch ships, and to give protection to those from China and other parts. This having been agreed to, the Count Admiral went across to the great dockyard of the fleets, there being then no veador da fazenda, 1 because Vicencio de Bune, who had served in that office by order of Mathias de Alboquerque, 2 had gone to the Kingdom in the previous January o r f 1597, on learning that the Count Admiral was coming, the latter being undesirous of appointing anyone to that post, because he said that he wished to undertake the duties, and so it was currently reported ; but as soon as he shifted to the dockyard he appointed D. Francisco de Noronha to discharge the duties as long as that business of the fleets lasted ; 3 and to his brother, D. Luiz da Gama, 4 he intrusted the magazines of artillery and munitions ; and to D. Antonio de Lima, who had 1 Comptroller of Revenue. The two most famous men that held this important office during the sixteenth century were Afonso Mexia and Simao Botelho (see Whiteway's Rise of Portuguese Power in India, pp. 206-207, 290-298). 2 The appointment of Vicencio de Brune (not " Bune"), in super- session of Antonio Giralte, called forth letters (dated January 2nd and March gth, 1596) from the King to the Viceroy and the Goa Chamber, strongly condemnatory of the action of Mathias de Albuquerque, ordering Antonio Giralte to be reappointed and com- pensated, and Vicencio de Brune (who is called a " stranger") to refund the pay he had received (see Archive Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. i, Pt. I, p. 116, Pt. II, p. 42 ; fasc. iii, pp. 577-8, 642 ; Couto, Dec, XII, Liv. I, cap. vii). * The Goa Chamber, in their letter of December 17th, 1597, quoted from above, wrote to the King : " Dom Francisco de Noronha came from Bagaim with his household to this court, where he is assisting, accompanied by his servants, without any scandal and with much satisfaction ; and for the negotiation of the fleet that the Count sent to the Southern Sea he elected him as vedor da fazenda of the ribeira as long as it was being furnished with everything necessary, with which expedition he proceeded with all the diligence and fervour required by the brevity with which the departure was effected ; where- fore he is worthy of the favours and honours of your Majesty." 4 Who commanded the ship in which the Count Viceroy left for India, and was nominated for the captaincy of Hormuz. His appoint- ment as captain-major of the Malabar coast created much ill-feeling, says Couto, who, however, justifies the Viceroy's action (Dec. XII, Liv. I, cap. vii). 1 INTRODUCTION. been nominated to the captaincy of Ormuz, 1 the storehouses of provisions, with orders to all the customs officers to obey him as they would himself personally, and on his simple written demands to supply all that was needful for that fleet. He then proceeded to the election of the captain-major thereof, who was Loureng.0 de Brito, he being an old fidalgo, of great experience, 3 and one who had served many years in India as captain and captain-major of fleets, and had formerly been captain of Cofala (and on account of his having been removed before the expiry of his term of office, the King had appointed him to it for another three years), 3 and a man whom many considered on his merits to be in the first succession for the government of India. 4 This fidalgo began to proceed with the getting ready of his fleet ; and the Count Viceroy did not rest until he had got it at the bar, and paid the soldiers three-fourths of their pay, and supplied sailors for all the vessels at increased wages ; and such haste was made with everything that soon he had the whole fleet at the bar, which consisted of the two galleons of which we have spoken, in one of which went the captain-major, and in the other Antonio Pereira Coutinho, formerly captain of Chaul. The galleys were two, in which went as captain of the one D. Luiz de Noronha, son of the Conde de Linhares, the late vedor dafazenda, who had come from the Kingdom in the year 1595, and who carried a provisional appointment as admiral 5 of the fleet ; and of the other, D. Jeronymo de Noronha, son of D. Antonio de Menezes. The other galley, to complete the number of three, was to be taken on at Malaca, whither had gone as captain during the past year Ruy Dias de Aguiar Coutinho. The foists were nine, as captains of which went D. Francisco Henriques, who is at present 6 serving as captain of Malaca; 7 Estevao Teixeira de Macedo, who is at 1 He left Goa at the end of 1 597, to take up this appointment, left vacant by the death of Antonio de Azevedo (see supra, p. xvi, .). 2 See supra, p. xlvi. 1 Couto, in enumerating various fidalgos that accompanied the Count Viceroy to India in 1596, mentions " Lourengo de Brito, who went nominated for the captaincy of Sofala and Mozambique, which he had already held for some time, and had been deposed, and sent to the Kingdom for certain faults, where he cleared himself, and the King nominated him for three years complete to the same fortress" (Dec. XII, Liv. I, cap. i). 4 Any likelihood of his succeeding to the government of India must, one would think, have disappeared after his mismanagement of this expedition. 6 See infra, p. 9, n. 6 That is, in 1611, when Couto wrote this unfinished Decade. 7 In 1613 he was removed from the post for suspected peculation, and brought an action claiming certain rights connected with goods shipped from the Archipelago to India, but lost it (Bocarro, Dec. XIII, cap. xlvi ; Documentos Remettidos, torn, i, pp. 125-6, 417, 458). INTRODUCTION. H present captain of the fortress of Mogambique ; Affonso Telles de Menezes, son of Francisco da Silva de Menezes; NicoLao Pereira de Miranda, son of Henrique Henriques de Miranda, late grand chamberlain of the Cardinal D. Henrique whilst cardinal, and after he became King was his master of the horse; Luiz Lopes de Sousa ; Jeronymo Botelho, having the reversion of the captaincy of Malaca, who died in company with the Viceroy D. Martim Affonso de Castro j 1 Jorge de Lima Barreto, D. Diogo Lobo, son of D. Rodrigo Lobo, and Joao de Seixas. This fleet left the bar of Goa for Sunda on the 24th of September The Dutch [English] ships, of which Nuno da Cunha advised the Count, as soon as they had finished watering at Titangone, set sail, and came in sight of the coast of India below Goa, 2 and then ran down the Malavar coast as far as Cape Comorim, where they fell in with some merchant ships that had left Goa for Bengala to load rice, which they captured and plundered, carrying off from them a large sum of money that was going in them for the cargo ; 3 one of them, I remember, belonged to Diogo Catella, a casado* of Goa, whom they afterwards released with the rest of the Portuguese, and even provided them with some things ; and thence they set their course for Malaca, 5 at which coast they arrived, as we shall see further on. 1 Meaning, probably, in the disastrous defeat of the Portuguese fleet off Malacca by Cornells Matelief in 1606 (see Pyrard, vol. ii, pp. xvi, 154). 1 This could not have been earlier than some time in October, so that more than two months must have been occupied in crossing the Indian Ocean. 3 Gyles van Harwick (i.e., Wm. Resould), writing from Lisbon on September 3oth, 1598, to Peter Artson, merchant (i.e., Sir Robt. Cecil), reports that " on ist August three carracks arrived from India, and one was burnt there full laden. They bring news that two English ships in India have taken two Portugal ships, rich with treasure, that were on their voyage from Goa to China" [sic] ; and the writer " supposes it is Capt. Wood in Mr. [sic] Dudley's shipping." He also mentions a "report of great preparations made in India by the Portugal to prevent the Flemings trading at Sunda. Takes it to be a Portugal brag" (Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, 1598- 1601, p. 97 ; Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, East Indies, 1513-1616, p. 99). 4 Literally " married man," but used with a special meaning. The casados enjoyed certain privileges (see Whiteway's Rise of Portuguese Power in India, p. 72 ; Linschoten, vol. i, pp. 188, 199, and note ; Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 125). 6 From the next extract from Couto it will be seen that Wood's ships waited about off Cape Comorin, probably in the hope of further prizes. They cannot have stayed there very long, and probably made a short cruise in the Bay of Bengal before setting their course for the Malacca Straits, where they arrived early in January, 1598. e 2 Hi INTRODUCTION. In cap. xii of the same book of his last Decada, Couto thus records the strange doings of the fleet sent to chastise these interlopers : We have already, in Chapter vn above, stated that Lourengo de Brito, captain-major of the fleet that the Count Admiral Viceroy sent to Malaca in search of the Dutch [English] ships, left Goa on the 24th of September, 1597. He arrived at Malaca safely with the whole fleet, except the galliot, the captain of which was Luiz Lopes de Sousa, which, by reason of the storm that she encountered, went ashore at Manar, where she was wrecked ; but the captain with all the soldiers embarked in a ship that left there for Malaca, and joined the fleet. Whilst Lourengo de Brito was at Malaca with this fleet, he learnt from a ship that had left Cochim later, that the two Dutch \EnglisK\ ships were waiting at Cape Comorim ; wherefore a council was called of Lourengo de Brito, Martim Affonso de Mello Coutinho, actual captain of the fortress, 1 and Francisco da Silva de Menezes, who had served in that post, 1 with other persons of experience ; and it was unanimously resolved, being the general opinion, that Lourengo de Brito should go with his whole fleet to Sunda and the coast of Jaoa, because a little while before the inhabitants of that port had made great havoc of the Portuguese and native Christians, killing them and plundering their goods, 8 and that he might be able to persuade the kings not to receive at their ports strange nations from Europe : and that he should try to get hold of two Englishmen, who, it was understood, had remained at Bale as hostages that the others would return with capital to load drugs ; 4 and should do everything else that he considered to the service of his Majesty. 1 See supra, p. xvii, n. 2 See infra, pp. i, ., 225, n. 3 I have found no account of these events. * The two " Englishmen" were, in fact, Hollanders belonging to C. de Houtman's fleet of 1595. In the narrative of that voyage we read : "The 22. of Januarie [sic, for " Februarie," 1597] two of our men that sayied in the Mauritius stayed on lande, but wee knewe not the cause : it should seeme some great promises had beene made vnto them, for as we vnderstoode it, the King was very desirous to haue all sortes of strange nations about him, but our people were therein mvch ouerseene, for there they liued among heathens, that neyther knewe God nor his commandementes, it appeared that their youthes and wilde heades did not remember it, one of their names was Emanuel Rodenburgh of Amsterdam, the other Jacob Cuyper, of Delft : within a day or two they sent vnto vs for their clothes, but wee sent them not. . . . The 25. of Februarie we hoysed ankers, minding to set saile & so go homeward, leauing our two men aforesaid on land. . . ." (The Description of a Voyage, etc., p. 33). What became of these men I do not know. INTRODUCTION. liii This order was at once carried out, and the fleet left, 1 well pro- vided with everything needful ; and although the Count Viceroy, in the instructions that he gave to Lourenc.o de Brito, had warned him not to allow any violence or insult to be offered to the boats he might meet sailing to Sunda and Jaoa, he paid so little attention to this, that, on meeting with some carrying provisions, of which he was in want, he ordered to be taken therefrom what- ever he chose without paying them for it. These boats went and gave the alarm in Sunda and on the coast of Jaoa regarding the fleet, and told of the violence that had been done to them, on which they all armed themselves. And Jorge de Lima, captain of a galliot, captured a soma' 2 of Chincheos 3 loaded with drugs, and the captains of the galleys did the same to a soma carrying Chincheos; and this becoming known in Sunda, they dissimulated until they had got on shore several Portuguese and the factor of the fleet : and this warning was not enough, nor the fact that when the admiral of the fleet, D. Luiz de Noronha, came with the boats of the galleys and other boats to get water, those on shore resisted them ; and, because they were in want of water, the galleys went to get it further down at some distance from the galleons, when there came out against them many rowing boats, which gave chase to them : and as the galleys were much ham- pered in their movements by the goods that they had taken in plunder from the somas of the Chincheos, the artillery was unable to play, and, moreover, each of them carried no more than twenty soldiers, the rest being on shore, and these so careless, that the enemy easily got amongst them and killed the three captains, D. Luiz and D. Jeronymo de Noronha, and Ruy Diaz de Aguiar Coutinho. The captain-major, Lourenc.o de Brito, was unable to come to their assistance whilst the fight lasted, because he was behind a point at the same time that a high tide was running, and such a strong breeze was blowing that neither the galleons nor the galliots could weigh anchor : and for some days the captain-major had been dissatisfied with the captains of the galleys, because he had thought that they did not obey him with the promptitude that was necessary. 4 1 Apparently towards the end of 1597. 3 This word occurs frequently in Couto. Smyth's Sailor's Word- Book explains it as "a Japanese junk of burden," and FennelFs Dictionary of Anglicised Words and Phrases, as "Jap.: a small trading junk." (The latter authority also cites two instances of its use in Cocks's Diary. See also Voyage of Captain John Saris, p. 93 and notes.) 3 See footnotes on pp. 3 and 7, infra. 4 In a letter of I4th March, 1601, from Madrid, the King gives the Viceroy Aires de Saldanha full instructions regarding an expedition that he was ordered to undertake in person for the purpose of Hv INTRODUCTION. And because at this time it was the monsoon for Malaca, the next day he set sail, without punishing or exacting satisfaction from that port, 1 or any other in that kingdom, for this insult, although the whole coast of Jaoa was just suited for carrying out successful expeditions with the strength of that fleet. He reached Malaca on the loth of July, 1598,2 and remained there until the ist of January, when he embarked for Goa:* and during this time he might have gone to capture the Hollanders \Englisfi\ in search of whom he had set out, who, after going about in many directions, and becoming reduced to a single ship, they having scuttled the other, retired to the port of Queda, which is sixty leagues distant from Malaca, whither the news was speedily brought. 4 And it was of no avail that the captain of the fortress and the officers of the Chamber requested him to go to Queda to seize that ship, he would not do it, nor anything else of the many things that they suggested to him ; and the Count Viceroy having been advised of this, before the arrival at Goa of Louren^o de Brito, because he came very leisurely, before he disembarked sent word to him by the Secretary that he was to remain in his house until he had cleared himself of certain charges which he forwarded to him, taken from the letters of the captain, auditor, city of Malaca, and other persons. And for the purpose of considering his excuses the Count Viceroy summoned the Council, and ordered them to be voted on, because he wished to introduce into that State the practice that the faults of captains committed in the exercise of war should be punished by the Council, and not by the judges ; but for private reasons the Council did not desire to take part therein, it being a matter of public advantage, and they agreed that it should be settled by the ordinary means, and this was done; and he was condemned by the Supreme Court to a fine of a large sum of money, which he paid before chastising "the rebels of Sunda and other enemies," "and, in particular, those that defeated and captured the three galleys of the fleet in which Lourenyo de Brito went." The King also points out that the fate of these galleys showed the danger of taking goods into war vessels, and commands that this be entirely discontinued, and all property of enemies be burnt. At the same time he strictly prohibits attacks on vessels of Chincheos (British Museum Addit. MS. 20,562, letter No. 57). The Viceroy did not undertake the expedition referred to, but sent one under the command of Andre Furtado de Mendoqa (see Voyage of Captain John Saris, pp. xxxiii-xxxiv). 1 The details given are insufficient for the identification of the place. 2 So that more than six months had been occupied by Louren$o de Brito's fleet in the manner described by Couto. 3 The Malacca-China fleet always left for India early in January, which was the suitable " monsoon " for that voyage. 4 See the next extract for fuller details. INTRODUCTION, lv taking over the command of the fortress of Sofala, to which he had been appointed. 1 Although the fleet under Lourengo de Brito thus failed to accomplish the object for which it was dispatched, we learn from the same historian how another Portuguese fleet chanced to meet the two interlopers, and what was the result of the encounter. In cap. xvi of the same book of his Twelfth Decade, Couto writes : While the fleet of Lourengo de Brito was still in Sunda, those in Malaca being unaware of the Dutch [English] ships that were already going about on that coast, 2 the fleet that was to go to India was got ready, which was as follows : the ship of Miguel da Cunha, in which was to embark Francisco da Silva de Menezes, whose term of office as captain ofj that fortress had expired, 3 and who was going as captain-major of all those ships ; the ship of the China voyage, the captain of which was Ruy Mendes de Figueiredo ; and a ship of Luiz de Mendoga, the captain of which was a brother-in-law of his ; another ship of the same Francisco da Silva de Menezes, which had come from China, the captain of which was Fernao de Almeida ; two junks, and a small galliot. And, it having been fixed that all these ships should sail on Twelfth Day, the previous day Joao Gomes Fayo set sail, without waiting for the rest of the fleet, which weighed anchor next day ; and on the 9th, when he was thirty leagues from Malaca, in the altitude of the islands of Puluparcelar, 4 Joao Gomes Fayo, who was on in advance, caught sight of the two Dutch [English] 1 In Liv. IV, cap. vii, of this same Decade, Couto says : "After the Count Admiral had dispatched the vias to Cochim [at the end of 1599], he dispatched Lourengo de Brito to go and command the fortress of Cofala, on account of his being already free, with much honour, from the faults charged against him in connection with the expedition in Sunda." After serving his three years at Sofala, Lourengo de Brito appears to have been appointed to Mozambique, whence, in 1604, he went on a foolhardy expedition against a great Kafir horde, which resulted in disaster to his force and his own disgrace (see Theal's Beginning of South African History, p. 322 ; Documentos Remettidos, torn, i, pp. 2, 42, 72, 92). 2 They could not have been long there at this time (see note supra). 3 See supra, p. lii and note. 4 I can find no "Pulo Parcelar" in the Admiralty chart of the Malacca Straits ; but " Parcelar Pt." is marked, a little to the south of the Langat river, and the encounter must have taken place somewhere off this point. " Pulo Parcelar" is entered in Linschoten's Map of the Eastern Seas (given at p. 192 of the Voyage of Capt. John Saris'], Ivi INTRODUCTION. ships, which he at once recognised, wherefore he turned back until he sighted the rest of the fleet, when he dispatched a balao^ to Francisco da Silva de Menezes, with a message advising him that they were the ships of the Hollanders [English.] The latter, as soon as they saw the ship of Joao Gomes Fayo, went towards her with great boldness. On the arrival of the balao with the message, Francisco da Silva de Menezes assembled in his ship all the captains and the others, and told them the news, and asked them what ought to be done. The tidings caused great perturbation in some, and the ships began to get out of hand, and some persons besought Francisco da Silva de Menezes that they should return to Malaca, that the wind would serve them to go thither, and that they should not risk going to India, because the enemy would be sure to keep following after them and annoying them the whole way ; and in consequence of our people being disordered, it was certain that they would go on capturing those ships one by one. In the midst of this murmuring, which was great, there were not wanting men who were lovers of honour, who intervened, and said to Francisco da Silva de Menezes that not only could they fight the ships, but with their boats alone could capture and destroy them : that he should go forward, and God would give him victory. On this, and weighing well the fact that the enemy might overtake them before they reached Malaca, they prepared to fight the enemy. 2 Our ships had come to an anchor, and in front of all that of Joao Gomes Fayo, which had already retired before the bom- bardings of the enemy, who, seeing our fleet, concluded that it was all one of merchants, in which they would find much profit and little danger : they determined therefore to attack them, and did so, coming on dressed with many white flags and beautiful banners, and came sailing up to our ships, and cast anchor next that of Joao Gomes Fayo. One of our ships let fly at them with an espera* which hit one of the enemy's ships, and caused it considerable damage, at which they hauled down their white 1 A kind of rowing boat (see Hobson-Jobson, s.v. " Baloon, Balloon"). The word is in common use in Ceylon under the form " ballam." 2 Faria y Sousa, in narrating this incident, says : "Although the two Dutch ships did not have good fortune, their commanders began with it : for, although our ships were six, they were so afraid of them, that they almost agreed to return to port : and they would have done so, if four men, who either were carrying no goods or esteemed them less than honour, had not opposed it. So much is the holder inspired with fear by what he guards, or the guardian by what he holds" (Asia Portuguese torn. Ill, Ft. 1 1, cap. i). 3 Correctly, esphera or esfera, which was the name of a kind of cannon. INTRODUCTION. Ivii flags, and hoisted others of silk, as if they were happy to have that battle : and then began a furious play of bombard-shots, ef which the ship of Joao Gomes Fayo received the greater part, who, however, answered it with another very fair salvo, remaining all the time in the waist and directing the working of the guns. The other ships also replied very well to them, and thus a very stiff engagement was carried on, which lasted from sunset, when it began, until eight o'clock at night. And from that time until morning was spent by our people in making preparations, for they were determined to fight and to board those ships, having now plucked up more courage ; and this they did, sailing in very good order, and the enemy attacking them here and there on the flanks ; and so for eight days continuously they went on in this manner, fighting furiously, the enemy by their lightness escaping being boarded by our ships. In all the ships there was some damage, and persons wounded ; and in that of Francisco da Silva de Menezes, a shot penetrtited to the cabin where were his wife and daughters, and killed one who was the elder and two female slaves. The enemy did not go scot-free, for the ordnance of our ships damaged them in many parts, and made holes in their sides, which gave them much trouble. They determined to board the ship of Luiz de Mendoga, which seemed best suited for their purpose, and came at her, but our ships came to her assistance and fell upon those of the enemy, doing no little damage, fustigating them with the ordnance and the arquebus fire in such a way that they made them desist. At this time there occurred a disaster, which was the catching fire of the powder that was in the waist of the enemy's admiral, which wrought great havoc, burning many, and caused them to retire, practically demolished. Joao Gomes Fayo wished to advise those at Malaca of that affair, and dispatched as messenger a soldier named Antonio Lopes de Almeida, with a letter of his, and another from Francisco da Silva de Menezes for the captain, in which they gave him an account of how they had got on, and of what had happened so far. Our fleet then proceeded on its way to Cochim. 1 The captain of Malaca, as soon as Antonio Lopes de Almeida arrived with these letters, from which he learnt what had happened, at once dispatched two very light baides to find out in what latitude the Dutch [English} ships lay. These baides went as far as Pulobotum 2 without obtaining news of them ; and, 1 At the end of the next chapter Couto tells us that at Canhanore " D. Diogo Coutinho, captain-major of Cape Comorim, collected the ships that we have spoken of from Malaca, which fought with the Hollanders [English], and those from Bengala, and vessels from the coast of Coromandel, and with a large cafila set out for Goa, where he arrived safely with all a little after the 1 5th of May." 2 Pulo Butung, on the north-west coast of the Malay Peninsu a. Iviii INTRODUCTION. not being able to go as far as Nicubar, they returned without news of them. Whereupon he dispatched another larger vessel to go to the Polvoreira Island 1 and as far as Nicubar to find out about them ; in order, if they remained in this quarter, to go and look for them with three ships that were still lying in port well equipped ; and he dispatched a boat to Sunda, by which he sent advice to Lourenc.o de Brito of what was taking place. 2 The boat that the captain sent to Nicubar also returned without any news. The enemy retired to the port of Queda 3 with many men killed, and the rest so wounded, that they spent much time in recuperating : and from lack of men, whom our people had killed, they left in that port the ship of lesser burden, and in the other, which was the admiral, 4 they embarked what they had, and went off in great haste, so much so, that they left on shore several wounded men, because the natives wished to attack them for various wrongs that they had done to them, and shaped their course for Bengalla ; and in the latitude of Martavao on the coast of Pegu they were lost in that macareo? That the above account of the fate of the last surviving ship of Captain Wood's expedition is correct, I see no 1 " An island that we call the Polvoreira, and they of the country Barala, which means ' house of God,' by reason of an ancient temple which stood there " (Barros, Dec. II, Liv. vi, cap. i). It is the " Pulo Berhala (Varela) " of the Admiralty chart. (" Pulo Bdrahla " means "idol island:" see Hobson-Jobson, s. v. "Varela.") In Linschoten's Map of the Eastern Seas (u. s.) the name appears as " Apoluoreira." (Polvoreira is a pseudo-Portuguese word, which might be taken to mean "powder-mill." For other instances of Portuguized place-names, see infra, p. 20.) 3 The extraordinary faintance of Lourengo de Brito in regard to the matter was due probably to mortified pride on learning that the " Hollanders," whom he had set forth to chastise, had already been effectually dealt with by a much inferior force to his. 3 " Old Kedah " of the Admiralty chart, a little to the north of the Muda river. For the history of this place, see Crawfurd's Dictionary of the Indian Islands, s.v. " Queda." 4 As we do not know which of the three ships that comprised Wood's fleet these two were, it is impossible to say which is here spoken of as "the admiral." The size of the Benjamin I do not know ; as regards the Bear and the Bear's Whelp, see The Voyage of Robert Dudley, p. xix. 6 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. " Macareo." Barros, describing the king- dom of Pegu, says that the coast " is very full of islands, and most of the rivers of the principal ports have such a great macareo that many ships perish " (Dec. Ill, Liv. ill, cap. iv). INTRODUCTION, lix reason to doubt. 1 But, it will be asked, how is this to be reconciled with the statements of Purchas? In his PilgrimeS) Pt. I, Bk. Ill, pp. 110-113, Purchas gives the translation of an extract from a Spanish letter which he found among Hakluyt's papers, and to this he prefixes a brief introduction, under the heading, " The Voyage of Master Beniamin Wood into the East Indies, and the miserable disastrous success thereof." After quoting from Hakluyt (u. s., p. xliv, .) the details of the origin of this expedition, and a few lines of the Queen's letter to the Emperor of China, Purchas adds : This, their honourable expedition, and gracious commendation by her Maiestie to the King of China in their marchandizing affaires, had not answerable successe ; but hath suffered a double disaster : first, in the miserable perishing of the Fleet, and next in the losse of the Historic and Relation of that Tragedie. Some broken Plankes, as after a shipwracke, have yet beene encountered from the West Indies, which giue vs some notice of this East Indian disaduenture. Quce Regio in terris nostri non plena laboris ? This intelligence wee have by the intercepted Letters 2 of Licentiate Alcasar de Villa Senor, Auditor of the Royall Audience of Saint Domingo, and Judge of Commission in Puerto jRico, and Captaine-Generall of the Prouinces of New Andalusia, written to the King and his Royall Councell of the Indies. An extract whereof, so much as concerneth this businesse, here followeth. Wherein, let not the imputation of Robbery or Piracie trouble the Reader, being the words of a Spaniard, and the deeds of English in the time of warre twixt vs and Spaine? The extract from the letter, which is dated " From Porto- rico the second of October, 1601," commences thus : An other Commission your Royall Audience committed vnto mee, to punishe offenders that did vsurpe a great quantitie of 1 Faria y Sousa, after recounting the fight, and the fate of the two ships, adds : " This was the beginning of Holland [sic] in India ; from which it is to be well noted, that no one should ever be dis- heartened by a losing beginning, whence it might be supposed that he would issue victorious" (Asia Portuguesa, torn. Ill, Pt. 1 1, cap. i). 2 England being at war with Spain at the time, many Spanish letters were intercepted by English ships. 3 Cf. the remarks of Thos. Astley (Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. i, p. 254). Ix INTRODUCTION. goods of your Maiesties, in the Island of Vtias. Of the state that I had in the end of the last yeere, I sent relation to your Males- tie, inserting a declaration of one Thomas, an English man, of the goods that in the said Island hee and his companions had, and for this onely I will make a summarie relation of the case, and the state of the Suite, by the which will appeare, that out of England went three Shippes for the India orientall of Portugal!, which tooke three Portugall Shippes, subiects to your Maiestie, whereof one of them came from the Citie of Goa, and from the Captaine they tooke a great rich stone, which he said he carried for your Maiestie, the proportion whereof went in the said Re- lation. They had in them also many bagges of Royalls of eight and foure, for the pay of the Souldiers, which your Maiestie hath in Garrison, in a Castle Frontire of the said India ; and the said English-men rob'd them of it, and much more goods appertaining to your Maiesties subiects : and by sicknes of the English-men, remained only foure, which in a boat put all the goods they could, which they had robbed from your Maiestie and your subiects, and with it chanced to a Riuer in the Island of Vtias, 1 three leagues from this Island : where they tooke out their goods on land, where their Boat was sunke and lost : so they remained on th' Island, with only one small Boat made of boords, which they had taken from certaine Fisher-men, at the head of Saint John of this Island : with the which they came for water hither, and left one George, an English-man, one of the foure that arriued in the said Island of Vtias. The letter then goes on to narrate how this George, being found by six Spaniards (named), told them of the treasures ; whereupon these six resolved to murder the English and steal the goods. They succeeded in killing Richard, Daniel, and George ; but Thomas managed to escape to the mainland of Puerto Rico on a log, and on his information the murderers were arrested, tried, and sentenced. Now it is evident that these four men could not possibly have formed part of any of the crews of Wood's ships. The latter captured (as far as we know) only two Portu- guese vessels, bound from Goa to Bengal to load rice. Moreover, we have seen that the last of the three ships 1 I cannot identify this island, described as being three leagues from Puerto Rico. It can scarcely be Mona (see footnote, infra). INTRODUCTION. Ixi foundered in the Bay of Bengal : any survivors, therefore, could scarcely be heard of next in an island off Puerto Rico. But all the details given in this letter prove beyond a doubt that the four Englishmen were some of Lancaster's crew. The narratives of the voyage of the Edward Bona- venture describe the capture and looting of two out of three Portuguese ships encountered by her, bound from India for Malacca (the " Castle Frontire" referred to above), one of which was from Goa j 1 and also mention the frightful ravages of disease among the ship's company ; while Edmund Barker, one of the narrators, after chronicling the stay of the two French ships, in which were the remnant of Lancaster's company, off San Domingo from February to April, 1 594, says : " In this, meane while, there came a shippe of Newhaven to the place where we were, whereby we had intelligence of our seuen men, which wee left be- hinde vs at the Isle of Mona, 2 which was, that two of them brake their neckes with ventring to take foules vpon the cliffes ; other three were slaine by the Spaniards, which came from Saint Domingo, vpon knowledge given by our men which went away in the Edward ; the other two this man of Newhaven had with him in his shippe, which escaped the Spaniards bloodie hands." The discrepancies here are not of great importance ; 3 and it is curious that Purchas should have so blundered respecting the identity of the men, and thus misled all subsequent writers. 4 1 According to Barker, however, she had no real gems on board, but only " false and counterfeit stones ;" nor could the English find any "roials of plate," as they expected ( Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, p. 14). 2 Mona is a small island between Puerto Rico and San Domingo. 3 It will be noticed that Barker does not account for Thomas : per- haps he was one of the two reported to have broken their necks while bird-catching. No dates are given in Alcasar de Villa Senor's letter in connection with the incidents he mentions : but it is clear that they were spread over several years. 4 One of the latest being Sir Wm. Hunter (see his History of British India, vol. i, p. 234). It is not surprising that Thomas Astley, Ixii INTRODUCTION. We must now return to the year 1598. On January I3th of that year, as we have seen (supra, p. xxxvii), King Philip II wrote to the Viceroy of India that he had advice " that this year are being got ready many ships of the said Hollanders for the purpose of again making that journey" (to Sumatra and Java). This was literally true ; and it is to these fleets that we now turn our attention. The first Dutch ships to leave for the East in 1598 were two, the Leeuw and Leeuwin (Lion and Lioness), under the command of the famous (or notorious 1 ) Cornelis dc Hout- man, the chief pilot being the Englishman John Davis, to whose pen we are indebted for the only existing detailed account 2 of the expedition, which cost the lives of the com- mander and others of the company. These ships sailed from Flushing on March I5th, 1598, and on June 2ist, 1599, arrived at Achin, the entrepot of the pepper trade in the Malay Archipelago. This was the first time that European ships other than Portuguese had put into this port, and this first attempt to break the Portuguese monopoly ended disastrously. We have noted above (pp. xxxviii) how important the King considered it was for the Portuguese to keep on good terms with the king of Achin. The effects of this policy who gives an abstract of the letter in his Collection of Voyages and Travels (vol. i, pp. 252-254), describes it as "very tedious, and scarce intelligible," and adds : " The Letter, however, gives no light into the Voyage itself, nor by what Accident the Ships, which set out for the East Indies, came into the West Indies ; nor what became of them ; nor the Nature of the Sickness which reduced the Men to four." 1 He was suspected of having, on his previous voyage, poisoned Moelenaer, the skipper of the Mauritius, with whom he was on bad terms, and was actually put in irons for three days, being then released for want of proof (see De Jonge, op. tit., vol. ii, p. 345 ; also Davis's description of him in the narrative referred to below). 8 It was first printed in Purchas his Pilgrimes, Pt. I, Bk. in, pp. 116-124 5 an d is reprinted in this Society's Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator, pp. 129-156 (see also the Introduction, pp. Ixiii-lxix; Markham's Life of John Davis, chap, x ; and De Jonge, op. tit., vol. i, pp. 220-230, vol. ii, pp. 210-216). INTRODUCTION. Ixttl are seen in the treatment accorded by the Achinese to De Houtman's expedition. In his last Decada, Couto gives us the Portuguese version of this affair. In Liv. II, cap. x, we read : D. Luiz da Gama having left for Ormuz, 1 the Count proceeded to the dispatching of certain ambassadors who had come to him from the Achem, whom he had received with great honour in a decorated chamber with all the fidalgos and captains that happened to be in Goa at the time, and entertained them right well, ordering them to be provided with everything necessary until it was time for them to return, when he dispatched them with satisfaction. The principal points that they came to treat of are not known to me, as I have not found them in the Secretariat, 2 where it was proper that the record of such a matter should be ; but I know that they were satisfied : and the Count Admiral gave orders to embark them in the galleon going to Maluco, the captain of which was Luiz Machado Boto, and commanded them to be very well provided with everything necessary for the voyage : and he sent the Achem a suitable present in return for another that his ambassadors had brought. They set sail on the third of May of this year of 1599; and of their voyage we shall give an account further on. This promise Couto fulfils in Liv. V, cap. ix (with which this Decada abruptly ends), as follows : Since we left Luiz Boto Machado [st'c] departed for Amboina, it is necessary for us to continue with his voyage, as it also falls in the time and government of the Count Admiral, as we have said above. 3 This galleon, with good weather, arrived at the fortress of Malaca, where the ambassadors of the Achem were disembarked, and received with much welcome, because of the 1 To enter on the captaincy vacant through the death of D. Antonio de Lima (cf. supra, p. 1, .). 2 Couto, as historiographer of India, had the charge of the archives. (He wrote this in 1611.) 3 In the previous chapter Couto records the arrival at Goa, on October 3rd, 1600, of the Sao Francisco, one of the fleet by which the new Viceroy, Aires de Saldanha, was coming (cf. supra, p. xl, n.) ; and also the dispatch by D. Francisco da Gama of various fleets. He then adds : "The successes of these fleets, which the Count sent off, are left for the time of Ayres de Saldanha, in which they took place. But before we finish with the Count Admiral, we shall give an account of what happened to the three galleons that in his time he sent to Maluco, because it is also an expedition of his." The three galleons spoken of were those dispatched in May, 1600, as mentioned below. Ixiv INTRODUCTION. favourable dismissal given to them by the Count, since all was redounding in peace and quiet for that fortress with that neigh- bour, which had always been the one that was feared most of all. 1 Wherefore the captain, who at that time was Fernao de Albu- querque, 2 ordered them at once to be embarked in a very fine galliot, and entrusted the ambassadors to Affonso Vicente, a easadcP of Malaca, whom he chose as ambassador to send to that king, to hand over to him his people, and to transact affairs of importance : this Affonso Vicente was known to that king, and with him went Fr. Amaro, a monk of the order of the Father Saint Augustine, because he was versed in the language, and of good parts, and capable of transacting affairs of such importance. This galliot found at the bar of Achem two Dutch ships 4 of the company of those which I have already mentioned as having fought with the ships of D. Jeronymo Coutinho at the island of Santa Helena, 6 which were there taking in cargo, which was supplied to them with great readiness, on account of the liberality with which they paid for everything. The galliot entered the bar, and our ambassador disembarked hand in hand with the ambassadors of the Achem, and accompanied by the Portuguese and by many persons whom the king sent to receive them, and they had an audience of him, who received our envoys with many honours, and his own according to their custom. And having received from his ambassadors an account of their embassy, and of the good dispatch that the Count Viceroy had given them, and of the honours that he had done to them, and the present that he 1 In his previous Decades, Couto describes the frequent engage- ments between the Portuguese and Achinese. Fulke Greville, in his letter of March loth, 1600, to Sir Francis Walsingham (quoted in Bruce's Annals, vol. i, pp! 121-126) says : "The iland of Sumatra, or Taprobuna, is possessed by many kynges, enemies to the Portugals ; the cheif is the Kinge of Dachem, who beseiged them in Malacca, and w th his gallies stopped the passage of victualls and trafficke from China, Japan, and Molucco, till, by a mayne fleete, the coast was cleared [This is a mistake : it was the raja of Johor that blockaded Malacca, as mentioned above, p. vii]. The Kinge of Spaigne, in regarde of the importance of this passage, hath often resolved to conquere Sumatra ; but yet nothinge is done." He adds : " The Kinges of Acheyn and Tor are, in lyke sorte, enemies to the Portugals" ("Tor" is a misprint for " lor" = Johor, and "Acheyn" is, of course, the same as " Dachem"). 2 See infra. 3 See supra, p. li, n. 4 Davis says : " Here was also a Portugal!, named Don Alfonso Vincent, that came with foure Barkes from Malacca, to prevent our trade, as the sequeli doth show" (Voyages of John Davis, p. 140). Apparently, therefore, Affonso Vicente arrived at Achin almost simultaneously with the two Dutch ships. 5 See infra, pp. Ixix-lxxi. INTRODUCTION. Ixv had sent him, he was so gratified that he knew not what honours and favours to show to our people. Our ambassador, who was a shrewd man, seeing the favours that that king showed towards the Portuguese, and recognising therein the state of mind and inclination to grant him all he might ask of him, being one day alone with the king and the interpreter, said to him, that since he showed such signs of favour to the Portuguese, and knew very well how much they desired to preserve his friendship, that it must always be of greater profit to him, as neighbours, than that of strangers, and that it was time to show it by deeds : that he had to inform him that those corsairs that were at the bar were pirates, and traitors who had risen against their rightful king and lord : that since he professed himself such a servant and friend of the King of Portugal, he had in his hands a very good opportunity for proving this. This was, that as those men were being admitted so freely to him and to his country, he should continue on the same terms with them ; and that he should one day invite the captain-major and the chief men of the ships, and that at the banquet they should murder them. And that he should order to be held in readiness the fleet that he had determined to send against the King of Jor, which consisted of more than a hun- dred vessels, and at the same time attack the ships, and capture them with the whole of the stores and money that they had on board, which was much. And such things did Affonso Vicente say to the king, and so easy did he make the affair for him, that he won him over, and succeeded in gaining what he wished. 1 For this purpose he at once, with the greatest dissimulation possible, ordered the fleet to be got ready, at the same time spreading about the report that it was to be sent against the king of Jor, for which expedition these same Hollanders had offered their services in exchange for a shipload of pepper, which he had promised therefor. 2 And when all was ready, he invited the Dutch captain-major for the appointed day, from which he ex- 1 Davis states, that on the 2Oth of July "our Baase [*>., C. de Houtman] beeing with the King was exceeding well entertained," and that, among other things, the king said to him : " I must further tell you, Alfonso hath been earnest with me to betray you, but it shall not be ; for I am your friend ; and therewith gave him a Purse of Gold" (pp. tit., p. 141). The king seems to have played a double part in this tragical affair. 2 Davis says, that the king's conversation with De Houtman, referred to in the previous footnote, ended thus : "As touchinge your Merchandize it shall be thus : I have warres with the King of lor (this Kingdome of lor is the south-point of Malacca) you shall serve me against him with your ships : your recompence shall be your lading of Pepper ; this was agreed" (op. tit., p. 142). Ixvi INTRODUCTION. cused himself on account of indisposition, but sent a nephew 1 of his with the most honourable men of his ship. And being drunk at the banquet, the Achens set upon them and murdered them ; 2 and at the same time the whole fleet sallied out and attacked the ships with great fury. The Hollanders, seeing this onset, had no other or better remedy than to hoist their sails and make their escape, with the fleet after them until they disappeared, 3 leaving the goods that they had on shore, and two pinnaces that were in different ports, which the king at once ordered to be seized. 4 The Hollanders took their course for the river of Quedd, whither they retired and reformed themselves. 5 And because they had few people left in the ships, since they had lost on shore more than fifty persons, they were obliged to abandon the smaller ship and all get into the other one, in which they set out in the direction of Magulepatao, and got lost in the macareo of TanaQa- rim. And thus of these two ships not a single thing escaped. 7 About the same time that the Leeuw and Leeuwin left Middelburg for the East, three other Zeeland ships sailed for the same parts. One, however, was lost off Dover ; 1 This apparently refers to Frederik de Houtman, who was actually the brother of Cornelis. 1 The affray really took place on board the Dutch ships, the Achinese having drugged the wine. Cornelis de Houtman and others were killed ; while of the Dutch on shore at the time only a few were spared and kept as prisoners, among them Frederik de Houtman (see Voyages of John Davis, pp. 144-145 ; De Jonge, op. '/., vol. ii, p. 214). This occurred on September ist, 1599. 3 Davis says that while they were at Pedir seeking one of their pinnaces on September 2nd, " there came eleven Gallies with Portu- gals (as we thought) to take our ships. We sunke one, and beate the rest : so they fledde" (op. at., p. 145). 4 Davis says : " Wee lost two fine Pinnasses of twentie tunnes a piece, and one ship Boate" (Ibid.}. ' Cf. Voyages of John Davis, pp. 146, 153. Davis says : " We lost in this misfortune threescore and eight persons, of which we are not certaine how many are captived : only of eight wee have knowledge" (op. tit., p. 145). T Here Couto seems to confuse the fate of the Dutch ships with that of Wood's two (see supra, p. Iviii). As a matter of fact, the Leeuw and Leeuwin, after watering and refreshing at Pulo Butung off Kedah, returned to Achin on October 6th, and fired some shots at one of ten galleys that they found there ; on the i8th they sailed for Tenasserim, where they had bad weather, and were distressed for lack of food. Having overcome these difficulties, they reached St. Helena on April i3th (23rd), 1600, and on the 15th (25th) had a fight with a Portuguese caravel, as described in the next extract. The two ships ultimately arrived at Middelburg on July 29th, 1600. INTRODUCTION. Ixvii and of the voyage of the other two we have no detailed account. Almost all that is known of them is, that they reached Bantam in February and March, 1599, and left there for Europe in November. 1 On May 1st, 1598, a fleet of eight ships, under the com- mand of Jacob Cornelisz. van Neck and Wybrand van Warwijck, sailed out of the Texel for the East. 2 Three of these arrived at Bantam on November 25th, and the re- maining five came there also a month later. On January nth, 1599, four of the ships, under the command of Van Neck, left Bantam, and, after coasting Sumatra and calling at St. Helena, arrived in the Texel on July I9th, 1599. The other four ships, under Van Warwijck and Jacob van Heemskerk, left Bantam on January 8th, 1 599, for the Moluccos, reaching Amboina on March $rd 3 (having had, on the way thither, a fight with the natives at Arissa- baya on the west coast of Madura, losing a number of men by drowning, and having to ransom many prisoners). On the nth of the same month two of the four ships, under Van Heemskerk, left for Banda, whence, after some months' stay, they sailed on July 5th for Bantam, and thence for home, making a stay at St. Helena from December 8th, 1599, till January 1st, 1600, and reaching 1 See De Jpnge, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 216-217, 379, 447 ; also footnote, infra, p. Ixxiii. These two ships, the Langebercque and the Zon, left again for the East in 1601. 8 Faria y Sousa, in giving a summary account (not very accurate) of this expedition, says : " Mauricio [Mauritius] was the name or title of the admiral's ship : it appears as if by a fatality, with the first two syllables ever grievous to Catholic ears (let severe censors pardon what they may call frivolous considerations), to be second Mauritanians in those climes, like spoilers of the vineyard of Christ, which the efforts of the Portuguese had planted there." He also somewhat broadly insinuates that the Hollanders took out with them the wor- ship of Bacchus (Asia Portuguesa, torn. Ill, Pt. II, cap. iii). (Cf. Voyages of John Davis, p. 134.) 3 See Voyage of John Saris, p. xxxiii. Ixviii INTRODUCTION. the Texel on May igth, 1600. The remaining two ships under Van Warwijck left Amboina on May 8th, 1599, for Ternate, arriving there on the 22nd. Leaving some of their company here to transact their business affairs, they left on August I9th, and arrived on November I9th at Bantam, having the day before met and spoken with the two Zeeland ships referred to above (the Zon and the Langebercque), which had been lying at that place for eight months. 1 On January 2ist, 1600, the two ships under Van Warwijck sailed from Bantam, and reached St. Helena on May I7th, but could not land, owing to the presence of a number of Portuguese carracks, so left again on the 22nd, and reached home about September, i6oo. 2 The carracks whose presence at St. Helena prevented Van Warwick's ships from refreshing there included the one with which the Leeuw and Leeuwin had had an engage- ment, as mentioned in the footnote supra. Couto, in his Decada XII, Liv. IV, cap. xiii, gives the Portuguese version of this affair. He says : We seem to have been forgetting the fleet of D. Jeronymo Coutinho, which we left taking in cargo in order to leave for the Kingdom ; wherefore we shall give an account of it, and of what happened to it on the voyage. And because the captain-major D. Jeronymo Coutinho was sailing from Goa, and the other five ships 3 of his fleet were sailing from Cochim, the Count Viceroy ordered the passing of a provision to D. Vasco da Gama, who was going as captain of the ship S. Mattheus, that he should fill the office of captain-major of the five ships, and the other captains should obey him until they should meet with D. Jeronymo 1 See footnote infra, p. Ixxiii. 2 See De Jonge, op. tit., pp. 203-210, 374-474 ; The Journall or Dayly Register, . . . of the voyage, accomplished by eight shippes of Amsterdam, etc. (London, 1601). 3 These five ships were the Sao Rogue, the Concei$ao, the N. S. da Paz, the Sao Simao, and the Sdo Martinho, all of which had come from Portugal in 1599 (see infra, p. Ixxxiii). Faria y Sousa, by a strange blunder, records the dispatch of this fleet by the new Viceroy, Aires de Saldanha, at the beginning of 1601 (Asia Portuguesa, torn. Ill, Pt. H, cap. vi). INTRODUCTION. Ixix Coutinho, who was the captain-major. This fidalgo, who remained loading in Goa, set sail on Christmas Day with a grand send-off given him by the Count, and set off on his course, to whom we shall return presently. The other five ships, which were loading in Cochim, set sail one after another up to the 15th 1 of January, i6oo, 2 with which year we are dealing : in such sort, that, as soon as each one was loaded, it at once set out without waiting for the other, and thus went pursuing its voyage with such fair weather, that on the 25th of April the ship of Diogo de Sousa 3 made landfall at the island of Santa Helena: bearing in her company a large caravel, which she had fallen in with 4 in 16 degrees, on its way from the Rio da Prata 5 to Angola ; and on going to look for the anchoring-place, which is opposite the Hermitage, they saw lying at anchor two Dutch ships, that had been waiting there five or six days for two others of their company. Diogo de Sousa, who was a fidalgo, and whom they called the Galician, 6 because he came from Viana, as soon as he saw them put his ship in order, and got ready his guns, and cast anchor at a little distance from them, because he was greatly in need of water, and because he knew very well that if they put out to sea the corsairs were sure to come after them and might give them trouble ; thus pre- pared he proceeded to cast anchor with much confidence, having 1 Fa. Joao dos Santos, who went at the request of the retiring Vice- roy as chaplain in the S. Simao, says that this ship left Cochin on January igth (Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. n, Liv. iv, cap. xx). 2 By one of these ships Diogo de Couto sent to the King his Decada Sexta. This had a better fortune than the Decada Setima, which the author sent two years later by the Sao Tiago, and which seems to have been destroyed with all other documents by the captain to prevent their falling into the hands of the Dutch, who, at St. Helena, on March i6th, 1602, captured the ship after a severe fight (see Couto's letter prefixed to his Decada Setima, which he had to rewrite in summary ; Faria y Sousa, Asia Portuguesa, torn. Ill, Pt. II, cap. vi ; Valentyn, Sumatra, p. 29). 3 The Sao Simao, in which was Fa. Joao dos Santos, who gives details of the voyage in his Ethiopia Oriental, Pt. II, Liv. iv, caps, xx-xxvi. It seems that there was an elephant on board ; and the good father naively confesses that the sight of the terror inspired in this poor beast by a severe storm that the ship encountered before passing Cape Agulhas added greatly to his own fear. To add to the horrors of this tempest, certain huge fishes of fearful and wonderful mien appeared one night around the ship fishes such as had never been seen before by the sailors, who were certain therefore that they were devils. * On April 23rd, says Dos Santos. 6 The River Plate. 6 The Galicians (GaUegos) are still noted for their robustness and activity. Ixx INTRODUCTION. his men under arms and posted in the places most necessary for any eventuality. 1 As soon as he anchored there came a launch, sent at once from the ships, and lying at a little distance from ours, a man hailed those in the ship, and said in Spanish, that the captain-major of those ships sent word to the captain, asking him to go forthwith to him in his boat, and deliver up the ship to him, that he would deal well with him ; otherwise, he would send and fetch him. Diogo de Sousa, as soon as he heard the message, caused a falcon to be levelled at the launch, and gave orders to hail them to come nearer, as they did not understand it ; but those in the launch understood the intention of our people, and not wishing to take advantage of their courtesy turned about in great haste, and gave their captain an account of what had passed, and of what they suspected. 2 As soon as the Dutch captain saw that our ship would not yield, he gave orders to play upon her with his guns with great fury, and they killed two of her men, and cut through the fore- mast, and well nigh unrigged it, and shot through one side of the mainmast with a ball of cast-iron, of which all were made with 1 The account that follows of the combat between the Portuguese and Dutch ships agrees so closely with that given by Dos Santos (both being often verbally identical), that it is evident that both must be derived from a common source. (The Ethiopia Oriental of Dos Santos was issued in 1609; while Couto's Decada XII unfinished was first printed only in 1645, though written in 1611, as he states in Liv. in, cap. v, of that Decade). Faria y Sousa, in his Asia Portuguesa, torn. Ill, Pt. II, cap. iii, says: "On his return voyage, Sousa fought singly with two Dutch ships at the island of Santa Elena, until he put them to a shameful flight ; " while further on, in cap. vi, he gives a fuller account of the engagement, but erroneously post- dates it a year. 2 Faria y Sousa (loc. tit.) characteristically writes: "There was at once sent from them to our ships an arrogant message, that they were to surrender immediately, and that the captain was to go and yield obedience to them, if he did not wish to go to the other world in great haste. Sousa saw that the reply that he had to give needed a loud voice, so, keeping his own mouth shut, he caused that of a cannon to be directed at them, that it might reply to them, because it was a mouth with a loud voice. It spoke : and understanding it very well, and having the advantage in points [there is here a play on the word puntos, which means both the pips on cards and the sights of guns], they let fly eight balls, which from sheer terror caused all the sailors that were furling the sails on the ship to fall from the yards and rigging. This took place very much as when ripe apples fall from trees shaken by a strong hand. However, if they resembled caduke apples in falling, they resembled balls in rising." (Stevens under- stands these last words to mean : " they soon recovered themselves," and so renders them.) INTRODUCTION. Ixxi which they fired at our ship. The people of our ship seeing that destruction, which had been done in so short a time, were for the most part so terrified, that they betook themselves to the side on which lay the caravel, in order to jump into it, and seek shelter there, because of its being very light. On this Diogo de Sousa hurried up, 1 and made them return once more to the ship, at times uttering abusive words, at others urging them to defend themselves like valiant Portuguese, assuring them that to deal with those ships theirs was enough; and that he trusted in God to conquer them and take them along with them. 2 And so he quickly gave orders to work his guns, with which also he killed many of their men, and caused such havoc, that the Hollanders went hauling on warps until they lay across the bow of our ship, where there were only two pieces of artillery, in order to play on her from there with less risk. The master of our ship, 3 who was a very sagacious man and of great experience, put an anchor into the boat, 4 and ordered it to be cast into the sea on one side in such manner that it lay near the whip-staff; 5 and fastening it to the capstan, the ship went veering round, and lying with all her guns athwart the other ships. Thus they went on firing for the space of twenty hours, 6 with such great fury and terror, that the rebels, not being able to endure the injuries that they received from our guns, veered away their cables, hoisted their sails, and took to flight well fustigated. 7 1 Dos Santos states that, at the request of Pero Gomez d'Abreu de Lima, he informed Diogo de Sousa of the intention of some of the Portuguese to escape to the caravel, the former not being on speaking terms with the captain. 2 This differs greatly from the account given by Dos Santos, who says that Diogo de Sousa, after bringing all who were in the caravel on to his ship, made the former sheer off to some distance with a cable attached. He then gave the men white biscuit and wine to refresh and reanimate them. 3 Antonio Diaz, according to Dos Santos, who describes him in similar laudatory terms. 4 According to Dos Santos, the Dutch had put an anchor in a launch for the purpose described above ; but the anchor here spoken of, he says, was cast into the sea direct from the ship, which seems much more probable. 6 It was the cable, and not the anchor itself, that lay "on the poop near the whip-staff," as Dos Santos correctly says. 6 "All night, with a beautiful moonlight, until 10 in the morning," says Dos Santos. T Davis's account of this engagement is very terse. He says : "The thirteenth we anchored at the He Saint Helena. . . . The fifteenth, at Sun-set, there came a Caravell into the Road, who anchored a large musket-shot to wind-ward of us. She was utterly IxxiV INTRODUCTION. where our people could do them no harm, because of the wind's being contrary for going against them. D. Jeronymo Coutinho paid little heed to them, but nevertheless made ready, in order, if the weather should give him the opportunity, to go and attack them. And on the same day, just at nightfall, the ship S. Martinho, the captain of which was Joao Scares Henriques, made landfall at that island, and discovering the Dutch ships, supposing them to be ours, 1 put out again to sea, and set her course by Brazil, where she watered and took in provisions in the Bay of All Saints. The Dutch captain, seeing that there was no water in that part where he was, sent off a launch with a letter to D. Jeronymo Coutinho, in which he said to him, that they were Christians, and vassals of a king who was a friend to his ; that they were merchants, who were going about the world seeking their living ; that they were in want of water, and that he begged him to give them leave to send their launches to get it at the place where he was. D. Jeronymo replied to them, that as they were Christians, and friends of the Portuguese, they should come and anchor near him, and that there they could water just at their will ; the which message he sent to them, in order to see if he could draw them out of that quarter, whither he was unable to go and seek them. The Hollanders perceiving the design of the captain- major would not take advantage of his courtesy, but continued to lie there five days longer ; at the end of which time, which was the 2ist of May, there arrived at that island the ship S. Mattheus, on which was D. Vasco da Gama, who by means of bombard shots forced the two Dutch ships to weigh anchor ; and one night they set sail, 2 and must have had to go to the coast of Guinea to get water, of which they were in want. 3 Then the captain-major 1 This is put confusedly. What Couto meant was, that the captain at first took the ships to be Portuguese, but afterwards discovered his mistake. Dos Santos says that the captain, on finding that these two ships were Dutch, when in the dusk he caught sight of the Portuguese ships, thought that they were also some of the enemy's vessels. 2 Dos Santos says nothing of a bombardment of the Dutch ships by the S. Matheus (which, in fact, seems to have arrived after they had gone) : he simply states that they set sail, firing off many rockets and with much demonstration. 3 The Dutch account of this affair is as follows : "The sixteenth day [of May] about noone wee had sight of the Island of S. Helena, wherewith wee were all greatly comforted. The 17. day in the morning we had sight of a Carrack ne'ere vnto the land, being the Admirall of the Portugal s Fleete, sayling into the Roade of S. Helena, where lay at anchor three other Carracks, whereby wee were forced to put into the old Roade, which is the first valley that you come vnto after you are passed the north west corner, or necke of the land, and the Roade where the Carracks lay is the third valley beyond the INTRODUCTION. IxxV caused D. Vasco da Gama to be supplied with water, and with all the ships under his charge set sail, 1 to see if he could overtake the two ships of the rebels ; but he was unable to catch up with them, through their having gone far out of their course, and ours arrived together at the Kingdom, 2 which was a great piece of good fortune. And this fidalgo was always thus venturesome and fortunate in the voyages that he made, arriving in India and returning to Portugal with all his ships in safety. 3 Besides sending all the above-mentioned ships to the East round the Cape of Good Hope, the Dutch, in the sayd necke of the land, so that we lay within Sakar or Minion shot of each other : wee sent vnto them foure men to parley with them, but I cannot write what communication passed. The same euening came another Carrack making towards the Roade, sailing about the north west necke hard vnder the shore, insomuch that she came so neere vnto vs, that they haled vs, and demaunded of whence wee were : and vnderstanding that we were Hollanders, seeking to refresh our selues in that place, (refusing the land) they cast about, and directed their course Northwest to seaward. The 18. day foure of our men went vp into the land at S. Helena, it is a very high hillie land, beautified and enriched with very faire and pleasant valleys, with great abundance of Goates, and some store of Swine : wee meant to prouide our selues there of fresh water, but the Portugales would not suffer vs, so that we were without hope to make any prouision of water at this place : for they had ordained a strong watch on the shore, which was the onely cause that wee could not here refresh our selues. The 21. being Ascention day, wee sailed thence (with God his helpe) home- wards, and being vnder saile, wee descried another Carrack making towards the Roade, which was the sixt Carrack that we had now seene, wee directed our course north-west and by west" (The Journall, or Dayly Register, etc., p. 57). The ships did not go to Guinea, as surmised by the Portuguese, but to Ascension, where, however, they found no water, so that, by the time they reached home, their sufferings had become terrible. 1 On June ist, after a solemn service had been held on shore, says Dos Santos. 2 On August 22nd, 1600, they anchored at Cascaes, and on the 24th reached Lisbon, says Dos Santos, who gives details of the voyage. 3 This is hardly correct. In 1586 D. Jeronimo Coutinho took charge of a fleet of five ships for India, four of which reached there safely (see supra, pp. iii-iv), and returned to Portugal next year ; but the fifth, the 6". Filippe, got only as far as Mozambique, whence she returned for Portugal, but was captured by Drake off the Azores. In 1599, D. Jeronimo took four ships out to India, and in 1600 brought five safely home (as stated above). In 1607 he took out five ships to India, two of which returned to Portugal next year, while one was burnt by the Dutch off Goa, and another was burnt at Mozambique on the way home. Ixxvi INTRODUCTION. same year, 1598, dispatched two fleets thither by the south-western route. The first of these consisted of five ships, under the command of Jacques Mahu and Simon de Cordes, the pilot of one being the Englishman, William Adams. 1 Except that it led to the opening up of Japan to Dutch trade, this expedition, which left Rotterdam on June 27th, 1598, resulted in utter disaster. Details of the voyage have been given by various writers ; 2 and I there- fore confine myself to quoting what Couto (Dec. XII, Liv. V, cap. ii) says 3 on the subject : In this year 1600, of which we are treating, about this same time there arrived 4 a Dutch ship 5 at the Islands of Japao, at the port of Xativai 6 in the kingdom of Bungo ; and as at that time it was not the monsoon for ships to come from China, nor from the Filippinas, it appeared to the fathers of the Company, who reside there, that it might be some ship going from New Spain to the Lusoes, that through some storm had been driven out of her course. They sent word to the king of Bungo, in order that he might send help, lest some disaster should befall her ; which he at once did. And at this same time two fathers of the Company who resided near Xativai, seeing the ship, went with some boats to assist her ; and coming near to her, and discovering her to be Dutch, they turned back again. Some Portuguese that were in Naganzaque, as soon as they heard of the ship, sent advice by letters to Tirazava, governor-general of those realms on the western side, of how that ship was one of Lutheran corsairs, enemies of the Portuguese and 1 For his history, see Dictionary of National Biography. 2 See De Jonge, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 218-222 ; O. Nachod's Die Beziehungen der Niederldndischen Ostindischen Kompagnie zu Japan, p. 93 et seq. ; Purchas, vol. i, Bk. II, pp. 73, 78-79 ; Randall's Memorials of the Empire of Japan (Hakluyt Soc.), pp. 18-24, 33-39 ; Satow's Voyage of Captain John Saris (Hakluyt Soc.), Introduction, pp. xlvii- xlviii ; Dictionary of National Biography, vol. i, p. 104. * The following details given by the great historian of Portuguese India seem to have been overlooked by all writers on the dawn of Dutch and English commerce in Japan. Couto, who wrote this Decade in 1611 (the date of Adams's first letter), appears to have obtained his information from the Jesuit fathers. 4 On April igth, 1600. 6 The Liefde. 6 According to Sir E. M. Satow (op. cit., Introduction, p. xlviii), " she anchored about a league off the capital of Bungo, now called Oita, in Beppu Bay, North latitude 33* 1 5'." INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii of all Christians. 1 On receiving this message, and having already had letters from the king, Tirazava hastened to the kingdom of Bungo, and ordered the ship to be brought into port, 2 and laid hold of the Hollanders, and their goods, of which an inventory was made, and what was found therein was the following : 3 Eleven great chests of coarse woollen cloths, a box with four hundred branches of coral and as many of amber, a great chest of glass beads of divers colours, some mirrors and spectacles, many children's pipes, two thousand cruzados in reals, nineteen large bronze pieces of ordnance and other small ones, five hundred muskets, and five thousand balls of cast-iron, three hundred chain-shot, fifty quintals of powder, three great chests of coats of mail, three-fourths having breastplates and pectorals of steel, three hundred and fifty-five darts, a great quantity of nails, iron, hammers, scythes and mattocks, and other various kinds of implements, with which it would seem they were coming to con- quer and inhabit. They confessed that in the past years of 1598 and 1599 there set out from the States of Holland fifteen ships to go to Sunda and Maluco, regarding which they gave no satis- factory account whatever ; and in order that something may be known of them, we shall give an account of those of which we have learnt, and of what happened to them. In the year that we have mentioned 4 there left Rotterdam these fifteen ships, 5 which kept together as far as the coast of Guinea, where they divided into three squadrons. One of these soon passed the Cape of Good Hope, and took its course for Sunda, where three ships separated themselves, and the other two pro- ceeded to put into the port of Achem, of whom I shall have more to say presently. 6 To the other squadron we have not learnt what happened. The third, the captain of which was one Balthazar da Corda, 7 went privateering for some time on the coast 1 Cf. what Adams says in his letters (RundalFs Memorials of the Empire of Japan, pp. 23, 25, 38). 1 At Sakai, according to Satow, loc. cit. (see also footnote infra, and Randall's Memorials of the Empire ofjapon, p. 27). * Couto here apparently quotes from an official document sent to Goa by the Portuguese in Japan. Compare this list with that given by Fernao Guerreiro in the footnote infra. 4 The years 1598 and 1599 had been mentioned ; but it is evident that now Couto is speaking of 1 598 only. 6 The " fifteen ships" are apparently the eight of C. van Neck, the two of C. de Houtman, and the five of J. Mahu ; but it will be seen that Couto's account is, as regards some of them, very confused and inaccurate. ' See supra, pp. Ixiv-lxvi. 7 The actual commander was Jacques Mahu, on whose death Simon de Cordes assumed command. Balthazar de Cordes, whose relation- ship to Simon I cannot discover, was, after the death of Juriaan Boekhout, appointed captain of the Trouw. Ixxviii INTRODUCTION. of Brazil, and thence crossed over to Angola, where it did some damage, and then they turned about in the direction of the Strait of Magalhaes, which they entered, and in which they were detained ten months with many troubles and starvings, and in some sallies that they made to seek water and provisions they had several men killed ; l and as soon as the weather served they passed through the Straits to the other side, and turned towards the coast of Pen}, 2 where a storm struck them, so fierce, that it separated them, 5 and one went running at hazard to make for the Islands of Maluco, where she arrived, and a little further on we shall give an account of her ; 4 the other seems to have disappeared, for I have found no tidings of her; 5 the other, the captain of which was a certain da Corda, nephew of the captain-major Balthazar da Corda, went running before the storm along the coast, and on its growing calm he proceeded to put in at the fortress of Chile, in Peril And learning that it was almost with- out men, they made a sudden attack upon it, and entered it, putting to death some of those that were within, and plundered and profaned the temples and all that was in the fortress, remain- ing there for several days as much at their ease as if they were in Flanders. These tidings having come to the Spaniards that were in the interior, they collected several companies, and attacking the fortress entered it, there being no more than twenty Flemings therein ; and of these they killed fifteen, while the other five leapt down over the walls, and swam out to reach the ship, and those on the ship came to meet them with a boat, and rescued them, among these five being Captain Corda. And setting sail they went to seek Maluco, 6 where they arrived, and cast anchor at the 1 Cf. Purchas, loc. cit. ; Rundall's Memorials, etc., pp. 18-20, 33-35. * For our knowledge of the doings of the four ships that passed the Magellan Straits we are almost entirely dependent on what Adarni says in his two letters of 1611. De Jonge (loc. cit.} mentions two unpublished documents in the Hague archives relating to two of the ships. * Cf. Rundall's Memorials, pp. 20, 35. * This was the Trouiv (see infra]. 6 Sebald de Weerd's ship, the Geloof, returned home from the Straits of Magellan : of this fact Couto was evidently ignorant. 6 Couto may possibly be here confusing several of the ships. The Blyde Boodschap was seized by the Spaniards at Valparaiso, while Simon de Cordes and others of the Hoop were killed on shore at the island of Mocha (see Rundall's Memorials, etc., pp. 20-22, 35-36 ; Purchas, vol. i, Bk. I, p. 74). The Hoop and Liefde then set their course for Japan, but were separated by a storm, and the former was never heard of again. The Trouw, after capturing and plundering several Spanish ships, and taking possession temporarily of the island INTRODUCTION. IxXlX village of Soli in the island of Tidore, half a league from our fortress, there being already at Ternate another ship of this company 1 ; the missing one was this ship which we have found in Japao, which went running before the storm, whithersoever she was able, and had such changeable weather, that she spent four months in reaching the Tropic of Capricorn, where she was visited by an outbreak of disease so contagious, that in a few days there died a hundred and fifty and five persons, among whom was Captain Corda, 2 there remaining alive but five and twenty, 3 who were not sufficient to manage the ship ; wherefore they let themselves go at the hazard of the winds, until these and the tides brought them to Japao, as we have said, where they disembarked, all so enfeebled, that they looked like dead men. That king, after he had ordered the ship to be emptied, sent her to the kingdoms of Canto 4 to load timber; and the Hollanders that were most in health he sent to serve as bombardiers in a war that he ordered to be undertaken against a rebel lord who was called Cangeatica. 5 The pilot of this ship was an English- of Chiloe (which is evidently what Couto refers to), set sail for the Moluccas, and was, naturally enough, made a prize of by the Spaniards at Tidore. 1 This is an error. The first Dutch ships to call at Ternate were the Amsterdam and Utrecht under Van Warwijck, which, however, left the island before the Trouw arrived there. The first news the Dutch had of the fate of this vessel was on the visit of Jacob van Neck in June, 1601 (see De Jonge, op. tit., vol. ii, pp. 242, 279). 8 Another error. Simon de Cordes had been killed, as stated in the footnote supra. 3 Cf. Rundall's Memorials, etc., pp. 23, 38. * The Kuwant6, in which Yedo (Tokyo) is situated (cf. p. n, ., infra ; and see Rundall's Memorials of the Empire of Japan, p. 27 ; Adams's History of Japan, vol. i, p. 19, and note). 6 Fernao Guerreiro, in his Relaqam Annual, etc., torn i, in cap. xxi of the Cousas do Japao, which treats of the work of the Jesuits in Bungo, says : " At a port of this kingdom there put in this year a ship of Hollanders, which it was said had two years before left Holland in company with other four, the which passing through the Strait of Magalhais set their course for Sunda, where had arrived other English ships, as they wrote to us from Malaca. These five being separated by a storm, there came to land at this Bungo this ship of which I have spoken much shattered. She brought only five and twenty men alive, and these sick and prostrated by the cold and hunger that they suffered on such a long voyage, of whom two died on arrival. She carried some woollen cloths and scarlets, raxas [coarse cloths of little value], mirrors, glass beads, corals, and other curiosities of Flanders ; and they had much and large ordnance. The Father, speaking with them, understood that they were heretics. On arriving in port and coming ashore they said that they came to carry on trade in Japao, but the Tono soon discovered that they were Ixxx INTRODUCTION. man, 1 a good cosmographer, and with some knowledge of astrology: in Meaco* he confessed to the fathers of the Company that the Prince of Orange had already made use of him several times in journeys of great importance, principally in the years 1593, 1594, and 1595, 3 when he sent him to discover a way above Biarmia and Fimmarchia, 4 for his ships to pass to Japao, China, and Maluco, in order to bring thence the riches of all those islands, because that by that way they would have the shortest route and the freest from our fleet : and that on the last occasion, which was in the year 1595, he reached 82 degrees north f and that, in spite of its being the height of summer, and the days almost continuous, there being no night, unless it were of two hours, he found the cold so excessive, and the masses of ice and snow so great that broke up in the lower part of that strait, that, driving in the teeth of the ship, they forced her to turn back. 6 And he affirmed, that if one coasted along the coast of Tartary on the right-hand, and if going to another part, and that they came to Japao only through the storm, since they did not carry goods in such quantity or of the same quality as brought by the other ships that came to Japao, nor did they come well dressed, and splendid with the pomp of servants and attendants, as the other merchants were accustomed to come, but only as soldiers and sailors, and beside this with much ordnance and arms : by all of which they were known to be people not of good title ; and Dayfugama, having been advised to this effect, at once sent a captain of his to Bungo to have the ship brought to Meaco or to Sacay, where he took possession of her as a wreck, according to the laws of Japao, and sent her to a port of his kingdoms of Quant6, with the Hollanders that came in her, and eighteen or twenty pieces of ordnance ; and all the rest that she carried he retained, the greater part of which was arms and a large quantity of powder." In caps, xxviii-xxxiii is given an account of the war referred to above by Couto, the rebel lord being called " Camzuedono" (cf. Adams's History of Japan, vol. i, p. 66 ; Morga's Philippine Islands, p. 143 et sey.). 1 William Adams (cf. Voyage oj Saris, p. 80). 2 Kyoto. 3 Either the Jesuit fathers misunderstood Adams, or Couto has erred. The expeditions referred to are those of Barents in 1594, 1595, and 1 596 ; and there is no evidence that Adams took any part in any of these (see The Three Voyages of William Barents, etc., second edition ; also Rundall's Voyages towards the N. W., p. xii). 4 What " Biarmia" represents I do not know, unless it be Bergen. " Fimmarchia" is Finmark, in the extreme north of Norway. 6 This refers to the discovery and circumnavigation of Spitzbergen by Barents, who, however, did not get so far north as 82 (see The Three Voyages of William Barents, pp. cxxx, 77 ; and cf. the map prefixed, the gradation of which is incorrect). Cf. The Three Voyages of William Barents, p. loget seq. INTRODUCTION. Ixxxi along it one went running eastward as far as the Gulf of Aniao, 1 which enters between the lands of Asia and America, he could accomplish his purpose. And this pilot also affirmed that the Hollanders would not desist until they had carried this enterprise to a conclusion, because of the great desires that they had to discover this road. 2 And the English had already tried to discover this voyage by way of the west, between the islands of Grotlandia 3 and the land of Lavrador ; but that owing to the same difficulties they turned back on the way, as did that great pilot Gavoto, 4 more than forty years ago. And in a globe that this pilot pos- sessed, from which there was drawn in China another that I have in my possession, 5 are clearly seen these two ports, the route by which they attempted to pass to them, and, placed in gradation, this island of Japao, with all its kingdoms, as far as the country of Chincungu, where, they allege, are those rich silver mines. 6 This pilot also said, that when the Prince of Orange saw that he could not carry out his purpose in those parts, he equipped these fifteen vessels, in charge of which he came, to go to Sunda and Maluco to load drugs. 7 At this same time that this ship arrived at Japao, there set out from that island sixteen ships of corsairs to rob ; these came as far as the Philippine Islands, and on the way captured a ship. of Chins, who were going to those parts with goods amounting to sixty thousand pesos : and they also captured another boat from the Manilhas, and killed and captivated several natives thereof and three Spanish soldiers, of which the governor of Manilha sent to complain to Daifuxama, king of Canthem, who at once ordered 1 The modern Bering Strait. In the curious map prefixed to, The Three Voyages of William Barents it is entered as ' Estrecho de Anian" (see also p. 149, and note). 2 The success of Houtman's voyage by the Cape of Good Hope in 1595-97 caused the abandonment of any further attempt at finding a north-east passage to the Far East. 3 Greenland. 4 John or Sebastian Cabot ; but their attempts were made much more than -forty years before Couto wrote ; he refers apparently to Frobisher's voyages. 5 I have found no other reference to this map. 6 Cf. Linschoten's Map of the Eastern Seas, in the Voyage of Capt. John Saris (p. 191), where " Minas de prata" is inscribed opposite the north-western part of Japan. Couto, in his description of Japan (Dec. V, Liv. vin, cap. xii), names " Chicungo " as one of the governorships of Bungo. Probably the mines of Iwami are meant, there being none, apparently, in Chikugo (cf. Morga's Philippine Islands, p. 147). 7 The wording of this is very confused. Of course the Prince of Orange did not equip any of the ships, and Adams was pilot of only one ship. 6 Ixxxii INTRODUCTION. several vessels to be armed against these corsairs, and encountering they attacked each other ; and they captured one of their vessels, in which they found some of those Hollanders that were in the ship. And afterwards, from time to time, Daifuxama got hold of many of these corsairs, all of whom he ordered to be hanged ; and he made a law that not more than four vessels each year should go to the Manilhas, and all the rest should be destroyed and their owners crucified. 1 The second fleet dispatched by the Netherlanders in 1598 for the Far East by the south-eastern route consisted of four ships under the command of Olivier van Noort, and sailed on September 1 3th. An account of this voyage is printed in Purchas (vol. i, Bk. II, pp. 71-78), and a very full summary is given in the Society's translation of Morga's Philippine Islands, pp. 173-187. As I have mentioned above (p. xviii), Teixeira, in his voyage from Manila to Acapulco in 1600, by mere chance escaped encountering the two surviving ships of this fleet, which arrived before Manila on November 24th, and on December I4th had a fierce engagement with two Spanish vessels, resulting in the loss of one ship on each side. 2 Thence Van Noort sailed for Borneo, which he reached on Decem- ber 26th, and left on January 4th, 1601 ; 3 and after touching at Java he set sail homewards, calling at St. Helena, and reaching Rotterdam on August 26th, 1601. He was the first Netherlander that circumnavigated the globe. While the Dutch had been sending all these ships to the East in 1598, the Portuguese had been unable to dispatch a single vessel from Lisbon, the fleet of five ships that had been equipped for India having had to remain in 1 Cf. Morga's Philippine Islands, p. 148. 1 See Morga's Philippine Islands, pp. 166 ff, 184 ff. 3 On this day Van Noort captured a junk from Japan, and learnt from the captain, a Portuguese of Nagasaki, of the arrival at Japan of a Dutch ship (see Purchas, vol. i, Bk. n, p. 77). This was the first news the Dutch had of the fate of the Lie f de. INTRODUCTION. Ixxxiii the T agus, owing to the presence of an English fleet off the mouth of the river. 1 However, in 1599, they were more fortunate. Couto (Decada XII, Liv. Ill, cap. x), says : On account of the news that was received in Portugal, that ten 2 ships were being got ready in Holland to go out to those parts of India, as they did, of which we shall treat more fully in its proper place, 3 the Council gave orders to send thither this year a good fleet, which consisted of seven ships, of which they elected as captain-major D. Jeronymo Coutinho. 4 And when it was the beginning of February, 1599, the captain-major set sail with four ships, because all could not be got ready to leave at the same time. In the ship S. Roque embarked the captain-major ; Diogo de Sousa, who was here 5 called the Galician, 6 went in the ship S. Simao; Sebastiao da Costa in the Conceifao; and Joao Pais Freire in the ship Paz. With the captain-major embarked Joao Rodrigues de Torres, who was to fill the office of veador da fazenda at Goa, on whom the King bestowed many honours and favours in connection therewith. 7 Soon after the departure of this fleet, 8 in the March following of 1599 there set sail the other three ships of the company of D. Jeronymo Coutinho. There went as captain-major of these three ships Simao de Mendoc,a, a fidalgo, married in India, who embarked in the ship Castello. In the other two went Joao Scares Anriques in the S. Martinho, and in the ship S. Mattheus Caspar Tenreiro, who was promised the succession of the fortress of Mascate. These three ships were to remain in India. 9 These two fleets united at Mozambique, and all these ships anchored together at the bar of Goa, except the ship Castello, which was lost on the Cofalla bank near Quilimane, in front of the river Licumbo, sixty leagues from 1 See footnotes on pp. xl, xli, supra. 2 As a matter of fact, only seven ships left Holland for the East in 1599 (see infra). 3 As Couto never completed this Decade, this promise was unfulfilled. 4 Cf. pp. xli, n., Ixviii, ., supra. 5 That is, in India. 6 See supra, p. Ixix. 7 Writing to the King at the end of 1603, the Goa Chamber complain that this man was leaving for Portugal owing them 2,500 xerafins, and setting at defiance a warrant that had been served on him ; wherefore they had sent instructions to have him arrested on landing at Lisbon (Archivo Portuguez- Oriental, fasc. i, Pt. n, pp. 124-125). 8 These four ships and the S. Matheus formed the fleet of 1598. 9 The two that reached India returned next year with the others, as we have seen above. f* Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION. Mogambique. 1 After Simao de Mendoga, who was the captain, had got on shore with all the people, he and many others died. By this fleet there came news to the Count Viceroy of the death of his son D. Vasco, which he felt much, having no other. There also came news of the death of the King D. Filippe the Prudent, 2 whose exequies the Count Admiral celebrated with great ostentation and ceremonies. 3 Of the Dutch ships referred to above by Couto as being got ready to go to the East, the first to sail were three under the command of Steven van der Hagen. This fleet left Holland on April 26th, 1599, stayed a couple of months at Mauritius, and reached Bantam on March I3th, 1600. The ships then proceeded to Amboina and Banda, 4 where they had encounters with the Portuguese and trouble with the natives, and returned on November I9th to Bantam. Here they found six other Dutch ships, with four of which they sailed on January I4th, 1601, calling at St. Helena, and reaching home in July, i6oi. 5 On December 2ist, 1599, another fleet of four ships, under the command of Pieter Both, 6 of Amersfoort, sailed from Holland for the East. 7 On April 26th, 1600, the fleet divided, two of the ships under Van Caerden calling at Madagascar and passing through the Maldives, and reaching Bantam on August 6th, the other two vessels arriving soon afterwards. These two ships, under Paulus van Caerden, were sent by Both to load pepper at Priaman, whence they proceeded to other ports in Sumatra, reaching 1 Figuereido Falcao (Livro em que se contem toda fa azenda, etc., p. 183) says that the Castello was lost at Socotra. 2 On September I3th, 1598 (see note on p. xli, supra). 3 Cf. letter of 1599 of Goa Chamber to the King, in Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. i, Pt. II, pp. 61-62. 4 Cf. Voyage of Capt. John Saris, p. xxxiii. 6 See De Jonge, op. ctt., vol. ii, pp. 226-229. ' Afterwards Governor-General of Netherlands India. 7 See De Jonge, op. '/., vol. ii, pp. 229-235. INTRODUCTION. IxxXV Achin on November 2ist, and learning from some of the captive Hollanders there the details of the attack on the Leeitiv and Leeuwin. Finding the Achinese monarch very unfriendly, Van Caerden, after various acts of piracy, 1 left again for Bantam, arriving there on March iQth, 1601, and finding that Both had sailed homewards in December or January, in charge of seven ships. On March 29th there arrived at Bantam three ships from Holland, under the command of Jacob van Neck, who, proceeding in one of these to the Moluccas, left the other two at Bantam to return with Van Caerden. The four ships sailed for Europe on April I3th, 1601, calling in September at St. Helena, where they found letters from Both, stating that he had been there in June. The tidings brought from Malacca to Goa of the con- tinuous arrival in the Malay archipelago of Dutch ships must naturally have caused increasing alarm in that city ; but, curiously enough, the Chamber of Goa, in their annual letters of 1599 to 1602 to the King, say nothing on the subject. 2 In spite of the discouraging fiasco in which the dispatch of the fleet under Lourengo de Brito resulted, the Viceroy seems to have sent what reinforcements he could to Malacca. In April, 1598, according to Couto (Dec. XII, Liv. I, cap. xvii), he dispatched " Joao Pinto de Morais in the galleon S. Joao? to go and make the Malaca voyages with many provisions and munitions for it ; and therein embarked Ruy Gonsalves de Siqueira, provided with the captaincy of that fortress, D. Juliao de Noronha, 1 See De Jonge, u.s. 2 The letter of the Goa Chamber to the King, written in 1 598, and the royal letters to the Chamber from 1600 to 1609 inclusive, appear to have been lost. 8 There seems to be some mistake here, as Figueiredo Falcao (op. '/., p. 182) records the return of the 6". Jo&o to Portugal in 1598. (According to him, this ship remained in India in 1600.) 1XXXV1 INTRODUCTION. who was there, having completed his time." 1 At the beginning of May, 1600, we also learn from Couto (Dec. XII, Liv. IV, cap. xiii), there left Goa " the galleon that was going with the provisions for the fortresses of Amboino and Maluco, as captain of which went Fernao Pereira de Sande. 2 And before this he [the Viceroy] had sent two galliots as reinforcements to Malaca, on account of the news that he had had of Dutch ships ; and as captains of these there went Estevao de Albuquerque, a natural son of Fernao de Albuquerque, and Trajano Rodrigues de Castello-branco. The Count Admiral also in this April dispatched Fernao de Albuquerque, to go and enter on the captaincy of Malaca, 3 who went in a ship of his ; and in his company went the ships for Malaca, China, and other parts, all of which arrived in safety except only the galleon for Maluco, which was lost, as I shall relate farther on." 4 Again, in Liv. V, cap. viii, of the same Decade, Couto says : " In the past April the Count Admiral received word from the parts about Malaca that there had come to the coasts of Java those ships from Holland of which we have given an account in the second chapter ; 5 and being fearful of the injuries they might cause, both to the commerce of India and to the trade of Portugal, if they should load drugs, as well as by the capture of the ships of our merchants that might be sailing 1 Again there is some error : as stated above (pp. 52, 55), Francisco da Silva de Menezes was succeeded at the end of 1 597 as captain of Malacca by Martim Affonso de Mello Coutinho. (Valentyn adds to the confusion by stating, in his Malakka, p. 328, that the captain in 1598 was " Roch de Mello Pereira.") * He commanded one of the two ships captured by the Dutch at Tidore in 1605 (see Valentyn, Moluksce Zaaken, pp. 213, 214). 8 He apparently succeeded Martim Affonso de Mello Coutinho, and held the post until September ist, 1603, when he was replaced by Andre" Furtado de Mendoga (Valentyn, Malakka, p. 329). 4 Death prevented Couto from fulfilling this promise. 5 See supra, p. Ixxvii. INTRODUCTION. Ixxxvii for those parts, and above all by the alteration that might take place in the kings neighbouring to our fortress of Malaca; because, as they are Moors, our enemies, and every time that they deserved it the Portuguese smashed their snouts for them, 1 it was certain they would try a change ; and the Hollanders, as rebels, would solicit this, being the first to come out to those parts : 2 therefore he resolved to send a fleet of two galleons and three galliots to join there the two that he had sent in the past May, 3 and nominated as captain-major of this fleet Goterre de Monroy de Be"ja ; and with the preparation of this fleet the Count ordered great speed to be made, because it was necessary for it to set sail in September." Accordingly we are told, towards the end of the same chapter, that " with much enthusiasm the fleet for Malaca set sail on the day of S. Jeronymo, which is the last of September, consisting of two galleons, in one of which went the captain-major, and in the other D. Alvaro da Costa, son of D. Francisco da Costa, and three galliots, the captains of which were Pero Fernandes de Carvalho, Filippe de Oliveira, and Maximiliano de Mendoga." As we have seen above, Pedro Teixeira left Malacca in May, 1600, for the Philippines, in a pinnace dispatched by Martin Affonso de Mello to warn the governor of those islands of the increasing number of Dutch ships that continued to arrive in those waters. In addition to those I have mentioned above, there left Holland, in 1600 and 1 60 1, for the Malay Archipelago, four fleets comprising 1 " Lhes quebrdram os focinhos :" a brutal vulgarity of diction uncomrtion to Couto. 2 This is not strictly correct, the English having preceded the Dutch in visiting " those parts" ; but the latter were the first to systematise their voyages, and carry them out on a large scale. 3 See supra. Ixxxviii INTRODUCTION. twenty-eight ships : J so that in the seven years beginning with 1595, when Cornell's de Houtman made his first voyage round the Cape of Good Hope, no less than sixty- five ships in fifteen fleets had sailed from the Netherlands eastward and westward to Insulindia. 2 With the con- stitution of the first English East India Company in 1600, and the amalgamation in 1602 of the two Dutch companies into the United East India Company, 3 matters became even worse for the Portuguese ; and by the time that Teixeira arrived in India again, at the end of 1603, the position was so critical as to evoke from the Chamber of Goa the following " bitter cry " to the King : 4 Although f the affairs of the South demanded a full relation, we shall do it very briefly, because they are such that they speak for themselves. It is full of Hollanders, and this year they captured the ship that was making the voyage from Samtome to Malaca laden, which was worth more than three hundred thousand cruzados? and three or four that were going with money to Bengala ; 6 and have since captured the most powerful and richest ship that ever left China, which was . . . 7 for this city, and was bringing the means of subsistence of the whole of India, which they went to wait for at the Strait, a little beyond Malaca, 8 where they also captured a junk laden with provisions, 1 Details of the doings of these ships will be found in the Intro- duction to the Voyage of Capt. John Saris, pp. xxxiii-xxxiv. J See the Table in Hunter's History of British India, vol. i, p. 334. * The attempt of the French, in 1601, to gain a share in the trade of the East ended in disaster (see Introduction to Gray's Pyrard). 4 Annual letter of December, 1603, in Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. i, Pt. II, pp. 112-113. 5 This capture took place in conjunction with Lancaster's ships on October I3th, 1602 (see Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, pp. 91-93 ; also Hunter's History of British India, vol. i, p. 278). In the Dutch account of Spilbergen's voyage there is a picture of the fight. 8 In May, 1603, Sebald de Weerd captured four Portuguese vessels, bound from Cochin to Negapatam, off the east coast of Ceylon (see Orientalist, vol. iii, pp. 72-73). 7 Sic in orig. 8 This capture was effected in June, 1603, off Johor, by two Dutch ships under Heemskerk. The chronicler of Spilbergen's voyage, after describing the rich lading, adds : " So that, besides the plunder- ing, she was estimated at over seventy hundred thousand guilders " (Reyse van loris van Spilbergen, p. 38). INTRODUCTION. Ixxxix that the city of China 1 was sending to Andre" Furtado for the relief of the fleet. The fortress of Malaca is without provisions, nor can it obtain any, because the Hollanders stopped those that the Jaos were bringing to it, and the city of Malaca wrote to us to supply it with provisions, as they were perishing from famine. The remedy for these things is very far off, because it is in your Majesty, and they call for it very urgently, and may it please God that when He shall see fit to grant it, they will attain it ; and let not your Majesty reckon on its being given from here, because the Achem sent ambassadors hither to ask permission for a fortress in his territories, but the State could not grant it, and they returned, and he has sent others to England to the same effect, 2 and he says, that he will give it to the one that goes first ; wherefore your Majesty must provide the South from that King- dom with a suitable fleet, and directed to Malaca, and not to come to India, because however good it be, if it should come here, the needs are so great, that peradventure it would not be able to go thither, and without the South there is no India. Such was the condition of affairs in the Far East when Pedro Teixeira left India on his land journey homewards at the beginning of 1604. 1 Macao. 2 See Voyages of Sirjas, Lancaster, pp. 85, 95-97 ; Letters Received by the East India Company, etc., vol. i, pp. 1-4 ; Hunter's History oj British India, vol. i, p. 278. XC INTRODUCTION. III. TEIXEIRA'S BOOK. WE have seen above that Teixeira, while residing in Hormuz, spent a considerable part of his time in the acquisition of the Persian language, and in the translation of the Chronicle of the Kings of Hormuz by Turan Shah 1 and (in a very summarized form) of a portion of the voluminous History of Persia by Mfr Khwand. 2 When he returned to Portugal in 1601, our traveller must have brought these translations with him ; but worries in con- nection with business affairs, necessitating his return to India, prevented him from giving the world the benefit of his labours until several years later. But when he had settled down in the (then) Spanish city of Antwerp (some time between 1605 and 1609), he turned his thoughts to 1 As no copy of this work is known to be now in existence, it seems probable that Teixeira had access to a unique manuscript preserved among the royal archives in the palace at Tura'nbdgh : the same document, no doubt, from which the Dominican monk, Caspar da Cruz, made his brief abstract a quarter of a century earlier. This precious manuscript evidently perished in the shameful sack of Hormuz after its capture by the combined Persian and English force in 1622. In one of his letters to me, Mr. Sinclair writes : " Considering the absolute sack of Ormuz only a few years after Teixeira wrote, it is not likely that many MSS. survived of the king's library. He had to leave his palace and take refuge in the fort, and probably saved few books. There is an odd little passage in Pietro Delia Valle's xviith letter from Persia, dated ' Gombru,' 2gth Nov., 1622, where he mentions that books plundered from Ormuz were sold about Persia with other ' loot ' by the returning Persian soldiery, from whom a captive Georgian queen bought a Latin breviary and a Portuguese ' confessionary,' and gave them to Pietro. If the MS. escaped in this way it may yet be in Shiraz or thereabouts, but I think the odds are against it." 3 The manuscript of this work, Teixeira says, he purchased. Had he been able to buy a copy of the Hormuz Chronicle, it would probably now be in one of the libraries of Europe. INTRODUCTION. xci the publication of his works, consisting then of the Chronicle of the Kings of Hormuz and the History of the Kings of Persia to the time of the Arab invasion. He accordingly obtained the necessary licence from the authorities for this purpose ; but then, as he tells us in his Preface, yielding to the pressure of friends, he transmuted his Kings of Persia from Portuguese into Spanish, 1 and added to it a second book in the same language, bringing the history down to April, i6o9. 2 To this he appended his Kings of Hormuz? and, finally, an account of his journeys, of which a summary has been given above. In 1610, Teixeira's work was published, in the form of a small octavo volume, with the following title-page : " Relaciones de Pedro Teixeira d'el Origen Descendencia y Svccession de los Reyes de Persia, y de Harmuz, y de vn Viage hecho por el mismo Avtor dende la India Oriental hasta Italia por tierra. En Amberes En casa de Hieronymo Verdussen. 4 M. DC. X. Con Priuilegio." After the title comes a six-page explanatory note, " Al Lector" Then follow the two books of the Relation de los Reyes de Persia (pp. 1-376), and a Breve Relation de los Provincias mas notables y qve mas han dvrado en el sennoria de la 1 I have used the word " transmuted," because Teixeira's Spanish contains a number of Portuguese words. To some of these Mr. Sinclair refers in his footnotes ; and others he has noted on the margins of his copy of the Relaciones. Instances of these in the Viage are charneca = \n Port. " a dry waste," but in Span, "a pistachio tree" ; abobada = 'm Port, "vault" ; vedar=\n Port, "to pay" (with pitch); carranca = 'm Port, "cloudiness"; negassa (for nega$a) = 'm Port. " decoy." 2 This date is prefixed to the name of Shdh Abba's at the end of the list of the kings of Persia. 3 Which, apparently (though Teixeira does not say so), was also turned from Portuguese into Spanish. 4 Regarding whom, and other members of this famous family of Antwerp booksellers, see F. Olthoffs De Boekdrukkers . , . in Antiverpen (Antw., 1891), pp. 102-107. XC11 INTRODUCTION. Persia (pp. 377-384) ; after which come eight unnumbered pages containing tables of the Reyes qve sennorearon la Persia hasta la entrada en ella de los Arabes segun Mirkond- Then comes the Relacion de los Reyes de Harmuz (pp. 1-45), followed by the Relacion del Camino qve hize dende la India hasta Italia (pp. 47-1 15), 1 on the verso of the last folio of which is printed the Licence to print. Sixteen unnumbered pages containing the table of contents conclude the volume. 2 That Teixeira's book met with a favourable reception from the reading public there is no reason to doubt ; and later writers on the East, especially on Persia, would naturally quote his work as an authority. 3 Not, however, until long after his death did a translation of Teixeira's book into another tongue appear. 4 This was a small octavo (or duodecimo) volume with the following title-page : 1 Pages 50 and 51, 54 and 55, 58 and 59, and 62 and 63, are mis- printed as 36 and 37, 40 and 41, 44 and 45, and 48 and 49 ; while pages 200 to 215 are misprinted 100 to 115 (p. 207 having a double error as 197). * The printer's errors in which are not more numerous than one might expect in a book of this kind. * I may mention W. Schickard, who in his Tarich, etc. (Tubing., 1628), praises Teixeira and draws largely from his work ; and J. de Laet, who, in his Persia, etc. (Lugd. Bat., 1633), transfers freely from our author, and also (on pp. 296-330) gives a summary of Teixeira's itinerary from Hormuz to Aleppo. According to Tiele (Mtmoire Bibliographique surles Journaux des Navigateurs Nterlandais, p. 255, .), the account of Persia and Hormuz appended by Commelin to Hendrick Hagenaer's voyages (Begin ende Voortgang, etc., 1645, vol. ii) was compiled principally from Teixeira's work. Edmund Castell, the Biblical and Oriental scholar, appears to have utilised Teixeira's book in the compilation of his Dictionarium Persico- Latinum, published in 1669 (see Browne's Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in Cambridge University Library, p. 249). 4 In torn, ii of the Universus Terrarum Orbis of Alph. Lasor a Varea (Raphael Savonarola) there is the following entry : " Pedro de Veixeira [sic}, Relationes . . . &c. Amberes. 1610. in 8. & Italice. Antu. 1610. in 8." Pinelo (Bibl. Or., torn, i, 269) notes this reference to an Italian translation of Teixeira's work, published at Antwerp in the same year as the original ; but I can find no record of it elsewhere, and suspect an error. INTRODUCTION. XC111 " Voyages de Texeira [sic], ov 1'Histoire des Rois de Perse traduite d'Espagnol en Frangois A Paris, Chez Claude Barbin, au Palais, sur le second Perton de la Sainte Chapelle. M. DC. LXXXI. Avec Privilege du Roy." This French version is in two volumes, and gives the whole of Teixeira's work, with the many digressions omitted, and otherwise abbreviated. The translator, as we learn from the dedication to the Due de Montauzier, was Charles Cotolendi, 1 who begins his preface by the statement that " Texeira [sic] est un Autheur si fameux, & si souvent cite", qu'il est connu de tout le monde," and expresses his con- fidence in our author's judgment. As to his own transla- tion, Cotolendi remarks : " Je 1'ay faite le mieux que j'ay pu, sans pourtant trop de scrupule." M. H. Audiffret, writing in the Biographie Universelle (torn, xli, p. 207), describes Cotolendi's version 2 as " une assez mauvaise traduction," and adds : " Cette version contient beaucoup plus de fautes que le texte." With this criticism we may leave it. The only other translation of Teixeira's complete work is that in English by Captain John Stevens, the Spanish scholar and translator. 3 Stevens did not, however, publish a translation of the whole book at one time ; but at first only our author's account of his two journeys in 1600-1601 and 1603-1605. This appeared in A New Collection of Voyages and Travels, published in London in monthly parts (small quarto), from December, 1708, to some time in 1710 (the whole reissued in two volumes, with new general 1 Regarding whom see Nouv. Biog. G could be wished for, only as an interesting traveller, and as having had the sense and good fortune to preserve some fragments of the lost Shdhndma of Ormuz." Then, on May loth, 1899: "As to matters which he reports on the faith of others, I have not found any reason for repentance of having excluded them from the extracts ('spite of Pedro's protest in their favour, in his preface) ; but he seems to have been quite as careful and critical as could be expected in his day." In view of the fact that Mr. Sinclair was not able to make any final revision of his translation and notes, I have altered the former only in a few cases where it was absolutely required, and have left most of the notes intact, putting any additions of my own in brackets. I feel that an apology is due to scholars for the (I fear) somewhat unscientific spelling of names. I can only plead that my knowledge of Arabic and Persian is of the slightest. In conclusion, I have to express my thanks to the C INTRODUCTION. gentlemen whose names are mentioned in several foot- notes as having furnished me with information ; and to Mr. William Foster, the late Secretary of this Society, my special gratitude is due for his careful revision of the proof- sheets, and for many valuable suggestions and contributions to the footnotes. D. F. Captain John Stevens's Preface to his Translation of Pedro 1 Teixeira's " Kings of Persia" and " Kings of Harmuz ;" 2 including the Author's Preface to his whole work. ERSIA is at this time, and has been for several Ages, one of the Great Eastern Monarchies, and yet the Accounts we have hitherto had of it in English have been no better than Fragments. 8 Several Travellers have described the Country, and given us the Lives of some of their latter Kings ; the Turkish History 4 here and there has something of them occasionally ; other Books make mention of the Conquests of it by the Tartars and the Sarazens. A corn- pleat History of that Kingdom from its Foundation to this 1 Stevens's title-page says "Antony" by mistake. 2 Stevens's translation of the Kings was printed in London " for Jonas Brown at the Black Swan without Temple-Bar. MDCCXV.'' That of the Voyage was a separate publication altogether, and is dealt with in its place. But Stevens's Preface, and his translation of the author's, are here given verbatim, as a fair sample of his work. 3 A list of the various writers on Persia is given in Curzon's Persia and the Persian Question (London, 1892), vol. I, chap, i, pp. 16-18. D. F. 4 Stevens probably refers to Richard Knolles's Generall Historic of the Turkes, first published in 1603, and reissued, with additions, in 1610, 1621, 1631, 1638, 1687, 1700, and 1701.- D. F, cii STEVENS'S PREFACE, AND Time has been still wanting, and is what the Publick is here presented with, as a Work doubtless Acceptable to all curious Persons, the Spanish from which it is now translated being very scarce, and the Arabick 1 from which that was taken very little understood. All Nations have their fabulous Originals, and therefore it is hop'd none will condemn this Work for what may appear Romantick in its remotest Antiquity ; for it is but reasonable to allow the Persians the same Liberty that we take our selves as to those Primitive Times. Nor are we to conclude that all those Things which may perhaps appear to us incredible are absolutely false, since it is most certain that the Asiatick Nations were civiliz'd, and had the use of Letters long before us, and consequently their Histories may with Truth extend much further than ours. The Judicious will not be apt to condemn Things slightly, being sensible that there is nothing perfect in this World, and for those Ages which are most remote from the first Original of that Kingdom, there does not appear to be the least just Cause of Objection against what is here said of them. Not to detain the Reader too long, we shall now give him as much of Teixeira's Spanish Preface to his Translation from the Arabick, as is proper for the understanding of the Motives that induc'd him to write, and of his Performance. His words are as follows. 2 Having, in my Youth, been addicted to reading of History, I was often at a stand on Account of the Disagreement that there is 1 Stevens repeats this error on the title-page of his book (see supra, p. xcv) ; and, more curiously still, the Dominican translator of Turin Shah's Chronicle of the Kings of Hormuz commits a similar blunder (see infra, p. 256). The mistake is probably due to the fact that, as mentioned by Teixeira in Bk. I, chap, xxii, of his Kings of Persia (see infra, p. 210), after the conquest of Persia by the Arabs, the Arabic characters were substituted for those previously used in writing Persian. D. F. 2 The original has the heading " Al Lector" and the note is addressed to the " curious reader ;" but Stevens, it will be seen, has altered the phraseology throughout. D. F. TEIXEIRAS NOTE TO THE READER. Clll among Authors about the same Things. This I more particularly observ'd in what has been seriously and confusedly transmitted to us in Writing by those who went before us concerning the Kings of Persia and their Succession, among which Authors are Proco- pius^ Agathius? Genebrardus? Zonarasf Tornamira? and several others ; whose Relations are so uncertain, that they seldom agree in any Point. I laboured under this Uneasiness for some time, 'till going over to India, and the Eastern Parts, 6 and travelling there I came to Ormuz, and the Dominions of Persia ; where the same Curiosity still possessing me, I laid hold of the Opportunity to resolve my Doubts, and to that End, and to discover the true History of those Kings and Antiquities. I began to make Inquiry after them, but found my self more perplex'd than before; for when I asked for Cyrus, Artabanus, Ahasuerus, and others men- tion'd by our Greek and Latin Historians, I could hear nothing of them, or their Actions, agreeable to what these have related of them. At length, having acquainted some Persians, Men of Knowledge and well read, with my Desire, after much Discourse they advis'd me, since I design'd to know the History of their Kings, to take up with what had been writ' of them in their Chronicles, the Authors whereof being nearer at hand, deliver'd their Actions with less Confusion and more Certainty than those of other Nations, who were often mis-led either by Prejudice, or Distance, or both of them. I lik'd the Advice, and in order to make the true use of it, enquir'd and was inform'd, that the History in greatest Reputation among them was one they call Tarik Mirkond, that is, Mirkond's Chronicle, 1 which I purchas'd, and having perus'd, and finding him very extensive and universal as to the Affairs of Persia, I extracted as much as the Publick is here presented with, concerning the Number and Succession of 1 Procoptus de Bella Per sico, Romas, 1509; and Procopii Caesarien- sis de rebus Gothorum, Persarum ac Vandalorum libri vii, etc., Basiliee, 1531. D. F. 2 Agathyus de Bella Gotthorum et aliis peregrinis historiis, etc., Romae, 1516. D. F. 3 Gilbert Gdnebrard : Chronographia in duos libros distincta, etc., Parisiis, 1567. D. F. 4 Joannis Zonara Annales, in Ayminius, Corpus -vniversa historic prcesertim bizantince, Lutetia, 1567. D. F. 5 Francisco Vicente de Tornamira : Chronographia y repertorio de los tiempos a la moderno, etc., Pamplona, 1585. D. F. 8 " Pars" in Stevens ; but this is a plain misprint, for the Spanish is "partes." 7 Regarding the Rauzat us-Safa of Mir Khwdnd, see Rieu's Cata- logue of the Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol. i, pp. 87-88. D. F. civ STEVENS S PREFACE, AND their Kings, from the first of them to him that is now reigning, 1 which being altogether new and not publish'd by any other, I thought might be acceptable. It is not my Design to argue upon doubtful Points, or to confute 2 the Opinions of others, but only briefly to relate what the Persians have preserved by Tradition, and is confirm'd as Truth by their Writings ; and since they look upon it as such, it is reasonable we should do so too ; for we ought rather to believe the Natives, who speak like Eye-witnesses, than Strangers in this Particular ; so that this History of ours may be of use for the perfecting of others, which have hitherto been very imperfect. The Portuguese Historian, John de Barros? makes mention of Mirkond's Chronicle in his Decads ; 4 but for want of Under- standing the Language, could give us no more than the Name. 5 Besides the short Account of the Kings, this Book contains some Curiosities, most of them taken notice of in the Margent, which I have inserted, as believing them pat to the Purpose and diverting. I am sensible that some of them might have been more properly placed in the Second Book ; but having at first design'd to publish only the First, they were plac'd there, and I thought it 1 Sha"h Abba's (1585-1628), the above having been written in 1609. Near the end of his Kings of Persia, Teixeira says : " Xa" Aba's, son of the blind Mahamed, inherited by his death the kingdom of Persia, which he possesses to-day ; the rule of which he has held for thirty and three years." To the word " to-day" he puts a marginal note " 1608." The curious error here as regards the length of Shall Abbas's reign is repeated at the end of the list of the kings of Persia, where " 33" is given in figures, and is rendered additionally wrong by the marginal note " Abril 1609." (Stevens has reproduced the blunder on his own account in his Supplement to Teixeira's History.) D. F. 2 Misprinted " confufe" in Stevens. The Spanish is "refutar." 3 In orig., " luan de Bayrros." D. F. 4 The reference appears to be to Dec. //, Liv. x, cap. v, at the end of which Barros says, that the information he gives in cap. vi concern- ing the history of Persia is chiefly taken from "the Tarigh of the Moors, which is of the life of the Califas who succeeded him" (Muhammad.). D. F. * Here Stevens has omitted a whole paragraph, more important than he thought : " First I wrote these Relations in my Portuguese mother tongue, and only the first book, up to the Arab invasion of Persia. But when I would print it, as already licensed, under pressure and counsel of my friends, I put it into Castilian, and brought the second book up to our days ; thinking that in that tongue it would have a wider market. And therein is my own land rather helped than hurt, though I doubt not that, as written in a foreign tongue, there must be many errors, which I leave to the mercy of the wise and candid reader." TEIXEIRA'S NOTE TO THE READER. cv not worth while afterwards to remove them j 1 the Reader may give entire Credit to them, for they were either seen by my self, or receiv'd from Persons I believe as I would my own Eyes. 2 The Proper Names, either of Men, or of Places, or of other Things, may perhaps be thought harsh and difficult of Pronun- ciation, which I could easily have adapted to our Language, but thought it better to give them their own Sound, by reason the altering of them generally creates Confusion ; for had those who have writ, or translated Histories, been always careful to give Men and Places their Proper Names, without any Alteration, there would be less Confusion in reading of them. And in regard that this Book may happen to be read by some Person that has attain'd the knowledge of the Persian and Arabick Languages, who may call in Question any of the Etymologies I produce upon Occasion, I desire such to take Notice, that the more universal Languages are, the more they vary in their Terminations, accord- ing to the Provinces they are used in, whereof there are Instances enough in our own and in the French, Latin, and Greek Tongues. 3 The Calculation of Time, according to the Persians, is to be seen in general in the First Book, but much more particularly in the Second, their method being still observ'd. It is possible I may have committed some Mistake in reducing the Years of their Era, to our Year of CHRIST, by reason of the difference of the Lunar Year us'd by them,* and the Solar by us ; I did my best, and if any other can and will reduce it to a greater Exactness, I shall be very well pleas'd, and return him now Thanks before- hand. Together with the Kings of Persia, I give a Relation of those of Harmuz, or Ormuz, &c. 5 1 In the earlier chapters of the Kings of Persia, these digressions are distinguished by having an asterisk prefixed ; but after the fourteenth chapter this distinctive sign is dropped. D. F. * As a matter of fact, Teixeira himself is generally a good eye- witness. But the persons in whom he placed confidence did not always deserve it. 3 After " Tongues" the original has, " and so he will not condemn whatever he may not understand." This is very well put, and still better (as might be expected) in the original. Unfortunately, Captain Stevens was not content to follow Teixeira's spelling, but used one of his own, which alone would make it impossible to edit his translation without constant and wearisome correction. As this Preface contains hardly any proper names, and only two Asiatic, I have thought it the best sample of him that I could choose. 4 I.e., the Religious Chronology starting from the Hijra, or Flight. When Teixeira comes to the Persian solar year, he has no hesitation in calling the Naw-Roz the 2oth of March. [See p. 230 infra. D. F.] 6 Here Captain Stevens omits the last two paragraphs of Teixeira's Preface ; and as I have made use of his own as a favourable example cvi STEVENS'S PREFACE, AND Thus far our Author Teixeira ; to which I shall only add, that the short Supplement made to his Kings of Persia, to continue them down from his Time to ours, is of his work, so I will give these two paragraphs as a specimen of the original Castilian of our traveller, who has not, unhappily, left us any sample of his Portuguese notes : " Tambien te doy con los Reyes de Persia la relacion de los de Harmus, Reyno de que en aquel de la Persia se contiene no poca parte, que por ser tanto en el, y sugetto a la Corona del nuestro de Portogal, me parecio [rajrazon escriuir su principio y el numero de sus Reyes hasta que los Portoguezes lo occuparon. " Hallaras al fin vna relacion del viage que hize dende la India hasta Italia, con el discurso de algunas cosas, que pienso no te daran disgusto. "Y como de lo que aqui escriuo no espero loor, ni temo leguas de Ignorates sensuradores por ser todo verdadero, y yo solo como interprete y testigo de visto de la mayor parte, no pretendi para este mi trabajo otra protecion mas que solo la tuya, curioso lector, y ansi a ti solo lo dedico y offresco, desseado que te agrade, que de mi parte yo estoy satisfecho, porque como lo hize por mi gusto recebi adelantada la paga del tiepo, despeza, y trabajo empleado en ello, que no me poco. Resta solo pedirte, no que no lo muerdas, o que lo alabes, que vi. poco en lo vno o en lo otro, sino que por tu quietud aduiertas, que si algo a caso hallares en estas relaciones que te paresca arduo no lo condenes, sin inquirir primero la possibilidad de lo que dubdas, ni pienses tambien que de los particulares que se escriuen de vna Region, Reyno, o Prouincia, te podra dar bastante satisfacion qualquiera persona que en ella haya estado, pues son muchos los que las pueden ver, y muy pocos los que los saben notar y inquirar. Vale." [Mr. Sinclair had written only as far as the word satisfecho in the above extract when he died. I have finished the quotation, and append a translation, as follows : "With the Kings of Persia I give thee also the relation of those of Harmus, a kingdom, no small part of which is contained in that of Persia, and which being so great in itself, and subject to the crown of our kingdom of Portugal, it seemed to me right to describe its origin and the number of its kings until the Portuguese occupied it. " At the end thou wilt find a relation of the journey that I made from India to Italy, with the discussion of various matters, which I think will not cause thee displeasure. " And as of what I have here written I do not hope for praise, nor fear the tongues of the ignorant and censorious because all is true, and I alone as interpreter and eye-witness of the greater part, I have not claimed for this my work any other patronage but thine alone, curious reader, and therefore to thee alone I dedicate and offer it, desiring that it may please thee, and I for my part am satisfied, because since T did it for my own pleasure I received in advance the payment of the time, expense and trouble employed on it, which was not little. There remains only to beg thee, not that thou cavil not at it, nor that thou praise it, which concerns me little one way or the other, but that for thine own quietude thou observe, that if perchance TEIXEIRA'S NOTE TO THE READER. cvii collected from the Turkish History, 1 and the best Modern Travellers, as Thevenot? Tavernier? Chardin? 1 Gemelli? &c. and that it was not made longer, lest it should be thought not to bear Proportion with the rest of the History. them shouldst find in these relations anything that may appear to thee difficult thou condemn it not, without first inquiring as to the possi- bility of that which thou doubtest, nor that thou think also that of the particulars that are written of a region, kingdom, or province, any person that has been there will be able to give thee sufficient satis- faction, since many are those that are able to see them, but very few those that know how to take note of and inquire concerning them. Vale." D. F.] 1 See supra, p. ci, n. 2 Jean de Thevenot : Relation d'un Voyage fait an Levant, etc., Paris, 1664-84, and later editions (English translation by D. Lovell : The Travels of Monsieur de Thfvenot into the Levant, etc., London, 1687). 3 Les Six Voyages de Jean Baptiste Tavernier en Turquie, en Perse et aux Indes, Paris, 1676, and later editions (English transla- tion by J. Philips and E. Everard : Collections of Travels through Turkey into Persia and the East-Indies, London, 1684). 4 Jean Chardin : Journal du Voyage . ... en Perse, etc., Londres, 1686, and later editions (English translation : The Travels of Sir John Chardin-into Persia and the East Indies, etc., London, 1686). 5 Giovanni Francesco Gemelli-Careri : Giro del Mondo, etc., Napoli, 1699-1700, and later editions. (No English translation at the time Stevens wrote.) CERTIFICATE OF ORTHODOXY AND LICENSE TO PRINT. THIS History of the Kings of Persia and of Harmuz, with the Journey from India to Italy, written by Pedro Teixeira, contains nothing contrary to the Roman Catholic faith, or against good morals, as we are assured in writing by the Reverend Father Jacobus Tirinus, Professor in Divine Theology of the Company of Jesus ; l who, by our order and commission, has read and examined it. Done in Antwerp, the 22nd of September, 1609. lUAN DEL Rio, Dean and Vicar-General of the Bishopric of Antwerp. 2 Cum Gratia et privilegio ad quadriennium. Signat. WOUWERE. 3 1 Jacques Tirinus, a native of Antwerp, 1580-1636 (see Backer- Sommervogel's Bibliothtlque de la Compagnie de ftsus, torn, viii, col. 50). D. F. * 1 can find no reference to this man in the books I have consulted ; but he must have been a relative of Martin Antoine del Rio, a native of Antwerp (1551-1608) and a voluminous writer (see Backer- Sommervogel, op. at., torn, ii, col. 1894 et seq.}. D. F. 3 Jan van Wouweren, a native of Antwerp (1576-1635), of which city he was elected a councillor in 1602. See further regarding him in Delvenne's Biog. du Roy. des Pays-Bas, torn, ii, p. 600 ; Nouv. Biog. 6V., torn, xlvi, p. 840 ; Biog. Univ., torn, xlv, p. 84. D. F. \ THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. NARRATIVE OF MY JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. CHAPTER I. Of my reason for making this journey, with a short notice of a previous one, from India to Spain by way of the Philippines. N the year 1600 A.D. I was in the fortified city of Malaca, 1 in that region which the ancients called the Golden Chersonese. And wishing to go to Portugal, my own country, I thought to do so by way of the Philippine Isles ; to save time and see something of the world, tempted also by the opportunity of a pinnace (pataxe), fitting out there for that voyage, which the Captain Martin Alfonso de Melo 2 despatched to warn the Governor of those Isles of the entry of the Dutch into that sea. 3 1 How Teixeira came to be in Malacca is explained in the Intro- duction. D. F. 2 Who apparently succeeded to this post on its vacation by Francisco da Silva de Menezes, at the beginning of 1599 (see Couto, Dec. XII, Liv. I, cap. xvi ; and compare Appendix B, chap, xxix, infra). D. F. 3 See Voyage of C apt. John Saris (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), Introduction^ p. xxxiii. D. F. B 2 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. On the ist of May, in that year, we sailed from Malaca, 1 a chief station and mart of all the South Sea, standing in 2 deg. 30 min. N. lat. That land is ever green, fresh, and fertile; and though it lies so close under the sun, the climate is temperate and healthy. We ran southward along the coast, leaving on the right the great Isle of Samatra, commonly called Achen, after a kingdom therein of that name ; which lies over against it westwards, only eight leagues from the continent, whereof it was once a part, but separated by the force of the sea. Its states are many, and, if little civilised, yet rich, and abounding in fine gold, pepper, lac, white benzoin, camphor, and other goods of price, besides plenty of victuals. 2 On the right, likewise, we left the Strait of Sabam, 3 formed by that and other almost numberless isles. Thereby men sail to the Javas, Sunda, Amboyno, Maluco, Thimor, Solor, Bale, and many other isles and kingdoms of that sea. And coasting the continent, and passing by the rivers therein named Muar and Pol6, we came to the Strait of Sinca- pura, 4 between that and the isles which form the other of Sabam. This is of the figure of a [numeral] 5, and for half a league so narrow that the ships, bound either for India or China, cannot tack therein. Therefore they anchor at either entrance, awaiting a good tide, with which, and a boat sent ahead to help the helm, to pass the strait. It 1 For descriptions of Malacca in the early part of the seventeenth century, see Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), vol. iii, pp. 265-277 ; Linschoten (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), vol. i, pp. 104- 106; Pyrard (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), vol. ii, pp. 150-156. D. F. 2 Cf. Linschoten, vol. i, pp. 107-111. D. F. 3 See Comment, of Af. Dalb., vol. iv, p. 90 n. In Linschoten's map of the Eastern Seas (see Voyage of Capt.John Saris, p. 192), Sabam is shown as a town on the coast of Sumatra, opposite to the island of Linga. D. F. 4 This strait is the old passage north of the Isle of Singapur, called by the Malays themselves " SaMt Tebrau," separating the isle from Johor, and only used now by coasters and ferry-boats (see China Sea Directory, 4th ed., vol. i, pp. 244 et seq., and, for the tides, p. 28). JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 3 happens often that they must wait three, four, or five days ; for so long, more or less, the tide runs ever one way, a thing surely worth wonder. Nor less strange is it that in all that coast and isles the shell-fish are seen to be fat at new moon and void at full moon, contrary to those of all other lands and seas. 1 In this strait, and by the neighbouring shores, live those sea-folk called Seletes (of whom I have made mention in the first book of the Kings of Persidf great fishers and greater thieves. In the midst of this strait the tide failed us, and the pataxe got on the rocks, where we were in great danger, and with toil and trouble enough got clear of it. It pleased God that the return of the tide was speedy, with which we got out at the other end. Here we watered in Romanya, which is on the continent, thirty-two leagues from Malaca, and passed on our left hand the White Rock, 3 well known to our Portuguese in the East, for it is a beacon to ships in search of that passage, bound to Malaca from Japon, China, Cacho-China, Chincheo, Camboia, Siam, Pate, Patane, Pam, Champa, and also as one of those places where the compass shows no variation. 4 We pursued our voyage amongst islands almost count- less, all uninhabited. In twenty-three days' sail, from Malaca to Borneo, we lost sight of them but for one. We reached Borneo without adventure, beyond the common alarms of that voyage, of shoals, reefs, currents, and 1 This notion of mollusca waxing and waning with the moon is derived from Pliny the Elder (Nat. Hist., Bk. n, chap. xli). [Cf. Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 11. D. F.] 2 See Appendix B, chap, xxix, infra. D. F. 3 Better known now as bearing the Horsburgh Light. [See Lin- schoten, vol. i, p. 119. D. F.] 4 The variation is not great on our last charts, and probably could not be detected by such instruments as Teixeira's ship may have had in 1600 A.D. Pdm is Pahang, and Chincheo was a port in the Chinese province of Fuh-kien, somewhere near Amoy. [See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. " Chinchew." D. F.] B 2 4 THE TRAVELS OK PEDRO TEIXEIRA. sudden storms ; by reason of which great ships cannot sail this way. We made landfall on the western point of the isle, and coasted northwards two hundred leagues to the port, which is safe and spacious, formed by the channel of a great and deep river, there falling into the sea, and by certain other isles that surround it. 1 Borneo is one of the greatest eastern isles, but not of most resort. The inhabitants are Moors, all of olive complexion, and good- looking, especially the women. Most of them go naked, but for a cloth girt about them ; the best with a baju^ that is, a light short skirt. The isle abounds in all sorts of produce of those regions. Here is got the pure and perfect camphor, called (as most excellent) " of Borneo," by scraping it out of the heart of a great tree with iron claws, like resin, throwing it into cold water, and often changing the same until it be refined. This is not brought to Portugal, because it fetches very high prices in India. There is plenty of bezar stones, much tortoise-shell, wax, and some gold. But the isle on this side is neither well-peopled nor very healthy. For the kingdoms of Lave, Maiar Magem, 2 and others, all rich enough, lie on the other. Nor are the people hereabout much given to trade. So there is no export here, but what the Portuguese get in barter for some cloths that they carry thither. This port was once in the possession of the Spaniards, who aban- doned it as unhealthy and little fit for traffic, the land unsuitable, and the folk unserviceable. The chief place, where the king of this port lives, is in the river. The houses are all of wood, built on piles and platforms, stayed with hawsers of canes, 3 that is, of the rota already men- 1 This is the modern Brunei. 2 Represented by modern Pontianak and Banjarmasin. 3 Vexucos (bejucos of modern dictionaries). Teixeira seems to think it a word requiring explanation. " Rota" is rattan. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 5 tioned. 1 When he pleases, on account either of the weather or anything else, the whole town moves across the river with very little trouble. 2 Nor is this matter of marvel, for so are they used to do in Palinban, 3 and Andreguir,* and other places and ports on the opposite coast of Samatra, and in some other isles of that region. All the dwellers in that isle are prone to thievery, which the better to practise, they set forth in weak little boats, and go four hundred leagues, or more, to the coast of Pegu, to plunder ; and return with their barks and prizes laden with booty. And seldom do they suffer from the weather, for the Malayan or Malacan Sea is so calm that men call it the Ladies' Sea. And if it be disturbed by the not-infrequent storms, which are of wonderful violence, though soon over, they take refuge on the shore, which they ever hug close : and proceed on their voyage when the weather mends. Their arms are swords, cofos? that is, targets made of rota or vexucos? lances, assegais, and even arquebuses ; but the commonest are selihhes? which are charred stakes, so hard as to pierce like iron ; and easily broken, whereupon they have the wound full of a thousand 1 In the Kings of Persia, Bk. I, chap, xxxiii, where Teixeira, describing the methods of obtaining camphor and diamonds in the kingdom of Lave, says that it is in the woods there that the fine rota grows, and he adds a description of it (see infra, App. A). D. F. 1 Stevens has translated this passage as if the houses were built on anchored rafts. But I think it will also bear the construction in the text, and that this is in itself more probable ; because Brunei is at this day built on piles, like many other Malayan settlements. 3 Palembang, on a river flowing into Banka Strait, called the Sungi Sungsang. 4 The Indragiri River, flowing into Amphitrite Bay, in the Berhala Strait. 6 Cf. Ant. Tenreiro, Itinerario da India, cap. i : " trazem huns escudos a que chamao cofos de seda, de algodao tao fortes, que os nao passa nenhuma frecha." D. F. 6 Rattans (see note above). D. F. 7 Javanese, saligi or sfiligi, " a wooden dart or javelin " (Crawford's frlalay-Eng. Diet,) D. F. 6 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. splinters that make it almost incurable. Next after this weapon, amongst this folk, are the darts of the zerue- tana?- which are very slender, made of a certain rush, tipped with the tooth of a venomous fish ; which, if they draw blood, are deadly. 2 But, as these are only blown out the zaruetana, their shot is easy of defence, and their venom of cure, for very effective antidotes have been discovered. On the African coast of the Indian Ocean, the Portuguese could never yet find any such for the poisoned arrows of the mainland negroes of Melinde and Monbac_a. By these I have seen many die offhand of mere scratches with frightful suffering, and without help or hope. Enough said of Borneo. We left that port, and coasted the isle for two more days, passing near the Mount San Pedro therein, so high as to be seen for fifty leagues. 3 Leaving it astern we kept our course, ever amongst unpeopled isles, whereof the best known are Paragua and Malaua, 4 with others beyond count ; and at every step we seemed lost among them. At last, on the 22nd of June, we anchored in the Bay of Cavite, the port of the isle and city of Manila. Manila is the chief town and headquarters of the Isles of Lucon, as the natives call them, which we call the Philippines, because they were conquered in the time of the King Don Philip the Second, of glorious memory. Although not then first discovered, for they and more had been found long before by my countryman, the 1 Blowpipe (see Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " Sarbatane"). D. F. 2 In Balfour's Cyclopadia of India, blowpipe darts are said to be sometimes headed with fishes' teeth, and poisoned with Upas sap. The authority for this is not clearly stated, but appears to be modern. There are some fish-teeth very suitable, especially those on the rostra of small saw-fishes (Pristis\ abundant in the Malayan seas. Many fishes, especially sting-rays, have suitable spines, 5 Mount Kini Balu. 4 Paragua is Palawan ; Malaua may be Malawale. It is difficult to believe that Teixeira had any good information about them. They cannot have been uninhabited ; though probably the population was not dense. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 7 Portuguese Fernando de Magallanes, after he found the strait to which he gave his own name, and which yet retains it. And he fell in one of these isles, called Zebu, one hundred leagues from this port. 1 These isles are many, and some great ; all well peopled. The folk are submissive, yet some, called Ilocos and Pintados, 2 have at times given the Spaniards enough to do. They are of gray or olive complexion, and go naked, but for certain sheets of cotton. They were partly heathen and partly Moors ; but the latter have been rooted out, 3 and now there are only heathens and Christians. These isles are improving greatly by the trade brought in by the Spaniards, who import yearly more than a million and a half of silver from New Spain, and export hence China goods, brought in great quantity by the Chincheos, 4 whom they call Sangleys ; 5 yet not of the high quality of what the Portuguese draw from China. 6 The city is great, composed of fine stone and lime buildings. Both it and they exceed what is wanted : which the Spaniards understanding have thrown a plain wall across the middle of it, that in case of need they may bring themselves into a less compass. 1 In Matan or Magtan, a little isle close to Zebu. 2 The Ilocos were of N. Luzon ; the Pintados of the Viscayas. 3 The Moros, or Musalmans, were so far from being " rooted out" that they were warring on the Spaniards, from Teixeira's days to ours. ( Vide, for details, Foreman's Philippine Islands, and ed., London, 1899.) Either Teixeira was deceived, or he was afraid to publish the truth. 4 Chinese of Fuh-kien. [Cf. Voyage of Capt. John Saris (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), pp. 226-227. D - F -] 6 Stevens, in his Spanish-English Dictionary, explains the origin of the word thus: " Because at their first coming thither [the Philip- pines] the Spaniards asking them who they were, they answer'd Xang Ley, that is, we come to trade, which the others not under- standing thought it had been their name." That the word represents Chinese sang le, " to trade," seems evident. D. F. 6 See Morga's Philippine Islands (Hakluyt Soc, ed,) P- 336, et seq,, on the trade of the Philippines. D. F, THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TETXEIRA. There is a cathedral church, the seat of an arch- bishop, and three more bishops in other places ; a royal court of justice, and a governor with viceregal powers. Some noble new churches were being built. The city is walled, against a possible risk from Japon ; with which, though they have trade, the Spaniards are much upon their guard and good behaviour. The isles bear much rice, and wine made of the nypa ; l and though there was formerly no sort of cattle, these have bred and increased under the care of the Spaniards, insomuch as to rival New Spain. There is got here much wax, and much gold, profitably exported to Mexico ; and though many of the native islanders pay their tribute in gold, and deal in it, yet could never the Spaniards, up to my time, for all their endeavours find out whence these got it. They cannot raise wheat here ; in default whereof they make bread of flour from Chincheo 2 and Japon. There is found plenty of ebony and canna- fistola, 3 and of all the fruits common in those lands. Of these, moreover, they export great supplies to the neigh- bouring lands of Maluco, without which they would fare ill, by reason of the great distance and uncertain supply of India, whence they are victualled. The China trade with these isles is favoured not only by its profit but by close neighbourhood, for from the furthest of them to the mainland of China it is not more than ten days' voyage ; and so those bound from Mexico to Manilla talk of their China voyage, and passengers from Manilla for New Spain say they are from China for Castile. When I was come to Manilla I got leave of the Governor, 1 Nipa fruticans, a plant allied to the palms, and producing, as most of them do, a sweet fermentable " toddy." 2 See note 4 on p. 3. The Philippines now import rice from French India. It will be noticed that Teixeira says nothing of hemp, nor of tobacco. 3 Our cassia fistula. D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 9 Don Francisco Tello de Menezes, 1 to go on to New Spain ; without which one can in nowise go ; and it is not easily granted. I went on board a new ship, one of four shortly to sail, whereof the Santa Margarita, which was capitana, and the San Geronimo, almirante* were lost on that voyage on the Ladrones Isles. Of this last, the captain was one Diego Rodrigues de Segura, with whom I had made a bargain, but God in His goodness diverted me from it. Another, the Contadora, was seven months on her voyage to Acapuiko, and got there little better than a wreck. 3 I was berthed then, as I say, aboard this ship, 4 whereof were captains and owners, the Marshal Gabriel de Ribera, 5 and the Captain Domingo Hortis de Chaboya, men of means, who had built her for their own voyage to Mexico, with intent to take no passengers. But they gave me passage as a great favour, and on July i8th we set sail from that port, which is in 13 deg. 30 min. N. lat., and on the 26th we came to the end of the isles of that Govern- ment, all inhabited, amongst which we had sailed con- 1 Couto {Dec. XII, Liv. II, cap. xi) mentions him by this name as Governor of Manila in 1598. (See also Appendix B, chap, xxix, infra.} Ant. de Morga, however, calls him " Don Francisco Tello de Guzman, knight of the habit of Santiago, treasurer of the House of Commerce with the Indies." He also informs us that Don Francisco entered upon the government of the Philippines in July 1596, and died suddenly in Manila in April 1603, having been succeeded in office by Don Pedro de Acuna in May 1602. (See Morga's Philippine Islands, PP- 55, 199-) D- F. 2 The capitana, as usual in the Peninsular squadrons of the period, is here the flagship, and the almirante that of the second in com- mand. 3 Morga (op. tit., p. 188) mentions only two ships as having sailed in 1600 from Manila for New Spain, viz., the flagship Sta. Margarita, commander Juan Martinez de Guillestigui, and the San Geronymo, under Don Fernando de Castro. The sad fate of both these vessels is also related by Morga. D. F. 4 The fourth and only lucky ship of the squadron. Oddly enough, Teixeira does not tell us her name. 4 See Morga (op. ?.), pp. 35, 27, 429. D. F. IO THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. tinually for one hundred leagues. The place is called, from the name of one of them, the Pass of Kapul. 1 This was no small mercy of God, for it often happens that two months are wasted in getting to this place, with suffering and weariness enough. 2 Here we took in water, fowls, pigs, fruit, and vegetables, 8 which the islanders bring for sale to the ships. When we tried to get out of the pass, with a fresh and following wind, we were hindered from midnight to noon, by so strong and terrible a tidal current, that for all the wind's help we could not gain half a league until the tide turned ; whereupon we got out at such a rate that shortly we lost sight of all the Isles, and shaped our course for those of Japon, formerly called Argentarias, for their great produce of fine silver, whereof the Portuguese yearly export a great amount to China. Of these Isles, or of the best part of them, the Conbaco Taycosama 4 had the Empire in our day. He was a poor woodman, who lived by bringing daily on his shoulders a 1 This is the Strait of S. Bernardino, opening eastwards between the Isles of Luzon and Samar. Kapul is a little island just inside (i.e. south-west) of the Strait. Some English maps and old charts give the name of S. Bernardino to the whole channel through the Isles, but its western end is called on a fine Spanish map, reproduced by Berghaus (1832), " Estrecho de Mindoro" and on an English Admiralty chart now (1898) in use, it is called "Verde Island Channel." It is north of Mindoro, and south of Luzon. There seems to have been much confusion of names in Philippine hydrography. 2 For a description of the course taken by ships from Manila to New Spain, see Morga (op. tit., pp. 355-357). D. F. 3 Frutos including vegetables. 4 Kivambaku Taiko Santa seems to mean "My Lord the ex- Regent," or something like it. At any rate, the ruler referred to is Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and the description apparently correct. He was of humble birth ; though I cannot be sure about the faggots, he was Kwam-Baku ; and after his (nominal) retirement, he was properly entitled " Taiko Sama." He did invade Korea, by deputy, and died in 1598. Probably Teixeira, who does not seem to have landed in Japan, got his information in Manila. I am indebted for the substance of this note to the works and courtesy of Mr. W. G. Aston, and to the Ancien Japon of Messrs. G. Appert and H. Kinoshita, a wonderful multum in parv0. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. II faggot from the forest, and selling it for his living. Yet by his valour and caution he won that rule, and kept and managed it with uncommon wisdom and justice, forcing the indolent Japonese to agriculture, and subjecting their almost untamed energies to politic laws. Hereby he made those realms to prosper above precedent, and his neighbours to dread his arms. These he made felt on the mainland of Koray, which Portuguese authorities call commonly Corea, a kingdom bordering on China, and vassal to the king thereof, which was of no small avail in its defence. We were now in the latitude of Japon, whereof the southernmost port, Nangazaquy, where the Portuguese have a factory, is in 33 deg. N. lat. ; and the realms of the Cantod, 1 in over 40 deg. Being by the sea-marks not far from the Isles, we altered the course to east ; and sighting some (isles) new and unknown, we sailed many days on that wide South Sea, for the lands of New Spain. On the third of November, we made the land in 40 deg. N. lat., at Cape Mendozino. This is a point of no variation of the compass. Thence, we ran down the coast southward, looking out for certain isles that lie thereby. 2 Now, when we left the Philippines, we had warning by the Mexico ships that certain Dutch vessels had passed the Strait of Magallanes into the South Sea. 3 (For none may sail thence before these [Mexico ships] come in, not if they have to await them to the next year.) Wherefore we came prepared, and so well appointed, that in all the 1 These are puzzling. The latitude and context suit the north of " Hondo," i.e., of Japan proper, exclusive of Yeso. I suppose " Hondo " and " Cantoo " to represent " Kwanto," which is the name of the "Home Counties," or metropolitan province, in the useful little map attached to Mons. G. Appert's Ancien Japon. [The term " Kwanto" was often applied loosely to the whole of the northern half of Hondo. D. F.] 2 The islands of Cenizas and Cedars, according to Morga (op. '/., p. 357). D. F. 3 See footnote 4 on the next page. D. F. 12 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. ship (whose cargo was worth about four hundred thousand ducats) we had no more than seven or eight swords, and one arquebus, out of repair. 1 Pursuing our voyage, as we ran down the coast at about two leagues distant, near the Californias, 2 one fine moonlit night, we found ourselves amidst three ships ; one inshore of us, and close aboard, the others in the offing at some distance. I need not tell how we all felt, for the hearts of the wariest and the boldest failed them all alike. The little ship inshore came to speech of us ; asking whence we came, and we answered " From China," thinking to run ashore 3 if they were foes. But they said that they were of a squadron that Don Luis de Velasco, Viceroy of Peru, had sent from Lima, in chase of certain Hollanders,* come into that sea ; and that they were on the look-out, not for those only, but for their own flagship, wherein was their Capitan Mayor, Don Juan de Velasco, with three hundred men, forty great guns, and four hun- dred thousand assayed pieces, of thirteen reals each ; 6 who had parted company in a storm on September 2ist ; and that, as they found her not, they held her for foundered, and so it had befallen. 6 For all these tales we trusted them not, holding all for pretences ; and in this 1 No mention is made of cannon throughout the voyage. Perhaps none could be spared from Manila to arm a new ship. I fear that I have failed to render the quiet, bitter irony of the original. 2 See note on next page. 3 " Dar al travez" My construction is not borne out by my dictionaries, but it is forced by the sense, warranted by several other instances in the Viage, and (I find, since adopting it) has the support of the older translator, Captain Stevens. The shore, it may be remem- bered, was Spanish territory. 4 These were the squadron of Olivier van Noort, a summarised account of whose voyage will be found in Purchas, Pilgrimes, vol. i, lib. ii, chap. v. (See also Morga's Philippine Islands, pp. 149-187, 261-264). D. F. * Captain Stevens freely translates " Pieces of Eight of essayed Silver." 8 See Morga's Philippine Islands, p. 151. D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 13 apprehension we were until morning, when the others closed and saluted us, and we reassured ourselves by the exchange of visits and gifts ; praising God, who had turned our grief into joy. We held on our course past the Californias, a gulf like the Red Sea ; though as yet its end is not known. 1 Herein has lately been found a great pearl fishery. After coasting for more than seven hundred leagues, we came on the first of December to Acapuilco, the port of that voyage, in the lands of New Spain in the South Sea. It lies in 16 deg. 40 min. N. lat, and is one of the most spacious, calmest, and safest from all winds that I have seen in the world. We had been four months and a half at sea, which was a good voyage enough. 2 Having rested here some days, and settled my affairs, I started for Mexico, distant thence eighty leagues of terrible and dangerous road ; over great and steep moun- tains, with countless rivers of good water and thick woods. The land is ill-peopled, and the natives dull and abject. On this journey one crosses three rivers of name. First, that of Papagayo, which is very deep, and is passed in a ferry-boat ; then that of the Balsas, which is like the Tagus in Portugal, of a swift current, and is passed upon balsas? of canes laid upon dry calabashes, which the Indians, swimming, tow over. 4 On these two rivers the passage is paid for. The third, which is called (the River) of San Francisco, though great and deep, is fordable in places. I missed the ford, and had been lost outright ; 1 Our use of the expression " the Californias," to denote Upper and Lower California, is comparatively modern. Here, and above, it means only the mouth of the Gulf. The end of it was better known than Teixeira supposed. * Morga (op. '/., p. 357) says that the voyage "usually lasts five months, a little more or less, and frequently six months or more time." D. F. 3 Rafts, or pontoons. 4 Rivers were passed in India in this way, very lately. I have often so crossed them. Comic incidents were frequent on such ferries. 14 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. but, next to God, my good horse saved me. Along most of this road is a plague of mosquitoes, so terrible and grievous that no defence avails against them ; and so they stung my best slave to death for me. 1 After this, travelling with only the usual inconveniences, we crossed the Marquisate of the Valley, 2 and got into Mexico at midnight on Christmas Day. Here I was until May 2nd, when I started for Spain. I passed the Volcano, 3 which is a peak and pass, steep enough. There issues from it a thick smoke, yet is it ever covered with snow, which is worthy of note, since it lies south of the tropic. I went by the City of Los Angeles, called commonly La Puebla, 4 and other places of less account, until I came to San Juan de Ulua, 5 a new port and town of those Indies, on the Northern Sea. 6 It is, by the common road, seventy or eighty leagues from Mexico. This is the only port in a great stretch of that coast, neither very easy nor very safe ; and what little good there is about it is due more to art than to nature. Thence I sailed in the fleet on the last day of May, 1601, and, running down the coast northwards, we thought all to die of thirst, by reason of calms in the Sound of the 1 " Mepusieron d la muerte el mejor esclavo." " Pusieron " I take to be a misprint for " pungieron" The " mf is quaintly expressive of the outraged sense of property. 2 This Marquisate was that of Cortes himself, granted 1529, and the "Valley" that of Oaxaca (C. F. Lummis, Awakening of a Nation, New York and London, 1898, pp. 142-3, note). On the map it looks far out of Teixeira's way ; but perhaps what he rode over was some outskirt of it. The Conqueror's fief would naturally have wide limits. 3 Popocatepetl. 4 Now, I think, " La Puebla de Zaragosa," the angels having been turned out with the Spaniards. 5 Now better known as Vera Cruz ; notable in English history as the scene of Hawkins's and Drake's defeat in 1567. But it cannot help playing a part in every war of Mexico with any Atlantic power, as being the only important Mexican port of those parts. 6 The Atlantic. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 15 Tortugas, which kept us forty days on a ten or twelve days' voyage. At last we got to the Havana, a port of the Isle of Kuba, well enough known and frequented. Here was my ship near lost, and God delivered her by a miracle. For, getting there too late to enter, we stayed without, and in the night it blew so hard that we lost all our four anchors and cables. As the ship was drifting ashore, 1 we made sail, trusting in God's providence, without water, victuals, or anchors ; and, although we fired guns, neither were we heard nor could we have been helped if heard, for the weather would not allow of it, and we ran down the coast of the isle. It pleased God, who in the greatest afflictions helps such as trust in Him, that towards morning the wind changed, and we could put about for the port. As we got near it we found the second in command of the fleet coming to meet us with ground tackle in a boat. There is at the entrance of the port, in mid-channel, a great shoal, whereon we grounded by the negligence of our pilot, but, as it pleased God, with little damage. We left the Havana on July I5th, and passing through the Bahama Channel, along the coast of Florida, passed the Barmuda, and sailed to the banks called of Newfound- land, or of Codfishes. 2 Thence we shaped a course for Spain, and made landfall on August 28th, in 42 deg. N. lat. 3 1 This is the second case of the use of " al traves " for " ashore, ' as on p. 12. 2 Bacallaos. See Ant. Galvao's Discoveries of the World (Hakluyt Soc. ed.), p. 56 ; and New Eng. Diet., s. v. " Bacalao." D. F. 3 Not far from the Bayona Isles. Mr. M. Oppenheim tells me that this was a most unusual landfall for the Mexican treasure-fleet, which commonly sighted the Azores, and made the mainland at Cape St. Vincent. He attributes the strange course to bad navigation. It is clear from the text that Teixeira's ship had not parted company with the fleet, and it is not his habit to pass any isle unnoticed, though desert or nameless. 1 6 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. We ran down the coast to Algarbe, where we were becalmed, and had enough to do to look out for the corsair Murat Arrays, 1 who came with some galliots and failed not to make prey of some folk of the fleet that tried to go ashore in boats. When we got a wind, we pursued our voyage until we anchored in San Lucar on September 6th, and on the 8th I came to Seville. Thence I went to Portugal, but by a roundabout way, to keep promise with a friend. At last, on the 8th of October, I came to Lisbon, a year and a half out of Malaca. I have not here related the details of this voyage, having often done so for such as asked me about them. In so long and various travel, needs must things worth consideration happen and be observed. But as my only object now is to relate my last journey overland, I will be more diffuse therein, to please those of my friends to whom I could not tell it face to face. When I sailed from Malaca, I had left some money with friends, for dispatch to Portugal in the usual way by the homeward ships from India, trusting them as on former occasions. But now this business failed outright, and I made up my mind to return to India, the very last thing I had thought of. I went aboard on March 28th, 2 and 1 This was Murad Reis, " the Great Murdd," so called to distinguish him from others of the same name. See, regarding him, S. Lane Poole's Barbary Corsairs, pp. 192-193. At the end of his 1604-05 'ourney, Teixeira mentions reports of Murdd's being in the Gulf of Venice. (See infra, chap, xv.) D. F. 2 From the " Relac.ao das Naos e Armadas da India" (Additional MS. 20,902, British Museum), we learn that the fleet of 1602 sailed from Lisbon on March 24th ; it could not have been by this, therefore, that Teixeira returned to India, but by the fleet of 1603, consisting of five vessels under the command of Pero Furtado de Mendoc.a, viz., the ship N. Sra. de Betancor, the captain-major ; the galleon S. Salvador, Vasco Fernandez Pimentel ; the galleon S. Matheus, Pero de Almeida Cabral (pilot, Simao Castanho) ; the ship S. Jo&o, Antonio Vaz Salema ; the galleon S. Simao, Andre Moreira. " These ships," says the MS. referred to, "cast off from the port of Lisbon on Easter Eve, March 29th, and anchored in Sta. Catherina, whence they sailed on April gth." D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 17 will make no mention of what happened on the voyage ; to start the sooner with that whereof I propose to treat. We arrived at Goa on October I4th. I was now weary of such long and tedious sea-faring, and thought I might shorten the same by this journey. I was also inclined to it by curiosity. Such were the occasion and motives of my resolving on the journey, and now follows the account of it. CHAPTER II. How I left Goa, and came to Harmuz, and sailed thence for Bagora, but turned back. ON February the 9th, 1604, I left Goa, the chief city of the Portuguese dominions in India, wherein was then Viceroy Ayres Saldana j 1 and after two days' delay in the river, I embarked on the morning of the nth. We made sail at once ; and took in none, so fair was our weather, till we came to the coast of Arabia. This we made on the 2nd of March, near the Sound of Mexira, which we Portu- guese call Maciejra. Thence we ran northwards for two days along the coast, to the Cape of Rogalgate in Arabia, rounded it, and entered the Persian Gulf between that land and Persia. We held on along the coast, sighting many ships bound on the same voyage. One of these, a new and powerful vessel, bound from Basaym for Ormuz (or Harmus, as it should be more rightly called), being ill-handled, fouled ours ; and, as she was greater, got her bowsprit and spritsail over our main- yard. As she caught us on the beam, she bore us over, to our great confusion and terror. A clerk of our ship, 1 Aires de Saldanha succeeded D. Vasco da Gama, Conde de Vidi- gueira, as Viceroy of India, December 25th, 1600 ; and held office until January, 1605. D. F. 1 8 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. who thought himself a valiant soldier, taking this for a case of honour, hastily took two loaded fire-balls, 1 lit the matches, and hove them aboard the other ship. Had we not made haste to restrain him, he was going to throw more, till he should fire her. It pleased God that the fire did not catch, for, had it done so, without fail we had all perished, hopeless of cure. We toiled in haste to get the ships clear, cutting away much tackle of both. That done, we held on our voyage until, the wind heading us, we anchored in Syfa, 2 a haven of Arabia. After two days, getting a wind, we made sail and reached Mascate, 3 a port of the same land, which hath these and others, all about that part, contrary to what someone has written. Here we were two days taking in wood and water; and thence we sailed for Harmuz, sixty leagues distant, where we anchored on the i/th of March; being one month out from Goa. We saw nothing on that voyage worth setting down as new, unless it were certain fowl, which hunt each other as natural enemies. The weaker of these, soaring upwards to escape the stronger, in terror voids the contents of its belly. And the other, pursuing below, whether to this end or from native spite, as fast as these fall from the fugitive, opens its beak, catches and eats them. And the natives say 1 " Alcanzias." The dictionaries translate " stink-pot ;" but there is nothing in the text about stink. Stevens translates " Hand Grana- does ;" but these were very modern artillery in 1604 ; and not very likely to be in use in the Persian Gulf, on board a small vessel. I conjecture that they were fire-balls of clay, such as are still used in India to turn heavy game out of cover, called dndr, i.e., "pome- granate," the same as "grenade" and "granado." I am confirmed in this view by some correspondence with my old comrade, Mr. R. S. Whitevvay, a good authority. [Cf. Whiteway's Rise of the Portuguese Power in India, p. 41. D. F.] 2 Now Sifa, a little south-east of Mdskat (Persian Gulf Pilot). 3 Though he stayed two days at Maskat, Teixeira gives no de- scription of the place, for the reason, probably, that in his Kings of Persia, chap, xxix (see Appendix B, infra\ he had related an experi- ence of his when first visiting the place in 1587. D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. ip that it lives on nothing else; which I have recorded as seeming extraordinary. 1 The Captain and Governor of Harmuz was then the cavallero Diego Munis Barreto, 2 worthy of that and of much better places. I sailed thence for Basora, in a little vessel of his, on April the I4th. We sailed between the isle of Queixome or Broct, and the mainland of Persia, by a strait, 3 that may be at most three leagues wide, and in parts half a league or less. This isle is from five-and- twenty to thirty leagues long, and ten or twelve in greatest width. It has several ports within and without, but mostly very shallow. The best within are Dargahon, Lapht, Chau, and Sermion. 4 The point of Queixome on the outside 5 has plenty of palm orchards, gardens, and wells of good water ; whence Harmuz is commonly provided, though not thence alone. There also are Karuez and Angan, 6 which last, a little distinct island used as a port, forms in its sound a very safe haven, fit to hold many and very great ships. This isle (Queixome) is very fertile, and bore all suitable produce of good quality and in plenty, when it was better peopled ; as wheat, barley, fruit and vegetables. Now there is little 1 Several predatory sea-fowl have this habit. The robber referred to may probably have been Richardson's skua, which has been eported as a cold-weather visitor to the Persian Gulf. I believe that n all cases the prey is either dropped or thrown up from the beak, except when sea-eagles hunt ospreys, and the latter drop fish from their clutches. 2 From Documentos Remettidos, torn, i, we learn that Diogo Moniz Barreto was succeeded this same year by Pedro Coutinho ; and it is evident, from the letters referring thereto, that the Portuguese rule in Hormuz was at this time in a very unsatisfactory condition. Teixeira's commendation of Diogo Moniz was, I am afraid, rather biassed. D. F. 3 Clarence Strait of our charts. * The three first are on our charts yet. Sermion must have been where our own queer little possession of Basidu or Bassadore now exists. 6 Extant and prosperous, on the E. point of the isle. 6 Karvez is not now identifiable ; Angan is Henjam Island. C 2 2O THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. produce, by reason of the raids of the Nihhelus Arabs, that lay it waste, through the negligence of the Captains of Harmuz, 1 only three leagues' sail distant, who could easily and cheaply amend the same. Passing between this isle and the main, we anchored half-way, when the tide failed us; and when it served again, our anchor came home without the stock, which remained foul of the bottom. So there we must needs be delayed, to fit it with another, for two days of favourable weather ; and we felt the loss of these later on. Leaving Point Sermion, which is the end of the isle, 2 we ran up the Gulf along the Persian coast, heading west, and west-north-west, according to its ins-and-outs, at from one to three leagues off shore ; anchoring and making sail according to the tides, which run strong twice or thrice, or sometimes oftener, in the day. For the ruling winds of that narrow sea are ever strong from the north-west. This cannot be done on the Arabian shore, distant at most fifty leagues, for want of anchorage and watering places there- abouts. We passed the isles of Phelur, which we call Pelouro ; 3 Keys (or, as we say Cays), 4 which was once what 1 Regarding the Nihhelus, or Niquilus, see note further on. In 1585, the Portuguese had attempted to chastise them for piracies ; but the force sent against them under Pedro Homem Pereira sustained a severe defeat at their hands (see Couto, Dec. X, Liv. vi, cap. x, and Liv. vii, cap. xvii). In Doc. Rent, are Royal letters of February I3th, 1610, and January 26th and 3ist, 1612, referring to these pirates, and urging the destruction of their ships. From another letter in the same collection, dated January 2/th, 1616, as well as from one written by the Spanish Ambassador, Don Garcia da Silva y Figueiroa, on February i7th, 1615 (printed in Bocarro's Dec. XIII, p. 373), it would seem that the effect of the fulfilment of the Royal commands was to exacerbate the already strained relations between the Portuguese and the Shah of Persia, which culminated, in 1622, in the loss to the former of the island fortress of Hormuz. D. F. 1 Ras el Mion, now Basidu. 3 Meaning " cannon-ball " in Portuguese. D. F. 4 Farur and Kais. The first has no settled population. But Kais has been luckier than Hormuz, and has three villages, herds, flocks, agriculture, and fifty fishing boats or more. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 21 Harmuz is now; 1 Andreuy, 2 and the Isle of Birds, 3 so called for the multitude of them that roost there, of whose eggs the Arabs come and gather great store, and trade in them hither and thither ; and that of Lar, or Lara. 4 All these are at three, four, or five leagues off shore, and ill inhabited, by reason of the raids of the Noutaques 5 and Nihhelus, Arabs who dwell on the Persian shore so called, and take their name from it. 6 Having anchored here, the wind forced us to leave it in the morning for shelter, under the opposite isle of Lara. The wind was very strong, the weather very dark, and the island low, so that we came so nigh it as forced us to anchor under full sail without furling it ; to avoid running ashore 7 and going to pieces, from which God delivered us by miracle. While we lay here, the wind increased, and the ship laboured so much as to carry away the ironwork of the rudder, and we were near losing it, if a boy had not shown it to me. I warned the officers, who got hold of it and hoisted it on deck. Some wanted to carry it ashore for repairs, and others to execute them aboard, whose opinion prevailed, by the grace of God. Had we gone ashore, harm had surely 1 As related in the Kings of Harmuz (see Appendix B, infra,.} D. F. J Hindarabi, small and scantily peopled. 3 Shitwir, some derivative of Arabic tayur (=birds). 4 Shaikh Shuwaib. The chief village is called Ldz, but the identifica- tion rests on position, and not on this name. [Cf. Hobson-Jobson, s.v. " Lar" (4 D. F.] 6 Called Noitaques in the Royal letter of January 26th, 1612, referred to in a previous foot-note. On the Noutaques, see Comment, of Af. Dalb., vol. iv, p. 1 54. D. F. ' See note above and next below. 1 "Dar al travez." Teixeira's third and most unmistakable use of this phrase for " running ashore." The isle is Shaikh Shuwaib, and the " Nihhelus," presumably " Nakhluwis," from Bandar Nakhilu on the mainland opposite. [Cf. Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 185, and foot-note. D.F.] The "Maritime Truce" of the East India Company, still to some extent maintained, made life and business possible on these islands. Shaikh Shuwaib has ten villages, about five hundred men, and twenty-five pearl-boats. 22 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. come of it. For, as we learnt afterwards, there were there some Nihhelus, looking out for Portuguese shore parties, to kill them ; and it was a wonder that none landed, as it is usual enough to do. There had come there for shelter of the isle, not far from us, a Moorish terrada 1 bound on the same voyage, and laden with cotton. Two terradas of the Nihhelus approached her by stealth ; and thinking to take her at unawares, attacked her one night in the morning watch. But the Moors defended themselves stoutly ; and we, who heard the noise of fight, and saw the flashes, fired some guns to scare the enemy. And making speed, we came upon them with daybreak ; on seeing which, the thieves drew off, with much loss. Some of the other side were wounded ; who came aboard us for treatment, and from that on they kept us closer company. That coast of Persia is mostly mountainous, rugged and barren, except that within it are some places where the natives cultivate the soil by irrigation from wells, and there breed some herds and flocks, which yield them milk, butter and cheese, for use and traffic. Along this coast we sailed for thirty-five days, with much toil and trouble. Our provision began to fail ; nor could we renew it there, for all that shore is disturbed by the wanton ravages of the Portuguese fustas^ which com- monly cruize there. When we had got to Chilao near Verdostam, a place in a sound between Point Vedican and the shoals of Kane, 3 the head wind increased and 1 Terrada seems to have been a term applied to more than one sort of small craft in the Indian seas. Commander Felix Jones gives " Teradeh " as the name of a small fishing-boat on the Tigris, at Bagddd (Selections from Records, Bombay, No. 43, N. S., p. 366) Karsten Niebuhr uses it for an open boat. [See Comment. ofAf. Dalb., vol. i, p. 105, n. D. F.] 2 Small armed vessels, Anglice, "foists." 3 Chilao is probably Shilu, " four miles to the westward of Tahiri " (Persian Gulf Pilot, p. 255). Bardistan is not far away, and is on all recent maps and charts. The Point of Vedican is Ras Naband, JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 23 continued. So, perforce, having lost an anchor and cable, and very nearly run on the shore, 1 which was close aboard, the captain gave orders to bear away for Harmuz, and in four days we ran eighty leagues; that we had gained, with much toil, in five-and-thirty. In our return we had sight of several pirates' terradas, never absent from those seas ; wherefore merchant ships sailing from Harmuz use commonly the convoy of Portuguese fustas. We got back to Harmuz on Friday evening, May the 2ist, and anchored in the western port, thirty-nine days out ; weary enough, and sore at heart. CHAPTER III. How I sailed again from Harmuz, and came to the head of the Persian Gulf ; and by the Tigris and Euphrates to the city of Basord. WE refitted and victualled ourselves in Harmuz, and started again on the i/th of June, hoping for a better voyage ; for that such as had tried it assured us that at that season the north-west wind was less constant and violent. We did, indeed, find some difference, though less than they reported. This time we sailed outside of the isle of Queixome ; and ran up the same coast as on the former voyage. We passed the shoals of Kane, and beyond them the fortress of Rexel, 2 famous for the abundance, and good quality, of bread-stuffs, fruit and vegetables in its territory. It belongs to the Shah, or sheltering Bandar Baid Khan ; and the shoals of Kane are certainly those of Ras-al-Mutaf, near whose northern end is Ras-al-Khan not that this name matters much in their identification, which depends on position. 1 The fourth use of " dar al travcz" for "to run ashore," in the Viage. 2 " Reshire," or Rishahr, close to " Bushire." 24 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. King of Persia, on whose shore it stands, and is well garrisoned. Further north is Regh Ceyfadin 1 (that is, the sand or strand of Ceyfadin), inhabited, like most part of this coast of Persia, by Arabs, tributary to its Shah, or King ; and some of them recognise the Portuguese, taking their cartazes, or passaportes? without which they would sail in peril of the Portuguese fustas, cruising commonly in those narrow seas. The men of Regh Ceyfadin were then on ill terms with the Portuguese, by reason of grievances before mentioned ; and therefore, and for fear of four galeotas that sailed with us, the people had clean deserted the isle of Karg, lying over against this, three leagues to seaward, and little more than two in compass. It affords good shelter from the north-west wind, and is mountainous and stony, with good water, some palm-orchards, sheep and goats. Here is grown store of onions, whereof great cargoes are taken to Bagora and other ports ; the folk are mostly Arabs. 3 Here we anchored on the 25th of July, and lay four days wind-bound. Up to this place the high lands of Persia are near the sea and in sight, but from this on they trend inland, 4 and pass out of sight of navigators ; and the land is so low that, even at a little distance, you 1 " Bandar Rig" (not "Righ"), in Persian, does mean " Sandy Bay," and probably, from its position, this is " Regh Ceyfadin." Who " Ceyfadin " (Saif u'd Din) was, is not clear. But it has not been an uncommon title in Persia, nor in Musalman India ; and we shall find several chiefs of Hormuz so styled below. But in 1665, when Thevenot embarked here for Basra, it had no name for him, but " Bender Righ or Rfk;" which he translates aright. He puts it next after the " River of Boschavir," and "a day's sailing from Bender Rischer" (Travels into the Levant, Lovell's Translation, London, Pt. II, chap. viii). 2 I have thought that these two words might be of more interest in the original Spanish. * This is Kharag, described in similar terms in the Persian Gulf Pilot, which mentions " some vegetables " as obtainable. 4 So also the Persian Gulf Pilot. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 25 cannot see it. Two deep rivers of fresh water have their mouths hereabouts, at Rexel and Regh Ceyfadin. 1 Hence we sailed westward ; losing sight of land, though near, for that it is low ; being in charge of a Moorish pilot that we took aboard in Karg. This fellow, though reputed the best in those narrow seas, nearly put us high and dry at a pass which the Moors call Karab, that is, " broken" or "ruined." 2 They say that there was a great city, that was overflowed by reason of its low position. This channel is about four leagues wide, with many banks ; and is always passed with the lead overboard and a boat ahead, by reason of the varying depth ; three fathoms at best. Once through it, we found more water, and land on both hands ; and running up the Persian coast we cast anchor, on the 1st of August, itj. the channel of the Xat-el Arab. This means " the River of the Arabs," who call a famous river xat, and the lesser kor, or wed ; whence are named in Spain the Wedelquebir, Wedelager, Wedyana, and others. This river, whereof men draw the fresh water in the narrows three leagues away from it, is formed of the two famous rivers Tigris and Euphrates, which unite at Corna, the last point of Mesopotamia that lies between them, three days' journey above Basord. Here have the Turks a fortress called Corna, that is "the Point," commanding both channels. 3 Here they unite to discharge their waters, 1 The " river" of " Rexel " is " Khor Sultani, a large creek with a shallow bar," at Bushire. Bandar Rig has " a small khor " (Persian Gulf Pilot}. The R. G. S. map has a showy-looking " Shahpur River," half-way between them. 2 Khardb. The translation is sound in Persian and Arabic. Our familiar Hindustani khardb, meaning simply " bad," is of later use. The place lately retained the name, but it has now disappeared from our own charts and the Persian Gulf Pilot. 8 " Kurnah," " Kornah," " Kurna," of modern maps. Perhaps rightly Karnd^a. horn, and so, by metaphor, a point (?) The term is as common in Asiatic Geography on shore as at sea, if not more so. 26 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. between shores level on either bank ; whereof the northern or Persian plains are in the possession of Mombarek, son of Motelob, an Arab chief who holds them against the Turk, and is at war with him ; pretending a right to these and to the territory of Baser! 1 In his territories are Magdom, Oe"za, and Doreka, 2 cities of importance. They lie widely waste, not barren, but untilled for fear of the Turks. Those on the other, or Arabian, bank are fertile and cultivated, with many palm-groves, orchards, and gardens. 3 The river makes near its mouth a great bend, but returns to its course, which here is from west to east. It may be here a little over two miles wide, and about six fathoms deep at this season of low water, with a strong current. On either shore are abundant herds and flocks, geese and ducks, and other fowl and beasts. The inhabitants are Arabs, who carry on communication by swimming upon inflated skins. Many came thus to our ship, to sell hens, geese, milk, butter, dates, and other victual, all very cheap. There was a strong head wind, so we got but slowly up the river ; and after eight or nine leagues came to where it divides into two equal parts. One flows southward through Arabia, and enters the Persian Gulf at Katifa near Barhen, forming of that bit of land an isle perhaps more than eighty leagues long. 4 The other channel is that 1 For "Mombarek," see also P. Delia Valle, Letter No. 17, from Bagdad, December loth to 23rd, 1616. [A number of Royal letters in Doc. JRem., torn, i and ii, refer to " Bombareca," and the liberal terms offered by him to the Portuguese, to induce them to form an offensive and defensive alliance with him, against the Turks. D. F.] 2 Maktueh, Ahwaz (or perhaps Hawizeh), Dorak, Dawrak, or Fella- hieh, R. G. S. map of Persia. * This contrast still exists (Persian Gulf Pilot and charts). But Teixeira's channels cannot be verified now : the river has changed too much. 4 The translation is literal. It is difficult to suppose that Teixeira really believed any mouth of the Shdt-el-Arab to reach El Katif, near the Isles of Bahrein, which last we shall see reason to think that he JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 2? by which we had come, and from this on the single stream is wider, deeper, and stronger. A little way up it we came to an islet in mid-stream, one league in length, and half as much broad ; green enough, and full of palm-groves and gardens. 1 The channel is deeper on the Arabian side of it. Pursuing our voyage, we came at 8 A.M. of August the 6th to Serrage, 2 fifteen or sixteen leagues from the bar ; where ships of burden anchor to discharge cargo. Here we cast anchor over against a fort that the Turks hold on the river side, in the territory of Mombareka. They have many other such, both above and below it, to protect the land, and their vassals therein, against the Arabs' forays. I left the ship and entered a canal, which may have two fathoms of water at ebb, and more than three at flood tide. For the tide is felt here, though the water is ever fresh. 3 By this creek, fringed on each side with ploughed lands, palm-groves, and gardens watered therefrom, after less than one league's journey, we came to Basora. Basora 4 is a city of Arabs, set about two miles west of the joint Euphrates and Tigris, and communicating visited. Yet the distance, in geographical leagues of twenty to a degree, corresponds to that position. One can only suppose our author to have been misled by an ignorant or mendacious pilot. [In the description of Basra, printed from the Sloane MS. 197, in the Comment, of Aj. Dalb., vol. iv, pp. 232-238, the writer makes the same statement regarding a branch reaching to Catifa. D. F.] This description would suit the modern island of Muhalla, below the entrance of the Hafar, or channel into the Ka"run (Persian Gulf Pilot}. 2 Not noticed by the Persian Gulf Pilot or charts. But Kiepert has " Saradji," a little below Basra, on the west bank. 3 Rise and fall at Basra " about nine feet." The influence of the tides reaches about thirty miles beyond Kurna, but the stream always runs down, the rise and fall gradually decreasing to nil (Persian Gulf Pilot}. The water is more brackish, and hotter, than that of the Hafar, or Ka"run, and ships should prefer the latter (ibid.}. * Cf. the description of Basra referred to in the foot-note supra. D. F. 28 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. with them by the canal above mentioned, 1 and by land ; but the latter is cut up with artificial public conduits and channels. It stands in a plain, and may have within and without the fortress ten thousand houses, mostly large, but of poor architecture ; built of sun-dried bricks that scarce stand for three years. Those of the poor are commonly of mats and bundles of reeds, abundant in the rivers. It hath a citadel, foursquare, yet longer than wide ; where many walls and ramparts are all of earth, and almost in ruin. Around it is a deep and wide ditch, filled from the creek. Within it are about ten thousand houses, 2 and here is the centre of traffic. Here also are most of the crafts, and the head -quarters, and most of the garrison. This may be in all of three thousand men, between musketeers and horsemen, Turks, Kurds, and Arabs, besides outposts. There is a Pasha, the supreme com- mander in peace and war, and a custom-house, whose dues are great, and pay for the garrisons and other expenses, with a great surplus. There is here an arsenal, and therein much and good artillery, and some galleys ; but these are few, of small scantling, and ill-built. They launched a new one of the same sort while I was there. These are not kept against the Portuguese, as someone has written ; for the Turks know well that with such they could do no harm to them. But they are for use in the river and thereabouts, to keep in order the rebellious Arabs, from whom they exact heavy tribute. Small as they are, they cost much ; for that land has no timber at all, and it is costly of import. They cross their creek by a wooden bridge set upon 1 Asshar creek of the Persian Gulf Pilot. 2 The number above assigned to the fortified city and suburbs. T\iz fortaleza, or fort, usually means in the East a fortified city, and. not a citadel reserved for military use only. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 29 eight boats, and elsewhere in boats that they call dane- quas, built of any little scraps of wood for want of greater. But in spite of this, and of their being uncaulked, they are very staunch and water-tight, being covered with a bitumen that they call quir} whereof I shall have more to say, in place of pitch. Basora is well provided and fertile, especially in dates ; so good, and so abundant, that they are exported yearly in great quantity to Bagdad, the ports of Persia and Harmuz, and are a staple food. The soil bears all fruits and vegetables, wheat, barley, rice, and garden-stuff, abundant and cheap ; and as there is import from Rexer, ! Regh Ceyfadin, and Dorek, the price is kept down. There are in plenty all sorts of great and small cattle, and of fowl, and fish from the river, but not good. There is trade with Harmuz, whence come all Indian wares ; with Barhen, Catifa, Lasan, 3 Persia, Bagdad, and all Arabia thereabouts. There are here countless scor- pions, and I saw many as big as common crayfish. 4 The air is unhealthy, and the climate very hot. The folk are Turks and Arabs, chiefly the latter, who are natives here ; most are well-favoured, especially the children and women. These last are said to be not very chaste. Traffic is mostly conducted by means of camels, mules, asses, and horses ; of which there are great studs in the land ; and being many and good, they are exported to Harmuz for the Indian trade. When I came to Basord there were many houses in ruin 1 Cf. Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " Kil." D. F. 2 Note the final r, and vide note, p. 23, where the text has Rexe/. The cultivation of rice has fallen off of late years, and wheat and dates have replaced it, to the great improvement of the climate (Persian Gulf Pilot). 3 "Lasa'n" is probably Al Ha'sa, the province of Arabia surrounding Al Katif. 4 Presumably the fresh-water crayfish or /crevisse (Astacus fluvia- tilis\ which is not very unlike a scorpion in shape, and equalled in size by many scorpions. 3O THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. within and without the walls, which were being rebuilt very hastily. The reason was, that eight or ten days before, a magazine had caught fire, and five thousand odd leathern sacks of powder exploded, with such uproar, that men thought the end of the world was come. There was great damage in most of the city, which may have been here two centuries, and is now in its third site. 1 The Turks have held it now for over fifty years, to whom it was made subject by an Arab tyrant, who seized it, and claimed their protection. 2 As for the manners, dress, and customs of the folk, there is nothing to tell ; because they are all Arabs and Turks, whose ways are well known. All gold and silver coins pass in this country for what they may be worth ; but those struck there in the mint are of silver and copper. The silver coins are, first, the larins? long money with both ends bent, worth sixty-five marave- dis apiece ; and secondly, round coins called xaysf of the shape and value of our real sexillo. This is of a lower standard than the other, which is very fine. There are here no buildings of importance. In the city, there are several public baths, very clean, and profitable. Their rule is to admit men up to noon, and women from noon to sunset ; and if any should transgress the same of malice, he would be most severely punished. The canal, which is artificial, as I have said, runs far into the land, and from it are watered great fields, and an immense number of palm- groves. Ancient men assured me that it had once been 1 The reference here is to one of the numerous slight shifts of site and reconstructions, to which Asiatic capitals are very liable, especi- ally on alluvial plains. Teixeira was well aware of the shifts of Basra. He mentions the second site of it on p. 34, and the first on p. 35. 2 This was in 1546 (see Couto, Dec. VI, Liv. iv, cap. v). D. F. 3 So called from the city of Lar, where they are said to have been first coined. They were worth at this time about tenpence. An illustrated note on the subject will be found in Mr. Gray's Pyrard, vol. i, p. 232. See also infra, Appendix C. D. F. 4 Shdhis, worth at this time about fourpence English (see Letters Received by the E. India Co., vol. iii, p. 326). D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 31 navigable to a point thirty leagues inland, whereof it now falls far short, but still is notable as the work of man's hand. One day they took me up it, rather more than three leagues, to see a Xeque, or Lord, who held much of the country that I afterwards traversed. He was called Xeque Mahamed eben Raxet; a man for his presence and aspect worthy of that and of a better position. By means of an interpreter, 1 he spoke at large with me ; showing great pleasure therein, for that he had never seen a Frank, as they call the Christians of Europe. He wondered at my dress, speech, and manners, which he considered with particular attention ; and after great offers, and entertain- ment on a little ill-stewed goat's meat which was no small favour I took leave of him. Descending the river, which is really very pleasant, at a certain point I saw the Moors in my boat rise, and pray very reverently. I looked whither they faced in prayer, and saw on the shore a little house like a hermitage, and asked what it was. They said that it was dedicated to Ia ben Mariam, that is, Jesus, the son of Maria ; and showed me much land and many palm-groves, assigned to its support and service. Whereat I wondered ; for though I knew that the Moors honour him greatly and call him Ruyalah, that is, "the Breath of God," I had never known them to dedicate a temple to him. 2 1 This is one of the passages that indicate Teixeira to have had less Arabic than Persian. Later on, he seems to have less Turkish than Arabic. 2 The very cool and cautious expression of this passage is worth noting. [Dr. Kayserling (op, cit., p. 170, .) quotes this statement of Teixeira's, and adds : " Without doubt these were remains of Christian communities, which had formed themselves at the time of the found- ation of Christianity." Dr. Kayserling also says : " It is surprising that he does not mention the Jews of this city, who, in the time of Benjamin of Tudela, amounted to two thousand. If, however, we consider that the three thousand Jewish families who, only twenty years since, dwelt there, have now decreased to fifty, it is quite possible that their number 32 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. CHAPTER IV. How I departed from Basora" by way of the desert, and my daily route until I came to Mexat Aly, a city in the same. When I came to Basora, I settled in the house of Santo Fonte, a Venetian merchant, in whose company I had come from Harmuz, meaning to make this journey in the same. 1 There were with us a country-born gentleman of India, called Diego de Melo de San Payo f and another Portuguese by name Juan Pinto, 8 a man in much esteem ; both of whom were more closely connected with Fonte than I. When we came to arrange about our passage, we under- stood that we must wait at least four or five months ; for that the water was low in the Tigris then, and would be less daily until Christmas ; when it begins to increase with the first rains, and without them none can sail, for the many banks, and the thieves that get chances to attack the boats, and often do it. Nor can the boatmen tow the boats at the beginning of the seventeenth century was in like manner too inconsiderable for Teixeira to have anything to relate concerning them." D. F.] 1 In a letter of January 3rd, 1607 (in Doc. Rem., torn, i), the King of Spain requests the Viceroy to send him dispatches twice a year by land, vid Hormuz ; on each occasion by two distinct routes : one courier going from Basra to Suez and Alexandria, and thence by ship to Italy and France ; " the other by the territories of Bombareca along Persia, and arriving at Alepo and Alexandreta, where likewise are found ships for Venice and other ports of Italy ; and having also the chance of merchants : Venetians, who have their correspondents and factories in Ormuz, and are well-known and trustworthy men, some dispatch may be sent by means of them." D. F. 2 Regarding this man, who proved such a source of trouble to his companions, see foot-note to chap, xiv, infra. D. F. 3 This may possibly be the same Joao Pinto who is referred to in a marginal note to a Royal letter of December i5th, 1606 (Doc. Rem., torn, i), as having married a daughter of Belchior Bias da Cruz, who was drowned some years previously in the Gulf of Venice, while carrying dispatches from India to the King. D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 33 at low water, as they do for most of that voyage ; which in flood takes from thirty-five to fifty days, and at low water about double that time. This happened to a cafila 1 of boats that left Basora twenty-five days before our arrival ; and spent three months in getting to Bagdad, with cost and worry enough. Whilst I was in this perplexity, a cafila began to fit out for the land journey through the Arabian desert ; by a route uncertain, and hitherto little in use. As I doubted of getting so speedy a chance by the river, I took counsel of such as might be able to give it about joining this cafila. They alleged many objections, in spite whereof I determined to do so, and for my greater convenience agreed with the captain of the cafila, who was an Arab Moor, dwelling near Basora, called Agi Mahamed ben Falah Atsany. My broker was one Mostafa, a Jew turned Turk, in whom the Portuguese and Venetian men of business put much faith. By his means it was agreed that for fifty ducats I should be carried to Bagdad, with my bedding and a little personal baggage, and have attendance and diet. This last, throughout the journey, was that of the natives, very scanty, foul, and irregular. It was, however, eked out by a bag of good biscuits and some boxes of preserved quinces, which the captain helped me to consume, with the better heart that they were not his own. I brought with me three bales of indigo, to meet my expenses. This he agreed to transport clear of all charges and dues whatever; and that turned out the best of my bargain : not as a mere matter of money, but as saving the annoyances that I saw others suffer, in the discharge of dues upon their persons and property. When I was going to start, Diego de Melo determined to 1 Though generally used (as by Teixeira below) as a synonym for " caravan," cafila was often applied by Portuguese writers to a convoy of ships or boats (see Hobson-Jobson, s. v.). D. F. D 34 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. come in the same company, without awaiting that of Santo Fonte, who could not get away so soon, having brought much goods with him. I agreed to Diego's urgent request, arranging that he should go with Mostafa above mentioned, and we set forth. In all my arrangements I was much indebted to Geronimo bon Tempely, a Venetian merchant. On the south of Basora is a great open and level place called Maxarak, used as a market-place and general fair. Moreover, all the Moorish horsemen, who are many and expert, are wont to meet there on Fridays. This is their holy day, but they only observe it by this practice, and by a little more attendance in the mosques. They cease not from work and business on that day more than on another, making small scruple in respect of it. On September the 2nd, with our friends' last compli- ments, we went forth to this place, or plain ; whence the caravan, or cafila, was beginning to file off. We alone slept there that night, the first of many bad nights before us, waiting for my captain, who had not yet dispatched all his business. The next evening, Friday, the 3rd, we followed the rest : I on a camel, and my friend on horse-back. We went about half a league through palm-groves, and then entered on desert plains, subject to flood, and covered with salt. This is produced by the heat of the sun, very great in those parts, from the sea-water of the Persian Gulf; which, though more than ten leagues distant, drowns these lands in certain conjunctions. 1 Whereby much of them, once fertile, has been desolated. We rode along the top of a dyke, six or seven spans (palmos} high, and five wide, four leagues to our halting- place, which was called Drahemya, and lay amid the ruins of the second city of Basora. 2 Of this some remains may 1 The " coniuncionef* appear to be spring-tides in August, when they are highest in the Persian Gulf (Persian Gulf Pilot}. 8 Now Zubair, or near it ; the first Musalman Basra, founded after JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 35 yet be seen, as the walls of a great mosque, fragments of the rampart.and partof its ditch. To all appearance it was a great city. There are some wells of good water, and these lands are cultivated, yielding wheat, barley, and vegetables. Our course to-day was southward. We halted here the Satur- day and Sunday, beginning to feel in the open air the heat of the sun, which at that place and season is immoderate. On Monday, September the 6th, we moved off, weary enough of strife with the Arabs, agents of Xeque Mahamed eben Raxet, lord of those lands, and the same to whom I had been introduced, as above related ; who levy his dues on merchandize. When I saw how others were dealt with on that and other occasions, I held for well spent all what I had paid to the captain to be free of those vexations. We started west-north-westwards, through lands won- derfully flat and barren, leaving on our left hand a very high mountain, six or seven leagues distant, and, in my opinion, about two in length. The Arabs call this Gibel Sinam, that is, Mount Sinam ; where of old was the first city of Basora. They say that it has many waters, and that the cafilas from Basora to Meka, which take that way, water there. Those lands, and nearly all hereabouts, are so flat that it seems as it were an isle in the sea. 1 After a little more than two leagues' march, we halted at noon by some wells of cool and good water, in a plain full of colocynths, which the desert Arabs gather to the battle of Kadesia, " on a plain covered with white stones whence the name " by Otba, son of Ghazwa"n, Mdzini ; a comrade of the Prophet, and chief of his own tribe, under the orders of the Caliph 'Umar. (Zotenberg's Tabari, Pt. IV, chap. xlii. Tabari is explicit as to the origin of the name, which I cannot verify further.) 1 This mountain is in the modern maps, and it is only necessary to say that there is no confusion, in the Oriental mind, between it and Mount Sinai ; nor .does Teixeira seem to have made any. I am not aware of any other evidence about this oldest " Basra," but there is nothing improbable in the tradition of a great city's existence at the foot of Jabal Sinam. D 2 36 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. make medicine of them, mixing them with camels' milk. They call this place Bragacya, or Cobrocya, that is, " the place of ducats." Here came all the cafila together, and, though little, it was of one-hundred-and-fifty camels, ninety-five donkeys, and twelve horses. Here we found some folk, who fled at sight of us, and who we learnt were poor Beduynes, 1 the poorest of Arabs, who wander in families through those deserts ; naked, or clad in skins of beasts, by hunting which they live ; such as deer, gazelles, wild asses, wolves, foxes, hares, etc. At four in the afternoon we decamped, and marched in the same direction over plains, with many wells of good and sweet water, passing the ruins 2 of two great buildings, once the dwellings of such as tilled those lands, which are all called Choa bedeh. After two leagues more, we halted in a barren and waterless plain, to await a camel, which had fallen, and lagged behind with its load. On Tuesday, the 7th, we marched, starting before daylight, through lands very level but very dry, with a terrible sun and high south wind that scorched us like fire. Our route was long, because, finding no water, we marched until noon, more than five leagues and a half. Our halt was in a plain called by the Arabs Reamelah, where were three wells of foul, thick, and brackish water ; yet our great need and thirst made it sweet to us. On this day, two camels fell with me thrice ; wherefore the captain, to fit me better, bought of one of our company a good camel and an ass and but ill he paid for them afterwards. Our course was north-north-west. Wednesday, the 8th, an hour before dawn, we started westerly, and marched until one o'clock, after noon, over 1 " Beduynes mesquinos " = " BedaVfn Miskin," or something like it. Miskin is good Arabic for a pauper, and now commonly used in India for a pauper pilgrim to Mecca. 2 Nameless "ruins" are shown on this route in Kiepert's map. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 37 sands and very dry wastes. Having come about seven leagues, we rested in a plain called like the last Choabede'h. It was round as a threshing-floor, as if laid out by compass, and might be two leagues about. In the midst of it were eight cabins of such Beduynes as I have told of, covered with coarse goats'-hair blankets. Here were some wells of foul and fetid water, from one of which, with the water, we drew up a great venomous snake dead. All this day, there was a great and thick smoke north of us ; which, we were told, lay over the banks of the River Euphrates, where the Arabs were burning the reed-beds for their sowings. That may have been two good days' march off our road, along all which we saw many hares and bush-rats. These are as big as cur greatest common rats, grayish-white ; their ears, fore-feet, and tail as of a rat, but the end of the tail, eyes, and head as of a rabbit, and their hind-legs like those of a gazelle. They move by jumps, and burrow like rabbits ; there are plenty in this desert, and the Arabs eat them, and say they are very good. 1 We marched hence at four in the afternoon, through somewhat rougher ground, about three leagues, and halted at sunset in a sort of vale, waterless, but with some dry grass, and many and great snakes ; this place still coming under the name of Choabedeh. On Thursday, the Qth, we marched at dawn, some six or seven leagues through troublesome sand-hills, until mid- day, when we came to a stone well of clear and fresh water ; but stinking so that we could scarce come nigh it. We thought that this was for want of light and motion, for that the well was some thirty fathoms deep ; but I changed my mind on our drawing from it a lizard more than four palms long, and one thick : a hideous creature. The Arabs 1 Jerboas, of course. 38 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. call this place Hheun, Hhyuna, and Ahen, all meaning Eyes. 1 On the way we found a great and fair gazelle, not long dead, and unwounded, which we took to have died of snake-bite ; and a little beyond many ostrich feathers, which the camel-men carefully gathered up, for that they are much valued thereabouts. We saw many hares and bush-rats. We had kept a westerly course, and started again on the same at four in the afternoon ; after about three leagues' march we halted in a great, salt, dry plain. On Friday, the loth, we marched two hours before dawn, west-south-west through lands like yesterday's. After three leagues' journey we got into great sand-hills, with a few bushes : such bad travelling, that from that, and the intolerable heat and want of water, several camels and asses died, and we were almost at the last gasp. At one o'clock, we came to an open spot, lying under a high sand-dune, full of colocynths, and called by the Arabs Hhynigha. Therein were Arab thieves set, who took themselves off when they found the cafila on its guard. There were many wells, but all choked and full of mud. We cleared them a little, and all, at a depth of a fathom, or one, two, or three cubits, yielded plenty of good, sweet, clear water, wherewith we satisfied and provided ourselves, praising God, who had bid it spring there for our help, who came thither scarce alive. That day we had come some eight leagues, fit to count for fourteen, so bad was the way, and such the heat, our hunger and thirst, and our fear of the Arab thieves, ever ranging the desert, and lurk- ing for prey near every watering-place. 1 " Ofos." The Arabic word is 'Ain, plural 'Ayiin, and does mean " eye ;" and also, " fountain " or " spring." This last does not seem to be a regular meaning of the modern Castilian ojo ; but it is yet a dic- tionary meaning of the Portuguese olho. This is a stupid note, but necessary, as we shall have the word again and again ; and as Stevens, by a quaint slip, applies the Arabic name to the ugly lizard ! JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 39 Nor spare they one another, between clan and clan ; wherefore the caravans, or cafilas, ever keep in pay, as ours did, some Arabs, of such tribes as they may meet, to secure good usage ; and as guides of the ways and watering- places. Without that, there is no passage ; and no less than the fear of our foes was that of our own company, for that those folk are faithless, treacherous, and covetous to the last degree. And, as they think all Franks (that is, European Christians) to be very rich, they never lose sight of them ; seeking devices to plunder, and sometimes to slay them. God be praised, who delivered ourselves from their treasons that they brewed against us ; and especially against Diego de Melo of our company, who brought on himself many and serious annoyances, by his air of dignity and reserve, and requirements of special service. All trav- ellers in these parts should avoid the like ; to attract as little as may be the eyes of the Arabs, who seldom put them to good use, but in hope of their own gain. So came we to this place, beyond which we ventured not that day, and so halted there for the night. Yet had we in advance certain Jews of the caravan with an Arab, whom in such case the captain used to give them for escort, in return for certain services due at the end of the trip. These go ahead, that they may rest on their Sabbath (when they may not march) without falling in rear of the caravan. On Saturday, the nth, after resting most of the day by those wells, we marched at five o'clock in the evening, north-westwards for about two leagues, and halted before sunset to await a laggard camel. On Sunday, the I2th, we marched three hours before sunrise, west-north-westward, over very level ground, with some hillocks, all good, but waterless. After a league and half, we found some wells of good water ; and at eleven of 40 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. the morning, we came to the channel of a dry river, which has, they said, much water in winter ; and so I supposed from its size and position. There stands there yet an old fort, square, with twelve bastions, three of a side, 1 all well built of burnt brick and mortar. About seventy paces outside it was a little alcoran? ten cubits high, which had evidently been higher, of like material and construction. All this was already much the worse for wear, yet no less than a royal work for its excellence, and for that, in that place, its erection must have been very difficult, costly, and toilsome. It was built by an Arab king, a forefather of my Xeque Mahamed eben Raxet, to secure the cafilas passing this way, before the Turks occupied Bagdad and Basord. The Arabs call it Alkaygar, or Kaygar, that is, " the palace or house of Caesar," for so they call all buildings of kings or princes. It is half-way between Basord and Mexat Aly, whither we were bound. 3 We found in the bed of that river some wells of clear and fresh water, but of intolerable stench had not our need overborne it. We had marched about eight leagues, and halted here until four o'clock in the evening, when we marched three leagues more, and encamped at sunset. Five camels of the caravan died that day, worn out ; and all the rest of the company took their flesh to eat, and asked us to share ; but we would not, though our victual was failing already. On Monday, the I3th, we started three hours before day, 1 Meaning, of course, one to each angle, and two on each curtain. 2 A minaret, as Teixeira explains hereafter. ( Vide query in Hebson- Jobson, p. 7550 8 " Tell Kesroeh " (Tal Kasrawi) appears on Kiepert's map about half-way between Basra and Mashad Ali, on the authority, apparently, of Chesney. The godfather is as likely to have been a Persian Khusru as a Roman Caesar, or more so ; and probably Shaikh Muhammad's grandfather made use of bricks from some ancient ruin on the spot. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 4! and went through low lands, subject to the flood of the Euphrates, which is a short day's march distant ; salt, stony, and in places jungly ; heading north-west. After about seven leagues' march, we halted amid uneven sands to await some laggard camels, whereof one died ; to recover whose load we stayed there that night. We had water on our right hand, eastwards, at little over half a league ; which some went to try, but when it was drawn we had small joy of it, for though it was clear and bright, it was salt as the sea. On Tuesday, the I4th, one hour before sunrise, we marched north-westwards over the like country. At eleven, having made about six leagues, we halted in a plain, half a league from some wells lying amid the ruins of a great old city ; whereof are left now but those wells, a few palms, and some remnants of buildings. It is called Sayda, and by the Arabs Hayun Sayda, that is, " the eyes or springs of Sayda." 1 The water was indifferent, but better than yester- day's. We marched again at four in the afternoon, and, having made about three leagues, we halted. On Wednesday, the isth, we took the road two hours before dawn, heading north-west ; and after one hour's march we saw in the east a great fire, which all the com- pany declared to be the work of thieving Beduyne Arabs. The land was not level, as of late, but uneven. We marched six leagues, and halted at ten in the morning in a place called by the Arabs Kalb al Sor, that is, " the Bull's Heart," 2 where was one well of foul and stinking water. Here was made prisoner a certain Arab, on the warning of a pilot of the cafila t that he was a spy of a clan of those parts, who had come with us from Basora, that he might advise them hence, when to come and rob us. He defended himself 1 For the etymology, see above, p. 38, note. " Ain Saida " is on Kiepert's map, in a suitable position. 2 The translation is correct, but the place is not on my maps. 42 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. firmly, denying the charges ; but, after all, to make all safe, they brought him on to Mexat Aly, bound and well guarded. The same day, before four in the afternoon, we started again, and marched until sunset, four leagues through the like country. We halted in a convenient place, in better order than hitherto ; bringing all our men, camels, and other beasts within a leaguer of piled baggage, and lying all upon our arms. Four men, brought in pay of the cafila for that duty, kept strict guard all night, with fires, against the thieves that prowled about that place, and against lions, which are not wanting there. Already that evening one had attacked a man of our company, but by the grace of God hurt him not. Whereby also, though there are so many in those lands, we saw few, and those not close at hand. On Thursday, the i6th, we set out three hours before sunrise. Having marched a little more than two leagues, we descended into a great ravine, wherein during winter flows a fierce torrent that the Arabs called Hhanega, that is, " the Drowning." 1 It would seem that the loss of some men or beasts gave it this name. It has some trees and green grass. After about eight leagues' march north-west- wards, we rested at noon in a green place, with some shade of bushes and reed-beds, and wells of good water : the Arabs call it Semat. 2 At 3 P.M. we started again, and marched until ten at night through rough country, dry and stony, about five leagues. All that day we saw many herds of wild asses. On Friday, the I7th, we took the road two hours before daylight, and just before dawn we had an alarm of fifty Arab thieves, on five-and-twenty camels, ahead 1 Perhaps "the Choker" would be a closer rendering; but the sense of the text is clear. 2 This is on Kiepert's map. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 43 of us. So they go commonly in that desert, two on each camel. Before an attack they dismount at a little distance, leave their camels hobbled, by securing one knee in a bent position, and then advance to the attack. Their usual arms are lances, bows, swords, shields and caniales, which are great broad, crooked daggers. 1 They have also many horsemen. Our cafila got under arms ; being about forty bowmen, twelve musketeers, four mounted lancers, and a few with other arms of close fight. The thieves passed on without halt. We were afraid that they went but to seek reinforce- ments, as being themselves too few for the venture ; but they came not again. For all that we marched on the look-out, and in the best order we could keep. The best armed took the vanguard, and went prancing and shouting war-songs, to encourage themselves in their own defence, and that of the company. This morning's march was forced, and lay for three or four leagues in sight of a great lake, 2 a backwater of the river Euphrates. We were so fearful of thieves, and so worn with the way, heat and cold, hunger and thirst, that every trifle disquieted us. So, seeking a watering-place to rest in, and coming towards it, we saw there some folk, and made sure that they were thieves. Then we all made ready for fight, but one of our Arab pilots kicked up his gray mare, and at marvellous speed joined those people in an instant, recognised them, and returned to say that they were Beduyne hunters encamped there for water. (The Arabs, I should say, prefer mares to horses in use, as swifter and safer, and 1 " Cantales" is evidently formed from khdnjar, and the descrip- tion is of that dagger well known in India, wherever Arab soldiers go, Sisjambiya. 2 " Laguna." I have avoided using the English form " lagoon " for fresh water, out of respect to modern custom. The lake, or marsh, is marked on Kiepert's map as Rumyah. 44 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. more easily fed in the desert than stallions.) The water was a spring in a great dry river-bed, which the Arabs call Utcela. 1 It was plentiful and good ; the place green and shady, with good trees, reed-beds, rushes and other plants. We got to it about I P.M., having marched six miles. At 3 P.M. we marched again, leaving the Jews behind, for that next day was their Sabbath ; and, having made three leagues by sunset, halted in a waterless plain. On Saturday, the i8th, we marched two hours before day, north-westward, over plains, at two leagues from the backwater. At i P.M. we came to the northern head of it, after eight leagues' march through tilled fields, bearing wheat, barley, cotton and vegetables, thanks to a little stream of fresh water running through them, though the land in general is desert like the rest. Since morning we had held Mexat Aly in sight, for it stands on high land, over and east of the lake. Where- fore it seemed the nearer to us, specially to Diego de Melo, who must needs get ahead of us to rest, which cost him his horse, foundered by haste and heat, and he himself fell sick afterwards. Here were fresh water and green grass, but no shade from the sun, which smote us with dreadful force. We made shift as best we might ; and I worse than many, for I could not eat of a rice-stew that my captain had provided, full of grease taken from the camels that had died on our way, and my saddle-bags were now but empty ; wherefore patience must serve me until night, and even then we fared no better. We left this place at three in the afternoon, somewhat forcing the pace along the lake, betwixt it and the foot of the flanking cliffs. We headed north, east, and south in 1 Kiepert has "el Athy" in a suitable position, and perhaps it is the place. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 4$ succession, 1 and after about six leagues' journey, one hour after dark, we came to Mexat Aly. To reach the town we had to climb a high and rough hill, at the foot of which many men and boys welcomed all of us in general, and especially their own kinsfolk and acquaintance. On that day, while the caravan rested at the head of the lake, I was in the mess of one Xeque Alaby, a great friend of mine, who complained that his saddle-camel was very lame of a forefoot ; and that, because of its good paces, he should be much vexed if it could not hold out for the journey. He had scarce done speaking, when they brought the camel to him, with one of the Arab pilots. They cast it, and the pilot took up its foot to see what was there, and found a great and deep fistula, very painful. This he cleaned out with an iron, extracting much gravel and mud, and filled it with cotton and burnt rags. Then he took a piece of leather, sufficient to cover the foot, and sewed it to the sole with alternate stitches, just as the sole is stitched to a woman's shoe, so cleverly that I wondered at him. Hereby the camel could both go and mend, without further injury. I have recorded this to show what the most barbarous folk can learn from necessity. The lake already mentioned is fed by the river Euphra- tes, whose waters run naturally hither, in flood. In the rainy season, they are swollen by much water from that desert, and form here as it were a great sea ; whereof the water-marks bear witness, showing a difference of fifty palms between high-water-mark and the level at which I saw it, in the season of least water. This lake is of no regular form, but has various arms ; and is, on the whole, rather long than otherwise. It may be thirty-five or forty 1 Necessarily, as they were now rounding the head of the backwater, here amounting to a lake, which lies north-west and south-east. They had marched up the south-west side, and had to make Mashad Ali, on the north-eastern corner. 46 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. leagues about, and six in greatest breadth. There is a pass in the middle where it is fordable to camels at low water, as when I saw it. All the rest is deeper. The water flows in fresh, but, as the soil is saline, it, too, turns salt. And, as the heat of the sun is extreme, much salt is pro- duced by its power alone, here and at Bagdad. In flood-time, it is fresher than at low water. It has plenty of fish, great and small ; wherefore there are innumerable waterfowl that live thereon, and find shelter on the numer- ous islets. The Arabs call this lake Rahemah. We entered Mexat Aly, as I have said, on Saturday, the 1 8th, 1 one hour after nightfall. Because it was late, the whole cafila unloaded in a khan, or karoancero? as they call certain places built to shelter cafilas and travellers. These are built like the cloister of any of our monasteries : divided into cells, each with its door and key, and cooking- place; but one common place for natural purposes. Some have a well in the centre, and others a place for the beasts. There are some that can hold three or four hundred men. Some are free, for the love of God, being built to that end by rich Moors ; only it is the custom to make a present to the keeper. In others there are fees charged, but very moderate. The like are also in India, called chales? but not so well built and clean. Those of the town are as described, but those in the open country have no partitions. This khan was great ; and, although in bad repair, had evidently been built with care and cost. Here we slept, and the night was no easier than those gone by. For the place was foul, stony, uneven, ill-sheltered, and unfit for rest, especially in our worn-out condition, as was well seen ; for some of the men fell sick, and not a few of the 1 Of September, 1604. a Caravanserai. 3 Our " Dharamsiilas" ; the Bombay " Chawls," though of similar etymology, are simply large houses let out in rooms, or set of rooms, o tenants. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 47 beasts died. We supped on dates, sour milk, and water, which had been sent as a present to my captain : no great meal for me, who had been all day almost fasting, for my special biscuits had given out. Needs must I bear all with patience, which on such ways is the first and most needful provision. Diego de Melo and Mustafa, his companion, who had gone ahead and got good lodging in another khan, came to look me up at daybreak ; and after salutes and embraces, as if we had been long apart, they asked me to take quarters with them. I would not, without express permission of my captain, to avoid cause of complaint. They pressed for it, and got it ; and I joined them, and was with them until we left the place. Mexat Aly, or Mam Aly, which means the same thing, that is, "Aly's mosque, or temple," was founded about one thousand years ago, at the time of his death. He was cousin 1 and son-in-law to Mahamed. They commonly call him Mortz Aly ; and his sectaries (mortal enemies of the Sunis, who are of the Turks' persuasion) relate of him, his victories and valour, many feats and miracles, fit subject for laughter, or rather for tears. These, as here out of place, and already recorded by many, I dismiss, to tell of the city. The inhabitants say that Aly was treacherously slain by his own man, whom he had reared from childhood, 2 in Kufa, a place not far from this, now clean wasted. When they had washed and anointed his body, as they are wont, they put it, according to his dying direction, on a camel, which they left to take its own 1 " Sobrino" meaning more literally nephew. 1 He was cut down in the mosque of Kufa by Abdul Rahman, son of Muljam, whose tribe does not appear; but he was no dependent of Ali's. (Zotenberg's Tabari, Pt. IV, chap. cvi. Tabari has not got the story of the camel, but says, shortly, that Ali was buried in the palace at Kufa, which is about ten English statute miles from Mashad Ali, and waste, as Teixeira says.) 48 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. way, following it in view, to see where it stopped. At last it rested in this desert, for desert it is to the last degree. Then those who followed came to it at once ; and built here a tomb for the corpse. This, with time, and the devotion and frequentation of his worshippers and sec-* taries, was so enriched with gifts, that there grew up a temple and alcoran, very rich, and fairly wrought enough. But now, with the decline of that sect and doctrine, the attendance and offerings fail ; and the building has suffered not a little in appearance and condition. As they held the land for hallowed by that interment, there was such resort of men there, that by degrees there grew up a city ; which, at its best, not over fifty or sixty years ago, had from six to seven thousand houses. 1 Most of these were great and well built, as their ruins bear witness to this day, when it hath not over five hundred inhabited, and those mostly poor and ill-furnished. Some inhabitants told me that it had declined in every way after the death of Xa Thamas, 2 king of Persia, who favoured the place greatly. It was surrounded by a wall, now breached in a thousand places, built, as were the mosque and houses, of burnt brick and mortar. There is no water but of wells, and that brackish. Such as must have it sweet fetch it from an aqueduct, which Sultan Selim, the Grand Turk, opened up from the Euphrates for three leagues, with great cost and trouble. But when we came there, we could not drink of it, for that the aqueduct was foul and choked up, and under its annual clearance. There is great scarcity of wood, and all things needful are 1 Mashad Ali is supposed to represent the ancient Hira, and that again an older Alexandria (Kiepert's and D'Anville's maps). Of course, when an Oriental conqueror sacks a town, and squats in the ruins, it is not long before his tribe give him founder's honours. * In 1576 A. D. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 49 imported : as sheep, fowls, wheat, barley, fruit and vege- tables. The common diet is of dates, curdled milk made into cheese, and round cakes of wheat or barley. There is plenty of fish in the lake, but they use little of it. The people are mostly white, but all ill-conditioned. No Jew nor Christian may dwell among them, for they bear mortal hate to these, and no less to all Moors not of their own sect. They value themselves much on observing its rule, so strictly, that they hold it for sin to talk and deal with others ; and if they have to take anything handled by such, they have a thousand ceremo- nies, and raise many objections. There are yet visible some ruins of sucos 1 (which were marts), vaulted, as usual in towns thereabouts, and lighted with windows ; so well built as to prove the past glory of the city. In the mosque or temple, where is, they say, the body of Aly, there are things of price ; and especially three great lamps of gold, richly bejewelled, presented by different princes. This land is subject to the Turk ; and its lord, an Arab king, pays him tribute. There is usually a garrison of fifty Turks ; but these, at the time of our stay, were all away, called off to Bagdad by reason of the Persian war. In their absence the natives were so masterless and unruly, that they committed a thousand violences and outrages, without fear or shame. After four days' rest we started anew, except some of that neighbourhood, who stayed there, three hours before sunrise of Thursday, the 23rd ; and marched north-west- wards over very level but desert land. The road was one in use, and we met footmen and horsemen, and droves of 1 Further on spelt succos. It represents the Arabic suk= market- place. D. F. E 50 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. camels and asses. At half-past eleven o'clock, 1 having come about seven leagues, we halted in a karoancero> or khan ; ancient, but great and well built. In a plain near it was a fine well of very good water, and at two gunshots off fifteen huts or tents of Arabs, with many camels. About three leagues before this we had seen, half a league from the route, a great building with a high tower, where are the tomb and body of the holy prophet Ezechiel, 2 whom the Moors and Jews call Ezkhel. It is held in the highest respect by all ; no less for his life and holiness, than for the miracles which they say God has wrought here through His servant. While we were in this khan, which the Arabs call Esege"!, Diego de Melo fell sick of a fever, which he had already felt in Aly. He had to ride on a camel both for ease and because his horse was yet unserviceable. 3 He was unused to much hardships, having grown up much at his ease and pleasure, as do all those born in India ; and was exceedingly sorry for himself. It pleased God that two blood-lettings and some cool drinks set him all right again. We started hence at 3 P.M., and marched north- wards, over flat, hard sands, six leagues. At sunset we halted near another karoancerd, called by the Arabs Geneza, 4 in a fair though dry plain, near a great well of clear and good water. On Friday, the 24th, at two hours after midnight, we started on a forced march over very bare sands. At day- 1 This is an uncommon phrase with our traveller, who seldom deals in fractions of an hour. 2 This tomb of Ezekiel is on some modern maps, though not in Kiepert's. The identification of Ezkhel is all right ; and the Beni Israel of Kolaba have, or had lately, what seems to us an odder form : " Haskel." " Esege"!," the name of the khan, is the same word ; i.e., the khan and the neighbourhood probably take their name from the tomb. [See description of tomb by I. J. Benjamin, op. tit., p. 1 58. D. F.] 3 It may be remembered that Diego overrode his horse into Mashad Ali. 4 Ghaneiza of Kiepert. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 51 break we saw the town of Mexat Ogem, but came not to it until nine o'clock, after seven leagues' march on a north-west course. When we got into the city, we halted in a free khan, whereof there are many there, and well built. CHAPTER V. Mexat Ogen 1 and its foundation, and how we went thence, across the River Euphrates and Mesopotamia, seeing the site of Babylon; crossed the Tigris, and entered the city of Bagdad that is thereon. MEXAT Ogem, or Mam Ogem, that is, "the mosque of Ogem," is an open town of more than four thousand houses, many of them well designed in the country fashion, but all of poor construction. The inhabitants are native Arabs, and Turks sent to control that territory, of whom none were then there, but all gone to Bagdad to the war. For the same reason, many Agemis, 2 or Persians, had left the town, not thinking themselves safe there while war should last between their nation and the Turks. The natives of Mexat Ogem are all Rafazis, or Xyahys, 3 like those of Aly ; and therefore mortally hate all other sects and laws, as well of Moors as of Christians and Jews. None of these two last live in the land ; and if one but chance to pass through it, he is very ill-looked on. The markets are all well vaulted, and all things needful are abundant, as is merchandize : for that many merchants of various countries meet there. 1 Karbala, or Mashad Husain, is rightly translated " Husain's Mosque." " Mam," of course, stands for the martyr's title of Ima'm [though Teixeira appears to consider it a synonym for mashad (mosque). D. F.] 2 See note, Appendix C, infra. D. F. 3 I.e., Rdfizis or Shiahs, Properly, the term Rdfizi should be confined to a particular sect of Shiahs, but it is often used, as here, for the whole body. D. F. E 2 52 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. There is a mosque, with its alcoran, dedicated to Ogem, the son of Aly, who is buried here. And as, in this formerly desert place, many were wont to die of thirst, 1 therefore the Moors, and especially those of that sect, hold it for a good work to give water for the love of God to all who ask ; and many go with water-skins and clean brazen cups through the streets, giving drink to the thirsty without asking money, though they do not refuse it if offered. The mosque and alcoran, like those of Aly, are notable for their size, beauty and cost. And though they be less ancient than his by but few years, founded in the same way, and increased by the devotion of the Xyais, they show much better. The material is brick and mortar, with some curious glazed tiles, and some mosaic work. This city is well and cheaply supplied with wheat, barley, rice, vegetables, fruit, and meat. The climate is milder than in those lands whence we had just come. There are some public wells of good water; plenty of trees, and of European fruits. The land is watered by a canal, filled from the Euphrates, which is eight leagues away in time of flood. There are many herds and flocks, fed on the neighbouring pastures, chiefly on certain low plains, which, by reason of the rainwater that they collect in winter, remain green and grassy all the rest of the year. At the end of the town next the Euphrates are two great square reservoirs, which seem, by reason of the remains of rooms and galleries around them, to have served as cool places of resort and entertainment. They are very capa- cious, and at present the canal water is stored there, and serves them during most of the time that the common supply fails. 1 Husain (son of Ali, son of Abi Taleb, by Fatima, daughter of the Prophet) and his men suffered fearfully from thirst during his last fight at Karbala, at the end of which he was murdered by the victors (see, for a decent old authority, Zotenberg's Tabari, vol. iv, p. 35, et seq.}. Teixeira records this in the Kings of Persia, Bk. n, chap. iii. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 53 This city and Mexat Aly are subject to Mir Nac,er, an Arab king, vassal to the Turk, who lives upon those lands. For all that, while I was there, there were sold in public the well-trapped horses, clothes, and arms of thirty or forty Turks, slain and despoiled by Arabs of that very city ; for it was mostly in revolt, by reason of the Persian war, and consequent withdrawal of the Turkish garrison, wherefore they had nothing left to fear. They use commonly camels, horses, asses, and pack-bullocks. The people are of fair complexion and tolerable appearance, but not extravagant in dress. Most of the men go on horseback. This town, like that of Aly, is very short of wood, wherefore they burn mostly the dry dung of oxen and camels. My captain was about to wed, in this city, a woman of the best family there, and of his own clan ; and alighted at his bride's house, which was new and well ordered, and very convenient for his camels and establishment. I, my- self, Diego de Melo, his companion Mustafa, and many of our caravan, took up quarters in a khan or karoancero\ whence my captain sometimes carried me to dine at his house, with his kith and kin, on his wedding victuals. These were dirty cakes, ill-made, and worse cooked, a little rice, and meat with its broth God knows how cooked dates, and some fruit, not of the best ; all served on the floor, on a round sheet of leather. But our great piece of civilisation was that each had his own spoon. For it is common amongst the Arabs of the open country to have but one spoon among ten or twelve, and each in order takes his spoonful, waiting for the others until his turn comes round. Yet what they offer is of honest goodwill ; and herein were the Arab better than many other folks, that he gives freely of his bread to every comer that needs it, were not that custom mingled with other and ill uses that altogether obscure it. 54 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. Whilst we were here there came from Bagdad officers of the Customs, charged to forward thither the merchants with their goods, of whom many were very unwilling. But at last they set out, on Wednesday, the 29th of September. Very few remained, and we amongst these, because our captain found us no camels. For his own had come up in such condition that speedily five died, and the rest were unserviceable ; and he such a mean miser that he would not hire others. We remained here eight days, under annoyance enough ; and in chief because there were billeted in the same khan forty segmenes 1 with their officer. These are arquebusiers, not Turks, but in the Turk's employ; from whom we feared some violence. And we had good cause, for they are a loose folk, and disorderly, fearing neither God, king, nor law. When they had the route (having only halted here), there came to me a Moor, and I do not know why he chose me rather than another of the three of us. But in Persian he bade me beware, for that the segmenes meant to have away with them both my comrades' horses, or one at least. I thanked him much, and warned my friends, and we sent the horses to our captain's quarters, where they were well put up ; and we stayed in the khan, much on our guard, until the segmenes took them- selves off. We few folk who remained of the caravan, seeing our time wasted, pressed the captain so hard that he gave way, 1 Sag, Persian, = " dog," saghdn, " dog - keeper," sagman, " doggery," or kennel establishment. Redhouse says : " Saghhdn (Seymen), s. p., formerly a soldier of a particular corps of the Janis- saries, next a soldier of some regiments organised in the European style, and, latterly, a sort of irregular police soldier" (Turkish Dictionary, sub voce]. Probably the imperial huntsmen were always a sort of household troops, more or less irregular, or supposed to be especially good light troops, like " chasseurs" and " Jagers." The last Indian prince of the -vieille roche told me that his were the only troops he had worth trusting. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 55 and prepared to accompany us, upon the persuasion of his brother-in-law, a chief man, and of high repute and worth, and of others connected with him. When collected and prepared, we set out from Mexat Ogem for Bagdad on Saturday, the 2nd of October, at nine o'clock in the morning, not without fear of thieves, for that we were few, and that road as much used by them as by travellers. We went most of that\ march along the canal above-mentioned, whose water fertilizes all those lands lying within its command, which are considerable. The canal may be three fathoms and a half wide, and one and a half deep. In its bed, now dry, were some wells of good water ; and thereby, cut in the banks, drinking- troughs for the beasts. There were also therein certain boats, like those of Bagord, called danecas? pitched with quir, that is, the bitumen of Hyt, on the Euphrates ; which is drawn liquid from two wells there, but afterwards becomes very hard. They use these on the canal, when it holds water. On that day we marched over good and level land, much of it cultivated ; chiefly under cotton, a common crop thereabouts. After eight leagues we came, at five in the evening, to a great, strong, and clean khan, truly a royal work, and very spacious. It lay near the river Euphrates, which flows there very smoothly, 2 As it was now the end of summer, the water was low. It was too late in the day for us to cross the river, and we halted on the bank, keeping a good look-out for thieves, of whom there is no lack thereabouts. At sunrise on Sunday, the 3rd of October, we crossed 1 See supra, p. 29. D. F. 2 This is the passage of " Moseyb," or Musaib. On a beautiful map, dated 1865, and signed by Lieut. Bewsher, late I.N., there is a bridge of boats shown here, with some large building on the west bank. It looks rather like a fortified tete-de-pont, but may very well be Teixeira's khan, or occupy its site. Caravanserais often are very defensible fortresses in a small way. 56 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. the river in two ferry-boats, paying per head or parcel one maydm, a silver coin worth eleven maravedis. 1 For all our haste, the company and goods were not all over before ten o'clock of the morning. The river, everywhere tortuous, runs here from north to south, and we crossed it against the sun. The water was very muddy ; and the boatmen told me that where we crossed the depth was over thirty fathoms. It breeds plenty of good fish. The Arabs and Persians call it Forat, 2 and the Hebrews Parat. At that time of year it may be two hundred paces wide, but in flood much more; rising four to six cubits, and over. Its waters are held for very pure, and used for the irrigation of many fields and gardens. We got on to the Mesopotamian side of the river, climbed its high bank, and reached another khan, set over the river. It was weaker, smaller, and worse built than that opposite, but gave good shelter ; and stood amidst the ruins of an old city called Me^ayehb, 3 whereof to-day remains nought but the name and some old walls. But there are many gardens, abounding in vegetables, palms, and some European fruits. For they draw water from the river, though running far below, with engines of leather worked by oxen : a cheap, easy, and profitable device. Yet better are the water-wheels, whereby the current of the river raises its own water, as much and as high as they please, used along most of the banks. As you ascend the river there are many towns. The most famous are Gedida and Hyt ; the latter for the quir or bitumen, already mentioned, which the Indian Portu- guese call quite, and use it to staunch the water tanks that they have in their ships in place of casks. Then follow Hadyta, Haluz, luba (full of fair women), Mamura, 1 " That is," says Stevens, " about three Halfpence." 2 Furdt. D. F. 3 Musaib. D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 57 Ana, and many others j 1 to Byra, near Aleppo. About two hours' march down stream of us lay He"la, an ancient town of the region whither the Israelites went captive into Babilonia. The fields thereof in Mesopotamia, near the river Euphrates, are all cut up with water channels, whereby grow many willows ; and these are the rivers mentioned by the Psalmist. 2 Having rested in Mogayehb until seven in the after- noon, we entered on the lands of Mesopotamia, which are of various condition, but with no great eminence Heading northwards, we left Old Babylon two leagues on our right hand, whereof are now few traces ; and the place is least frequented of all that region, that the prophecy may be fulfilled in respect of it. 3 Forcing our march, we passed, at five in the evening, a new, fair, and strong khan, built in a place where thieves are likely to be found, the ground favouring them. For there are many little hills, lying one over against the other, so as to be very convenient for ambushes and onslaughts. This khan was built, for the love of God, by a Turkish lady, wife of a chief of the Customs in Bagdad.* We halted not here, but pushed on at the same speed to another khan called Berenus ; that is " the half-way house," 1 In this passage our traveller speaks chiefly " from information he received," and not as an eye-witness : for instance, of the beauty of the ladies of Juba. The towns are put out of their proper order, and the whole passage is of little value. "Hyt" is modern Hit, and ancient Is, and the bitumen is brought thence even now. 2 Psalm cxxxvii, 2. Some modern botanists have supposed this tree, called garab in the Psalm, to be Populus Euphratica, the bhdn of the Indus (C. Koch, Dendrologia, vol. ii, p. 507 ; a/rtfBrandis, Forest Flora, p. 465). Linnaeus had adopted our author's view, and called the weeping willow Salix Babylonica, in accordance with tradition. Hela, of course, is the modern Hillah. [Cf. Dr. Kayserling's note on this passage of Teixeira, op. at., p. 155. D. F.] 3 Isaiah xiv, 19 ff., according to Dr. Kayserling (pp. at., p. 153, .). D. F. 4 Probably Khan Mizrakji of Kiepert and Rich. The latter says that it was named after " a Bagdad merchant who founded it." 58 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. for that it stands half-way between the rivers. 1 It is a noble building, strong and spacious, and therein were ten or twelve Turkish horse regularly posted there for the help of passengers. Opposite it is another and ancient khan, where some poor families shelter themselves, who have a few fields thereabout. In this are some wells of indifferent water used by them, and by cafilas and travellers, for want of others in that place. At one musket-shot beyond is another khan or karoancerb, old and ruined. 2 The distance from the Euphrates is about eight leagues. On Monday, October 4th, at two o'clock A.M., we marched northwards, pressing the pace through varying country, now dry, now abounding in pasture, whereon were great herds of cattle of all sizes, camels, horses, and others ; watered from many wells, especially from two that we saw, very well built, with brick parapets and great stone troughs. And these were the first stones that we saw between Mexat Aly and Bagdad. At sunrise we saw that part of Bagdad which is in Mesopotamia, first of all the alcoranes, which, being very lofty, and the land pretty level, are visible at four leagues' distance. From the end of the second league, right up to the city, we found all along both sides of the road great stores of burnt bricks, square and weatherworn, above ground and in pits, which 1 " Bir-un-nous (incorrectly for m'sf), i.e., The Well of the Half-way" (Rich, Babylon and Persepolis, London, 1839, p. 179). It is Bir Enus of Bewsher's map, and Biranus of Kiepert's. It is not exactly half- way between Bagdad and Hilla, or Karbala, but might pass for it, in either case ; hardly for half-way " between the rivers." Rich refers it to the Hillah Road. 2 Bewsher's map does not show the second and third khans of " Bir Enus," unless they are represented by mounds. But it does show irrigation and cultivation near the existing khan. P. Delia Valle went over the same route in 1616, on his way to and from Babylon and Hillah (Letter No. 17, from Bagdad, December loth to 23rd of that year). His story agrees very closely with Teixeira's. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 59 I mention in advance of what I shall have to say about Bagdad. And, for that I have several times mentioned the akoranes, I will describe them for such as know not what they are. The Moors have these buildings in their mosques, as we have lofty belfries in our churches, and they are of various construction, but commonly like a ship's mast, cylindrical to the top, 1 which is a circular gallery, and above that, like the top-mast, shorter and more slender. Within is a staircase up to the gallery, whence, at regular hours, thrice in the day, and twice in the night, the mulds, who are Moors charged with that public duty, raise a loud and musical chant. And what they say is: " God is great, and there is none like him. He is one, and I believe and bear witness to the same, and that Mahamed is his messenger." And besides this, which is the essential matter never omitted, they make additions, inciting the people to the praise of God. 2 And for that their Book is called Koran or Alkoran, the same name is given to the place whence it is set forth, whereof in these lands are some very magnificent and costly. We got into the Mesopotamian quarter of Bagdad at i P.M. But, before our arrival, I was welcomed by a young German, an old Indian acquaintance, already advised of the cafilds arrival, and that I was in it. He was called Diego Fernandes, a native of Hamburg, where his right name was Joachim Ozemkroch. He had reached Bagdad seven days before, three months out of Basora by boat on the river. Knowing of my coming, by one Jafar, a renegade, who had come ahead of the caravan from Ogem, he had written me a letter that I never got. In this he had expressed his wonder at my route (for the renegade 1 Gabia = " a top," in sailors' technical language ; that is, the little platform at the masthead, not the very summit. 2 E-g., in the call to night prayers : " Prayer is better than sleep." 60 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. got it into his head that I was going by one less usual and more perilous), and had warned me of the insecurity and troubles of the roads, caused by the wars of Aleppo. We met, as I have said, near the gate, and I went to his house ; where, and on my journey to Aleppo, which we made together, he rendered me many services. Whereby is well seen how well worth while it is to do a good turn when you can ; for that after so long a time, and when I least thought of it, I had so advantageous a return for the little service that I had done to this young man. Along with him I crossed the river, and entered the city on the other side, about three o'clock in the afternoon, having marched ten leagues that day. 1 CHAPTER VI. Concerning the City of Bagdad. THE famous city of Bagdad 2 is set on the river Tigris, which the natives call Digilah, or Diguylah, as are Sevilla and Triana on the Guadalquivir. The river runs through it, pretty nearly from north to south, and may be two hundred and thirty paces wide at lowest water, as when I was there. There is one bridge of twenty-eight boats, 3 overlaid with 1 For these two marches, I can compare Teixeira's distances with the Indian Navy Map, a beautiful sheet, on a scale of 4,000 yards to the inch. As near as one can guess, his leagues come to 27 to a degree on the Equator. No accurate calculation is possible, but a league on that scale is a very fair hour's march for a laden camel. It is quite certain, at any rate, that he is not here using the long " Portu- guese leagues." 2 For the history of Bagdad from its foundation, and plans of the city at various periods, see Guy Le Strange's Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate, London, 1900. D. F. 8 Xenophon and Felix Jones found thirty-seven : a coincidence of which the latter makes, perhaps, too much. [On the Bagdad bridges of boats, see Le Strange's Baghdad^ pp. 177-186. D. F.] JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 6l timbers ; and between boat and boat is as much as the beam of one of them, that is, four paces. It is made fast to the city walls and houses on each side with great iron chains. Every night it is cast apart in mid-stream, and lies half on each bank, and so likewise under stress of excessive wind or flood, when people use ferry-boats. When the wind or water goes down, it is thrown across again, but is always cast apart during prayer-time on Fridays, while the Pasha and people are in the mosques, and after that reunited. The river rises in winter six cubits and more. Some- times it floods the gates of the city, which stands on a bank not much more than that height above it. The water seemed to me much clearer and sweeter than that of the Euphrates. Fish are plentiful and good, and the Moors use them. 1 For the maintenance of the bridge there is a toll of one maydin, that is worth eleven maravedis, on every load of goods inward or outward bound. Those coming from Mesopotamia, as we did, enter that part lying west of the river, over a deep and wide dry ditch, the lofty spoil-bank of which serves as a rampart, and secures that quarter against the Arabs, the enemy most to be feared on that side. It has two fixed wooden bridges, one near each end of it. This ditch is a new work, made in 1601, by A$en Baxa Wazir, 2 who also built thereby the market, khan, and coffee-house, 3 yet known by his name very fine buildings. I do not remember having seen stone in any building of this city, except in the gateways of this khan, and of a 1 This is in contrast to their negligence of the fish at Mashad AH. 2 As we should now write, Hasan Pasha Wazir. I prefer to write " Pasha" in the customary English way, but here that is difficult. Teixeira's "Wazir" would satisfy the strictest Anglo-Indian. 3 The original has " casa de Kaodh " (see next page). D. F. 62 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXETRA. new mosque, 1 on the left hand as you enter the city by the bridge. These stones are white and very hard, but not marble. They are brought from Mosul, higher up the river, which some hold to have been Nineveh. This part of Bagdad may have three thousand inhabited houses ; with succos, that is, marts, caroanceros, public baths, and workshops of all handicrafts in use among the Moors. Everything is as plentiful as within the city, and some things more so ; for that the provisions come mostly in from that side. Amongst other public buildings, as I have said, is a coffee-house. 2 Coffee is a vegetable of the size and appearance of little dry beans, brought from Arabia, prepared and sold in public houses built to that end ; wherein all men who desire it meet to drink it, be they great or mean. They sit in order, and it is brought to them very hot, in porcelain cups holding four or five ounces each. Every man takes his own in his hand, cooling and sipping it. It is black and rather tasteless ; and, although some good qualities are ascribed to it, none are proven. Only their custom induces them to meet here for conversation, and use this for entertainment ; and in order to attract custom there are here pretty boys, richly dressed, who serve the coffee and take the money ; with music and other diversions. These places are chiefly frequented at night in summer, and by day in winter. This house is near the river, over which it has many 1 On Felix Jones's Plan of Bagdad this mosque appears as " Jama al Vizir," No. 26. At least the position is that described, and the name suggests that the founder was the same Pasha, whether governor, or aedile, or both. 2 Casa de Kao&h. The last word represents the Arabic qahwah, which, when Teixeira wrote, had not become naturalised in the various European languages (see Hobson-Jobson and the New Eng. Diet., s.v. " Coffee "). The details that follow are repeated by our author in chap, vi, Bk. I, of his Kings of Persia (see infra, Appendix B). D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 63 windows, and two galleries, making it a very pleasant resort. There are others like it in the city, and many more throughout Turkey and Persia. On this side there are to be seen, without the rampart and ditch, ruins of ancient buildings, which testify to the former magnificence of this city. For here was at first the great Bagdad (not Babylon), as I shall presently tell. Passing hence to the city by the bridge of eight-and- twenty boats, one enters it by a great gate, besides which there are five posterns on the river face ; which may be a great mile in length. At its northern point, upstream, is the citadel where the Pasha lives: rather spacious than strong, in shape a long quadrangle, and in circuit about one thousand five hundred common paces. 1 It is girt with a ditch some eight cubits deep, and twelve wide. The walls and bastions are of brick, with guns mounted here and there. Herein are sheltered the Pasha, and the best of his immediate following, who are commonly from one thousand five hundred to two thousand men; paid and provisioned at his own cost. The citadel gate opens southward, and from this citadel starts the city wall, with one gate towards Persia. On this side, all the land is very flat and fertile, tilled and sown in proper season. No hill nor other obstacle breaks the view ; and being so level, it is flooded in some years in the winter, and crossed in boats. When this happens, a bridge is thrown from a window of a bastion, in the middle of the wall, for public use. 2 This wall is more than a league and a half 1 It is, on Felix Jones's plan, a very irregular quadrangle, almost pentagon, and its circuit rather over that given by Teixeira, which is not surprising. [Cf. the plan of Bagdad, and description of the fortifications, etc., in Tavernier's Voyages. D. F.] 2 This arrangement is not easy to understand, unless we suppose that the "bridge" (puente) was really a floating stage or pontoon, which boats came alongside of. The whole description of this wall is unsatisfactory. Pietro Delia Valle and Thevenot give no help, and 64 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. about, and the other end rests on the river; describing a semicircle, with some salients, for better defence. It has two more gates landwards : one in the middle and one at the southern extremity. There is a deep ditch all round, and the wall is of burnt brick, with platforms, returns, and many bastions. Of these four are great, well-built and strong enough to bear their guns ; which are many, heavy, and good, all of bronze. The Pasha here has absolute and supreme command, in peace and war. Yet have the strangers a protector, appointed by the Turk, who stands up for them and for the merchants, against him and the other royal officers, when his clients are threatened with any notable wrong. He defends them very honestly, as happened when I was here, in a very important case, wherein was seen how far that protection extends. For he went so far as to imprison the royal officers, and made the Pasha abandon his pre- tensions. The force appointed to the defence of this city, and of its dependencies, is commonly of fourteen thousand men, horse and foot, of Turks and of other nations, whom they make use of. Four or five thousand live in the city, of whom fifteen hundred are Janissaries. The rest are scattered in garrisons and posts ; and besides these are the Pasha's household troops, already mentioned as living with him in the city. There are visible in Bagdad ruins of fine buildings of the Persian times, such as the mosque called the Calefah's, 1 and others over the river, a madrasa 2 which was a hospital, 3 Felix Jones very little, which is not his fault. I suspect some corruption in the text, but have followed Stevens's translation as the safest course. 1 On the Jami-al-Kasr, or Mosque of the Caliph, see Le Strange's Baghdad, p. 252. D. F. 2 Arab, for " college" (see Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " Madras"). D. F. 1 This was the famous College of the Mustansiriyah, which contained a hospital (see Le Strange's Baghdad, pp. 266-270). D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 65 the vaulted markets, and some old alcoranes which are wasting away. Besides these memorials of the past there is nothing deserving note but two mosques, whereof one is on the left as you come into the city from the river, by the great gate. 1 It was built by a Pasha in pious memory of one whom you may call his saint, and is surely a costly work, as far as it may be seen and judged from without. For none but Moors may enter these mosques, especially those most in use, without plain peril of life or of forcible conversion ; but this is not enforced with equal vigour in all places. The other mosque, set at the head of the city, near the palm-orchards that lie between it and the rampart, is famous alike for its construction and for an aqueduct, whereby it is supplied with river-water, 2 a costly work enough, and of great public benefit. Although one-third of the space within the walls of Bagdad lies waste, and there are great palm-orchards, it may contain over twenty thousand houses, mostly large and roomy, but poorly built, and seldom well planned. All are flat-roofed ; most have no windows on the street, and but small street doors. They are all of old bricks got from the ruins, and many live only by quarrying and selling these. Wherefore, for four or five miles around the Mesopotamian quarter all the land is full of deep pits, showing how great was that city in other days. As for the inhabitants, the most part are civilised Arabs, the rest Turks, Kurds and Agemis or Persians : which last in my time, because of the war, were not very numerous, but yet a fair proportion. There may be two or three hundred houses of Jews, whereof ten or twelve profess to be remnants of the first captivity. Some of them are well- 1 The " Jama al-Vizir " of Felix Jones's Map, already mentioned (see supra, p. 62, and note). 2 Probably the shrine marked by Felix Jones " Sheikh Omer Sha- hab-ood-Din," near the " Bab-al-Wastani." 66 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. to-do, but most of them very poor. They dwell in liberty in their own ward, and have a kanis or synagogue. 1 There were ten houses of Armenian Christians, and eighty of Nestorians. The folk of Bagdad are commonly of fair complexion and good appearance, nature, and manners. The men, who go mostly on horseback, dress cleanly and richly ; as do the women, of whom many are very hand- some, and most have fine eyes. In the streets they wear always mantles called ckaudeles? but not black, and over their faces veils of silk or gauze, black or purple, so that they see all and cannot be seen: not that they object much to that, or fail to drop their veils on purpose, at times. There are in the city many very clean baths, some for men only, some for women, and all use them freely. In the midst of Bagdad, near the river, are seven or eight streets of shops for goods, and workshops of all crafts used among the Moors ; and as many khans, wherein merchants lodge : places much frequented, but all closed at night with great iron chains. Beyond these is a street called Pange Aly, that is, " Aly's hand, or five fingers"; because they say, here appeared the hand of Aly on the wall, and remained there imprinted, wherefore they have there a sort of oratory, and many tapers in it at night. 3 Hereabouts is commonly stationed a bolugo baxi, that is, a chief or head arquebusier, so-called from bolugo, an arquebusier, and bax, a head. 4 I believe that the title 1 Dr. Kayserling, who quotes this statement of Teixeira's in a foot- note to I. J. Benjamin's description of Bagdad (op. tit., p. 140), says that the kanis referred to was "perhaps the Kenisa'gdolah des Rosch Hagolah,' which Benjamin de Tudela mentions." D. F. 2 Persian chadir or chadar = mantle, veil ; the Anglo-Indian " chudder." See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " chudder." (Note the change of r to /.) D. F. 3 G. de Sao Bernardino (Itinerario, p. 103) describes this under the name of " Panyaly." D. F. 4 Here there is a confusion between banduk = a gun, and buluk = a company or squadron. The buluk bashi was simply a captain. As for the other etymologies, they are simple enough. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 67 baxa is of the same derivation, meaning head of the government, and so also Cazel Bax, or Red-head, and Cam Bax or Black-head : names of fighting tribes amongst Persians and Turks. This bolugo baxt, from this his station, attends to all those succos, or markets; and sees that no buyer or seller be there offended, nor any violence or injustice committed. As for private quarrels, he settles them by word of mouth, by fair means or severity, as the case may need. If he cannot, he sends them to the kabdy?- who is the regular judge, for disposal. This plan seemed to me very good, and is so efficient, that although there were there so many undisciplined soldiers, it being war-time, yet I cannot remember to have heard of any violence being used in those streets, during two months that I dwelt there. Bagdad enjoys a very pure, temperate, and healthy climate, though the rarity of the air affects some careless folk with catarrhs. Summer and winter are as in Europe, but the heat excessive, and the cold very moderate. Provisions are abundant, good, and cheap : namely, meat, bread, vegetables, fruits, and green-stuff. The common traffic is of camels, horses, mules, asses, and pack-bullocks, all in great number. There is produced in the environs much cotton and silk ; all wrought up and used in the city, where are more than four thousand weavers of wool, flax, cotton and silk, who are never out of work. The folk use commonly three tongues, Arabic, Turkish, and Agemi or Persian, but Turkish is most in use. In time of peace, and even of war, merchants resort hither with much goods out of Persia, and from India through Bacora, by the river; or by the deserts on either side of it, from Karamit, 2 from Aleppo, Tripoli, Damascus, 1 Probably a misprint for kazy. 2 Kara Amid, or Didr Bakr, ancient Armida, on the western branch of the Tigris. F 2. 68 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. and many other parts, to control which there are three custom-houses ; one across the river for the Syrian traffic, and two within the city for the rest. There is a mint where gold, silver, and copper coin are struck, and two schools, one of archery and one of musketry. Though the place is far inland, it has plenty of salt from Mexat Aly. Amongst other sights of the city, I saw a great street, filled on both sides by gold- and silver- smiths, all Moors, where are wrought things no less admir- able than costly, though there be among them none of any other sect or law ; which I noted, with wonder at Botero, 1 who, in his treatise of the customs of African nations, speaking of the Jews, says that they won entry there by means of this art, for that it is forbidden to the Moors. I do not know where he got this information ; whereof we observe the contrary in many places. Without the Mesopotamian quarter of the city there is, in a small building, a tomb held in great reverence by Moors and Jews, wherein, they say, rests the body of a Jewish high priest. It is like a great chest of masonry, and in the head of it is a copper plate, with Hebrew characters in relief, as follows : " Yehsudh Koengaddh ;" that is : " losuah the High Priest." They say that he was a holy saint, and all reverence him accordingly, by reason of the miracles that they say God wrought by his means. 2 Such as have written about this city of Bagdad commonly confound it with Babylon, by reason, I suppose, of the neighbourhood of its ancient site, no more than a good 1 Giovanni Botero, regarding whom and his works seethe Nouvelle Biographie Generate, Tome vi. The reference is to Botero's Relationi Universal^ Lib. ill, par. iii, p. 158 (of the second, revised edition, published in 1602 in Venice, where Teixeira may possibly have bought it during his stay there in 1605). D. F. 2 This tomb is not named on Felix Jones's map ; all the named tombs on which are of Muhammadan origin. [It is described, how- ever, by I. J. Benjamin (op. tit., p. 152); and Dr. Kayserling cites Teixeira's reference in a footnote. D. p.] JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 69 day's march hence. To see the difference, it is enough to know that Babylon stood on the Euphrates, and Bagdad is on the Tigris. But, for better satisfaction of the reader, I will relate its origin and foundation, accord- ing to the chronicles and records of the Moors. In the year 145 of the Hijra, or Moorish epoch, that is, A.D. 763, Abujafar, 1 then Kalifah, came hither from Kufa, a city of Arabia, then the chief place and residence of the Kalifdhs. Pleased with the position, and for other reasons, he founded this city on the western bank of the Tigris, whereon yet is that quarter, above mentioned as in Meso- potamia. So great it grew that (as I have said) for five miles around are found ruins of its great and fine buildings. And on the other side, where is now the city, that is, the eastern bank towards Curdestam, was then no town of name, but only a few farm-houses and gardens, whence it seems to have taken name, for Bagdad in Persia means a place of gardens, from baga, meaning a garden.' 2 In course of time, when it was most prosperous, there came such floods of the Tigris that the city went gradually and helplessly to ruin ; until the Caliphate of Almostazer Bilah, son of Almoktady Bilah, who succeeded in the year of the Hijra 487, that is, A.D. 1095, three hundred and forty-two years after the foundation. He, thinking the eastern bank more convenient, as it truly is, transferred the city to its present site there. 3 Yet was it much greater than now ; for within 1 Abu Jafar Mansur, son of Muhammad, 2ist Caliph, and second of the Abbaside dynasty. Teixeira has the story in the Kings of Persia, where he dates the foundation in A.H. 147, and A.D. 763. This is one of the passages showing that he had not the Kings of Persia before him when preparing this Voyage for the press. 2 The best old authority before me is Tabari, who mentions Bagdad as an important mart, the object of a successful raid of the Caliph Umar's General Mutha'una ; and again, as the site of Abu Jafar's new city (Zotenberg's translation, vol. iii, pp. 383, 384, vol. iv, 395, 421, etc. He says Mansur settled there in 145 of the Hijra). [On the foundation of Bagdad, see G. Le Strange, op. tit., p. 9 et seq. D. F.] 3 Teixeira states these facts in his Kings of Persia also. (Cf. Le Strange, op. tit., pp. 279, 283.) D. F. 70 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. it, between the houses and the wall, are many great mounds, standing on what is by nature a very level plain, and con- sisting but of the ruins of many and great buildings. 1 Such then is Bagdad, and such was its origin. As for Babylon, so called for that it stood in the place called Babel, yet bearing that name amongst those nations, I have already mentioned its position. It has long been but a memory ; and though there be yet some traces of it, they are unimportant. Let this suffice in respect of the foundation of Bagdad, but I must add that I cannot remember having seen elsewhere so many and terrible mires as here and in Ba^ora ; for as there is none but loose earth, every shower makes the mud past belief. The Pasha had come lately from Bagora, which he had left, by the desert route, three days before our arrival there. He was called Issuf or lugef Pasha, a eunuch, and a Xerquez 2 by nation. His office is worth yearly 200,000 sequins, or about 250,000 ducats, whereof he may expend at most thirty or forty thousand. This is the value of it in time of peace, but in war-time he makes what he pleases. When we were now set upon our departure, there came to this Pasha fifteen capgis 3 from Constantinople, who are gate-wards of the Grand Turk, bringing him the title of Wazir, and continuance in his government for seven years, with a robe of brocade, a sword, and a golden chain-bridle : things that the Turk is wont to send to such as he raises to the like dignity. 4 Of all the Pashaliks to which the Turk appoints, the first 1 This description is completely borne out by Commander Felix Jones's Map. [Cf. Maps iii, v, and vii in G. Le Strange's work. D. F.] * Circassian. Teixeira, whether by accident or design, here spells Pasha " Paxa," instead of his usual " Baxa." 3 Turkish kapiji = porter, door-keeper. D. F. 4 G. de S. Bernardino relates (pp. '/., p. 108) that in 1605, when he was in Bagdad, the Pasha had rebelled, and had almost annihilated a force sent against him by the Sultan. D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 7 1 and chief is that of Mecere, that is, Cairo in Egypt, the second this of Bagdad, the third of Tabriz. When we came here the city was in fear of the Persians, reported as coming against it, as, not long before, had come Ala Verdi Khan, 1 Wazir and Captain-General of X Habas, King of Persia, who took before the walls about three hundred soldiers in one skirmish. But next night he broke up thence in haste, abandoning some of his baggage, and the cause of his flight was never known. 2 After that the Persians made many other inroads in Curdestam, a territory very near Bagdad, whose capital is Suster, now said to be the Sus, or Suza, where Ahasuerus held his court, and Esther's dealings with him and Haman came to pass. These lands are parted from those of Bagdad by the river Dialah which flows southward at one day's march from Bagdad, and joins the Tigris five or six leagues below the city. Here we were looking out for a chance of departure, for none durst march without news from Aleppo, which had been for three months beleaguered. For, by reason of private feud, the Pasha within the city would not give it up to the besieger, though he brought an order of the Grand Turk. And in that siege the city endured famine and dreadful sufferings, as I afterwards heard there from many people. 3 Meanwhile not we only, but all Bagdad, were in great discontent, having had no certain news how things went for two months. But it pleased God that on the 26th of November, at 1 This is Sir Antony Sherley's friend " Oliver Dibeague " and " Oliver di-Can" (see his Travailes into Persia, 1613, p. 43 etc.). He was Governor of Shiraz in 1602, when Fa. Ant. Gouvea visited that town (see Ant. Gouvea's Relaxant .... das guerras, etc., Liv. I, cap. ix), and was no friend to the Portuguese (op. tit., caps, v, xii, xxii). D. F. * Malcolm (History of Persia, 1829, vol. i, p. 355) states that the Persian troops were recalled from Bagdad by Shah Abbds to reinforce his army, in order to meet the Turkish General Jaghal-'Aghli. D. F. 3 See Rich. Knolles's Generall Historic of the Turkes, 4th ed., 1631, p. 1236 (see also infra, p. 117). D. F. 72 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. daybreak, there came to the house of Diego Fernandes, the German, where I lodged, three couriers together, who brought him letters, with advice that now the land was at peace. It may well be guessed how that news rejoiced us, and we presently made ready for the road, and sent to fetch our camels, already half hired, from Ogen, for thence they had to be brought. CHAPTER VII. How we left Bagdad, and re-crossed Mesopotamia to Anna on the Euphrates. WHEN our start was arranged for, and the camels were come in, on Sunday, the I2th December, 1604, at five o'clock in the evening, we left Bagdad, crossing the river into Mesopotamia, and slept that night in the fields, between the houses and the rampart. On Monday, the I3th, at nine o'clock in the morning, we started on our journey. Our caravan was of one hundred and thirty camels, and seventy-five asses. 1 After marching a league and a-half, we halted to settle the dues payable here to Mir Nacer, an Arab king of the tribe of Eben Emana, the same who rules Mexat Aly and Mexat Ogem. This we accomplished with trouble and vexation enough. The place is called Bax Dulab, 2 that is, " the head or beginning of the water-wheels," whereof are several here, over wells of foul stinking water, used to water some gardens. 3 Before I left Bagdad I had taken counsel, of such as seemed best fit to give it, about my conveyance. I got various advice, but mostly, because of the coming winter, and to avoid trouble and hardship, to use camel-panniers. " perhaps including mules. 2 Not on any of my maps. 3 On these water-wheels, see G. Le Strange, op. tit., p. 321. D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 73 This I approved, and did so ; as did Diego Fernandes and Diego de Melo. These panniers are like cradles, 1 about four and a-half palms long and two and a-halfwide, hooded and lined ; so that one man can sit therein, shel- tered from cold and rain. They are slung in pairs, each forming half the camel's load, as Diego Fernandes and I travelled ; or one is counterbalanced by some other like weight, as Diego de Melo's was by a chest. In the seat of such a pannier is wont to be a secret nook, used commonly to hold things of value. In these one travels with more shelter and quiet, and without anxiety about a horse and his food : both ever in danger at the fancy of any Arab. For these will beg the loan of a horse, and return him or not as they please, and if they do, he is all out of breath. This they do without ceremony, and I have seen them so serve even the Turks ; of whom, if found alone, they make no account on the plains. And to take your horse's barley for their own, if they want it, is their common practice. This is as good as killing him, for on those routes is none for sale, cheap or dear. Then, by ill chance, a horse may fall lame, as happened to Diego de Melo. But all these troubles are avoided by travelling in panniers, for, if a camel is weary or lame, they put the panniers on another. For their masters always bring with them some in reserve, to take turns with the loads, and replace such as die or go lame. And it is the custom, when a merchant hires camels, that he should have, for every ten laden, one into the bargain, for his personal baggage. And so, because of the season, and to save trouble, we chose the panniers, and travelled in them to Aleppo. 1 Here I have had to translate far from literally. Teixeira through- out calls the panniers, in Spanish, cunas, literally "cradles," and explains that "they are what the name implies," which it hardly does in English. The Anglo-Indian reader will recognise them as kajdwas. [Cf. Hobson-Jobson, s.v. " Cadjowa." D. F.] 74 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. On Tuesday, the I4th, just before sunrise, we marched from the Water-wheels, heading west over good and level country, with a few little hills. After three leagues' march we entered the ruins of a great city, whereof are yet standing one tall monara or alcoran, and two fragments of a thick and strong rampart of burnt brick and mortar. The Arabs call it Karkuf. 1 Shortly we entered upon excellent land, but desolate and waste, saving a small part, which the Arabs cultivate for their own support, which bears abundant crops. On this march we saw many flocks of sheep, wild swine, and gazelles, which bands of Beduine Arabs were hunting down. We marched continually until four in the evening, when we halted in a plain that the Arabs call Aflayah, 2 the name of a town, from which the whole district is so called. Throughout this march we saw ruined canals, that once brought water from the river to irrigate these lands. But its floods, and those of the Euphrates, have destroyed most of these. 3 On Wednesday, the I5th, we marched before sunrise north-westwards, over very level plains, where we saw some gazelles and swine. After mid-day we marched for a long way, with a dry watercourse on our right hand, which has a great flow of water in time of rain. As there had been rain of late, there were in it some pools, whereon were many herons and other fowl. I was told that in time of flood men went thereon in good- sized boats, even to Bagdad. 4 After marching about six leagues we drew level with a mound, some three leagues on our left, whereon we saw two high monaras or alcorans. At its further base, 1 Akr Kuf of Bewsher's map ; identified with several ancient cities. 2 I have failed in identifying this place. 3 Felix Jones assigns these canals to the Tigris, which has, since or at the time of their destruction, shifted its bed a good deal eastward, and does not no-\y irrigate the region of the present march (Selection from Records, Bombay, No. 43, N.S., pp. 216 et seqq. : a fine memoir). * Bewsher's map shows the end of this canal, or of what probably represents it. Some such communication still exists. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 75 towards the Euphrates, is a settlement of most thievish Arabs. 1 At 4 P.M., having come seven leagues, we halted in the ravine of a water-course, a pleasant place enough. The Arabs call it Aohenhat, 2 from certain water-springs that are there in wells. These were dry at the time, so we had to seek water afar, and bad enough, from other wells lying westward of us. On Thursday, the i6th, we marched one hour before dawn, over very level ground, but of varying quality, until four in the evening, more than seven leagues. We halted in a spot waterless and nameless ; but that, from the neighbourhood of another place, they call it Om Errus. 3 All the water that we found, as far as this place, was thick, white, foul, stinking, and ill to taste. And things had been worse if the weather had been hot, for we should have found none, good or bad. On Friday, the i/th, a little before sunrise, we marched on the same north-western course, 4 over very good and level country. Having gone two leagues we saw, about 1 Possibly Kubr Mahmood of Bewsher's Map, but I doubt it. 2 " Que es, trae ojos." " Uyun hdt," or something like it, would mean " Bring eyes" or " Bring wells" (or rather " springs"). It is difficult to translate such a phrase ; but I conjecture that it represents an exclama- tion supposed appropriate to the place, and that this explanation was given to Teixeira by some of the party. Asiatics are very fond of such etymologies, and I have somewhere seen a very similar one assigned to Kalha"t in Oma"n. We use such names ourselves sometimes, e.g., when we call a naval station " Haulbowline," and a place in Malta where beggars sat and whined " Nix Mangiare Stairs." 3 Possibly Omm ar'rash, " the mother of trickling," from the scanty supply of water in the " other place." Kiepert has a " Maros," which may represent this name. [" Aoenhat" and " Om Errus" are both marked on the map (" Rough Sketch of Part of Western Asia") by Thomas Aquila Dale, A.B., prefixed to his Campaigns of Osman Sultans, 1835. They appear to have been entered on the authority of Teixeira, though his name is not mentioned. D. F.] 4 " El mismo rumbo del Norueste" Here, as often, Teixeira em- ploys the language of navigators. For the benefit of some readers it may be worth while to explain that a " rhumb" is an apparently straight course, as shown on a map of Mercator's projection, which indeed is chiefly useful for that very purpose. 76 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. three leagues on our left, a mosque with a tall alcoran^ which the Arabs call Mexat Sandadiah. 1 After five leagues we found ourselves in the ravine of a dry watercourse, with some wells like the last. Here we watered our beasts, and made some provision of water for our march. The Arabs call this place Ogolet Xeque Mahamed, that is, " Xeque Mahamed's shins." For the Arabs call the leg, from the foot up to the knee, ogolet. Probably the wells were dug by some one of that name. When we had marched about eight leagues, at four o'clock in the evening, we were forced by heavy rain to halt in a waterless place, called by the Arabs Ogolet 2 el Kelb, that is, " the Wells of the Dog's Leg," after some that were more than a league thence. It was a wonder to see how level and good was the soil hereabouts, and a pity to see it desolate and waste. On Saturday, the i8th, we marched after sunrise, wet enough with the heavy night's rain, north-westwards over very level and good land, leaving not far on our left three wells of foul and stinking water, whence our last manzel took its name. The Arabs call the halting-place of a cafila or company manzel? which is, in Latin, mantto* Presently we came to rough ground, ravines and bare stony hillocks, through which we marched a good way, until we entered the channel of a great dry watercourse. This and all its neighbourhood were of white rock, brittle, scaly, and very shiny, like attincar? Here we halted at three in the afternoon, for the sake of a well of black water, as thick, 1 Not identifiable. [Dale's Map has " El Mesched," and Philips's Imp. Atlas, " El-Meshad." D. F.] 2 'Aghalat. The meaning seems to be, that at Shaikh Muhammad's wells, above mentioned, the water was knee-deep to a man, and that in these it was no more to a dog. [Both these " Ogolets" are marked in Dale's Map. D. F.] 3 See Hobson-Jobson, s. -v. " Munzil." D. F. 4 Sic. 5 Attincar is borax. " Quebradiza" above translated " brittle," also means "flexible." Perhaps the mineral indicated is mica, which has both qualities, and is also " very shiny." JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 77 foul, and stinking as could be. This day's march was of six leagues, and the manzel is called by the Arabs Go- megme. 1 This night fell such heavy rain, that, in spite of all shelters, we and our baggage were all well soaked. On Sunday, the ipth, we marched after sunrise north- westwards, over uneven country, rugged and rocky like the last. Sometimes we came out on great plains, a few clear and of excellent soil, but mostly foul and flinty. After eight leagues' march, about four o'clock in the evening, we halted in a pleasant valley, albeit dry. The Arabs call it Abu regemo, that is, " the Father of the stoned one" 2 ; from a mound of stones piled up there. The water there was poisonous. On Monday, the 2Oth, before sunrise, we marched north- westwards, over plains now fertile and again stony. That day we made about eight leagues up to four o'clock in the evening, when we halted in a dry and rugged watercourse, which the Arabs called Seylat. 3 About half a league in rear of it was a well of bad enough water, but tolerable in comparison with what we had drunk of late. Here, early in the night, came to us six Arabs, who, taking us at unawares, threw the whole cafila into con- fusion, and we hastily stood to our arms. Two of them, who were taken and questioned, said that they were shepherds, who, leaving their stock with others, were pass- ing this way to a hamlet, with some camels and eight or ten sheep. Some of these were bought of them, and henceforward we kept good watch. The company had 1 Perhaps a corruption of some derivative of ghamr, meaning " the inundation " or " overflowing." Not on any of my maps. [Given in Dale's Map. D. F.] 2 " Appedreado" which does mean " stoned." But I am not so sure that it is the right translation of the Arabic, which is evidently rajm, or one of several very similar words, all of which have the meaning of " a tomb or cairn," as well as that of lapidation, and others not here in question. [" Abu Regimo" is entered in Dale's Map. D. F.] 3 Perhaps a derivative of sail = " flowing " ; not on the maps. 78 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. already broken up, some bound for Hyt, others for Hadyt, or for luba, towns set on the bank of the Euphrates. On Tuesday, the 2ist, St. Thomas's Day, we marched at daybreak, north-westwards, over rugged and stony ground, about two leagues, until we entered a great ravine, in the bottom of which runs a very deep river in time of rain. 1 But at this time it was dry, and after passing it we pro- ceeded over very wide and level plains of good soil, with here and there rough places and hillocks. After crossing these plains, whereof no small part was tilled and sown, we came to the bank of the Euphrates, and halted at four in the evening, opposite an island. On it was a farm-house, with some thirty palm-trees, and tilled fields and water-wheels. The Arabs call it Zawyhe ; but our halting-place and all that district they call Nageria. 2 In this bend the river runs from north-east to south-west, and may be four hundred paces wide. Here we saw palms and other trees for the first time since leaving Bagdad. The soil on both banks is fat, and all along the road we found much wild marjoram, 3 tall and bushy, and of extraordinary fragrance. Our march this day was six good leagues. Here we learnt that there was a cafila in Anna, bound for Aleppo, whereat we rejoiced greatly, thinking to make the less delay there ; and here we killed a sheep, which we had bought of those shepherds above- mentioned, and regaled ourselves therewith : our first flesh-meal since leaving Bagdad. On Wednesday, the 22nd, we marched just before sunrise, keeping to the river bank along its various 1 This ravine seems to be indicated, without a name, in Macdonald Kinneir's route map, which shows also several nameless islands about the position of Teixeira's " Zawyhe," mentioned below. 1 Nasariah of Kiepert's map, which shows a desert route from Bagdad to Ana, probably that followed during part of this journey. [Philips's Imp. Atlas marks "Zawiah" and " J. Nasariah," both on the northern bank of the Euphrates. D. F.] J " Oreganos." JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 79 windings, by a pass which the Arabs call Medyk 1 Nac.erya, that is "the Strait of Naceria," for the little space between the mountains and the river, which was on our left hand. When past this, we saw on the other bank of the river several towns, with orchards, palm-trees, and water-wheels. Presently we came to open plains of good soil, under cultivation. Then, after leaving the river at some distance, for that here it makes a bend, we struck its course again, passed a little more of bad road, and continued our route to north-west and west-north-west, over the same plains. At three o'clock in the afternoon, the cafila halted in the bed of a dry watercourse. There was no water, but we brought it from the river in water-skins, which are carried in reserve against such occasions ; and without them it were impossible to pass that desert, let alone others. On both sides of the river hereabouts are many farm- houses, mills, and great water-wheels, moved by the stream itself, watering those plains, which are mostly tilled and sown. From this onward, almost all the land near the river is mountainous. Our camping-place is called by the Arabs Ved Garabah, that is, " the Boundary River." It seems that the limits of Anna, whither we were bound, extend thus far. 2 On this day we marched about seven leagues. This 1 Probably for "Madit," a narrow pass. 2 " Dizen los Arabes Ved Gdrabdk (que es) Ribera, termino de la ciudad, parece que llega alii el de Anna hazia ado yuamos" (sic in orig., accents, brackets, and all). This passage and the translation puzzle me. " Vdd," in spite of the accent, is evidently wadi, a water- course, which Teixeira always calls ribera, as he does this very one a few lines above. According to his practice in transliteration, GaVabdh would represent 'ghdrabd, and probably is some derivative of 'gharb. My modern dictionaries do not give me any such with this meaning of "boundary," but Golius at least suggests it (Leyden ed. 1653, p. 1698); and I am inclined to trust our author a good way. There is no reason for hunting up other possible meanings of "Ved Gdrabdh," and it is only just necessary to observe that it certainly does not include any word meaning " city. 5 ' The boundary referred to was at least five leagues from the city, and must have been that of its territory. Kiepert has a " Wadi Sur," dotted tentatively, in a suitable position. 80 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. night there passed by us three horsemen, Kurdish merchants, going to Anna, where they had property. They had been complaining to the Amir, the lord of that region, of injuries done to them by his servants. In the morning watch a thief came into the midst of the company, and stole a pack-beast belonging to a Moor of Anna, unperceived but by its master, who, though he saw it taken from him, had not heart enough to give the alarm. The thief, to make his way out more shortly and quietly, cut away some of the ropes of Diego de Melo's tent. On Thursday, the 23rd, we marched before dawn, over varying country, until mid-day, when we descended high and rugged mountains to the Euphrates, running at their feet. On both banks of it lies the town of Anna, for which we were bound. This half-march may have been of five leagues. When we began the descent, my comrade, Diego Fernandes the German, and I alighted from our panniers, and I took the ridge of the hills, the better to see the position of the town, and the rest of the view thence, which is very extensive. This done, I followed the caravan, now near the river. We halted on the Mesopotamian bank all that evening, and for the night, which was wearisome enough, keeping good watch for fear of thieves, but rejoicing that God in mercy had brought us so far in peace. Immediately on our coming, my comrade crossed the river to procure leave for our passage over, which could not be made without it. After trouble enough, he could get none, and came back weary and ill-contented. But at night two officers of the Amir brought it over, got by the good offices of a Jew, to whom Diego Fernandes had an introduction. They even wanted us to cross at once, but we would not, because it was dark, and we feared some trouble or misadventure. So we put the matter off until the morning, and the officers went away, not without good pay for their undesired services. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 8 1 In the morning 1 of Friday, the 24th, 1 we crossed to the other bank of the river, which the Arabs call Xam, leaving behind us Mesopotamia, which they call Jazirey, that is, " the Island," because it lies between the Euphrates and Tigris, which is also the meaning of the name Mesopo- tamia. 2 When we had landed ourselves, our goods, and baggage we pitched the tents on a slightly rising ground by the river shore, in pretty heavy rain, and snatched some rest : though little, by reason of the weather, and of the ill-con- ditioned people. Our route from Bagdad had not been that in common use for cafilas, which lies higher up and further north, and is longer than ours. We chose the latter as shorter and safer, because less frequented. CHAPTER VIII. Concerning the town of Ana, 3 on the River Euphrates. ANA (whose name in Arabic means "pain" or "vexation") 4 stands on the River Phorat, or Euphrates. It is a most ancient settlement, according to the tradition of its people. 1 Of December, 1604. * Jazt'ra, = an island, is often applied to a peninsula ; or, as here, to the superior delta of a great river basin. Analogous applications of words properly meaning " island " occur in Indian languages, though some have borrowed from Persian the more accurate dudb. One of the oddest adventures of jazira is the restriction of the local form janjira to fortified islands on the Bombay coast, and its special application to one of these par excellence, that of the Sidis. s From this onward, Teixeira spells Ana with one n, as always hitherto with double-. I incline to take this as evidence that his Portuguese narrative was a real diary, kept pretty well up to date, and that he corrected his orthography as he learnt better ; but translated into Spanish from the original MS., with little or no editing or correc- tion. 4 Rather "groaning." But the derivation is far-fetched, and evidently a grim conceit at the expense of the ill-conditioned Analis, who vexed our traveller. 82 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. But we have a better authority in Scripture, videlicet^ in the nineteenth chapter of the Second Book of Kings : where we read that when Sennacherib, King of Assyria, would threaten Hezekiah, King of Jerusalem, he demanded of him in his letter, " Where is the King of Emath ? the King of Arphat ? the king of the city of Sepharvaim, of Ana, and of Ava ? " Whence we clearly see its antiquity, and can understand that it was this very city, since Sennacherib could not freely pass from Assyria into Palestine without first subduing these cities that lay between. 1 I speak under correction, understanding that in so long a time there must needs have been great changes in the city. Ana stands on both banks of the Euphrates, in a bend from north-north-west to south-south-east. 2 Now, where that bend begins, towards the north, in the midst of the river, is an island, one of many such up and down the stream, all cultivated. It may be a mile about, and is walled around, though the wall has suffered from time. At the north end of this is a citadel, with a garrison of a hundred Turks and some guns, and without this are houses, palm-orchards, gardens, and a market. It had a public bath when it belonged to the Cazelbax, or Persians, who held all these lands, including Bagdad. The river here runs between rugged and lofty ranges of hills, betwixt which and the water there are, on the Meso- potamian bank, only from one to two hundred paces, and 1 Whether Teixeira's critical and probable identification of Senna- cherib's conquest be right or not, Anah is now commonly identified with the classic Anatho, Anathan, Bethauna (Beth-Ana), and Zosi- mus's " Phatusae." Tavernier (Travels in Turkey and Persia, vol. iii, p. 6) describes it much as our (preceding) traveller does (Smith's Diet. Greek and Roman Geog., sub voce\ and so does P. Delia Valle (Seventeenth Letter from Turkey, dated Bagdad, loth and 23rd Decem- ber, 1616). [Cf. also Gasparo Balbi, Viaggio deW Indie Orientali, cap. ii; and Newberie (Purchas his Pilgrimes, Pt. II, p. 1411). D. F.] * West-north-west to east-north-east would be a good deal nearer. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 83 on the west bank, in the quarter called Xam, 1 from two hundred to five hundred at most. In this narrow space lies the city, composed of but two streets, one on each bank. That of Mesopotamia, perhaps two miles long, has not many inhabitants, mostly working folk. The further or Syrian quarter must be more than two leagues long, and is the chief part of the city. The street runs right through the middle of the narrow strip of ground, with houses on both sides, all of one or two stories, small, square, and flat-roofed except the mosque, which has a tiled roof, sloping to one side only. 2 I cannot remember having seen any other tiled roof in all those parts. Each house has its own patch of ground, no bigger than a threshing-floor, 3 towards the hills on the river side, wherein are many palms, orange-trees, lemon, citron, and pear- trees, quinces, figs, pomegranates, and other of our European trees. The olive-trees are so many and great that they may be equalled to great chestnuts. And such is the virtue of the soil, and the help of the river-water, that everything grows vigorously and in plenty. One palm-stock will bear four, five, or six most fruitful stems ; and where the plain is fit they sow wheat and barley, which always answer well. The air is most pure. The houses are all of stone and plaster, or stone and mortar, and mud. There is a good- sized ditch between the foot of the mountains and the back-gardens, which in winter catches the drainage of 1 " Sham," the West, or Syria, and especially its capital Damascus, as opposed generally to " Shark," = the East, and here particularly to Jazira or Mesopotamia. 2 " De una sola vertiente? or pentwise, a sound construction for a mosque. For its side towards Mecca should be, externally, as near as may be, a blind wall, and the other side, by which it is entered, as open as circumstances will permit. 3 " Repartimiento de tierra como exydo" Stevens translates exydo " outlet," but the context forbids this, for these patches were clearly back-gardens, as I have called them below. [In his Span.-Eng. Diet. Stevens explains exido as a piece of common ground. D. F.] G 2 84 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. the slopes, and keeps it from flooding the gardens. In summer it holds the water drawn from the river with water-wheels, to irrigate the same. There may be, in the whole city, up to four thousand houses, whereof one hundred and twenty are of Arabian Jews, who are not rich, but live decently, and are well looked upon by the lord of the land and his officers ; albeit, as usual, this costs them something. But they have houses and lands of their own, like the Moors, who make up the rest of the people. These are divided between two factions. Some are descended from the old inhabitants of the land, and are Moors in name and appearance. For the rest, they rate the doctrines of Mahoma at their true value, but are none the better for that. Their ancestors worshipped the sun, and I suspect that in secret they observe that and other superstitions, for that several people told me as much ; and further, because one, who came often to our tent, would always turn the conversation to the sun, and ask my opinion about him, and what Christians thought about him, his beauty, motions, and powers, praising his glory out of all measure. 1 The other Moors are immigrants, settled here by various chances and at different times. The king and lord of this land is an Arab, called Amir Hamed Aburixa. 2 He is the most powerful in all 1 Perhaps this man was a Yazidi, or of some allied sect. For their reverence of the sun, see {inter alia) Layard's Nineveh and its Remains, London, 1849, vol. i, chap, ix, especially p. 288. 1 Ahmad Abu Risha. Pietro Delia Valle says that "Abu Rise" (as he spells it) means " Father of the Plume," or " Plumed one," which is possible enough. If a Prince of Wales, or a man of one of our Highland regiments, were to cross the desert in his proper feathers, he would certainly be called " Abu Rish." Delia Valle says that this was a family surname. He was only twelve years later in Ana than Teixeira, and his Amir, "Feiacl Abu Rise" was probably the very "Fyad" mentioned by Teixeira as "out" against his usurping uncle, Ahmad (vide infra, chaps, viii and ix). He was wise enough to keep a Scotch doctor. [Gasparo Balbi, who was in Ana in 1580, says (op. cit., p. 12 ?/) : " Questi Arabi tengono per loro signore Aborise." Fr. Caspar de Sao Bernardino 'Jtinerario da India, 1611, pp. 125, 126) calls the lord of Ana " Burixa," and Cesare Federici (copied by Fitch) JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 85 that part of Arabia, yet withal subject to the Turk, who in this, and all other lands of that region, has granted possessions to a good many of his own folk. The transit dues on goods and merchandise are paid here to the Amir, and above them a small royalty to the Turk. They are levied by the load, and not on percentage nor ad va- lorem. The dues on each load should be about five ducats, but, with the extortions of the officers they come to ten, or more, that is for goods of value, such as silks, cloths, indigo, spiceries, and the like. Galls, dates and other such articles pay one ducat per load, swollen by the surcharges to two. 1 In this land there is great harvest of dates, which are carried for sale to Aleppo, Damascus, Tripoli, and else- where ; and they are a staple food of the common people. Other provisions are not dear, except rice, which comes from Bagdad. But there is a great inconvenience to travellers and strangers, in that there is no public market for necessaries, except for mutton, and there was none of that at the time of our arrival. Public markets are for- bidden by the Amir, to avoid annoyance to the folk of the city ; for the Arabs of the open country are so insolent that they fear neither God nor king when they have an opportunity for theft and violence. So whatever any one needs is found and purchased in private houses. There are here about thirty great boats, trading up and down the river, on which 2 are many great mills. It has plenty of good fish, whereof the Moors make small account. The people in general are fair, and some dress decently- They wear commonly sheepskin cloaks, reaching down to speaks of " Borise, lord of the Arabs." Sir Antony Sherley, who saw this "king" in 1599, and had a very poor opinion of him, calls him " Aborisci" (Purchas his Ptlgrimes, Pt. II, p. 1387). D. F.] 1 Balbi (op. tit., p. 1 3) also mentions the extortions of the Analis. D. F. 2 "En medio del qual" probably on islands, for security's sake, but perhaps on boats. 86 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. their feet, open from the neck to the breast, and from the belly downwards, with very wide sleeves. When it rains they turn the wool out, and in wind and cold they turn it inside. This is a very common outer garment in those regions. 1 There is plenty of white salt, brought from a mine, two days' march away in Mesopotamia, which they call Sinesela. 2 Wood is very scarce. Through this territory pass most of the cafilas or caravans between Aleppo, Tripoli (which they call Tarabolis), Damas- cus, and Bagdad ; albeit they can find other ways by paying the dues. On our arrival, we found two companies, who had waited two months for a chance of passage to Aleppo. One was of Kurds, with silks ; the other of Mosulis, mer- chants of Mosul, a part of Diarbek or Karaemit, in Meso- potamia, on the Tigris. These last had fine cloths, 3 which are there abundant, and of many sorts ; and galls, which are exported from that country, to the amount of more than twelve thousand camel-loads in the year, to Aleppo, Tripoli, Damascus, and to Bagdad, thence to Bagora, and on to India and China. The people here are wont to send their camels into the Mesopotamiari pastures, for those west of the Euphrates are scanty, remote, and dangerous. They bring them across on the eve of departure. These are the chief means of transport throughout these regions. It is the custom to carry, for their supply, sacks of barley meal, cotton seed, and other things, whereof are made for them a sort of roll, of the size and shape of an ostrich's egg, with which they 1 The Anglo-Indian will recognise the long Afghan "postfn." 2 Name rather doubtful. Kiepert shows " salt " in the desert, about 25 "Turkish leagues" east-south-east of Ana, which is near enough to be "competent false witness" in corroboration of our traveller. [Dale's Map marks Sinesela due north of Ana, at the foot of a mountain range. In the map appended to Lord Warkworth's Notes from a Diary in Asiatic Turkey (1898), it is shown as "L. Sneyseleh (salt)." Andree's Handatlas (1899) enters it as " Saline Hewara." D. F.] 3 " Muslins," if one may believe the lexicographers, are so called from Mosul. [See Hobson-Jobson> s.v. " Muslin." D. F.] JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 87 are fed at night, in addition to what they get by browsing. For though they endure well the want of food and water, yet is not their endurance such as some writers have described, nor their power of bearing weight. The strongest and soundest bear no greater burden than six hundred pounds, and with that they can only travel for nine or ten hours, limping at every step. There is great difference between camels. Those of hot countries are more en- during than those of cold climates. They have a hump between the shoulders, which is of great advantage in loading them ; and some in some lands have two, forming as it were a saddle between them. They almost all lose their hair every winter, which begins to grow again in spring. Some possess great speed, but these are scarce. They are always loaded and unloaded kneeling on the ground ; and to keep them quiet at such times it is enough to hobble one of the bent knees. In conclusion, I may observe that this creature expresses his suffering with doleful cries and flow of tears. 1 In all these lands men spin much wool with the spindle, and women with the wheel, but nowhere saw I so many spinning-shops 2 as here. There had come with us from Bagdad certain Moorish merchants of Ana, who said they were going on to Aleppo. But when they had got home, they thought better to spend the worst of winter there than shelterless in the desert, and would go no further just then. But they contrived that we should be detained to keep them company at their good pleasure. So, on the 28th of December, when we had paid the dues, and were in good spirits with the hope of starting in two or three days more, the officers of the Amir hindered us. For they, prompted by the Anali merchants, would 1 This is a sensible description of the camels and their use. 2 Or " spinning men " (" hilanderos"'). 88 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. not let our camels cross the river, pretending that El Dandal lay in wait by the way to attack us. This man was a nephew of the Amir himself, and the rightful heir of those lands, but his uncle kept him out of them by usurpa- tion. This falsehood we disposed of by the evidence of some lately come from those parts, who declared that El Dendal, 1 and a brother of his, were gone with their folk towards Egypt. Convicted of that lie they forged another, videlicet, that Aleppo was again besieged. Seeing that for all that we would take our chance, they prayed us to await sixty camels gone to collect dates of the Amir's, to take them to Aleppo in our company. These, they said, were to be back at Ana in eight or ten days, and then we should have a speedy departure. So we must needs stay there in the depth of winter, in frost, rain, and snow, in the tent of Diego Fernandes the German, without whose favour and company I should have come very ill through this journey. We were on the bank of the river, which we thought a safer position than any house in the town ; fearing the Arabs' greed, which made us keep more anxious watch, exposed to the importunity of every Beduyne that chose to invade the tent to eat or beg. As to the latter, when alms come cheaper than plunder, no Arab, great or small, has either shame or scruple. The worst is that they beg as of right, and take as if conferring a favour. For all this there is no help but in patience and prudence ; in spite whereof annoyances do not fail of occurrence. While we were here, many Turkymanis crossed from Jazirey to Xam, with great flocks of sheep, which they take for sale to Damascus, Tripoli, Aleppo, and even to Constantinople. They pay here twenty ducats per thousand head, for ferry and transit dues. At the same time came more camels from Mosul, laden with galls. 1 Sic in orig., with the slight change in spelling, which recurs The brother's name appears below to have been " Fyad," P. Delia Valle's Feidd. (See note, supra, p. 84.) JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 89 Now were we almost heartbroken with our detention, with hope deferred of departure, the waste of our subsist- ence, continual cold, watchings, fears, oppressions, and the extortions of the Arabs ; and a little more of it had been enough to make an end of us. But it pleased God, at this time, that the Kurdish and Mosuli merchants, weary of long delay, agreed with us to march in company, despite the new objections of the Analis. Whereupon again were violent discussions. But, having overcome all hindrance, we agreed to bring our camels over from Jazirey to the Syrian quarter, where we ourselves were. This we did on Wednesday, the I2th of January, 1605, and that same evening came in the camels with the Amir's dates that had been sent for. CHAPTER IX. How we started from Ana, and took our way through the desert to Sukana. ON Thursday, the I3th of January, 1605, at nme m tne morning, already weary of new debates and squabbles, we turned our backs upon the river, and ascended the mountains, here more rugged than lofty. After about a league of toilsome travel, we gained more level ground, if not more fertile, and halted, until the cafila should pull itself together. The Arabs call that spot Tel Alyud, or " the Jews' Hill," because these have their houses below it in the city, near the river, and give name to that quarter. In this same place, the night before, robbers had fallen on some Turkyman shepherds, who fed great flocks there. These, seeing us halt and pitch tents, thinking to be safer, drew around us with their stock, whence we feared some violence. For these shepherds are also, upon occasion, stout and stubborn thieves. The first watch of that night was mine ; as throughout that journey, by land and sea, in 90 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. town or field, I took my watch every night, save only in the great cities. I kept it with trouble enough from a great fever that I felt come on me ; and on relief I took shelter, and threw myself, dressed and booted, on my bed. This was but a cloak thrown over a chest, and all rough with its knotted lashings. I had scarce lain down, and was beginning to feel still more fever and headache, when my comrade, who had relieved me, called me up in haste. I rose, and took my arms, seeing him in the tent-door with his gun levelled. Thieves had attacked the flocks by stealth, and at the bleating of the sheep, the shepherds and others had made hue-and-cry, and driven them off with the loss of one sheep only. On Saturday, the I5th, we remained here in trouble enough. For the others who had agreed to follow us failed therein, hindered by the Anales. These, after our departure, dissuaded the other merchants' camel-men trom crossing the river, with their stories of a second siege of Aleppo, and of the roads being closed by El Dendal and Fyad, the Amir's nephews. In this affliction, whereof was left us no cure but what we hoped for of God and our own patience, there came that morning a cafila from Damascus, which passed our camp on its way to the city, and assured us that Aleppo was open and in good order, and our route safe. This was so true that eight or ten unarmed men brought hither, over its whole length, a hundred loaded camels without mishap. With this news we were in a little better heart, and hoped to get away the sooner. On Monday, the 1 7th, came eighty camels more from luba and Haddyt, with the Amir's dates, to go in our company ; and that same morning the Kurds and some of the Mosulis came out of Ana, and the departure of the cafila began to be warmly pressed forward. On Friday, the 2ist of January, 1605, at eight in the JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. pi morning, the cafila began to move. We led off, and some followed us, to the number of one hundred and twenty camels in all. We marched westwards about four leagues, over barren and rugged hills, and presently came out on level ground with abundant pasture, where many flocks of sheep were grazing. In the midst of this plain were two high round mountains standing apart, from which all that district is called by the Arabs Rumam-hen, 1 meaning " the Two Pomegranates" : a name most fitly derived from their form. These we passed, and after three leagues' further march we halted at four in the evening, in a pleasant field full of green grass, but waterless. The rest of the cafila had failed to follow us, hindered by the customs officers, for the dues that some had not paid. They had waited for that day, because these payments are used to be managed with least confusion in the open country, when the cafila is ready to march ; and as all dues are upon the load or bale, they are then most easily settled. Herein we find, amongst the Moors, a milder and easier method than that in use amongst Christians in Europe. 2 On Saturday, the 22nd, we marched westwards, in terrible cold and tempest ; now over very level and good land, and again amongst broken glens and hills. After about five leagues we came to a mansel, where caravans used to halt. We passed it, because there was no water, and that next day's march might be less, up to the river, short of which we should find none. This manzel is called lubab, that is, "the Wells of rain-water." 3 At 5 P.M., 1 " Rumanain," correctly rendered. This word " Ruma'n " has nothing to do with Rome, occurring early in Hebrew and Syriac (Brandis, Forest Flora, p. 241). These hills are not on my maps. 2 The practice described has, in fact, the advantages of a sort of primitive system of " bond." 1 I have translated literally from the Spanish. "lubab" probably represents something like yabas = " a wet place that dries up." 92 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. after a march of eight leagues, we halted in a plain without water, which the Arabs call Mekagar lubab. 1 All along our route were many flocks of sheep at pasture. On Sunday, the 23rd, after sunrise, we left this place ; marching north-westwards over varying country, until we descended into the channel of a great dry watercourse. All its bottom, as far as we could see, was of living rock, white and hard as marble, and smooth as if paved by hand. Herein were many pot-holes, made, as the Arabs say, by the rains, and full of rain-water. We drank of it, men and beasts, and filled our water-skins with what remained over, for hereabouts is no other. Scarce was this done when there came two mounted Turkymanis with bows and quivers, stout and well equipped, who came in search of water for their flocks. Small joy had we at the sight of them, for on those ways the best security lies in meeting with no man. We wanted to go on that day to the river ; but one of the Kurds objected, who expected the caravan to overtake us. So we got out of the watercourse, and went a little further on, to halt at the foot of one of two hills, standing, like the last, in the midst of great plains, to which they give their name, in Arabic Aden then, or " the Two Ears" : and well it fits them. 2 They are of the same form and equal height. I climbed one, whence I could see far all around, for the land was level. We halted here at one o'clock in the afternoon, having marched five leagues. That night it was so cold that next morning we found all the water frozen in the skins. On Monday, the 24th, we marched at dawn westwards, 1 Our traveller does not translate Mekagar. Probably it stands for maksur, and the name means " the rain-water pools amid the pasture," and, in fact, is hardly a name at all. It reminds one of the marches of our own armies in Asia and Africa, fittingly described by an Irish private as " marches from nowhere to nowhere else, for nothing at all." z Adan^ Arabic, an ear. Not on the maps. \ JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 93 over country like the last, until we came to the river, whose current is here very gentle. Here is a manzel of caravans, called in Arabic Kahem, after a turret or tomb of that name, standing on the river bank. Probably it was built by, or for, some one of that name. Kakem, 1 in Arabic, is the same as our Cayn. Here, the Arabs say, according to their tradition, was of old an important city, astride of the river, which they magnify with many words. But now no trace of it is to be seen. We had come about six leagues to this place, and two hours before, the Amir's date-laden camels, which were most of our company, had parted from us, taking another road ; their owners were householders of Sucana, and went thither to await the main caravan, and rest themselves until it came up. Only we and the Musulys, with under forty camels, came on to this place (Kahem). We thought it an unsafe place for so few folk, being much infested with thieves ; and resolved to go in search of the other party for their company's sake. The Musulys wanted to wait here for the caravan, fearing to cross the desert, that begins here, with so few folk, and not without reason. As each side persisted in maintaining their own opinion, they came to ill words and well nigh to blows. But my comrade Diego Fernandes, who was chief of the merchants and strangers in that company, made up his mind, and, in spite of the Musulys, caused us to set out in search of the other party. At nightfall, after two leagues' journey, we found them at a place called Tel ul Manahyat, that is, " the Well Mounds," 2 1 Kahem in the first passage, Kakem in the second ; the former is probably right. Cayn is the English Cain, son of Adam, an unlikely godfather. Kiepert marks the place " El Kajim," in a position agreeing with the text, a little off the track from Anah to Aleppo, at a notable bend of the Euphrates. [Ant. Tenreiro, Itinerario, cap. Iv, calls it "Racalaem," and describes the place as he saw it in 1523. D. F.] 2 Mani (amongst other meanings) is a pit or well, especially a tan- pit) which this well seems to have resembled in quality. The place is 94 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. because of one there which we found full of rain water, foul and disgusting ; but our need made it seem pure and sweet. The Musulys, who wanted to make us stay by the river, when they saw that we had really marched were frightened, and followed us, sore against their will. They came into camp when the night was well spent. On Tuesday, the 2 5th, at sunrise, we marched north- westward, over land of varying surface and quality, until five in the evening, when we entered upon great plains. Amidst these we found about forty tents of Turkymanis, 1 who used those pastures, with their families and cattle, sheep, camels and mules. 2 The tents are all round, their tops like half an orange cut across. Their inner frame is of rods or canes, and the outer covering of pieces of felt. They are all portable and divisible, so that they can be taken to pieces, and carried in balanced camel-loads. Some were very clean and handsome, well hung and carpeted 3 within, especially that of the Sheikh, which was spacious and very well ordered. These Turquymanis are true Turks, of such as came first from Turkestam. And being content with life on the plains they remained on these, which had been possessed, before their coming, by the Arabs with their herds and households. They are divided into what they call tayffas, the Arabs cabiley, and we cabilda, and the Tartars orda t marked " Manyat " in Kiepert's map, in a position corresponding with that which one would expect from the narrative. 1 Some readers will know these people at least as well by the name of " Yuruk." * "Mutas," not "jumentos." 3 This description of the felt tent of Central Asia, distinguishing it from the southern tents of rough blankets or cotton canvas, is interest- ing. All have been often described, and a chiefs white felt tent was on show at South Kensington some years ago. I have translated one word, entapitadas, as " hung and carpeted." The same materials are still often used in Asia for both purposes,in both houses and tents ; and the French tapis and tapisserie indicate similar usage in medi- aeval Europe, though now applied to two different things. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 95 all meaning " a tribe." 1 They are stout fellows, afoot and mounted, strong-limbed, patient of toil, and resolute in action. They live by their herds, but lose no chance of plunder. While the sheep are at pasture they keep the lambs shut up under shelter, but let them out when the flocks return in the evening. Then every lamb finds out his own mother, as if she were alone. This done, they hobble the ewes, that they may not stray, and the lambs suck at their ease. When we came there, I saw more than six hundred lambs come out of one pen, and their meeting with the ewes was a sight to see. When these are full they are penned up again, and the sheep return to pasture : 2 which method of stock-raising seems good to me, both for profit and security. These people live on dairy produce, and though they have so great stock, yet never would they sell us a sheep, but hung carcases of those dead of disease, or by accident. We did not want these, and the camel-men bought them. Here we were in fear of some mischief from the ill- disposition of that folk. Wherefore Mostafa, who came with Diego de Melo, set himself up for a chads or special messenger of the Amir, and him who was in charge of the dates for the Amir's servant. And they put me also 1 T&yifah = a tribe in Arabic, and is not specially Turkish. " Orda" is " Tartar" enough, but implies often a greater body, possibly including many tribes. It is our "horde" and the Hindustani urdti, generally meaning " a camp." " Cabiley" is kabilah, plural kabdyil, whence the French call their Algerian Highlanders " Kabyles," as we, some- times, call our own " the Clans." 2 Presumably on a very limited area as compared to that of the safer day-time. This is now the custom of the wandering shepherds of West India, on waste lands free from any special danger, and they reasonably think it best for the health of the sheep. But in the face of any special risk, as of beasts, thieves, or the pound, they fold all the sheep. And in arable country the cultivators give them not only ground free for that purpose, but also an allowance of grain for the sake of the manure of the fold. 96 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. into their tale, saying that I was a physician 1 sent with them to Aleppo by the Amir, to look to some things he would have them buy there. Partly on this account they used us with some civility and respect, and gave us some of their sheep's milk, which was no small treat to us. Their women do not hide themselves, but, being robust, are foremost in the management of their stock. These dress somewhat after the Galician fashion. They have all cow-hide boots, short skirts, and tight bodices, and on their heads great rolled hats, like a sort of pyramid. The Arabs call this place Megenah, and there is no water there. We left this place on Wednesday, the 26th, and after about three leagues' march northwards we came into a very wide plain, almost surrounded by a ridge of earth, like a great rampart. Right across the middle of it there ran the bed of a watercourse, equally level and of very uniform width, fifty or sixty paces. Dry as it was, one could conceive how fine it would look when full. In this plain was another clan of Turkymanis, with great flocks of sheep, many camels, and other beasts. They were clean and well dressed, but not so manageable and easy-going as the last. They begged for dates, and were answered that these could not be given, being the Amir's goods, but that they had it in their power to take them. They made no reply ; but it was well seen that for a little they would take the dates and everything else, and ill-pleased were we to see their greed. There were here near the watercourse three wells, where they watered their cattle. Our camel-men filled the water- skins and other vessels, and then we moved off. The Arabs call this place Muy al Me^enah, or Methenah, that is, " the i Un hombre inteligenfafamedicinas? a not untruthful description of Teixeira, even though applied somewhat of an empiric. D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 97 water of Mesnah." 1 We marched over varying country, mostly very fertile and level, until sunset ; meeting some more herdsmen with cattle and camels, and starting many hares. After about ten leagues' march, we halted in a very level plain, without water, called by the Arabs Tabakt Seguer. 2 Here we suffered fearfully from thirst, for all the water we had brought on was so foul and stinking that none would drink it. On Thursday, the 27th, we marched at sunrise, heading north-westwards, over very good and level land. After about three leagues, we crossed the ravine and channel of a wondrous great watercourse, then dry, which the Arabs call Sehel, 3 a common manzel of caravans. Here were some wells of good water, from which we partly quenched our thirst, and continued our march, until five o'clock in the evening, when we encamped in a very level plain of hard sand. Here were some wells of good water, and the Arabs call the place lubeba. 4 This day's march was seven leagues. On Friday, the 28th, we started at dawn, and marched northwards, over level, clear, and fertile land, albeit stony in some places. We met with a great herd of the Turky- manis' camels at pasture ; and after rather more than seven leagues' march, just before sunset we halted in a place without water, called by the Arabs Ragem al Kayma. This means " the Tent Cairn," and there is one 1 Teixeira does not translate Megenah, here or above, and there is no use in guessing amongst the possible Arabic words. It is not on the maps. 2 Not translated, nor on the maps. 3 The remarkable watercourse was perhaps Kiepert's "Wadi Suwab." 4 Probably " Djub Ghinim," marked on this route as exactly four Turkish leagues ("Aghatsch") from Wadi Suwb, and in a position otherwise consistent with the narrative. Both these places are also on W. Hughes's Map of Syria, which comes iuto use at this point of the route. H 98 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. there, of stones heaped up in the shape of a tent, as a landmark. 1 In all this march we saw no hill, mound, nor high land, except, when we halted, a very distant range which the Arabs call Gibel el Bexar, or "the Mount of Bexar:" 2 the name of a clan that inhabits it. Perhaps it was in memory of this that the Arabs gave the name to Bexar in Spain whence the Duke takes his title. 3 We saw many hares, and coursed some with a dog that my comrade had with him, called Marzoko, which means in Arabic "Good Luck ;" 4 but had never enough of it to catch one. It is true that, of all hares ever I saw in the world, none seemed to me as swift as these. On Sunday we started half-an-hour after sunrise, and marched north-westwards, over very flat and good land, leaving the Bexar range on our right. At sunset, having made about seven leagues, we halted amongst ten or twelve tents of Turquimanis, who were pasturing their cattle and camels there. Here, when the camels were unloaded, arose a bloody and dangerous strife between our camel-men and those of the Musulis. They came from words to blows and broken heads, and we had enough ado to quiet them ; wherein we spared no pains, more for our own sakes than for theirs. The quarrel was over our going to Sucana, a village where the Amir's camel-men, who had his dates, had their homes ; and meant, as I have said above, to await therein the arrival of the main caravan at Tayba, another 1 This translation seems to be correct. Kiepert, however, has in this position " Redjm-et-Chail," or " the Cairn of the Tribe," which is also possible. 2 " Djebel Bu Schir" of Kiepert. The traveller's comment is worth note. * D. Jose" M. Quadrado, in his account of Bejar, in Salamanca (Espana, Barcelona, 1884, cap. ix), says that the origin of the name is unknown, but that the arms of the city display five bees (abejas). D. F. * Arabic Mfam$hkppy, fortunate. D. F. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 99 village on our direct route. As it did not suit us to part company with them in those deserts, we had to follow them where they chose, against the will of the Musulys and our own. For they had promised to come with us to Tayba. The Musulys urged that we should march to Tayba with- out the others. 1 Ours objected the danger of parting company, and they came to such strife that some had faces all bloody at their parting. In the end our men prevailed, and we settled to accompany the date-carriers. This place is called Ketef el Hel, and has no water, so we had provided some beforehand. Here, and on the pre- vious march, we saw many hares and great herds of wild asses. On Sunday, the 3Oth, we started before sunrise, and marched north-westwards over good plain country. Since the middle of the previous march, we had high mountain ranges in sight ahead. 2 In the plains we saw many and great herds of the Turkymanis' cattle, and many of their tents, but each alone and far apart. These were of the tayfd, or clan, calling themselves Beghdely, which alone of the Turkymanis using these pastures owns not the Amir's authority. For it has as many as eight thousand mounted archers, and some firearms, wherefore they are exempt from vassalage. We saw many hares and wild asses. One hour and a half before sunset, we began to descend through ravines and uneven ground, but fertile ; and one hour after it we came to some wells of bad water, where Turkymanis were watering their cattle and camels. That day we may have made nine leagues up to this place, which the Arabs call Naquib, meaning the deputy of any master. 1 /.*., the Sukana men. Kiepert's map shows that the tracks to " Taijibbe"h" and to " Es-Sochneh" diverge at " Djebel Serbin" a little west by north of this camp at " Ketef-el-Hel ;" so that the question had to be settled here. 2 Kiepert's map shows these about Tayibe. H 2 100 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. Here we spent the night in little safety and great fear. A little above us, on our left, was a watercourse, famous in those parts, called Gadyr a ther, at that time dry. 1 On Monday, the 3ist January, we started two hours before dawn, though the night was very thick and dark. We marched north-westwards through a very wide and level valley, between mountains and lower hills, at our best pace, for fear of robbers. At nine o'clock of the morning, under rain enough, we came to a village called Sukana, set in the gorge of two ranges, and took shelter in a khan, ancient indeed, but great and strong. It is one hundred paces without the place. This may contain one hundred and fifty houses, all little and poor, of unbaked bricks, mud, and small stones, the abodes of Arabs and Turky- manis. 2 The origin of this place was a fort, yet standing amidst it, though in bad condition. It was set here in aid of the caravans, or cafilas, passing between Damascus and Tripoli on one side, and Bagdad and Ba9ora on the other ; as Taybah serves those of Aleppo. A sufficient escort brought them hither, turned them over to the garrison, and went home again. This arrangement has ceased altogether since the Turkish conquest of these regions. I remember that there was on the fort's platform an iron falconet, as a scarecrow, I suppose, to plundering raiders. 1 " Naquib " is perhaps meant for Ndyib ( = " a deputy "). The place must have been just opposite " Ghadir-et-Tair " (= the Bird's Pool, or Channel), shown on Hughes's Map of Syria as a hamlet on the south side of a great glen leading to " Es Sikhneh," Teixeira's Sucana. Kiepert has " El Chidhr " (representing nearly the same sound), about thirty miles (English statute) E. by S. of this place, off Teixeira's route, and not far from Hughes's " Wady es Raml." This Chidhr may represent a mistaken location of the same place, or a correct one of another place, or the general name for the drainage channel. The travellers' dangers and fears were probably of floods, as much as of thieves. For the next paragraph shows that the night was threatening and the morning wet. 2 Ant. Tenreiro (pp. at., cap. Ixi) describes the place under the name of " Cocana (for " (^ocana"). D. F. I JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. IOI About two hundred paces to the south is a spring of sul- phurous water, hot and stinking, rising in and filling a natural round basin. Thence it flows southwards, and waters some gardens and fields thereabout. This water gives its name to the place ; for in Arabic sukan means " hot." 1 All the people drink mostly of this, and bathe in it, men and women alike, with little modesty, and go out of it into a mosque thereby. Of what is left after watering the land, and of another water, not so bad, which joins this from afar in a distant salt valley, they make their salt. To conclude : the place is a very poor open hamlet. Everything is scarce and dear, especially wood, for want whereof they burn dry dung of camels and other beasts. The climate is unhealthy, provisions scanty and bad ; and, for all that, I saw in this town some women as beautiful as angels. We stayed here five days, not without trouble from the importunity of the inhabitants. For there is no village but hath its alcalde, and no alcalde but would be greater than the king ; 2 and in this and the like matters it is in Syria as in Spain. So we kept good watches, fearing townsfolk and plain-dwellers alike. But Diego de Melo, forgetting that he was not in India, where passion is wont to heed reason but little, lost his temper with a camel- man, and threatened him with a sword. This had been a sore game for Diego, but for our earnest entreaties and 1 Rightly derived from sa6han = "hot." The vowel pronunciation seems to vary, as no two maps, nor two dictionaries, render it alike. Kiepert identifies it with an antique " Adatha." Any place in that desert with a strong spring must always have a settlement of some sort. Kiepert suggests (by a dotted line) that the valley drains eastwards into the " Wady Suweid " and Euphrates. Hughes's Map neither con- tradicts this, nor clearly confirms it. 2 Referring apparently to a Spanish proverb. Pinelo, in his Spanish- English Dictionary, quotes the following : " Alcdlde de Aldea, el que lo quierre, esse lo sea : let him that desires to be Alcalde of a Village ; that is, let them that are fond of foolish Honours, which bring Trouble and no Advantage, enjoy them." D. F. 102 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. excuses. And other unpleasant things befell him during this journey, for that he would not consider and distin- guish times and places ; which if a man cannot do, he had better stay at home. Here we awaited news of our caravan's arrival at Taybah, where we kept one to bring us word. This came on the morning of the 5th of February, and we loaded up and marched forthwith. CHAPTER X. How we left Sucana and joined the caravan at Tayba, whence we started for Aleppo ; and how we were fallen upon by robbers. ON Saturday, the 5th of February, at nine in the morning, we left Sucana, and marched westwards along the foot of a range 1 for about two leagues. Then we turned north into it, and climbed it, and after two more leagues of rough and perilous road, where we had to go afoot, we came out into a very wide valley, abounding in pasture, and surrounded by mountains. On the north side, and on higher ground than the rest of the valley, at the foot of a mountain standing apart from the rest, a town of over two hundred and fifty houses stands amid the ruins of an older city, that once belonged to Frankish Christians. There is yet standing a belfry of cut stone and mortar, which serves for an alcoran, and a dirty mosque at its foot is supported by fragments of beautiful marble columns, once belonging to a church that was on the same site. 2 1 Marked on Hughes's Map as " J. el Lebdi." 2 Probably before that to some pagan temple. Kiepert makes this the ancient Oriza. D'Anville (English edition, 1794) puts Oriza at " Sukne," Teixeira's last camp, and " Cholle," with no modern name, at or near the position of " Tayba." The later authority seems preferable. The mud domes, externally pyramidal, go back to Roman and JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. IO3 There is a tolerable fort of mud, standing on the ruins of an old one of cut stone, which was evidently important, and of good construction ; and the town is enclosed. The houses are of sun-dried bricks and mud, with square walls and vaulted pyramidal roofs. They call it Taybah, that is, " the Healthy Place," from the Arabic word tayb, meaning " health," or " good condition," for the purity of its air and climate. 1 There is a perennial spring of water a little without the town, sulphurous like that of Sucana, but much more endurable and better kept ; and in one part of the valley are gardens, likewise in better order. The inhabitants are Arabs, and live by stock-keeping and agriculture. This town and Sucana are subject to the Amir of Ana, who holds them under the Turk as a Sanjdk? And as by Sukana go the cafilas or caravans of Damascus and Tripoli, so Taybah is on the route of those of Aleppo. In both places dues are levied of fifty or sixty maravedi^ on each camel, loaded or light ; for camels are taken for sale to Aleppo. But the tyranny of the Subaxys, 4 who levy these dues, makes them come to much more than this. We reached Taybah after six leagues' march, 5 just before sunset, and found the cafila encamped on the plain there. I had scarce time to look at the town, along with a friendly Moor. However, I did see it, and returned to the Assyrian days, and still exist in this region. Vide Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 26 (abridged edition of 1882), and Fergusson, Temples of the Jews, p. 146. [Cf. also Caspar de S. Bernardino, op. cit. t p. 126. D. F.J 1 Taytb, in Arabic, means " good," or " nice," in a general way. 2 " Sanjacado" from sanjak = " a banner ;" the name came to be applied to a feudal tenure, and to its holder and his district. 3 Under eightpence (Stevens). 4 Local headmen ; probably the same compared above to the Spanish Alcaldes. They seem to have been originally waterwardens. 6 Hughes makes the distance twelve English statute miles "as the crow flies." Considering the nature of the ground, Teixeira's march could not have been less than sixteen, which, at twenty-five Turkish leagues to a degree, may be taken as not far wrong. Kiepert puts the two places twenty-two English statute miles apart, which is evidently excessive. 104 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. caravan on the plain. This consisted now of six hundred camels, counting those of our company, besides horses and other pack-beasts. Here we passed the night more at ease, by reason of our increased company, which was of some two hundred men of various nations ; not enough, withal, to save us from what was to come. On Sunday, the 5th of February, we started from Taybah 1 at sunrise, and marched northwards over very level plains, of good quality and abundant pasture, with distant mountains ever on each hand, for two-thirds of the day. After that the ground was rough and hilly. At sunset we halted in a waterless place, which the Arabs call Hahe oie, that is, " the Winding Way." 2 The day's inarch was of eight leagues. In those plains the people of Taybah catch many gazelles in this wise : they set up over a wide space, amidst the plain, two rows of wands, about a cubit high, each with a rag pennant, forming a long and wide avenue. In this they make many and great pitfalls. Then, scouring hill and plain in bands, they rouse the game, and drive them to the rods. These, in terror alike of their pursuers and of the pennants fluttering on either hand, fall headlong into the pitfalls, and are taken alive or dead. On Monday, the 7th, the caravan moved off one hour before sunrise, and marched northwards, over country of varying surface and quality, until sunset, seven leagues. We halted at the foot of mountains, near some wells of very bad stinking water ; wherefore the Arabs called the 1 Pietro Delia Valle marched from Aleppo to " Taiba," by Teixeira's route, or nearly, in September, 1616. But at " Taiba" he took another route to Ana ; and only crosses Teixeira's (through these regions) at that place and at Bagdad. Their itineraries confirm each other very closely ; and so, indeed, do their remarks about the country and people (Pietro Delia Valle, Seventeenth Letter from Bagdad, loth and 23rd December, 1616). [See also Ant. Tenreiro, op. tit., caps, liv, Ixi ; G. de S. Bernardino, op. tit., p. 126 v. D. F.] a I cannot verify this. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 10$ place Abumemten, that is, "the Father of Bad Waters." All the plains, from Taybah to this place, were full of little bushes, mostly of rosemary. 1 On Tuesday, the 8th, the caravan started after sunrise, and we marched northwards over very flat and good land, leaving afar on the left hand a range of high mountains. On one of these stand yet the ruins of a great and once Christian city, which I saw from afar, though not distinctly. But all the Moors and some Armenian Christians testified to it as a certain fact, and assured me that there are there altars, stone crosses, and remains of buildings wonderfully wrought. 2 After five leagues' march, we halted under compulsion of heavy and ceaseless rain. It came on in the afternoon and fell all that evening and throughout the night, with great cold until the dawn, which found us all soaked. Tents and coverings availed us not at all, and we suffered fearfully from thirst, for the place was waterless. 3 Wednesday, the 9th, dawned heavy with cloud and mist, wherefore the caravan did not start until nine o'clock. When we had gone a little over half a league, of a sudden, about three hundred mounted Arab spearmen charged yelling in upon us. So thick was the log that we per- ceived them not, until already amidst of the caravan, from which they were presently driving off two hundred camels : 1 " Motas pequennas de que la mayor parte era -vomero" I have followed Stevens in taking the first and last words to be misprints. If not, they must imply some use of the plough, which seems unlikely. 2 Possibly the ruins marked in Hughes's Map as " Aschika." P. Delia Valle has ruins somewhere about here, but the identification can- not be made sure of. Berghaus has " Bitter Wells " and " Ruins of an Ancient Greek City," in positions corresponding to Teixeira's narrative. 3 This may probably seem strange to some readers. But an ill- organised Asiatic caravan can fail of water when surprised by a rain- storm. The tents and other coverings are of materials unsuited to collecting rain-water and the people lose their heads, and fail in resource. io6 THE TRAVELS OP PEDRO TEIXEIRA. the more easily that these are wont to march in separate squads or parties, to avoid confusion. In haste we dismounted from our panniers, and stood each to his weapon, arquebus, bow, or sword. Speedily we had what was left of the caravan formed up together, and faced the robbers, so that they could not again break in amongst us, though they tried it several times. It was a pity to see this man robbed of his camels, that of his goods, and many of their miserable apparel ; for, poor as it was, they were stripped naked with the utmost haste and cruelty ; and all this when so far on our way, as it were at one's very hall-door, after all the inexpressible toil and trouble of the journey. But it pleased God that no hands were laid on any of our mess. When the robbers saw they could have no more booty but at their own evident peril, they drew off, and we remained in sorrow and in fear of their returning in greater force. Now it chanced that amongst their spoil were most of the camels and dates of the Amir, the lord of those lands above mentioned. A servant of his, in charge of the same, troubled at this mishap, made up his mind to an interview with the robbers. He got safe-conduct for himself and his horse, upon oath and in inviolable form, used amongst the Arabs in such cases, went to the gang, and found them to be of two clans, the Ebenkaiz and Eben Rabyah. The captain of the latter was a brother-in-law of his own, who, on seeing him, and hearing his story, was very sorry, and wished to return the camels. As for the dates, they were out of the question, for they had been divided instantly, and with great waste. The other clan would have no restitution at all ; and upon that issue they came to blows. The Eben Rabyah were victorious, broke the others, and took from them some lances and most of the camels. These they handed over to the Amir's servant, who returned them to our company. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 107 On his return the galls that had been scattered on the ground were collected, as well as might be. For these robbers, in such cases, when they take a camel, break open his load, and, if it is of things useful to them, they take him off loaded ; but if not, they leave the load, and take the camel, it being what they care most about. So we re- mained until evening ; when, as I have said, the Moor returned, and we spent the night there, to get things into some order. Two Arab merchants, father and son, had been wounded by lance-thrusts during the attack. This place is called Garra, or Serige. 1 We kept good watch, and about midnight, when I was on duty for our mess, I heard loud and sudden lamenta- tions in the rear of the camp, 2 or caravan, which disturbed all our company. It turned out that a thief had crept into the caravan, in the dark, and up to some camels. He had already loosed one to steal it, but was perceived ; and, though he must needs fly, would not do so empty-handed ; so, laying his hand on the turban of a Moorish merchant who slept near, he made off with that. The merchant woke up with an outcry, which availed him very little. Such thefts are very common, and sometimes serious. 1 Either " Es-Seriyeh " of Hughes, " Serdji " of Kiepert, or " Ain- es-Zerga " of the former, about 10 miles north-west of it. I think Es- Seriyeh the more likely place, because five caravan tracks meet here and thieves like cross-roads. Moreover, its distance from Tayibe agrees best with Teixiera's itinerary. I do not find the name " Garra " on any map. Pietro Delia Valle has an ancient city hereabouts called " Sirik " or " Seria," which may be this place, or near it ; or perhaps the ruins noted above (p. 105). Teixeira's weather and fortunes at this place were not favourable for archaeological survey. Berghaus helps little here. 2 " Real," which is good Spanish and Portuguese for a camp, though the text suggests its being a foreign word. Teixeira may have had in his mind the Arabic rihdl, or rahdl, meaning the same thing, and perhaps the source of the Spanish word (Golius, p. 959). \Redl is more probably a contraction of arraidl (camp), which is cognate to the English array (see New Eng. Diet., s. v. 'Array')- Korting's Lat.-Rom. Wrtbch., however, derives real = camp, like the adj. real = royal, from Lat. regalis. D. F.] IOS THE TRAVELS OF PEt)RO TEIXEIRA. On Thursday, the zoth, the caravan moved off at sun- rise, and marched all day northwards, without any halt, over very good land, but uneven. A little before sunset, after eight leagues' march, we halted, because it began to rain not for the rain itself, which was not heavy, but because it made the camels slip and fall j 1 so we spent the night here. The place is called Drahem, after an ancient fortress on a hill near by, which still retains the name. 2 There was no water here, and our sore need forced us to seek it at two leagues' distance with pack-beasts in the dark, and in fear enough. But at last we got it, and quenched our thirst, with which we were nigh worn out. While we were here there came up an Armenian named lacub, formerly known to us in Bagdad, whence he had started on horseback sixteen days before, making all haste to Aleppo. He halted that night with our party, and marched along with us the next day, giving us the news, with which we beguiled the way for awhile. On Friday, the nth, after sunrise, the caravan left Drahem, and marched a good way, over very good land, till we got up with the end of a range near which we passed. The Arabs call it Corna Zebad, that is, " the Point of Civet, or of the Civet Cat." Here is commonly the mansel or halting-place of caravans. Presently we discovered other ranges, and marched along their foot, leaving them on our left hand, skirting a great lake more than thirty leagues in 1 This is a most serious danger with most camels. But those bred n marshes are as sure-footed as snipe in them ; and I have seen them carry men across the Little Ran of Kachh at a smart trot, when men could scarce walk on the salt slime, shod or barefoot. 2 D'Anville's map shows an ancient "Derrima" in a suitable posi- tion, on what authority I do not know. J. Vincent's Classical Atlas (Oxford, 1828) has the same, probably following D'Anville. This J. Vincent is not to be taken for Dean William Vincent, of West- minster, whose authority, confirming D'Anville's, would be very welcome here. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. 109 compass. 1 This is filled by a spring rising at a town on its further side, called Gebul, and the spring itself is called Ahen Dahab, or " the Golden Fount," by reason of the value of its waters. 2 For these unite with the rainwater in that wide place, which by its saline quality turns them salt, and in summer, by the heat of the sun, they are almost all made into salt, so hard that men can cross it on foot and on horseback. This lake belongs to the Grand Turk, who farms it out at a great price. Hence is salt exported to Aleppo and to many other places. As we marched on we got into narrow and perilous places, between the hills and the lake ; here and there so slippery from the rain that many of our camels fell, and were hard to raise ; and it was wet, cold, and foggy, and bad weather altogether. We saw on this march the ruins of some towns, and some houses standing empty, and on the crest of a high mountain the foundations and remains of a great and elaborate building, which seemed to have been a church : for in old times all this region was inhabited by Christians. 3 1 Hughes's Map shows the modern caravan route as running south- west of the " Jebel Shbeit," and crossing the " Jebel Amiri" to " Hikla," our traveller's " Acle." The latter evidently rounded the first range by its north-eastern side, and the second by its eastern end, marching on to " Acle" between it and the great salt marsh, " Es-Sabakhah." " Corna Zebad " appears on several maps, and " Zebad (ruins) " on Hughes's, always in correspondence with Teixeira's itinerary. " Shbeit " is probably some Arabic inflection or derivative of the same word, rightly translated alcalia by our author, and probably the source of our word " civet." 8 Hughes has the " Nahr Dheheb " as a long watercourse, feeding the salt lake " Es Sabakhah" at its north-western end, after passing near " Jebul," but not through it. Earlier maps have different forms of the same name, such as " Gabbula," closer down upon the shore of the lake ; and so have the " classic " atlases. " Ain Dhahab " is rightly translated " the Golden Fount" ; and all this part of the itine- rary is easily verified. 3 Berghaus's Map has a nameless ancient city here. IIO THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. We halted not all day, until we came at sunset to an un- inhabited hamlet called Acle, 1 standing at the foot of a pleasant hill, in a good meadow by the lake. It might have a hundred houses, small, but well built, of sun-dried bricks, pyramidal over vaults. Some of these were founded on wrought stones, remains of a more ancient and im- portant town. These had been deserted by their inhabitants, who are great thieves, and had gone, for fear of worse than them- selves, to a place two or three leagues away. There is, on the north side, a perennial spring of very good water, and here we halted, after a march of six leagues. On Saturday, the I2th, we set out at sunrise, and marched northwards along the lake shore, over very good land, leaving great mountains from two to four leagues on our left. After three leagues' march, we passed through a town of three hundred houses, built like the last, but better, and set amid the ruins of a greater, to judge from its remains. This is called Melhuah, or " the Town of Salt," which in Arabic is called me/," 2 for that much salt is got here from the lake. One-third of a league beyond this we passed through another town, of perhaps a hundred and twenty houses like the last, called Safyra. 3 After two leagues more we found a little stream of clear and pure water, rising from two fountains, above which we passed. They are called 1 " Achla 1 ' of Pietro Delia Valle, 1616, when it was still desolate. * Arabic milh. Berghaus's Map of 1835, published by Justus Perthes, Gotha, has a " Melluhha " here ; certainly the same place, though the salt lake is not shown as extending so far north-westwards, and very likely does not at time of low water. Teixeira was there in winter, and after wet weather. Hughes does not show this place at all, but does show the mountains on the left hand, forming an arc, of which the unmistakable caravan track is the chord, so as to con- firm Teixeira's statement of their varying distance. Pietro Delia Valle halted at " Melluha," and gives the same etymology. 3 On most maps of large scale. JOURNEY FROM INDIA TO ITALY. Ill Ahen Macuba, 1 or " the Bulrush Springs," by reason of some that grow there. Not far from this we found another village called Tal Aron, 2 that is "the Thorny Hill," by reason of one at whose foot it stands. It may have five hundred houses, like the last, but better and handsomer. Here we heard that in Gebrahin, 3 a large town on our route, were three hundred Seghme"nes, arquebusiers who had deserted the Pasha of Aleppo and established them- selves there, on the look-out for our arrival by this route. On this news, all of us, fearing some mischief as sure to happen if we should fall into their hands, with one consent made haste to cross the fields for some two leagues ; leaving that route to seek another, and already in fear of their observation and pursuit. But, having gained the latter, we followed it to a hamlet, one of many thereabouts, called Tel Axarab. 4 Here the caravan halted, to let the already outworn camels come up. It may have been four o'clock in the evening ; and when those of our mess considered how much daylight remained, our insecurity in respect of those mutineers, and that the city was less than three leagues distant, we determined not to halt short of it. So, with such as joined us, including eight armed men and six-and-twenty camels, we pushed on for Aleppo, marching hard, on foot, and under arms, especially after entering the gardens, which extend for about two leagues on this side of the city. We made such speed as to enter it at sunset, after a day's march of more 1 On no map of mine. I cannot verify the translation, and am tempted to conjecture a mistake for Maksabat=a. bed of reeds or bulrushes. 2 Apparently from khar'Z. thorn. Berghaus shows this place near the route, but in a position inconsistent with the narrative, as nearer to Aleppo than his " Djebrin." I do not find it on my other maps. 3 " Djebrin " of Berghaus ; not on my other maps. Pietro Delia Valle made it his first camp out of Aleppo in 1616. * This may be represented by Berghaus's " ScherbieY' though he puts it too far from Aleppo to suit the narrative. 112 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. than nine leagues : a year and a day after sailing from the bar of Goa, and just two months out of Bagdad. We passed through the city almost to its centre, and entered a khan, where were then two Venetian merchants. The goods in my comrade's charge were consigned to one of these, loan Battista Bagozzy. Having delivered these, he went off to take up quarters with another friend of his, loan Domenico Ruspini. But first he begged of Bagozzy that he would entertain me until I could seek out a lodging for myself. This the latter and his companion did, giving me a room to myself, well furnished, and provided with all things needful. And they used me so kindly, with such hospitality and courtesy, for two days that I stayed there, as to put me under a great obligation. Albeit such usage of all strangers is the common prac- tice of those Venetian gentlemen. CHAPTER XI. Of the City of Aleppo. THE Frank Christians call this city Aleppo, but the Greeks and Armenians, like the Turks and Moors, Hhaleb, and the Hebrews of old called it Aram Sobah. 1 It is the chief town of Camogena, 2 in Siria, now Soria, and is a most ancient city. It stands amidst four hills, and partly 1 "Hhaleb," "Chalybon," and perhaps the Homeric " Alybe," represent some old native name. It is in favour of the last conjecture that the " Halizones " came a long way from " Alybe, birthplace of silver," to help Priam. Now, there was a river " Chalus," near Chaly- bon, which is generally identified with the modern " Kuweik," Teixeira's " Singa" and " Kykan." At first sight these names suggest " Cycnus," but there is apparently only a chance resemblance. Vide Iliad, II, 856, for Alybe ; and Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Geography, s. v. " Bercea " (the Macedonian name of the place), "Chalus," and "Chalybes." "Aram Sob where they meet for mass and sermon. The same fund is charged with the cost of presents made to the pashas and other captains ; the turgimaris salary, and the pay of the couriers, who are sent monthly by Constantinople, three at a time, lest one or two fail. To sum up, the consul will spend in three years, his usual term of office, from seventy to eighty thousand sequins or ducats. But this is not spent without consent of all the merchants, voting by ballot in the Venetian manner. The consul is always a noble, and the guardian of the friars is an ecclesiastic of authority, with full power from the Pope to grant absolution in all reserved cases, except of forged Letters or Bulls. Such is the custom and government of the Venetian gentlemen in Aleppo. Their manner of life is liberal and noble, and their equipment not only decent but distinguished. From many of them I received frequent favours during my residence ; and so are they ever wont to use strangers, as to whom they are well assured. The French likewise have their consul, appointed for 1 The tax was two per cent, levied by Venetian consuls in the Levant, in London and Bruges, on goods exported by Venetian mer- chants ; levied also, in Constantinople, on goods imported from the Levant, Bruges, or London (see note on p. 284 of Calendar of State Papers Venice^ etc., vol. x, 1603-1607). D. F. 2 Doubtless a " barber-surgeon." 120 THE TRAVELS OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA. life by their king. He lives in France, and sends hither a deputy, who pays him every year about three thousand ducats. He, too, has a chapel in his house, which is in a kan ; and a chaplain who says mass, which some of them attend. Their houses, in my time, were five in number ; but the number of them who come and go is much greater than that of the Venetians. Their trade to Aleppo may be worth eight hundred thousand ducats, on which they pay, over and above the Turkish dues, four per cent videlicet, two to the consul and two to the ambassador of France at Constantinople. Their imports consist almost entirely of silver bullion. In other matters they are far from equalling the order, rule, and policy of the Venetians. The French consul has, by special privilege from the Turk, the protection of all foreign Christians whatever, not being of the nations admitted to a regular trade. Whoever avails himself of this enjoys the same exemptions as the French, and of such there are some traders, Flemings 1 and men of Lucca. There are three English houses, whose consul is a private merchant. 2 Their trade may be worth three hundred thousand ducats. They import little coin, but London caryseas? and other cloths, lead, tin, copper, weapons, and the like. 4 1 These " Flemings " were very probably Hollanders. In the thirteenth chapter, though there is a ship, ". Chilaw is about forty-eight miles north of Colombo. 4 Teixeira makes the same statement in chap, xxxv of Bk. I of his Kings of Persia. It is almost as erroneous as that of Barros, who in Dec. Ill, Liv. n, cap. i, says that Chilao means "perils or loss of the Chijs [Chinese]." Yule, in Hobson-Jobson, says that Chilaw " is a corruption of the Tamil salabham, the diving." The Sinhalese name is Haldvata or SalaVata (the " Bandar Saldwat " of Ibn Batuta), which appears to be derived from salava. = eddy, whirlpool (Sansk.ya/ar/tfr/a). The Tamil word saldpam = " pearl fishery" seems to be a corruption of Sansk.jakvd/ta=" diver, diving." D. F. 6 A fuller description of the Ceylon pearl fishery is given by Ribeiro (Fatalidade Historica da Ilka de Ceildo, Liv. I, cap. xxii). D. F. 6 Mandr lies in 9 deg., and the centre of Bahrein Island in 26 deg. N. lat. N 178 APPENDIX A. from sixty to ninety men. One third of them are karoos, 1 that is, divers, and the rest are called mandecas? and attend them, two to each diver. The boats are all divided into certain compartments called peitacas? wherein every diver throws his catch of oysters separately. They call the oyster chipo.^ They may not open these until the day fixed by the officers of the camp, 5 after the fishery is over. This is generally of two balyos? of eight working days each. They reckon up every day's catch, as one hundred, two hundred, or a thousand oysters of each boat, separately, in order to know when there has been fishing enough. For they wish to keep the production pretty close to a mean, lest they cheapen the pearls. When two balyos are not enough, they allow half a balyo more, or even a whole one. The fishermen or divers are regularly paid, and have also their own catch ; save that every day they must give one dive each to the owner of the boat, at his choice ; and at the end of each week, one whole day's fishing. The Nayque of Madureh, who is the lord of their land, 7 receives the whole fishery of one day in the season. 8 Another used to be given to shoe the wife of the captain of Manar, a Por- tuguese officer in charge of that sea. But this has been put a stop to by the good order of the Fathers of the Company, 9 who manage everything here. 10 The fishing takes place in from six to eight 1 Sinh. kdrdva (pi. kdrdvtf) = " a man of the fisher caste," which was the one that engaged in diving. Ant. Gouvea (pp. tit., p. 13 v) applies the term cored to a diver of Mdskat. D. F. 8 Tamil mandakkan, mandakdl,=" one that draws up the divers" (Winslow's Tarn. Diet.). D. F. * G. de Orta (f. 223 v) says that at Malacca the spaces in the interior of the durian were called peitacas. Dom. Vieira's Dice. Port, explains the word as meaning the room in a junk. It is Javanese petak, which has various meanings, one being "a compartment or subdivision in the hold of a ship" (Crawford's Malay Dict.).D. F. 4 Tarn. sifipi= bivalve shell-fish or shell (see Hobson-Jobson, s.v. " Chipe"). D. F. 6 " Real" the temporary settlement on the beach, from which the Ceylon pearl fishery is conducted. 6 I cannot explain balyo, unless (as Mr. H. Beveridge suggests) it represents Sanskrit pdla = a. turn of work. D. F. 7 " Aquellos tierras de su habitation." The " lands " referred to are those on the mainland, whence the fishermen come. [See foot-note, supra, p. 177.] On the Ndyaks of Madura, see J. H. Nelson's The Madura Country, Pt. ill, pp. 82-86, and CaldwelPs History of Tinnevelly, p. 55 et seq. v. F. 8 After the Dutch had ousted the Portuguese from Ceylon, the claims of the Ndyak of Madura and others formed the subject of much dispute and correspondence for many years. D. F. 9 The Jesuits. 10 The spiritual care of the inhabitants of the north-western coast 01 Ceylon, and the rents of certain towns therein, were allotted to the KINGS OF HORMUZ. 179 fathoms of water, and diving stones are used. There are usually two Portuguese galeots to convoy the fleet, by reason of the Malabars, who have sometimes plundered or injured the fisher- men. The people who resort to the fishery, merchants, public and private servants, and fishermen, may be fifty to sixty thousand in number. Of these is formed a camp, where it may be conve- nient to the fishery. For that is not always in the same place ; but now in one, and again in another ; and the trade comes probably to more than a million and a half in gold every year. When the fishery is over, proclamation is made that the oysters may be opened. When this has been done, the flesh removed, and the pearls extracted, the people go over to Tutan Cory, where there is a fair which begins in the middle of June, and lasts through July, August, September, and sometimes all October. 1 All dealings take place in the/o/ar J 6 ; Malcolm's History of Persia, vol. i, p. 362 ; Yule's art. "Ormus," in Encycl. Brit., gth ed., vol. xvii ; Burton's Camoens : Life and Lusiads, vol. iv, p. 508). D. F. 1 " Nos" a misprint. 2 The first edition of which appeared in 1576 (see Hakluyt Soc. trans., vol. i, Introduction, p. iv). D. F. 3 Cf. Teixeira's introductory note to the reader, supra, after Intro- duction. D. F. 4 For the later history of Hormuz, see, in addition to the works mentioned by Teixeira, Barros's Dec. Ill, Couto's Decs. IV-XII, Bocarro's so-called Dec. XIII, and Doc. Rem., torn. i-iv. D. F. 6 I have found no confirmation of this statement ; and the explana- tion that follows seems rather far-fetched. D. F. KINGS OF HORMUZ. 193 [Though after the capture of Hormuz by the Portuguese its " kings" became mere puppets in their hands, it may be useful to give the names of those who bore nominal rule, until the final ejection of the Portuguese by the Persians in 1622. According to Couto (Dec. V, Liv. IX, cap. x), " Ceifadim reigned ten years, and was succeeded by his brother Torunxa", who reigned nine years.' 1 It was in 1515, apparently, that this change of rulers took place ; and Correa (torn, ii, p. 420), who calls the new king " Turuxa," says he was then twenty- two years of age, and that his mother was an Abyssinian. The Comment, of Af. Dalb. (vol. iv, p. 109) calls him "Terunxa." According to Barros (Dec. Ill, Liv. vn, cap. v), Castanheda (Liv. v, cap. Ixxxviii), and Correa (torn, ii, p. 699), this "king" was poisoned by his wazir, who substituted in his place " a youth of some thirteen years, by name Mahamud Xa", son of the late King Ceifadim" (Barros : Castanheda calls him " Patxa" Mahmetxa""). This took place in the early part of 1522. Couto (u. s.) simply says that to " Torunxa'" succeeded " Mahamed Xa", who reigned nine years, and was son of Ceifadim." (The Comment, of Af. Dalb.,vo\. iv, pp. 174, 190, speaks of two sons of "Ceifadin," who in 1515 were boys of eight or nine.) In 1532 a brother of the king's, a youth of eighteen, named " Rayx Ale" or " Rexealle,'' was deported to Goa on an accusation of plotting to poison Muhammad Sha"h (Castanheda, Liv. vm, cap. xlix ; Correa, torn, iii, p. 460). The latter died in 1534, and in his place the Portuguese captains at Hormuz elected a son of his, only eight years of age. He, however, was poisoned soon after by order of his uncle at Goa, " Rayx Ale," who, being the next heir, succeeded to the throne (Castanheda, Liv. vm, cap. Ixxvi). But in 1541 the latter was again deported to Goa on charges of madness and drunkenness (Correa, torn, iv, pp. 160, 210, 270, ff.) ; but two years later he was restored to his position (Correa, torn, iv, p. 338). He did not long survive, however. Couto (u. s.) says that on the death of " Ceifadim" there succeeded " Xargol Xa", son of Torunxa", who was the one that Nuno da Cunha ordered to be deported from Ormuz to avoid divisions in the kingdom, and kept him in Cochin, where he had a son named Torunxa^ by an Abyssinian mother named Bibigazela", because they say she had eyes like a gazelle's. This Xargol was afterwards sent by Nuno da Cunha to succeed to the throne, on his receiving news of the death of King Ceifadim He died in the past November of 1543," by poison, says Correa (torn, iv, p. 399). His son, "Torunxa"," a boy of twelve, was sent from Goa to succeed him (Couto, u. s. ; Correa, u. s.), and arrived in Hormuz in March 1544 (Couto, Dec. V, Liv. x, cap. iii). Owing to the loss of Couto's Eighth, Ninth, and Eleventh Decades, the dates of the accessions of the succeeding rulers are somewhat difficult to ascertain. In Dec. VII, Liv. x, cap. vii, Couto states that the two princes deported by Nuno da Cunha (as mentioned above) were the father of " Torunxa" and the tatter's uncle, " Babuxa," the last of whom married in Goa a Moor woman of Dabul, by whom he had a son, " Ferragoxa." After an exile of " nearly forty years" (really thirty-three), and being ninety years old and decrepit, " Babuxa," wishing to lay his bones in his native island, obtained leave to accompany D. Pedro de Sousa, who was going thither as captain in 1 562, and to take his son " Ferragoxa" with him. From what Couto says, it is evident that soon afterwards (probably in 1563) " Turuxa" died, after a reign of nearly twenty years, and the aged " Babuxa" was elected to succeed him. Naturally, at such an O IQ4 APPENDIX A. advanced age his reign could not be a long one ; and in 1 564 or 1565, on his death, his son, " Ferragoxa," succeeded to the throne. Cesare Federici was present at the ceremony, which he describes (Voyage and Trauaile [of M. C. Fredericke, p. 4). In the Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. 5, p. 693, is an alvard, dated i8th March, 1 569, granting to King " Faragoxa" the rights accorded to " Turuxd ;" and on pp. 758-760 of the same fasciculus is another alvard, dated loth February, 1571, embodying the translation of a farmdn of 8th April, 1565, issued by " Faroquoxa," who refers to his father "Mamuxd" and cousin "TuruxaV' This "Faragoxa" reigned for many years. Gasparo Balbi, who visited Hormuz in 1580, gives the name of the king as " Siafirusia Gielaledi" (Viaggio dell' Indie Orientali, p. 47). Teixeira refers to him as " Ferragut Xd" and " Ferrogotxa" (see supra, p. 166, and infra, Appendix B). Couto, in Dec. XII, Liv. II, cap. i, tells us that at the beginning of 1598 " Ferugoxa,".,being old and decrepit, wished to abdicate in favour of his second son, " Mamedexa," whose mother was a sister of the wazir. This, however, was not permitted by the Viceroy in Council, and the old king was informed that he must allow his elder son " Feruxa" to reign in his stead, and that he was to try and arrange a marriage between this son and a daughter of the wazir. The second part of this Decade never having been written, we learn no more of this matter ; but from royal letters to the Viceroys of India, printed in Doc. Rent., torn, i (pp. 16, 53, 382), it would appear that the old king continued to govern until his death, apparently at the end of 1601, when " Mir Firruxa" was appointed to succeed him. One of those letters (p. 382) informs us of the death of "Ferruxct" in February, 1609, and the elevation to the throne of a brother of his, who, we learn from later letters in torn, ii (pp. 388, etc.), was named " Mamede Xd," evidently the same as the one referred to by Couto above. From this and other letters (torn, i, pp. 14, 53, 80, 365 ; torn, ii, pp. 38, 148, 406), however, it seems that, on the death of " Farracoxa" and the procla- mation as his successor of " Mir Firruxd," the right of the latter to the throne was challenged by his younger brother " Mirturuxd" (called also " Turruxd"), on the grounds that he was a bastard, and that his father, when he married the daughter of " Raix Nordim," had executed a deed whereby he constituted their eldest son his heir. This "Turruxd," who was residing at Goa, and professed a leaning to Christianity, petitioned the King of Spain, and the matter was referred to the high court ; but in 1606 or 1607, during the governorship of the Archbishop D. Fr. Aleixo de Menezes, the prince was convicted of sodomy and burnt at the stake (see Pyrard, vol. ii, pp. 91, 243-244). For some reason, the elevation to the throne of " Mamede Xd" did not meet with the approval of the King of Spain, and he issued a decree granting to the two sons of " Turruxa" authority to prosecute their father's claim to the throne (Doc. Rem., torn, i, pp. 363, 383 ; torn, ii, pp. 38, 148, 406; Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. 6, p. 841). From a letter in Doc. Rem., vol. ii (p. 360), we find that " Farracoxd" left two other sons by the sister of the wazir " Rais Nordim," their names being given as " Mir Farracoxd" and " Mir Samgolxd ;" but they do not appear to have laid any claim to the throne. From other docu- ments, however (Doc. Rem., torn, ii, pp. 381, 406 ; torn, iii, p. 428 ; torn, iv, p. 356; Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, fasc. 6, pp. 1119, 1163), it seems that the eldest son of " Farracoxd," who is called " Miramofa- lisxd" and ' Miramofles," had been passed over in the succession, and KINGS OF HORMUZ. 195 he put in a claim to the sovereignty, at the same time bringing serious accusations against the wife of " Mamede X" (who was the widow of " Torruxd" and " Ferruxd"), and also against that king himself. (Ant. Gouvea, in his Relagam, Pt. I, p. 9, speaks of a " Dom Hieronymo Joete" as a grandson of " Turuxa" and the rightful heir to the throne, which he had renounced in order to enter the Church. This " Dom Jeronimo" and his father, " Xeque Yoette," " Xeque Joette," or " Coje Zoete," are referred to in several royal letters to the Viceroys of India, printed in Arch. Port. Or., fasc. 3, pp. 172, 212, 482, 586, 678. I cannot identify this man.) All these claims, however, were solved by the termination of the Hormuz dynasty of kings, on the capture of the island in 1622 by the Anglo-Persian force, as stated above. " Mamede X" was still " reigning" when that event took place ; and in Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. ii, p. 1802, will be found the translation of a letter from him to the King of Spain, dated February i2th, 1621, complain- ing of the misdeeds of the Captain of Hormuz. The King of Hormuz and all his suite were deported to the mainland as captives by the Persians (L ' Ambassade de G. de Silva Figueroa, p. 470) ; but in 1624 the king was reported to be " still living at Ormuz" (Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, etc., 1625-1629, p. 60). Whether this were so or not, need not concern us : the " kingdom" of Hormuz had gone for ever. D. F.] APPENDIX B. Extracts from tJte " Relation of the Kings of Persia"^ BOOK I. CHAPTER I. [In connection with the election of " Kayumarras" as first King of Persia, Teixeira digresses on the subject of the Persian tage, or cap. Then, having referred to an error held by " the gentiles of Persia," viz., that Kayumarras was identical with Adam, our author says : ] IN Persian they call these gentiles 2 by one of three names, Mayucy, Maurigy, or Gabr Yazdy, whereof the last is most common. [Then follow remarks concerning cow- worshippers, and explana- tions of Gao, Gabr, etc.] Yazdy means of Yazd, a city in Persia, wherein chiefly survive and dwell those Persians who follow their ancient national religion, and have not yet chosen to receive the creeds either of Mahamed or of Ally. 8 They serve the sun, and fire, which they preserve with great care, so that in more than three thousand five hundred years it has not been extinct for an instant. This is on a mountain one day's march from Yazd, called Albors Kuyh, or Mount Albors, and also Atex quedah, or " the House of Fire." And there are always many people attending on it. 4 1 As Mr. Sinclair has translated only portions of Teixeira's numerous digressions, I have thought well to note briefly the subjects of those omitted. For the paragraphs within square brackets and in smaller type, therefore, it must be understood that I am responsible. D. F. 1 The surviving Zoroastrians of Persia. 3 That is, either the Sunni or the Shiah form ot Islam. The dis- tinction is not very accurate, but Teixeira always uses it. [Cf. supra, pp.47, 51. D. F.] 4 Here our author seems to have got well outside of his own observation, and to be ill-informed ; the rest of the account of the Zoroastrians is little better than mere Persian gossip a little malicious. There is now no " Elburj" near Yazd on the maps, though there are several elsewhere. But at about one hundred English miles, south and by east from that city, our maps show a mountain 9,500 ft. high, still called Nar Kuh, or " Fire Mountain" (?), which may be Teixeira's KINGS OF PERSIA. 1 97 [From the Zoroastrians' method of disposing of their dead, our author proceeds to describe the practices of the Hindus on the Ganges, the Japanese, the Indians on the Malabar coast, and the inhabitants of certain islands between the Nicobars and Tenasserim.] CHAPTERS II-V. [In Chapter II Teixeira discourses on the burning of the dead ; and in this connection describes (not from personal observation, apparently) the human holocaust that followed the death of the Ndyak of Madura, which event took place while our author was in India. This must, I think, have been Krishnappa, who died in 1595, or possibly Visvandtha II, whose death seems to have occurred a little earlier (see Sewell's Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India, p. 61). Chapters III and IV are both very short, and contain no digressions. Chapter V has some interjected remarks on the Persian and Arab names for the Devil ; also a brief reference to the province of Aderbaion, and its capital, Tabriz.] CHAPTER VI. [After referring to the antiquity of wine, and the universality of its use, our author proceeds : ] In Persia there is much good wine made of grapes, called xarab. The Persians use it immoderately, and smuggle much of it in bottles, packed in cases under the name of rose-water, to Lahor, in the Grand Mogol's country. In Harmuz and Mogostam, and on all the Arabian shore of the Persian Gulf, there are two liquors made. The first is distilled chiefly of dates and liquorice leaves. 1 It is called arequy, from areca, a Persian word meaning sweat, and used to imply its high quality. This is the strongest and most dreadful drink that ever was invented, for all which it finds some notable drinkers. 2 The second is made by infusion of dried grapes in cold water, in proper proportion, which ferments of itself, and is fit for use " Atex quedah." His translation is correct. Burj is a tower or any lofty building like one, stouter than a mindr. [On " Albors" and its fire-temple, see Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 197. D. p.] 1 Hojas de regalis, probably meaning the roots. 2 Arak is Arabic for sweat, and has become a common name throughout the East for distilled spirits in general. In English we have it in "arrack" and "rack punch," as we have shardb in "rum shrub." Ip8 APPENDIX B. when it has settled down. It is thought very good and whole- some, and I have seen it in use in Syria. In India wine is made of the substance of the tree which bears the cocos, called palm, because it is like the true palm, 1 and it is of two sorts. Sura is that kind which is got raw, dropping of itself into vessels set to receive it. The other, called araca, 2 is distilled by fire from this sura, and is very strong. Into this they throw dried grapes, which takes off its roughness and sweetens it ; and it improves with age, which is not the case with that made of dried grapes and water. 3 Other wine is made of another palm called ntfa 4 growing in watery places. This is distilled like the last, but is softer and sweeter, transparent as pure water, and said to be very whole- some. A great deal of it is made and shipped in Pegu, Tanasarim, Malaca, and the Phelipines or Manilla. That of Tanasarim is much the best of all. 6 In Orracam and Pegu" there is made of rotten 6 rice a certain drink called pamplis. This is also used in Manilla and in China, 7 where they have many sorts of wines, but none made of grapes. The best is that made of lechyas, a fruit very like that of the Arbutus f but larger. This is distinguished as " mandarin's wine," from the common term for the magistrates of China. In Cafraria, the land of the negros about Mozambique, wine is made of millet, and called huyenbe, or pembe? In Bengal, that 1 Date-palm. The date-tree itself and many other palms yield sweet saps (toddy), which are fermented and sometimes distilled. 2 Arak, vide supra, p. 197, note. The sura is " fresh toddy." * With the foregoing compare Garcia de Orta, Colloquies, f. 67 ; Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 49. D. F. 4 Nipa fruticans of our botanists, who now separate it from the true palms, which it superficially resembles. It grows in tidal waters, from Bengal eastwards, and still produces toddy. [See p. 8, supra. D. F.] 6 Cf. Linschoten, vol. i, p. 103 ; vol. ii, p. 49. D. F. 6 Arros podre, probably meaning only that it was fermented. Orracam has here nothing to do with arak, but represents our modern province of Arakan. T I cannot trace the word "pamplis." Rice wine and rice spirit are in common use throughout a great part of Eastern Asia, under a variety of names. D. F. 8 Arbutus unedo, Sp. madrono. A wine or spirit is said to be made of this fruit too, in the Mediterranean, which may have suggested the comparison. Lechyas are tichis, an excellent fruit of Bengal, and the tropical regions eastward ; not good in Western India (Nephelium Litchi, nat. ord. Sapindacea}. 9 Probably the pombe of modern travellers, which seems to be a sort of beer. KINGS OF PERSIA. 199 is, the lands watered by the Ganges, there is made another sort of wine of rice, called modal In Mexico wine is made of maguey? a plant much like the slimy plant which produces the aloe or axivar, but greater and coarser ; and other Indians 3 make it of the yuca. In fine, the wines and drinks of various nations are almost countless. And besides these they use other things : the failure of which, by reason of their long use and wont, would come very hard upon them. 4 A case in point is the betle* used through all the East, and known by that name in Malabar, but in Canary and Guzarate as pam. In Persian and Arabic it is called tambul, in Malay siri, and in Manilla buyo? The leaf is well known, and not unlike that of a plantain. 7 This they chew, with a fruit called areca^ and in Persian and Arabic /#//, and a little mild lime made of oyster-shells. It is in the common use, day and night, of all sorts of men, from princes to poor sailors. It is served to welcome the coming 1 In all the Aryan dialects of India, some form of the Sanskrit mada = intoxicant, spirituous liquor, is found. D. F. * The maguey is Agave Americana, of the order Amaryllidece. The genus is American, but the Portuguese and Spaniards have carried it round the world in the warm regions, and it is generally known in English by the name of " aloe." The true aloes, as Teixeira says, are smaller and slimy, and herva babosa is a Portu- guese name for them even now. The fermented juice of Agave Americana is ''pulque, liquor divino. Los angeles lo beben en el sereno" ( !), and there is a spirit distilled from this. 3 These " Indians" were probably American, as is the yucca. It is now cultivated in all warm countries, and I have seen it in bloom in the open air in the county Donegal. Natural order, Liliacece. 4 " Seria muy doiiosa" for " danosa" an odd misprint. * Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta's Colloquio, " Do Betre" and Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 62, et seq. " Canary " is of course Kanara. D.F. 6 The names for betel mentioned by Teixeira are, respectively : Malayalam vettila, Hindustani pan, Persian-Arabic tambul, from Sanskrit tdmbula (see Hobson -Jobson, s. vv. " Betel," " Pawn," " Tembool"), Malay sirih (which name the Dutch have adopted), and Tagal buyo (see Noceda and Sanlucar's Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala, s. v. ; also Morga's Philippine Islands, Hak. Soc. ed., p. 280). The first four names are given by Garcia de Orta (u. s.) ; the last Teixeira doubtless picked up on his visit to Manila in 1600 (see supra, p. 6). D. F. 7 Plantago major, the common European plantain, whose leaf has a sort of superficial resemblance to that of Piper betle, the betel-leaf vine. 8 Areca catechu, the betel-nut palm, generally called in India pophal, and the nut supdri. The name areca is Malayalam of Malabar, not Malay of the Peninsula and Eastern Isles. The nut, in that language, is pinang, and there is a Sanskrit name, guvaka. It is brought to Europe as a vermifuge. 200 APPENDIX B. guest, and in farewell at his going. Princes make it the sign of their favour, and lovers of their affection. It is good against all disorders of the stomach arising from cold, strengthens and preserves the teeth and gums, and sweetens the breath. For these and many other virtues it is highly valued, and exported to the lands where it does not grow. Next comes opium, commonly called afion by Orientals, the use whereof is most common amongst Mahometans. The Persians distinguish it especially as teriaca. 1 So great is the value they set upon that gum, which drops naturally from the stem of the poppy plant, and needs no mixture or preparation. Poor people use the husks, and a decoction thereof, instead of opium, and as the husks are called fust, those who do so go by the name of pustys, as men who use opirm are called afiony, which, when used in anger, are terms of reproach and insult. 2 The Persians hold that the use of this gum was discovered by princes and great captains, who used it to obtain the sleep of which their many cares deprived them. 3 The people, who ever strive to copy these, soon followed their example, and so the drug 1 Gr. dripiaicd ((pappaica) antidotes against injuries caused by animals, especially venomous reptiles. The word presently came to include antidotes against poisons in general, and still later was applied to nostrums of professed universal virtue. Some of these were made even in Europe under this name, well into the nineteenth century, and may still be, in some places. Many of them were little more than preparations of opium, and in Persia, in the seventeenth century, " the best sorts" (of opium) " were flavoured with nutmeg, cardamom, cinnamon and mace, or simply with saffron and amber- gris," and called Theriaka (Fluckiger and Hanbury, Pharmacographia, p. 41, ed. 1874). Greek words, more or less disguised, are very commonly in use amongst Oriental druggists and physicians, and called yundni. 2 Persian past=\o-w, mean, vile, etc. This can scarcely be the origin of the \sxmpusties (formed on the analogy of mesties, casties Portuguese mestizo, casti$o), applied by the Dutch in the East to a certain class of the population. According to Wolf (see Life and Adventures of J. C. Wolf, p. 267), in Ceylon, in the eighteenth century, " a child whose father and mother are both Europeans, belongs to the class called Pustiz ;" and he puts the castiz and mestiz next in order. On the other hand, Haafner, writing of Batavia at the same period, says (Lotgevallen en Vroegere Zeereizen, p. 179) : " The Poestieses so called are those that are born of a European and a Kasties woman ;" and he places the order thus : European, mesties, kasties,poesties, topaz, and black Portuguese. (On mestiz and castiz see Linschoten, vol. i, pp. 183-184 ; Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 38 ; Hobson- Jobson, s. v. " Castees.") D. F. 3 Fluckiger and Hanbury suggest that opium-eating originated in Persia. They describe the modern Persian drug as of varying quality and value ; the strongest, Teriak-i-Arabistdnf, being produced in Irak (Pharmacographia, pp. 45, 46). KINGS OF PERSIA. 2OI was introduced, and there are few who do not eat it. I have seen men die in various places for want of opium, and others from taking more than they were used to, in which case it is a deadly poison. There are two chief sorts of opium in the East : malwy, made in Malue, and mecery, brought from Mecere, which is Cairo in Egypt. 1 There is another beverage called kaoah* much used in all Turkey, Arabia, Persia, and Syria. It is a seed, very like little dry beans, and is brought from Arabia. It is prepared in houses kept for the purpose. The decoction is thick, nearly black, and insipid. If it has any flavour this inclines to bitterness, but very little. All those who want it assemble in these houses, where they are served with it very hot in Chinese porcelain cups, that may hold four or five ounces. These they take into their hands, and sit blowing on it and sipping. Those who are accustomed to drink it say that it is good for the stomach, prevents flatulence and piles, and stimulates the appetite. 3 After the same fashion is the Chinese cha? and is taken in the same way, except that cha is the leaf of a little herb, a certain plant brought from Tartary, which was shown to me in Malaca. But, because it was dry, I could not well judge of its form. It is proclaimed to be very beneficial, and prophylactic of those disorders which Chinese gluttony might provoke. Nor is there any great difference between these and the chocolate of New Spain, made of the kakao, a fruit not unlike kaoahJ* In the kingdom of Guzarate and Cambaya the natives use to flavour all their food with tngu, that is, assafoetida, of which I shall say more hereafter. 6 No savoury dish finds favour with them without that gum, and they rub the inside of their cooking 1 Cf. Garcia de Orta, Col. XL1; Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 112-114. D. F. 8 Coffee. [What follows is practically a repetition of the details given in chap, vi of the author's Voyage (see supra, p. 62). D. F.] 3 The preparation, use, and service of coffee have changed a good deal since this was written, even in the East, probably with increase of supply and improvement of science. It had been for little over half a century in use in Constantinople in our author's time. [Cf. with Teixeira's description the note by Paludanus in Linschoten, vol. i, p. 157. D. F.] 4 Tea. The remarks which follow are part of the evidence sug- gesting that Teixeira had not visited China or Japan. [Cf. Linschoten, vol. i, p. 157. D. F.] * This statement would seem to show that Teixeira had never seen the fruit of the cacao. D. F. 6 In chap, xxii (see infra, p. 209). Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta, f. 21 v. D. F. 2O2 APPENDIX B. pots therewith. And though to those unused it is distasteful, and the smell a dreadful stench, yet has it a pleasant flavour to men who have learnt its use, and they feel the want of it much, as of a thing very important to their health. 1 Others habitually drink hot water, as on the coast of Choro- mandel and in China, where they have certain vessels of tin, with cases and cloth wrappings, wherein the water remains hot all day and longer. 2 Others commonly chew mastic, especially in Persia, where they call it mastaquy y and perfume with it their drinking water. The rich for this purpose use am bar, 3 which they call by the same name. A great deal of this is used in Persia and Arabia, whither it is brought from India, but far more from the coast of Melinde, and that of the African negroes on the Indian Ocean. This they call Zanguybar or Black Men's Sea, from zanguy, mean- ing black, and bar, the sea. 4 The Portuguese corrupt this into Zanzibar. At Brava, 5 a port of that coast, there was found in the year 1593 a mass of ambar so great, that a man on one side of it could not see a camel standing on the other. 6 1 Only a few Europeans know how much assafcetida is used in Western India, even by themselves, especially in the pdpadams or wafers used with curry and rice. There is rather a curious trade in the drug, conducted by Afghan pedlars on foot, who find an article so light in proportion to its price easy to carry. The common Indian name is king [see Hobson-Jobson, s. v. D. F.]. That employed in Indian cookery is of very fine quality, and used in tiny quantities. Homoeopathists' globules are coarse to them. Vide Pharmacographia, sub voce, for more about this drug. 2 Cf. Linschoten, vol. i, p. 157. D. F. 3 This perfume (Arabic anbar) is the " ambergris " of Europe, the fragrant secretion of the sperm whale. The name belongs of right to it, and seems to have been first misapplied to fossil amber by the Latin races, during the Musalman ascendency in the Mediterranean. Ambergris is said to have been used in giving bouquet to claret ; and I have known Europeans to like it in sherbet. The quantities used are almost microscopic. The whale is in process of extinction, and the genuine drug of disappearance. * Here there is a confusion between bar, or barr, = a region, and bahr = a sea. The " Zanguy " is right enough, and Zang-bar means "negro-land." [Cf. Garcia de Orta, f. 13 z/. D. F.] 6 Brava is in modern Somali-land. [See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. D. F.] 6 The man was perhaps short-sighted, or the camel short-legged. But masses of ambergris expressible in terms of hundredweights have several times been recorded. Fossil amber has not, I think, been found in masses of more than a few pounds. [It looks as if Teixeira wanted to " go one better " than the piece weighing fifty quintals, found near Cape Comorin in 1555, teste Garcia de Orta (f. 12 v). (See also Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 93.) D. F.] KINGS OF PERSIA. 2O3 In Santo Domingo, Peru, Mexico, Manilla, in France and England, and many other parts of the world, tobacco is much in use. This is the dried herba sancta, 1 whereof some are found to praise and approve the smoke. To conclude, it would be hard to reckon up all the meats and drinks that people have invented, and go on daily inventing, for their pleasure ; without all which life might be better spent, and more safely. Our own Spain, indeed, is free of this fault ; albeit she hath others even less endurable. [In another digression Teixeira treats of the name of Persia, and the identity of that country with Parthia ; of Shirdz and its inhabitants ; of the three dialects of Persian ; and of the produc- tions and exports of Shirdz.] CHAPTER VII. [Digressing on the subject of sashes and girdles as badges of honour, Teixeira flies off to China, and relates two stories to show how justice was done in that country ; ultimately returning to the subject of girdles.] (Parenthesis, serving as we use a note.) This city of Hrey 2 is famous, as much for its size as for some things found therein, of which I will mention only the mana, as the best and purest yet known. 3 It is taken hence in great quan- tity to Harmuz, and exported thence to all the East. Mana is called in Persian xir quest, that is, " milk of the quest tree," from xir, which is Persian for milk (though it also means a lion), and quest, the name of the tree that yields it. 4 There is also plenty of it in another city of Persia, called Rey Xarear, but not so good. 5 Another sort of mana, called toraniabin, is found in many parts of Persia. It is very like dry coriander seed, and is 1 " Yerva santa seca." " Herba sancta " seems to have been a recog- nized name for the plant. But I am not aware that it was ever so called in English. 2 Ancient Rhagae, the scene of Tobias's remarkable courtship, now called, on different maps, Rhe, Re, Rhey, Ri. The ruins are a short way south by east of Tehrdn, and a modern village amidst them is called Shah-Abdul Azim. Teixeira mentions it again in his list of provinces as a city of " Karason" : " Hrey, which produces much and good mana ; whose walls the cool river Habin bathes." [See infra, Appendix C. D. F.] Tehran may be said almost to represent Rhagae. 3 Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta, f. 132 et seq. ; Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 100. D. F. 4 The tree here in question, one of many that produce " mannas, is probably khisht, Cotoneaster nummularia (Pharmacographia, p. 372). Sher does mean a lion, and shir, milk ; and the actual letters of the words are identical. 5 See infra, Appendix C. D. F. 204 APPENDIX B. produced on certain herbs like wild thistles. 1 It is very delicate, and a safe drug, wherefore the Persians used to give it to children and pregnant women, in double the dose used of the other sort. On the African coast of the Indian sea, near Mozambique, there are two islands called Aniza and Querinba, 2 wherein much mana is obtained, but of comparatively the lowest quality. For that of Persia is white, soft, sweet, and mild, in grains like those of in- cense 3 or mastic. But that of the isles is hard, splintery, of a grayish-red colour, of pungent taste, and less laxative, although by no means inert. There is also brought from Basora a sort of mana, packed in leather sacks, looking like coarse honey. All mana is gum produced by one tree or another, like other gums, and the stories of its coming of dew, et cetera^ are inventions, or based on bad evidence. CHAPTERS VIII-XIII. [Chapter VIII contains a digression on the origin of the Turks ; the names Rumy and Frangue, etc. Chapters IX-XIII contain no digressions.] CHAPTER XIV. This city Mazandaron 4 .... In A.D. 1597, when I found myself 1 The Camel-thorn, Alhagi maurorum, a little shiny leguminous plant, well known in India as jawdsa, and used in making rough " tatties," hung up wet to keep tents cool. I am not aware that manna is got from it in India. [" Toraniabin" represents Arab, taranjubtn (Pers. tarangub{ri) = manna.. D. F.] 1 Amiza (not "Aniza") or Wamisi Island lies a little to the south of Cape Delgado, and is one of the most northerly of the chain of coral islands known under the name of Querimba, of which Querimba Island itself, lying off the mouth of the Mtepwcsi River, forms one of the southernmost. As to their producing manna, I can add nothing to Teixeira's statement. D. F. 3 " Enciensio" meaning probably olibanum, a substance then, as now, much used in the preparation of ceremonial incense, and likely to be familiar to many of Teixeira's readers. 4 There seems to be now no city Mazandaran, if ever there was. The city referred *o may probably have been Sari, possibly Balfarush. It does not much matter, and the passage omitted does not matter at all. [Don Juan de Persia (Ulugh Beg), in his Relaciones, says (f. 6v] that the capital of the province of Mazandaran was " Mazandaran, a city of fifty thousand inhabitants." Sir T. Herbert's map of " The Persian Empire" (p. 153 of his Travels) shows both " Barfrush" and "Mazen- dram ;" and, if the position of the places entered in the map could be depended upon as correct (which it certainly cannot), " Mazendram" should represent Mashad-i-Sar on the Caspian Sea, at the mouth of the Babil river. But there can be little doubt, I think, that " Mazan- daran" was an alternative name for Sari, the ancient capital of the province (see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 379). D. F.] KINGS OF PERSIA. 2O5 there, 1 the governor of the city and province was one Malek Sultan Mahamed, a Persian of uncommon might in war. He had one arm notably longer than the other, insomuch that it reached below his knee. And about that time he showed a good sample of his spirit. For, as he made tour of his lands, there came against him an enemy with seven thousand men, whom he faced with three hundred ; forced him into the field, engaged and beat him killing most of his men. In connection with this matter, I remember that there dwelt in the city of Cochim a citizen, with whom I have often spoken, 2 whose right arm was very much the longer; and the gentiles of Choromandel, whereof he was a native, born in the city of Santo Thome, did him reverence, as being out of the common. For the eastern gentiles are wont to venerate as supernatural everything beyond the usual limits of nature : such as trees of unusual size, a two-headed ox as I saw in Goa, or an oddly-shaped stone. For this reason, and to give them the less excuse, this citizen had orders not to travel in those lands without special permission. 8 [In a later digression Teixeira refers to the province of Ardabel, or Ardavil, and explains the origin and meaning of Sufy. 4 ] 1 As mentioned in the Introduction, Teixeira seems to have made a journey in the early part of 1597 from Hormuz to the north of Persia (with what object he does not say). The engagement he speaks of was probably the suppression of a local rising, the provinces of Gilaii and Mazandaran having only a few years previously been conquered by Shall Abbs (see infra, p. 208). It could hardly have any connec- tion with the invasion of Khorasan by the Uzbegs under Talfm Khdn, who were entirely defeated by Shah Abbis, near Herat, in 1 597 (see Malcolm's History of Persia, vol. i, p. 346 ; Markham's History of Persia, p. 274). I have found no other reference to the long-armed governor, Malik Sultan Muhammad. D. F. 2 As mentioned in the Introduction, Teixeira would appear to have made a stay in Cochin during the years 1590 and 1591(366 infra, chap, xxxiii). The long-armed citizen, of whom he here speaks, may possibly be the Matheus Vaz (a native of Sao Thome, but resident in Cochin) referred to in royal letters to the Viceroy of India, of March 3rd, 1594, and March 8th, 1596 ; from which it seems that he had petitioned the King to confer on him the " habit of Christ" in reward for his many services (s&zArck. Port.-Or., fasc. 3, pp. 447, 608). D. F. 3 There is a good deal of this feeling in Western India still. Mere stature makes little impression, and the people are now used to see races of Upper India quite equal in that to the average of Europeans. But a hump-back, or one long arm, is still something more than human to many. It must be remembered in considering all cases of attribu- tion of supernatural quality to human beings, including European officers, that the belief is not necessarily a compliment to the manners or morals of the gentleman so revered. 4 Cf. supra, p. 189, n. D. F. 206 APPENDIX B. CHAPTERS XV-XVII. [At the end of Chapter XV, Teixeira speaks of Lokman, whom he identifies with Aesop. In Chapter XVI, he parenthetically mentions that he had, when in Hormuz, seen King Ferrogotxa 1 and his nobles on several occasions engage in jousts on horseback. In Chapter XVII, our author indulges in a short etymological disquisition in connection with Aderbaion and other place-names. In another short digression, he contrasts the habit of the Persians of carrying their jewels with them everywhere, even into war, with that of the Uzbegs.] CHAPTER XVIII. [Teixeira mentions in a brief digression the fact of the Persians' possessing the works of various Greek writers on philosophy and medicine. Further on, our author parenthetically compares certain Persian books with the Orlando epic. 2 In a longer digression Teixeira treats of Kabul, and then proceeds : ] From this city [of Kabul] comes the name of one sort of that medicinal fruit called myrobalan, which the Arabs and Persians call generally alildh? and the natives of India corrupt this (as 1 See supra, p. 166, and infra, chap. xxxv. D. F. 2 See supra, p. 131, n. D. F. 1 Halilah, one of several Arabic and Persian names for myrobalans. Halilah zard in Persian would mean " Yellow myrobalan," though I do not find it in dictionaries. [It is given in Johnson's Pers.-Arab.- Eng. Diet. D. F.] Teixeira's word for "yellow" is citrina, which is now the " specific" name of a Bengal variety (?). Brandis gives a Hindustani name, harara, which is evidently Teixeira's "arare." But, as all the myrobalans are Indian, the Indian names are the originals, and the Persian and Arabic derivatives. The three principal myrobalan trees, all well known to me as forest trees, are (1) Terminalia Chebula (nat. ord. Combretacece), the chebulic my- robalan, arare, Hind., as above mentioned, hirda in Marathi. This is by far the most important of all. (2) T. bellerica, the belleric myrobalan, for which Brandis rather vaguely gives a name " Balra," in what language is not clear (Forest Flora, sub voce) ; but it is, perhaps, a variant of the Marathi name bheda, which has one in every district. An Arabic name is balilah. This nut is of no great value, and the fruit is often allowed to rot in heaps under the tree. (3) Phyllanthus emblica (nat. ord. Euphorbiacece), the emblic myrobalan, Sanskrit dmalaka, whence several Indian vernacular names, the Arabic amlah, and eventually our " emblica" This is a KINGS OF PERSIA. 2O/ they treat many other names) to arare. Thus the bitter or yellow myrobalans are called alildh zard, and those from Kabtil kabuly, which our doctors call Kebulos. The Doctor Garcia Dorta deals sufficiently with these and all the rest. 1 But he did not know one variety of those Kebulos, of great size, as I am witness. For I saw, in the possession of a gentile merchant named loghea Bangasaly, 2 a myrobalan weighing sixteen ounces, and in that of a Portuguese hidalgo one of twelve ounces ; nor was there any difference between these and the common Kebulos, but in size only. They would have me believe of these large specimens, that if one would only hold them tight in one's hand for a little while, they would purge the bowels. This I tried, and found it untrue ; but further, that an infusion or decoction of the the same, as a draught, was aperient, and very useful against fevers and dysentery. So much for the Kebulos. CHAPTERS XIX-XX. [In Chapter XIX, Teixeira explains, parenthetically, that in the East the washing of clothes is done by men, who are called maynatos ; 8 and a little further on gives the etymology of Darab, which name, he says, the Latins turned into Darius. Chapter XX contains no digressions.] very different plant from the others, much smaller ; and the pulpy fruit, besides its uses as an astringent, is pickled and eaten. Upon the derivation of " chebulica" see an interesting note of Sir James McNab Campbell's (in Bombay Gazetteer,, vol. xi, p. 25), who is inclined to trace it to an old name of the modern Chaul (ancient Semylla), rather than to Kabul. As to the myrobalans of twelve and sixteen ounces weight, it is difficult to imagine what they were, but certain that they were not the fruit of any Terminalia or Phyllanthus. Such a fruit, weighing even an ounce avoirdupois, when dry, would be a very remarkable specimen indeed. [In Hobson-Jobson, s. v, " Myrobalan," will be found a mass of valuable and interesting details. D. F.] 1 In his Colloquio XXXVII (see also Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 123- 126). D. F. 2 loghek Bangasaly was probably either a Bengali or a warehouse- man. Teixeira's confusion of bangasdla (= a warehouse) with Ban- gala has been noticed by Yule and Burnell (Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " Bankshall"), and above, p. 168, . * Malayalam main&ttu = washerman (see Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " mainato," where " Tamil" is an error ; also Linschoten, vol. i, p. 260, ., and vol. ii, p. 340). The Portuguese adopted the word into their vocabulary, as the English have adopted dhobi. D. F. 208 APPENDIX B. CHAPTER XXI. [Teixeira digresses first on the subject of Cairo and Damascus. A little afterwards he again digresses regarding Gueylon in Persia ; and after some introductory remarks proceeds : ] Of the five governments 1 contained in Gueylon [Gildn], the first is called after its chief town, Raxt. In 1595, when I made this note, 2 the Governor was lamxed Khan. The second is named from the city Gaxkhar, then governed by one Syauex, and both of these were chiefs of great account. The third is called Laion, which also is the name of its capital ; . . . and its lord and governor was Khan Hamed, whom the Turk Selim made prisoner when he won Tabriz, and put in ward at Bagdad. The fourth province or government, called Langar Kanon, from its chief city, was then governed by Amir Amza Khan, a man of great endowments and courage, with whom dwelt his eleven brothers, all knights of fame. The fifth government, called, for the same reason as the rest, Kuddm, was held by Komron Mirza. Next comes Mazandaron already mentioned, which, in alliance with some of these govern- ments of Gueylon, rebelled against Xd, Abdz, King of Persia, in the year 1593 ; and he, to reduce them, marched hastily against them in 1594, with twenty thousand horse. 3 1 These, or rather their chief towns, appear on the Royal Geographi- cal Society's Map, 1892, as Resht, Keshkan, Lahijan, Lenkoran, and Kudum. [See infra, Appendix C. D. F.] 1 Quando esto iua escriuiendo, " when I was writing this." I think " this " refers to the Kings of Persia, which Teixeira translated and condensed from Mfr Khwdnd's work, during his stay in Hormuz (see Introduction). D. F. * Here comes an account of the Shdh's victorious campaign, especi- ally of how he passed a river at the head of his horsemen. It is not de visu, and indeed the passage already extracted is chiefly interesting because its dates give some chance of checking other accounts of these transactions. [On the reduction of Gila'n and Mazandaran see Sir Anthony Sherley in Purchas (Pilgrimes, Pt. II, p. 1392 etseq.) ; Sir T. Herbert (Travels, p. 198 et seq.} ; Malcolm (History of Persia, vol. i, p. 345) ; Curzon (Persia and the Persian Question, vol. i, p. 372). The capture of Tabriz by Selim II (1566-74) during the reign of SMh Tamasp (1525-76) is referred to by Teixeira in chap, v of the First Book of his Kings of Persia; and its recovery by Shdh Abba's is mentioned at the end of same work (cf. Embassy of Sir T. Roe, pp. 356, 400, and notes). Of the governors of the five places named by Teixeira I have found no mention in any of the works that I have consulted. D. F.] KINGS OF PERSIA. 2O9 CHAPTER XXII. [This chapter, covering twenty-four pages of the original, con- sists chiefly of lengthy digressions. Teixeira's first excursion (a short one) is in regard to Hyerak. Then follows a very long digression on India, in which the writer first refers to the Indus and its affluents, and then enumer- ates various kingdoms in the north-west of India. Particularising Utrad, he mentions that thence come rock-salt and spikenard. He then adds : ] There comes also from Utrad 1 the perfect ingo, which our physicians call Assa fetida. 2 This gum is obtained from three sources : the best, very pure and least bitter, from Utrad, as I have said. The second sort is collected in Duzgun, in Persia, a town near Lastan, between Komron and Lara, a city about thirty leagues from Harmuz. 3 The third comes from the province of KaraQon, in the same land of Persia. 4 The plants producing this gum are of two sorts. One is a tall shrub with small leaves, some- what like those of rue, and produces little. The other is a root like a radish, which sends up tall and tender shoots, with leaves much like those of the castor-oil plant. In some places the plants are cultivated, and elsewhere they grow wild, loving mountains and rugged places. Most of the gum 5 is collected at the end of autumn I had in Harmuz, in the year 1596, four roots that I obtained from Duzgun. They were very like the great ynnnamcs 6 that come from Guyne* ; and so strong was their smell 1 " Otrar" of modern maps, on the Jaxartes. 2 See supra, p. 201. Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta's Collo- quio VII. D. F. 3 Duzgun and Lastan are not now to be found, unless the latter is represented on the Royal Geographical Society's Map by Latitun or Raristan, both on the route from " Komron " (" Gombroon" or Bandar Abbas) to Ldr, which route is clearly marked. [" Duzgun" must be the " Dashgun" of the Survey of India Map, a place about half-way between Bandar Abbas and Lr by the coast road, via Khamir, Jena, and Bastak. " Lastan" I cannot identify, unless it represent Bandar Hasan, which is the immediately preceding town (cf. " Lasdn" for Al Hdsa, supra, p. 29). In his Brief Account of the Provinces of Persia (Appendix C, infra) Teixeira does not mention " Duzgun," but names " Lastam" as yielding the ingo. D. F.] 4 See infra, Appendix C. D. F. 5 Engelbert Kampfer saw the gum collected near Disgun, or Duz- gun, in 1687, and his specimens are in the British Museum, or were when the Pharmacographia was published in 1874. For many inter- esting details, see that work, and Hobson-Jobson, which is a later pub- lication, j. -vv. "Asafoetida" and " Hing" respectively. [See also supra, p. 202, n. D. F.] 6 Yams. The third "n" is probably a misprint. 210 APPENDIX B. that in all the house was none who could abide it. In eight months that I kept them they decayed not, nor lost any of their fragrance. The Arabs call this gum by several names, of which the chief are haltit, samaktre, hhilhheis, zdefa ; and the Persians call it inghza. The Baneanes of Cambaya call that of Utrad inguh, and that of Persia ingdra. [Teixeira then proceeds to speak of the kingdoms of Cache (Kacch) and Cambaya, and their animal, vegetable, and mineral products ; and deals at some length with the religious beliefs of the inhabitants of the latter kingdom, especially as regards the taking of life. Then come references to the kingdoms of De Kan (sic), Cun Kan (sic), and Canara of the Chatins. 1 In another digression, the supersession of the old Persian characters by the Arabic is mentioned ; and the writer states that he had often seen metal plates with writing on them which none could read, but which, he was told, was "for$ kadin, of the old style" (? Arab, fursiy kadim = " ancient Persian"). This digression ends with the citation of a number of Arabic words adopted into Spanish and Portuguese. Further on, Teixeira digresses to speak of the Brahmans ; and this leads him to treat of the calenders and jogis, one of whom, named Ralu, he saw, who lived in a cave for ten days and nights without food. He proceeds to describe more fully another per- sonal experience, as follows : ] In the year 1588 I was bound from the Isle of Seylan to Goa, in the company of one 2 who soon after became Viceroy of India, and our fleet cast anchor before Barselor. 3 I wanted to see the Portuguese fortress, and the city of the same name, which they call Upper Barselor, the capital of Canara, and of the king- 1 See foot-note infra. D. F. 2 Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, returning from the relief of Columbo, March, 1588. He succeeded Dom Duarte de Menezes as Governor (not Viceroy) on the 4th of May (see Introduction). D. F. 3 On Barcelor see Hobson-Jobson, s. vv. " Bacanore and Barcelore." Faria y Sousa's statements (see next note) regarding the republic of " Chatins" at Barcelor are copied (abbreviated) from Couto, Dec. X, Liv. in, cap. xvi (see also Dec. VI, Liv. vm, cap. iv). In Faria y Sousa's Asia Portuguese*, torn, n, p. 476, is a plan of the Portuguese fort of " Barcalor ;" and at a little distance is shown a bit of " Barcalor de sima," i.e., Upper Barcelor, and a " mesquita" (mosque) within walls, which may represent the temple spoken of by Teixeira. Across a river, or arm of the sea, is shown the town of " Cambolim" (? Kumbla). There is also a plan of the fort, with description, in the Ressende MS. in the British Museum (Sloane 197, f. 284). Valentyn (Malabar, p. 6) gives a plan of the Dutch logic at " Barsaloor," drawn in 1686. Regarding the situation of the place, see Lieut. H. S. Brown's Handbook to the Ports on the Coast of India, 1897, p. 158. (Cf. also Linschoten, vol. i, p. 66 ; Barbosa, p. 82.) D. F. KINGS OF PERSIA. 211 dom of the Chatins above mentioned. 1 I obtained leave and went ashore. The city is a league and a half by a pleasant road from the fortress ; of good size, girt with a wall and ditch pro- vided with artillery. It is well placed, on a plentiful river of fresh water. The houses are of well-wrought timber, and the numerous temples of cut stone and mortar. The greatest of these is in the midst of the city, and is square, like a cloister of one of our monasteries. There was a sort of oratory just within the gate, and built in the form of a charola? with an idol therein. All the rest was a square, with passages and sleeping-rooms or cells around it, wherein lodge the Bamanes, or Bragmanes, the priests and servants of the temple. Six or seven paces without the gate, and opposite to it, there stood in a level place a square pedestal 3 of cut stone masonry, about thirty palms high. The 1 In the passage referred to, " Chatin" is mentioned as a style of certain merchants or tradesmen, the modern " chetties'' of the Madras Presidency ; and they are described, with rather less probability, as governing Canara as a Republic. The truth was, doubtless, that the city had a strong municipal administration, extending a little way outside the gates. But the "commonwealth" is also mentioned by Faria y Sousa : at least he is quoted to that effect, in both editions of the Imperial Gazetteer let him verify who list. Both of these put that place in the position of Kolur, which is impossible, as Pietro Delia Valle was at least forty hours in getting from one to the other. The South Kanara District Manual, 1895, puts the matter right ; and the true name of the latter is given as " Kadachadri," or " Kollur," " a magnificent sugar-loaf peak," 4,400 feet high, apparently somewhere near the " Barkalur Nagar or Kollur" of Bartholomew's Map of 1891. This place is too far inland to be the town visited by Teixeira, and sacked by Raja Sivaji in 1665 (Grant Duff, Hist, of the Marathas, edition of 1873, p. 90), on what is now called the Kundapur (or Kandapur ?) river : a conclusion which the present writer had arrived at before seeing that work. But the district officer is now the only real authority on such points, where maps are bad. 2 The sort of litter used to carry images in procession. What is meant is that the little shrine was shaped like the god's palanquins, or perhaps like a chariot (ratha\ both very common forms for such buildings. 3 " Pedestal" in original, and, a little lower down, ^ pedestal o pira- mide." It is probable that "pillar or obelisk" would have expressed the facts of the case better, but the translator is not at liberty to amend a clear text. The thing meant is evidently a dipdan, or dipmal, a very common object throughout India, in such places as that described, and often a very beautiful one. It is a pillar of cut stone or brickwork, with niches or brackets for countless lamps, to be lit up at festivals. I take the " palmas" to be great palms, or "spans," of about 9 ins. each, which would make the height of the pillar about 22^ ft., a very common height, and expressible in Hindu cubits of 1 8 ins. to 19 ins. I suppose I have seen a thousand such dipmals, P 2 212 APPENDIX B. four sides of this were full of niches, to put the lights in that they burn there by night, and at the top was a very great and well-wrought metal lamp-stand. 1 I came into the city at dawn, and saw at the foot of that pedestal, or pyramid, a loguy a man of great stature, robust, black, and ugly seated on the ground, stark-naked but for a dirty little rag by way of fig-leaf. He had in his hand a forked stick two palms long, on which he rested now one arm and then the other, and sometimes his legs. 2 He was all covered with ashes, which he took now and then in his hand and strewed on his head. 3 This was in the end of March, when the heat is already very great in those countries. When I had observed this, I went to look at the rest of the city, and came back at noon, and found the loguy in the blazing sunshine, as quiet and patient as if he had been in a very cool shady house, and there he stayed until evening. After sunset there came others 4 to join him, whom he arose to receive. They lit a fire of branches that these had brought, made new ashes, and strewed them on their heads, facing westward. Then, having offered up a certain prayer, they saluted each other, and went every one his own way, and he returned to his post. I asked how long he had been there, and was told that it was some years ; and that neither sun nor rain could drive him away ; nor would he leave that spot but on his natural occasions. I relate what I and pictures of as many more, very various in plan and proportion, but never stumpy enough to be called in English " pedestals " or "pyramids." 1 " Candelero? probably a brass stand for many small lamps, certainly not what we now call a " chandelier." Hindu sacristans do not even yet like candles. 2 Crutches like this are in common use, though not universal, amongst Hindu and Musalman ascetics in India, and (I am told) amongst Western dervishes. They are often of very curious form, natural or artificial, and sometimes of metal. A man of Ahmadabad, calling himself a fakir (with doubtful claim), but well known as a bad character, came before a magistrate with a petition, holding a steel crutch in a manner that attracted attention. The magistrate suddenly stepped forward, and drew from it a very effective blade, as of a sword- cane, over a foot long, to which the crutch-head formed a haft, like that of a Malay kris. The whole length of the crutch is usually about eighteen inches, which confirms my conjecture that Teixeira's " palmo " was of about nine our " span." 3 I have frequently been assured by respectable Jogis and Gosais that wood ashes are very comfortable wear. They are certainly (as Properly prepared for that purpose) " very clean dirt ;" much less offen- sive to the " Europe nose " than the vegetable oils used by many natives, and not a little antiseptic. Good ascetics are usually healthy. 4 It appears that the first " loguy" was the chief, and that the others, who came to him and brought him fuel, were his chelas, or disciples. KINGS OF PERSIA. 213 saw as an instance of the usual practice of those poor wretches, and what pains they take to go to hell, while we trouble ourselves so little to win heaven. 1 .... [In another digression Teixeira says that the name Chin (China) was used by the Persians, in a general way, for the countries to the East (Tartary, etc.). He then proceeds : ] The most and best of the rhubarb 2 comes from Gax Khar, 3 or Kax Ghar, a city of Usbek, a province near Kethao Kothan ; they call it reuandchiny. that is, "rhubarb of China," to distinguish it from that collected in Persia and Karason. This they call reuand- aspy, or "horse rhubarb," because they doctor horses with it. The Portuguese also bring it from China, and I have seen some of this very good, but not equal to the other, nor does it keep good so long. Some say that its inferior quality and durability are caused by the Chinese boiling it, to use the decoction themselves. But they are wrong, for the truth is, that this drug is naturally inferior. Moreover, it comes from China by sea to India, whose regions, and especially those where dwell the Portuguese, are very damp ; and, however short be its time there, before re-export to Portugal, perforce it suffers, and loses much of its quality and effect. The rhubarb plant is like a turnip. It produces, from a short stem, some little leaves near the ground. 4 It is dug up when ripe, and cut in pieces, which are the lumps 5 brought hither to us. These are strung up on threads through the 1 It is only fair to the Indian ascetics to observe that a good many of them are men of genuine piety and decent habits, according to their lights ; and this is as true of Hindus as of Musalmans. Some are men of ability and energy, and even of learning. Their general ill-repute amongst Englishmen is due partly to our prejudice against asceticism in general, and partly to the extravagances and insolence of some of their number ; but most of all to the criminal habits of their worst specimens, and to the use of their profession, as a disguise, by common criminals, who have never been members of any regular order whatever. 2 Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta's Colloquio XL VIII, and Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 101. D. F. 3 This is the modern Kashgar in Turkistan ; by no means the " Gax Khar" of " Gueylon" mentioned above (p. 208). 4 " Hojas menudas y poco llevantados." Perhaps Teixeira had not seen even the Persian plant in leaf. It is clear that he had not seen anything but the prepared form of Rheum officinale, "a perennial plant resembling the common garden rhubarb, but of larger size" (Pharmacographia, sub voce). But the stress which he lays upon the durability of rhubarb brought overland from Northern Asia is justified by Mr. Hanbury's notice of specimens "eighty years old, and still sound and good" (ibidem). Garden rhubarb is Rheum rhaponticum. 5 "Boletos." 214 APPENDIX B. middle, and put to dry in the open air. Some one has written that the people string them so as to hang them round their cattle's necks, and so smuggle them from one kingdom to another, the export being forbidden. But he was ill-informed; for it is not forbidden now, nor ever was; and there is such plenty of rhubarb where it is collected that one man, a weight of about thirty-six ounces, is commonly worth a sady, that is, just half a real. 1 [Then follow some more remarks on the Tartar Empire, where, says the writer, much pure gold is found. He continues : ] Also there is brought thence [from Western China, Mongolia, etc.] most of the almiscar, which the Arabs and Persians call mexk, mesk, or mosk. A rat, too, is called moxk in Persian. 2 But this is not because the perfumed rats of India, who smell most sweetly of musk, are any kin of the animals which produce the same. For these last are gazelles, large animals like a sort of deer, and the others are very little rats, like those that we call musaraneus. 3 All the musk brought from places outside China, as from Bengal, Pegu, and other occasional sources, is better [than the Chinese]. The reason is that it has not come into the hands of the Chinamen, whose spirit suffers them not to let anything pass them in its purity. 4 [The Mongol peoples are then referred to ; and the writer mentions the calanbd (calumba), and says : ] It is a wonderful thing that in one trunk of one tree 5 are found very often the calanbd and the aguyla, or lign aloes, and another 1 From the Lyvro dos Pesos da Ymdia, by Ant. Nunez (printed in Subsidies para a Historia da India Portugueza, Lisbon, 1868), we learn that at Hormuz (in 1554) rhubarb was sold by maos da tara (i.e., maunds with a tare or allowance), each mao having a picota, or additional allowance, of 28 Hormuz maticals, making (according to Nunez) 2 lb., 5 oz., if mat. (see pp. 12, 52). According to the same authority (see pp. 25, 63), the Hormuz $adi was worth 100 dinars, or in modern Portuguese currency, as computed by the editor, Sr. R. J. de Lima Felner, nearly 15 reis (say 3 farthings). D. F. 2 Mush, mushchah, practically the same word as the Latin mus, our mouse, etc. Teixeira very critically proceeds to point out that we must not confuse mice and rats, particularly " musk-rats," with musk deer. His compliment to the rats (which are shrews, Crocidura murina, and C. ccerulea) will scarcely be echoed by the Anglo-Indian public, by whom the flavour is found a trifle too strong. 3 That is, shrew mice ; a sound scientific observation, marking our author as a naturalist. 4 A rather lame but literal rendering. The original is well worth giving : " Chinas, cuyo animo no sufre dexar alguna cosa en su pureza." [Cf. Garcia de Orta, ff. 74, 184 v D. F.] 5 Aquilaria agallocha. [Cf. Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 95. D. F.] KINGS OF PERSIA. 215 wood different from both, 1 as I frequently found by proof. The reason is, when those trees are cut they are thrown into the mud by the rivers, wherein the useless wood rots away, but the good remains. This wood is found also in the forests of Malaca, and of the neighbouring kingdom of Pan, which the Portuguese call Pao. 2 The Arabs and Persians call the aguila, or lign aloes, ud, and the kalambd kalumbuk? And now that I have briefly dealt with this precious wood, I will digress just a little 4 about sandalwood, 5 whereof the white is of no less virtue than the yellow. This is no separate species, only the white turned a little bitter by some cause or chance. 6 It is got in Thimor, an island five hundred miles from Malaca, and is called in the Thimor language chandaua? which the Persians and Arabs corrupt a little to sandal, and the Latins after them to sandalo. [Then follows a description of how the trees grow and the wood is obtained ; and some stories are told to exemplify the guileless- ness of the inhabitants of Timor. The writer proceeds : ] There are in this isle [Thimor] other woods of much virtue, but less thought of, as not articles of trade, Such are viddre pute, meaning " white apple," and viddre lahor, that is " sea-apple," both which names are Malay, and the plants very medicinal. 8 And in 1 See Garcia de Orta's Colloquio XXX ; Linschoten, vol. i, pp. 122, 1 50, and footnotes. D. F. 2 Represented by modern Pahang. 3 I cannot find kahimbuk, or anything like it, in Persian, Arabic, or Hindustani. [Johnson's Pers.-Arab.-Eng. Diet, has " P. kalambak, A fragrant kind of wood. D. F.] Ud means lign aloes in all of them. 4 " Dire sin mucho error" 5 Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta's Colloquio XL1X, and Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 102-105. D. F. c The whole of this passage might be written to-day by people not stupid, nor ill-educated, but having had just about Teixeira's chances. He goes on to tell second-hand yarns about the sandalwood trade in Timor. One thing clear is, that Teixeira knew little or nothing about the sandalwood of Peninsular India, though it is the same plant. 7 Sic : a misprint for chandana, which is the Sanskrit name. D. F. 8 Garcia de Orta (f. 33) says of the ber or bor fruits (fruits of Zizyphus jujuba, var.) that the Malays call them vidaras. The names mentioned by Teixeira are, as he says, Malay, or rather Javanese, the correct spelling being widara putih and widara laut ("lahor" being a misprint for " lahot? and the h being silent as in " taheis," infra, p. 226). His translation of the names is correct. Crawfurd's Malay Dictionary explains bidara (Malay), or widara (Jav.) as "name of an esculent fruit, Zizyphus jujuba" ; and "bidara lahut " as " name of 2l6 APPENDIX B. Solor, a neighbouring island, is a wood which we call in Portu- guese " Solor wood " ; no less efficient ; and an antidote against poisons, called befyla, after a Mahometan who discovered it. It is just like cobbler's wax, and much valued. 1 [Then come some more remarks on the habits of the people of Timor, and on the sandalwood trade ; the digression ending with an explanation of dibd (a rich kind of silk), and mad (maund).] CHAPTERS XXIII-XXVI. [Chapters XXIII-XXVI are very short (the first occupying only eight lines), and the only digression is a small one in Chapter XXV, explanatory of the title Babakhon^ a plant." In' Forbes's A Naturalists Wanderings in the Eastern Archipelago, pp. 497-523, will be found a pretty full Prodromus Flora Timorensis, from which it appears (p. 502) that Timor possesses three varieties of Zizyphus, viz. Z. celtidifolius, DC. ; Z. timoriensis, DC. ; and Z.jujuba, Lam. Probably two of these are to be identified with the "white" and "sea" jujubes of Teixeira. D. F. 1 Solor is the small island between Timor and Flores, and must not be confounded with the island of Salayar off the south-west arm of Celebes (see Linschoten's " Map of the Eastern Seas " in The Voyage of John Saris, and the footnotes on pp. 11 and 205 of that book, the latter of which is, I think, erroneous). Ribeiro (Fatal. Hist, de Ceilao, p. 232) gives a very brief description of the island, in which, when he wrote his work (1685), the Portuguese still had a footing ; and he couples it with Timor as producing sandal. A detailed description of Solor and Timor, and events in their history down to 1721, will be found in Valentyn's Oud en Nieuiv Oost-Indien, deel III, stuk ii, pp. 120-127 (see also map at p. 37). For further information on the two islands, see Crawfurd's Diet, of the Indian'Jslands, s. vv.; Stanford's Compendium of Geography and Travel, Australasia, vol. ii, pp. 368, 369 ff. ; Forbes's A Naturalisfs Wanderings in the Eastern Archi- pelago, p. 415 et seq.\ A. R. Wallace's Malay Archipelago, p. 141 et seq. The " pao de Solor" (Solor wood) was, I believe, the same as the " pao da cobra" (snake-wood) of which Garcia de Orta treats in his Colloquio XLII (see also Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 104), and of which he mentions three kinds. Prof. V. Ball says : " The identity of these is very doubtful, as the descriptions are rather vague. It is possible, however, that they may be identical with the following : Cocculus acuminatus, D'C. ; Hemidesmus indicus, R. Brown ; Strychnos colu- brina, Linn." (Proc. of Royal Irish Acad., 3rd ser., vol. i, p. 656). I cannot identify "belyla"; but it is curious that in Malaysia one of the commonest names for beeswax, which has always formed a chief article of export from Timor, is Malay lilin. This, with a prefix, may be the origin of " belyla." I doubt the existence of Teixeira's alleged Muhammadan discoverer. D. F. KINGS OF PERSIA. CHAPTER XXVII. [This chapter consists chiefly of a lengthy digression, beginning with a reference to Kerma'n, in connection with which the writer says : ] In four parts of Persia there is much [rose-water] made ; the best is distilled in Xyraz and Yazd. Inferior sorts are made in Kermon and Duzgun, 1 by infusion and decoction, for which reason they are easily spoiled. In Persian, it is called either gulab, which means simply " rose-water," or areka gul, that is, " sweat of roses," a name fit enough for the distilled sorts. The decocted sorts are exported from Kermon yearly to all the East, in great quantities. [Teixeira then takes up the subject of carpets, and, after giving some facts thereanent, goes on to say : ] The name of Al Catifa, which we give in Portuguese [to carpets], arose before the kings of Harmuz settled in the isle of Gerun, where now they dwell, and call it after their ancient seat. The fairs and trade that are now there were then managed on another isle named Keis, as I have said in treating of Harmuz. 2 The Arab merchants who frequented it came and went by Katifa, a port on the Arabian mainland, in the province of Lasah, 3 and opposite the Isle of Barhen, and carried their goods thence to various parts. The carpets were among the chief articles of this trade, and when asked whence they brought these, they would say "Al Catifa," 4 that is," from Catifa," and hence the name would seem to have stuck to them. So, because seed-pearls are chiefly fished on the coast of lulfar, a port in Arabia in the same Persian Gulf, they came to be called Al lulfar that is, " of lulfar" and we corrupt this a little into aljofar? 1 On " Duzgun," see supra, p. 209, n. D. F. 2 See supra, p. 162, et seq. 3 El Hasa, El Ahsa, of different maps. [See supra, pp. 29, 174. D. F.] 4 An ingenious and not unscientific bit of etymology. However, katifa is now Arabic for velvet, and Persian carpets have a pile, like velvet, in some cases of silk. The etymological reader can form his own opinion. * This derivation seems doubtful. [It is copied from G. de Orta, op. cit., f. 138-^. D. F.] For jawhar is Arabic for a pearl, and quite as near the Portuguese aljofar, as Julfar is. I cannot find this port on any modern map or chart. It sent fifty boats to the pearl fishery in Teixeira's time (see above, p. 176), which was half the strength of the Bahrein squadron, and equal to that of Bandar Nakhalu. I am inclined to conjecture that it may have been on the coast near Ras-al-Khaima. It is to be remembered here, that Teixeira's initial I probably repre- sents the Arabic "Yd," not"]\m." [Regarding Julfar, see Barbosa, p. 34 ; Varthema, p. 93, n. ; Comment, of Af. Dalb., vol. i, p. 246, n., and Map of Arabia at p. 80 ; Hist, of Imdms of 'Oman, p. 322, n. D. F.] 2l8 APPENDIX B. Kermon also produces tutia, 1 which the Persians in their own language call tutyah. It is found in that province alone, and there only in one mountain-range, distant from the city about twelve farsanghes, that is, six-and-thirty miles, whence it is exported to all the world in great quantities. It is made by kneading up the earth of the mountain with pure water, and covering therewith certain clay moulds. Next they bake these in furnaces like a potter's, draw them out when well baked, and strip them. What is stripped off is the tutia, which is after- wards carried in boxes to Harmuz, for sale. Those who buy it class it as stone tutia, whereof much is brought, or as dust. These are sold separately, but both are used and both effective. 2 The Doctor Garcia Dorta was ill-informed, who, in his Dialogues about the simples of India, says that tutia is made of the ashes of a tree and fruit called gune.' A There is indeed a fruit in Persia which they call gaonf of the size and shape of cherry- stones, covered with a green and yellow skin, which the natives eat as we do pine seeds. They say that its effect is very different 1 Cf. what follows with G. de Orta's Colloquio LVI. See also Yule's Marco Polo, vol. i, p. 130 ; and Royal Asiatic Society's Journal, vol. xiii, N. S., p. 497. D. F. 2 " Tutty " does not seem now to be the name of any ore of zinc, but of a by-product of the brass-foundries. In this passage I take it to be either " blende " or " calamine stone," probably the latter. It is not now, I think, exported from Karmdn by sea. 3 G. de Orta (pp. tit., f. 216) spells the word goan. Dr. V. Ball, in Proc. of the Royal Irish Acaict., 3rd Series, vol. i, p. 678, says, referring to Garcia de Orta's statement : " Its preparation from the ashes of wood is absurd. The sulphate may have been collected as an efflorescence from rocks in Persia, as it is known to be in Afghanistan now, and the oxide prepared from it by roasting." D. F. 4 This, by the description, should be the pistachio, Pistacia vera. I cannot verify this in the dictionaries, but Brandis has " Gewdun " as a vernacular name for P. Khinjak, a closely-allied tree of the same regions : it may be a local name for P. -vera. [Mr. A. Houtum- Schindler, in his " Notes on Marco Polo's Itinerary in Southern Persia," in the Royal Asiatic Society's Journal, vol. iii, N. S., p. 497, says : " The name Tutfd for collyrium is not now used in Kermdn . . . The lampblack used as collyrium is always called Surmah. . . . In the high mountains of the province . . . Surmah is the root of the Gavan plant (Garcia's goan). This plant, a species of Astragalus, is on those mountains very fat and succulent ; from it also exudes the Tragacanth gum. The root is used dry, as an eye-powder, or mixed with tallow, as an eye-salve. It is occasionally collected on iron gratings. Tutid is the Arabicised word dudhd, Persian for smokes. . . . Teixeira's Tutfa" was an impure oxide of zinc, perhaps the above-mentioned Tutia"-i-safid (white Tutia", apparently an argillaceous zinc ore), baked into cakes ; it was probably the East India Company's Lapis Tuti'd, also called Tutty." D. F.] KINGS OF PERSIA, 2IQ from that of tutia, which is produced and prepared in Kermon as above said. Kermon produces another thing no less useful, and found in no other country, that is, wormwood, 1 which we call in Portuguese lonbriquercC- and the Persians in their tongue dram nah Kermony, meaning both a medicine of Kermon and a medicine against worms. For dram nah is the proper name of that drug, 3 and Kermon is equivocal, meaning either the kingdom of that name, or worms. Hence we call a dye kermezy, because of the worms that make the grain. [Here follows a story of a prince and a skull, told by a famous Persian poet, Coaia Yafez, in which the word kermon is played on. Teixeira then proceeds : ] Kermon also produces surmah, which is a certain stone, black and translucid, as if sprinkled with black sand. There are two sorts, one brought from Kermon and Karazon, which is the best and most esteemed ; and another called moky, as coming from Meka or Moka, in the Red Sea. 4 The Arabs, Persians, and Indians all use this surmdh much against diseases of the eyes, to which they apply it, mixed with other simples ; and also for mere ornament, both men and women, and they think themselves to look the better for it. But not such was the opinion of a Persian lover, who saw his dear with her eyes so painted no doubt fine dark eyes, as nearly all Persians have them, men and women. For he said to her, amongst other compliments, " Chesm Siah dary Surmah che 1 Some species of Artemisia, or " southernwood." The restriction of this drug to Karma'n is very odd, as the genus and several efficient species are very widely distributed. 2 Sic, for lombrigueira. D. F. 3 This I cannot verify, but harm (Pers.) does mean a worm or maggot, and Teixeira's derivation of kermes (a red dye) is one generally admitted. The " grain " in question is the little round lump produced on Quercus cocci/era by the insect. [Johnson's Pers. Diet, gives dirmana = wormwood. As regards the dye, see New Eng. Diet., s. vv. " Alkermes," " Cramoisy," " Crimson," " Grain," and " Kermes." D. p.] 4 The confusion of these two very distinct and distant cities is rather odd, and is one of a good many bits of evidence that one cannot depend much on Teixeira but as an eye-witness. [See also infra, Bk. n, chap. xxxi. D. F.] The surma in question is the black antimony used throughout the East as an application to (or rather around) the eyes ; and Teixeira's remark about Queen Jezebel is quite sound, and has been echoed by a good many who did not owe their opinions to him. The Spanish word that he uses for " painted " (alcaholadas) is itself derived from an Arabic word for the same drug, though he does not notice the etymology. 220 APPENDIX B. tacony t" as it were : " What dost thou with surmah, whose black eyes need none?" This must have been the cosmetic used by the perverse lesabel, the wife of Achab, when she showed herself at the window with her eyes 1 painted, to please the captain who bade slay her CHAPTER XXVIII. [Chapter XXVIII contains no digression.] CHAPTER XXIX. [This chapter contains two digressions. The first, a very lengthy one, commences with a reference to the practice of hunt- ing in Persia, and some remarks on the word gur. The writer then continues : ] The commonest form of the chase, in Persia and other parts of the East, is the use of birds and four-footed beasts. With the birds they pursue other birds, as here, and also other creatures, such as deer, gazelles, hares, etc. And the way of it is this : that a trained falcon, or other bird of prey, cast off after such a creature, perches on its head between the horns, and pecks at its eyes, worrying and delaying it until the greyhounds come up and catch it. And with beasts they have several ways. They have onsas, or tame leopards, 2 which they take with them in their following in carts for that purpose. Private men carry them on their horses' croups, on steel plates, so that their claws may not hurt the horses. They have also many very good and swift grey- hounds. They have the same game as here, and some different, such as gazelles. These are a sort of deer, but more slender. Their horns are sharp, not forked, 3 but twisted like a screw. They have 1 "Face" in our English "Authorised Version," "eyes" in the Revised, as here. European men are not easily reconciled to this sort of ornament ; but, after all, it is neither very ugly nor very dangerous. 2 These, of course, were chitas (Cyncelurus jubatus], and not " ounces" proper. From the mention of their having been carried on the horses' backs I suppose some to have been lynxes (Felis Caracal), lighter beasts, and so fitter for that position. Both are natives of Persia. 3 " Derechos" which can only mean here that they are not forked. The usual meaning of " straight " is forbidden by the context, and untrue to r/ature. Teixeira's "gazelle" probably stands for several species that he must have seen, including perhaps the Indian black buck, which really has spiral horns. Those of gazelles are lyrate, more KINGS OF PERSIA. 221 great eyes, wonderfully expressive ; and when a Persian boasts the bright eyes of a lady, he says that they are like a gazdt's, for so they call the creature. 1 The flesh is very wholesome, and of good flavour. There are some wild sheep, which the Persians call pdgen? These, like the gazelles, wander always in rugged places, and are not very unlike our common sheep, but bigger and stouter, and of wonderful strength. I saw one harnessed to a bronze demi-falcon, which he drew without difficulty. They have horns like our sheep, but each as great as half the hoop of a wine pipe, thick, and reaching back so far as to cover their haunches. This is a pro- vision of Nature, who has made them so that when chased by men and dogs they can safely jump down from cliff or crag, seeking ever the most perilous. And so they jump down horns foremost, roll over them, and escape in safety from their pursuers. 3 [The hunting of deer with deer is then described : wild cows are mentioned, from whose tails are made combalas (chdmaras or chowries) ; then the writer passes to elephants, describes the method of catching them, and relates other particulars concerning them; stating that in 1590, when Joao Correa de Brito was captain of the fortress of Columbo in Ceylon, 4 a female elephant at Seita- vaca, 5 the court of Raiu, the last heathen king of that island, developed a pair of tusks, which the monarch regarded as a great token of luck. Teixeira then proceeds : ] It is not true of the rhinoceros, which we call badcfi in Portu- guese, that he conquers the elephant, 7 for I have several times seen one to flee from the very sight of an elephant. These or less, but ringed with ridges, which may have suggested the idea of the screw. G. subgutturosa is the Persian species par excellence. [See Eastern Persia, vol. ii (by W. T. Blanford), p. 91. D. F.] 1 Cf. supra, p. 193. D. F. 2 Cf. Appendix C, and see next footnote. D. F. 3 This is a very old story, told in many lands about many sheep and goats, and few authorities venture altogether to discredit it. But we may be allowed to suppose that even the most acrobatic of goats would go rather on his heels than on his head. I do not find " pagen" in dictionaries, but pdsang is a long-known Persian name of this ibex, and Blanford gives pdchin as a Baluch synonym {Fauna of India, Mammalia, Capra czgagrus). [See also Eastern Persia, vol. ii (by W. T. Blanford), p. 89. D. F.] 4 He was appointed to this post in 1581, but did not take it up until the end of 1583. He defended Columbo successfully against the successive attacks of" Rajii" (Raja Sinha I), until 1590, when he was succeeded by Simao de Brito. D. F. 6 See footnote, infra, chap. xxxv. D. F. 6 See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " Abada." D. F. 7 Cf. this and what follows with Garcia de Orta, ff. 88 v and 128 ; and Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 8-11, D. F. 222 APPENDIX B. animals are sometimes hunted in the East. Their horns are really of great virtue against poisons and other ills, 1 and especially those of animals killed in Bengala, Orracam, and Siam. Those of Africa, though greater, are not held as good. [Then come some observations on tigers in Malabar, Bengal, and Malacca, with a description of how they were killed in the island of Manner, off Ceylon. (There are, as a fact, no tigers in any part of Ceylon.) Fishing is the next subject dealt with ; and the methods of catching fish and waterfowl on the River Indus are described. Our author then proceeds : ] In 2 the strait of Sincapura and Romanya, 3 which is between Malaca and lor, toward the south, the Seletes, 4 which are a cer- tain people that are born, bred, and live on the sea in very little boats, gaining their living sometimes by fishing and at others by robbing ; sell the fish that go swimming under the water ; and, having settled the price, get it out and deliver it to the buyer, being so dexterous and sure thereat that they never miss. The same is said to take place in China, at Canton. These Seletes, when they give a daughter in marriage, give her as a dowry one of those little boats, with two oars and a gaff; and the bride and bridegroom being placed therein, they commit them to the current of the tide, by which they let themselves be carried until they come to land ; and there where they touch is the place of their habitation when they are on land : that is, if it be not occu- pied by others, which if it is, they continue to follow the waves until they pitch upon a free spot [Fishing in Japan is then referred to ; after which comes the following : ] In the Bay of Mascate there is great plenty of fish. This place is an Arab settlement, with a Portuguese fortress, on the Arabian coast, within the Persian Gulf; standing in 23^ degrees north latitude, that is, right under the Tropic of Cancer. 5 The fish are 1 See Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe (Hakluyt Soc.), p. 290 and foot- note. D. F. 2 I am responsible for the translation of this paragraph, which Mr. Sinclair intended to insert here, as a note left by him shows. D. F. 3 See supra, p. 3. D. F. 4 The " Cellates " of Barros, who describes them in much the same language as that of Teixeira (Dec. 77, Liv. vi, cap. i). Our author refers to these sea-dwellers in his Voyage (p. 3, supra). The name appears to be derived from Malay sdlat= strait, or sdlatan = south, southern. They are now known by the name of ordng-laut = " men of the sea," or " sea people" (see Crawfurd's Dictionary of the Ind. Islands, s. v.}. D. F. 5 Not quite : " Fisher's Rock " is in 23 deg. 38 min. N. lat., 58 deg. 36 min. E. Ion., and is " the bench mark." KINGS OF PERSIA. 223 dried and sent over all India, and so abundant and easy to catch that often a hungry cat will come down to the beach and lay her tail in the water, to which the little fishes come and take hold of it. When she feels them fast, with a whisk of her tail she lays them high and dry, and satisfies her appetite. This seems strange, but less so if one considers what curious means of providing for themselves many animals have discovered. And this may be found the more credible from what befell myself in that very bay in the year 1587, when I was there in a fleet. 1 I happened to see the galley-slaves fishing, with no more tackle than their hands, which they dipped in the water, and pulled out the fish. I wondered, and on asking I learnt that they tied a little bit of fish within the thumb, which the fishes came to nibble at, and so were seized in the hand and pulled out. To make sure, I did so myself, and caught several. 2 There are in the East the hypopothamos, the ox-fish, the pig- fish, and one called the woman-fish, for that it much resembles one in the shape of the sexual organ. [Teixeira then refers to the abominable use of this fish by cer- tain Moors on the coast of Melinde, the truth of which he vouches for from his personal inquiries when in those parts. 3 He con- tinues : ] Of the bones of this fish they make, commonly, rosaries, rings, and other trinkets, much valued in India because they are said to be of great virtue in checking any flow of blood. But I for many years made careful trial of this, and of other things that the Indian people put forth as miraculous, and had no profit of it ; though I confess that there are in the East many drugs of admir- able virtue and strange properties. 4 1 As to how he came there, see Introduction. Teixeira visited Maskat again in 1604 (see supra, p. 18). D. F. 2 Ma'skat has always been famous for the multitude of its sea-fish, and still exports a good deal. The story of the galley-slaves is proba- ble enough, especially if we remember that they must have been negroes or Asiatics, and mostly of maritime races. I have myself seen and done such things, but the fish caught were mere fry. As for the cats, I know that fish are sometimes foolish enough for this story to be true, but I doubt the cat's being clever enough. [Cf. Ant. Galvao, p. 102. D. F.] 3 Antonio Galvao makes the same assertion (see Hakluyt Soc. ed. of Discoveries of the World, p. 43, where the translator of 1601 and the editor of 1862 have conspired to misinterpret ludicrously the original). D. F. 4 Of these four " fishes " the hippopotamus requires no notice, and I cannot identify the " pesce buey" or ox-fish ; possibly a " horned ray." [Perhaps Oslracion quadricorne (see New Eng. Diet., s. -v. " Cow-fish"). D. F.J The pig-fish may be supposed to be a porpoise. 224 APPENDIX B. There are many and terrible crocodiles in various Eastern countries, as in Africa in the rivers of Cuama and many others ; in the Ganges in Bengal; in Pegu andTanasarin and much more and greater in Malaca, where there is scarce a day that they do not carry off people in the river. 1 For as the natives use the river much, are constantly in it to wash themselves, or for other purposes, the crocodile comes quietly, and catches his man by the legs, and carries him off without anyone being able to inter- fere, because the victim is dragged under water, and no more seen of him. A few crocodiles are caught sometimes, but in no proportion to their great number. When Don luan de Gama, brother of the Count of Vedigueyra, was Governor of that fortress of Malaca, 2 there was there a native of that country who would sometimes betake himself to the river San Geronimo, that bathes the walls of the city, and repeat certain words, upon which the crocodiles came to him. Then, with more words, he would take one or two of them, put ropes about their necks, and lead them off through the city. When they had come to the Captain's house he bade them salute, and they did so ; and then he took them back to the river, and turned them loose, and they went away harmlessly and quietly. This he did several times ; but at last he probably made some mistake in his incanta- tion. For, as he turned loose a crocodile, of a pair that he had brought down to the river, it took leave of him with a stroke of its tail over the head, and laid him dead on the spot. 3 The royal Prophet 4 assures us that such witchcrafts are possible ; and, besides his word for this, we see them commonly in India. For the Gentiles there are wont to carry through the streets and houses bewitched serpents, some of them very great and dreadful. These they make dance to the sound of a flute, and coil them [See New Eng. Diet., s. v. " Hog-fish." D. F.] And the woman-fish must be the dugong (Halicore). The belief that various bones and stones can prevent bleeding is still current in the East, with a lot of similar kabala, or mystic " hocus-pocus," about which Asiatics are usually very shy of talking to Englishmen, for fear of mockery. Vide our own Comment, of Af. Dalb., vol. iii, pp. x, 62, for another etymology. 1 Cf. Linschoten, vol. i, p. 93 ; vol. ii, p. 1 5. D. F. 2 He held the post from 1580, or a little earlier, until December, 1582. D. F. 3 There is probably some foundation of fact for this story, absurd as it appears in its present dress. It will be noticed that Teixeira does not speak as an eye-witness. But there is no kind of humbug that people will not practice and believe about such matters, and no limit to the growth of the stories. As a matter of fact, a half-mad fakir did once bring a young crocodile before myself, and make it " saldm," by force. 4 In Psalm Iviii, 4, 5. KINGS OF PERSIA. 225 around their own necks, and do other posturings with them, handling them unhurt. And though some say that this is because the snakes have no fangs, which are drawn while they are young, experience shows the contrary. For several times, when provoked, or not fully bound by the spell, they have been known to do much harm amongst the spectators. 1 Having said so much about the crocodiles, there occurs to me the case of one, worth knowing, which at the reader's pleasure may pass with the rest, for that it is true. Francisco de Silva de Menezes, who was Captain and Governor of Malaca, 2 sent to Don Francisco Tello de Menezes, Governor of the Felipinas, 3 a present whereof one item was a little young elephant with his cornaquaf that is, the Indian who managed him. This elephant out at pasture in the Isle of Manilla felt thirsty, and went to drink at the river of Parannaque, 5 which was near. When he went into the water, there came a crocodile, and took him by one fore-foot so tight, that with all his strength, do what he might, the elephant could not get rid of him ; until, in great pain and wrath, he put his trunk under water, and about the crocodile, and dragged him ashore, where he had enough to do with him. But at last he held the crocodile down, with one fore-foot on his breast, and quartered him, pulling off the legs with his trunk. A few days after this happened, in June, 1600, 1 found myself in that very place, on the river of Parannaque. 6 [The author adds that he had been told of another fight between a tiger and a crocodile in the river of Cuama.] In the kingdom of Champa, which lies between Comboia and 1 In India, west of the Ganges, the performing snakes' fangs are usually drawn, but grow again ; and as the poison is always there, and the ordinary teeth can scratch, the extraction does not make the snake " safe" to handle. The Burmese snake-charmers are said never to meddle with the fangs ; and such accidents as Teixeira mentions, though uncommon, are still quite possible. 2 To the beginning of 1599, when he was succeeded, apparently, by Martin Affonso de Mello (see Couto, Dec. XII, Liv. I, cap. xvi ; and p. i, n., supra}. From a royal letter of 1605 (in Doc. Rem., torn. I, p. 41), it appears that he got into trouble for not looking after the China fleet on the voyage from Malacca. D. F. 3 Couto (Dec. XII, Liv. II, cap. xi) mentions him as Governor of Manila in 1598. D. F. 4 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. " Cornac." D. F. 5 Parannaque is on modern maps, as a southern suburb of Manila- The expression, "Isle of Manilla," probably refers to the fact that part of the coast, including Paranaque, is isolated by creeks, more or less. 8 See Introduction. D. F. 226 APPENDIX B. Cochin China, and all along the coast of the Indian South Sea, 1 there are bred certain birds, not unlike swallows, which breed at a certain season, and during their nuptials cast forth from their bills a sticky saliva ; whereof, taught by provident Nature, they make nests on the steep rocks and crags, with wonderful skill, casting it one after the other until it comes, when dry, to be a nest, of the shape of a great ladle, with unusually high sides. Their love- making and their nest are finished at about the same time, and they lay their eggs in it, and hatch their young. These nests are so abundant that there are gathered of them yearly many picos, or quintals, which are exported to China, where the Chinamen buy them to eat, at fifty taheis? which make about one hundred ducats for the quintal, or more than that. For they say that they are very good for the brain and belly ; and some Portuguese who have eaten of the same do not speak ill of them, but praise them highly. In the year 1597, when I was sailing from Goa to Malaca, 3 in the waters whereof we experienced great calms, I wished to see an islet to which we lay near, called Pulo larra, that is, the Isle of larra. 4 I landed there, and saw and noted, amongst other things, these birds and their nests. Of these last I brought away a good lot to the ship, and to Malaca, where I gave them to the Chincheos, 5 who valued them much. Nor can I think less wonderful the matter of some hens, in the parts of Maluco, whose eggs, if set in a box or closed place, hatch out chickens in a few days, with no help but of their 1 " The text runs " Comboia y Cochin China en el mar del sur de la India par toda la costa del Mardel" etc. " Comboia" is " Cambodia," and Champa was the region between Saigon and Cochin China, but the French have probably rechristened it. [See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " Champa." D. F.] " Mardel " is no place at all, but simply a writer's or printer's error, beginning to repeat " mar del sur" etc., and stopping short. The passage as rendered states the facts as they are, and as the traveller (who was better informed on the subject than many great naturalists of later days) clearly meant to state them. The edible nests are found on the whole Southern coast of the East Indies, from British India, north of Goa, to the China Seas, and they are built as he describes the process. The birds are species of Collocalia. 2 That is, taels. The usual Portuguese plural form of tael is taeis ; Teixeira's interjected h does not alter the pronunciation (cf. note on p. 215, supra). D. F. 3 See Introduction. D. F. 4 Probably Pulo Jarak, near the middle of Malacca Strait, in 3 deg. 59 min. N. lat, 100 deg. 5^ min. E. long. It is " precipitous, thickly wooded," and in a general way just the island for the birds, and for the little adventure (China Sea Directory, vol. i, p. 166, 4th ed., 1896). 6 Japanese ? [Rather, Chinese of Fuh-kien (see supra, pp. 3 and 7). Stevens has " C kineses." D. F.] KINGS OF PERSIA. 227 natural virtue. And if they are not looked to, when their place is opened they fly away. 1 [Teixeira then returns to his history ; but after a few pages again digresses on the subject of Arabia, the most valuable product of which he speaks of as -follows : ] Incense, 2 which the Persians call kondoruch, and Arabs loban. From this last name comes that of Benioyn, which they call loban laoy that, is, " incense of laoa" and we corruptly Benioyn. 3 This is found in various places, as Pegu, in the king- dom of Olanion, where it is abundant and of good quality, Siam and Camboia, where the Javans do a great trade in it; in Sunda, and in Samatra, where it is very white, and highly valued ; [and it might be gathered in the forests of Malaca if they looked for it, since there is no lack of it there.] But the incense comes only from Arabia, and Dofar 4 is the district where it is best and most plentiful. There is also carried by the Red Sea from Arabia to India and the East much of that gum which we call amber, and physicians xarabe, both rough and made up. The last name is taken from the Arabic karobah? and that from kaf, meaning straw, and robah, to lift or attract. It is a very fit name, for the amber has that power. On the coast of Melinde there is got a gum very like this, called sandaroz. 1 Arabia produces some myrrh, though most of it is collected on the other side of the Red Sea, in Ethiopia of Africa. There is no want of it on the coast of Melinde, where they call it commonly bolo, and the Guzurates of 1 This is rather an odd story, and the traveller is justified in his wonder. But it seems to be based on some observation of the eggs of a megapode, probably Megacephalon maleo. This bird lays its eggs in the sand of the shore, like a turtle, and doubtless they could be hatched as described, as I have often hatched out turtles' eggs. 2 Cf. what follows with G. de Orta's Colloquio L V, and Linschoten, chap. 72. D. F. 3 See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " Benjamin." D. F. 4 Probably the modern Dhofar, the south-western extremity of the State of Maskat. [See supra, p. 159, n. D. F.] There is now more got from Somaliland. The subject is too big for a note, and has been amply treated of by others. 6 Kdhrabd. This derivation is in modern dictionaries, with slight alteration from Teixeira's statement. The amber was probably of northern origin. 6 Garcia de Orta (f. 43) speaks of " a gum called chamderros, which resembles crude amber ;" and Ribeiro (Fatal. Hist, de Ceilao, Liv. I, cap. xi) says : "There is another [resin] that is produced in the low lands, very clear and transparent, of the colour of amber ; the natives use it in many medicaments, and throughout the whole of India it fetches a good price, where they call it chandarrus." The substance referred to by Ribeiro is the dummala, or resin of Ceylon, possibly that dug out of the earth. The name he mentions, however, of which Q2 228 APPENDIX B. Cambay regata 1 bolo. The Arabs call it morro : not a proper name, but a common word meaning bitter. Because myrrh is so much so, they have given it that name, which the Latins have fitted to their own language. 2 The Persians call it, morrobad, that is, " bitters, good against the windy colic." Our common people confuse myrrh with Momia, but the Arabs and Persians make the proper distinction ; the Arabs call Momia mumyah, and the Persians momnahy? [Although a great part of Arabia is sterile, the remainder is fertile and well supplied.] Throughout Arabia is found that famous medicine which physicians call schenu anthos, and we Camel's Straw, or Meka Straw. 4 Either name suits it well, for Meka is in Arabia, and the grass is forage for camels. 5 [Then come some facts regarding Arabia, the dry, hot wind called suriw, that in summer blows on the coast opposite to Persia : the inhabitants on the sea coast, a miserably poor people, living on dried fish, dates and lime juice, and consequently afflicted with leprosy; and the statement that Arabia produces an incredible quantity of dates and very fine horses. The history is then resumed, and the chapter ends.] CHAPTERS XXX-XXXII. Chapters XXX-XXXII contain no digressions, but Chapter XXXIII consists of little else.] Garcia de Orta and Teixeira give variants, is Arabic and Hindustani sindanis, sandaros, sundaros, and is known in Europe as " gum sandarach." D. F. 1 Possibly this represents " Raghat" or rakhta, that is " bloody," or " red." Bol is still Persian, and found in several Indian languages, including Gujar^tf. [Cf. G. de Orta, f. 214 ; Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 99. D. F.]. 2 This derivation is so far supported by modern Arabic dictionaries that murr does mean bitter. Compare Hebrew Mdra. 3 All these words mean Egyptian mummy, or rather its drugs and dressings. Mum probably means " wax," and such substances, in Persian, and in modern Indian languages. * A pungent grass, Andropogon laniger, growing throughout the northern sub-tropical region of the old world, and long used in even European pharmacy. [The facts given by Teixeira are virtually copied from G. de Orta, f. 197. D. F.] 6 As a specimen of the liberties taken by Stevens with his original, and of the absurdities (many due to the printers) that are found in his translation, I quote his version of the above paragraph : " Tho' a great Part of Arabia be barren, all the rest is fertil and plentiful, and every where abounds in that famous Medicine, our Physicians call Schenu Anthos, and vulgarly Sqtnnend, or Camels Meat, because the Camels feed on it, and the Spaniards give it the name of Paja Mecca Straw, as growing about Mecca in Arabia." I need only add, that paja is the Spanish for '' straw," a fact of which Captain Stevens was, of course, aware. D. K. KINGS OF PERSIA. 229 CHAPTER XXXIII. [The first diversion is on the province of Nixabur, producing the Turkish stones (turquoises), the mention of which leads our author to speak of bezoar stones. He says : ] The Persians call any stone sangh, and the Arabs ager. 1 But the Persians distinguish the bezar stone 2 as pd zahar, meaning "an antidote against poison," from zahar, poison, and /a, a cure. In Arabic there is no letter/*, but B or Stakes its place, so pazahar becomes bazahar, which we corrupt a little more into bezar. This is the real meaning, and not that the stones are sold in the bazar or market, because they never are sold there. There is in the province of Pare or Persia 3 a well-known dis- trict called Sthabanon, from a city of that name therein, three days' march from Lara. 4 Its pastures abound in a plant like saffron, and feed many sheep, in whose stomachs these stones are produced. They are the best of all, and of such cost that Xa Abas, King of Persia, keeps guards there, to secure for himself all above a certain size, as the King of Pegu doth in his land in respect of gems. These sheep are somewhat different from ours, and it is known when they bear the stones, because, accord- ing to the number and size of these, they suffer and are sluggish, or are active. 5 The chief cause of the stones is that pasture, for the same sheep do not bear them on other lands. [Then comes a statement that all the inhabitants of the pro- vince of Sthabanon are bald-headed : of which fact a servant of Shall Abba's took advantage, by obtaining the royal permission to levy a poll-tax on every bald pate.] Besides those Persian bezar stones, there are some also in 1 Hajar : the pronunciation of Teixeira's " ager" would be the same in his phonetic system. The Persian word appears in the ever- lasting " sangas" of Indian border war, which are stone breastworks, and the Arabic in a rather odd place, the West African coast, where it characterises the "aggry bead." 2 Cf. what follows with G. de Orta, Colloquio XLV, and f. 225^ ; Linschoten, vol. ii, pp. 142-145. See also Baldaeus, Malabar and Coromandel, chap. xxiv. D. F. 3 Now usually called " Pars." [See p. 240, infra. D. F.] 4 Not now identifiable. The saffron plant, of course, is a crocus. [" Sthabanon," its " pagens 1 '* and bald inhabitants, are again mentioned by Teixeira in his Brief Account of the Provinces of Persia (see infra, Appendix C). The province and town in question are entered in the Survey of India Map as " Savonat" and " Savonat or Istabonat" respectively. The town lies in about 54 deg. E., 29 N., to the south- east of Lake Niris, and is about 100 miles in a direct line north-west of La> (rather more by the road via Darab). I cannot find any con- firmation of the statements our author makes in connection with this province. D. F.] 5 I.e., when not suffering from the stone. 230 APPENDIX B. India, and the second best are those of the Isle of Cows, near Manar, between Seylan and the coast of Choromandel. 1 These are produced in goats, and sometimes there are as many as thirteen in one goat, and those not very small. Here in this isle it was well seen that the pasture is the cause of the stones. For when, in 1585 A.D., there was a terrible sea-flood all along the coast, that Isle of Cows was drowned outright, and the pastures ruined by its remaining water-logged with salt water. 2 The goats, carried elsewhere to graze, produced no more stones ; but after some years the soil recovered its quality, the salt wasted away, and good pasture sprang up ; the goats came back to the isle, and they produced stones as before. The third quality of these stones includes those from the south, that is, from Malaca, Pam, Patane, Sunda, Borneo, Maniar Macem, 3 et cetera, where they abound. But the best are the Persian, and I have seen wonders wrought with them in cases of poisoning. These stones are sometimes counterfeited, but it is easy to know them, by either of two tests. The first is to take in one's hand a little lime worked up with water, and sprinkle the stone therewith, and if the lime turns yellow, and the stone is not wasted, it is genuine. The second test is better and surer, that is, to weigh the stone, put it into a vessel of water, leave it there six or seven hours, take it out, and weigh it again. If it keeps its form and weight, it is good, but if it breaks up, or melts, or gains weight, it is counterfeit. Theflazar stone is used with good effect in all cases of internal poisoning and of poisoned wounds, and in short against all ills. The Persians take it as a preventative, in March, beginning on the zoth, which they call Neu Rus, meaning New Day, because their solar year is counted from that day. 4 I have seen many bezares 1 The Ilha das Vacas referred to (not to be confused with the one off Cambay) is Neduntfvu, or Delft (as the Dutch named it). See Baldasus, Ceylon, chap, xliv (of English translation in Churchill's Collection, vol. iii), Malabar and Coromandel, chap, xxiv ; also Garcia de Orta, ff. 169^, 225 i>. The horse-breeding experiment begun by the Portuguese on this island, and continued by the Dutch and British, has, after a long period of neglect, been recently revived by the Ceylon Government. D. F. 2 These islands off the north-west of Ceylon are liable to such inundations. Baldasus (u. s.) records one that occurred in 1658. I have found no other reference to the overflow mentioned by Teixeira. D. F. 3 "Pam'' is now Pahang, celebrated by Mr. Clifford, and Maniar Macem is generally called on our maps "Banjarmasin," with varia- tions. [See supra, p. 4. D. F.]. 4 This is quite independent of the religious chronology of Isla"m starting from the Hijra, or Flight, in which the year is so short that any given festival works steadily backwards on our calendars. KINGS OF PERSIA. 231 in the city of Mexico in America, which the natives call Tenus Titian, meaning " the city of prickly pears," 2 the fruit of that bush on which the cochenilla is bred. If these were of quality equal to their size, they would be almost priceless, but they are all nearly inert, and so of no value. The largest perfect pazar stone, of many that I saw in Persia, weighed seventeen meticals and a half, or two ounces and a half, a little more or less. [Teixeira then says that from a mountain in the province of Sthabanon issued a liquid called by the Persians momnahy kony, or "precious mummy produced by the earth," and highly prized for its healing properties. Another antidote, pazar khony, from Masulipatam, is mentioned, and our author continues : ] Many other medicinal stones are produced in the bellies of beasts, as that of monkey, very like the pazar, that of the deer, which is brought from Solor, as big as a tennis-ball, 2 crusty and scaly without, spongy and fibrous within, and rather bitter. Above all, there is the stone of the porcupine, 3 which grows in his belly, of such excellent virtue that only such as have tried it can believe it without a doubt. Whereof I am a good witness, having seen its effect at different times and in various places, and especially in the city of Cochin, in the years 1590 and 1591- The Governor 4 there used up two such stones in the service of the poor, working wonders against a disease more dangerous and violent than the plague, which lasted for two whole years, and carried people off in four or five hours. 5 This was a choleraic complaint, which the Indians call morxy, and the Portuguese 1 Original, Tunas. D. F. 2 " Pelotaflamenca" I have followed Stevens's translation. 3 Regarding the pedra do porco, or hogstone, see Garcia de Orta, f. 225 v ; Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 144 ; Baldaeus, Malabar and Coro- mandel, chap. xxiv. D. F. 4 The original has " el governador que alii era!'' ("the Governor who was there"). There was only one " Governor'' in India at the time, viz., Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, who vacated the office on the arrival of the Viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque, on May I5th, 1591. But, as Teixeira wrongly describes Manoel de Sousa Coutinho as "Viceroy" (see supra, p. 210), so, I think, in this place by "Governor" he means the Captain of Cochin. The holder of that important post at the period mentioned was, apparently, Dom Jeronimo Mascarenhas, nephew of a former Viceroy, D. Francisco Mascarenhas (see Arch. Port. Or., fasc. 3, p. 261). If so, the incident recorded of him by Teixeira is in pleasing contrast to the picture drawn by Couto, whose history reveals him as a man of a violent temper, and arrogant of his rank (see Couto, Dec. X, Liv. II, cap. xi ; Liv. IV, cap. xii ; Liv. vil, caps, iv-vi ; cf. also Linschoten, vol. ii, p. 172). D. F. I can find no reference in any of the contemporary documents to this epidemic (Couto's Decade covering this period is, unhappily, lost). D. F. 232 APPENDIX B. mordexim. 1 An infusion of this stone in water is effective in all maladies, and may be safely given in all, except to pregnant women, in whose case some inconvenience may result from its extreme bitterness. These stones are produced in Syaka, a realm very near that of Malaca ; 2 and are sold, like pazars of those parts, by mazes, 5 each of three-sixteenths of an ounce, a grain or so more or less. In order to see whether the beasts which pro- duce these stones agreed with their name, I procured one from Syaka while I was in Malaca, and found it to be a porcupine, just like the common sort. 4 [Another medicinal stone, Teixeira says, is called " of the islands," or " of Cananor." He then speaks of diamonds, describ- ing the method of obtaining them in the kingdom of Lave (in Borneo), where the fine rota (rattan) and the pure camphor are found. 6 Then other precious stones are spoken of, including rubies, cat's-eyes, and coco-stones. In connection with the hard- ness of diamonds, Teixeira says : ] I remember, on the coast of Choromandel, and in Malaca, a little weed of no esteem that grows in the streets. If its tender roots be chewed, so that the teeth remain moist with its juice, and any stone, however hard, be chewed after it, the stone is reduced to dust so easily as not to hurt the teeth, or do any harm ; as proved many times in my own person, and by means of others ; which surely should make us all praise the Creator, who has granted such power to a weed. 6 No less wonderful is another plant, which was given in the Isle of Seylan to a Captain of Columbo's wife. 7 It was like an ear of barley, but black and hairy. Such was its effect in facilitating childbirth, that if good care were not taken to remove it from 1 Asiatic cholera. [See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " Mort-de-chien." D. F.] 2 In Linschoten's Map of the Eastern Seas, "Siaqa" is shown on the east coast of Sumatra, opposite to Malacca. Barros calls it " Cidca." It is the Malay state of Siyak. D. F. 3 The mdsd or mdshd of India. 4 Hystrix cristata is the European and North African porcupine. It may well have been more abundant in Spain in Teixeira's day than now. The Malacca species is now distinguished as H. longicauda. 6 See supra, p. 5. D. F. 6 I cannot identify this " weed." D. F. 7 The captain of Columbo, whose wife is here spoken of, was probably Joao Correa de Brito, referred to above (p. 221). Ac- cording to Teixeira's own statement further on, the incident here recorded took place before his visit to Ceylon, which, as we have seen (p. 210), occurred at the end of February, 1588. It must, therefore, have happened between October, 1587, and February, 1588. D. F. KINGS OF PERSIA. 233 the thigh 1 at the moment of birth, the bowels would follow the babe. 2 This has been proven a thousand times ; and I am witness of the case of that very lady who owned it. When she was with child, she got it back from a borrower and put it in a box, which her slave put under the lady's bed. It happened that she miscarried, with such a flow of blood as could not be checked, and she was like to die, and prayed for the sacrament. In preparation for this, something was wanted out of that box, which was opened, and the herb found in it. They thought that its power might have been such as to affect the patient, and took it to another house. The bleeding ceased at once, and the lady was cured completely without any return of it. This happened in Goa, and I was present. 3 I have not named these herbs, because the first has none, and the possessor of the other knew none for it ; and though I made inquiry afterwards when I was in Seylan, none could tell me about it. I pass by another which, if thrown into a vessel of water, curdles it ; 4 and yet more of wonderful qualities, found in the East, as foreign to the matter in hand. [The lapis judaicus and the lapis lazuli are then spoken of ; and the writer proceeds : ] In the Gulf of Persia, near the Isle of Gerun or Harmuz, 1 Muslo. 2 The Abbd Le Grand, in his Addition to chap, iii, Bk. I, of Ribeiro's History of Ceylon, says : "Texeira [sic] dit qu'il croit dans PIsle de Ceylan une herbe qui porte un epi semblabe [sic] a 1'epi d'orge, mais plus noir & plus barbu, qui etant applique sur le ventre d'une femme grosse, la fait accoucher aussi-tot ; & il ajoute que si on 1'y laissoit trop long-terns, 1'enfant tomberoit par morceaux, & que la femme auroit une perte de sang que rien ne pourroit guerir. Feu Monsieur Hermans [sic] Docteur en Medecine, & qui a son retour de Ceylan a donne au public une description exacte des plantes, herbes & fleurs que Ton cultive, ou qu'on tache d'elever dans le Jardin de Leyde, a fait graver une plante, que les Chingulais appellent Adhatoda, & qu'il pretend etre \Ecbolium des Grecs ; laquelle a presque la meme vertu que Texeira [sic] attribue a cette herbe qu'il ne nomme point." It will be noticed that Le Grand does not quote Teixeira quite correctly. His reference, as he shows in a footnote, is to Hermann's Hortus Acad. Lugduno-Batav., p. 642. The virtue attri- buted by Hermann to Adhatoda vasica is imaginary. D. F. 3 " Yo me halle prezente." The thing was probably ergot of rye, or some other grain ; and there is no reason to doubt the truth of this narrative, though the conclusion is a funny abuse of the " post hoc ergo propter hoc." 4 This property of some drugs is known to modern chemists. Possibly that in question was a salep. These form a thick jelly, with even forty parts of water, and are still great favourites in the East. 234 APPENDIX B. much stone is quarried from under sea, 1 which the inhabitants use in building, because it is very light. 2 They call it sangh may, that is, fish stone, 8 because it grows at the bottom of the sea, and is light. But the wonder about it is that it grows again as fast as quarried. The same is found in the Sea of Malaca, where the Portuguese use it, less as building stone than to make lime, which they report to be very good. Before I close this chapter, I would like to mention three or four things worth noting. The first is of a monkey that I saw, in whose thigh was found a pazar stone, and on breaking up this, to see its centre or nucleus, an iron arrow-head : for all those stones are built up around some central object, such as a straw, weed, twig, or sometimes a date-stone. A similar case was that when in Harmuz I would examine a xamama of amber, that is a natural ball of it, 4 and pricked it with a hot needle ; it split in two, and in the middle I found a little bird's beak and some feathers, and fragments of shells : which amazed not only rne, but others of much experience in such matters. 5 [Teixeira here harks back to the hog-stone, Apropos of which he relates two more of his " medical " stories, and in connection with the second says : ] In all India there is but one tree that is leafless in the rains, and it and its fruit are called (unbare? CHAPTER XXXIV. [Chapter XXXIV contains no digressions.] 1 See supra, p. 167. D. F. 2 Or "free in working " (" livianaparafabrica"}. Stevens translates "soft." * Sang mahi, rightly translated. Presumably coral, but the Portu- guese used the produce of reef-building annelides in the same way on the Thana coast, where there are few corals, and none massive. [The Dutch fort at Jaffna, in the north of Ceylon, like the Portuguese one that preceded it, is built of coral stones. D. F.] 4 According to Johnson's Pers.-Arab.-Eng. Diet., Pers. shamdma = " a perfumed pastile." D. F. 6 This is a little beyond a mere "fly in amber." It has to be remembered that perhaps Teixeira's drug was ambergris. 6 Spondias mangifera, sometimes called in English "hog-plum," the West Indian name of another plant. Ambdra is a Marathi name for it, and it comes into leaf much later in the rains than other trees. [Garcia de Orta, on f. 26 of his Colloquios, describes the fruit under the name of ambares, but says nothing of the tree. D. F.] KINGS OF PERSIA. 235 CHAPTER XXXV. [Chapter XXXV contains a number of digressions. The first, in connection with Samarkand, treats of Teymur Langh, or Tamerlane, and the Grand Mogul. Our author then speaks of Boaly or Avicenna ; and this leads him to the subject of physicians in the East, of whom he writes as if himself one of the fraternity. He then resumes his history, but presently goes off on the sub- ject of Selandyve or Ceylon, beginning by repeating the old fable about the Chinese colonization of Ceylon, and the origin of the Chingalas. 1 The ports of Gale, Chylao, with its pearl fishery, and Columbo, whose fort the Portuguese had bravely defended against the native kings, 2 are mentioned ; and the writer con- tinues : ] Seylan bears no gold, silver, nor any valuable metal, nor precious stones, except the very finest cat's-eyes and a few rubies, as to which it is doubtful whether they be native or imported. It has ivory, great cardamoms, and much areka, which is Avicena's fufel; but is chiefly famous for its cinnamon, far excelling that of all other lands, and of very various quality within the isle itself. 5 The best is that of the jungles of Columbo and Seytavaca, a principal seat of the old native kings, but now mostly possessed by the Portuguese. 4 That of the forests of Candia, a kingdom of the same isle, is worth less. Next comes what the Portuguese call the jungle cinnamon, 5 the best of which comes from that of Coulan, 6 and an inferior sort from that of Cochin. There is also cinnamon in the Isle of Thimor, whence the white sandalwood is brought ; in Cochin China, whence comes the eagle- wood ; and in the Isle of Mindanao, near the Malucos [(where 1 See Barros, Dec. Ill, Liv. II, cap. i. D. F. 2 See foot-note supra, p. 221. D. F. 3 Cf. what follows with Garcia de Orta's Colloquio XV, and Lin- schoten, vol. ii, pp. 76-78. D. F. 4 Cf. supra, p. 221. Sitdwaka the legendary jungle fastness to which the ravished Sita was conveyed by Rdvana the royal city of the latter half of the, sixteenth century, and the scene of many a contest between the Sinhalese and Portuguese, has disappeared from the maps ; and all that remains of its former grandeur are some ruins, which have recently been cleared by the Ceylon Archaeological Com- missioner (see his Report on the Kegalla District, 1892, pp. 62-65 ! and H. White's " SitaVaka and its Vicinity," in the Orientalist, vol. ii, p. 33 ff.). D/F, 5 Canela de mato, a name adopted by the Dutch as a commercial term from the Portuguese. D. F. 6 Quilon. D. F. 236 APPENDIX B. is no gold, as Cotto writes, 1 but only arms, which cost the Spaniards so many lives, together with that of Esteval Rodrigues de Figueiroa, the Portuguese governor, who died in its conquest, that they thought well to abandon it*)]. While I was in Malaca. I expressly procured all these sorts from their own countries, except that of Mindanao, which I saw after- wards in the Phelipinas. All of them are much inferior to that of Seylan ; and it may be that this arises from their being less skilfully collected and cultivated. For the shrub is all one, resembling a laurel in form, leaf, and berry. 3 The Persians and Arabs call the cinnamon of Seylan dar Chiny Seylany, that is, " wood of the Chinamen of Seylan ;" because, when the Chinamen sailed those seas, and held that trade, they brought it from Seylan to Harmuz or Keis, and to Persia. They call our jungle cinnamon kerfah, and what we call China wood, the Persians call chub Chiny, that is, " China root ;" though lately they have begun to adopt from the Portuguese the term China Pao. To clear up what the Doctor Garcya d'Orta has written rather confusedly about cinnamon, I will say that the Malays call liquorice and cinnamon by one name, that is, kayo maniz, meaning " sweet wood" : from kayo, wood, and maniz, sweet. To prevent mistakes, they call cinnamon kayo maniz Selan, as brought thence, and liquorice kayo maniz Chin, for that it comes to Malaca from China. And because hamama, or dove's- foot, which is the amomum, was a medicine highly esteemed for its virtue, considering the fragrance, sweetness, and excellence of 1 The reference is to Couto's Dec. IV, Liv. vn, cap. viii. This Decade was published in 1602. Teixeira's contradiction of Couto's statement appears to be unwarranted, for, according to Dr. Guille- mard (in Stanford's Compendium of Geography and Travel, Austral- asia, vol. ii, p. 87), " it is probable that gold exists in tolerable quantities" in Mindanao. (See also Gemelli Careri in Churchill's Collection, vol. iv, p. 464.) D. F. 2 A description of this disastrous expedition, which took place in 1596, is given by Morga (Philippine Islands, Hakluyt Soc. ed., PP- 53-54)- D. F. 3 The regular cultivation of Ceylon cinnamon (Cinnamonum zeylani- cum) dates from 1770, nearly two centuries after Teixeira's observation of the plant. [There is some doubt as to the exact date. D. F.] And he expressly states that all his sorts came from jungles ("matos"). But it still is the custom in India for people to protect and even plant valuable trees in the forests, especially in the Bombay Presidency : the mahwa and hirda (Bassia longifolia and Terminalia chebula), the mango, and some palms. Oddly enough, the Pharmacographia suggests the same explanations of the differences in quality of modern cultivated cinnamons, as Teixeira for the wild sorts of his day (p. 47 2 ). Some of his specimens may have been what we now call "cassia bark," that of Cinnamomum cassia. KINGS OF PERSIA. 237 cinnamon, they called this Chin hamama, or Chinese amomum, of which the Latins made cinamomum ; and that explains what Doctor Dorta said of the cinnamon. 1 [N.. At this point Mr. Sinclair's translation ends. For all that follows I am responsible. D. F.] [Teixeira then proceeds to describe how the Pachas, a wild people in Ceylon, preserve flesh by putting it in honey in hollow trees. 2 He next refers to the eating of raw fish by the Nicobar islanders ; the food of the Arabs already described ; the eating of human flesh by the Javanese, and by the Zinbas of Africa, whose disastrous expedition, "ten or twelve years ago," 3 is mentioned. Our author then says : ] In this connection, I remember a very pleasant custom of certain blacks, natives of those parts, who, following the exercise of arms, cannot be made knights after their manner, until they have presented to the king one or more genital members of enemies whom they have slain, as a testimony of their valour ; and thereupon they are rewarded with cattle and lands. Of this I was an eye-witness. They are called Mocegueios. 4 [This, says Teixeira, reminds him of the story of Saul, David, and the Philistines. He adds, that, when he was in India, the people of Pegu were reduced by famine to selling human flesh publicly. 5 He then goes on : ] To conclude with the Chingalas, I would say that they are naturally inclined to arms, in the which they have performed, and continue to perform, incredible feats, some of which I saw. 6 1 Amomum in all modern times has meant cardamoms, of one sort or another. What spice the Greeks and Romans called by that name is not settled (Pharmacographia, sub -voce). 3 This is the earliest reference I know of, by a European writer, to the Vedda's of Ceylon and their well-known custom (see Royal Asiatic Society's Journal, 1899, p. 133). The Pachas are frequently referred to by Couto and other writers as a degraded, fierce people, living in the forests of Ceylon. We find, also, that Pachas were employed by the Portuguese in the defence of Columbo on several occasions, including the siege of 1586-88, when Teixeira probably met them (cf. Couto, Dec. X, Liv. ix, cap. v). The name seems to be from Sinh. paja low-caste, degraded. D. F. 3 It was really in 1589. Details (taken, apparently, from the Ethiopia Oriental of Joao dbs Santos) are given in the makeshift Decada XI (Couto's being lost), caps, vi-xi. See also Theal's Be- ginning of South African History, p. 269. D. F. 4 Cf. Dec. XI, p. 94 ; Linschoten, vol. i, p. 274. 6 Circa 1596 (see Couto, Dec. XII, Liv. v, cap. v ; Bocarro, Dec. XIII, p. 121). 6 Doubtless when he accompanied Manoel de Sousa Coutinho's expedition for the relief of Columbo in 1588 (see Introduction, and supra, p. 210). 238 APPENDIX B. They work most skilfully in ivory and crystal, of which the island produces some, and many and very neat firelocks. 1 [Teixeira then resumes his history of Persia, but soon breaks off to speak of the game of chess, the original home of which he thinks, judging by the names of the pieces, to have been Persia. Taking up the thread of his history again, our author presently enters upon a digression that lasts to the end of the chapter. His subject is the titles of Eastern potentates, a number of which he explains. He concludes his remarks thus : ] In that part of Africa which the Portuguese in India call Cafrarya, the princes are called by one of two common names. The first of these is Muiie, and is very like that .in use in Congo and Angola, where they say to their prince " O Lord Manni." The other is Mongana; and I recollect that I knew in those parts, when going through them, one Mongana Bolay Agy ; he was of royal family, and therefore was called Mongana ; Bolay was his proper name. Agi is as much as " sanctified." 2 And I relate the following, as it is a pleasant matter, and shows a blind- ness worthy of laughter, or more truly of tears and pity. All the Moors hold and believe, as a certain and indubitable fact, that those of them who go on pilgrimage to their house of Medina, or as we say to Meka, 3 and are present at that solemnity which is celebrated in September, whatever they may be, become sanctified and safe, and that to reach Paradise they have no need to take any more pains. And such they are wont to name Agy, many of whom I knew, and amongst others one, a gate-keeper of the King Ferragut Xd, 4 called Amir Hamed Agy, who, relying on his pilgrimage, lived very contentedly, holding his salvation for certain. I asked him why, if he believed this, he still wearied and troubled himself, by going to the mosque, performing the sala? and namaz (that is, the prayer), and fasting during their ramedon. He replied, that for himself he could well omit it ; 1 Cf. Linschoten, vol. i, p. 81. 2 The "two common names" mentoned by Teixeira are thus ex- plained in the Glossary (p. 204) to Ravenstein's Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell (Hakluyt Soc.) : " Mwana, in Kongo, a title, son ; mwana, a ntinu, prince ; synonyms are Muene, Muata, Ngana. Mani is a corruption." "Bolay" I cannot explain. The "Bo" may perhaps represent Arab. (a)bu == " father of" (cf. " Boaly," supra, p. 235). "Agy" or " Agi " = Arab, hdjji (see Hobson-Jobson, s.v. " Hadgee"). 8 In chap, xxxi of the Second Book of his Kings oj Persia, Teixeira discourses on this subject. 4 See supra, pp. 166, 193, 194, 206. 8 Arab. saldt= prayer ; ?ers. namdz = prayers : Arab. ramazan=. the fast season of Ramadan (cf. supra, p. 122). KINGS OF PERSIA. 239 but that he did it for others who had not the same privilege as he, nor had acquired that merit. Such are the darkness and obscurity in which those wretches live. CHAPTERS XXXVI-XLVII. [In Chapter XXXVI there is a short digression regarding Nineveh ; and in Chapter XXXVII a longer one respecting " Mahamed, the infernal instrument," as also an explanation of the Persian word xerin {shir in sweet). Chapters XXXVIII-XLVII, which conclude the First Book, contain no digressions. BOOK II. In the Second Book of his History of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira rarely digresses (for the reason given in his Prefatory Note). In Chapter I occurs a short parenthetical explanation of the title kalefdh; but in the next fourteen chapters he sticks to his text. In Chapter XVI a short account of the province of Khordsan is interpolated ; but the succeeding fourteen chapters run on almost un- interruptedly. In Chapter XXXI Teixeira offers some observations on Medina and Mecca, which latter place, he says, is on the shore of the Red Sea, " and not on the Persian Gulf, as writes a grave historian of our times." He himself, however, confuses it with Mocha. 1 Chapters XXX 1 1 -XXX IV are free from interruptions ; but in Chapter XXXV is a short digression regarding the famous Black Stone of Mecca. Chapters XXXVI-XXXIX are occupied solely with the history ; but in Chapter XL the record of the ransoming of the Black Stone tempts our author to describe the destruction at Goa of the so- called tooth of Buddha, carried off by D. Constantino de Braganc.a, in 1560, from Jaffna, in Ceylon. 2 This is Teixeira's last digression ; Chapters XLI-LIX (with which the Second Book ends) are confined entirely to the historical narrative.] 1 As he had previously done (see supra, p. 219). 2 As narrated by Couto, Dec. VII, Liv. IX, cap. xvii (cf. also Linschoten, vol. i, pp. 292-294 ; Pyrard, vol. ii, p. 145, and footnote). APPENDIX C. A Short Account of the Most Notable Provinces and those that have continued longest under the dominion of Persia! PERSIA, which the natives thereof call Parg or Agem (whence the inhabitants are commonly called Pary 2 or Agemy 3 ), being one of the great monarchies of the world, and of such fame and note, cannot be described with certain boundaries, on account of the varying extent of its territory, comprising sometimes more and sometimes less kingdoms and provinces. Of these I shall mention briefly those that have continued longest under this rule and have suffered less change ; and of those the chief towns only, for the sake of clearness; leaving a description of their situation to the professors of cosmography. PAR9 is a province not of the largest of that kingdom, 4 the capital of which is Xyraz, 8 a large and noble city. It abounds in provisions 1 Although the greater part of this short account of Persia was written evidently from second-hand information, yet, as some of the statements are based on Teixeira's own observation, and as the whole account is very brief, I have thought well to give a translation of it. D. F. 2 Sic in orig., a misprint for "Parcy" or "Parsy." In chap, vi of Bk. I of his Kings of Persia (see supra, p. 203), Teixeira says : " The natives call this kingdom Pare,, and so do the Arabs, save that for the letter P, which they lack, they put F, and say Farp." Then, after stating that he had been unable to trace the origin of the name, and advancing the theory that " Persia" and " Parthia" were identical, he adds : " However it be, the kingdom is called Pare, and a person or anything else thereof Parc,y, which means 'of Persia,' because that y at the end is a preposition \sic\ signifying ' of,' as one would say ' of Spain.'" 3 Cf. supra, pp. 51, 65, 67. On the meaning and use of the words ajam, ajami, see Notes and Queries, Qth Ser., vol. vi, p. 356. 4 Fa"rs : for a description of which see Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, pp. 64-66. It will be noticed that in Teixeira's time this province embraced what are now the provinces of Fa"rsista"n and La"rista"n. 5 In chap, vi of Bk. I of his Kings of Persia (cf. supra, p. 203), Teixeira records the founding of Shiraz by " lambxed," and says of it : PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 241 of bread, flesh, and fruits, has much rose-water and plenty of hides, and a great commerce with all the kingdoms subject to Persia. In it are manufactured silks from that which is produced in the neighbourhood. There is also the city of Lar, or Lara as we Portuguese pro- nounce it, 1 whence are called the /art's, a money of the finest silver, very well-known and current throughout all the East. 2 It is the capital of a kingdom, and there are found the best bows for shooting in the whole of Persia. In the year of human redemp- tion 1593, in the month of September, there was in this city an earthquake that destroyed more than 1200 houses, and ruined the greater part of the walls and many cisterns (for that country has no water beside what is collected in these from the rain) ; and three thousand persons died. 3 " This is the capital of the kingdom that is properly called Persia, the name of which is given to all the others that are subject to it It has a circuit of twelve farsanghes, each farsanghe containing three thousand paces. It is cold, on account of being far to the north, though much more so is Tabriz, the metropolis of Aderbajon, of which I have spoken above. The inhabitants of Shiraz are a white people, and for the most part handsome, and of graceful proportion and figure From Xyraz are carried to other parts provisions, woollens, hides, and other things in which it abounds, and great plenty of the most perfect distilled rose-water I say distilled, in distinction from that which is obtained and made by decoction ; and the quantity is so great that from Persia the whole of the East is supplied therewith in abundance. In Xyraz is found that second variety of bitter costus that the Persians and Arabs call kost. And the Persians and Arabs commonly say kost talk \kust talkK\, that is, bitter costus, in distinction from the other ordinary kind brought from India, which they call kost xerin \kust shirin\, which is sweet." Teixeira here says nothing of the manufacture of silk in Shirdz, an industry which, if it ever existed in that city, seems to have disappeared. With regard to the rose- water, see supra, p. 217. For more detailed accounts of Shirdz, see Ant. Gouvea's Relaxant, Liv. I, cap. ix ; Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 127 etseq.; and Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, p. 93 et seq. 1 See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " Lari (c)," and cf. supra, pp. 162, 209, 229. For descriptions of Lar, see Ant. Gouvea's Relaqam, Liv. I, cap. vii ; Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 119 etseq. At the end of his Kings of Persia Teixeira mentions the destruction by Shall Abba's of the king- dom of Ldr and the slaying of its king, " because of the robberies and violence to which he subjected the caravans of merchants that passed by there" (see also Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 119). 8 Cf. supra, p. 30, n. ; and see Hobson-Jobson, s. v. " Larin." Sir Thos. Herbert, in describing Ldr, says (Travels, p. 120) : " Near this Buzzar the Larrees are coyned ; a famous sort of Money, being pure silver but shaped like a Date-stone, the King's name, or some sentence out of the Alcoran being stamp'd upon it ; in our Money it values ten pence." 3 Ant. Gouvea, who was in Ldr in 1602, does not mention this earthquake (see his Relaxant, Liv. I, cap. vii). But Sir Thomas R 242 APPENDIX C. There are also in this province of Pare. Tarbm, laharom, Kazrrti, 1 Lastam, which grows the ingo, that is, assafoetida f Stahabanon, where graze the pagens that produce the pazar stones, the inhabitants of which are all bald-headed ; 3 Neriz, the mountains of which abound in mines of iron and fine steel, from which are wrought excellent arms and very curious things ; 4 Pagah and Dar-Aguerd, celebrated for abundance of provisions and fresh and dried fruits, and not a little rose-water ; 5 and many other places of less account. HYERAK is another of the provinces of Persia, large and important. 6 Its metropolis is Hisphaon, a very populous city, the seat at times of Herbert, who visited the place in 1628, says that it was "overturned by many dreadful Earthquakes. Anno Domini 1400 it shook terribly, when five hundred houses tumbled down. Anno 1593 (of their account 973) she boasted of five thousand houses ; but that very year the earth swelled with such a tympany, that in venting it self all Larr was forced to quake, and would not be suppressed but by the weight of three thousand houses turned topsie-turvy with the death of three thousand of the Inhabitants : The old Castle on the East side of the Town (which owes its foundation to Gorgean Melee] though built upon the top of a solid rock, groaned in a like affrighting downfall" (Travels, p. 120). 1 These three places are Tarun, between Bandar Abba's and Furg ; Jahrum, to the south-east of Shirdz ; and Kazran, or Kazerun, west of Shirctz. 2 See supra, p. 209, and footnote. Sir T. Herbert says : " Near Whormoot [sic for Hormuz] are Duzgun, Laztan-de, and other Towns, where is got the best Assafoetida through all the Orient : The tree exceeds not our Briar in height, but the leaves resemble Rose-leaves, the root the Radish" (Travels, p. 118). 3 See supra, pp. 201, 209, 221, 229. 4 " Neriz" is Niriz, the town at the south-eastern extremity of Lake Niriz. With respect to Teixeira's statement regarding the mineral resources of this region, see Yule's Marco Polo, vol. i, p. 93. 6 " Pa$ah" and " Dar-Aguerd" are Fasa or Pasa, and Darab or Darabjird, situated respectively south and south-east of Lake Niriz (see Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, pp. 87, in). 6 The modern Irk Ajami. In Bk. I, chap, xxii, of his Kings oj Persia (cf. p. 209, supra) Teixeira says : " The Arabs and Persians assign this name of Hyerak to two regions, to which they give as a terminus and boundary the city Babilonia in ancient times, and now that of Bagdad in its place, situated not very far from where that stood. Starting therefrom it extends towards Persia, which includes many kingdoms and principalities subjected to it : in which also is the province properly called Hyerak, the metropolis of which, as I have already said [in chap, vii], is the famous city of Hisphaon ; and this part they commonly call Hyerak Agemy, that is, Persian Hyerak. PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 243. the Persian kings. 1 It has a large trade, and is well supplied with every necessary. This province also contains Yazd, noted not for its size but for its pleasantness, and for the many and rich carpets made there, which are the best in the whole world ; also much silk, and excellent rose-water. 2 Kaxon is famous for the great plenty of silks of every sort that are manufactured there, and for the fertility of its soil in every kind of fruit, of which the quinces are particularly celebrated by the name of Kaxon. 3 There are also Korn, 4 Saoah ; 5 Kazvin, a famous city, and at present the court of the kings of Persia, since the last loss of The other, starting from Babilonia or Bagdad, extends towards Arabia, the whole of which it includes, and Egypt and other provinces, and this is called Hyerak Araby. And the two together, com- prehending both countries, they call Hyerakhen, that is, ' two Hyerakas.' " 1 For descriptions of Isfahan, see Ant. Gouvea's Rela$am, Liv. I, cap. xxi ; Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 160 et seq.; Curzon's Persia, \o\.\\,^.2oetseg. It was Shall Abbds the Great (1585-1628) who raised Isfahan to the position of capital of the kingdom, and to whom is largely due the magnificence described by travellers of the seven- teenth century. 2 See supra, p. 217. As regards the carpets of Yazd, Teixeira says (Kings of Persia, Bk. I, chap, xxvii) : " In three parts of Persia are manufactured carpets, which in Portuguese we call alcatijas, and the Persians call kalichey \kdlichd\, the richest and finest and most esteemed in Yazd, from which place I saw some, each of which, on account of its workmanship and perfection, was valued at more than a thousand ducats ; and thus, in speaking of alcatifa of Yazd, which in Portuguese we corruptly call dodiaz, is understood the best, finest, and most perfect. The second best are those from the kingdom of Kermon, the third from Karason ; they are also made in Agra, Bengala, and Cambaya, but not fine ones." The silk industry of Yazd is referred to by Marco Polo and other writers. Yazd is also noted for its Parsi community, with their fire-altars and Towers of Silence (see supra, p. 196, and infra, p. 252). For a description of the place, see Ant. Gouvea's Relaqam, Liv. I, cap. xi ; Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, p. 38 et seq. 3 Kashan is still noted for its silks, satins, velvets and brocades ; but of its quinces I find no mention. For descriptions of the town, see Sir T. Herbert's Travels, pp. 222-223 5 Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, p. 12 et seq. * Kum : for description of which see Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 219 et seq. ; Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, p. 7 et seq. 5 This is Sawah, Marco Polo's " Saba" (see Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, p. 6, .). Sir T. Herbert (Travels, p. 218) describes it under the name of " Saway." R 2 244 APPENDIX C. Tabriz ; l Amedom, Targazin, Damaoand, Taharon ; 2 Rey Xarear, where is gathered much manna, but not the purest ; s and many other places of less note. ADERBAION OR AZARBAION is another large province,* the chief city of which is the famous Tabriz, the court of the kings of Persia before it came into the 1 For descriptions of Kasvfn, see Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 209 et seq. ; Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 35 et seq. " The last loss of Tabriz" was in 1515 (see supra, p. 208, and footnote infra, p. 245). 2 "Amedom" is Hamadan (ancient Ecbatana), for an account of which see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 566 et seq. " Targazin" may perhaps represent Tiisirka'n, west of Kum and Kashan. " Damaoand" is DamaVand, east of Tehran, and is mentioned by Teixeira in Bk. i, chap, ii, of his Kings of Persia, as being formerly in the province of Azarbaijdn. " Taharon" is, of course, the modern capital of Persia, Tehran, described briefly under the name of " Tyroan" by Sir T. Herbert (Travels, p. 207), and in detail by Curzon (Persia, vol. i, p. yxtetseq.). 3 See supra, p. 203. It will be noticed that in the passage there given Teixeira refers to " Hrey" as a city great and famous, producing the best and purest manna, and then mentions "another city of Persia, called Rey Xarear," which also produced manna, but not so good. Here our author repeats this statement regarding " Rey Xarear," which he classes among the cities of the province of " Hyerak." That " Rey Xarear" is identical with the " Xaharihrey" [(misprinted " Xahariprey") of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo (see Hakluyt Soc. ed. of his Embassy, p. 99) there cannot be the least doubt (see also Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 349). But then comes the question of the identity of " Hrey," which, mentioned in the note on p. 203, is classed by Teixeira as a city of Khordsan, situated on the "cool river Habin." Mr. Sinclair has, without giving any reason, assumed the identity of the two places, but I have, after some little trouble, arrived at a different conclusion, the reasons for which I give in the footnote on " Hrey," infra, p. 248. 4 Azarbaijdn, regarding which see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 514 et seq. In Bk. I, chap, xvii, of his Kings of Persia (cf. supra, p. 206) Teixeira, happening to speak of "the sect of Zarduxt, which is that of fire" (of course Zarathushtra or Zoroaster is meant), says : " Referring above to the city of Tabriz, I said, that it is the capital of the province of Aderbajon, or, as others have it, Azarbajon, which in the Calange language, which is that of that region, means ' province of fire ;' and, as has already been mentioned, it was here that this sect had its origin, the which gave its name to the district, and to him that follows it that of Zarduxt, which means 'friend of fire :' although zar, in the general Persian language (which, as I have said, differs greatly in particulars) means 'money,' and azar 'a thousand,' and zahar 1 poison' or ' gall,' and fire is called attex." As a fact, zar in Persian does mean " gold" or " money," hdzar = " thousand," zahr -= " poison" (cf. supra, p. 229), and zahra = " gall-bladder," while dtish means fire" (cf. supra, p. 196). But dzar or dzur also = " fire ;" and Azarbaij^n PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 245 power of the Turk. 1 This region is full of many objects of note, and is well supplied with every necessary. It has a great com- merce with Rusia, Polonya, Moscovya, Sircasya, Gurgestam, and all parts of Persia. Some silver is mined there ; and a great quantity of alum, and madder for dyeing. 2 The inhabitants are called by the common name of Calanges. 3 is said to mean " the guardian of fire." The explanation of " Zarduxt" (Persian Zardusht = Zoroaster) given by Teixeira, even if incorrect, is more poetical than that suggested by Dr. Karl Geldner (Encycl. Brit., s. -v. "Zoroaster"), who says that the name seems to mean " possessor of old camels." Curiously enough, in Bk. I, chap, vii, of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira, after chronicling the reign of the cruel usurper Zohak, says : " Zoahk, judging by the fact that the Persians celebrate his great wisdom in natural sciences and his long life, and by the resemblance of the name, may be considered to have been Zoroastes." 1 For descriptions of Tabriz see Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 208 ; Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 518 et seq. With respect to the conquest of Tabriz by the Turks, see SirT. Herbert, u. s., and cf. p. 208, n., supra, as also note on Kasvin above. According to Teixeira (Kings of Persia, Bk. II, chaps. Ivii, lix) Shall Ismdil, in 1 502, captured Tabriz from the Turks, who, however, in 1515, the year after the birth of Shall Tdhmasp, retook it under Salim I (not Salim II, as stated inadvertently in the footnote on p. 208, supra}. Both in Bk. I, chap, v, and Bk. n, chap, lix, Teixeira speaks of Tabriz as having been captured by Salim from Tdhmasp, but it seems evident that the conquest in 1515 is meant. Our author also mentions the recapture of the city by Shall Abbds, but gives no date : it actually took place in 1603 (see Ant. Gouvea's Relaxant, Liv. n, cap. v, for an account of the reduction). 1 On the mineral resources of Azarbaijdn, see Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, p. 514. Nothing is there said of silver, however (though it may, of course, exist) ; nor is the cultivation of madder mentioned by Curzon. But this is not surprising; for on p. 524 the writer says : " The introduction of aniline dyes, though strictly prohibited by the Government, has had a lamentable effect in causing the neglect, and in some cases even the loss, of native vegetable hues." 3 Cf. note 4 on p. 244. The inhabitants of Azarbaija'n are mostly Kurds. Teixeira's "Calange" may possibly (as Mr. H. Beveridge sug- gests) be for Persian Ma/a/=bicolored, piebald ; perhaps applied as a term of contempt by the Persians to these " mongrels" (cf. Meyer's Konversations-Lexikon, Bd. 9, s. v. " Kalang"). But Curzon (op. cit., vol. i, p. 551) says : "The language spoken by the majority of the Kurds is Kurmanju (sometimes called Kirdasi), which is generally accepted as an old Persian patois, intermingled with alien words." And Sir Henry Rawlinson, in his article on " Kurdistan" in the Encycl. Brit., gth ed., vol. xiv, says (p. 157) : "The present Kurdish language, which is called Kermdnji a title difficult to explain is an old Persian patois, intermixed to the north with Chaldean words, and to the south with a certain Turanian element, which may not improbably have come down from Babylonian times." Teixeira's " Calange" may, therefore, possibly represent " Kermanji." 246 APPENDIX C. There are also Xyrvan, Nakxoan, Hordobat, 1 Ardavel or Ardevil, 2 Halkhan, 3 and many others. GUEYLON OR GUYLAN, another of the provinces subject to Persia, is very extensive, and contains many very large districts. It borders on the Caspian Sea, which takes its name therefrom, for the Persians call it Daryah Gueylany (Sea of Gueylon). It is divided into five governments, the capitals of which are the cities of Raxt, Laion, Gaxkhar, Langarkanon, and Kudam. Gueylon is com- monly called End-safet, that is, White India, because it is a pleasant, cool, and fertile land. It confines with Moscovia, which the Persians call Moscau. 4 1 " Xyrvan'' represents, I think, Eriva"n, through some confusion with the province of Shirvdn. " Nakxoan" and " Hordobat" are Nakjivdn or Nakchivdn, and Ordabdd. These three places are now outside Persian territory. 2 In Bk. I, chap, ii, of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira enumerates " Ardavel" among the places founded by " KayumarraV' In chap, xiv (cf. supra, p. 205) he says : " Ardabel, or Ardavil, for it is called by either of these names, is a city in Persia in the province of Ader- bajon, a few days' journeys distant from Tabriz, not large, but well known from being the birthplace of Xeque Aydar, father of Xeque or Xa Ismael Suphy, who ruled Persia when the Portuguese began their trade and conquests there." At the end of the chapter, however, he says that Ardabil was the birthplace of Ismail Sufi himself; and this is confirmed by his account in Bk. II, chap, lix, where it is stated that Haidar was born in Diya"rbakar, and Sha"h Ismail in Ardabil, in 1488. On Ardabil, see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 531. 3 " Halkhan" = Khalkhal, which is a district, and not a town. Khalkhdn is a village in Kurdesta"n, at the foot of Mount Bahistiin. 4 In Bk. I, chap, xxi, of his Kings of Persia (cf. supra, p. 208), Teixeira says : " Gueylon was of old a great kingdom, but now is reduced to a province, and is divided into five governments, all sub- ject to that of Persia. The Persians call it by the general and common name of Gueylan or Guylon, and the natives also call it Endsafet [Arab. Hind safid\, which means 'White India,' because it is pleasant and agreeable, in contrast with the proper and true India, which they consider dreary ; and so they are wont to apply by metaphor the name India to any place that they wish to represent as dreary and dark, as our poets do of Tartary." Then comes the enumeration of the five governments translated on p. 208 supra, and, after describing the campaign of Shdh Abba's in 1594, Teixeira con- tinues : " Gueylon lies along the Caspian Sea, which takes its name therefrom, and thus the Persians call it Dana" Gueylany, that is, Sea of Gueylan. It is salt, but has no navigable communication with the ocean. It is of an oval shape, and is reckoned at somewhat over three hundred farsangues, that is nine hundred miles in length. It suffers from violent storms, and is navigated in large but flat-bottomed PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 247 There follow, running along by the Caspian Sea .- 1 Mazandaron, 1 Strabat, 3 Bostam, 4 Sabzabdh ; 5 Nyxabur, which produces turquoises ; 6 and others, all in former times capitals of kingdoms and provinces, but now reduced to single governments of Persia. All are very populous cities. vessels. It has ports in various kingdoms, in which there is great traffic of merchandise : such as that of Kefah, a very important port and city of the Tartars, and the river of Astrakkm, a Moscovite town, which with other mighty ones flows into it. In winter a great part of it is frozen. Much fish is caught in it." By the Tartar "port" and city of " Kefah," we are probably to understand Khiva. The " river of Astrakam" is the Volga. I have found no confirmation of the statement as to Gila'n being called "Hind Safid ;" but the principal river that runs through Gila'n is the Safid Rud, or White River. Regarding Rasht, see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 384. 1 The places mentioned are not all "by the Caspian Sea," some being a long distance from it. Our author had evidently never visited these. 2 On the " city " of Mazandardn, see p. 204, supra. In the passage omitted by Mr. Sinclair, Teixeira says : " This city Mazandaron is one of the famous ones of those parts. It is situated beyond the territo- ries of Gueylon towards the north, near the Caspian Sea. The natives are a strong and warlike people, and are reckoned among the Persians, subject, like the rest, to the King of Persia." On the pro- vince of Mazandaron, see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 354 et seq. 3 For a description of Astrabdd, see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 356 et seq. 4 On Boston, see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 283. 6 On Sabzawdr, see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 268. 6 For a description of Nishdpur, see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 261 et seq. (the famous turquoise mines being treated of at p. 264). In Bk. I, chap, xxxiii, of his Kings of Persia Ccf. p. 229, supra) Teixeira says : " Nixdbur is one of the provinces subject to the kingdom of Persia, situated between Karason, Uzbek and Tatdr, a great territory and full of great deserts and sandy wastes, of which it is asserted, and I hold it for a fact, that they are in continual motion, as if boiling. It is recorded in the Persian histories that in this province Teymur- langh, of whom I shall speak in another place [Bk. I, chap, xxxv ; cf. p. 235 supra], caused to be slain four hundred thousand persons in one day ; nor is it much to be wondered at, considering how cruel he is said to have been. In this province of Nixdbur are produced those green [yerdes] stones that are set in rings, which are called Turkish [turquezas], and not without cause, because Nixa"bur is a region con- fining with Turkestam. . . . In no province of Persia are there found precious stones (in spite of what some have written), unless we choose to give that name to these Turkish ones, which the Persians value, but not much." 248 APPENDIX C. KARASON, commonly called by us Portuguese Corason, is another of the provinces subject to Persia, 1 and contains cities and towns of much importance. Of the chief is Mexed, a large and populous city, where the Persian kings since Xd Ismael Sufy have been buried. 2 This province also contains Thun, a big city producing many fine silks in great abundance ; Tabas, of much note ; 3 Kahem, fertile in saffron ; 4 Hrey, where is gathered much and perfect manna, and whose walls are washed by the cool river Habin ; 5 Marwd, Herat, 6 and others well enough known. 1 Regarding the province of Khor^san see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 177 et seq. In Bk. II, chap, xvi, of his Kings of Persia (cf. p. 239, supra) Teixeira says : " Karason, which the Portuguese com- monly call Corason or Corasone, is a very notable province, and one of the most famous of Persia, for its size, riches, and opulence. It contains many and very important cities, the chief of which is one called Mexad, where Xa Ismael Suphy and his successors are buried, entirely surrounded by a very strong wall, with three hundred towers round about it, at a distance of a musket shot the one from the other. It is very fertile and well supplied. The people are white, handsome, and warlike Between this province of Karason and those of Turon and Turkestam flows the famous river Jehun ; and that which lies on the other side of it is called in Persian Maurenahar, which means 'beyond the river,' and lies to the northward." (On " Maure- nahar" and "the famous river Jehun," see infra, p. 253, n.) 1 For descriptions of Mashad see Ant. Gouvea's Relaqam, Liv. I, cap. xiii ; Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 148 et seq. Teixeira's own brief description is given in the previous note. 3 Tun and Tabas appear to be of little importance now. 4 For descriptions of Kain see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 200 ; Eastern Persia, vol. i, p. 340 et seq. (where it is stated that " the cultivation of wheat has everywhere superseded that of saffron"). 6 See supra, p. 203, ., and p. 244, n. The mention of " Hrey " among the cities of Khora'san is puzzling. In the sentence imme- diately preceding the passage translated on p. 203 supra, Teixeira says that " Kaoh," after repeatedly defeating the forces of the usurper " Zoahk," " marched towards Damaoand, the court and residence of Zoahk, and on the way occupied the city of Hrey, formerly capital of the kingdom of the same name, adjoining that of Karason." Now, that the "Hrey" here spoken of is identical with Teixeira's " Rey Xarear" is evident, both from his description of it, and from the fact that the latter place would lie on the road taken by an army marching on DamaVand from the parts about Isfahan (whence " Zoahk" came). But it is equally evident that the " Hrey " said by our author to be situated on "the cool river Habin" cannot possibly be " Rey Xarear" (Rai, Rhagas). Teixeira, in enumerating the cities of Persia, adopts a PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 249 From this province are also brought carpets, asafoetida, surma, and other things. 1 It has abundance of provisions ; and, having always belonged to the Persian kings, is now in great part subject to the Uzbekes, who, seeing them occupied in the wars with the Turks, invaded their territories, and took possession of many which they now hold. 2 fairly accurate geographical or topographical sequence ; and we have therefore to look for "Hrey" somewhere east of Tun, Tabas, and Kain. If we could identify the " river Habin," it would be easy to locate " Hrey"; but the maps contain no river of any such name in those parts. However, the mention of the next two cities solves the difficulty, and shows us that Teixeira, having " Hrey" in his head as a manna-yielding place, has here reversed the names of the city and river, and that Obeh on the Hari Rud is the place he means. (It is true that in Bk. I, chap, xii, of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira tells us that King " Bazab " " brought into Persia for the convenience thereof two rivers drawn from a great distance ; the one is called Habyn, the other Raz Habin ; " but in Shea's translation of Mir Khwa"nd (p. 204) this appears in the following form : " He [Zaub] also conducted into Irk the two streams called Aeen and Azleen." Teixeira's " Habin," therefore, is apparently a misreading for ayin, which is simply the Arabic for "springs, fountains.") As to the manna of Afghanistan, see Sir H. Yule's article in the Encycl, Brit., gth ed., vol. i, p. 233. 8 Marwa and Herat are, like Obeh, situated on the Hari Rud, but further westward. The latter place is of considerable importance (see Sir H. Rawlinson's description in Encycl. Brit., 9th ed., vol. xi, p. 713). In Bk. I, chap, xxii, of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira states that Alexander the Great "founded on the river Jehun ^a city called Marwbh, in Karacon another named Herat, and that of Samarkand in Uzbek." On the river "Jehun," see footnote infra, P- 253. 1 Regarding the carpets of Khora'san, see footnote supra, p. 243. As to its asafoetida, see p. 209, supra. On the surma of Khordsan, see p. 219 supra. 3 On the wars between the Uzbegs and the Persians under Shdh Ismail and Shdh Abbds, see Markham's History of Persia, chap. x. In 1532 Shall Ismdil "was engaged in an indecisive war with Sulaiman, Sultan of Turkey, and in 1534 'Obaid Khan, with an army of Uzbegs, succeeded in capturing Herat. During the whole of the reign of Tabmasp, the province of Khurasan was subjected to periodical invasions from the Uzbegs and Turkmans" (op. cit., pp. 271- 272). " After punishing the Uzbegs under 'Abdu-'l-Mumin Khan in 1587, who had sacked Herat and Mdsh-had, the young Shall [Abba's] was engaged in a war with the Turks in Georgia" (ib., p. 273). "This Turkish war over, 'Abbas again attacked the Uzbegs under Talim Khan, and entirely defeated them near Herat in 1597. From that time Khorasan had a respite from these incessant inroads until after the death of "Abbas" (ib., p. 274). 250 APPENDIX C. KERMON is a province in Persia, lying between it and Karason, and takes its name from a chief city of the same. 1 It has many other towns, but not of much importance. As I have already said, it produces rose-water, carpets, tutia, wormseed, and surmdh? Persia has these provinces also : Sagistam, 3 Tabarstam, 4 Kablestam, 5 Nim-Ruz, 6 Stha-Hor, 7 Sis- 1 Cf. supra, p. 1 60, n. (the statement in which, as to the identity of Sirjdn with Karmdn, is incorrect). In Bk. I, chap, xxvii, of his Kings of Persia (cf. supra, p. 217) Teixeira says : " Kermon is a large pro- vince, and one of the principal in Persia, lying between it and the lands of Karagon, and is celebrated throughout the East for some special things that are obtained thence, of which I shall make brief mention. It has a city of the same name, which gives it to the whole province." Regarding the province and city of Karman, see Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, 243 et seq. 2 On the rose-water, tutia, worm-seed and surma of Karman, see supra, p. 217 et seq. Regarding its carpets, see supra, p. 243, n. 3 In Bk. I, chap, ii, of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira says that Kayu- marras (Kaiomurs) founded " Sagiston," and in chap, vi he tells us that Jamshfd " resided most of the time in the province and city of Sagistam." Johnson's Pers.-Arab.-Eng. Diet, has " Sijistan, a kingdom to the east of Persia (the ancient Drangiana)." Markham (Hist, of Persia, p. 14, #.) says: "The name of Sistan is said by some to be derived from the saghes wood, much used by the Persians for burning. It was formerly called Saghestan, and its true etymo- logy is the country of the Sagan or Sacae." (Cf. footnotes infra.} 4 Tabaristan is the old name of the Elburj region of Persia, the ancient Hyrcania. 6 In Bk. I, chap, ii, of the Kings oj Persia, " Kabulstan" is mentioned as one of the places founded by Kaiomurs. In Bk. I, chap, xviii, of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira says : " Kabul is a kingdom that in former times was subject to that of Persia ; it con- fines with the territories of India." On the kingdom of Kdbul see Yule's articles in Encycl. Brit., gth ed.. vol. i, p. 228 ; vol. iv, p. 624. 6 Johnson's Pers.-Arab.-Eng. Diet, explains nim-roz by " Mid-day. Name of the province of Sistan." In Bk. I, chap, ix, of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira says that Manucher (Menucheher) appointed Zal governor of " the territories of Nim rues, that is, ' Land of the South' " (media dia, lit. " mid-day"). 7 In Bk. I, chap, ii, of the Kings oj Persia, we are informed that Kaiomurs founded " Stahhar, which also served him as court." The place referred to is Istakhr, or Istakar, otherwise Persepolis, which, however, according to Markham (Hist, of Persia, p. 6), was founded by Jamshfd. For descriptions see Sir T. Herbert's Travels, p. 136 et seq. ; Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, chap. xxi. PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 2$ I tarn, 1 Curdestam, 2 Lorestam, 3 and many others not so noteworthy, which I do not mention, lest I weary the reader. The whole country of Persia is for the most part well supplied with provisions bread, flesh, fresh and dried fruit (both those of Europe and other kinds), all at moderate prices. The people are fair, handsome, and of polite disposition ; their garb is very like the Turkish. They follow the sect of Morts-Aly, which differs in some particulars from that of Mahamed. 4 They generally fight on horseback, with spear and shield, bows, arrows, scimitars, coats of mail, and maces ; and ride with short stirrups, and with their horses caparisoned. In warfare they are formidable, and very dogged therein. The Persians are much addicted to the reading of books, and pride themselves thereon. They are great lovers of poetry, in which they had and have distinguished men and erudite works. 5 They 1 In Bk. II, chap, xxiii, of the Kings oj Persia, Teixeira says : " The province of Siston lies below those of Karason and Kermon towards the region of the Persian Gulf, and it has on one side Persia, to whose rule Siston is subject, and on the other the kingdom of Macron [Makra'n], bordering on the territories of India." From the footnotes above it will be seen that Teixeira, in ignorance, mentions the province of Sista"n under three different names as three separate provinces. On Sistan see Eastern Persia, vol. i, p. 395 et seq. 2 On Kurdistcin see Curzon's Persia, vol. i, p. 548 et seq, 3 On Luristdn see Curzon's Persia, vol. ii, p. 273 et seq. 4 See supra, p. 47. " Morts" = Arab. murtazd (chosen, approved), a title applied to AH. In Bk. I, chap, xiv, of the Kings of Persia, Teixeira says : " All the sects of the Moors, which were and are many, are reducible to two principal ones : Suny, which is that held by the Arabs and Turks and all those that follow the Alcoran of Mohamed without any comments or expositions, and these, as I have said, are called Sunys ; the others Xyahys, who are the Persians and all those that follow Morts Aly." 6 In his Kings of Persia, Teixeira here and there refers to one or other of the Persian writers or books. Thus in Bk. I, chap, xv, he mentions the fables of " Lokmon " (Lukmdn) as current amongst the Persians ; in chap, xviii he states that they possess and prize the works of Hypocrates, Democritus, Plato, Socrates, Aristotle, Galen, and other Greek authors, and also books in prose and verse recount- ing the exploits of Rusta"m ; in chap, xxii he tells us that Alexander caused to be translated out of Persian into Greek three books, one on medicine, another on astrology and mathematics, and a third on philosophy ; and at the end of the same chapter he says that the Persians have written many books in prose and verse extolling the deeds of Alexander ; in chap, xxxv he speaks of the works of Boaly or Avicenna, and records the bringing from India to Persia of "two very celebrated books of philosophy, the one called Kelilah, and the other Wademana" " (a curiously incorrect description of the Kalilah 252 APPENDIX C. are very amorous ; are acquainted with all the sciences and speculative arts, the professors of which treat of them with great nicety and subtlety. Their common law, however, occupies no more codices or volumes than that of their sect ; by the which they are governed, intrusting the work of the administration of justice to trustworthy persons. The Persian men are jealous, and the women not over chaste. In fine, Persia is one of the civilised monarchies of the world, and not one of the least. There usually come from all the provinces of Persia to Harmuz large caravans or cafilas, to trade with the Portuguese and other Christians, and the heathen and Moors that reside there, and to barter what they bring, 1 namely, gold, silver, raw and manufactured silk, brocades, carpets, horses, madder, alum, tuthidth* rhubarb, rose-water, and divers other commodities. They take away very fine cloths and handker- chiefs, cloves, cinnamon, pepper, cardamom, ginger, mace, nutmeg, sugar, calayn* or tin, sandalwood and sapamf or brazil- wood, China porcelain, musk, ambergris, lignaloes, precious stones, pearls, indigo, lac, and many other things. The Persians have no shipping except on the Caspian Sea ; and some that go to India do so by way of Harmuz in Portuguese ships, or in others under their licence. 5 All the inhabitants of Persia are either Moors who are Xyays (and these form the greater part), or heathen Gaoryazdys who worship fire : 6 who, though many in number, are few in comparison with the others ; or Jews, who are free to live anywhere, there being some eight to ten thousand families of them throughout all the provinces of Persia. There are also not a few Armenian and Nestorian Christians. 7 wa-Dimnah or fables of Bidpdi) ; and in chap, xxxvii he mentions a book of Persian poetry called " Khozrrai Xerin " (Khusrau Shiriri). In Bk. II, chap. Iv, also, Teixeira states that in the time of Hula"ku Kha'n there flourished in Persia "Coaja Naciradin Tuffy, a famous astrologer, who wrote a book, called Zich el Kony, of judgments and figures, very celebrated among the Persians " (the astronomical Tables of the Ilkhdni by the famous Ndsiruddin are meant). See also supra, p. 219. 1 Cf. supra, p. 1 68, and infra, p. 266. 1 Sic, by a printer's error probably (see supra, p. 218). 3 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. " Calay." 4 See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. " Sappan-wood." 6 On the navigation of the Caspian Sea see footnote supra, p. 246. Regarding the Portuguese system of passports, or cartazes, cf. supra p. 24. 6 See supra, p. 196. T Cf. supra, p. 168. PROVINCES UNDER THE DOMINION OF PERSIA. 253 MAURENAHAR is the name of those territories that lie across the river Gehun, which divides them from Karason. 1 Here are Koar- razm 2 and Gaznehen,* and then corne Turkestam, 4 Uzbek, 5 Tatar, 6 Ketao Kotan, 7 and others innumerable, no less rich and opulent than warlike. 1 The river " Gehun " (spelt " Jehun" above) is, of course the Oxus, Jaihiin being the Arabic name, and Amu or Amu Daria the local name. " Maurenahar" is Arabic Ma ward 'I Nahr=" beyond the river," or " Transoxiana " (see Lt.-General Walker's article "Oxus" in Encycl. Brit., Qth ed., vol. xviii, p. 101). 2 Khwa'rizm, regarding which see article " Khiva," in Encycl. Brit., 9th ed., vol. xiv, p. 62. 1 "Gaznahen" (Teixeira once only has "Gazna" = Ghaznfn, other- wise Ghazni, Ghaznah, etc., the famous city in Afghanistan, generally associated with the name of Mahmud. For description and history see Yule's article in Encycl. Brit., gth ed., vol. x, p. 359 et seq. 4 In Bk. I, chap, viii, of the Kings of Persia (cf. supra, p. 204) Teixeira states that Tur, son of Frayhdun (Feridun) " founded a city, which was called from his name Turon, and the same was given to that kingdom and the whole region, Turquestam as it is called to this day. It is situated near the Caspian Sea, above it towards the east, in the territories that are called those of Maure nahar." For a description of Turkestan and its history, see Prince Kropotkin's article in Encycl. Brit., an Arabian weight, 1 77 Abbas, Shah. See Shah Abbas. Abdarmon, spring of, 167 Abd-er-Razzak, 188 Abdu-'l-Mumin Khan, 249 Abdul Rahman, 47 Abraham, connection with Aleppo, 114 ; with Orfa, 123 Abrantes, melons of, 266 Abreu, Captain Miguel de, iv Abu Jafar Mansur, son of Muham- mad, 69 Abumemtem, 105 Abu Regemo, valley of, 77 Aburixa Hamed, Amir of Ana, 84 Abu Taleb, 52 Acapulco, xviii, 9, 13 Ac.en, Amir, 173 Achin, kingdom of, 2 ; ambassadors from, xxxvi, xxxviii, Ixiii, Ixiv, Ixxxix ; the Dutch and, Ixii, Ixvi, Ixxii, Ixxvii, Ixxxv Acle or Achla, hamlet of, no Acuna, Don Pedro de, Governor of Philippines, 9 Adalia, Gulf of, 139 Adams, William, Ixxvi, Ixxx Adatha, 101 Aden Then, hill, 92 Aderbaion. See Azarbaijan. Adibes, foxes of Gerun island, 167 Aesop, 206 Afiony, an opium eater, 200 Aflayah, town of, 74 Africa, Turkish depredations on N. E. coasts of, iv Afrin, river near Aleppo, 124 Agaric trade in Cyprus, 138 Agathius, ciii Ageb, Mir, chief in Bahrein, 187 ; put to death, 1 88 Agem. See Persia. Agemis, 51, 65 Aguiar, Bras d', Captain of Melinde, xlvii Aguyla, or lignaloes, 214 Agy, or Agi, Eastern title, 238 Ahasuerus, ciii, 71 Ahen, Hheun or Hhyuna, 38 Ahen Macuba, fountains, in Ahmad Abu Risha, King of Ana, 84 Ahwaz, city, 26 Aieb Xam^adin, Amir, 183 Ain Dhahab, spring, 109 Ain-es-Zerga, 107 Ain Saida, ruined city, 41 Akbar, xxvi Ak Dagh, or Western Taurus moun- tain, 139 Akpunar, river of, 126 Akr Kuf, ruins of, 74 Alaverdi Khan, Captain-General of King of Persia, 71, 174 Alaby, Xeque, 45 Albors Kuyh, 196 Albuquerque, Affonso de, captures Hormuz, 191, 192 Albuquerque, Estevao de, Ixxxvi Albuquerque, Fernao de, Captain of Malacca, Ixiv, Ixxxvi Albuquerque, Mathias de, xlix ; Captain of Hormuz, xxvi, xxviii ; nominated Viceroy, xi ; arrives at Goa, xv, 231 Alcoran, 40, 59 Aleppo, xxii, xxiii, xxvi, xxvii, 57> 60, 71, 109, 117, 121, 122; de- scribed, 112, 113, 115; plague at, 113; Pasha of, 116; trade of, 67, 85, 86, 88, 100, 118-122, 130 Alexandretta, port of Aleppo, xxiii, 117, 121, 129, 130, 132 Alexandria, trade with Alexandretta, 132 Algarve, xix Algiers, Dey of, 145 Al Hasa, trade with Basra, 29 AH Bey, Mir, Captain of Turkish fleet, xii ; retires to Mombasa, but abandons the place, xiii ; saved from Zimbas by Portuguese, xiv Ali Shah, 184 Alkay^ar, or Kaygar, 40 All Saints' Bay in Brazil, Ixxiv Allen, Richard, xliv Almeida, Antonio Lopes de, Ivii Almeida, Fernao de, Iv Almoktady Bilah, Caliph, 69 Almostazer Bilah, Caliph, 69 INDEX. 271 Alum, 165, 245, 252 Aly, King of Isle of Kais, 157 Alybe, 112 Amadizes, warlike tribe of Persia, 190 Amao. See Oman. Amaro, Fr., Ixiv Ambara tree in India, 234 Amber, 227, 232 Ambergris, 202, 252 Amboyna, Ixiii, Ixvii, Ixviii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxvi Amedom. See Hamadan. Amguli Tagh, mountains near Aleppo, 124 Amir Hamed Agy, 238 Amomum, a medicine, 236 Ampaza, v, vi, xiii Amsterdam, Dutch ship, xxxiv, xxxv, Ixxiii, Ixxix Amza Khan, Amir, Governor of Langar Kanon, 208 Ana, on the Euphrates, 57, 78, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86 ; description of, 82, 83 ; fruits and olive trees of, 83 Ancona, mountains of, 150 Andrade, Captain Joao Gago de, iii Andrea, Cape, in Cyprus, 133 Andreguir (Indragiri), river in Ber- hala Strait, 5 Andreuy, isle in Persian Gulf, 21 Angan. See Henjam Island. Angola, xxxii, Ixix, Ixxviii, 147, 238 Aniao, Gulf of, Ixxxi Aniza, island near Mozambique, 204 Anriques, Joao Soares, Ixxxiii Antao Gil, Bay of, xlii Antioch, city of, remains of, 127 Antioch, .ake of, 127 Antonio, Dom, Prior of Crato and pretender to throne of Portugal, xxvi, xxviii, xxix Antonio, Miser, xxix Apheute Christo, mountain, 141 Aquila, 214 Aohenhat, 75 Arabia, climate, people, and products of, 201, 227, 228 ; trade, 29 Arabian Jews in Ana, 84 Arabic supersedes Persian characters, 210; words adopted into Spanish and Portuguese, 210 Arabs of Regh Ceyfadin, 24 ; heavy tribute exacted from, by Turks at Basra, 28 ; paid by caravans for safe-conduct, 39 ; horse-thieving by, 43, 73 ; attack a caravan, 106 Arad Island, 175 Aram Sobah, Aleppo, 112 Archery school at Bagdad, 68 ; at Aleppo, 121 Ardavel or Ardevil, in Persia, 205, 246 Areca, 199, 235 Areca, Arequy, or Arrack, wine made in Persia and India, 197, 198 Argel, King of. See Algiers, Dey of. Argentarias Isles (Japan), 10 Ariosto, Lodovico, 131 Arissabaya, on coast of Madura, Ixvii Armenians, in Aleppo, rich houses of, 113 ; of Hormuz, 168; Armenian Christians, in Persia, 252 ; Ar- menian Christians in Bagdad, 66 Arniqua. See Larnaka. Arroba, measure of weight, 134 Artabanus, clii Ascension Island, Ixxv Aschika, ruins of, 105 Aski Shahr, 254 Assafcetida, 201, 209, 242, 249 Assambei, King, 189 Asses, trade in, 39, 67 ; wild, 36, 42,99 Asshar creek, at Basra, 28 Astrabad, near Caspian Sea, 247 Astrakam, 247 Ataide, Pedro de, xliii Atex quedah, mountain in Persia, 196 Atttncar, borax, 76 Audiffret, M. H., opinion on French version of Teixeira's book, xciii Austria, Don John of, fight of Lepanto, 147 Avicenna, 235, 254 Awal Island, 175 Ayas Ceyfin, King of Gerun, 169 Ayas Kala, ancient city, 131 Ayaz bargains for island of Gerun, 162, 163 Aydar, Xeque, 246 Ayzadin Gordon Xa, Amir of Hor- muz, 169 Ayzadin, Malek, governor of Xyraz, 169, 262 Azarbaijan, province of Persia, 197, 206, 244 Azevedo, Antonio de, Captain of Hormuz, xvi Azevedo, D. Jeronimo de, ix, x ; Captain of Mozambique, xxxiv, xlvii ; Captain-major of Malabar coast, xxxiv Babakhon, title of, 216 Babuxa, King of Persia, 193 Babylon, Old, remains of, 57, 70 2/2 INDEX. Bagdad, xxii ; description of, 60 ; inhabitants of, 65 ; ruins of ancient city, 63 ; origin of, 69 ; garrison and government of, 64, 7 1 ; citadel of, 63 ; climate, products, indus- tries, etc., of, 67, 68 ; threatened by the Persians, 71 ; trade of, 29, 33, 67, 61, 85, 100 Bagozzy, loan Battista, Venetian merchant, 1 12 Bahadin Ayaz Seyfin, King of Hormuz, 160, 260 Baharon, King of Persia, 256 Baharon Xa, Amir Mobarezadin, 171 Bahrein Islands, and their pearl- fishery, 26, 29, I73-I77, 183, 265 Bailan, pass of, 127 Bajti, 4 Balao, a rowing-boat, Ivi Balbi, Gasparo, 194 Bali, Island of, xliii, Hi, 2 Balkh, 254 Balsas river, 13 Balsas of canes, rafts, 1 3 Balyo, 178 Banda Islands, Ixvii, Ixxxiv Bandar Abbas, 155 Bandar Ibrahim, lands of, 156 Bandar Nakhilu, 21 Banek, Bibi, Queen of Hormuz, 1 59 Bangasaly, loghea, 207 Bangasalys of Hormuz, 168 Banians in Hormuz, 168 Banjarmasin, 4 ; bezoar stones of, 230 Bantam, city of, xliii, Ixviii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv ; the Dutch and, xxxv, Ixvii Barbary, coast of, 142 Barbosa - Machado, Abb. Diogo, xxiv Barcelor, x, 210 Bardistan, 22 Barem. See Bahrein. Barents, William, voyages of, Ixxx Barkamin, fort of, 172 Barker, Edmund, Ixi Barley, 19, 29, 35, 44, 49, 175 Barreto, Diogo Moniz, Captain of Hormuz, 19, 169, 174 Barreto, Jorge de Lima, li Barrios, Daniel Levi de, xxiv Barros, Joao de, Portuguese histo- rian, civ, 192 Barselor, Upper, capital of Canara, 210 Basidu, or Bassadore, 19 Basra, xx, xxi, xxvii, 19, 25, 70 ; description of, 28 ; sites of, 30, 34, 35 5 government of, 28 ; products, etc., of, 29; caravan trade of, 35, 100 ; trade of, 24, 29, 86, 204 ; explosion at, 30 ; Turks get pos- session of, 30 ; claimed by Mom- barek, 26 Basra, Strait of, 164 Bassein (Basaym), iii, vii, 17 Bax Dulab, 72 Bayona Isles, 15 Bear, English ship, xliv Bear's IVhelp, English ship, xliv Bedawm, Arabs, 36, 37, 74 Beduynes. See Bedawfn. Beghdely, clan of Turkomans, 99 Behaeddin Ajas, Melik, 160, 161 Bejar in Salamanca, origin of name, 98 Belyla, antidote against poisons, 216 Bengal, xlvi, Ixxxviii, 165, 222 ; tiger-hunting in, 222 Benjamin, English ship, xliv Benjamin of Tudela, 31 Benzoin, 2, 227 Berberia, ports of, xxxii Bermuda, xix, 15 Betel, use of, 199, 200 Bezoar stones, of Borneo, 4, 230 ; of Ceylon, 230 ; of India, 230 ; of Malacca, Pahang, Sunda, etc. , 230 ; of Mexico, 231 ; of Persia, 229 ; tests to discover spurious stones, 230 Biarmia, Ixxx Biddulph, Wm., 120, 130 Bi Fatima, 166 Bilan, town of, 128 Biranus, Birenus, or Berenus, 57 Birds, Isle of, 21 Bitumen, 57, 144 Black Stone of Mecca, 239 Blinding of relatives by Kings of Persia, method of, 1 86 Blowpipe (Zeruetana), 6 Blyde Boodschap, Dutch vessel, Ixxviii Boaly, 235 Boekhout, Captain Juriaan, Ixxvii Bokhara, 254 Bolay Agy, Mongana, 238 Bom Jesus, Portuguese galleon, iii, xv, xvi Bombareka. See Mombarek. Borneo, island of, Ixxxii, 3 ; descrip- tion, 4 ; natives of, 5 ; bezoar stones of, 230 Bostan, in Persia, 247 Botelho, Jeronymo, li Botelho, Simao, xlix Botero, Giovanni, treatise on Africa 68 Both, Pieter, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv Braamin in Persia, 257 INDEX. 273 Bradadin, 185 Bradadin, Rex, wazir of Mogostam, 1 66 Bragacya, 36 Braganc_a, D. Constantino de, 239 Brahemy, lands in Persia, 1 56 Brahmans, 210 Brava, xiii. See also Somaliland. Brazil, Ixxviii Brito, Joao Correa de, Captain of Columbo, viii, 221, 232 Brito, Louren9o de, xvii, xxxix, xlvi, 1, lii-lv, Ixxxv Brito, Roque de, v, xii, xiv Brito, Simao de, 221 Broct, Isle of. See Kishm. Bromefield, Thomas, xliv Brown, Jonas, xcv Brune, Vincencio de, xlix Brunei in Borneo, xviii, 5 Bricks, burnt, great stores near Bagdad, 58 Bridge of boats at Bagdad, 60 Buddha, tooth of, destruction of, 239 Buluk bashi, Turkish captain, 66 ; duties of, 67 Bungo in Japan, Ixxvi, Ixxix Burrough, Sir John, xxx Bush-rats of Arabia (Jerboas), 37 Bussorah. See Basra. Butargas, salt-fish roes, 147 Byra, town on the Euphrates, 57 Cabadim, King of Hormuz, 162, 173, 258, 260 Cabilda, a tribe, 94 Cabiley, a tribe, 95 Cabot, John and Sebastian, Ixxxi Cabral, Pero de Almeida, 16 Cache, kingdom of, 210 Caesar, palace of, Arabian fort, 40 Caerden, Paulus van, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv Cairo, Teixeira's notes on, 208 ; opinion of, 201 ; pashalik of, 70 Calaga, Belchior, v Calaminta trade in Cyprus, 138 Calanges, inhabitants of Azarbaijan, 245 Calayat, or Caliate, in Arabia. See Kalhat. Calefah's mosque at Bagdad, 64 Calegary, Dominico, 123 Calenders, 210 Califprnias, 12, 13 Caloiro or Caloyro, monk of the Greek Church, 131, 142 Calumba wood, 214 Camara, Ruy Gonsalves da, iv Cambaya, kingdom of, 201, 210 228 Cambaya tys of Hormuz, 168 Cambodia, 3, 225, 227 Camels and their uses, 87 ; exported from Basra, 29 ; great herds at Bir Enus, 58 ; trade at Bagdad, 67 ; duty on, at Tayibe, 103 ; spare ones in caravans, 73 ; danger of shipping in wet weather, 108 ; Arab doctoring of, 45 ; food of, 86 Camel-hire between Aleppo and its port, annual cost of, 121 Camel-panniers, description of, xxii, 73 Camels' milk and colocynths, medi- cine from, 36 Camel's straw, a medicine of Arabia, 228 Camphor, of Achin, 2 ; of Borneo, 4 Canals, 27, 30, 74 Cananor, fortress of, x Canara, x, 210 Candia, Isle of, 132, 141 Candia, kingdom of Ceylon, 235 Cane Burgol, 120 Canes, hawsers of, 4 Cangeatica, rebel lord of Japan, Ixxix Caniales, daggers of Arabs, 43 Cannafistola, 8 Canto. See Kuwanto. Canzir, Cape, in Syria, 133 Capgi, porter, 70 Cara Bax, fighting tribe, 67 Caramania, 129, 133, 151 Caramusales, Turkish vessels, 132 Caranja, Portuguese galleon, iii Cardamoms, in Ceylon, 235 ; ex- ported from Persia, 252 Carpathus, Isle of, 141 Carpets, trade in Persia, 217, 243, 249, 250, 252 Cartazes, 24 Carvalho, Pero Fernandes de, Ixxxvii Caryseas (Kerseys), imported into Aleppo, 1 20 Casas de Kaoah, coffee - houses at Bagdad, 62 ; at Aleppo, 121 Caselbax, Persians, 67, 82 Castanho, Simao, pilot, 16 Castelbranco, D. Jorge de, 174 Castello-branco, Trajano Rodrigues de, Ixxxvi Castello, Portuguese ship, Ixxxiii Castel Marquez, at Alexandretta, 131 Castel Nuevo, on Gulf of Venice, 149 Castel Rosso, 139 Castel Torneze, 144 Castro, D. Fernando de, 9 Castro, D. Martini Affonso de, li T 274 INDEX. Catane, Lord of Arabia, 263 Cataro, fortress on Gulf of Venice, 149 Catella, Diogo, li Catiffa, 265 Cat's-eyes, 232 Cat's method of fishing with its tail, 223 Cattle, introduced into Philippines by Spaniards, 8 ; at Basra, 29 ; at Bir Enus, 58; of Sao Louren9o, xlii ; large herds near Tayibe, 92 ; disease in Cyprus, 138 Cavalleiro, Francisco, iv Cavendish, Thomas, voyage of, ii, xxxi Cavite, bay of, 6 Cazel Bax, fighting tribe, 67, 82 Cedars, island of, 1 1 Ceifadim, King of Persia, 191, 193 Ceifadixa, 182 Cellates (Seletes), sea-faring people in Straits of Singapore, 3, 222 Cenizas, Isle of, 1 1 Cephalonia, island of, 147 Ceylon, 175, 210, 232; pearl fishery, 177 ; products of, 235 Cha (tea), 201 Chaboya, Capt. Domingo Hortis de, 9 Chaldees, living at Aleppo, 116 Chales, 46 Chalybon, 112 Champa, kingdom of, 3, 225 Chandana, sandalwood, 215 Chardin, Jean, cvii 'Charu, cement, 167 Chatins, 210, 211 Chart, port in Queixome, 19 GkatuMu. mantles, 66 Chaul, vii, xxvi, xl CAaus, officer of the Turk, 95, 150 Cheeses produced in Cyprus, 134 Chelonites, 144 Chess, game of, origin of, 238 Chieri, port in Zante, 144 Chilao, probably Shilu, on Persian Gulf, 22 Chilaw, town of, ix ; sacked by Portuguese, 177 ; pearl-fishery of, 177, 235 Child-birth, plant of Ceylon used to facilitate, 232 Chiloe, fortress in Peru, Ixxviii, Ixxix China, Ixxxviii, Ixxxix ; trade with Philippines, 8 ; trade with Ana, 86 ; pearls in, 179; dearth of salt in, 165 ; alum used instead of salt in, 165 ; pamplis (liquor) made in, 198 ; wines made in, 198 ; descrip- tion and use of tea from, 201 ; rhu- barb brought from, 213 ; Bishop of, held captive by King of Achin, xxxvi ; Emperor of, Queen Eliza- beth's letter to, xliv China Poo. See Cinnamon. China Root. See Cinnamon. China Wood. See Cinnamon. China porcelain, from Persia, 252 Chincheo, port in China, 3 Chincheos, Chinese of Fuh-kien, 7, 226 ; Portuguese capture ships and goods of, liii; Portuguese ordered not to attack vessels of, liv Chincungu, in Japan, Ixxxi Chingala tongue, 177 Chinguys Kan, King, 253 Ckipo, oyster, 178 Chitas, tame leopards, 220 Choabedeh, 36, 37 Chocolate of Mexico, 201 Cholle, 1 02 Christ, Order of, Portuguese honour, iii Christian city near Es Sabakhah, remains of, 109; Greeks, of Cyprus, 134 ; temple near Basra, 31 Christianity in Philippine Isles, 7 Christians not allowed to live in Mashad Ali, 49 ; living at Aleppo, 115, 116; of Hormuz, 168 Chylao. See Chilaw. Cinnamon, of Ceylon, 235 ; differ- ent names given to, 236 ; shrub, description of, 236 ; exported from Aleppo, 119; exported from Per- sia, 252 Citium, city, 136 Cittanuova, port of, 150 Clarence Strait, 19 Cloths, trade in Persia, 252 ; dues at Ana on, 85 Cloves, exported from Aleppo, 119; exported from Persia, 252 Coaia Yafez, Persian poet, 219 Cobadim or Cobadixa, 182 Cobrocya in Arabic, 36 C, ocana. See Es Sikhneh. Cochin, x, xv, xxvii, xxx, xxxi, Ivii, Ixviii, Ixix, Ixxxviii ; long-armed citizen of, 205 ; rock-salt exported from Gerun by ships of, 165 ; dis- ease cured by use of hog-stone, 231 ; cinnamon of, 235 ; pepper from, vi Cochin - China, 3 ; cinnamon and eagle-wood of, 235 Cochineal imported into Aleppo from Venice, 119 Coco-stones, 232 INDEX. 275 Codrington, Dr. O., xcviii Cofalla bank, Quilimane, Ixxxiii Coffee, description and use of, 62, 20 1 Coffee-houses of Bagdad, 62 ; of Aleppo, 121 Co/os, in Borneo, targets made of rattans, 5 Coinage in Persia, 258 Coins minted at Basra, 30 Coje Zoete, 195 Colocynths, medicine made from, 35 Columbo, in Ceylon, viii, 235 Colthurst, Richard, English Consul at Aleppo, 1 20 Commagene, province of, 112, 129 Comorin, Cape, ix, li, 175 Conar, evergreen in Gerun, 166 ConbacoTaycosama, ruler of Japan, 10 Concan, kingdom of, 210 Conceifao, Portuguese ship, xl, Ixviii, Ixxiii, Ixxxiii Concepcdo, Portuguese ship, iii Congo, titles used in, 238 Constantinople, sheep trade with Ana, 88 ; trade with Alexandretta, 132 ; Dey of Algiers' voyage to, H5 Consuls, Frank, at Aleppo, 118 Contadora, ship, 9 Copper, imports into Aleppo from England, 120 Corda, Captain Balthazar da, Ixxvii, Ixxviii Cordes, Simon de, Ixxvi-lxxix, Ixxvii Corea. See Korea. Corfu, Island of, 149 Corinthian grapes. See Currants. Corner, Girolamo, 143 Coromandel coast, 175 ; use of hot water as a drink, 202 Corna Zebad, hills, 108 Cornfields of Zante, 142 Corvo, in the Azores, xxxii Cory or Comory, Cape, 175 Costa, D. Alvaro da, Ixxxvii Costa, D. Francisco da, Ixxxvii Costa, Sebastiao da, Ixxxiii Costa, Simao da, vii, ix Costeca. See Kohistug. Cotimo, tax on goods at Aleppo, 119 Cotolendi, Charles, xciii Cotton, at Bagdad, 67 ; trade of Cyprus, 134 ; grown near Mashad Ali, 44 ; grown near Mashad Husain, 55 ; and cotton yarn ex- ported from Aleppo, 119 Couriers from Constantinople to Aleppo, 119 Coutinho, Antonio Pereira, 1 Coutinho, Diogo Lopes, xvi, 4 Coutinho, Captain-Major D. Jerony- mo, iii, xl, Ixiv, Ixviii, Ixix, Ixxiv, Ixxv, Ixxxiii Coutinho, Manoel de Sousa, iii, iv, viii, ix, x, xi, xvi, xxx, 210, 231 Coutinho, Martim Affonso de Mello, Hi, Ixxxvi Coutinho, Pedro, Captain of Hor- muz, 19, 174 Coutinho, Ruy Dias de Aguiar, 1, liii Coutinho, Thome de Sousa, xii, xiii, xiv, xv Couto, Diogo de, ii, Ixvi, Ixviii, Ixix, Ixxvi, Ixxvii, Ixxviii, Ixxix, Ixxxi, Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, Ixxxvii Cows, Isle of, 230 ; (wild) of Persia, 220 Crystal work of Sinhalese, 238 Cremam. See Karman. Crocodiles, 224, 225 Cruz, Belchior Diaz da, 32 Cruz, Caspar da, xc, xcvii, 256 Cuama, river of, 224, 225 Cuba, xix Cumberland, Earl of, xli Cunha, Miguel da, Iv Cunha, Nuno da, xlvii, li, 193 Cun Kan, kingdom of, 210 Curdestam, 69, 71 Currants of Zante, 143 Customs officers at Bagdad, 54 Custom-house receipts of Hormuz, 266 Cuyper, Jacob, Hi Cyprus, Isle of, 133, 134 ; trade with Alexandretta, 132 ; various names of, 135; prosperity under Venetians, 134 ; consuls at, 134 ; Pasha of, 136, 137; dearth in, 138; shipping trade with Venice, 148 Cyrus, ciii Dabul, 193 Daifuxama, Ixxxi, Ixxxii Dallam, Thomas, 130, 142, 143 Dal Ponte, Agostino, 123 Dal Ponte, Piero, 123, 146, 150 Dalmatia, 149, 150 Damarkand, in Usbek, 254 Damascus, 122, 208 ; its trade, 67, 88, 100 Damavand, in Persia, 244, 248 Danecas, boats, 29, 55 Danial, Shaikh, 162 Darab (Dar-Aguerd), 207, 242 Dargahon (Darguwan), port in Queixome, 19, 185, 187 T 2 276 INDEX. Daryah Gueylany, 246 Dates, 29, 85, 175 ; wine made from, 197, 198 Davis, John, Ixii Deer, 36 ; medicinal stones obtained from, 231 Deh Na, 159 Deccan, kingdom of, 210 Denu, battle of, 159 Derab, 'captured by Xa Kodbadin, 181 Deranquu, name given to King Mahometh of Hormuz, 258 Derrima, fortress of, 108 Devil, Persian and Arab names for the, 197 Dkaramsalas, caravanserais, 46 Dhofar, in Arabia, 159, 227 Dialah, river of, 71 Diamonds, methods of obtaining, etc., 232 Diarbek or Karaemit, in Mesopo- tamia, 86 Diaz, Antonio, Ixxi Diba, kind of silk in Persia, 216 Digilah or Diguylak, the river Tigris, 60 Dinar, Malek. See Guayacadin, Malek. Diyarbakar, 246 Djebel Bu Schir, range of hills, 98 Djebel Serbin, 99 Djebrin, town of, 1 1 1 Djub Ghanim (? lubeba), 97 Do^ar, in Persia, 164 Doqar, stream of, 181 Dondra temple, Ceylon, xii Doneys, ix Doniar, Xeque, priest, 163 Dorak or Dawrak (Doreka), city, 26, 29 Doro, river, xliv Drahem, fortress of, 108 Drahemya, near Basra, 34 Drake, Sir Francis, xxv Dschelaleddin Sijurghutmisch, ruler of Kerman, 160 Dschemaleddin, of Fars, King of Islam, 160, 161 Duarte, Luis Fernandes, xxxii, xxxiii Ducats, 70 Dudley, Sir Robert, xliii, xliv Duifken, Dutch pinnace, xxxiv Dutch at Aleppo, 120, 121 ; expedi- tions to E. Indies, i, ii, xxxiv, Ixi, Ixvi, Ixvii, Ixxvi, Ixxxi, Ixxxii, Ixxxviii ; and Achin, Ixvii ; and Bantam, xxxv; and Japanese, Ixxvii ; and Portuguese, xvii, xxxxii, xli, Ixxxviii ; and Spaniards, Ixxxii Duzgun in Persia, 209, 217, 242 Dyestuffs, earth exported from Cyprus, 137 Dyo, xxix Eagle-wood of Cochinchina, 235 Earthenware made at Aleppo, 121 Earthquake that destroyed Lar, 241 East India Company formed in Eng- land, Ixxxviii Eben Emana, Arab tribe, 72 Eben Rabyah, Arab clan, 106 Ebenkaiz, clan of Arabs, 106 Ebony in the Philippines, 8 Ebrahem Salgor, 173 Eca, D. Francisco d', xxxvi Edible birds' nests of the East Indies, 226 Edward, English ship, Ixi Edward Bonaventure, English ship, xxxi, Ixi Eggs, collected by Arabs in Hincl- arabi isle, 21 Egypt, trade with Alexandretta, 132 Ein-ak, river, 126 El Chidhr, 100 El Dandal, robber, 88, 90 El Kajitn (Kahem), 93 El Katif, near Bahrein, 26 ; trade with Basra, 29 El Meshad, 76 Elephants, 221, 225 Emadadin Opera, a kind of cannon, Ivi Esther and Ahasuerus, 71 Ethiopia, product of myrrh, 227 Euphrates, river, 25 ; river, back- water at Mashad Ali, 45 ; valley land route to Europe, xix Eye diseases, use of surmah for, 219 Ezekiel, tomb of, 50 Fachreddin Ahmed ben Ibrahim Et-Thaibi, lord of Hormuz Island, 160, 161 Fal, in Persia, 185 Falah Atsany, Agi Mahamed ben, 33 Falcons, used in hunting in Persia, 220 Famagosta, in Cyprus, 136 Faria y Sousa, Manuel de, lix, Ixviii, Ixx Farracoxa, Mir, 194 Fars, province of, 229, 240 Farur, isle of, 20 Fatehpur Sikri, xxvi Fayo, Joao Gomes, Iv, Ivi, Ivii Federici, Cesare, 194 Fellahieh, city of, 26 Fernandes, Diego, xxii, 59, 73, 88, 93 Ferragoxa, King of Hormuz, 193, 194 Ferragut Xa, King of Hormuz, 166, 206, 238 Feruxa, King of Hormuz, 194 Fig-trees, near lake of Antioch, 127 Figueiredo, Ruy Mendes de, Iv Figueiroa, Esteval Rodrigues de, 236 Filippe the Prudent, King D., death of, Ixxxiv Fimmarchia, Ixxx Fire, religion of, in Persia, 196 Fireballs used to fire vessels, 18 Firelocks made by Sinhalese, 238 Fir-trees near lake of Antioch, 127 Fish, 29, 61, 117, 143, 222, 223 Fish-bones, trinkets made from, 223 Fish-teeth used for blowpipe darts, 6 Fisher's Rock, 222 Fitch, Ralph, xv, xxvi-xxxi Flax-weaving at Bagdad, 67 Florida, xix Flour sent to Manila from Chincheo and Japon, 8 Fogo, Isle of, xliv Foists, ix, 22 Fowls, 29, 49 Franciscan friars, 119, 137 Francisco, Juan Battista de, 137 Frangue, 204 Franks leave Tripoli for Alexan- dretta, 130 Freire, Joao Pais, Ixxxiii French consul at Aleppo, 118, 120; at Alexandretta, 131 ; merchants at Aleppo, 118; trade with Aleppo, 120, 121 Fruit-trees of Hormuz island, 260 Fruit and vegetables of Queixome, 19 ; imported into Mashad Ali, 49 Fruits of Persia, 242, 266 Fuel used at Mashad Husain, 53 Fufel, fruit, 199 Furat, river, 56 Fyad, nephew of Amir of Ana, 90 Galle, port in Ceylon, 235 Galls, 85, 86, 119, 144 Gama, D. Francisco da, Viceroy of India, xl, xlv, xlvi, xlviii-1, lii-lv, Ixiii, Ixiv, Ixviii, Ixix, Ixxxiv- Ixxxvii, 17 Gama, D. Joao da, 224 Gama, D. Luiz da, xlix, Ixiii Gama, D. Vasco da, captain of ship, Ixviii, Ixxiv Gama, D. Vasco da, son of D. Francisco, Ixxxiv Ganges river, crocodiles of, 224 Gaon, fruit in Persia, 218 Gaoryazdys, Moors of Persia, 196, 252 Garajao, shoals of, xvi Garra, caravan robbed at, 107 Gat, fortress in Persia, 156, 173 Gatan, 157 Gaules, warlike tribe in Persia, 190 Gaxkhar, in Persia, 208, 246 Gax Khar. See Kashgar. Gayetan, hamlet in Zante, 143 Gazela, Bibi, 193 Gazelles, 36, 74, 104, 167, 220 Gaznahen, city of Afghanistan, 253 Gebrahin (Djebrin), town, in Gedida, town on the Furat, 56 Geese and ducks abundant on Shat- el-Arab river, 26 Gehun river. See Oxus. Gelaladin Queyzy, Malek, 173 Gelaladin Suraget Mex, Sultan, 159 Geloof) Dutch ship, Ixxviii Gemelli-Careri, Giovanni Francesco, cvii Genebrardus, ciii George, killed by Spaniards, Ix Georgia, 245 Georgians of Hor.muz, 168 278 INDEX. Gerun, original inhabitant of Island of Hormuz, 162, 165 Gerun, Island of. See Hormuz. Gez, fortress, 157 Ghadir-et-Tair, watercourse, 100 Ghaneiza (Geneza), caravanserai, 50 Ghazan Khan, chief of Mongols, 161 Gibel Bilan, mountains, 128 Gibel el Bexar, hills, 98 Gilan, Gueylon or Guylan, 205, 208 ; province in Persia, 246 ; sea of, 246 Ginger exported from Persia, 252 Giralte, Antonio, xlix Girdles and sashes as badges of honour, 203 Glass made at Aleppo, 121 Goa, iv, vii, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxx, Ixviii, Ixix, 17, 205, 210; alarm at arrival of Dutch ships in E. Indies, Ixxxv ; chamber of, complain of Dutch capturing their vessels in E. Indies, Ixxxviii ; destruction of Buddha's tooth at, 239 Goats, xlii, Ixxv ; producing bezoar stones, 230 Gold, in Achin, 2 ; in Borneo, 4 ; in Mindanao, 236 ; found in Tartar Empire, 214; exported from Manila to Mexico, 8 ; trade in Persia, 252 ; in Cyprus, monk's story of, 137 ; coin, exported from Aleppo, 119 Golden Chersonese, region of, in city of Malacca, I Goldsmiths at Bagdad, 68 Gombroon, 1 74, 209. See also Ban- dar Abbas. Gomegme, caravan halting-place, 77 Gomes, Captain Antonio, iii Good Hope, Cape of, Ixxxviii Gordon Xa, founds Hormuz, 162, 163, 171 ; captures ships bound to Keys, 169 ; defeats King of Keys, 170; holds Hormuz against King of Keys, 171 ! captured by King of Keys, 171 ; driven ashore in Hormuz by a storm, 171 ; driven from his kingdom but returns, 171 Gouvea, Fa. Ant., 71, 241 Grain imports into Zante, 142 Greek saint's feast, 144 ; philosophi- cal and medical works in hands of Persians, 206 Greeks, in Aleppo, rich houses of, 113 ; head -gear of, 135 Greenland, Ixxxi Greville, Fulke, Ixiv Griego, Cape in Cyprus, 133 Grotlandia. See Greenland. Guadel, in Persia, 163 Guayacadin Dinar, Malek, 171, 172 ; Malek, King of Keys, 173, 264 Gueche (gypsum), in Persia, 167 Guerreiro, Fernao, Ixxvii, Ixxix Gueylon. See Gilan. Guillestigui, Juan Martinez de, 9 Guinea, slaves in Zante from, 147 Gujerat, 199, 201 Gum produced in Cyprus, 138 Guns of bronze at Bagdad, 64 Gurgestam, trade with Persia, 245 Guyn6, yams from, 209 Guzman, Don Francisco Tello de, 9 Gypsum found in Persia, 167 Habin, river in Persia, 248 Hadyt, on the Euphrates, 56, 78, 90 Hagen, Steven van der, Ixxxiv Hahe oie, caravan halting-place, 104 Haidar, 246 Halkhan. See Khalkhal. Haluz, on the Euphrates, 56 Hamadan, in Persia, 244 Haman, Esther and, 71 Hamed, brother of King of Hormuz, 158 Hamed Khan, Governor of Laion, 208 Hamed Raxet, Xeque, 188 Hammam, sulphurous stream, 126 Hares, 36, 37, 98, 99 Harmus. See Hormuz. Hats used by Turks in Cyprus, 134 Havana, xix, 15 Hawizeh (? Oeza), city, 26 Heemskerk, Jacob van, Ixvii, Ixxxviii Henjam, in Persian Gulf, 19, 170, 263 Henrique, Cardinal D., li Henriques, Capt. D. Francisco, 1 Henriques, Joao Soares, Ixxiv Herat, city in Khorasan, 248 Herons in Mesopotamia, 74 Hhaleb = Aleppo, 112 Hhanega, stream in Arabia, 42 Hheun, Hhyuna or Ahen, 38 Hhynigha, 38 Hides, commerce in, 144, 241 Hideyoshi, Toyotomi, 10 Hijra, Moorish epoch, 69 Hikla (Acle), hamlet of, 109, no Hillah(Hela), town on the Euphrates, 57 Hindarabi (Andreuy), isle of, 21 Hippopotamus, 223 Hira, city of, 48 Hirahistan, 182 Hisphaon. See Ispahan. Hit (Hyt), town on the Euphrates, 55. 56, 78 INDEX. 279 Hog-stone, medicinal qualities of, 232 ; obtained in Syaka, 232 Hollandia, Dutch ship, xxxiv, 120; at St. Helena, xxxvii Homer Soiadin, 182 Honey at Zante, 143 Hoop, Dutch ship, Ixxviii Hordobat. See Ordabad. Hormuz, island of, v, vii, xx, 19, 158, J 63, 197, 262, 266 ; description, 164 ; fortress of, 165 ; city of, 167 ; open trade of, 1 68 ; prospers under Kodbadin's rule, 183 ; Teixeira's residence in, xvi ; Englishmen at, xxv-xxx ; sack of, xc ; Strait of, vii, 163 ; sea of, pearl fisheries in, 177 ; trade of, 17, 29, 218, 236, 266 ; conquered by Portuguese, 168, 191 ; decline of, 169, 192 ; besieged by King of Keys, 1 70 ; invaded by men of Keys, 172, 173 ; Keys con- quered by King of, 173 ; Bahrein added to kingdom of, 173 ; subdued by Nazomadin, 181 ; island of, King of Hormuz takes refuge in, 260 ; King of, seized by King of Xyraz, 264 ; escapes and returns to Hormuz, 264 ; attacks and sacks Keys, 265; custom of naming the Kings of, 259 ; second attack by King of Xyraz, 263 ; defeats King of Xyraz, 263 ; chronicle of Kings of, 256 Hormuz, Old, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 169, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 264; origin of, 153, 155 ; flourishes under Soleyman, 155 ; conquered by Turks, 161 ; attacked by King of Karman, 260 ; destroyed by King of Karman, 261 ; treaty of peace with Keys, 262 ; attacked by King of Xyraz, 263 Horseback, jousts on, in Hormuz, 206 Horsemanship schools at Aleppo, 121 Horses exported from Basra, 29 ; great herds at Bir Enus, 58 ; trade at Bagdad, 67 ; trade in Persia, 252 Horsburgh Light, in Straits of Singa- pore, 3 Hrey, city in Persia, 248 Houtman, Cornelis de, commander of Dutch fleet to the East, xxxv, Ixii, Ixxvii; killed by Achinese, Ixvi Houtman, Frederik de, Ixvi Hulaku Khan, 252 Human flesh eaten by Javanese and Zimbas, 237 ; sold publicly in Pegu, 237 Hunting in Persia, reference to, 220 Husain's (Ocem's) mosque at Mashad Husain, 52 Huyenbe, wine of Kaffraria, 198 Hyerak, province of Persia, 209, 242 Hyr, Hormuz and territories around invaded by men of, 157 Hyrcania, 250 I^a, King of Hormuz, 156 I 232 Laxkary, KingofOrmuz, 156 Laya^a, Gulf of, 131 ; fortified city 133 282 INDEX. Laz, chief village of Shaikh Shuwaib, 21 Lead, imports into Aleppo from England, 120 Lecena, Lesina or Lussin, 149 Leedes, William, xxvi, xxix Leeuw, Dutch ship, Ixxxv, Ixx-lxiii, Ixvi, Ixviii Ltfuwin, Dutch ship, Ixxxv, Ixii, Ixvi, Ixviii, Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxiii Lenkoran, in Persia, 208 Leopards used in Persia for hunting, 220 Lepanto, battle of, 147 Lichis (Lechyas), wine made in China from, 198 Licumbo, river, Ixxxiii Liefde, Dutch ship, Ixxxii Lignaloes from Persia, 252 Lima, D. Antonio de, xlix, Ixiii Lima, D. Paulo de, viii, ix, xi Lima, Jorge de, liii Lima, Pero Gomez d'Abreu de, Ixxi Linharcs, Conde de, 1 Linschoten, Jan Huyghen van, iv, xxx, xxxi ; his " Sailing Directory," xxxv, xliii Lions attack a caravan, 42 Liquorice, leaves, wine made in Persia from, 197 ; Malay name for, 236 Lisbon blockaded by English fleet, 1598, xli, Ixxxiii Lobo, D. Diogo, li Lobo, D. Rodrigo, li Lokman, 206 Lorestam. Sec Luristan. Los Angeles, city of (La Puebla), 14 Lucca, traders from, at Aleppo, 120 Luristan, province of Persia, 251 Lusoes, Ixxvi Luzon (Luyon), 6 Macao, Ixxxix Mace, exported from Aleppo, 119; exported from Persia, 252 Macedo, Estevao Teixeira de, 1 Macedo, Miguel de, xl Machado Boto, Captain Luiz, Ixiii Maciejra, Sound of, 17 Ma^ulepatao, Ixvi Madagascar, Ixxxiv Madder, exported from Cyprus, 137, 245, 252 Madeira, island of, xli Madine, coin, 56, 61, 115 Madre de Decs, Portuguese ship, xvi, xxx Madura, Nayak of, t?.x on pearl - fishing, 178, 179; death of Nayak of, 197 Magadosho on Somali coast, xii Magallanes, Fernando de, discovers Philippines, 7 Magdc.ud, King of Hormuz, 189 Magdom, city, 26 Maged, Xeque, Captain of Katifa, 1 88 Magellan Straits, Ixxviii, n Maguey, wine of Mexico made from, 199 Mahamed Dram Ku, Arab prince, 154, 155 Mahamed eben Raxet, Xeque, 31, Mahamed Sorkab, 173 Mahamed, Malek Sultan, governor of Mozandaron, 205 Mahamed Xa, King of Hormuz, 156, 157, 172, 173 Mahamud Xa, King of Hormuz, 193- 195 Mahmud Kalhati, Governor of Hor- muz, 1 60 Mahometh, King of Oman, 256 ; in- vades Persia, 257 Mahometh, King of Hormuz, good rule of, 258 Mahu, Jacques, xviii, Ixxvi, Ixxvii Maiar Mac_em, kingdom of Borneo, 4 Makran, kingdom of, 172, 250 Maktueh, city, 26 Malabar, tiger-hunting in, 222 ; use of betel, 199; pearl thieves, 179 Malacca, iii, vii, xvii, xxvii, xxx, xl, xlvi, li, Ixiii, Ixxxv-lxxxix ; city of, I ; description of, 2 ; nipa wine made at, 198 ; calumba wood found at, 215 ; incense abundant in, 227 ; bezoar stones of, 230 ; crocodiles at, 224 ; sea of, 5 ; fish-stone quarried in, 234 Malamocco, harbour in Venice, 150 Malandy, Moors' name for Artonso de Albuquerque, 192 Malaua (? Malawale), isle near Borneo, 6 Malayan Archipelago, Teixeira studies fauna and flora of, xvii Malay use of betel (strt), 199 Maldive Islands, Ixxxiv Malec, Caez, 163 Malindi, kingdom of, vi, xii, xiii, xiv Maltese privateers in the Levant, 139. MO Malwa opium, 201 Mam Ocem. See Mashad Husain. Mamud Homer, Governor of Keys, 1 86 Mamura, town on the Euphrates, 56 Man, a weight, 214 INDEX. 283 Manama, port in Bahrein, 175, 188 ManJecas, pearl-fishers' attendants, 178 Mandra, island of, xiv Mangoes of Persia and Arabia, 267 Maniar Macera. See Banjarmasin. Manila, xviii, Ixxxi, Ixxxii, 6, 8, 198, 199 Manna, 203, 204, 244, 248 Mannar, island of, ix, lii ; pearl- fisheries of, 175, 178 ; tiger-hunting in, 222 Manni, African title, 238 Manyat (Tel ul Manahyat), 93 Maravedi, Arab or Turkish coin, 30, 56, 103 Maraxak, near Basra, 34 Mares preferred to horses by Arabs, 43 Mariam, Bibi, 172 Marjoram, wild, on banks of Eu- phrates, 78 Marmalades made in Hormuz, 267 Maronites living in Aleppo, 116 Maros, springs of, 75 Martaban, Iviii Marwa in Persia, 248 Marzoko, name of dog, 98 Masaud, Amir, 159, 160 Mascarenhas, D. Francisco, xxviii, xxix, xxx, 231 Mascarenhas, D. Jeronimo, iii, 231 Mashad, capital of Khorasan, 248 Mashad Ah, xxii ; founding of the city, 47, 48 ; inhabitants of, 49 ; products and climate of, 52 ; im- ports into, 49 ; salt trade with Bagdad, 68 ; King of, 72 Mashad Husain or Karbala, xxii, 51 ; King of, 72 Masirah, Bay of, xx Maskat, xx, 18 ; pearl-fishery of, 177 ; abundance of fish at, vii ; proposal to build a fort at, v ; Bay of, Arabian coast, 222 Massud, King of Hormuz, 189 Mastic, use in Persia, 202 Masulipatam, pazar khony medicine from, 231 Matan or Magtan, isle of, 7 Matelief, Cornelius, li Matical, Arabian weight, 177 Maurenahar, near Khorasan, 248, 253 Maurigy. See Gaor Yazdy. Mauritius, Ixxxiv Mauritius, Dutch ship, xxxiv, lii, Ixvii Maynatos, men who wash clothes, 207 Mayucy. See Gaor Yazdy. Mazandaron in Persia, xvii, 204, 208, 247 Meaco. See Kyoto. Mecca, Teixeira's notes on, 239 ; caravans from Basra to, 35; pilgrim caravan from Aleppo to, 1 22 ; black antimony from, 219 ; straw, a medicine of Arabia, 228 Me^enah, caravan halting-place, 96 Mecere, Cairo in Egypt, chief pasha - lik of the Turk, 71, 201. See also Cairo. Medical works of Greek writers used by Persians, 206 Medicinal plants of Timor, 215; stones produced from the stomachs of the monkey, deer, and porcupine, 23 1 ; stone of Cananor, 232 Medina, Teixeira's notes on, 239 ; pilgrim caravans to, 122 Medyk Na9erya, pass of, 79 Mekagar Jubab, plain of, 92 Melinde, 6, 202, 203, 227 Mello, Martim Affonso de, v, vi, vii, xii, Ixxxvii, i, 225 Melluha, town of, no Melo, Diego de, xxi, xxii, xxiii, 32, 33, 39, 44, 47, 5, 73. 101, 124, 125, 136, 140 Melons of Hormuz, 267 Mendoc_a, Andre Furtado de, liv, Ixxxvi, Ixxxix Mendoc_a, Luiz de, Iv Mendoqa, Maximiliano de, Ixxxvii Mendoga, Pero Furtado de, xix, 16 Mendoc.a, Simao de, Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv Meneses, D. Gonsalo de, xxvi Menezes, Affonso Telles de, li Menezes, D. Antonio de, 1 Menezes, Archbishop D. Fr. Aleixo de, xlviii, 194 Menezes, D. Duarte de, iii, iv, xi, xxviii, 210 Menezes, Dom Francisco Tello de, xviii, 9, 225 Menezes, Francisco da Silva de, li, lii, Iv, Ivi, Ixxxvi, I, 225 Mendozino, Cape, n Menucheher, King of Persia, 250 Mesopotamia, 57 Mesud, Rokneddin, 160, 161 Mexat Aly (or Mam Aly). See Mashad Ali. Mexat O5em. See Mashad Husain. Mexat Sandadiah, 76 Mexed. See Mashad. Mexia, Afonso, xlix Mexico, exports of silver, xviii, 7 ; journey from Acapulco to, 13 ; bezoars of, 231 ; wine made in, 199 284 INDEX. Mexira, Sound of, 17 Mica, 76 Michiel, Maffio, 143 Mills on the Euphrates, 85 Minab, fortress of, 171, 172 Mindanao, Isle of, 235 ; cinnamon of, 236 ; no gold found in, 237 Mint at Hormuz, 155 Miramofalisxa, claimant to throne of Hormuz, 194 Miranda, Henrique Henriques de, li Miranda, Nicolao Pereira de, li Mir Kh wand's History of Persia, and its translation by Teixeira, xvi, xc, xcv, xcvi, ciii, civ Mizrakji Khan, 57 Mocegueios, natives of Africa, xv, 237 Mocha, island of, Ixxviii Modo, wine of Bengal, 199 Moehzadin Fulad, Amir, 159 Moelenaer, Jan Jansz. de, Ixii A/o/ty of Aleppo, 116, 122 Mogistan, district of Persia, 156, 166, 173, 186, 197, 258 Mogul, Grand, the, 235 Mokararia;, tribute paid by Hormuz to Persia, 190 Moky, black antimony of Arabia, 219 Moluccas, the, Ixiii, Ixxvii, Ixxviii, Ixxxi, 2, 8, 226 Mombarek, 26 Mombasa, vi, xii, xiii, 6 Momia, dressings of Egyptian mum- my, 228 Momnahy kony, medicine of Persia, 231 Mona, island near Porto Rico, Ixi Monara or alcoran, 74 Moitgana, African title, 238 Mongolia, exports musk, 214 Mongol peoples, 214 Mongols, territories of the, 266 Monkey, medicinal stones produced by the, 231 Monroy de Beja, Goterre de, Ixxxvii Montauzier, Due de, xciii Morais, Joao Pinto de, Ixxxv Morea, imports into Zante from, 144 Moreira, Andre, 16 Moridon, 181 Morison, Henry, tomb of, 128 Morocco, xxxii Morro, capture of the, xl Morts-Aly, sect of, 251 Morxy, Asiatic cholera, 231 Moscau, 246 Moscovya, trade with Azarbaijan, 245 Mostafa, 33, 47, 95 Mosul, stone found at, 62 ; trade with Ana, 86 Mosulis, caravan of, 86 Motelob, Arab chief, 26 Mozambique, iii, xlvi, xlvii, Ixxxiii Muar, river near Straits of Singa- pore, 2 Muhalla, island of, 27 Mules, trade at Bagdad, 67 Mune, African title, 238 Alunzil or manzel, caravan halting- place, 76 Murad Reis, corsair, 16, 148 Musaib, passage on the Euphrates, 55 Musaib (Mefayehb), old city, 56 Musk, found in China and India, etc., 214; from Persia, 252 Musk-deer in Persia, 214 Muslins, trade at Ana, 86 Mustansiriyah, College of, at Bag- dad, 64 Musulys (Mosulis), 93 Muthauna, General, 69 Muy al Me^enah, 96 Myrobalan, medicinal fruit, 206 Myrrh, production of, 227 Myrtle-trees, near lake of Antioch, 127 Nac_er, Mir, an Arab king, 53, 72 Naceradin Moceleh, 185 Nagasaki, in Japan, Ixxvi, 1 1 Nahr Dhehel, water-course, 109 Nakelstam, distiict of Persia, 186 Nakhluwis, Arabs of Persian shore, 21 Nakjivan, in Persia, 246 Nanyah, wells of, in Bahrein, 175 Naquib, caravan halting-place, 99 Nar Kuh, mountain, 196 Nasariah (Na9eria), on Euphrates, 78 Nasiruddin's Astronomical Tables, 252 Nasuh, Pasha, hands over Aleppo to Turks, 118 Navarrete, Dom Fernandez, xviii Nazmalek, Bibi, 172 ; put to death, 173 Nazomadin Agem Xa, 1 72 Nazomadin, Malek, 172, 181, 182 Neck, J. Cornelisz. van, Ixvii, Ixxvii, Ixxix, Ixxxv Neduntivu, isle of, 230 Negapatam, Ixxxviii Neim, King of Keys, 169, 170 Nestorian Christians, 66, 168, 252 Newbery, John, xxv, xxvi INDEX. 285 Newfoundland, banks of codfishes, xix, 15 New Spain. See Mexico. Neyty, Bibi, 159 Nibul, hamlet near Aleppo, 124 Nicobar Islands, Iviii Nicosia, capital of Cyprus, 136 Nihhelu, 176 ; pearl-fishery of, 177 Nihhelus, Arabs of Persian shore, 21 ; depredations of, xx, 20, 22, 162 Nim-Ruz or Sistan in Persia, 250 Nineveh, 62, 239 Nipa wine, 8, 198 Niriz in Persia, 242 Nishapur in Persia, 229, 247 Nizamuddin, 182, 183, 184 Nocerat Requebdar, son of Mir Xabadin Molongh, 157 Noitaques, Arabs of Persia, 21, 162 ; great sea robbers, 264 Noort, Olivier van, xviii, Ixxxix Noradins, 185 Nordim, Raix, 194 Noronha, D. Francisco de, xlix Noronha, D. Jeronymo de, 1, liii Noronha, D. Juliao de, Ixxxv Noronha, D. Luiz de, 1, liii N, Sra. da Paz, Portuguese ship, xl, Ixviii, Ixxiii N. Sra. de Betancor, Portuguese ship, 16 N. Sra. de Vencimcnto, Portuguese ship, xxxvi Nussret, 160 Nutmegs, 119, 252 Oaxaca Valley, Mexico, 14 Obaid Khan, leader of Usbegs, 249 Obeh, city, 249 O9en, 72 Oeza (Ahwaz), city, 26 Ogolet el Kelb, 76 Ogolet Xeque Mahamed, 76 Oita in Japan, Ixxvi Olanion, incense of, 227 Olearius, Adam, 155 Olive-groves of Zante, 142 Olive oil, produced at Zante, 143 Oliveira, Filippe de, Ixxxvii Oman, Gulf of, xx, 154 Om Errus, 75 Onions, grown at Kharog, 24 Opium, trade in Cyprus, 138 ; use by Orientals of, 200 Orange, Prince of, Ixxx, Ixxxi Orda = & tribe, 94 Ordabad in Persia, 246 Orfa or Ur, ancient city of, 122 Oriza, 162 Ormus. See Hormuz. Orracam, rhinoceros of, 222 ; drink called pamplis made in, 198 Orta, Doctor Garcia de, 207, 218, 236 Ostrich feathers, 38 Otranto, Cape, 149 Otrar. See Utrad. Ox-fish of the East, 223 Oxus river, 253 Oysters, origin of pearls in shells of, 1 80 Ozemkroch, Joachim, 59 Pachas, wild people of Ceylon, 237 Pachaturunxa. See Turan Shah. Pack-bullocks, used at Mashad Husain, 53 ; trade at Bagdad, 67 Pagen, wild sheep of Persia, 221, 242 Pahang, 3 ; calumba wood found at, 215 ; bezoar stones of, 230 Palaon Aly Mahamed, 187 Palawan (Paragua), island near Borneo, 6 Palembang (Palinban), place on Banka Strait, 5 Palm-groves, 19, 27 Pam (betel), 3, 199 Pamflis, liquor, 198 Panyaly (Pange Aly), street of Bag- dad, 66 Papagayo river, near Mexico, 13 Paragua (Palawan), island near Borneo, 6 Parannaque, river of, 225 Parat, river (Furat), 56 Par^, province of Persia, 240 ; pro- ducts and industries of, 241 Pardaos, Portuguese coins, xlv Parsi community of Yazd, 243 Partridges in Gerun island, 167 Pasa or Fasa, in Persia, 242 Pashaliks, chief under Turks, 70 Passports, used by Arabs of Persia, 24 Patani, 3 ; bezoar stones of, 230 Patar6, house where pearls are sold, 179 Pate, kingdom of, v, xiv, 3 Paul the Fifth, Pope, 148 Faz, Portuguese ship, Ixxxiii Pazar Khony, antidote of Masuli- patam, 231 Pearls, Teixeira's theory of origin of, 180; from Persia, 252 ; in China, 179; of Bahrein, 173 > fisheries of Bahrein and Mannar, 175 > fishery at Bahrein, description of, 176 ; fisher- ies in sea of Hormuz and Ceylon, 177 ; fishery of Gulf of California, 13; fishery of Ceylon, 179, 235 286 INDEX. Pedir, Ixvi Pegu, establishment of factories at, xxxii ; plundering of, 5 ; crocodiles at, 224 ; incense of, 227 ; nipa wine and pamplis made in, 198 ; selling of human flesh in, 237 Pelouro, isle of, 20 Pemba, Prince of, xiii ; restored to his throne, xiv Pembe, wine of Kaffraria, 198 Pepper, exported from Cochin, vi ; from East Indies, xxxvii ; of Greater Java, xliii ; trade of Malay Archipelago, Ixii ; from Sumatra, etc., Ixxxiv ; in Achin, 2 ; ex- ported from Persia, 252 Pereira, Pedro Homem, defeated by Nihhelus, 20 Pereira, Roch de Mello, Ixxxvi Persia, description of, 240 ; people of, 251 ; weapons of, 251 ; trade of, 252 ; fruits of, 267 ; rhubarb of, 213 ; wines made and smuggled in, 197 ; use of mastic in, 202 ; use of ambergris in, 202 ; cinnamon trade with Ceylon, 236 ; trade with Basra, 29 ; trade with Bagdad, 67 ; moun- tainous coast of, 22 ; coast ravaged by Portuguese fustas, 22 ; modes of hunting in, 220 ; invaded by King Mahometh of Oman, 257 ; Mom- barek's territory untilled for fear of the Turks, 26 Persian habits of wearing jewelry, 206 ; characters superseded by Arabic, 210; religious beliefs, 238 ; war, garrison of Mashad Ali at the, 49 ; writers and books, 251 ; Gulf, fish-stone quarried from, 234 Persians, ancient national religion of, 196 Peru, Ixxviii ; fleet cruising for Dutch vessels, 12 ; flagship lost, 12 Pervis, Mr., 135 Phelur, isle of, 20 Philip II. of Spain, proclaimed King of Portugal, xxv Philippine Isles, Governor warned of Dutch ships, xviii, I ; descrip- tion of, 7 ; Spanish trade with, 7 ; Japanese corsairs attack ships from, Ixxxi, Ixxxii ; products of, 8 ; nipa wine made at, I, 98 Philosophical works of Greek writers used by Persians, 206 Phorat, river (Euphrates), 8 1 Piedmont, xxiii, 151 Pig fish, 223 Pimentel, Vasco Fernandez, 16 Pineda, on the Congo, sacked by English ships, xlv Pine-trees near lake of Antioch, 127 Pintados, people of Philippine Islands, 7 Pinto, Juan, 32 Pistachios exported from Aleppo, 119 Pistachio-trees near lake of Antioch, 127 Pistachios and soap presented to Knight of Malta's galleys, 140 Plague at Aleppo, 113 Plane-trees near lake of Antioch, 127 Plant of Ceylon used to facilitate child-birth, 232 ; which curdles water, 233 Plate, River, Ixix Poison, use of bezoar stones against, 230 Poisons, virtue of horns of rhino- ceros against, 222 Pola, port of, 150 Pole, river near Straits of Singa- pore, 2 Polonya, trade with Azarbaijan, 245 Polvoreira Island, Iviii Pomegranates of Persia, 267 Ponte, Piero dal. See Dal Ponte. Pontianak, kingdom of Borneo, 4 Popocatepetl volcano, 14 Porcupine, medicinal stone obtained from, 231 Porto Rico, lix, Ix Portuguese fleet to India, 1586, ii, iii ; and Dutch, xvii, xxxviii, xxxix, Ixv, Ixviii, Ixix, Ixxxv, Ixxxviii ; and English, xxxii, xlv, xlvi, Iv, Ivi, Ivii ; of Hormuz, 168 ; capture Hormuz, 191 ; mode of ruling Hor- muz, 192 ; authority over Persian lands, 156; fustas convoy merchant ships in Persian Gulf, 23 ; export silver from Japan, IO Precious stones, exported from Aleppo, 119 ; of Ceylon, 235 ; from Persia, 252 Priaman, Ixxxiv Procopius, ciii Psiloriti, Mount in Candia, 141 Pulp Butung, off Malay Peninsula, Ivii Pulo Jarak, in Strait of Malacca, xvii Puluparcelar, Islands of, Iv Pustys, poor people in Persia, 200 Quadrado, D. Jose M., 98 Queda, port of, liv, Iviii, Ixvi Queis or Quays, 162 INDEX. 287 Queixome, isle of, 19, 159 ; products of, 19 ; raided by Nihhelu Arabs, 20 ; island of, King of Hormuz flies to, 260 Querinba, island near Mozambique, 204 Qutlate, an Arabian weight, 177 Quilimane, Ixxxiii Quilon, cinnamon from, 235 Quinces, 243 Quir (bitumen), 29, 55 Quitangonha, island of, xxxiv, xlvii, xlviii Racalaem (Kahem), 93 Raes Carnal, 189 Raez Nordim, 189 Rafizis, natives of Mashad Husain, 51 Ragem al Kayma, 97 Raguza, republic of, 149 Rahemah, lake, 46 Raisins of Hormuz, 267 Raja Sinha I, King of Ceylon, viii x, 221 Rajale, King of Johor, vii Ralu, 210 Ramesvaram Island, ix Ras-al-Khaima, 217 Ras-al-Mutaf, shoals of (Kane), 22 Ras-el-Had, Cape, xx Ras el Mion, now Basidu, 20 RasNaband (Point Vedican), 22 Rautat-us-Safa, translations of, xcix Raymond, Capt. George, xxxi Reals, 12, 30 Reamelah, plain, 36 Rebecca, well of, atOrfa, 123 Redjm-et-Chail, 98 Regh Ceyfadin, on coast of Persia, 24 ; trade with Basra, 29 Reizes, 185 Reliquias, Portuguese ship, iv Reshire or Rishahr (Rexel), 23, 29 Resht, town in Persia, 208, 246 Rexel. See Reshire. Rey Xarear, city of Persia, 203, 244 Reys Magos, a Portuguese galleon, iii Reys Magos, church of, xi Rhagae, city of, 203 Rhe, city in Persia, 203 Rhinoceros, in Asia and Africa, 221, 222 ; horns, virtue against poisons, 222 Rhodes, Isle of, 139 Rhubarb, description and uses of, 213 ; trade in, 252 Ribera, Marshal Gabriel de, 9 Rice, pamplis made from, 198 ; trade in, 8, 29, 85, 175 Rio, Juan del, Dean and Vicar- General of Bishopric of Antwerp, cviii Rizarda,) ship, 132 Rizardi, Francisco, citizen of Venice, 132 Rizzardo, Giovanni, Venetian Ducal Notary, 132 Ro^algate, in Arabia, 17, 154, 164; pearl-fishery of, 177 Rock-salt, 164, 209 Rodenburgh, Emanuel, Hi Roknadin-Mahmud, Amir, King of Hormuz, 158 Romanya, district in S.-E. Asia, 3 Romanya, strait of, 222 Rosemary bushes, 105 Rose-water, of Persia, 217, 241, 242, 250, 252 ; of Yazd, 243 Rota (rattan), 4 Rozalgate. See Ro9algate. Rubies, 2^2 Rudkhan/.h-i-Shur, 181 Rudxur/i8i Rumanain, mountains, 91 Rttmy, 204 Rumyah, lagoon in Arabia, 43 Ruspini, loan Domenico, 112 Russia, trade with Azarbaijan, 245 ; trade with Hormuz, 266 Sabadin, Sultan, King of Hormuz, 189 Sabah, province of Arabia, 154 Sabam, town in Sumatra, 2; strait of, 2 Sabekadin, Mir, Governor of Lapht, 185 Sabzawar, in Persia, 247 Sady, coin worth half a real, 214 Sa e Menezes, Constantino de, 177 Saffron, 138, 144, 248 Safyra, town of, no Sagistam, province of Persia, 250 St. Basil, friars at Aleppo, 116 St. Gregory, friars at Aleppo, 116 St. Helena, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxix. Ixiv, Ixix, Ixvii, Ixviii, Ixxiii, Ixxv, Ixxxii, Ixxxiv St. John, in island of Utias, Ix St. Simeon, ruined convent of, 124 Sakai, in Japan, Ixxvii Salat Tebrau, strait, 2 Saldanha (Table Bay), xxxii Saldanha, Aires de, xl, liii, Ixii Ixviii, 17, 174 Salema, Antonio Vaz, 16 Salgor Xa, King of Hormuz, 189, 190, 191 Salim I. of Persia, 245 288 INDEX. Salinas, port in Cyprus, xxiii, 133, '35i 136 Salt, of Hormuz,, 260, 267 ; springs, in Gerun, 165 ; on desert plains of Arabia, 34 ; made at Mashad AH and Bagdad, 46 ; made at Es Sikh- neh, 101 ; made in Sundiva, 165 ; made in Zante, 134 ; dearth of, in China, 165 ; mine at Sinesela, 86 ; trade in, 68, 109, no, 135 Saliuk, Mir, 160 Salvador, Portuguese ship, iv, vi, 16 Samar, Isle of, 10 Samarkand, 254 Samgolxa, Mir, 194 Sampaio, Caspar de Mello de, 174 San Bernardino, Strait of, xviii, 10 San Domingo, Ixi San Francisco, River of, 13 San Geronimo, river, 224 San Juan de Ulua. See Vera Cruz. San Lorenzo (Madagascar), xlii San Lucar, xix, 16 San Pedro, Mount, in Borneo, 6 Sandal wood, description of, 215 ; from Persia, 252 ; (white), from Timor, 235 Sandaroz gum, 227 Sande, Fernao Pereira de, Captain of Malacca, Ixxxvi Sandwip, island, 165 Santa Cruz, Portuguese ship, xvi Santa Lucia, Hermitage of, 186 Santa Margarita, ship, 9 Santa Maria, Island of, xlii ; de Leuca, Cape, 149 Santarem, xi Sangleys, Chinese from Fuh-kien, 7 Sang mahi, fish-stone quarried from the sea, 234 Sangor Roknadin, 170 Saniaco, Turkish officer, 1 50 Sanjak, 103 Santo Fonte, Venetian merchant in Basra, xxi, 32 Santos, Father Joao dos, iii, xlvi, Ixix-lxxv S. Bartholomeu, ship, xvi S. Filippf., ship, iv, xxxvi, Ixxv S. Francisco, ship, xxxvi, Ixiii S. Geronimo, ship, 9 S. Joao, ship, Ixxxv, 16 S. Martinho, ship, Ixviii, Ixxiv, Ixxxiii 5". Matheus, galleon, xl, Ixviii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, Ixxxiii, 16 S. Roque, ship, xl, Ixviii, Ixxxiiii S. Simao, galleon, xxxvi, xl, Ixviii- Ixx, Ixxxiii, 16 S. Thome, ship, iii S. Tiago, ship, Ixix Sao Bernardino, Caspar de, xxi Sao Thome', Ixxxviii, 205 Saoah. See Sawah. Sappan or brazil wood, 252 Saracens, conquest of Persia by, ci Saradji, port, 27 Sargol or Xargol, King of Hormuz, 189, 191 Sari, city of, xvii Savalos, shad-fish, 147 Savonat, province of, 229 Savoy, xxiii, 151 Sawah, in Persia, 243 Scanderoon. See Alexandretta. Scarpanto, Isle of, 141 Schenu anthos, medicine, 228 Scherbi6, hamlet, in Scorpions at Basra, 29 Scorsolary, islets of, 147 Seed pearls, exported from Aleppo, 119 ; of Julfar, 217 Segments, police soldiers, 54, in, 116, 125 Segura, Diego Rodriguez de, 9 Sehel, watercourse, 97 Sekui, fort of, 157 Seixas, Joao de, li Selandyve or Ceylon, origin and colonization of, 235 Seletes. See Cellates. Selihhes, wooden darts or javelins, Selim, Sultan, the Grand Turk, 48 Selim, Turk, captures Khan Hamed of Laion, 208 Semat, in Arabia, 42 Sendal, fine gauzy stuff, 117 Senna of Mecca, 166 Sequins, coins, 70, 115 Serdji, 107 Serige, caravan robbed at, 107 Sermion, port in Queixome, 19 ; Point, in Queixome, 20 Serrage, port of Basra, xxi, 27 Setalkatun Xabadin, 157 Seville, xix Seydes, 135 Seyfadin Aben Azar, Amir, 157, 158, 259 Seyfadin Nocerat, Amir, 159 Seyfadin, King of Hormuz, 191 Seylat, caravan halting-place, 77 Shah Abbas, civ, 71, 229, 241, 243, 245 ; rebellion against, 208 Shah Ismail, 245, 248 Shah Kodbadin, 171, 172, 173 Shahnama of Torunxa, xcvi, xcviii, xcix Shah Tahmasp, 48, 245 Shahis, silver coins, 30 INDEX. 289 Shahpur River, 25 Shaikh Shuwaib. See Lar. Shamsuddin Muhammad, 183, 185 Shat-el-Arab River, xxi, 25, 26 Sheep, xlii, 49, 74, 88, 229 Sheepskin cloaks of Analis, 85 Sheh Boubac, tomb of, at Aleppo, 122 Sheikh Omer Shahab - ood - Din, mosque at Bagdad, 65 Shiahs, 51, 168, 251, 252 Shilu, on Persian Gulf, xx, 22 Shiraz, in Persia, 169, 185, 217,240, 262, 263 ; Teixeira's notes on, 203 Shitwar, in Persian Gulf, 21 Siaferusia Gielaledi, King of Persia, 194 Siam, 3 ; incense of, 227 ; rhinoceros of, 222 Sicily, pirate ships fitted out at, 140 Sifa, port in Arabia, xx, 18 Silk, raw, exported from Aleppo, 119; exported from Zante, 144 ; exports from Cyprus, 134; at Bagdad, 67 ; of Yazd, 243 ; trade in Persia, 252 Silks, made at Kashan, 243 ; manu- factured in Parg, 241, 248; trade at Ana, 86 ; made at Aleppo, 1 21 Silver exported from New Spain, 7 ; mined in Azarbaijan, 245 ; trade in Persia, 119, 123, 252 ; mines of Chincungu (Japan), Ixxxi Silversmiths at Bagdad, 68 Sinesela, salt mine of, 86 Singa, river at Aleppo, 113 Singapore (Sincapura"), Straits of, 2, 222 Singapur, isle of, 2 Sinhalese, industries of, 238 ; feats of arms by, 237 Sio, king of, xiv Siqueira, Ruy Gonsalves de, Captain of Malacca, Ixxxv Sircasya, trade with Persia, 245 Siri (betel), 199 Siria, 107 Sirjan, town of, 160 Sirmion, in Broct, 169 Sistan, province of Persia, 250, 251 Sitavaka, town of, x, 235 Siyak, near Malacca, 232 Smuggling of wine in Persia, 197 Snake-charmers of India, 224 Soap made at Aleppo, 121 j Socotra, island of, vi, xiv Sofala, Iv Sohar, port on Persian Gulf, 154 Soleyman, King of Hormuz, 155, 156 Soli, village in Tidore, Ixxix Solomon, visited by Queen of Sabah, 154 Solor, island of, 2, 216, 231 ; wood, description and use of, 216 Soma, a Japanese junk, liii Somaliland, ambergris found in, 202 Sotomayor, D. Francisco de, 174 Sousa d' Arronches, Thome de, xii Sousa, Diogo de, Ixix, Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxxiii Sousa, D. Pedro de, 193 Sousa, Luis Lopes de, li, lii Spain, Prince of (Philip IV), 148 ; maritime war with England, xxv Spaniards, lx, 136 Spanish ships fight against Dutch at Manila, Ixxxii Spikenard exported from Utrad, 209 Spilbergen, Joris van, Ixxxviii Spindola, Genoese pirate, 140 Spinning shops at Ana, 87 Spinola, Francisco, 140 Spitzbergen, discovery of, Ixxx Steel manufactures at Niriz in Persia, 242 Stevens, Capt. John, English trans- lator of Teixeira's book, xciii, xciv, xcv, xcvi, ci Stevens, Father Thomas, xxvi Sthabanon in Persia, 229, 242 ; medicinal liquid called Momnahy Kony found at, 231 Stha-Hor, in Persia, 250 Stone, very little in Bagdad, 61 ; quarried from the bottom of the sea, 234 ; troughs at Bir Enus, 58 Storax (resin) produced in Cyprus, 138 Story, James, xxvi, xxviii, xxix, xxx Strival, Isle of, 142 Subaxys, local headmen, 103 Sucana. See Es Sikhneh. Sucos, market-places, 49, 62, 114 Sufy, 205 Sufy Kalil Musulu, 189 Sugar, exports from Cyprus, 134 ; exported from Persia, 252 Sukana, village of, xxii Sulghur Atabegs of Fars, 160 Sulphur in Gerun, 164 Sulphurous well at Es Sikhneh, 101 Sultan Salgor, Bibi, 172 Sumatra, xxxii, xxxvii, xxxviii, Ixxxiv, 2 ; incense trade of, 227 Sunda, island of, xlviii, liii, Ixxii, Ixxiii, Ixxvii, Ixxix, Ixxxi, 2, 227, 230 Sundiva, island of, 165 U 290 INDEX. Sunge Sungsang river, 5 Sunis, 47, 168, 251 Suphy Hhalila, 189-191 Sura, wine, 198 Surma, black antimony, 218, 219, 249, 250 Sus, Snster or Suza, 71 Swine in St. Helena, Ixxv, 74, 126 Syauex, Governor of Gaxkhar, 208 Syria, 68, 133, 198 Syrion. See Sirjan. Tabakt Seguer, plain, 97 Tabaristan, province of Persia, 250 Tabas, city of Persia, 248 Tabriz, capital of Anderbaion, 71, 197 Tagah Mir, Governor of Keys, 185 Tagus blockaded by English fleet, xli, Ixxxiii Tahamtan, Kutbuddin, 163, 182-184 Tahmasp, Shah, 249 Taiadin Zanguyxa, Mir, 172 Taijibbeh, village of, 99 Tal Aron, village of, u I Tal Kasrawi, 40 Talim Khan, 249 Tambul, betel, 199 Tamerlane, 235 Tarabolis (Tripoli), 86 Targazin, in Persia, 244 Tarranquy, a light bark, 159 Tartary, Ixxx, 253 Tartars, ci Tarun, city in Persia, 242 Tavernier, Jean Baptiste, cvii Tax on bald-headed men of Sthaba- non, 229 Tayffas, a tribe, 94 Tayibe, village, 98, 99, 100, 103 Tea, description and uses of, 201 Teheran, capital of Persia, 244 Teive (Taiwa), south of Maskat, vi Teixeira, Antonio, xxi Teixeira, Pedro, native of Portugal, i ; family and education of, i ; religion of, ii ; commencement of travels of, ii ; arrival at Goa, iv ; evi- dences of his being a physician, ii ; sails from India for Hormuz, v ; sets out for Ceylon, ix ; visit to fortress of Barselor, Canard, x ; residence at Cochin, xv ; residence in Hormuz, xvi ; studies Persian, histories of Persia and Hormuz, xvi, translates Chronicles of Mir Khwand and Turan Shah, xvi ; his travels, xvii, Ixxxii, Ixxxvii ; settles in Antwerp, xxiv, xc ; his "Kings of Persia," xc, xci ; his " Kings of Hormuz," xc, xci ; public opinion on his book, xcii ; French transla- tion of his book, xciii ; English translation of his book, xciii, xciv ; Spanish preface to translation of " Kings of Persia," cii ; certificate of orthodoxy and license to print his "History of Kings of Persia," etc., cviii Tel Alyud, hill near Ana, 89 Tel Axarab, hamlet, 1 1 1 Tel ul Manahyat, 93 Tempely, Geronimo bon, 34 Temple of the Chatins, description of, 2H Tenasserim, macareo of, Ixvi ; croco- diles at, 224 ; nipa wine made at, 198 Tenreiro, Antonio, xxi Tenreiro, Caspar, Ixxxiii Teraki, Cape, 142 Terceira, island of, xxxi Terebintine produced in Cyprus, 138 Teriak-i-Arabistani, opium, 200 Ternate, Ixviii, Ixxix Terrada, small craft in Indian seas, 22, 170 Teve, pearl-fishery of, 177 Theodore, mountain, 141 Thevenot, Jean de, cvii Thiar, in Bahrein, 188 Thun, city in Persia, 248 Tide action at Basra, 27 Tides, strength of, in Persian Gulf, 20 Tidore, island of, Ixxix Tiger-hunting in India and Ceylon, 222 Tigris, river, 25, 32, 60 Timbertoe, Captain, nickname for James Lancaster, xxxiii Time, calculation of, by the Persians, cv Timor, island of, 2, 215, 235 Tin, imported into Aleppo from England, 120; from Persia, 252 Tirazava, Ixxvi, Ixxvii Tirinus, Father Jacobus, cviii Titangone. See Quitangonha. Titles of Eastern potentates, 238 Tobacco, description and use of, 203 Tokat, 124 Tornamira, ciii Torres, Joao Rodrigues de, Ixxxiii Tortoise-shell in Borneo, 4 Tortugas, Sound of the, calms in, 15 Torunpaque, gardens in Gerun, 1 66 Torunxa. See Turan Shah. Trepito, Cape, 144 Trigueiros, Joao, iv INDEX. 291 Tripoli in Syria, xxv, xxvi ; trade of, 67, 85, 86, 88, 100, 130, 132 Trouw, Dutch ship, Ixxvii, Ixxviii, Ixxix Tur, founder of Turkestan, 253 Turanbagh, palace at, xc Turan Shah, Fakr-al-Din, 188, 189; King of Hormuz, xcv, 153, 155, 186, 188, 193, 194, 258, 265 Turan Shah's Chronicle of the Kings of Hormuz, xvi, xc, xci, xcvi, xcvii, 256 Turgiman, interpreter, 118, 119 Turkestan, province of, 253 TurkonXa, Mir, 159, 160 Turks, head-gear of, 134, 135; con- quer Karman and Hormuz, 161 ; conquest of Tabriz by, 245 ; rich houses of, at Aleppo, 113; lands held by Mombarek against, 26 ; depredations of, on N. E. coasts of Africa, iv Turkymani women, description of, 96 Turkymanis, description of the, 94 ; traders at Ana, 88 ; herding flocks, 98 Turquoises of Nishapur, 229, 247 Turtle-doves in Gerun island, 167 Turumbagh, 166 Tufza, 250, 252 Tuticorin, 175, 179 Tutty (calamine stone), manufacture and export from Karman, 218 Tybus, island, 175 Uljaitu, 161 Upas sap for poisoning blowpipe darts, 6 Usbek, province of, 213, 253, 254 Utcela, river-bed in Arabia, 44 Utias, island of, Ix Utrad, in India, 209 Utrecht, Dutch ship, Ixxiii, Ixxix Uzbegs, 206; description of the, 255; control of Khorasan by, 249 Valle, Pietro della, 58, 63, 104, 105, no, 2i i Valona, coast of, 149 Vasconcellos, Matheus Mendes de, xii, xiii, xiv Vaz, Matheus, 205 Ved Garabah, camping - place on Euphrates, 79 Veddas of Ceylon, 237 Vedican, Point, 22 Veiga, Estevao da, iii Velasco, Don Juan de, ^Capitan Mayor of Peru fleet, 12 Velasco, Don Luis de, Viceroy of Peru, 12 Velho, Diogo, xl, xli Venetian merchants at Aleppo, 118 ; trade at Aleppo, yearly value of, 118; consul at Aleppo, 118, 119; consul at Alexandretta, 131 Venice, Teixeira's impressions of city of, 151 ; trade with Aleppo, 119, 121 ; trade with Hormuz, 266 ; Signory of, laws for loading of ships, 146 ; Signory of, Turkish galley chased by galleys of, 145 ; Signory of, Turkish galleys not allowed into ports of, 145 Vera Cruz, seaport, xviii, 14 Verdostam, on Persian Gulf, 22 Verdussen, Hieronymo, xci Vexiicos, rattans, 5 Viana, Ixix Vicente, Affonso, Ixiv Villa, Sefior Alcasar de, lix Vineyards of Zante, 142 Visvanatha II., death of, 197 Wadi Sur, 79 Wadi Suwab, 97 Warwijck, Wybrand van, Ixvii, Ixviii, Ixxiii, Ixxix Water, in Gerun, 165 ; imported into Hormuz, 267 ; want of, in Zante, 143 ; springs, under the sea at Bahrein, 175 ; hot, drunk by Chinese and people of Coromandel coast, 202 Water-wheels in Mesopotamia, 72, 74 Wax, in Borneo, 4 ; obtained in Philippines, 8 ; exported from Zante, 144 Wazir, title of, 70 Weapons, imports from England in- to Aleppo, 120 ; of Usbek, 254 ; of Persia, 251 Wed, small river, 25 Wedding-feast at Mashad Husain, 53 Weerd, Sebald de, Ixxviii, Ixxxviii Wheat produced in Queixome, 19 ; grown at Basra, 29 ; grown at Zubair, 35 ; grown near Mashad AH, 44 ; imported into Mashad AH, 49 White Bridge, river of, 126 White Rock, in Straits of Singa. pore, 3 Wiana, coast of, xliv INDEX. Wine, antiquity and use of, 197 ; distilled in and smuggled from Persia, 197 ; produced in Zante, 123 ; produced in Cyprus, 134 ; used for kneading bread at Zante, Wines, of China, 198 ; of Kaffraria, 198 ; of Bengal, 199 ; of Mexico, 199 ; made in India, 198 Wolves in Arabia, 36 Woman-fish, 223 Wood, Captain Benjamin, xliv, Iviii, lix Woods found in Timor, 215 Wool exported from Cyprus, 134 Wool- weaving at Bagdad, 67 Woollen cloth, imported into Aleppo from Venice, 119 Wormseed of Karman, 250 Wormwood, medicine produced at Karman, 219 Wouweren, Jan van, cviii Xabadin, King of Harmuz, 189, 191 Xabadin Isuf, King of Hormuz, 172, 173 Xabadin Mamud, King of Hormuz, 158 Xabadin Molongh, King of Hormuz, 156, 157, 259 Xady, son of Nazomadin, 182-187 Xaharihrey, 244 Xambe, son of Nazomadin, 182-187 Xam, bank of Euphrates, 81 Xanxa, 171 Xarab, wine of Persia, 197 Xarafos, 185 Xarear, Rex, 158, 259 Xargol Xa, King of Persia, 193 Xaryfes, green turbans of the, 135 Xativai, in Japan, Ixxvi Xawes, King of Harmuz, 189, 191 Xaxanxa, King of Ormus, 157 Xeque Yoette, 195 Xerquez, Circassian, 70 Yams, 209 ; Arab and Persian names for, 210 Yazd, in Persia, 243 ; rosewater of, 217 Yazdy, 196 Yuca, wine in Mexico made from, 199 Yuruk (Mosulis), 94 Zafar, in Persia, 159 Zal, Governor of Nim Ruz, 250 Zante, Island of, xxiii, 142, 143 ; description and trade of, 143, 144 ; people of, 148 ; negro slaves at, 147 ; shad-fishing at, 147 ; Turkish galleys not allowed into port at, 145 ; Governor of, entertains Teixeira and his friends, 146 Zanzibar, ambergris found at, 202 Zawiah, island in Euphrates, 78 Zebu, island (Philippines), 7 Zelabdim Echebor, the "Great Mogul," xxvi Zeruetana, blowpipe, 6 Zeyneb Salhor, 169 Zeyneb, Biby, 169 Zinbas of Africa, eating of human flesh by, xiv, 237 Zohak, 245, 248 Zon, Dutch ship, Ixvii, Ixxviii, Ixxiii Zonaras, ciii Zoroaster, sect of, 244 Zoroastrians' method of disposing of their dead, 197 Zubair, near Basra, 34 LONDON : PRINTED AT THE BEDFORD PRESS, 2O AND 21, BEDFORDBURY, W.C. THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 1902. President. SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S. Vice-Presldents. THE RIGHT HON. LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. REAR-ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., F.R.S. Council. C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A. COMMR. B. M. CHAMBERS, R.N. COLONEL GEORGE EARL CHURCH. SIR WILLIAM MARTIN CONWAY. WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A. F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.A., M.D. EDWARD HEAWOOD, M.A. JOHN SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D. FREDERIC WILLIAM LUCAS. ALFRED PERCIVAL MAUDSLAY. MOWBRAY MORRIS. EDWARD JOHN PAYNE, M.A. ERNEST GEORGE RAVENSTE1N. HOWARD SAUNDERS. HENRY WILLIAM TRINDER. CHARLES WELCH, F.S.A. RICHARD STEPHEN WHITEWAY. Hon. Secretary and Treasurer. BASIL H. SOULSBY, B.A., MAP ROOM, BRITISH MUSEUM, W.C. Clerk and Assistant Treasurer. MR. S. J. EVIS, ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY, i, SAVILE Row, W. Bankers in London. MESSRS. BARCLAY & Co., LTD., i, PALL MALL EAST, S.W. Bankers in New York. THE MORTON TRUST CO., CORNER OF CEDAR AND NASSAU STREETS. Agent for distribution, &e., of Volumes. MR. BERNARD QUARITCH, 15, PICCADILLY, W. Annual Subscription. -One Guinea (in America five dollars.) q^HE HAKLUYT SOCIETY, established in 1846, has for its -*- object the printing of rare or unpublished Voyages and Travels. Books of this class are of the highest interest and value to students of history, geography, navigation, and ethnology ; and many of them, especially the original narratives and translations of the Elizabethan and Stuart periods, are admirable examples of English prose at the stage of its most robust development. The Society has not confined its selection to the books of English travellers, to a particular age, or to particular regions. Where the original is foreign, the work is given in English, fresh translations being made, except where it is possible to utilise the spirited renderings of the sixteenth or seventeenth century. More than a hundred volumes have now been issued by the Society. 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Harmsworth, Alfred Charles, Esq., Elmwood, St. Peter's, Kent. Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A., per Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co., Ltd., Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road, W.C. Harvie-Brown, J. A., Esq., Donipace, Larbert, Stirlingshire, N.B. Haswell, Geo. H., Esq., Ashleigh, Hamstead Road, Handsworth, Birmingham. Hawkesbury, The Rt. Hon. Lord, 2, Carlton House Terrace, S.W. Heawood, Edward, Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 3, Underbill Road, Lordship Lane,S.E. Heidelberg University Library, c/o Herrn Gustav Koester, Heidelberg, per Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co., Ltd., Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road, W.C. Hervey, Dudley F. A., Esq., C.M.G., Westfields, Aldeburgh. Hiersemann, Herr Karl W., Konigsstrasse, 3, Leipzig, per Mr. Young J. Pentland, 38, W r est Smithfield, E.C. Hippisley, A. E., Esq., c/o J. D. Campbell, Esq., C.M.G., 26, Old Queen St., S.W. Hobhouse, Charles Edward Henry, Esq., M.P., The Ridge, Corsham, Wilts. Horner, J. F. 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Logan, Daniel, Esq., Solicitor-General, Penang, Straits Settlements. Logan, William, Esq., per Messrs. Grindlay and Co., 54, Parliament St., S.W. London Institution, Finsbury Circus, E.G. London Library, 12, St. James's Square, S.W. Long Island Historical Society, Brooklyn, N.Y.. U.S.A. Lowrey, Joseph, Esq., The Hermitage, Loughton. Lubetsky, S. A. S. le Prince Droutskoy, 89, Rue Miromesnil, Paris. Lucas, Charles Prestwood, Esq., C.B., Colonial Office, S.W. Lucas, Frederic Wm., Esq., 21, Surrey Street, Victoria Embankment, W.C. Luyster, S. B. , Esq., c/o Messrs. Alex. Denham and Co., 109, Southampton ROW. w.c. LU.S.A. Lydenberg, H. M. , Esq., New York Public Library, Fifth Avenue, New York, Lyttelton-Aunesley, Lieut. -Gen. Arthur L., F.S.A., Templemerts, Weybridge. 2O Macmillan and Bowes, Messrs., Cambridge, per Foster's Parcels and Goods Ex- press, Ltd., 82, Fore Street, E.G. Macqueen, John, Esq., St. Mary's, Harpenden, Macrae, Charles Colin, Esq., 93, Onslow Gardens, S.W. 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